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:fcff

^ l

THE NEW

SCHAFF-HERZOG ENCYCLOPEDIA

KELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE

CDITCD BY

SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON, D.D., LL.D.

(Editor-in-Chief)

WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF

CHARLES COLEBROOK SHERMAN

[VOLUMES I— VI]

AND

GEORGE WILLIAM GILMORE, M.A.

(Associate Editors)

AND THE FOLLOWING DEPARTMENT EDITORS

CLARENCE AUGUSTINE BECKWITH, D.D.

(Department of Systematic Theology)

HENRY KING CARROLL, LLD.

{Department of Minor Denominations)

JAMES FRANCIS DRISCOLL, D.D.

(Department of Liturgies and Religious Orders)

JAMES FREDERIC McCURDY, PH.D., LL.D.

(Department of the Old Testament)

HENRY SYLVESTER NASH, D.D.

(Department of the New Testament)

ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D.D., LL.D.

(Department of Church History)

PRANK HORACE YIZETELLY, F.8.A.

(Department of Pronunciation and Typography)

Complete in twelve IDolumes

FUNK AND WAGNALLS COMPANY

NEW YORK AND LONDON

• *■ i- —

THE NEW

SCHAFF-HERZOG ENCYCLOPEDIA

RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE

EDITED BY

SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON, D.D., LL.D.

(Miior-in-Chief)

WITH THE SOLI ASSISTANCE, AFTER VOLUME VI., OF

GEORGE WILLIAM GILMORE, M.A.

(Associate Editor)

AND THE FOLLOWINO DEPARTMENT EDITORS

CLARENCE AUGUSTINE BECKWITH, D.D.

(Department of Systematic Theology)

HENRY KING CARROLL, LL.D.

(Department of Minor Denomination*)

JAMES FRANCIS DRISCOLL, D.D.

(Department of Liturgies and Religious Orders)

JAMES FREDERIC McCURDY, PH.D., LL.D.

(Department of the Old Testament )

HENRY SYLVESTER NASH, D.D.

{Department of the New Testament)

ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D.D., LL.D.

(Department of Church History)

FRANK HORACE YIZETELLY, F.8.A.

(Department of Pronunciation and Typography)

VOLUME IX
PETRI — REUCHUN

FUNK AND WAGNALLS COMPANY

NEW YORK AND LONDON

THE NEW YORK
PUBLIC LIBRARY

329787B

ACTOR, LENOX AND

TILDCN FOUNDATION*

B 1MB t

COFTBIOHT, 1911, BY

FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY

Registered at Stationers' Hall, London, England

PrUUedin the United States of America
PubUeked January, IBU

EDITORS

SAMUEL MAOAULEY JACKSON, D.D., LLJ>.

(Editor-in-Chief. )
Professor of Church History, New York University.

' GEORGE WILLIAM GILMORE, M.A.

(Associate Editor.)

New York,

Formerly Professor of Biblical History and Lecturer on Comparative Religion,

Bangor Theological Seminary.

DEPARTMENT EDITORS, VOLUME IX

CLARENCE AUGUSTINE BECKWITH,

D.D.,

(Department of Systematic Theology.)

Professor of Systematic Theology, Chicago Theological

Seminary.

EXNBY KING CARROLL, LL.D.,

(Department of Minor Denomination*.)

Secretary of Executive Committee of] the Western Section
for the Fourth Ecumenical Methodist Conference.

JAMES FRANCIS DRI800LL, D.D.,

(Department of Liturgies and Religious Orders.)
Rector of St. Gabriel's, New Rochelle, N. Y.

JAMES FREDERICK McGURDY, Ph.D.,

LL.D.

(Department of the Old Testament.)
Professor of Oriental Languages, University College,

Toronto.

HENRY SYLVESTER NASH, D.D.,

(Department of the New Testament.)
Professor of the Literature and Interpretation of the New
Testament, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, Maes.

ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D.D., LL.D.,

(Department of Church History.)

.Professor of Church History. Southwestern Baptist

Theological Seminary, Fort Worth, Tex.

FRANK HORACE VIZETELLY, F.S.A,

(Department of Pronunciation and Typography.)
Managing Editor of the Standard Dictionary, etc.,

New York City.

CONTRIBUTORS AND COLLABORATORS, VOLUME IX

JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, D.D.,

Missionary in Bombay, India.

HANS ACHELIS, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Theology, University of Halle.

SAMUEL JUNE BARROWS (f), D.D.,

Late Corresponding Secretary of the Prison Association,

New York.

GEORGE JAMES BAYLE8, Ph.D.,

Writer on Civil Church Law.

DONALD BEATON,

Minister at Wick, Scotland.

CLARENCE AUGUSTINE BECKWITH,

D.D.,

Professor of Systematic Theology, Chicago Theological

Seminary.

GEORG BEER, Ph.D., Th.Lic,

Extraordinary Professor of the Old Testament in the Evan-
gelical Theological Faculty, University of Strasburg.

HENRY BEETS,

Stated Clerk of the Synod of the Christian Reformed Church,
Editor-in-Chief of The Banner, Grand Rapids, Mich.

KARL BENRATH, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Konigsberg.

IMMANUEL GUSTAV ADOLF BENZIN-

GER, Ph.D., Th.Lic,

and Vice-Consul for Holland in
Jerusalem*

CARL BERTHEAU, Th.D.,

Pastor at St. Michael's, Hamburg.

EDWIN MUNSELL BLISS, D.D.,

Author of Books on Missions, Washington, D. C.

THEODORA CROSBY BLISS,

Writer on Missions.

MABEL THORP BOARDMAN,

Member of Executive Committee of the American
National Red Cross.

HETNRICH BOEHMER, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Bonn.

GOTTLIEB NATHANAEL BONWETSCH,

Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of G6ttingen.

GUSTAV BOSSERT, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Retired Pastor, Stuttgart.

FRIEDRICH HEINRICH BRANDES,

Th.D.,

Reformed Minister and Chaplain at Buckeburg, Schaum-

burg-Lippe.

EDUARD BRATXE (f), Ph.D.,
Late Professor of Church History, University of Breslau.

CHARLES AUGUSTUS BRIGGS, D.D.,

Litt.D.,

Professor of Theological Encyclopedia and Symbolics, Union
Theological Seminary, New York.

JOHN BROWNE (f),
Late Pastor at Rentham, Suffolk Co., England.

CONTRIBUTORS AND COLLABORATORS, VOLUME IX.

OSXAR GOTTLIEB RUDOLF

BUDDEN8IEG (f), Ph.D.,

Late Director of the Teachers' Seminary in Dresden.

FRANTS PEDER WILLIAM BUHL, Ph.D.,

Th.D.,

Professor of Semitio Languages, University of Copenhagen.

KARL BURGER (f), Th.D.,

Late Supreme Consistorial Councilor in Munich.

JOHN KENNEDY CAMERON, M.A.,

Professor of Systematic Theology, Free Church College,

Edinburgh.

HUBERT CARLETON, KJL,

Editor of St. Andrew* % Croat and General Secretary of the
Brotherhood of St. Andrew, Boston.

HEREWARD CAERINGTON,

Writer on Psychical Research.

HENRY KING CARROLL, LL.D.,

Secretary of Executive Committee of the Western Section
for the Fourth Ecumenical Methodist Conference.

WALTER AUGUST ANTON NATHAN
CASPARI, Ph.D., Th.D.,

University Preacher and Professor of Practical Theology,
University of Erlangen.

JACQUES EUG&NE CHOISY, Th.D.,

Pastor in Geneva.

FERDINAND COHRS, Th.Lic,
Consistorial Councilor, Hfeld, Germany.

LEIOHTON COLEMAN (f), D.D.,
Late Protestant Episcopal Bishop of Delaware.

WILLIAM RUSSELL COLLINS, .J.D.,

Professor of Litunrics and Ecclesiastical Polity, Reformed
Episcopal Theological Seminary, Philadelphia.

EDWARD TANJORE CORWIN, D.D.,

Church Historian, New Brunswick, New Jersey.

SAMUEL CRAMER, Th.D.,

Professor of the History of Christianity, University of Am-
sterdam, and Professor of Practical Theology,
Mennonite Theological Seminary, Amsterdam.

WTLHELM CREIZENACH, A.D.,

Professor of German Philology in the University of Cracow.

HERMANN DALTON, Th.D.,

Retired Consistorial Councilor, Berlin.

WILLIAM JOHNSON DARBY, D.D.,

Assistant Secretary of the Board of Education of the Pres-
byterian Church in the United States.

EDWIN CHARLES DARGAN, D.D., LL.D.,

Pastor of the First Baptist Church, Macon, Georgia.

JOHN D. DAVIS, D.D., LL.D., Ph.D.,

Professor of Oriental and Old Testament Literature, Prince-
ton Theological Seminary.

JULIUS DECKE,

Church Inspector. Breslau.

MORTON DEXTER (f), M.A.,
Late Congregational Clergyman and Author, Boston.

FRTEDRIOH CARL OTTO DIBELIUS,
Ph.D., Th.Lic,

Archdeacon at Crossen, Germany.

ERNST VON DOBSCHUETZ, Th.D.,

Professor of New-Testament Exegesis, University of Breslau.

LEONHARD ERNST DORN,

Head Preacher, N6rdlingenv Bavaria.

WILLIE KIRXPATRICK DOUGLAS,

Dean of Due West Female College, Due West, S. C.

PAUL GOTTFRIED DREWS, Th.D.,

Professor of Practical Theology, University of Halle.

JAMES FRANCIS DRI8C0LL, D.D.,

Pastor of St. Gabriel's, New Rochells, N. Y.

EMIL EGLI (f), Th.D.,
Late Professor of Church History, University of Zurich.

CHRISTIAN FRIEDRICH DAVID
ERDMANN (f), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Professor of Church History, University of Breslau.

JOHN YOUNG EVANS, M.A., B.D.,

Professor in Trevecca College, Aberwystwyth, Wales

JOHN OLUF EVJEN, Ph.D.,

(Professor of Theology in Augsburg Theological Seminary,

Minneapolis, Minn.

PAUL JOHANNES PICKER, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, Strasburg.

FRITZ FLEINER, Dr.Jur.,

Professor of Law, University of Heidelberg.

ROBERT VERRELL FOSTER, D.D., LL.D.,

Professor of Systematic Theology, Cumberland Presbyterian
Theological Seminary, Lebanon, Term.

GUSTAV WTLHELM FRANK (f), Th.D.,

Late Professor of Dogmatics, Symbolics, and Christian
Ethics, University of Vienna.

FRANZ HERMANN FRANK (f), Th.D.,
Late Professor of Theology, University of Erlangen.

EMIL ALBERT FRIEDBERG,
Th.D., Dr.Jur.,

Professor of Ecclesiastical, Public, and German Law,
University of Leipsic.

WTLHELM GERMANN (t), Ph.D.,
Late Superintendent in Schleusingen, Prussian Saxony.

GEORGE WILLIAM GILMORE, M.A.,

Formerly Lecturer on Comparative Religion, Bangor Theo-
logical Seminary, Associate Editor of The New
Schaff-Herzoo Encyclopedia.

FRANZ GOERRES, Ph.D.,

Assistant Librarian, University of Bonn.

WTLHELM GOETZ, Ph.D.,

Honorary Professor of Geography, Technical High School,
and Professor at Military Academy, Munich.

HERMANN FREIHERR VON DER

GOLTZ (f), Th.D.,
Late Professor of Dogmatics, University of Berlin.

JAMES ISAAC GOOD, D.D.,

Professor of Reformed Church History and Liturgies, Cen-
tral Theological Seminary, Dayton, Ohio.

WILLIAM ELLIOT GRIFFIS, D.D.,

L.H.D.,

Author and Lecturer on Historical Subjects, Ithaca, N. Y.

PAUL GRUENBERG, Th.D.,

Pastor in Strasburg.

OARL VON GRUENEISEN (f), D.D.,

Late Court Preacher in Stuttgart.

GEORG GRUETZMACHER, Ph.D., Th.Lic,

Extraordinary Professor of Church History, University of

Heidelberg.

RICHARD HEINRIGH GRUETZMACHER,

Th.D.,

Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Rostock.

HERMANN GT7THE, Th.D.,

Professor of Old-Testament Exegesis, University of Leipsic.

ARTHUR GRAWSHAT ALLISTON
HALL, D.D., LL.D.,

Protestant Episcopal Bishop of Vermont.

CONTRIBUTORS AND COLLABORATORS, VOLUME IX.

vii

ADOLF HARNACK, Ph.D., Th.D., Dr.

Jur., M.D.,

General Director of the Royal library, Berlin.

ALBERT HAUCK, Ph.D., Th.D., Dr. Jur.,

Professor of Church History, University of Leipsie, Editor-
in-Chief of the Hauok-Hersog ReaUncyklopadie.

JOHANNES HAUS8LEITER, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Consistorial Councilor, Professor of New-Testament Theol-
ogy and Exegesis, University of Greifswald.

CARL FRIEDRICH GEORG HEINRICI,

Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of New-Testament Exegesis, University of Leipeio.

MAX HEINZE (f), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Professor of Philosophy, University of Leipsie.

LUDWIG THEODOR EDGAR HENNEOXE,

Ph.D., Th.Lic,

Pastor at Betheln, Hanover.

WILHELM HERRMANN, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Dr. Jar.,
Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Marburg.

JOHANN JAKOB HERZOG (f),
Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Professor of Reformed Theology, University of

Erlangen.

RICHARD MORSE HODGE, D.D.,

Lecturer in Biblical Literature, Teachers' College,

New York City.

GUSTAV HOENNICXE, Ph.D., Th.Lic,

Privat-dooent in New-Testament Exegesis, University of

Berlin.

OSWALD HOLDER-EGGER, Ph.D.,

Professor at Berlin and Director for the Publication of the
Monumenta Qermania Hittorica.

WILHELM HOELSCHER, Th.D.,

Pastor of St. Nicolaikirche, Leipsie

ERNST IDELER,

Pastor at Ahrensdorf , near Potsdam.

JOHANN FRIEDRICH IEEN (f),

Late Pastor in Bremen.

HEINRICH FRANZ JA00B80N (f), Ph.D.,

Late Professor of Law, University of Konigsberg.

FERDINAND FRIEDRICH WILHELM
KATTENBUSGH, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Dogmatics, University of Halle.

PETER GUSTAV KAWERAU, Th.D.,

Consistorial Councilor, Professor of Practical Theology, and
University Preacher, University f Breslau.

OTTO KIRN, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Dogmatics, University of Leipsie.

RUDOLF KITTEL, Ph.D., Th.D.,
Professor of Old-Testament Exegesis, University of Leipsie.

EARL RUDOLF KL08E (f), Th.D.,
Late Secretary of the Library, Hamburg.

EDWARD HOOKER KNIGHT, D.D., H

Dean of the Hartford School of Religious Pedagogy,

Hartford, Conn.

JUSTUS ADOLF KOEBERLE (f), Th.D.,

Late Professor of the Old Testament, University of Rostock.

HEINRICH ADOLF KOESTLIN (f),
Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late Privy Councilor in Cannstadt, formerly Professor of
Theology, University of Giessen.

CHRISTOPH FRIEDRICH ADOLF KOLB,

Th.D.,
Prelate and Court Preacher, Ludwigsburg.

THEODOR FRIEDRICH HERMANN
KOLDE, Fh.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Erlangen.

HERMANN GUST AV EDUARD KRUEGER,

PhJX, Th.D.,
Professor of Church History, University of Giessen.

JOHANNES WILHELM KUNZE,

Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Systematic and Practical Theology, University

of Greifswald.

EUGEN LAOHENMANN,

City Pastor, Leonberg, Wurttemberg.

LUDWIG LEMME, Th.D.,
Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Heidelberg.

ORLANDO FAULXLAND LEWIS,

Corresponding Secretary of the Prison Association and

Secretary of the Finance Committee of the Charity

Organisation Society, New York.

FRIEDRICH LEZTUS, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Konigsberg.

FRIEDRICH LIST (f), Ph.D.,
Late Studiendirektor, Munich.

PAUL LOBSTEIN, Th.D.,

Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Strasburg.

GEORG LOESCHE, Ph.D., ThJX,

Professor of Church History, Evangelical Theological
Faculty, University of Vienna.

FRIEDRICH ARMIN L00F8, Ph.D., ThJX,

Professor of Church History, University of Halle.

WILLIAM JAMES LOWE, D.D.,

Clerk of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church

in Ireland.

JOHN LTND, D.D.,

Professor of Hebrew and Biblical Criticism, Theological,
Hall of the Reformed Presbyterian Synod, Belfast.

SAMUEL McCOMB, D.D.,

Pastor of Emmanuel Church, Boston, Mass.

john Mcdonald, mjl, b.d.,

Clerk of the Reformed Presbyterian Synod in Scotland.

GEORGE DUNCAN MATHEWS,

General Secretary of the Presbyterian Alliance, London.

PAUL MEHLHORN, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Pastor of the Reformed Church, Leipsie

OTTO MEJER (f), Ph.D., Th.D.,

Late President of the Consistory, Hanover.

PHTTJPP MEYER, Th.D.,

Supreme Consistorial Councilor, Hanover.

CARL THEODOR MIRBT, Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Marburg.

ROBERT MORTON,

Professor of Systematic Theology and Church History in
Original Secession Theological Hall, Glasgow, Scotland.

ERNST FRIEDRICH KARL MUELLER,

Th.D.,

Professor of Reformed Theology, University of Erlangen.

GEORG MUELLER, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Inspector of Schools, T<eipsio.

PEARSON M'ADAM MUIR, D.D.,

Min iter of Glasgow Cathedral, Glasgow, Scotland.

HENRY SYLVESTER NASH, D.D.,

Professor of the Literature and Interpretation of the New
Testament, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, Mass.

CHRISTOF EBERHARD NESTLE,
Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor in the Theological Seminary, Maulbronn,

Wurttemberg.

VU1

CONTRIBUTORS AND COLLABORATORS, VOLUME IX.

ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D.D., LL.D.,

Professor of Church History , Southwestern Baptist Theo-
logieai Seminary, Fort Worth, Texas.

FREDERICK KRI8TIAN NIELSEN (f),

D.D.,

Late Bishop of Aarhus, Denmark.

CONRAD VON ORELLI, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Old-Testament Exegesis and History of Relig-
ion, University of Basel.

CARL PFENDER,

Pastor of St. Paul's Evangelical Lutheran Church, Paris.

FERDINAND PHTTJPPI (f), Th.D.,

Late Pastor in Hohenkirchen, Meoklenburg.

FINIS HOMER PRENDEROAST,

Attorney, Marshall, Texas.

ERWIN PREUSCHEN, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Pastor at Hirschhorn-on-the-Neckar, Germany.

RICHARD CLARK REED, D.D., LL.D.,

Professor of Church History in Presbyterian Theological
Seminary, Columbia, 8. C.

JOSEPH RKTNKEN8 (f), FhJX,
Late Professor in Cologne.

ROBERT THOMAS ROBERTS, D.D.,

Pastor First Welsh Presbyterian Church, Wilkes-Barre, Pa.

WILLIAM HENRY ROBERTS, D.D.,

LL.D.,

Stated Clerk of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian

Church, U. S. A.

HENDRTK OORNELIS ROGGE (f),

Ph.D.,

Late Professor of History, University of Haarlem.

ARNOLD R&EGG,

Pastor at Birmensdorf and Lecturer at the University of

Zurich, Switzerland.

CARL SCHAARSCHMIDT,

Honorary Professor of Philosophy, University of Bonn.

ERICH 8CHAEDER, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Kiel.

THEODOR 8CHAEFER, Th.D.,

Head of the Deaconess Institute, Altona.

DAVID SCHLEY 8CHAFF, D.D.,

Professor of Church History, Western Theological Seminary,

Pittsburg, Pa.

PHILIP SCHAFF (f), D.D., LL.D.,

Late Professor of Church History, Union Theological Semi-
nary, New York, and Editor of the Original Schajt-
Herzog Encyclopedia.

MARTIN SCHIAN, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Theology, University of Giessen.

REINHOLD 8CHMID, Th.Lic,
Pastor in Oberholsheim, Wurttemberg.

MAXIMILIAN VICTOR 8CHULTZE,

Th.D.,

Professor of Church History and Christian Archeology,
University of Greifswald.

LUDWIG THEODOR SCHTJLZE, Ph.D.,

Th.D.,

Professor of Systematic Theology, University of Rostock.

JOHN CRAWFORD SCOTJLLER, D.D.,

Corresponding Secretary of Board of Ministerial Relief,
United Presbyterian Church of North America.

EMIL SEOKEL, Dr.Jur.,
Professor of law, University of Berlin.

EMIL 8EHLING, Dr.Jur.,

Professor of Ecclesiastical and Commercial Law, University

of Erlangen.

HENRY CLAY SHELDON, D.D.,

Professor of Systematic Theology, Boston University.

FRTEDRICH ANTON EMIL SIEFFERT,

Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of {New-Testament Exegesis, University of Bonn.

JULIUS WTLHELM SMEND, Th.D.,

Professor of Systematic and Practical Theology in the
Evangelical Theological Faculty, University of

Strasburg.

JOHN 80MERVILLB, D.D.,

Clerk of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church

in Canada.

ROBERT MACGOWAN SOMMERVILLE,

Editor of Olive T*ees, New York City.

GEORG STEINDORFF, Ph.D.,

Professor of Egyptology, University of Leipsic.

ROBERT WILLIAM STEWART, B.Sc,

B.D.,

Glasgow, Scotland.

HERMANN LEBERECHT STRACK, Ph.D.,

Th.D.,

Extraordinary Professor of Old-Testament Exegesis and
Semitic Languages, University of Berlin.

ULRICH 8TUTZ, Dr.Jur.,

Professor of German and Ecclesiastical Law, University of

Bonn.

ROBERT BREWSTER TAGGART,

Vineland, N. J.

CHARLES FRANKLIN THWING, LL.D.,

President of Western Reserve University and Adalbert

College, Cleveland.

PAUL TSCHACKERT, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Gottingen.

SIETSE DOUWES VAN VEEN, Th.D.f

Professor of Church History and Christian Archeology,
University of Utrecht.

JULIUS AUGUST WAGENMANN (f),

Late Consistorial Councilor, Gottingen.

BENJAMIN BRECKINRIDGE WAR-
FIELD, D.D., LL.D.,

Professor of Didactic and Polemic J Theology, Prinoeton

Theological Seminary.

EDWARD ELIHU WHITFIELD, M.A.,

Retired Public Schoolmaster, London.

FRIBDRICH LUDWIG LEONHARD
WIEGAND, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Professor of Church History, University of Greifswald.

PAUL WOLFF (f),

Late Pastor at Friedersdorf, Brandenburg, and Editor of the
Evangcliache Kirchenzeitung.

AUGUST WUENSCHE, Ph.D., Th.D.,

Retired Titular Professor in Dresden.

CLARENCE ANDREW YOUNG, Ph.D.,

Pastor, Third Reformed Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia,

Pa.

FRANZ THEODOR RITTER VON ZAHN,

Th.D., Litt.D.,

Professor of New-Testament Exegesis and Introduction,

University of Eiiangen.

OTTO ZOECKLER (f), Ph.D., ThJ>.,

Late Profrssor of Church History and Apologetics, Unite*

sity of GreifswakL

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX-VOLS. I— IX

The following list of books is supplementary to the bibliographies given at the end of the articles
contained in volumes I.-IX., and brings the literature down to November, 1910. In this list each title
entry is printed in capital letters. It is to be noted that, throughout the work, in the articles as a
rule only first editions are given. In the bibliographies the aim is to give either the best or the
latest edition, and in case the book is published both in America and in some other country, the
American place of issue is usually given the preference.

Abbott, L.: Seeking after God, New York, 1910.

Altar: A. Hartel, Attars and Pulpits; a Series of
Examples of Ecclesiastical Work in the
Gothic Style, taken mostly from the famous
German Cathedrals and Churches of the
Middle Ages, 3d ed., New York, 1910.

Ammianus Makcellinus: Berum gestarum libri
qui supersunt, ed. C. U. Clark, L. Traube,
and G. Herseus, vol. 1, libri XIV.-XXV.,
Berlin, 1910.

Apologetics: A. Kirchner. Die babylonische Kos-
mogonie und der bibUsche Schdvfungsbericht.
Bin Beitrag zur Apologie des bMischen
Gottesbegriffest Munster, 1910.
A. R. Wells, Why toe believe the Bible; Outlines
of Christian Evidences in Question and An-
swer Form, Boston, 1910.

Armenia: M. Ormanian, L'Eglise armenienne, son
histoire, sa doctrine, son regime, sa discipline,
sa liturgie, sa literature, son present, Paris,
1910.

Athanasian Creed: T. N. Papaconstantinos, The
Creed of Athanasius the Great, translated by
H. C. J. Lingham, London, 1910.

Atonement: J. B. Champion, The Living Atone-
merit, Philadelphia, 1910.

Avttub: H. Goelzer and A. Mey, Le Latin de Saint
Avit eveque de Vienne US0-6B6), Paris, 1909.

Babylonia: F. Delitssch, Handel und Wandel in
Altbabyl&nien, Stuttgart, 1910.
D. W. Myhrman, Sumerian Administrative
Documents, dated in the Reigns of the Kings
of the second Dynasty of Ur, from the Temple
Archives of Nippur, preserved in Philadel-
phia, Philadelphia, 1910.

Bacheb, W.: L. Blau, Bibliographic der Schriften
WUhelm Backers nebst einem hebraischen Sach-
und Ortsnamen Register zu seinem sechsban-
dtgen Agadwerke, Frankfort, 1910.

Ballard, A.: From Text to Talk, Boston, 1910.

Bamfton Lectures: W. Hobhouse, The Church
and the World in Idea and in History, New
York, 1910.

Baptists: Seventh Day Baptists in Europe and
America; a Series of Historical Papers writ-
ten in Commemoration of the 100th Annir
versary of the Organization of the Seventh
Day Baptist General Conference, celebrated
at Ashaway, Rhode Island, Aug. 20-26, 1902,
2 vols., Plainfield, N. J., 1910.

Barnes, W. E.: Lex in Corde: Studies in the
Psalter, London, 1910.

Baur, F. C: E. Schneider, F. C. Baur in seiner
Bedeutunqfur die Theologie, Munich, 1909. ,

Beckbt, T.: W. H. Hatton, Thomas Becket, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, London, 1910.

Beds: Lives of the First Five Abbots of Wearmouth
and Yarrow, London, 1910.

Bible Societies: A Popular Illustrated Report of
the British and Foreign Bible Society, 1909-10,
London, 1910.

Benedict XIV.: Add to bibliography Heroic
Virtue; a Portion of the Treatise of Benedict
XIV. on the Beatification and Canonization
of the Servants of God, 3 vols., London, 1850.

Bible Text: A. B. Ehrlich, Randglossen zur hebra-
ischen Bibel. Textkritisches, Sprachliches
und Sachliches. Erater Band: Genesis und
Exodus. Zweiter Band: Leviticus, Numeri,
Deuteronomium, Leipsic, 1908-1909.
H. H. Josten, Neue Studien zur Evangelien-
handschrift. No. 18, Des heUigen Bernward
Evangelienbuch im Domschatz zu Hildesheim,
Strasburg, 1909.
Agnes Smith Lewis, Old Syriac Gospels, or

Evangelion Daynepharresht, London, 1910.
H. F. von Soden, Die Schriften des Neuen Tes-
taments in ihrer dltesten erreichbaren TexU
gestalt hergestellt auf Grund ihrer Text-
aeschichte, Berlin, 1905-10.

Bible versions: W. J. Heaton, The Bible of the
Reformation: its Translators and their Work,
London, 1910.
J. P. Hentz, History of the Lutheran version of

the Bible, Dayton, O., 1910.
S. McComb, The Making of the English Bible,
London, 1910.

Biblical Criticism: A. Duff, History of Old Testa-
ment Criticism, New York, 1910.
T. Engert, Das Alie Testament im Lichte modern-
istisch-katholischer Wissenschaft, Munich,
1910.

Biblical Introduction: A. C. Robinson, What
about the Old Testament? Is it played out?
London, 1910.

Biblical Theology: E. von Dobschutz, The Es-
chatology of the Gospels, London, 1910.
P. Karge, Geschichte des Bundesgedankens im

Alien Testament, Munster, 1910.
A. F. Loisy: see below.

C. G. Montefiore, Some Elements of the Religious
Teaching of Jesus According to the Synoptic
Gospels (Jowett Lectures, 1910), London,
1910.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX— VOLUMES I-IX

Biblical Theology: L. B. Paton, The Early Re-
ligion of Israel, Boston, 1910.

A. Schlatter, Die Theoloaie dee Neuen Testa-
ments, vol. ii., Die Lehre der Apostel, Calw
and Stuttgart, 1909-10.

H. B. Swete, Studies in the Teachings of our
Lord, London, 1910.

Boniface: G. F. Browne, Boniface and his Com-
panions, London, 1910.

Brahmanism: The Parisistas of the Atharvaveda.
Ed. G. M. Boiling and J. von Negelein,
Leipsic, 1910.
A. Roussel, La Religion vtdique, Paris, 1910.

Buddhism: Alphabetical List of the Titles of Works
in the Chinese Buddhist Tripitaka (Archeolog-
ical Dept. of India). Being an Index to
Bunyin Nanjio's Catalogue and the 1905
Kioto Reprint of the Buddhist Canon. Pre-
pared by E. Denison Ross, Bombay, 1910.
H. Oldenburg, Aus dem alien Indien. 8 Auf-
sdtze uber den Buddhismus, aU-indische Dichr
tung und Geschichtschreibung, Berlin, 1910.

Burma: A. Bunker, Sketches from the Karen Hills,
New York, 1910.
Shway Yor, The Burman, his Life and Notions,
London, 1910.

Canonization: Add to bibliography the work riven
above under Benedict XlV. Also A. J3ou-
dinhon, Les Proces de beatification et de canon-
isation, Paris, 1908.
T. F. Macken, The Canonization of Saints,
Dublin, 1910.

China: China and the Gostfel. An Illustrated Re-
port of the China Inland Mission, London,
1910.
E. Chavannes, Le T'ai Chan. Essai de mono-
graphic d'un culte chinois. Appendice: Le
Dieu du sol dans la chine antique, Paris, 1910.

E. H. Parker, Studies in Chinese Religion, Lon-
don, 1910.

Church: W. Hobhouse, The Church and the World
in Idea and History, London, 1910.

F. I. Paradise, The Church and the Individual,
New York, 1910.

Church History: J. Felten, Neutestamentliche
Zeitgeschichte oder Judentum und Heiden-
tum zur Zeit ChrisH und der Apostel, 2 vols.,
Regensburg, 1910.

F. X. Funk, A Manual of Church History, vol.
ii., London, 1910.

S. Lublinski, Der urchristliche Erdkreis und sein
Mythos, vol. i., Die Entstehung des Christen-
tums aus der antiken Kulturt Jena, 1910.

Clement of Alexandria: J. Gabrielsson, Ueber
die Quellen des Clemens Alexandrinus, vol.
ii., Zur genaueren Prufung der Favorinus-
hypothese, Leipsic, 1909.

Cologne: W. Pelster, Stand und Herkunft der
Bischbfe der Kblner Kirchenprovinz im
MiUelalter, Weimar, 1909.

Common Prayer, Book of: N. Dimock, The His-
tory of the Book of Common Prayer in its
Bearing on Present Eucharistic Controversies,
London and New York, 1910.

Comparative Religion: E. S. Ames, The Psy-
chology of Religious Experience, Boston, 1910.
A. S. Bishop, The World's Altar-Stairs in the

Rdiaions of the World, London, 1910.
C. C. Martindale, ed., Lectures on the History

of Religions, St. Louis, 1910.
R. M. Meyer, Altgermanische Religionsge-
schichte, Leipsic, 1910.

R. Quanter, Das Weib in den Religionen der
Vdlker unter BerUcksichtigung der einzelnen
Kulte. Mit vielen zeitgenossischen lUlus-
trationen, Berlin. 1910.
J. H. Randall and J. G. Smith, The Unity of
Religions; a popular Discussion of ancient
and modern Beliefs, New York, 1910.
J. Schrimen, Essays en studien in vergelijkende
Godsdienstgeschiedenis, Mythologie en Folk-
lore, Venlao, 1910.

Congregation alists: A. F. Beard, A Crusade of
Brotherhood. History of the American Mis-
sionary Association, Boston, 1909.

Coptic Church: E. A. W. Budge, Coptic Homilies
in the Dialect of Upper Egypt, ed. from the
Papyrus Codex Oriental 5001, in the British
Museum, London, 1910.

Councils and Synods: F. Schulthess, Die syri-
schen Kanones der Synoden von Niccea bis
Chalcedon nebst einigen zugehorigen Doku-
menten, Berlin, 1908.

Crusades: W. S. Dun-ant, Cross and Dagger: the
Crusade of the Children, London, 1910.

Curia: F. Russo, La curia romana nella sua or-
ganizzione e nel suo completo funzionamento
a datare dal 8 novembre, 1908, Palermo, 1910.

Dawson, W. J.: The Divine Challenge, New York
and London, 1910.

Deissmann, A. : Light from the Ancient East. The
New Testament. Translation by L. R. M.
Strachan, London, 1910.

Doctrine, History of: P. Tschackert, Die Ent-
stehung der lutherischen und der reforrnierten
Kirchenlehre samst ihren inneren protestanti-
schen Gegensdtzen, Gdttingen, 1910.

Dogma, Dogmatics: G. R. Montgomery, The Un-
explored Self; an Introductory to Christian
Doctrine for Teachers and Students, New
York, 1910.

Egypt: W. M. F. Petrie, Arts and Crafts of Ancient
Egypt, Chicago, 1910.
P. Virey, La Keligion de VAncienne Egypte,
Paris, 1910.

Egyptian Exploration Fund: Thirtieth Memoir.
The XI. Dynasty Temple at Deir-el Bahiri,
Part 2 by E. Naville, London, 1910.

England, Church of: C. S. Carter, The English
Church in the Eighteenth Century, London and
New York 1910.
F. W. Cornish, The English Church in the 19th

Century, 2 parts, London, 1910.
F. A. Hibbert, The Dissolution of the Monas-
teries, as Illustrated by the Suppression of
the Religious Houses of Staffordshire, Lon-
don, 1910.
E. Stock, The English Church in the Nineteenth
Century, London and New York, 1910.

Epiklesis: P. M. Chaine, La Consecration et Vepir
clese dans le missal fthiopien, Rome, 1910.

Episcopate: R. E. Thompson, The Historic Epis-
copate, Philadelphia, 1910.

Erasmus: A. Meyer, 6tude critique sur les rela-
tions oVErasme et de Luther, Paris, 1909.

Eschatology: See above, Biblical Theology.
Ethics: T. C. Hall, History of Ethics within Or-
ganized Christianity, New York, 1910.

Eudes, J.: M. Russell, The TAfe of Blessed John
Eudes, London, 1910.

Ezra and Nehemiah: G. Klamath, Ezras Leben
und Wirken, Vienna, 1908.
J. Heis, Geschichtlicke und literarkriiische
Fragen in Esra 1-6, Munster, 1909.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX— VOLUMES I-IX

France: R. P. Lecanuet, Vtgiise de France sous

la troisieme republique. Pontifical de Lean

XIII. {1878-1903), Paris, 1910.
Galilee: A. Reach, Das GalUda bei Jerusalem.

Bine biblische Studie, Leipaic, 1010.
Galileo: E. Wohlwill, Galilei und sein Kampffur

die copernicanische Lehre, Hamburg, 1909.
Gnosticism: W. Schultz, Dokumente der Gnosis,

Jena, 1910.
God: J. A. Hall, The Nature of God, Philadelphia,

1910.
Gospel: F. C. Burkitt, The Earliest Sources for the

Life of Jesus, Boston, 1910.

F. K. Feigel, Der Einschluss des Weissagungs-
beweises und anderer Motive auf die Leidens-
geschichte. Ein Beitrag zur Evangelienkritik,
Tubingen, 1910.

W. M. F. Petrie, The Growth of the Gospels as

shown by Scriptural Criticism, London, 1910.
Gunkel, H. : Genesis, 3d ed., Gottingen, 1910.
Hagenbach, K. R.: Ihr Brief wechsel aus den

Jahren 1841 bis 1851, Basel, 1910.
Hall, T. C. : See above, Ethics.
Hannington, J.: C. D. Michael, James Hanning-

ton, Bishop and Martyr, London, 1910.
Harmonies: A. R. Whitham, The Life of Our

Blessed Lord. From the Revised Version of

the Four Gospels. The Bible Text only.

London, 1910.
Hebrews: F. Dibelius, Der Verfasser des Hebraer-

briefes. Eine Untersuchung zur Geschichte

des Urchristentums, Strasburg, 1910.
Hellenism: P. Hauser, Les Grecs et les Semites dans

Vhistoire de VhumaniU, Paris, 1910.
Hellenistic Greek: G. Million, Selections from

the Greek Papyri, ed. with Transl. and Notes,

London, 1910.

Hexateuch: See above, Gunkel.

G. Hoberg, Die Genesis nach dem Literalsinn
erkldrt, Freiburg, 1908.

Leviticus and Numbers. Introduction; in the
Century Bible, ed. A. R. S. Kennedy, Lon-
don, 1910.
HmTTEs: J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites;
an Account of the recent Explorations and
Discoveries in Asia Minor; introduction by

A. H. Sayce, New York, 1910.
Holland, H. S.: Fibres of Faith, London, 1910.
Holt Spirit: R. A. Torrey, The Person and Work

of the Holy Spirit, London, 1910.
Huss, J.: E. J. Kitts, Pope John the Twenty-third,

and Master John Hus of Bohemia, London,

1910.
Htmnologt: J. Duncan, Popular Hymns, their

Authors and Teaching, London, 1910.
Idealism: E. W. Lyman, Theology and Human

Problems; a comparative Study of absolute

Idealism and Pragmatism as Interpreters of

Religion, New York, 1910.
Immortality: S. H. Mellone, The Immortal Hope.

Present Aspects of the Problem of Immor-

tality, London, 1910.
J. Paterson Smyth, The Gospel of the Hereafter,

New York and Chicago, 1910.
Indians of North America: David Zeisberaerfs

History of Northern American Indians; ed. A.

B. Hulbert and W. N. Schwarze, Columbus,
1910.

Inspiration: W. J. Colville, Ancient Mysteries and
Modern Revelations, New York, 1910.

Ingram, A. F. W.: The Mysteries of God, London,
1910.

Isaiah: M. G. Glazebrook, Studies in the Book of
Isaiah, London, 1910.
G. C. Morgan, The Prophecy of Isaiah, 2 vols.,
London, 1910.

Israel, History of: A. Bertholet, Das Ends dee
judischen Staatswesens, Tubingen, 1910.

I. Blum, The Jews of Baltimore; an historical
Summary of their Progress and Status as
Citizens of Baltimore from early Days to the
Year nineteen hundred and ten, Baltimore,
1910.

L. Lucas, Zur Geschichte der Juden im vierten
Jahrhunderts, Berlin, 1910.

S. Oppenheim, The Early History of the Jews
in New York, 1654-1664, New York, 1910.

Jainism: Manak Chand Jaini, Life of Mahavira,
London, 1910.

Jefferson, C. E.: The Building of the Church,
New York, 1910.

Jerome : The First Part of the Epistles, ed. I. Hilberg,
in CSEL, vol. liv., Vienna, 1910.

Jerusalem, Anglican-German Bishopric in: Add
to the bibliography: The Jerusalem Bishop-
ric: Documents, with Translations relating
thereto, published by Command of H. M.
Frederick William TV., of Prussia, London,
1883.

Jesus Christ: P. T. Forsyth, The Work of Christ,

London, 1910.
F. X. Steinmeyer, Die Geschichte der Geburt und

Kindheit Christi und ihr VerhQltnis zur

babylonischen Mythe, Monster, 1910.
J. Weiss, Jesus von Nazareth Mythus oder

Geschichte? Tubingen, 1910.

John the Apostle: G. S. Barrett, The First
Epistle General of St. John. A Devotional
Commentary, London, 1910.
Westminster New Testament. The Revela-
tion and the Johannine Epistles. Introduc-
tion and Notes by Rev. A. Ramsay, London,
1910.
M. Seisenberger, Erkldrung des Johannesevan-
geliums, Regensburg, 1910.

John of Ephesus: Extracts from the Ecclesiastical
History, ed. with grammatical, historical and
geographical Notes by J. P. Margoliouth,
Leyden, 1910.

John XXIII.: See Huss, John, above.

Kempis, Thomas a: Concordance to the Latin Orig-
inal of the Four Books known as De Imita-
tione Christi, Given to the World A.D. 1441
by Thomas a Kempis. Comp. by R. Storr,
London, 1910.

Kierkegaard, S. A.: R. Hoffmann, Kierkegaard
und die religidse Gewissheit, Gottingen, 1910.

Locke, J.: E. Crous, Die religions-phUosophischen
Lehren Lockes und ihre SteUung zu dem
Deismus seiner Zeit, Halle, 1910.

Loisy, A. F. : The Religion of Israel, London, 1910.

Loisy, M.: M. Lepin, Les Theories de M. Loisy,
Paris, 1908.

McFadyen, J. E.: The Way of Prayer, Boston, 1910.

McGiffert, A. C: History of Christian Thought
from the Reformation to Kant, London, 1910.

Manicheans: Chuastuanit, das Bussgebet der Mani-
chder, ed. with German Transl. W. Radloff,
Leipsic, 1910.

Mathews, S.: A History of New Testament Times
in Palestine, 176 B.C.-70 A J)., 2d ed., New
York, 1910.

xii

BIOGRAPHICAL ADDENDA— VOLUMES MX

Methodists: A. Leger, L'Angleterre religeuse et Us
origines du rrUthodisme au xviii. siede. La
Jeunesse de Wesley, Paris, 1910.

W. Piatt Methodism and the Republic; a View
of the Home Field, present Conditions, Needs,
and Possibilities, Philadelphia, 1910.

W. J. Townsend, H. B. Workman, and O.
Eayres, A New History of Methodism, 2 vols.,
London, 1909.

Miracles: J. Wendland, Der Wunderglaube im
Christentum, Gottingen, 1910.

Missions: W. H. J. Gairdner, Edinburgh11910. An
Account and Interpretation of the World Mis-
sionary Conference, London, 1910.

H. C. Lees, St. Paul and his Converts, a Series
of Studies in Typical New Testament Mis-
sion, London, 1910.

J. J. MacDonald, The Redeemer* s Reiqn. For-
eign Missions and the Second Advent, ed.
G. Smith, London, 1910.

Winifred Heston, A Blue Stocking in India,
London, 1910 (on medical missionary work).

W. E. Strong, The Story of the American Board;
an Account of the first hundred Years of the
American Board of Commissioners for For-
eign Missions, Boston, 1910.

Modernism: R. de Bary, Franciscan Days of
Vigil: a Narrative of personal Views and
Developments, New York, 1910.
D. Mercier (Cardinal), Modernism, London,
1910.

Mohammed, Mohammedanism: C. Field, Mystics
and Saints of Islam. London. 1910.

M. T. Houtsma and A. Schaade, EmyJdoptidie
des Islam, Leyden and Leipsic, 1910.

The Encyclopedia of Islam, part v., London,
1910.

Zeitschrift far Oeschichte und Kultur des
islamxschen Orients, ed. C. H. Becker, be-
gun in Stra8burg, 1910.

Morgan, G. C: The Study and Teaching of the
English Bible, London, 1910.

Mormons: S. W. Traum, Mormonism against it-
self, Cincinnati, 1910.

Moulton, W. F. and Whitley, W. T.: Studies in
Modern Christendom — A Series of Lectures
Delivered in Connexion with the Liverpool
Board of Biblical Studies, Lent term, 1909,
London, 1910.

Mysticism: E. Lehmann, Mysticism in Heathen-
dom and Christendom, London, 1910.
The Call of Self-knowledge: seven early Enalish
mystical Treatises printed by H. Pepwell in
1521 ; ed. with an Introd. and Notes by E. O.
Gardner, New York, 1910.
A. Poulain, Die Fiille der Gnaden. Ein Hand-
buch der Mystik, 2 parts, Freiburg, 1910.

Mythology: P. Ehrenreich, Die aUgemeine Myth-
olofie und ihre ethnologischen Grundlagen,
Leipsic, 1910.
J. E. Hanauer, Folkrtore of the Holy Land,
Moslem, Christian, and Jewish, ed. M. Pick-
thalL London. 1910.

Naville, E.: See Egyptian Exploration Fund.

Neoplatonism: K. S. Guthrie, The Philosophy of
Plotinus; his Life, Times, and Philosophy
(bound with this: Selections from Plotinus*
Enneads), Philadelphia, 1910.

Nestorians: Histoire Nestorienne (Chronique de
Seert). Part I. Texts Arabe, ed. Addai
Scher, traduit par P. Dib, Paris, 1910.

Nestorius: L. Fendt, Die Christologie des Nesto-
rius, Kempten, 1910.

New Thought: Ella Wheeler Wilcox, New Thought
Common Sense and What Life Means to Me,
London, 1910.

Nicholas I.: A. Greinacher, Die Anschauungen des
Papstes Nikolaus I. uber das VerhSltnis von
Stoat und Kirche, Berlin, 1909.

Nietzsche, F.: H. Belart, Friedrich Nietzsches
Leben, Berlin, 1910.
J. M. ^Kennedy, The Quintessence of Nietzsche,

New York, 1910.
A. M. Ludovici, Nietzsche: his Life and Works,
London, 1910.

Papyrus and Papyri: G. A. Deissmann, Light
from the Ancient East: the New Testament
and the new and recently discovered Manu-
scripts of the Graco-Roman World, New
York, 1910.

Passover: C. Howard, The Passover: an Interpre-
tation, New York, 1910.

Pastoral Theology: C. Durand Pallot, La Cure
(fame moderne et ses bases religieuses et scien-
tifiques, Paris, 1910.

Paton, L. B.: See above, Biblical Theology.

Paul the Apostle: H. Lietzmann, Die Brief e des
Apostels Paulus. I., Die vier Haup&riefe,
Tubingen, 1910.
J. Strachan, The Captivity and Pastoral Epis-
tles, New York and Chicago, 1910.
A. L. Williams, Epistle to the Galatians, Lon-
don, 1910.
H. L. Yorke, The Law of the Spirit. Studies
in the Epistle to the PhUippians, London, 1910.

Philo: L. Conn, Die Werke Philos von Alexandria
in deutscher Uebersetzung, Breslau, 1909.

Polity: A. J. McLean, The Ancient Church Orders,
London, 1910.

Pragmatism: See above, Idealism.

Pseudepigrapha: W. N. Stearns, ed., Fragments
from Groxo-Jewish Writers, Chicago, 1908.
E. Fisserant, Ascension d'Isaie, Paris, 1909.
L. Gry, Les Paraboles d' Henoch et leur Messian-
isme, Paris, 1910.

Resch: See above, Galilee.

-*:#.•.

»». f. .>»i

BIOGRAPHICAL ADDENDA

Choky, J. E.: Became professor of church history

in the University of Geneva, 1910.
Dowden, J.: d. at Edinburgh Jan. 30, 1910.
Eddy, M. B. G.: d. at Newton, Mass., Dec. 3, 1910.
Faulhaber, M.: Made bishop of Speyer, 1910.
Flint, R.: d. at Edinburgh Nov. 25, 1910.
Friedberg, E.: d. at Leipsic Sept. 7, 1910.
Giesebrecht, F.: d. at Stettin Aug. 21, 1910.

Hoennicke, G.: Became extraordinary professor
of the New Testament at Breslau, 1910.

Hoyt, W.: d. at Salem, Mass., Sept. 27, 1910.

Ince, W. : d. at Oxford Nov. 13, 1910.

Juncker, A.: Became prof essor of the New Testa-
ment in KGnigsberg, 1910.

Maclagan, W. D.: d. at London Sept. 19, 1910.

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA— VOLUMES I- VIII

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA

VoL L, p. 26, ool. 2: Insert " Acbb. See Phenicia,

"T ft 1 »»

, D.ZO,

Vol. L9 p. 413, ool. 1: Insert " Bacchus: Martyr
of the fourth century. See Sergius and
Bacchus."

VoL ii., p. 31, col. 1 : Insert " Beirut. See Phe-
nicia, I., | 6."

Vol. ii., p. 256, col. 2, line 21: Read " Beach " for

., p. zoo, ©
"Reach."

Vol. iii., p. 58, ool. 2, line 19: Read " Paine " for

ayne

Vol. iii., p. 279, col. 1 : Insert " Coudrin, Pierre
Marie Joseph. See Picpus, Congrega-

tion of.

Vol. iv., p. 46, col. 2. line 11 from bottom: Read

" Polycrates of Ephesus " for " Polycarp of

Smyrna " (important).
Vol. iv., p. 192, col. 2, line 20: Read " ideals " for

" Sola."
Vol. v., p. 136, ool. 2, line 28: Read " prologue " for

"epilogue."
Vol. v., p. 186, col. 2, line 10 from bottom: Read

" next " for " text."
Vol. v., p. 235, col. 2, line 14 from bottom: Read

lxxi. for " lxvii.", and line 13 from bottom,

read " bnrii.," for " lxvii."

Vol. v., p. 322, ool. 2, line 23: Read " Hansen " for
"Hausen."

Vol. v., p. 336, col. 2: Insert " Holyoake, George
James. See Secularism."

Vol. v., p. 412, col. 2, line 11: Read " i." for " xi."

Vol. viii.,p. 85, col. 2, line 17 from bottom: Read
11 Thomson " for " Thomas."

Vol. viii., p. 151, col. 2, line 21 : Read " at St. Johns,
was erected into a diocese in 1847, and into
an archdiocese and metropolitan see in 1904."

Vol. viii., p. 231, col. 2, line 9: Omit " Canadian."

Vol. viii., p. 272, col. 2, line 3: Read " new " for
" later."

Vol. viii., p. 300, col. 2, line 6 from bottom: Read
" Ricker " for " Rieker."

Vol. viii., p. 358, col. 1, line 13 from bottom: Read
11 Clerum " for " larum."

Vol. viii., p. 393, col. 1, line 3 from bottom: Read
" 81 " for " 72 "; bottom line, read " Stu-
art " for " Stewart "; col. 2, line 2, read
11 1884 " for " 1881."

Vol. viii., p. 426, col. 2, line 23 from bottom: Re-
move " the distinguished lexicographer."

Vol. viii., p. 466, col. 1, lines 4-6: Omit all after
" 18/9 sqq.)."

Vol. viii., p. 489, col. 2, line 17 from bottom: Re-
move t &om signature.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Abbreviations in common use or self-evident are not included here. For additional Information con-
cerning the works listed, we vol L, pp. vliL-xx., and the appropriate articles in the body of the work.

ajp. . .

AJT..

jAOoemeine deut „.

1 1875 no., vol. S3 1907
. . advertu*. acainet "

I Jwm) of PkHoloov, Balti-

j Archill fUr katkolitcke* Kirchenrecht,
■ 1 Innsbruck, 18*7-01. Maine. 1873 aqq.
iA'chic far Littmtur- unci Kircheruje-
i •chichi* da MiUelalUr*. Freiburg. 1885

ant

inwiHona Father*, Amsricu edi
by A. Cleveland Coze, 8 vols, ud
din, Buffalo. 1887: vol. ix., ed. A
Meniias, New York. 1897

SK".:::::::::lS33fta3?,,M

Arab Arabic

ASB. . .
4.SJ/ ..

iTF.:.

— n. ed. J. Holland and others,

Antwerp, IMS ™.
Acta eowtarum nijftjl S. Bensdidi. od.

J. Mabillon, 9 vols., Paris, 1068-1701

Bardenlwmr,

^LaVmnr,

Bower, Popes . .
BOB

. ! Authorised Version (of the English Bible)

iJ. M. Baldwin. Dictionary of Philoeophi,

I O. Bardenhewer, QemchidUt der aUkirek-

1 UckenLiaeratur, 2 vols. .Freiburg, 1902
J O. Berdeohewer, Patralogi*. 2d ed., Frei-
1 bare. 1901

{TV Diclionaiy Historical and Critical of
Mr. Fttrr BayU, 2d ed.. 5 vols., London,
1734-38
1 I Bmibmr, Htbraitche Arshaologi*. 2d
1 ed.. Freiburg. 1907
J. Biugbaio. Origin** *cd**ia*tict*, 10
vole., London, 1708-23; new ed., Ox-
ford, ISSS
M. Bouquet, Recueil ass kittorim* da
Gaul** *t d* la Front*, continued by
various handi. 23 vow.. Pari.. 1738-78
Archibald Bower. History of Ik* Pop**
... to J7«S, continued by 8. H. Cn,
3 voli.. Philadelphia. 1845-47

1867 -.,.|

Cut! '.'.'.'.'.'..'.'.'.. Canticles, Book of Solo

Situ. aJ^(KOSB*w, aSmtrt a\
i*uii«. Aunwt, ^{..Mli****, 10 t
•"**"- f 1868-69

ICorpue intcriptionum Orwcantm, Berlin,
1825 enq.
Corpus irucriprkmuni Lafltiarum, Berlin,
1803 aqq.
CTSSJ

ad T»™J
Col

Epistle to th<
column, colin
Conftuion**, ,.

ICot. . Firat Epiatle to the Corinthian*

D Oor Second Epistle to the Corinthians

COT SaaSebnder

COR. i "■• Church Quarterly Review, London,

w t 187Saqq,

ngs, Dirrionorv I

, begun at Halle,
. Berlin and Leipsio,

. Craighton, A History of the Papacy
from the Gnat Schien Id IK* Sack of
Rome, new ed.. 0 Tola., Mew York and

Unn^licor^m^Lati-

lUa, 1M67 sqq.

.'j.p.'i h,:t..r\.i- Bitiantina; 4Q
1828-78
l/ietory of RrHaiou* Order*.

of Iht Bible.

Edinburgh ai

h'.« i<mm

.1 s niwtiisTii, rh.-n,.,.,,

.1 «ti<r< <''?*■ 2 vols., Loodc

li. :■■'. ''■■■'w. ■-,-.,,

L. Stephen and 8, Lee. Dictionary of
National Biography, S3 volt, and
Bupplement 3 ml-. I.r,n..lnn. l*S,",-l«iJI

S. R. Driver. Intrtviurli-n la Ihr Uternturr
of the Old Testament, 10th ed.. New
York. 1910

Elohiat

T. K. Cbeyrie and J. S. Black. Bneydo-
padiil fiiOliro. 4 vols., London and
New York 1899-1903

Ecd**ia. " Church "; ecetesiaififbs, " co-

. ciitir.ii; olUil. ■■ fAU.-.i
O.ri.-d,- (.. rt„. K,,!,,. „.■„,.
'-■— 'a, EpUtata . •■"- =

Eph . .

Epi*i KpieM.i. !■: :,;•/,. :■■. ■■ Ki.i-u.',"" Kpi-n.^ ■■

Erach and Orn- ( J. H. Krwli and J. G. Urulwr, .Ilia™,,*
bar, Encuhlo-] /■.,n,-:yW..p*/i> .i»r II'iihudWiii und
pfldia ( liu.i.1,'. Leipiie, 1818 wiq.

E. V . Knsjliah versions (of the Bible)

Ex Eiodua

Eaek Eaekiel

(n..

Gee and Hardy,

Gibbon, fieoli*

j J. Friedrioh, Kirchengeechichle OeuUrn-
i iawtt. 2 vols.. Bamberg, 1867-69
Epiatle to the GaJatians

)P. B. Gams, Serie* epiacoporum eccieeia
Caiholica. Retrennburg. 1873, ami su[.-
plemrnl. 1886
, I H. Gee and W. J. Hardy, Dociimente
'•i /UusfrahM of EnalUh Church Hi,lory,
■ |_ London, 1896

Mnaitche OtiehrU Anatuan, OOttinnn,
1824 aqq.

Sibboo, W,
and roll

Grosa, Source*. .
Hab.

181. _,.

E. Gibbon. Hillary of Ik* Dtdin. _.._
Fall of the Soman Empire, od. J. B.
Bury, 7 voli. London, 1890-1900

.(•reek

" Grose, The Source* and Literature of
Ungiith ff'-*— " '--'--

.§•?

Hislorv .

. to H8S, I

Stubba, Ccwi-l

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

■ to petristio works on heresies
— etioa, TsrtulUan'i Dt prmtcriptic
tbe Pros Aoireari* of Irenstus.

J.HHerduii

H Harnaok, Mutton of Dogma . . . Jrem
tta M flmMii cHMon, 7 mill., Baton,

1886-1900
u Hiunjtok, OMcAicAte dot aUchrietluJien

LMtratur bit Ev—biui, 2 vol* in 3.

Leipric 1893-11*04
„ Hanek. Kirchtngttchicrite Dwutmck-

land*, vol. L, Leipdo. 1904; toI. a.

1900; ml. iii., 1900; voL iv„ 1903

EauokHeriog, ] clooit and Kirdtt, founded fay J. J.
RB. I HMjKJK^kl ed. by A. Hawk, Leipsio,

Hob Epi.tle to the Hebrews

Hebr Hebrew

•"*"**■ I Tiii.-ix.. Freiburg, 1883-93

Heiiobucfaer, Or- I M. HelmbuBher, Die Ordtn und Kongn-

dVn und Ron- J aaHemen iler iattalischan Kirdn. 2d ed.

gresaftensn. . . I 3 vols.. Paderbora. 1907

n.i„„. n_>_ t P- Helyot, HiiUn da ordraa mono*

™2**S^ 1 S*W relwi™ st mtfitai™, 8 vols..

HUMIinQIIH . . | p^ 171f.1B. Mwed., 1839-42
Heudemni. Dae- J E. F. Heudersou. Select Hieiurical Doeu-
i* o/ As At iddk ^om, London, 1892
■ry, Aubiin, "

ffi*«d..

Horn

Hoe.

Tarn...
It*!..

i/littoria .
1 History

ud A. C.

J Jahriat (Yahwiat)

J A Journal Ana&aue, Paris, 1822*.

A Standard Bible Dictionary, ed. M. W. Je-
J eobus. . . . B. E. Nouns, . . — ' ' "
Zones, New York and Lom
P. Jaffa, BMioOeta rerum

emm, 0 Tola., Berlin. 1864-73
P. Jail*. Regales ponHJleum r
' . . . od annuat 1109. Be
2d ed.. Leipsic. 1381-88

Jaffa, fit
JA0S..

tool;

Now Haven, 1849 sqq.
Journal of Biblical Literature and Eieoe-
sis. first appeared aa Journal at Hit
Society of Biblical lAteraturt and Bzo-
t», Middletown, 1882-88, than Bos-

Tlu imwith Kncitdojmdia. 13 Tola.. Now

York, 1901-08
Tha oouibiuod narrntlTe of the Jshvist

(Yahwist) and Elohiat

J Flavius Josephus, " Antiquitiaa c
Apion .Fluvius Joaephua. " Airainrt Apion '

Lift. _ .T.W* tlVknin InaBiKM

< .FkTiua

LifeolFlavf .._._

Josephus, War. . .Flavnu Joaephua, " The Jewish War

JPT ..
JQR.
JRAS

her far

ie, 1876

Leipsio, 1876 aoq.
The JevnA Quarterly Sning, London,

1888 ago.
Journal of tilt Royal Atiatic Society, Lon-
don, 1834 aqq.
,-.a I Journal of Theological Studies, London.

JTB J 1866 sqq.

Julian, IJym- LJ. Julian. A Dvlumary of Hymnatoay,

notoo, I rcvi-*d cdiiii.ii, Loudon, 1907

KAT SeeBohruder

Labba, Concilia

ed., by J. Hontenrbtber and f, Kaulen,

12 vols.. Freiburg, 1882-1903
G KrilRcr. Hillary of Early Christian

l.ilruil «!■<■ in (!,■■ F*r,l Thrte Ctnturiet.

Ntj-v York. 1897
K. Knimbacfapr.

lirtiiohcn Litteratur,

1897
P. Labt*.

a«

Lampntatmi

,-/^/i,,, 31 v

, Florence

"ssr'

. .Latin, Latinised

Lot

B8R ,.T^.'..
Lormia, DOQ ..

ITT

Laritioua

F. Li ah tm barnr, BucuAauttia dm act-
cm ntviaiuat, 13 nil.. Paria, 1877
1883

O. Lorena, DtuUeUands OmMcAtteud-
lan im AfisaUar, Sd ad,, Bariia, 1887

The Septuagint

II Haoo

Mai, Neva cot-

Mal

nHaooabaea

A, Mai, Scriftorum Nkrni «*• «!-
Iscfto, 10 Tob., Borne, 1836-88

u.„n p__ IE. C. Mann, Lwat a/ H« Pep— in A«
Mann, f-opaa ...< Elaiy JJJJ., iaM> Lonj,,^ 1002 „_

0. D. afanai, Sonttorum ometlio™-.
IfMiai, Concilia. -j eaOaans now, 81 Tola., Fkmooa and

•ubsertions ol Ihin work: Ant.. _4nfto»i-
toau. " AatiquitiM "■ AucL ant.. Auo-

■' ''naH
ChroniclM M: Dip,. Diplomats, " Di-
plomaa Documents "; Epiil.. Spit-
tola. ■' Letters "; OeM. jwnt Ban,
Gala ponliflcam Romanom-m. " Dead*
of the Popes ol Rome "; Lee.. Loom.
''Laws"; Lib. de lite. L&dli de lilt

Germany ";
Potto, Latini

% m\\\*i

Script., Bcrtploret. " Writer,

jecta "; Scrip

Carianamrji . .
Hlrtrt, Qumum.

. -. jm LarioobardtoD.. _ — _,

" WHtere on Lombard and Italian
gubjecu ''; Script, rcr. Menm.. Sorip-
torei rerum Afrrorinoicorum, " Writan
on Merovingian Subjeota "

Mi can

B. H. Milrnso, Hiitory of Latin CHria.
lianitu. Indudino thai af the Pap— m
. . . fcicAota. P.. 8 vols,, London,
1880-fll

I" Mill

i/nn ) J- P Migne. Patrolooin eurius cimvpUtuM,

MPQ i lerici Gr<rca. 162 voli, Paris. 1857^rT

Patralogin- curiu* amnlsta*.

vol*., 1723-61
| W*m tArxAiv^ oV floajO^Ao/( ftir oKtn

■lcL no d»to of publication

NaandeT(i (

A.r n~. t A. Neander, General Hietory of (a* Cnri*-
r5.iS^"'i Kan Saliaion and CkureK, i mh.. and
■ fc*»"*- ■ I uidex, Boston, 1873-81

■a.Mt-tR. P. Nlearon

I Vhitloirm dmm

Nlearon, Afamoiras p

York. 1908
F. Nippold. The _ _,

Century, New Yorl

Nippold, Pop**. 1 ^^^^ „„ l<l[t JM,

yjrw JW™ jtiroUieas ZeUechrift, Leiprio, 1890

Nownck, Archa-\

W^liownot laarfruA dor hebraiichtn
1 Arckdolona, 2 vola.. Freiburg. 1894
. tio piano of publication
I Tim Nicer* and PoX-rViom* Porta™, 1st
{ series, 14 vols,, New York. 1887-02: 2d
1 - -• i, 14 vols.. New York. 1890-1900

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

can \°tJSi«» *•"•** "cw"r - Bt'

OTjd.'.'.'.'y.'.'.'.'.'.'.Btt Smith

P Priestly document

(I- Pastor, Ti* ffutorv of (A* Poj>s. from
PuUf, Poms... J AiClM a/ Ms NM Aps*. 8 Tola.,

t London. 1801-1906
poj } Palrm ectUeice Ancdicana, ed. J. A. Oiles,

"" 1 84 Toto.. London, 183S-40

PET Piuestine Exploration Fund

1PM Firat Epistle o[ Peter

II FM BeoondTSjBrtleofPetffl

JB. Platina, Lias* o/ the Pont Ami . . .
QmmVtI. to . . . Pai5 /I, 2 Tola,
London, n.ii .
Pliny. If tit nat . - . Pliny, Miliaria natmvegkm

Fottbttt. Wag-) J* KJWS durcA dU sSiSr

"*" ) leer**. Berlin, 1890

tt.. .'""".' .*.'.* "Pwlma

""* 1 A rtAflofcm, London, 1880 sqq.

o.*.. qq.t. - -quod {qua) vidt. " which na ■

D..k. i„ J L. von Ranke, HUtaru of the Pope:
Rank*. Pones. . . ( 3 Ji ^d,,^ 1B00 »—

BD.W Gnu dr» dcur mtmda, Pahs. 1831 sqq.

SK 8m Hnuek-Henog

Reich. Docu- )E.B«wh.S<ii*IDociim*n(i/Hu«/ra.'.'ia.l/f

■will ~, ditrral and Modrrn Hillary, London, 1905

KEJ Rtvc dee Itudae juivm, Paris, 1880 «qq.

Rettners. JtD. 1 ^ , ¥()1« _ Qjit,;^ ts4(MS

Sot Book of Revelation

bud \ Revue dt I'hietoire dee relioione, Paris,

BHB 1 ISSOmq.

[ E, 0, Richardson, Alphabetic^ Subject In-
Richardson. En- J dec and Index Encyclopaedia to Period-

eydovwdia. . . j ical Articles on RHioion. 1S90-9S, New
I York, 1807
Rjchter, »M» J *" L- "Jchter /,''.rf..ri, js.

""' ' ed. by W. Kahl, Leipaie 1889

Robinson. Re- I E. Robinson. Biblical Raearchct in

mkU, and] Palestine, Bo.ton, 1841, and Lofer

Loler Re-] Biblical Reeeorchet in Palettinc, 3d ed.

tarcMet [ of the whole. 3 vols,, 1867

Robinaon. Euro- I .). II Kobinwn, AWiaos in European

run Hittoru 1 /lute™, 2 *ols- BnMnn. 1904-06
Hobuuoo and i J. H. Robinson, and C. A, Rennl. Iiri-,1,,,.-

Beerd. Modern-^ mml of Modern Europe. 2 vols., Boston.

Bnrope | 1907

Bom Epistle to the Romans

gj-p j Revue de tMotoaie el de phUoeophie,

R.V. Bmeed Version (of the English Bible)

I Bain....! I 8anii>3

II Bam II Samuel

•„. jthtnaeiberichU dec Berliner Akademie,

BttA 1 BsrGn. 1882 aqq.

iF. Max UOUer and other*, Th* Sacred
Boat* of th* Bo*. Oxford, 1879 aqq„
TOL llTUL, 1904 ^*

^ Sacred Booke of On Old Telawumi (" Rain-
bow Bible ''). Ldprio, London, and
Baltimore. 1894 aqq.
fl,h.ff m„-ji- ( P- Scbafl, Hiuom of Ac CkruHan Church,
Be^SLrm^utum\ yola.i.Hv.,Ti.,T7ixN«wYork,188»-S
t,*wt" ( toLv, 2 parts, by D. 8. ScharT, 1907-10

1ft_i, IP- Bchaff, TAa Crwdi o/ CAHalewloin,
CrmU- " ■ i 3 YOla.. New York, 1877-84 "™"™"*
IE. Bohrader, Cuneiform InecripHoni and
tt* Old Tettament, 2 Tola., London,
1880-88
u. w xr ) E. Schrader, Z>ir A'nlitucftrifton and da*

■T, JUl . ) .(,r< T„,nmrn,_ _, ,.,,]„ _ ,i, .,.],,;. ivn- ()3
iK. Srhrader, Kcilinechri/tliclu IS, '.,'(.. r.'i.l.
•■ ■ 1 « yola.. Berlin, 1886-1U01

[ R Schilrer, Geichichte da jilditchen

I VoHa Lin ZeilalUrJee^Chneli. 4tb ed.,

... | 3 vols.. Leipac, 1002iqq.; Eng. trnnnt., 6

[ vol... New York, 1891
. . , -Scriptoret. " writera "

I F. H. A, Scrivener. Introduction la Nev Tie-
.. t lament Criticitm. 4th ed., London, 1894

AM SerJentiu, " Sontenees "

S.J. Societae /an, " Society olJeaiii "

0iU ( 5Utawa«*ncJU* dar VfincAtfiar Aio-

1 d*aa!*, Munioh. 1800 eqq.
- ... a-i_^j_ t W. R. Smith, Kinthip and Marriott in
■■■* *•"****■ '1 Karlu Arabia. London, 1903

Smith. OTVC I w- R- Smith, Ta« Old Talament in (a*

""*'""'■■' Jaunan CAurcA, London. 1802

Smith Pnx4ai j W. R. Smilh. Prophet* of Iwraet ... to

omiu. i-ran»an.. ' ^ £^A(A c.nlin,. Latidon, 18»5

8mith. ReL oj.w. li. ,-..,.,,:,. u.l,„ ,/ th- *„;>;i.-:

Bern 1 London, 18B4

B P C E ' Society for the Promotion of Christian

\ Knowledge

B P O ) Society for the Propagation of the Ckupel

1 in Foreign Farta

«N and following

flam... ...... . ..5tromofo, " Miaeellaniea "

Sweie. "/i*od«o- ) H. B. Swet*, Jnrroduction to the Old Tet-

Mtm 1 tameni in Greek, London, 1900

Syr Byiiao

Thatolwrand (O. J. Thatcher and E. H. Ucrleal. A
aIeN«al,&nvaiJ Source Book fur Mcdiawat HiUoru.

Book I New York, 1905

IThean Kiui l'[,i-:l.. I., the I'tirMaloniann

IITbaai .*,..n-l l-.rn-.ik- t.. ihc ThcMalonianB

nr ( TheUooirrhc TiiJtchrifr, Aim-lcrdam and

'"' ' l,.'i-,!™, 1-liT >.(■!-

L. B. le Nain de TiUetnont. Afrmciret
, . . ecdiruutiouea dee eix premiere
, eieciee. IB vol*.. Paris, 1093-1712

I Tim .Fir*t Epistlp la Timothy

II Tim Second E pi jlle to Timothy

iThcoioffiecher JaAretbrricAt. Leipaic, 1S82-
IhST, l-t,-,l,iLi,;. 1"-. HrunswKk. IW'J-
1897, Berhn, 1898 auq,

Tob Tohit

TQ I l'«aot«0urA« Qvartaleohrift, TObinaen.

..,, J J. A. Robinaon, Text* and Studiee,

ram I Tmneactiont at the Society of Biblical

I*UM 1 A rchaolooo, London, 1872 aqq.

..» ! Ttuealooitehe Studim und Kritikm, Ham-

TMl , bun. 1820 aqq.

f Text* and Unln-tucAunam nr OteehieUt
,,„ J dar nUtAriUficAen UUerahir, ed. O. von

'" I Oabhardt and A. Harnaok, Leipaie,

I 1882 aqq.
UgoHni, Dbaaaw-IB. Ugolinus. 1

V. T.. '.'.'.'.'.'.'.. ...VetmtTmmoaMtletmi

Testament"
nr..>_h..h 1W, Wattenbach.

Sm^ l !""«"■ Sth ed.. a vols., Benin. i»s;

"^ I 8th ed„ 1893-94; 7th ad.. 1904 aqq,

I. WaUhauaao. Reete arnbiecJun Hevien-

tume, Berlin, 1887
J. Walltiauaen, ProJaffMMM aur OtechicXU
/anal, 8th ed.. Berlin, 1906, Eng.
tranal.. Edinburgh, 1886

" )',iK&^1l«lfc ■**

(T. Zahn. Sintoituno in dot Ntue Tetta,
mant, 3d ad., Loineie, 1907; Eng. banal.,
/afrtHfaolian lo Ms New TetUtmenl. 3
vols.. Edinburgh, 1909
IT. Zahn. OemtkiehU del nmtosroawni-
Zahn, Konon., . ] IvAan Kanone, 2 vols.. Leipain, 1888-92
IZsirseAri/l fur die vJUeetamntliche Wit-
ZATW 1 —nechafl, Qieaseu. 1881 sqq.

*uifc 1 adULilarana-, Berlin, 1870 aqq.

I ZeilKhrift dor dluUchon morgenlOndilchen

ZDMQ 1 OaasUscWI. Leipsio, 1847 aqq.

ZDP j Zeitechrift fur deulecjie Phitologii, Halle,

ZDPT \eWSSt dea dcuracBcn Polonino-Vsr-

I dm, Ltipsic. 1878 aqq.

East) .Zechnriah

Zeph .Zvphaniah

IZntorArift (Or die hiilorieche Theolooii.
ZBT. , -i published auceesaively at Lejpaio,

t llamhurE. and Gotha. 1832-75
9vq } Zeitechrift fiir Kirchenaeethichte, Gotha,

7Kb i Zeilxhrijl far Kirchenrecht, Berlin, To-

aJl" 1 binaen, FraibutB, 1861 aqq.

7rT jZeitechnlt f<,r :.!i). .:;.-. .'.. ihroloaie. Inns-

ZKT- 1 bSok7l877aqq. " '

vBva j Zeitech-,f' (-■>■ ".■:■.-'■'-?.. '.l -'f/rntchajt und

**" I k,rrhh.h- I.,w,k Lcip-if. 1880-89

TMTW ' Ztit'rlirift fur ,li, nruttitamtnttiehe Wie-

™* w 1 teneehaft. Giessea, 1900 sqq.

,,PK tZnfschri.i'f hir rr,.t,-*l„„t;imueundKirche.

*™ I Erlanifan. 1838-70

IZeiUchnll fur uis,rr,*rhaftiitrhr Theotsaie,
ZWT < Jena. 1858-00. Halle, I8B1-07, Leipaie.

I 1808 aqq.

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION

The following system of transliteration has been used for Hebrew

K = ' or omitted at the

T = z

beginning

of a

word.

n = fc

3 = b

B = t

2 = bh or b

* = y

a = g

3 = k

J = gh or g

3 = kh or k

^l = d

*=i

T = dh or d

D = m

n = h

J = n

1 = w

D = s

1>:

B
V =

ph or p

8
:8h
t

thor t

The vowels are transcribed by a, e, i, o, u, without attempt to indicate quantity or quality. Arabic
and other Semitic languages are transliterated according to the same system as Hebrew. Greek is
written with Roman characters, the common equivalents being used.

KEY TO PRONUNCIATION

When the pronunciation is self-evident the titles are not res pel led ; when by mere division and accen-
tuation it can be shown sufficiently clearly the titles have been divided iuto syllables, and the accented
syllables indicated.

as in

sofa

arm

fare

pen1

fate

•

««

tin

machine

obey

0
U

a
u
t>

tt tt

tt a

a tt

tt tt

tt it

nor

full"

rule

but

burn

pine

out

ofl

few

iu as in duration

c = k " " cat

ch " " ctoirch

cw = qu as in queen.

dh (th) " " the

f " " /ancy

g (hard) " « go

h " « loch (Scotch)

hw (wh) " " why

j " ";aw

1 In accented syllables only ; In unaccented syllables It approximates the sound of e In over. The letter n, with a dot
beneath It, Indicates the sound of n as in Ink. Nasal n (as in French words) Is rendered n.
t in German and French names tt approximates the sound of u in dune.

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE

PETRI, LARS, and OLAV (OLAUS). See

Sweden.

PETRI, LUDWIG ADOLF: German Lutheran;
b. at Luethorst (a village of Hanover) Nov. 16,
1803; d. at Hanover Jan. 8, 1873. He was edu-
cated at the University of Gottingen (1824-27) and,
after being a private tutor for some time, became,
in 1829, " collaborator " at the Kreuzkirche in
Hanover, where he was assistant pastor from 1837
until 1851, and senior pastor from 1851 until his
death. During the years 1830-37 his convictions
gradually changed from rationalistic to orthodox.
His power as a preacher was especially shown by
his Licht des Lebens (Hanover, 1858) and Salz der
Erde (1864). For the improvement of the liturgy of
his communion he wrote Bedurfnisse und WUnsche
der protestantischen Kirche im Vaterland (Hanover,
1832); and still more important service was
rendered by his edition of the Agende der hannover-
schen Kirchenordnungen (1852). In behalf of re-
ligious instruction he wrote his Lehrbuch der Re-
ligion fiir die obcren Klassen protestantischer Schulen
(Hanover, 1839; 9th ed., 1888), and later collabo-
rated on the ill-fated new catechism of 1862. He
likewise conducted for many years the theological
courses in the seminary for preachers at Hanover,
and in 1837 founded in the same city an association
for theological candidates, over which he presided
until 1848. In 1845^17 he edited, together with
Eduard Niemann, the periodical Segen der evangeli-
scken Kirche, and in 1848-55 was editor of the Zeit-
blatt far die Angelegenheiten der lutherischen Kirche.
In 1842 he founded an annual conference of the
Hanoverian Lutheran clergy; and in 1853, together
with General Superintendent Steinmetz and August
Friedrich Otto Munchmeyer (q.v.), he established
the well-known " Lutheran Poor-box " (see Gor-

TE8KASTEN, LuTHERISCHER).

At the same time, Petri was firmly opposed
to any amalgamation of the Lutheran and Re-
formed Churches, and was thus led to assume an
unfavorable position even toward the Inner Mis-
sion (q.v.).

In 1834 he helped to found the Hanoverian mis-
sionary society, of which he was first secretary and
then president, while he materially aided the cause of
foreign missions by his Die Mission und die Kirche
(Hanover, 1841). His opposition to all movements
in favor of a union of Lutherans and Reformed
IX.— 1

found renewed expression in his Beleuchtung der

Gdttinger Denkschrift zur Wahrung der evangelischen

Lehrfreiheit (Hanover, 1854), an attack on the

unionistic sympathies of the theological faculty of

Gottingen. After this, Petri withdrew more and

more from public life; and the only noteworthy

work which he subsequently wrote was Der

Glaube in kurzen Betrachlungen (4th ed., Hanover,

1875).

Bibliography: E. Petri, L. A. Petri, ein Ltberubild, 2 vote.,
Hanover, 1888-06; J. Freytag, Zu PetrU Qed&chtni*, ib.
1873.

PETRIE, WILLIAM MATTHEW FLINDERS:
English Egyptologist; b. in London June 3, 1853.
He was educated privately, and in 1875-80 was
engaged in surveying early British remains. Since
1880 he has carried on excavations of the utmost
importance in Egypt, while since 1892 he has been
professor of Egyptology in University College,
London, and also in London University since 1907.
In 1894 he founded the Egyptian Research Account
(q.v.), which became the British School of Archeol-
ogy in Egypt in 1905, of which he is honorary di-
rector; he is likewise on the committee of the
Palestine Exploration Fund and the Royal Anthro-
pological Institute. Among his works special men-
tion may be made of the following: Stonchenge
(London, 1880); Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh
(1883); Tanis (2 parts, 1885-87); Naukraiis (1886);
A Season in Egypt (1888); Racial Portraits (1888);
Historical Scarabs (1889); Hawara, Biahmu, and
Arsinoe (1889); Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara (1890);
IUahun, Kahun, and Gurob (1891); Tell el Hesy
(1891); Medum (1892); Ten Years' Digging in
Egypt (1893); Student's History of Egypt (3 parts,
1894-1905); Tell el Amarna (1895); Egyptian
Tales (1895); Decorative Art in Egypt (1895);
Naqada and BaUas (1896); Koptos (1896); Six
Temples at Thebes (1897); Deshasheh (1897); Re-
ligion and Conscience in Egypt (1898); Syria and
Egypt (2 vols., 1898); Dendereh (1900); Royal Tombs
of the First Dynasty (1900); Diospolis Parva (1901);
Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties (1901); Aby-
dos (2 parts, 1902-03); Ehnasya (1904); Methods
and Aims in Archeology (1904); Researches in Sinai
(1906); Hyksos and Israelite Cities (1906); Religion
of Ancient Egypt (1906); Janus in Modern Life
(1907); The Arts and Crafts of Ancient Egypt
(VJ09); and Personal Religion in Egypt before
Christianity (1910).

Petrikau

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

PETRIKAU, pe"tri-kau', SYNODS OP: Four
Polish synods held at Petrikau (75 m. s.w. of War-
saw), Russian Poland, in 1551, 1555, 1562, and
1565. The Reformation early found welcome in
Poland, especially in Posen and Cracow; and the
first Protestant teachers were exclusively Lutheran.
Calvinism was introduced during the reign of Sigis-
mund August II. (1548-72), who stood in close re-
lations to Calvin, and at the same time the Bohe-
mian Brethren expelled from their own country
took refuge in large numbers in Great Poland, es-
pecially in Posen. At the Synod of Kozminek in
1555 they united with the Calvinists, though the
Roman Catholics, under the leadership of Stanis-
laus Hosius, bishop of Culm and Ermeland, did all
in their power to obstruct the extension of the
Protestant movement.

At the first Synod of Petrikau in 1551, a Roman
Catholic confession of faith was drawn up, ex-
pressly intended to answer the principles of the
Augsburg Confession, and severe measures were
taken against converts to the new teachings. The
king and .the nobility, however, strongly favored
the Protestant party, and the former added his
voice to the demand made by the second Synod
of Petrikau (1555) that a national council be
convened to settle the religious controversies. Sigis-
mund also sent representatives to the pope, re-
quiring the administration of the chalice, the cele-
bration of mass in the vernacular, the abolition of
clerical celibacy, and the abandonment of annates.
The pope, however, refused to accede to these de-
mands, and sent a nuncio, Bishop Lipomani of
Verona, to Poland to repress the Protestant move-
ment. He entirely failed, but the success of the
Polish reformers was rendered impossible by their
own divisions, as became clear, at the third synod,
held at Petrikau in 1562. There were constant dif-
ficulties between the Lutheran and Reformed par-
ties, and the situation was made still more compli-
cated by the appearance of a Polish antitrinitarian
movement. All attempts to secure harmony failed,
and the antitrinitarians were formally excluded
from fellowship with Protestants at the fourth
synod of Petrikau, held in 1565, though neither this
nor a royal command banishing all Italian antitrini-
tarians (1654) was carried out.

In the same year, at a diet convened at Petrikau,
the antitrinitarian leaders secured the holding of a
disputation with their opponents, though the Lu-
therans held aloof, and only the Reformed and the
Bohemian Brethren accepted. At this disputation
Gregor Pauli, a Cracow preacher and the leader of
the antitrinitarians, alleged the impossibility of
reconciling the Catholic creeds concerning the Per-
sons of the Trinity with the teaching of the Scrip-
tures; while the trinitarians insisted on the his-
toric agreement between the Scriptures and the
teaching of the whole Church. After fourteen days
of debate the two parties were farther apart than
ever. The antitrinitarian representatives, more-
over, disagreed among themselves, some denying
the preexistence of Christ and the personality of
the Holy Spirit, others accepting the preexistence
of Christ and the reality of the Holy Spirit, and
yet others assuming three Persons in the Trinity,

but ascribing different values to them. The final
outcome of the matter was the exclusion of the anti-
trinitarians from the Reformed Church, so that
henceforth they constituted a separate communion.

(David Erdmannj-.)

Bibliography: Besides the literature under Poland,
Christianitt in, and the works of Dal ton and Kruake
named under Lasoo, Johannm a, consult: A. Regen-
volscius (A. Wengieraki), Syatema hittorico-chronolofficum
eeeleeiarum Slavonicarum, pp. 180 sqq., Utrecht, 1652;
8. Lubenski, Hietoria reformations Polonica, pp. 144 sqq.,
201 sqq., Freistadt, 1685; E. Borgius, Aua Posen* und
Potent kirchlicher Vergongenheit, pp. 14 sqq., Berlin, 1898;
and Q. Krause, Die Reformation und Oegenreformation in
Polen, Posen, 1901.

PETROBRUSSIANS. See Pbtsb of Bbuyb.
PETRUS MONGUS. See Monophysites, §§ 5 sqq.

PEUCER, pei'tser, CASPAR: Leader of the
crypto-Calvinists (see Philippists) in the elector-
ate of Saxony; b. at Bautzen (31 m. e.n.e. of Dres-
den) Jan. 6, 1525; d. at Dessau (67 m. s.w. of
Berlin) Sept. 2, 1602. He was educated at the Uni-
versity of Wittenberg, which he entered in 1540,
and where he became professor of mathematics in
1554 and of medicine in 1560. Throughout the life
of Melanchthon, whose son-in-law he was, he was
his friend, counselor, physician, and companion,
while after the Reformer's death he edited his col-
lected works (Wittenberg, 1562-64), two books of
his E pistol as (1570), the third and fourth volumes of
his Selectee declamationes (Strasburg, 1557-58), etc.
He likewise completed Melanchthon's revision of
the Ckronicon Carionis, which had extended only to
Charlemagne, by two books bringing it down to the
Leipsic disputation (2 parts, Wittenberg, 1562-65);
while among his independent writings mention may
'be made of his De dimensione terroe (Wittenberg,
1550) and De prcscipuis divinationum generibus
(1553).

Peucer was a favorite at the Dresden court, where
he was appointed physician in 1570, though still re-
taining his Wittenberg professorship. At his in-
stance Melanchthon's Corpus doctrine? was officially
introduced in 1564, thus marking the rise of Philip-
pism; and vacancies in the university were filled with
strict followers of Melanchthon. In 1571 he col-
laborated in a school abridgment of the Corpus
doctrines which sharply denied Luther's teaching
of Ubiquity (q.v.), and with the death of Paul
Eber (q.v.) in 1569 approximation to Calvinism
became still easier. At the same time, the strict
Lutheran party continued to have much influence
at court because their side was taken by the elec-
tor's wife, a Danish princess. Considerations of
foreign policy, however, finally induced the elector
to dismiss his favorite physician, especially as he
was accused, though wrongly, of having a part in a
Calvinistic exposition of the faith, Exegesis perspi-
cua, published by Joachim Cureus in 1574. Peucer's
correspondence was searched, and evidence was
found which was construed as expressing his inten-
tion to try to introduce the Calvinistic theory of
the Lord's Supper into the Saxon Church. He ac-
knowledged his fault when tried before the Saxon
diet at Torgau, and was directed to restrict his in-
terest to medicine. But the Elector August was

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Petrikau

not contented and had Peucer, whom he suspected
of working to introduce the rival ducal house
into Saxony, taken to Rochlitz. In 1576 Peucer
was imprisoned in the Pleissenburg in Leipeic,
where he suffered much hardship, but determinedly
resisted all attempts to convert him, refusing to
make any concessions contrary to Calvinism. Final-
ly, when the Danish princess died, and the elector
married a second time (Jan. 3, 1586), his father-in-
law, Prince Joachim Ernest of Anhalt successfully
pleaded for Peucer's release. This took place on
Feb. 8, 1586, a few days before the death of August.
Peucer now went to Dessau, where he was ap-
pointed physician in ordinary and councilor to the
prince. The remaining years of his life were peace-
ful, spent partly in Dessau, partly in Cassel and the
Palatinate, and partly in travels, and he was hon-
ored by all. To the last he adhered to Melanch-
thon's theology, and he was likewise busy with his
pen. During his imprisonment he began his Hie-
toria carcerum et liberationis divines (ed. after the
author's death by Christoph Pezel, Zurich, 1605);
and he also wrote in prison his Tradable hietoricue
de PkUippi Mdanchthonis senieniia de controversia
coena Domini (Amberg, 1596), as well as a poetical
Idyllium, patria seu historic! Lueatice superiors
(Bautien, 1594). (G. Kawerau.)

Bibuoo&apht: For Peucer's letters consult CR, vols. vii.
and ix.; J. Voigt, Briefwechsel der berOhmtesten OeUhrten,
pp. 497 sqq., Kdnifsberg, 1841 ; and Zeitschrift fur preussi-
sche Oeschiehte, xiv (1877), 00 sqq., 145 sqq. Early sources
are the funeral sermon by J. Brendel, Zerbst, 1603; a
memorial oration by S. Stenius, ib. 1003; and A. van de
Corput, Het Leven ende Dood van ... P. Metanchton
. . . Mitsgaders de . . . gevangenisse van . . . Cat/par
Peucerus, Amsterdam, 1662. Biographies or sketches are
by: J. C. Leupold, Budissin, 1745; H. C. A. Eichstadt,
Jena, 1841; E. A. H. Heimburg, Jena, 1842; F. Coch,
Marburg, 1850; E. L. T. Henke, Marburg, 1865. Con-
sult further: R. Calinich, Kampf und Untergang des
Melanchthonismus in Kursachsen, Leipsic, 1866; J. W.
Richard, Philip Mdanchton, New York, 1898; J. Janssen,
Hist, of the German People, vols, vii.-viii., St. Louis, 1905;
N. MQller, Melanchthons letzte Lebenstage, 1910; Ersch
and Gruber, Encyktopadie, III., xix. 435-460; ADB, xzv.
552 sqq.; and the literature under Phujppxstb.

PEW: Ecclesiastically, an enclosed seat in a
church (not, in the modern sense, an open bench).
Hie term (Old Fr. put, puy, puye, poi, peu, " an
elevated place," " seat "; Lat. podium, " balcony ")
in early English use meant a more or less elevated
enclosure for business in a public place; this use
was probably prior to its employment as the name
for an enclosed seat for worshipers in a church.
Indeed, the pew might be even a box in a theater.
The pew is not, then, an original or primitive part
of the church edifice, the floor of the structure be-
ing in early times open and unobstructed, though
in the chancel there came to be seats for the clergy
and choir. This tradition is continued in modern
times in Roman and Greek cathedrals in Europe,
which are usually without pews, portable benches
or chairs being furnished instead. In early times
the attitude of worshipers was standing (or kneel-
ing), and the provision of stools or benches prob-
ably does not date back of the fourteenth century,
though some English churches had stone benches
along the walls and around pillars.

The earliest known examples of regular benching

is probably that of the church at Soest (34 m. s.e.
of Munster, Westphalia) in the early fifteenth cen-
tury. The church at Swaffham (25 m. w. of Nor-
wich), England, was in 1454 provided with pews by
private benefaction, and this was almost certainly
not the first instance in England. The records of
St. Michael's, Cornhill, London, prove the existence
of pews in that church in 1457, the doors of some
of which, at least, had locks, a fact which implies
private ownership. It seems certain, however, that
at first only parts of the edifice were provided with
pews. The shape of these does not seem to have
been uniform. While the oblong pew was naturally
the most common, the seat facing the altar, other
pews were square with the seats placed around
three or all four sides, leaving space only for the
door. These latter were often private, appropri-
ated to the use of the lord of the manor or to a
family an early member of which had in some way
acquired a perpetual interest. In England the right
to occupy a certain pew sometimes goes with the
occupancy of a certain house in the parish. The
acquisition of property-right in a pew is not confined
to England; in quite a number of churches in the
United States pews are held by families and may
figure as property in valuation of assets. But the
tendency is decidedly against this exclusive right,
and where such cases exist, the policy of the church
is usually to redeem the pew from private owner-
ship.

It is not certain at what period pews were made
a means of income to the parish. In St. Margaret's,
Westminster, the records show payment of pew
rents as early as the first part of the sixteenth cen-
tury. The law of England gives to every parish-
ioner a right to a sitting in the parish church if it
was built before 1818, and this right is enforceable
by civil procedure. In the United States custom
varies greatly. Almost general is the practise of
using the pews as a means of raising revenue for
church purposes. In a considerable number of
churches the pew rents provide the principal means
of income, pews being rented by the year. In a
large number of churches, however, the feeling
exists that this is a limitation upon the " freedom
of the Gospel," and the sittings are all free, the in-
come being derived from collections or pledges of
free-will offerings.

Bibliography: J. M. Beale, Hist, of Pew; Cambridge, 1841;
J. G. Fowler, Church Pews, their Origin and Legal Inci-
dents, London, 1844; G. H. H. Oliphant, The Law of Pew
in Churches and Chapels, ib. 1850; A. Heales, Hist, and
Law of Church Seats or Pews, 2 vols., ib. 1872.

PEZEL, pe'tsel, CHRISTOPH: German crypto-
Calvinist; b. at Plauen (61 m. s.w. of Leipsic) Mar.
5, 1539; d. at Bremen Feb. 25, 1604. He was edu-
cated at the universities of Jena and Wittenberg,
his studies at the latter institution being interrupted
by his teaching for several years. In 1557 he was
appointed professor in the philosophical faculty
and in 1569 was ordained preacher at the Schloss-
kirche in Wittenberg. In the same year he entered
the theological faculty, where he soon became in-
volved in the disputes between the followers of Me-
lanchthon and Luther, writing the Apologia verm
doctrines de definitione Evangdii (Wittenberg, 1571)

Pfcnder

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

and being the chief author of the Wittenberg cate-
chism of 1571. He soon took a leading position as
a zealous Philippist, but in 1574 he and his col-
leagues were summoned to Torgau and required to
give up the Calvinistic theory of the Lord's Sup-
per. As they refused to subscribe to the articles
presented to them, they were placed under surveil-
lance in their own houses and forbidden to discuss
or to print anything on the questions in dispute.
They were afterward deposed from their professor-
ships, and in 1576 were banished. Pezel, who had
hitherto been at Zeitz, now went to Eger; but in
1577, like his fellow exiles, received a position from
Count John of Nassau, first at the school in Siegen
and later at Dillingen.

Pezel then definitely accepted Calvinism, and the
Church in Dillenburg was united to the Calvinistic
body. In 1578 he became pastor at Herborn, and
in 1580 was permitted by Count John to go for a
few weeks to Bremen to try to reconcile the Church
difficulties between the Calvinists and Lutherans.
His task was difficult, however, since the Lutheran
Jodocus Glana?us refused to meet him in open de-
bate. The civil authorities, construing this as con-
tumacy, deposed Glanseus, and Pezel preached in
his place. He soon returned to Nassau, but in 1581
was permanently appointed the successor of Gla-
nseus at Bremen, where, four years later, he was
made superintendent of the churches and schools.
At the same time he became pastor of the Lieb-
frauenkirche, though he also retained his pastorate
at the Ansgariikirche till 1598. He took an active
part in improving and extending the work at the
Bremen gymnasium, where he was professor of the-
ology, moral philosophy, and history, being also the
leader in all the theological controversies in which
the Bremen church became involved. Pezel did
away with Luther's Catechism, substituting for it
his own Bremen catechism, which remained in force
until the eighteenth century, removed images and
pictures from the churches, formed a ministerium
which united the clergy, and, by his Consensus min-
isterii Bremensis ecclesiw of 1595, prepared the way
for the complete acceptance of Calvinistic doctrine.

Pezel was the editor of many theological writings,
of which the most important were the Loci theo-
logici of his teacher, Victorinus Strigel (4 parts,
Neustadt, 1581-84); Philip Melanchthon's Con-
sUia (1600); and Caspar Peucer's Historia carcerum
et liberationi8 divinm (Zurich, 1605); while among
his independent works special mention may be
made of the following: Argumenta et objectiones de
pracipuis articulis doctrince Christiana (Neustadt,
1580-89); Libellus precationum (1585); and Mel-
lificium historicum, complectens historiam trium
monarchiarum, Chaldaicce, Persicce, Graces (1592).
He is particularly interesting as showing the evolu-
tion from Melanchthon's attitude toward predes-
tination to the complete determinism of the Cal-
vinistic concept of the dogma. (G. Kawerau.)

Bibliography: Autobiographic material is contained in
Peacl's Widerholie warhaffte . . . Erzehlung, Bremen,
1582, in WiUenberger Ordiniertenbuch, ii (1895), 117.
Consult: J. H. Steubing, Nassauische Kirchen- und Rc-
formatumgeschichte, Hadamar, 1804; ZHT, 1866, pp. 382
sqq., 1873, 179 sqq.; Iken, in Bremiachea Johrbuch, ix
(1877), 1 sqq., x (1878), 34 sqq.; E. Jacobs, Juliana von

Stotberg, pp. 286 sqq., Wernigerode, 1889; W. von Bip-
pen, QeschichU der Stadt Bremen, ii. 199, Bremen, 1898;
Erach and G ruber, Encyklop&die, III., zx. 63 sqq.; ADB,
xxv. 575 sqq.

PFAFF, pfof, CHRISTOPH MATTHAEUS: Ger-
man Lutheran; b. at Stuttgart Dec. 24, 1686; d.
at Giessen Nov. 19, 1760. He was educated at the
University of Tubingen (1699-1702), and became
lecturer in 1705, but in the following year, at the
command of the duke of Wurttemberg, traveled
extensively in Germany, Denmark, Holland, and
England, with special attention to the study of
Semitic languages. Almost immediately on his re-
turn he was directed to proceed to Italy with the
heir apparent, with whom he spent three years in
Turin. Here, as elsewhere, he was unwearied in
searching through libraries, and was rewarded by
the discovery of many fragments hitherto unknown,
as of sermons of Chrysostom and portions of Hippo-
lytus. In this way he also found the epitome of the
" Institutes " of Lactantius, which he edited at
Paris in 1712; and he aroused wide interest by the
alleged discovery of four fragments of Ignatius
which he published, with voluminous dissertations,
at The Hague in 1715. Over these fragments an
animated controversy was long waged. It is now
generally held that they are not to be ascribed to
Ignatius; though the question remains whether
they were a forgery of Pfaff 's, or whether they were
cut out of some Turin catena manuscript. Both
contingencies were possible in the case of Pfaff,
who is known to have mutilated a Turin manuscript
of Hippolytus, and to have forged a document to
establish the claim of the house of Savoy to the
titular kingdom of Cyprus.

In 1712 Pfaff returned to Germany and remained
a year at Stuttgart, after which he visited Holland
and France with the heir apparent, returning per-
manently to Germany in 1716. Despite his youth,
Pfaff was then appointed professor of theology at
Tubingen, where he rose steadily, becoming chan-
cellor of the university at the age of thirty-four,
and retaining this dignity for thirty-six years. He
was a man of great versatility and of encyclopedic
learning, and at the same time was indefatigable as
an author. He wrote a large number of disserta-
tions, of which the De originibus juris ecclesiastici
ejusdem indole (Tubingen, 1719) marked the begin-
ning of a new epoch in its field, for in it, and in the
Akademische Reden fiber das sowohl aUgemeine als
auch teutsche protestantische Kirchenrecht (1742),
he for the first time carried to its logical results the
doctrine of Collegialism (q.v.). In the sphere of
theology he wrote Constitutiones theologian dogmat-
ics et moralis (Tubingen, 1719); Introductio in his-
toriam theologian liierariam (1720); Institutiones his-
torian ecclesiastical (1721); and Nota exegetica* in
evangelium Matthasi (1721); while his pietistic sym-
pathies found expression in such works as his Kurt-
zer Abris8 vom wahren Christentum (Tubingen, 1720)
and Hertzens-Katechismus (1720), and his general
Biblical scholarship was evinced by his collabora-
tion with Johann Christian Klemm in the prepara-
tion of the " Tubingen Bible " of 1730 (see Bibles,
Annotated, I., § 1).

Pfaff was chiefly active, however, in endeavor-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Fezel
Pfander

ing to unite the Protestant churches, and to this
end he composed a long series of monographs which
were collected in German translation under the
title of GesammeUe Sckrifften, so zur Vereinigung der
Protestierenden abzielen (Halle, 1723). Here again
he was no innovator, and though his proposals at-
tracted wide attention, Lutheran opposition ren-
dered them fruitless.

Henceforth Pfaff frittered away his energies, pro-
ducing work more remarkable for quantity than
quality, and plunging into countless trivial literary
controversies. He lost his popularity and influence
in the university, forfeited the interest of the stu-
dents, and in 1756 resigned from the chancellor-
ship. His departure from Tubingen was unmourned,
but his intention of spending the remainder of his
life in retirement at Frankfort was frustrated by a
call to Giessen, where he became chancellor, super-
intendent, and director of the theological faculty.
Here he remained until his death, four years later,
though here, too, the faults which dimmed his great
talents gained him general enmity.

(ErWIN PREU8CHEN.)

Bibliography: The short Vita in GesammeUe Schrifften, ut
sup., iL 1-9, was used by C. P. Leporin for his Verbeaaerte
Nachricht von ...CM. Pfaff ens Liken, Leipsic, 1726,
and this in turn was the basis of the account in Zedler's
UniveraaUexicon, xxvii. 1198, ib. 1741 and other narratives
in biographical works. Consult F. W. Strieder, Hes-
iiche GeUhriengeachichte, x. 322 sqq., 21 vols., Gdttingen,
1781-1868; A. F. Busching, Beytrage tu der Lebenage-
schiehte denkwurdiger Peraonen, iii. 170-171. 287-288, 6
parts, Halle, 1783-89; J. M. H. Doring, Gelehrte Theologen
im 18. Johrhundert, iii. 249 sqq., 4 vols., Neustadt, 1831-
1835; W. Gass, Oeachichte der proteatantiachen Dogmatik,
iii. 74 sqq., 4 vols., Berlin, 1854-57; C. Weizs&cker, Lehrer
and Unterricht von dem evangeliachen Fakultat, pp. 97 sqq.,
in Tubinger Festschrift, 1877; A. Ritschl, Oeachichte dee
Pietismua, iii. 42 sqq., Bonn, 1886; Ersch and Gruber,
Encyklopddie, III., xx. 101 sqq.; ADB, xxv. 587 sqq.

PFAFFENBRIEF, pfOPen-brif': A compact,
dated Oct. 7, 1370, whereby the cantons of Zurich,
Lucerne, Zug, Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden united
to oppose foreign spiritual and secular jurisdiction
and to preserve national peace. The immediate
cause of the compact was the attack upon and im-
prisonment of Peter of Gundoldingen, head of
Zurich's ally, Lucerne, and his party by Bruno
Brun, provost of the cathedral of Zurich (Sept. 13,
1370). The aggressor, an adherent of the Austrian
party, refused to recognize the jurisdiction of a
secular court, and was accordingly banished, while
his prisoner was released. Such, however, was the
fear that Brun might appeal to foreign, imperial,
or ecclesiastical courts that, to avoid any such con-
tingency in future, the Pfaffenbrief was drawn up.
This document merely emphasized and guaranteed
existing rights. It laid down two principles: all
cases within the confederation, except matrimonial
and ecclesiastical, must be tried before the local
judge, who had jurisdiction even over aliens (thus
ignoring both the imperial courts and foreign spir-
itual courts); it contained resolutions relating to
the public peace, and forbade waging wars without
the consent of the government. At the same time,
ecclesiastical jurisdiction was not annulled, and
cases in which one of the clergy was defendant were
usually tried in the episcopal courts. By requiring
the oath of allegiance from the clergy, moreover,

the Pfaffenbrief indirectly tended to subordinate
the clergy to the State in matters applying equally
to clergy and laity. By thus delimiting, in an im-
portant sphere of law, what appertained to the
State and what to the Church, and by favoring the
claims of the former rather than of the latter, the
Pfaffenbrief marked the first real and successful
Swiss attempt to restrict by means of the secular
law the unlimited extension of ecclesiastical power.

(F. Fleiner.)

Bibliography: A. P. von Segesser, Rechtageachichte der
Stodt . . . Lutern, vols, i.-ii., passim, Lucerne, 1850-58;
J. C. Bluntschli, Stoats- und Rechtageachichte . . . Zurich,
i. 385 sqq., Zurich, 1838; idem, Oeachichte dea achweizeri-
achen Bundearechta, i. 122 sqq., Stuttgart, 1875; T. von
Leibenau, in Anteiger fur achweizeriache Oeachichte, 1882,
p. 60; W. Oechsli, in Politiachea Johrbuch der achweix.
Bidgenoaaenachaft, v (1890), 359-365; idem, QueUenbuch
der Schweizergeschichte, Zurich, 1901; J. Dierauer, Oe-
achichte der achweix. Eidgenoaaenachafl, i. 282 sqq., Gotha,
1887; K. D&ndliker, Oeachichte der Schweiz, i. 545 sqq.,
632 sqq., Zurich, 1900; J. Hurbin, Handbuch der Schwei-
zergeschichte, i. 197, Stans, 1900; Die Bundeabriefe der
alien Eidgenossen, 1291-1613, Zurich, 1904.

PFANDER, pfOn'der, KARL GOTTLIEB: Mis-
sionary to the Mohammedans; b. at Waiblingen
(7 m. n.e. of Stuttgart), Germany, Nov. 3, 1803; d.
at Richmond (8 m. w.s.w. of London) Dec. 1, 1865.
His father was a baker, who, perceiving his aptitude
for study and sharing his ambitions, sent him first
to the Latin school in the town, then to Kornthal
(q.v.), and finally to the missionary institute at
Basel, where he studied from 1820 to 1825. He
was a remarkable linguist and of indefatigable
energy, and spent his life in the effort to convert
Mohammedans. From 1825 to 1829 he labored in
Shusha, in Transcaucasia, and neighboring lands;
from 1829 to 1831 he was with Anthony Norris
Groves (q.v.) in Bagdad; from Mar. to Sept., 1831,
in Persia, but then returned to Shusha. In 1835
the Russian government forbade all missionary op-
erations except those of the Greek Church; conse-
quently he had to leave Shusha. He went first
to Constantinople, in 1836 was back in Shusha, but
in 1837 started for India by way of Persia and ar-
rived in Calcutta Oct. 1, 1838. As it seemed most
promising to work henceforth under English aus-
pices he, with the full consent of the Basel Society,
became a missionary of the Church Missionary So-
ciety, Feb. 12, 1840. He was in Agra from 1841
to 1855, in Peshawar from 1855 to 1857, and in
Constantinople from 1858 to 1865. His death oc-
curred while on his furlough.

He married first Sophia Reuss, a German, in Mos-
cow, July 11, 1834, who died in childbed in Shusha,
May 12, 1835; second, Emily Swinburne, an Eng-
lishwoman, in Calcutta, Jan. 19, 1841, who bore him
three boys and three girls, and survived him fifteen
years. He wrote few books, and most of them in
oriental languages. One that is in English was his
Remarks on the Nature of Muhammedanism, Cal-
cutta, 1840. But one of his books is a missionary
classic. He drafted it in German in May, 1829,
while in Shusha, then he expanded and perfected
it. It bears in German the title Mizan id Hakk
oder die Wage der Wahrheit, translations have been
made of it into Armenian, Turkish, Persian, and
Ordu, and it has been widely circulated among

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

KohainilwdMH of many lands. There is an Eng-
lish i r.iriskition of it under the title. The Mixan ul
Haqq; or Balance [should be Balances] of Truth
(London, 18(57, newed., 1910). It isacogentand in-
cisive attack oil Mohammedanism and an explana-
tion and application of Christianity, written in
simple language but with deep conviction and
amply knowledge. In recognition of tlie service he
had thus rendered, the archbishop of (Vmtirliiirv
(John Bird Sumner) made him a doctor of divinity
in 1857.

Biduoqupht: C. F. Epnler. D. Karl GoWitb P/ander,
Hiwel. 11*; Kmilv fli-ji.lljiu-l. Skfteha otChvrth Milsion-
ary Society Worker*, London, 1897.

PFEFFIHGER, pfef'ing-er, JOHAHH: Saxon
Reformer; b. at Wasserburg (31 m. e.s.e. of Mu-

iiii'lu. Upper Bavaria, Dec. 27, 1493; d. at Leipsic
Jan. 1, 1573. Devoting himself to the religion* life,
lii' became an acolyte at Salzburg in 1515, and soon
afterward iv:u made suhdeaeon and deacon. Re-
ceiving a dispensation from the regulations con-
cerning canonical age. ho was ordained priest and
stationed al Heichenhall, Saalfcldcn, and Possau,
where his clerical activity soon found great appro-
bation. Suspected of Lutheran heresy, he went to
Wittenberg in 1523, where he was cordially wel-
comed by Luther, Melanchthon, and BugBObagBB,
In 1527 he went as parish priest to Sonncnwalde:
and in 1530, when cx|"«-lled by the bishop of Meis-
sen, hi* removed to the monastery of Eicha, near
Leipsic, where his services were attended by many
outride the parish. In 1532 he went to Belgern,
whence he was delegated, in 1539, to complete the
Kefoimation in Leipsic. In 1540, he was perma-
nently vested with the office of superintendent.

He declined calls to Halle and Breslau, though
he took part in completing the work of the Refor-
mation at Glauchau in 1542. In his capacity of
censor he prevented further printing of Scheuk's
postUla. In 1543 he was graduated as the first
Protectant doctor of theology, and became a pro-
fessor of theology in ihe following year. In 1548
"he was made a canon of Meissen.

Duke Maurice of Saxony drew him into the ne-
gotiations regurding the introduction of a Protes-
tant church constitution and liturgy. Having been
appointed assessor in the Leipsic consistory in 1543,
he participated, in 1545, in the consecration of a
bishop of Mersehiirg us one of the ordaining clergy.
In the iollmving year he negotiated at Dresden with
Anton Musa and Daniel (ireser, and took part in
the deliberations concerning the Interim at the
Diet of Meissen (July, 1548), at Torgau (Oct. 18),
at Altzella (Nov.), and at the Leipsic Saxon Diet
(Dec. 23). The Elector August, likewise sought
formal expression* of opinion from Pfeffinger; and
in tins conneetioM, in 1555, he proposed, with a view
to securing religious uniformity, that the Interim
liturgy of 15411 should again be Used. Melanchthon,
however, opposed this suggestion, holding that,
were it adopted, additional religious disunion would
follow. Pfeffinger also took part in the deliberative
proceedings of the delegates of the three consist ories
in 1556, as well as in the Dresden convention of
1571.

I'fclfi tiger's writings were ethical, ascetic, and

polemic. His Propositiones de libera arbitrio (1555)
occasioned the outbreak of the synergistic strife
{see Si-nkhoism). Against Nikolaus von Amsdorf
he wrote his Anlworl (Wittenberg, 1558), Demon-
utratio mindarii (1558), and Nochmals grundliehcr

Bericht; while he opposed Matthias Flactus in his
Verantutortung, He embodied his tenets in five
articles of the Formula der Bekendnus of June 3,
l.i.'rfi, which he also submitted, in amplified form,
to the Wittenberg theologians. Georg Mi'ller,

Bnugnuni B. Sartorius, Ein/tltiaer . . . Bericht von
JrnLtben . . . J. PfefflnerrM, Leipsic, 1873; F. Scifrn.
in heft iv. of Hrilntfjt titr Mlrfi*i*chm Kirchenotaehichie,
Loipsic. I SMS; (; ICQier, in heft i>. of the «gu, pp. 88.
UN, 165, INI, and x. 210; ADB, xxv. 024-030.

PFEILSCHIFTER, pfodl'shift-er, GEORG: Ger-
man Roman Catholic; b. at Mering (7 m. s.e. of
Augsburg], Upper Bavaria, May 13, 1870. He was
educated at the universities of Munich (1889-93,
1894-99; D.D., 1897) and Vienna (1899), inter-

riijiting his studies to make a five months' tour of
Italy in 1897. In 1900 he became privat-docent
for church history at the University of Munich,
but in the same year accepted a call to the Lyceum
ul I1' ivising an iisxicialc professor of ehureli liistory
and pntristics Since I!M'I3 lie has lieen professor of
ehureli history in the University of Freiburg. He
lias written Drr Oslgotcnkonig Thtotlerich der Grant
and die JbafJjntfwfa Kirrhr. (Milnsler, 1896); Die
authentixchc Amigabt der i-'terzig EvangdienhomUien
Gregors den Grossen, ein erster Beilrag zur Geschic.hJe
der Ueberlieferimg (Munich, 1900); and Zur Entste-
li'ing der Allegoric earn mystixchen Gotleneagen bet
Dante Purgaiorio (Freiburg, 1904).

PFEHDER, pfen'der or [F,] fon"dar', CHARLES
LEBERECHT: French Lutheran; b. at Hatten
in Alsaee (let. 2(>, 1834. He pursued his studies at
Witieiiberg, the College de Pont-a-Mousson (B.Litt.,
IKoMi, under the faculty of theology at Strashurg
(B.Tb., 1859), and at the universities of Heidelberg,
i In! tingeu, and Berlin; he liecame vicar at. Witten-
berg in 1860; at Paris, 1865; pastor of the Eglise
du Batignolles. Paris. 1S6S, and of the Eglise Saint-
Paul, same city, in 1874. He deseritie.s liim-e!f as
theologically a confessional Lutheran. He is the
author of La Confession d'Augsbourg, Tnirln/iion
recite il'aprtx Ir lesle It phis autorine. Prccnlfe d'tinc
introduction (Paris, 1S72); L'Agneau de Dieu.
Kficit de In passion el de la rfmrreilion du Seigneur
d'upres Irn t/iuitri- i'mitf/i'liste*. Sum de mitlita-
tions, de prieres, et de cardiques pour la semaine
sainte (1873); Vic de Martin Luther, publiir. a
V occasion du qutifricme ccnttnaire de so naissance
(1883). He is a contributor to the present work,
and has written much for other standard publicu-

PFLEIDERER, pflni'der-er, OTTO: German
Protestant; b. atStelten (a village near Cannstadt,
4 m. n.e. of Stuttgart), W (Intern berg, Sept. 1, 1839;
d. at Grosslichterfelde, Berlin, July 19, 1908. He
was educated at the University of Tubingen from
1857 to 1861, and after being for a short, time vicar
at Eniimen. a village near Iieiitlingen, traveled ex-
tensively in North Germany, England, and Scot-
land until 1864. He was then lecturer and privat-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pfeffinter
Pflmr

docent at Tubingen until 1868, after which he was
a pastor at Heilbronn till 1870, when he went to
Jena as chief pastor and university preacher. In
1870 he was appointed professor of theology at the
University of Jena, and from 1875 till his death he
was professor of practical theology at the Univer-
sity of Berlin. He was one of the most learned and
vigorous defenders of the non-miraculous origin of
Christianity. He lectured in England on both the
Hibbert (1885) and the Gifford (1892-93) founda-
tions. He wrote Die Religion, ihr Wesen und ihre
Geschichte (2 vols., Leipsic, 1869); Moral und Re-
ligion (Haarlem, 1870); Der Paxdinismus (Leipsic,
1873; Eng. transl. by E. Peters, Paulinism, 2 vols.,
London, 1877); F. G. Fickle, Lebensbild einea
deutschen Denkers und Potrioten (Stuttgart, 1877);
RdigionsphtQosophie auf geschichtlicher Grundlage
(Berlin, 1878; 2d ed., 2 vols., 1883-84; Eng. transl.
by A. Stewart and A. Menzies, Philosophy of Re-
ligion, 4 vols., London, 1886-88); Zur religidsen
Verstdndigung (1879); Grundriss der chrisUichen
Glaubens und Sittenlehre (1880); The Influence of the
Apostle Paul on the Development of Christianity (Hib-
bert lectures; London, 1885); Das Urchristentum,
seine Schriften und Lehren (Berlin, 1885; 2d ed.,
1902; Eng. transl., Primitive Christianity. Its Wri-
tings and Teachings, 2 vols., New York, 1906-09) ;
The Development of Theology in (Germany since
Kant, and its Progress in Great Britain since 1826
(London, 1890; German ed., Der Entwickdung der
protestantischen Theologie in Deutschland seii Kant
und in Grossbritannien seii 1826, Freiburg, 1891);
Die Ritschlsche Theologie krilisch beleuchtet (Bruns-
wick, 1891); The Philosophy and Development of
Religion (Gifford lectures; 2 vols., Edinburgh,
1894); Evolution and Theology, and other Essays
(New York, 1900); Das Christusbild des urchrist-
lichen Glaubens (Berlin, 1903; Eng. transl., The
Early Christian Conception of Christ: Its Value and
Significance in the History of Religion, London,
1905); Die Entstehung des Christentums (Munich,
1905; Eng. transl., Christian Origins, London,
1906); Religion und Religionen (1906; Eng. transl.,
Religion and Historic Faiths, London, 1907); and
Die Entwicklung des Christentums (1907; Eng.
transl., The Development of Christianity, London,
1910).

PFLUG, pflug, JULIUS: Roman Catholic bishop
of Naumburg; b. at Eytra (a village aear Zwen-
kau, 9 m. s.s.w. of Leipsic) 1499; d. at Zeitz (23
m. s.w. of Leipsic) Sept. 3, 1564. He studied at the
universities of Leipsic (1510-17) and Bologna
(1517-19), and returned to Germany in 1519 to be-
come canon in Meissen. Disturbed by the relig-
ious controversies at home, he returned to Bologna,
whence he went to Padua, but in 1521, induced by
offers of preferment from Duke George, he returned
to his native state, first of all to Dresden, and then
to Leipsic, where he still continued to devote him-
self chiefly to humanistic interests. In 1528-29 he
was again in Italy, and in 1530 he accompanied
Duke George to the Diet of Augsburg. At this
time he became a correspondent of Erasmus, and
in his letters to him unfolded his plan for restor-
ing religious peace to Germany. Everything could

be done, he thought, by the influence of moderate
men like Erasmus and Melanchthon. Erasmus re-
plied that things had gone so far that even a coun-
cil could be of no help; one party wanted revolu-
tion, the other would tolerate no reform. In 1532
Pflug became dean of Zeitz, where he had to grapple
with the practical question of the Reformation,
since not only was the bishop, who was also dioc-
esan of Freising, continually absent, but the neigh-
boring Protestant elector of Saxony was alleging
claims of jurisdiction over the see. Pflug was in
favor of lay communion under both kinds, the mar-
riage of the priesthood, and general moral reform.
He took part in the Leipsic colloquy in 1534, and
as dean of Meissen prepared for the clergy of the
diocese the constitutions reprinted in the Leges seu
constitutiones ecclesice Budissinensis (1573). As
one of the envoys of John of Meissen, Pflug en-
deavored, in 1539, to secure from the papal nuncio,
Alexander, who was then at Vienna, adhesion to
his project for a reform of Roman Catholicism along
the lines already indicated, only to be obliged to
wait for the decision of the pope.

The Reformation was now carried through in
Meissen, and Pflug took refuge in Zeitz, later retir-
ing to his canonry at Maintz, and thus rendering
Zeitz more accessible to the Protestant movement.
In 1541 he was appointed bishop of Naumburg, but
John Frederick, the elector of Saxony, hating all
men of moderation, forbade him to occupy his see.
Pflug was uncertain whether he would accept the
nomination or not; and meanwhile the elector,
after vainly urging the chapter to nominate another
bishop, turned the cathedral of Naumburg over to
Protestant services and proposed to provide for the
election of a bishop according to his liking. The
elector's theologians, though exceedingly dubious
regarding his course, finally yielded, and John
Frederick selected Nikolaus von Amsdorf (q.v.)
for the place and had him ordained by Luther. On
Jan. 15, 1542, however, Pflug accepted his election
to the bishopric, and sought to have his rights pro-
tected by the diets of Speyer (1542, 1544), Nurem-
berg (1543), and Worms (1545). At the latter diet
the emperor directed the elector to admit Pflug to
his bishopric, and to repudiate Amsdorf and the
secular directors of the chapter. John Frederick
refused, however, and the question was settled only
by the Schmalkald War.

Hitherto Pflug had been in favor of a Roman
Catholic reform of a far-reaching character, as was
shown by his part at the Regensburg Conference
of 1541 (see Regensburg, Conference of); but
political conditions and his troubles with the elec-
tor of Saxony now made him a bitter opponent of
the Reformation. In 1547, when the Schmalkald
War closed, Pflug took possession of his bishopric
under imperial protection. He was a prominent
factor in the negotiations which resulted in the In-
terim (q.v.), the basis of which was formed by the
revision of his Formula sacrorum emendandorum
(ed. C. G. Muller, Leipsic, 1803) by himself, Michael
Helding, Johannes Agricola, Domingo de Soto, and
Pedro de Malvenda. Pflug now entertained still
higher hopes of realizing his reform of Roman
Catholicism. He took part in negotiations in Pe-

Pfluff

Pharisees and Sadduoees

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

gau, continuing them in a secret correspondence
with Melanchthon to induce him and Prince George
of Anhalt to accept a modified sacrificial theory of
the mass; and he was also concerned in the delib-
erations between Maurice and Joachim II. and their
theologians at Juterboch. The result was the first
draft of the Leipsic Interim, which was submitted
to the national diet in his presence.

In his own diocese Pflug refrained from disturb-
ing the Lutherans, restoring Roman Catholic wor-
ship only in the chief church in Zeitz and the cathe-
dral of Naumburg, and even permitting Protestant
services to be held in the latter. There was almost
an entire dearth of Roman Catholic clergy, nor could
he secure a sufficient number from other dioceses.
He was accordingly forced to allow the married
ministers whom Amsdorf had placed in office to
retain their positions, though without Roman
Catholic ordination. In Nov., 1551, he was present
for a short time at the Council of Trent. Even
after the final success of the Protestants in 1552,
he remained in undisturbed possession of his see,
thanks to his popularity and moderation; and after
the abdication of Charles V., he urged the best in-
terests of Germany in his Orotic de ordinanda re-
publics Germanics (Cologne, 1562). In 1557 he pre-
sided at the religious conference at Worms, but was
unable to prevent the Flacians from wrecking nego-
tiations. To the last, however, he hoped that, when
the Council of Trent reassembled, his moderate
program would be successful in restoring religious
peace. (G. Kawerau.)

Bibliography: The earlier biographies are superseded by
that of A. Jansen, in Neue MiUheilungen aua dem Gebiet
histor.-antiq. Forachungen, x (1863), parts 1 and 2. Con-
sult further: A. von Druffel, Briefe und Akten xur Ge-
achichie dea 16. Johrhunderta, Munich, 1873 sqq.; L. Pas-
tor, Die kirchlichen Reunionabestrebungen, Freiburg, 1879;
Sixtua Braun, Naumburger Annalen, pp. 280 sqq., Naum-
burg, 1892; Rosenfeld, in ZKO, xix (1898), 155 sqq.; E.
Hoffmann, Naumburg im Zeitalter der Reformation, Leip-
sic, 1901 ; J. Janssen, Mat. of the German People, vi. 147,
182-187, 248, 366, 396 sqq., St. Louis, 1903. Scattering
notices of his activity will be found in many works deal-
ing with the Reformation.

PHARAOH. See Egypt, I., 2, § 4.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.

Importance; Sources of Knowledge (§ 1).

Derivation of " Pharisee " (§ 2).

Derivation of " Sadducee " (f 3).

Date of Origin (§ 4).

Relations of Pharisees and Scribes (§ 5).

Sadducees as Aristocrats (§ 6).

Relation of Pharisees to Jewish Nationalism (f 7).

Relation of Sadducees to Nationalism (§ 8).

Religious Characteristics (§ 9).

Theological Differences (§ 10).

Legal and Dogmatic Differences (§ 11).

Relation of Pharisaism to Religion (§ 12).

The great importance of a proper understanding
of the two parties thus named for the history of the
later Judaism and of primitive Christianity is not
to be misconceived. The entire history of the
Jews and of their literature from the Maccabean
wars until the destruction of Jerusalem is domi-
nated by this partizan antithesis. The history of
Jesus himself and of the original Church are largely
thereby conditioned, since it was particularly in
conflict with the Pharisees that the doctrine, self-

witness, and whole active career of Jesus took shape

as they did, while over against a Pharisaism which

pushed its way even into Christianity the Apostle

Paul had to defend the right of his

z. Impor- mission to the gentiles, and the uni-

tance; versality of Christian salvation. All
Sources of the more serious, then, that the sources

Knowl- toward knowledge of those parties can
edge. be utilized only under difficulties. The
Old-Testament books of Ezra, Ne-
hemiah, Chronicles, Esther, and Daniel, are perti-
nent merely in relation to the preliminary history
of the same. And only in sparing measure can even
the Old-Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigra-
pha (qq.v.) be employed; among the latter, chiefly
the Psalms of Solomon (see Pseudepigrapha, II.,
1). In the Gospels and in Acts a few dogmatic
differences are mentioned as between Pharisees and
Sadducees; but this allows no certain deduction
respecting the fundamental and distinctive charac-
ter of either party. Even the invectives of Jesus
against the Pharisees have had reference to out-
growths of their trend, and are not to influence a
judgment of their actual essence. What data Acts
and the Pauline epistles contain by way of defining
the Pharisaical anti-Pauline Jewish Christians, war-
rant only slight a posteriori deductions regarding
Pharisaism. Doubtless the most valuable intelli-
gence concerning the Pharisees and Sadducees is
given by Josephus, whose data are appreciably
colored (cf. Baumgarten, Jahrbucher fur deutsche
Theologie, IX., 616 sqq.; Paret, in TSK, 1856, pp.
809 sqq.) by his own attenuated Pharisaism and by
his effort to present Jewish conditions in the most
favorable light before the Greek and Roman world.
Patristic data are strongly dependent on Josephus,
and are, furthermore, untrustworthy. The Jewish
talmudic literature is of great significance in the
study of Pharisaism since it is itself elicited by the
Pharisaic spirit. Yet its anecdotal details about
the history of the Pharisees and Sadducees are al-
most wholly valueless, being conceived from the
standpoint of the later Jewish scholasticism. Yet
despite this dearth of sources, they still afford a
fairly distinct portraiture of the two parties.

The names of the two parties throw some light on
the origin and character of both parties. Touching
the meaning of the name " Pharisee " there can
exist no doubt. The Pharisees are certainly desig-
nated as the " separated " (cf. the
2. Deriva- Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan on

tion of Deut. xxxiii. 16; Josh. ill. 5) — those
" Pharisee." who by their prescriptive and ascetic
sanctity hedged themselves apart from
not only heathenism but also from the rest of Juda-
ism. This explanation occurs even so early as in
Suidas, in the Homilies of Clement (xi. 28), in Epi-
phanius (Hcer., xvi. 1), and Pseudo-Tertullian
(Hcer., i.). The same is borne out by the ab-
stract Pertihuth, in Talmudic writings, in the sig-
nification of abstemiousness or exclusive ascetic
piety; and by the Talmudic use of the term Peri-
8chin, in the reproachful sense of separatists. From
the latter use and the avoidance of the term Phari-
sees in the thoroughly Pharisaic II Maccabees, one
may infer that the name arose in hostile circles.

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pflug

Pharisees and Sadducees

The same is also probably true of the name

" Sadducees." It is a mistake to derive the same

from the Stoics (Koster, TSK, 1837, p. 164); more

plausible is it to explain the Sadducees as Zaddikim,

" the just," from their stress upon the

3. Deriva- simple law in contrast with Pharisa-

tion of ical traditions (Derenbourg) ; or their

"Saddu- strictness in dealing penal sentences
cees." (Reville). Only on linguistic grounds,
again, is there warrant for deriving the
term (Gk. Saddaukaios, Heb. Zadduki), from a
personal name of which no trace exists after the
exile. Such a gratuitous hypothesis (Gratz, Mon-
tet, Legarde) can be justified only by extreme em-
barrassment. There is, on the other hand, great
probability in favor of the hypothesis (Geiger),
whereby the name is traced to that Zadok who was
high priest in the time of David and Solomon, in
whose line the high-priestly dignity continued dur-
ing nearly the entire dominion of David's royal
house (II Sam. viii. 17; I Kings i. 32; Ezek. xl.
46; Josephus, Ant., X., viii. 6). In the period after
the exile, not only the high priest Joshua (Neh. xl.
11; cf. I Chron vi.; Josephus, Ant., X., viii. 6),
but also, according to Josephus, all the high priests
descending from him down to Menelaus, hence also
all the high-priestly families of their lineage — be-
longed to the house of Zadok. According to this
view the name " Sadducees " denotes the descend-
ants of the high priest Zadok, together with their
adherents. Which theory is also favored by anal-
ogy of the " Bo€thusians," who in the Talmudic
writings appear as an offshoot of the Sadducees; or
as a sect akin to them. For the " Bogthusians " can
be named Sadducees only through the circumstance
that Herod the Great adopted the line of the Alex-
andrine Boethos, whose granddaughter he married,
into the succession of the high-priestly families
(Josephus, Ant., XV., ix. 3). If the name Sad-
ducees denotes the Zadokites, it is impossible to
deny all actual connection with the Zadokite high-
priestly families, and to identify them with the
Maccabean princes and their following, who had
obtained that name only by way of reproach (Well-
hausen). It is probable that the name Zadokites
was given to the party by their enemies; but this
was possible only in case the real Zadokite high
priests formed the stock of the party; so that a
partizan following could then readily join the same.
In this light, the two party names of Pharisees and
Sadducees are distinct in so far as that the former
has reference to religious aims, the latter to con-
nection with the high-priestly nobility. This does
not controvert the correctness of the given deriva-
tion; indeed, the point becomes thereby more
prominent that the Pharisaical party structure took
its departure from religious motives; the Saddu-
cean, predominantly from aristocratic interests.

Partizan opposition between Pharisees and Sad-
ducees probably arose in the first decades of the
Maccabean era. A Jewish tradition (in the Baraitha
to Rabbi Nathan's Aboth), respecting the found-
ing of the Sadducees' party through two pupils
of Antigonus of Socho, would carry the origins
back to the close of the second century b.c. But
apart from other improbabilities in this account,

which dates only from the Middle Ages, its chrono-
logical correctness is precluded by the certified ex-
istence of the Sadducees' cause at a considerably

earlier period. According to Josephus

4. Date of (Ant., XIII., x. 6), an open conflict

Origin, between Pharisees and Sadducees

broke out as early as toward the close
of the administration of Hyrcanus, about 115 b.c.
But this presupposes an antecedent and quiet
development of both parties, and Hyrcanus him-
self was brought up in the Pharisaic doctrine
(Josephus, Ant., XIII., x. 5). Essentially oppo-
site is the incidental remark of Josephus m his
narrative of the last executive years of Jonathan
(Ant., XIII., v. 9), that about that time there
were three " sects " among the Jews: Pharisees,
Sadducees, and Essenes. The origin of the
Pharisees and Sadducees falls, therefore, at its
latest, during the rule of Jonathan; but it can not
be set back much further, since no trace of their
names appears earlier to show that the parties were
forming. The assumption is forbidden that they
arose before the Maccabean insurrection. Nor may
appeal be made to the presence of the Hasideans
(see Hasmoneans, § 1) in the pre-Maccabean peri-
od. For the Pharisees are not to be identified with
these. While one can date the Pharisees and Sad-
ducees as parties back to the beginning of the post-
exilic period (A. Geiger, Ursprung und Uebersetz-
ung der Bibel, pp. 26 sqq., 56 sqq., Breslau, 1857)
only by resting upon conjecture, it is possible that
the partizan antithesis but continued an older con-
tention, such as might have taken shape prior to
the Maccabean uprising; indeed, opposition of in-
terests similar to these appeared in the pre-Macca-
bean era.

This first of all appears in the class distinction
between the Pharisees and Sadducees. Soon after
the return, there began to develop an opposition

between the scribes, who insisted upon

5. Rela- an absolutely strict prescriptive life,

tions of and the adherents of the aristocratic

Pharisees high-priestly lines, who favored the

and Scribes, gentiles. This antithesis accentuated

itself in the Syrian and Hellenistic era,
and led to the formation of parties during the rule
of Antiochus Epiphanes. At that time the rising
party of radical Hellenism, which sought to sup-
plant Mosaic Judaism by Greek manners and cus-
toms, was withstood by the coterie of the Hasideans,
who determined to adhere with the utmost rigor
to the Jewish law as the unconditional norm of life.
At that time the leaders of the former party were
the high-priestly aristocrats; those of the second,
the scribes. A similar clas* distinction formed the
basis of the conflict between Pharisees and Sad-
ducees. True, the Pharisees are not identical with
the scribes. From Acts xxiii. 9, it appears that in
the apostolic age not all scribes were Pharisees,
but that there were also Sadducee or neutral scribes;
and only a portion of the Pharisees consisted of
scribes (Mark ii. 16; Luke v. 30). Indeed, a char-
acteristic distinction comes forth in the very use of
the two terms in the Gospels. Quite often they
speak of the Pharisees, where only individuals of
that sect are meant (Matt. ix. 19-34, etc.). On the

Pharisees and Badduoeee

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

other hand, where the matter turns on particular
scribes, the text mentions " certain of the scribes "
(Matt. ix. 3, xii. 38, etc.)* Only where the scribes
are named in conjunction with the Pharisees is the
general expression used for the former with refer-
ence to individuals (Mark ii. 16; Luke v. 30, etc.).
On the contrary, " the scribes," without other qual-
ification, is never used of individuals, but every-
where only of the entire category (Matt. vii. 29,
xvii. 10, etc.). Hence the scribes are conceived as
a class; the Pharisees as a compact party, such as
is represented even in the case of individual mem-
bers. Occasionally in the addresses of Jesus to the
scribes and Pharisees there is to be remarked the
distinctive reference to the learned legal science of
the former and the prescriptive manner of life ad-
vanced by the latter. So the scribes appear as
theorists in contrast with the Pharisees as practi-
tioners. For the most part, however, the two were
likely to be united in one and the same person.
This close affinity between Pharisees and scribes
crops out alike in Josephus, in the New Testament,
and in the Talmud. Where Josephus speaks of
Jewish scribes, he generally implies that they are
adherents of the Pharisaic school (War, I., xxxiii.
2-3, II., xvii. 8; Ant., XVII., vi. 2). Conversely,
where he brings the Pharisees into his narrative,
he assumes that they make disciples and give in-
struction in the law, hence are scribes {Ant., XIII.,
x. 6). Again, certain scribes well known and emi-
nent in Talmudic sources, he designates as Pharisees
(Ant., XV., i. 1, x. 4; Life, xxxviii.). In the New
Testament, the scribes and Pharisees are now
grouped together in the discourses of Jesus (Matt.
v. 20, xxiii. 2 sqq.; cf. Luke vii. 30), and are in-
troduced as acting in common (Matt. xii. 38, and
elsewhere). Moreover, the two designations often
vary in parallel passages, as well as in the relation
of the same Gospel. Lastly, the post-Maccabean
scribes of the Mishna speak of one another as the
"Learned" (hakamim); whereas in the contro-
versial objections of the Sadducees they are termed
" Pharisees " (Judaim, iv. 6, 7, 8) and advocate
Pharisaic views. From all this it is to be assumed
that the Pharisees were composed of the leading
scribes and their following, and were the practical
exponents of the theoretical knowledge of the law.
On the contrary, the Sadducees, like the Hellen-
ists of the pre-Maccabean era, had their nucleus in
the Jewish aristocracy. Those magnates (" mighty
ones "; Josephus, Ant., XIII., vi. 2; cf. War, I., v.

3), who as counselors of Alexander

6. Saddu- Jannaeus were by him endowed with

cees as the highest honors, but were thrust

Aristocrats, aside by Queen Salome Alexandra,

were undoubtedly Sadducees. For
their persecution took place under the Pharisees'
rule of terror. In his general depiction of the Sad-
ducees, Josephus says expressly that they had only
the rich on their side, but not the common people
(Ant., XIII., x. 6), that this doctrine won but few,
but they the first in dignity (Ant., XVIII., i. 4).
And in the Psalms of Solomon, wherein the joy of
the Pharisaic circles over the downfall of the Sad-
ducees in the year 69 B.C. finds distinct vent, the
latter are described as eye-serving courtiers and un-

just judges (iv. 1-10, ii. 3-5). Hence the Sadducees'
aristocratic character is distinctive and proper.
But if Josephus (Life, i.) designates the priests in
general as the nobility of the Jewish people, at all
events this does not apply in a social connection.
And it is erroneous (Geiger, Hausrath, Montet) to
suppose that the Sadducees represented the inter-
ests of the priesthood on a preponderant scale;
there lay no intrinsic objection in the nature of
Pharisaism to the priesthood as such, and there ap-
pear to have been not a few priestly Pharisees (cf .
Josephus, Life, i. — ii., xxxix.; Mishna Eduyoth, ii.
6-7, viii. 2; Aboth, ii. 8, iii. 2; Shekalim, iv. 4, vi.
1). It was rather the high-priestly families that
offset the rest of the priesthood in the manner of
a distinctive aristocracy. Under the Maccabean
Simon, the adherents thereof effected their recep-
tion into the senate; while in the time of Pompey,
they sat and voted in the sanhedrim (Ps. of Sol.,
iv. 2), which had grown out of the earlier senate,
and represented a remnant of political independ-
ence, while their influence here was limited by the
unaristocratic assessors of the scribes' class, yet in
a certain measure it was secured by the fact that
the high priests, who now constantly belonged to
their circles, held the presidency in the sanhedrim.
These " chief priests," as the officiating and former
high priests, together with their kindred, are called
in the New Testament (Schttrer, in TSK, 1872, pp.
614 sqq.), are therefore at once the most important
element of the Jewish aristocracy, and the proper
nucleus of the Sadducean party. Josephus men-
tions only incidentally of Ananus that he belonged
to the Sadducees (Ant., XX., ix. 1). In the Psalms
of Solomon the Sadducee members of the sanhe-
drim appear as unworthy directors of the temple
worship (i. 8, ii. 1-5, viii. 12). In Acts the Saddu-
cees are expressly designated as those empowered
with dispensing penal correction (iv. 1-3), as also
the high priest's party (v. 17). Certain reminders
of the Sadducaic complexion of the high priest's
retinue occur in talmudic sources (cf. Geiger, ut
sup., pp. 109 sqq.).

In keeping with this class distinction between
Pharisees and Sadducees is the national attitude
of the two parties. One may not think of the Sad-
ducees as the national and patriotic
7. Relation party; of the Pharisees, on the con-
of Pharisees trary, as an unattached, international
to Jewish society. To the Pharisees might better
Nationalism, be applied the term " national "; they
were more frequently the opposers of
the oppressors of the people. It is to the Pharisees
that Rabbi Hillel's word applies: " Do not sepa-
rate thyself from the congregation " (Pirke Aboth,
ii. 4); and they desired that the benefits of the
theocracy should benefit all, without exception
(II Mace. ii. 17). Hence the Pharisees had not only
the women on their side (Josephus, Ant., XVII.,
ii. 4), but the masses generally (Ant., XIII., x.
6). Yet on another side one may not perceive
in them the healthy citizenship, the true kernel of
the people, the truly national party. As a faction
of the scribes, they pursued only distinctively re-
ligious aims. It was merely in a religious connec-
tion that they desired the welfare of the people and

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pharisees and Sadduoees

the maintenance of what was peculiarly Jewish.
And if they sought to extend their leadership over
all other spheres of life, their sole motive was that
these might thus become dominated by the thor-
oughly prescriptive form of their religious aims.
There resulted an externally theocratic trend of
policy, and this was naturally contradicted by a
totally non-Jewish government; so that, theo-
retically, the Pharisees did not concede the legality
of tribute to such a regime (Matt. xxii. 17). They
endured government by a heathen power as brought
about by the divine providence, but only in the
expectation of its future downfall. And the hatred
latent in such an attitude easily converted itself
into fanatical deeds. But yet again, they could
sacrifice the theocratical idea to an untheocratical
Jewish prince like Alexander Jannseus. Further-
more, how little the Pharisees were disposed to
bridge the gap between priesthood and people ap-
pears from their especially strict precepts regard-
ing the tithe and other dues in favor of priests and
Temple. Indeed, they set themselves over against
the people with the utmost exclusiveness as a spir-
itual aristocracy, from which arose their party
name, " the separated," the haughty behavior
charged to their reproach by Jesus (Matt, xxiii. 5
sqq.), and the contempt with which they looked
down upon the rest of the people as ignorant, not
knowing the law, and unclean (John vii. 49; cf. the
" Letter of Aristeas," dating from the time of
Herod, in E. Kautsch, Apokryphen, ii. 67, 140 sqq.,
Tubingen, 1900). So the Pharisees' popularity
among the common people had yet its limits.

Still less, however, is a national and patriotic
attitude to be discerned in the case of the Saddu-
cees. Their connection with the Hasmoneans
(q.v.) came about only as the admin-
8. Relation istration of the same lost its incipiently
of Sad- Jewish national character. The goal
ducees to of their political action was, first of ail,
Nationalism, the strengthening of their aristocratic
caste. Only as dictated to them
through this class interest, did they stand on the
national side. The circumstance that the first Has-
monean who ruled after the transition of Hyrcanus
to the Sadducees' party, Aristobulus I., was sur-
named the " Philhellene," throws light on their
Hellenistic tendency. Subsequently, they became
servile friends of the Romans. All the more over-
bearing and hard-hearted were they at that time in
regard to the common people (Josephus, War, II.,
viii 14; Ant., XX., ix. 1). Hence their unpopu-
larity was so great that, in order to " make them-
selves possible " at all, they had to govern, in the
administration of their offices, according to Pharisaic
principles (Josephus, Ant., XVIII., i. 4). Never-
theless, neither Pharisees nor Sadducees were of an
antinational character directly. The Pharisees did
not manifest that purely separatistic demeanor of
the Hasideans or of the Essenes. Neither were the
Sadducees willing, like the radical Hellenists of the
pre-Maccabean era, to surrender the people's na-
tional existence, its faith and its law. Obviously,
then, after the founding of the legally national Mac-
cabean state, the extreme elements of both the pre-
viously existing tendencies were eliminated. The

most partizan among the Hasideans receded into
small groups, which led eventually to the forma-
tion of the Essenes' order. And the radical Hellen-
ists perished in the conflicts with the Maccabeans.
Thus the more moderate elements were left over,
and they merged, in turn, into the broad stream of
the popular life whence they had originally issued.

With this alteration of parties, however, the fun-
damental religious trend persisted. The Pharisees,

like the pre-Maccabean party of scribes,
o> Religious assiduously cultivated a strictly legal-
Character- istic piety, holding themselves aloof
istics. from the world (Josephus, War, II.,

viii. 14; Ant., XVII., ii. 4; Life,
xxxviii.; Acts xxiii. 3, xxvi. 5; Phil. iii. 5). Relig-
ion determined all their aims. But they set the
essence of religion in the knowledge and fulfilment
of the law. From this one-sided and legal drift of
their piety there emerged all the defects and ex-
cesses of the same, such as are exhibited quite
sharply in the New Testament. They built or gar-
nished the sepulchers of the prophets (Matt, xxiii.
29 sqq.), but had none of their spirit; they zeal-
ously disputed over their prophecies (Luke xvii.
20), but their belief in the same simply sanctified
their venality. They labored zealously for the
propagation of their faith (Matt, xxiii. 15), but only
in behalf of outward results (cf . Sieffert, Die Heir
denbekekrung im Alien Testament und im Juden-
thum, pp. 43 sqq., 1908; see Proselytes). Their
faith was no inwardly liberating power, so that for
them the law was but an enslaving yoke (John
viii. 32; cf. Gal. v. 1). Out of this came the mi-
nute and anxious manner of fulfilling the law (Matt,
xxiii. 23), the externalizing of the entire religious
and moral life, the mechanicalism of their prayer
(Matt. vi. 5 sqq.), the stress upon fasting (Matt,
ix. 14); valuation of conspicuous borders to their
garments, and broad phylacteries (Matt, xxiii. 5),
the literalness of service in observing the sabbath
(Matt. xii. 2, 9-13; Luke xiii. 10 sqq., xiv. 4
sqq.; John v. 1 sqq., ix. 14 sqq.). From this source
arose their prescriptions of cleanliness (Matt. xv.
2, xxiii. 25; Mark vii. 2 sqq.; Luke xi. 38 sqq.),
their preference for external acts of devotion above
the plainest duties (Matt. xv. 5; Mark vii. 11 sqq.).
This was indeed a straining at gnats and swallow-
ing of camels (Matt, xxiii. 24). Of course, it was
possible to practise all this in good faith and with
honest sentiments. This is evidenced by the ex-
amples of Nicodemus, Joseph of Arimathea, and in
particular, too, by that of Paul, who even though
recalling his bygone disquietude with aversion
(Rom. vii. 7 sqq.), yet thinks back without shame
to his Pharisaic past (Phil. iii. 5 sqq.; Acts xxiii.
6, xxvi. 5). Only often enough that emphasis upon
external acts led to complete self-satisfaction (Matt,
xix. 16 sqq.; Luke xviii. 10) and to ostentation of
piety (Matt. vi. 5 sqq., 16, xv. 7 sqq.; Mark vii. 6,
xii. 40; Luke xx. 47), extending even to the en-
deavor to conceal the lack of inner moral integrity
by means of the outward show of devout deport-
ment (Matt, xxiii. 25 sqq.; Luke xi. 39 sqq.). In
the Talmud, besides, there occur not a few beau-
tiful sentences, urging toward right thinking and
true humanity (especially in Pirke Aboih). But

Pharisees and Sadducees
Phelps

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

they stand isolated in a wilderness of external pre-
cepts which smother the spirit of the law in their
casuistical forcing of its letter. In distinction from
all this, the Sadducees evinced a strong inclination
toward other than Jewish manners; and, consist-
ently with this trait, they were fain to guard the
advantages of their social standing, their culture
and possessions, from prejudice in the way of a
troublesome piety. They were charged with lead-
ing an effeminate mode of life (Josephus, Ant.,
XVIII., i. 3). The fourth of the Psalms of Solo-
mon gives a picture, inspired by Pharisaism, of the
worldly, even dissolute, life of the Sadducees and
of their hypocritical show of pious ardor. And a
late rabbinical tradition (Aboth of Rabbi Nathan)
tells of their luxury in the article on tableware, and
their scoffing at the economy of the worrying
Pharisees.

This also affords a ready key to the particular
theological disputes between the Pharisees and
Sadducees. From the different fundamental re-
ligious trend of the two parties there

10. Theo- most immediately results their anti-
logical Dif- thetical relation toward that oral tra-

ferences. dition which had been early created
by the scribes of the past age, through
exposition and application of the law, for a sort of
hedge to the same (Josephus, Ant., XIII., xvi. 2;
Matt. xv. 2; Mark vii. 3). This tradition was made
of binding force by the Pharisees; by the Sadducees
it was rejected (Josephus, Ant., XIII., x. 6).
Through their endeavor to regulate the whole of
human life, down to every detail, by means of the
law, the Pharisees were led to lay great stress on
enlarging the scope of the same by tradition, even
to ascribe a paramount importance to the latter in
comparison with the less exactly defined law (Mish-
nah, Sanhedrin, xi. 3). Ultimately, therefore, tra-
dition, like the law, came to be traced back to
Moses (Pirke Aboth, i. 11 sqq.), and so came the
possibility of invalidating a legal provision by vir-
tue of a traditional precept (cf. Mark vii. 11).
Moreover, the Sadducees did not altogether avoid
developing an exegetical school tradition, partly
diverging from the tradition of the Pharisees (Me-
gillath Taanit, 10); partly, indeed, accordant with
it (Sandehrin, xxxiii. 6. Horayoth 4a). But
while they admitted no authority transcending the
law, they so emphasized independence of judg-
ment that they made it a boast to contradict their
teachers themselves as far as possible (Josephus,
Ant., XVIII., i. 4). But their principled rejection
of legal tradition resulted partly from their op-
position to the Pharisaic scribes, partly from their
desire to be constrained as little as possible through
legal regulations. Hence they repudiated all re-
fining deductions from the law, and appealed sim-
ply to the letter thereof, which was easier to cir-
cumvent. Thus the letter of the law became for
them their only categorical religious principle.
Sometimes, again, they enforced the strictness of
the letter, in contrast with its attenuation; par-
ticularly in imposing penal sentences, they were
" more hard-hearted than all other Jews " (Josephus,
Ant., XX., ix. 1). Jesus himself experienced this
hard-heartedness on the part of his Sadducee judges.

This divergent attitude of the Pharisees and
Sadducees in respect to the letter of the law and to
tradition, also explains a number of the particular
legal disputes which are attributed to
zi. Legal them in Talmudic sources, many of
and Dog- which are historical. In certain cases
matic Dif- the Sadducees, as it appears, repre-
ferences. sented the priesthood; in the rest, a
definite principle of opposition is not
to be ascertained. To be noted also are some dog-
matic differences, among which the most important
was the one touching the doctrine of resurrection;
not, as Josephus presents it in Hellenizing fashion
(War, II., viii. 14; Ant., XVIII., i. 3, 4), the doc-
trine of the immortality of the soul. If the Saddu-
cees rejected the doctrine in question, they advo-
cated the older position of Judaism. For the like
doctrine was not at all proposed in the earlier Old-
Testament Scriptures, and not with complete dis-
tinctness before its appearance in the Book of Dan-
iel. The Sadducees' position was reinforced by
their directly practical contemplation of earthly
conditions. On the other hand, the fact that the
Pharisees decidedly espoused the doctrine of resur-
rection was quite in accord with their very dili-
gent fostering of hopes in the Messiah, which hopes,
like their doctrine itself, on account of their ava-
ricious temperament, assumed a strongly sensual
cast. In like manner the doctrine concerning angels,
which had been elaborated by the Pharisaic scribes
on the basis of the Old Testament, was rejected by
the Sadducees (Acts xxiii. 8) consistently with their
preoccupation with mundane affairs. According to
Josephus the Pharisees and Sadducees also diverged
in their conception as to the relation between des-
tiny and human free-will (War, II., viii. 14; Ant.,
XIII., v. 9, XVIII., i. 3). This seems to indicate
that the Pharisees, in their religious decisiveness,
made everything dependent on divine providence;
whereas the Sadducees, as men of practical affairs,
deducted the elements of welfare and calamity from
human transactions.

The further development of the religious life
could not attach itself to the materialistic and
worldly bent of the Sadducees, but only to
Pharisaism, which, however legalistic,
12. Rela- traditional, and mercenary, was yet
tion of distinguished by a certain religious
Pharisaism potentiality, as appears from the rela-
te Religion, tion of primitive Christianity to both
parties. The contact between Chris-
tianity and the Sadducees' party was but slight and
external. Enraged at the Christian revival of the
hope of resurrection, and threatened in their hier-
archical position by the Messianic claims of Jesus
and the accordant expectations of the Apostolic
Church, the Sadducees persecuted both those teach-
ings with scorn and violence. With Pharisaism,
however, Christianity had to reach an understand-
ing on inward grounds quite from the start. Pro-
ceeding from the common platform of the law and
the Messianic hopes, Jesus attacked the formal-
ism of the Pharisees and their entire external-
izing of the moral and religious life in that he
coupled the profoundest vitalization of the same
with the renovating forces which emanated from

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

kia own person. The hatred thai he thereby brought
Upon himself on the part of the Pharisees also fren-
zied the popular masses. But when afterward in
the apostolic congregation the proclaiming of
Christ's resurrection pushed to the foreground, over-
shadowing, in a manner, the content of his own
preaching. Pharisaism's antithesis to Christianity
needed so far behind the vehement persecution of
the same through the Sndducees, that it now be-
came feasible for Pharisaic elements to rur, k : ■ (heir
way into the Christian assembly (Acts xv. 1 aqq,).
It was only where the logical issues of Christianity
became voiced in direct opposition to an absolute
enforcement of the law (somewhat reservedly, at
fint, by the deacon Stephen, afterward more vig-
orously and with practical application by the Apos-
tle Paul) that the Pharisaic enmity awoke, in utter
bitterness. However, it was precisely his own Phar-
i-aic training in youth that moved the Apostle Paul,
after his radical breach with his past, to ciicaze in
a conflict with the Pharisaic party, not only out-
skle, but especially within Christianity; wherein lie
prevailed to illustrate the peculiar principles nf
Christianity in contrast with the legal religion of the
Old Testament, in a degree equated by no other
Apostle. F. SierFEHT.

Bmuwumr: J. Wellhausen, Die Pharimier and die Sad-
inciter, UreifiiwaJd, 1874; A. <i<-ieer, .•i.idduciler und Phnri-
wtir. BroUu. 1863: ulna, in J udieche ZeiltcArifl, ii (1843),
11-54: M. Friedlindcr. Die nlioiuttn Beucounem inner-
iaB> da Judtnluim im Zeilalier Jeeu, Berlin, 1905. Cou-
mit further: GnmnniD, De Judaarum dittiptina arrant,
Leip.ip, 1833-41; id™. De phtiowtpkiti Saddm:<nirwn. ill.
1836-38; De Phantrritmo Judaoram Alexandrine, ib.
IMS- .50; Dr eolltaioPharaaonun, it,. Ifiol: A F. Gfrtnjr,
Dot Jahthmdtrt dea Heiie, i. 309 sqo... Snaienrt. isb;
J- A, B. Lutlerbeck. Die ntutcetamentlichtrn Lchrbcnrilfc,
L 147-222. Main.. 1*52; I. M. Jcait. Gachichl, del Judcn-
lliwi tad trine Seclen, L 197 «qo... 2111 nqq., Ulpidei
1857-59; A. M Oiler, in the Sileunaeberichre of the Vianaa
Academy, philoeaph.-bia Wheal elaas, uiiv [IME&, M-
181; J. Dereuboum. Mirf. de la Palatine, pp. 75-78. 1 10—
144. 432-158. Pare, 1867; Hume, in ZWT. 1887. pp.
131-179, 239-1'o.t; A. linn-mil. Snil-.<laifiilliche Zrilyr-
tehiehte. i. 129 aqq.. ItciiWl.cTi-. Isiis, En*, tnuud.. Hid.
alike N.T.Tina, 4 vols., London, 1805; A. Kuonen. De
Gadedientt ran Itratt. ii. 338 -.171 , l-"-i ■.■■['1-. 2 vob., Haarlem,
1880-70; J. Cohen. Da Pharitimt. 2 vole.. Paris. IBWl
A. M. Fairbairn. Studitt in the Life of ChriM. pp. 185 aqq.,
lj.i..].>n. I«l; Elunrth. in J/rj.-M.-i'i fur ,h.- II',' .,.<,/..,■•'.'
dei Judentumt, ix (1882). 1-37. 61-95; J. Hamburger.
Real-mevelopadU fur Bibtt und Talmud, ii. 10.18 nqq..
Slrdita, 18X1; E. Moatet. £wri no- la angina da par-
tia tadueien el pharitien. Paris, 188J; idem, in J A. 1887.
pp. 415-123; R. MoekuitoiJi, Vhriit and the Jeirieh Laic,
pp. 39 eqq.. London. IMS; F. Weber, Die LeJiren dee Tal-
mud. Leip»ic. 1888; idem. J udixhe TAeotoaie auf Grand
da Talmud und wnoaMto Schriflm, pp. 10-14, 44-16.
ib. 1897; E. Davaine. La Sadductiame. HontaubsD, 1888;
A. JOlicher, Die Gleichnitreden Jeeu, ii. 54 aqq.. 649 sqq.,
Freibant. 1S.-S-K9; A. B. Bruce, Kingdom of 'jW. pp.
187 wja. Edinburgh. 1889: J. L. N'urheJ. Etude eur le
pnrti pAnriiien. Loiumnn.', 1891; H. E. Rylc, ud M. It,
Judoi. Fnlni of Solomon, pp. xlviii. -lii. . r:ir„l,n,|L„..
1891; J. F. W. Bouraet. item PreditH in ihrrm GegentaU
turn Judcnlum. Guttingca, 1892; idem, Die Rtlioion dm
Judenlunu im nevleitamrnlHchen Zeilalter. pp. 161-168,
Bmtin, 1903; Kroger, in TO. bunv (18941, 431-498; O.
Holttmann. r\'eut,:yt.,'n-i,!U-'': Z. ■!,!"• ><"'■■>>■. po. 158 Hqq.,
rr.il.i,n-. IS'i.-,; A HcTtholcl. Ill- .Sttllun,/ , I, r I, -rarHhn
und det Juden ru den Premden, pp. 123-256, Tubingen.
1898; I. Elboaen. Die Reliaiimtaniehnuuno dtr WUi Mar,
i>riio, lt*)t: S. Sohwhlvr, Dkl'kattidim, Berlin, 1904; (i.
Molscher. Der Saddtaaiimu*. Eint kritiecht Unleriuchvno
tut tpalMren Jwirnreliainneoiiehirhlr, Lcipaia. 1906: B,
Bunbuscr. SadduaieT in Area. Betiduaaen in Alexander

Jannai und Salotne. Franklort. 1907; SchQrcr, QtwchieMe,
It 380-119, Eng. tmn.it . II.. ii. 1-13 (sontauu bibliog-
raphy); DB. iii 82I-.-M. iv. rnu-,152; EB, iv. 4234-tO.
4321-2B; JE. ix. 661-666. x. 830-833; KL. ix. 1990-98;
Vlgouroux. Diclionnaire, part xxxi.. pp. 206-218; Jncobus.
Diaianaru. pp. 886-688, 760-761. Magaiine literature ii
indicated in Richardson. Encyclopaedia, pp. 848, 989; the

life of Christ, such m ttiow of P«t«r (Emumusw IX -
1 Keim. and In those on the history

;,i„l (In,

PHARMAKIDES, THE0KLIT0S: Modem Creek

ilietiloKiaii 1 ci'cle-hstk-al statesman; b. at

l.nrissM, Thessaly. Jan. 2.r>, ITS!; ii. at Athens Apr.
21, I860. With but meager education, he Was or-
dained deacon at Larissa in 1-SII2 and priest at Bu-
charest it i INI I , after which he was in charge of t lie
(Irvek church in Vienna for some eight years. Here
he was brought into contact not only with his com-
patriots who were interested in the revival of the
Creek nation, hut also with the philhellcne Fred-
crick North, fifth earl of Guilford, who wished him
t'j accept a theological professorship in the pro-
jected university of Corfu. Pharmakides accord-
ingly studied for two years at Gottingen, but re-
turned to (Ireece on the outbreak of the tireek war
for independence. Here he was active until his
death in the reorganization of the national church
and the establishment of an educational system.
Circumstances, however, hampered his efforts until
IS:W when the liavariati regency made him presi-
dent of the committee to investigate the condition
of the Greek Church. As secretary of the Synod of
Nauplia, he was the main factor in securing the
declaration of independence of (he Greek Church in
the same year. The conservative influence was,
however, too strong for him, and after writing his
" On Zechartah, son of Berechiah " (Athens, l.tlK),
" The Pseudonymous Germao " (IS!W), and " On
the t lath " 1 1 .SID), he was removed from his secre-
tariate in 1S;W and a]i]Kiiuteil profess-or of philol-
ogy. He now published in his own defense his
" Apology " (Athens. IS-1IJ), and uti remit lingly con-
tinued the stniggle for the freedom of the Creek
Church. His program was finally carried out. aided
largely by his " The Symwhc Volume: or, Concern-
ing Truih " (Athens, lS.iL'), when, in 1 SS2, the Greek
Church was made entirely independent except for
et-cledastieal preroga lives of honor accorded to the
patriarch of Constantinople. After this last work,
I'liartuak tiles appeared little in public. At. the time
of his death he was working on a large historical
polemic against the Roman Catholic Church. Among
his earlier public a1 ions mention may be made of his
commentary on the New Testament (7 vols.. Athens,
1844). (Pwupp Mevbh.)

Iiiii].i'»ii[Appiv; liiiuiri|.li].-:il minor is found in tho " Anob
ogy," ul «up. COMIlltt " E.-iiUgelicol Herald," pp. 203-
216. Atl»™. 18IUI; Q. L von -Miiurer. Dos griechieelus
Vol*, vol. U.. HeidcltierB. I83S| C. A. Bnmdis. MUtti-
lunQtn ulier Griwhtnland. i-nl. lii , I-.i)-i.'. ]S4L'; R. Ni™-
Ini. Ortchichle drr neunricchiirhen Literalur, it.. 1878;
O. F. HertibM*. (7. ».-'nr -hi- tln..l„ntandt, vol*, iii.-iv..
Gotha. 187S; T.SK. 1841, pp. 7-63.

Phenicia

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

at Bar Harbor, Me., Oct. 13, 1890. He graduated
at the University of Pennsylvania in 1837, and
studied at Andover and Union Theological sem-
inaries; was pastor of Pine Street Church, Boston,
1842-48, and professor of sacred rhetoric at An-
dover Theological Seminary, 1848-79, and presi-
dent from 1869. He was a master of English, and
distinguished in his teaching and writing. He
published The Still Hour (Boston, 1859); Hymns

and Chairs (Andover, 1860); The New Birth (Bos-
ton, 1867); Sabbath Hours (1870); Studies of the
Old Testament (1879); The Theory of Preaching
(1881) ; Men and Books (1882) ; My Portfolio (1882) ;
English Style (1883); My Study (1885); and My
Note Book (1890).

Biblioorapht: E. S. Phelps, Austin Pftelps; a
New York, 1891; D. L. Furber, in Btbliothtca Sacra,
xlviii (1891), 545-585.

PHENICIA, PHENICIANS.

I. Geography and Topography.

General Description; Acre, Achiib

(§1).
Region South of lyre (| 2).
Tyre (§ 3).

Region between Tyre and Sidon (§4).
Sidon (§ 5).

(§0).

III. Religion.
Deities (| 1).
Cult (f 2).

IV. History.

Till the Assyrian Period (I 1).
Assyrian to the Roman Period (1 2).
Trade and Discovery (| 3).

I. Geography and Topography: The term Sido-
nions or Sidonians is employed in the Old Testa-
ment to denote the Phenicians (cf. I Kings v. 6,
xvi. 31), though their country is called Phenicia or
Phenice (I* Esd. ii. 17 sqq.; II Mace.

i. General iii. 5, etc.; Acts xi. 19, xv. 3, xxi. 2).
Description; The boundaries of the country can
Acre, not be determined definitely, for the
Achzib. scanty allusions to the Phenicians do
not tell how far inland their domains
extended. That they did extend inland is certain
(cf. I Kings v. 9), and Josephus states (Ant., XIII.,
v. 6; War, II., xviii. 1, IV., ii. 3) that the city of
Cedasa or Cydyssa was a Tynan stronghold on the
border of Galilee. The Phenician coast falls into
three natural divisions: southern Phenicia, from
Ras al-Abja(J to the Nahr al-'Awali, north of
Sidon; central Phenicia, from the Nahr al-'Awali
to al-Shakkai; and northern Phenicia, from al-
Shakkai to Ras ibn Hani or to Ras al-Basit. In
ancient history the southern and the northern di-
visions are alone important. The Philistine con-
quests permanently separated the southern cities
from association with the Phenicians, and deprived
them of such cities as Joppa and Dor; not until
the Persian rule did the Phenicians again control
these regions. Before discussing Phenicia proper
brief mention should be made of two cities, Acre
and Achzib. The former lies on a steep promontory
extending southward into the sea and forming a
natural haven of medium size with the eastern edge
of St. George's Bay. Owing to deposits of silt the
harbor is deserted, and trade is diverted to the
neighboring Haifa. In ancient times this city was
of importance because of its haven and the roads
connecting it with the interior, especially the " way
of the sea " (Isa. ix. 1). The city is mentioned by
Sethos I. under the name of 'Aka about 1320 B.C.,
and about 380 Artaxerxes Mnemon made it his base
in his expedition against Egypt. Ptolemy II. Phila-
delphus refounded the city and named it Ptolemais.
It passed into the possession of the Seleucids in
198 B.C., and was an important military center in
the Maccabean wars. In 65 B.C. Pompey brought
it under the Romans, for whom it constituted the
most important harbor of Palestine. In 1103 a.d.
it was taken by Baldwin I., given to Saladin in

1187, retaken by the crusaders in 1189, and des-
troyed by Sultan Malik al-Ashraf in 1291. Rebuilt
in 1749, the city has slowly increased, despite the
attack of Napoleon in 1799 and the bombardment
of the united English, Austrian, and Turkish fleet
in 184(/, until it now contains a population of about
11,000. Some nine miles to the north, and not far
from the coast, lies the small village al-Zib, repre-
senting the Achzib of Judges xix. 29. A quarter of
an hour to the north is the spring of 'Ain al-Mas-
hairfah, which has been compared with the Misre-
photh-maim of Josh. xi. 8, xiii. 6.

Here the Jabal al-Mushafcfrah approaches the

coast, and the ascent to the promontory of Ras al-

Nafcurah brings the traveler to Phenicia proper.

To the north of the road stretches a small stony

strip of coast in the form of a crescent

2. Region to the second promontory, the Ras

South of al-Abjafl, or "White Promontory."
Tyre. The valley between the two promon-
tories shows ruins of two ancient sites,
Umm al-'Amud and Iskandarunah, the former per-
haps being the ancient Ramantha or Ramitha, the
Greek Leuke Akte, later called Laodicea, and the
latter dating back, at least in name, to the Roman
Emperor Alexander Severus (222-235). In 1116
a.d. Iskandarunah was rebuilt by Baldwin I. as a
base of operations against Tyre. The ancient road
over the White Promontory runs for about forty
minutes close to the declivity. In the course of
centuries portions of it have been hewn in the rocks,
and in especially steep places stone stairs have
been cut, so that Josephus and the Talmud give as
the ancient name of this road the " Tyrian Stairs."

North of the Ras al-Abjad a small plain extends
between the shores and the foot of the mountains
of Galilee. The streams are shallow and have little
water, though good springs are occasionally found,
especially about an hour south of Tyre in the Ras
al-'Ain and ten minutes to the north, both about
a quarter of an hour from the shore. Three other
wells and an aqueduct, the latter apparently of
Roman architecture, are found about fifteen min-
utes north of Ras al-'Ain. It was doubtless the
springs of this promontory which first attracted
the Phenicians, which they also used for their city.

The distance from Ras al-'Ain to Tyre is an

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Phenioia

hour, and the plain with its sandy coast is one and
a half miles broad. Modern Tyre, a town of some

6,000 inhabitants, lies on the northern
3. Tyre, side of a peninsula, while the ancient

Phenician city was situated on an
island. The prophet Ezekiel, like the Assyrian
King Asshurbanipal, describes Tyre as built " in
the midst of the seas " (xxviii. 2, cf. xxvii. 3-4,
xxvi. 4), and the name itself means " rock." The
island on which Tyre lay would seem to be the pres-
ent peninsula where the modern town is situated.
Of the buildings of the ancient city little is known.
According to Menander of Ephesus (cf. Josephus,
Apion, i. 18; Ant., VIII., v. 3), Hiram I., the con-
temporary of Solomon, rebuilt the old temples.
Special mention is made of the temple of Heracles
(Melkarth) and Astarte, while Herodotus (ii. 44)
refers to the temple of Thasian Heracles, which is
probably identical with the Agenorium of Arrian
{Anabasis, ii. 25-26). According to Menander and
Dius, Hiram extended the city to the east and there
constructed the great square, or Eurychorum. The
ancient city had two harbors, the Sidonian to the
north, and the Egyptian to the south. The former
is now choked with sand, and the latter has en-
tirely disappeared. On the main land opposite the
island lay a city called Old Tyre by Menander,
Strabo, Pliny, and others. It would seem, however,
that the city in question was really called Ushu, a
name occurring in the Amarna Tablets and the
Assyrian inscriptions, and probably in the Authu
of Egyptian monuments. The patron deity of the
city was Usoos, who was said to have been the first
to sail the sea on a tree trunk, while his brother,
Samemrumus, built huts of reed in Tyre (see
Saxchuniathon). This legend seems to imply
that the island city of Tyre was settled from the
mainland. The accounts of " Old Tyre " vary so
widely that it is uncertain whether one or more
places are meant, or whether sites are referred to
which belong to different periods. Ancient Tyre,
which seems to have had an important suburb at
Ras al-Ma'ahufe, ceased to be an island city in con-
sequence of the siege by Alexander the Great in
332, when he constructed a vast mole, four stadia
long and two plethra wide, from the mainland to
the eastern side of the island (cf. Arrian, Anabasia,
ii. 17 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 40). The walls,
said to be over 150 feet high, rendered the mole
useless at first, but the Greek fleet bottled up the
Tynan ships in the harbors, whereupon the troops of
Alexander were able to storm the relatively weaker
ramparts on the south. In the taking of the city
Arrian states that 8,000 fell, while 30,000 were sold
as slaves, figures which imply a dense population.
Tyre was not wholly destroyed, however, by the
Greek conqueror, and in 316-315 it was besieged in
vain by Antigonus for fourteen months. Coming
under Seleucid control in 198, it apparently bought
its autonomy in 126, later restricted by Augustus.
On his journey from Miletus to Jerusalem Paul found
Christians at Tyre (Acts xxi. 3-6), and a bishop of
Tyre, Cassius, is mentioned at the Synod of Csesarea
toward the end of the second century. The cru-
saders were in possession of the city 1124-91 a.d.,
after which the Sultan Malik al-Ashraf occupied the

place. The history of modern Tyre begins in 1766,
when a sheik named Hanzar settled in the ruins and
rebuilt them. After the destructive earthquake of
1837 the buildings were reconstructed by Ibrahim
Pasha.

The coast north of Tyre resembles that of the
southern vicinity of the city. First the sandy shore,
then a level plain stretching inland for about a
mile, and then the beginning of the
4* Region plateau of Galilee. Almost two hours
between north of Tyre is the mouth of the Nahr
Tyre and al-lfraaimiyah, after which the strip of
Sidon. coast narrows, while the foothills are
rich in tombs of various periods. At
the foot of the range are traces of the old Roman
road from Tyre to Sidon. North of the Wadi abu'l-
Aswad is a ruined site called 'Adlun, apparently
the town of Ornithopolis, mentioned by Strabo as
a Sidonian colony. An hour farther north a prom-
ontory and a village bear the name of ?arafand,
the Zarephath of the Bible (I Kings xvii. 9-10;
Obadiah 20; Sarepta, Luke iv. 26). The Crusaders
made Zarephath an episcopal see, and the Wali al-
Khicjr is held to mark the abode of the prophet
Elijah. From Zarafand the coast bends westward,
the first great rivers from the western slope of the
Lebanon being found in the Nahr al-Zaharani and
the Nahr Sanik. The gardens now begin, and be-
come more numerous and more beautiful the closer
the traveler approaches Zaida, the ancient Sidon.

The modern city of ^aida is situated on a flat
promontory between 200 and 300 yards wide, with
a small rocky peninsula, 600 yards long. The north-
ern quarter and a series of reefs and islands protect
the inner harbor, while to the east-
5. Sidon. ward stretches the outer harbor, which
was used as an anchorage in summer.
The peninsula bears the remains of ancient walls,
and similar ruins are found on an island to the
north of the harbor and on other reefs. The
Phenician Sidon extended some 700 yards farther
east than the modern town. The basalt sarcophagus
of King Eshmunazar was discovered in 1855 ten min-
utes southeast of the city; in 1887, near the village of
al-Halaliyah, seventeen magnificent Phenician and
Greek sarcophagi were found, among them those of
Tabnit, father of Eshmunazar, and the alleged sar-
cophagus of Alexander the Great. Excavations
since 1900 have revealed a temple of Eshmun on
the Nahr al-'Awali, also ancient aqueducts. In
the Old Testament a " Great Sidon " is mentioned
(Josh. xi. 8, xix. 28). This phrase is repeated on
the Taylor cylinder with the words " Little Sidon "
beside it, though the basis of the distinction is as
yet unknown. The ancient city of Sidon was des-
troyed by Artaxerxes Ochus in 348 B.C. Yet after
Alexander and during the Roman period Sidon re-
mained an important city. Paul, on his way to
Rome, found Christians there (Acts xxvii. 3), and
the bishop of Sidon attended the Nicene Council of
325. Later the city declined and in 637-638 sur-
rendered to the Mohammedans without resistance.
During the crusades it was repeatedly taken and
refortified, last by Louis IX. of France in 1253.
Seven years later it was sacked by the Mongols,
and in 1291 came under the control of Malik al-

Phenicia

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Ashraf. Early in the seventeenth century Sidon
was revived by the Druse Prince Fakhr al-Din. It
i ikewise enjoyed the protection of Ibrahim Pasha
of Egypt, but in 1840 was attacked by the fleet of
the European allies.

The little plain about Sidon stretches to the north

about to the Nahr al-'Awali, from the north side of

which, about a half -hour from the city, the district

of the Lebanon comprises the coast

6. Sidon until near Tarabulus, or Tripolis, with

to Beirut the exception of Beirut and its imme-
diate vicinity. This valley and the
comparatively low passes near by were doubtless
used in antiquity as the shortest road from Sidon
to Damascus. The coast now becomes more stony,
with no coast plain. Between the Ras Jedrah and
the Ras al-Damur the towns of Platanus (or Pla-
tana) and Porphyreum must have lain, where An-
tiochus the Great defeated the general of Ptolemy
IV. Philopator in 218 b.c. North of the Ras al-
Damur is the mouth of the Nahr al-Damur, the
Damuras, Demarus, or Tamyras of the ancients.
A conspicuous point on the coast is the promontory
of Beirut (Ras Bairut), with the city of the same
name at its foot. To the east is a small well-popu-
lated plain on the banks of the Nahr Bairut, the
ancient Magoras, as well as on the coast, which
runs about six miles to the east and forms St.
George's Bay. The background is formed by the
steep terraces of Lebanon with green valleys, neat
farm houses, and small villages on the lower slopes,
higher up remnants of the once famous forests,
and at the summit a bare sharp ridge. In ancient
Phenicia the city was of no importance, though its
name, which apparently means " wells," occurs in
the Amarna Tablets, which designate the place as
the seat of the Egyptian vassal Ammunira. Beirut
attained prominence as the Roman Colonia Julia
Augusta Felix Berytus. It was famed for its school
of law and for its silk-weaving until it was damaged
by the earthquake of 529. Its second period of
prosperity began when the Druse Prince Fakhr al-
Din (1595-1634) made it his chief residence. It is
now the center of trade and commerce for the en-
tire Syrian coast, especially as it has been con-
nected with Damascus since 1895 by a railway.
The city is the center of Syrian Christian culture,
represented by American Presbyterian (The Syrian
Protestant College) and Jesuit institutions of
learning, and by German Protestant benevolent
organizations. The British Syrian mission also
maintains a series of schools, the Scotch mission
works chiefly among Jews, Mohammedans, and
Druses, while various French religious orders
labor for the education of the natives and the care
of the sick. This activity has spurred the non-
Christian Syrians to establish schools. Beirut is
the seat of a wali and contains about 120,000
inhabitants.

Some two and a half miles east of Beirut the
coast resumes its northerly course and soon reaches
the mouth of the Nahr al-Kalb, the Lycus of the
classics. The mountains here touch the water, and
are crossed by the coast roads. The present road
and railway from Beirut to the north is the closest
to the sea level. Some ninety feet higher is the

Roman road constructed by Marcus Aurelius about

176-180 a.d. Higher still three Egyptian and

six Assyrian inscriptions or sculptures

7. Beirut show that armies were led across this
to al- promontory over a much steeper, but

Shakkai. more accessible road, by Rameses
II. about 1300, Tiglath-Pileser I.
about 1140, Shalmaneser II. about 850, Senna-
cherib in 702, and Esarhaddon in 670 (see Assyria,
VI., 3, §§ 3, 7, 13). Later still, Greek, Roman, cru-
sading, and Mohammedan armies passed over these
roads, and finally the soldiers of the French expe-
dition of 1860. The railway runs along the road
to Ma'amiltain on the Bay of Juniyah. From this
point the old road again follows the coast, and at
the northern end of the bay is hewn through the
rock. An hour and a half farther to the north is
the Nahr Ibrahim, the classical Adonis, closely as-
sociated with the Aphrodite legend. This goddess,
the Astarte (q.v.) of the Phenicians, had her famous
temple near the source of the river, which issues from
a cavern under the steep high wall of the Jabal al-
Munai(irah. The ruins of the fane, 90 feet long and
fifty-five feet wide, may still be seen, and prob-
ably represent the temple of Venus of Aphaka, des-
troyed by Constantine the Great in the fourth
century. The modern village of Affca is situated fif-
teen minutes above the source. Near the village
of al-Ghinah, on the southern bank of the river,
sculptures were found by Renan representing the
leaping goddess and the death of Adonis. The
center of the Adonis cult, the Byblos of the Greeks
and the Gebal of the Phenicians, the modern Jabail
with about a thousand inhabitants, lies an hour
and a half north of the mouth of the Nahr Ibra-
him (see Gebal). The rocky road along the coast
leads to the town of Batrun, the ancient Botrys.
North of the Nahr al-Jauz rises a broad promontory
now called al-Shakkai, but called by the Greeks
" face of God," apparently translating its Pheni-
cian name (cf. Gen. xxxii. 30; I Kings xii. 25).

At al-Shakkai central Phenicia ends. The road
along the coast now crosses some small promon-
tories, and then enters the plain of Tripolis, which
spreads out at the mouth of the Nahr abu 'Ali, or
the Nahr ffadisha. The modern Tripolis consists
of the court of al-Mina on the north-

8. Tripolis era edge of a low but rocky promon-
and tory, with a series of small islands

Environs, enclosing the harbor, and the city
proper, now called T&r&bulus. The
latter is situated on both banks of the Nahr abu
'Ali, about two miles from al-Mina. It owes its
existence to the Mohammedans, who destroyed the
former city on the coast in 1289. The city of the
Phenicians and the crusaders, which probably occu-
pied the site of the present al-Mina, had three dis-
tinct quarters occupied by Tyrians, Sidonians, and
Aradians respectively. Before the Persian period,
however, the city is not mentioned, its origin being
obscure. From Tarabulus the coast bends west-
ward, the resulting bay being called Jun 'Akkar.
The coast is less rugged, especially where the Nahr
al-Kabir or Nahr Laftara (the Eleutherus of the
Greeks) approaches the sea. Through the broad
plain thus formed the road leads to Emesa and

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Phenicia

Hamath in the valley of the Orontes. Between
Tripolis and the Nahr al-Kabir a number of ancient
cities were located. On the southern bank of the
Nahr al-Barid was Orthosia, the Arab Artusiah or
Artusi; and on the north bank of the Nahr 'Arfca
was Arka or Arke, the Roman Caesarea Libani, where
Alexander Severus was born (now called Tell 'Arfca).
The site is also brought into connection with the
Canaanitic Arkites (Gen. x. 17). Scarcely half a
mile north of the Nahr 'Arfea a village Syn existed
in the fifteenth century, and this has been connected
with the Smites of (Jen. x. 17; cuneiform inscrip-
tions mention a site Sianu near Zimira and 'Arza.
North of the Nahr al-Kabir rises the Jabal al-Anza-
riyah, receiving its name from the Shi'ite sect of
the Nu?airi, who live chiefly on this mountain.

The coast of northern Phenicia is, in general,
milder and more attractive than in the southern
and central portions, so that its cities were numer-
ous. The first is Simyra or Simyrus, the Zumur of
the Amarna letters, probably to be
9. Extreme identified with the modern 2umrah
Northern between the Nahr al-Kabir and the
Phenicia. Nahr al-Abrash. Two or three hours
later the district of the ancient Aradians
is reached, where, between the Nahr al-l£iblah
and the Nahr Amrit, are extensive remains of
the city of Marat, the Marathus of the Greeks, im-
portant during the Persian period, but destroyed
in the struggles following the downfall of the Seleu-
cids. On the coast, an hour farther north, is Tor-
tus, the medieval Tortosa and the ancient Antara-
dus, first mentioned by Ptolemy in the second cen-
tury a.d. The Phenician center on this part of the
coast was the island city of Aradus (the Arvad of
Ezek. xxvii. 8, 11, the modern Ru'ad or Arwad),
situated between Amrit and Tartus on an irregu-
lar rock some 800 yards long by 500 wide. Of the
ancient city little remains. The present inhabi-
tants, between 2,000 and 3,000 in number, are ex-
pert boatmen (cf. Ezek. xxvii. 8). Arvad is men-
tioned as a Phenician city about 1500 b.c, and on
its ships Tiglath-Pileser sailed the Mediterranean.
Later it is repeatedly mentioned in Assyrian in-
scriptions as a place " in the midst of the sea."
The nearest port on the mainland was Came or
Camus, the modern £arnun, an hour north of
Tardus, where ruins of fortifications are still visible.
Other harbors reckoned to Arvad were Balanias or
Leucas (the modern Baniyas), Paltus (the modern
Baldah), and Gabala (the modern Jablah). Prob-
ably the population of this northern district was
not exclusively Phenician, and Phenicians hardly
had centers beyond it. North of the promontory
of Ras ibn Hani was a Heraclea, the name of which
suggests Phenician origin; and the city of Rhosus
(the modern Arsuz) north of the Ras al-Khanzir,
and the city of Myriandrus (Myriandus) are ex-
pressly said to have been in the hands of the Phe-
nicians. The latter place was the predecessor of
the modern Alexandretta or Iskandarun, but prob-
ably lay somewhat farther to the south.

i Names and Ethnology: The name Phenicia

is derived from the Greek, occurring as early as

Homer (Odyssey, xiv. 288, xv. 419) and Herodotus

(i- 1-8, etc.). From this is derived the name of the

IX.— 2

country, Phenice {Odyssey, iv. 83, xiv. 291;
Herodotus, ii. 44 sqq.), the form Phenicia being
later. The meaning is uncertain. In
i. Names, the twelfth century Eustathius of
Thessalonica, with probable correct-
ness, advanced the view that it denoted " red," and
referred to the color of the people. Movers derived
Phenice from the Greek phoinix, " date palm,"
but this tree is seldom found in Phenicia, and is of
inferior quality there. Nor is there any reason to
suppose that the name of the country is derived
from the Egyptian Fenkhu; about 1500 b.c. the
Egyptians termed the Phenician coast from Acre
to Arvad Zahi or Zahe. The Babylonians reckoned
Phenicia in the land of Amurru; and after Tiglath-
Pileser III. Syria and Palestine were also called
the " land of the Hittites." A special name for
Phenicia does not occur. Late Greek writers state
that the Phenicians named themselves Canaanites
(see Canaan). The Phenicians seem to have called
themselves after the names of their cities, Tyrians,
Sidonians, etc. In the Old Testament, therefore,
the name " Sidon " (Zidon) and " Sidonians," when
not shown by the context to refer expressly to the
city and its inhabitants (as in Gen. x. 19; Judges
i. 31; II Sam. xxiv. 6; I Kings xvii. 9 [cf. Luke
iv. 26]; Isa. xxiii. 2, 4, 12; Ezek. xxviii. 21-22),
must be understood to connote Phenicia and the
Phenicians in general (e.g., Deut. xiii. 9; Josh,
xiii. 4, 6; Judges iii. 3; I Kings v. 6; Ezek. xxxii.
30). This linguistic usage, found current and con-
tinued by the Israelites, implies that Sidon was
then the most important city of Phenicia. Later
this usage disappeared, so that Herodotus (" His-
tory," i. 1) uses " Phenicians " to denote the popu-
lation of the country. In later passages of the Old
Testament (as Jer. xxv. 22; Joel iv. 4; Zech. ix. 2;
I Mace. v. 15), as well as in the New Testament
(Matt. xi. 21-22; Mark iii. 8; Luke vi. 17; Acts
xii. 20), the formal phrase " Tyre and Sidon " de-
notes the Phenicians in general.

The inhabitants of the Phenician coast can not
be separated from the pre-Israelitic population of
Canaan. This is shown, in the first place, by com-
munity of language as evinced in in-
2. Ethnol- scriptions, proper names, individual
ogy. words cited by classic writers, and the
sentences placed in the mouth of the
Carthaginian Hanno in the Poenidus of Plautus,
which show that the Phenician language was essen-
tially identical with Hebrew. Though this linguis-
tic affinity does not prove ethnological unity,
the absence of opposing data renders it probable.
In view of the natural contour of Canaan it would
seem that the coast was settled from the southern
mountain-district northward. The problem whether
the Phenicians were indigenous in Syria is a part
of the broader question of the original home of the
pre-Israelitic population of Canaan. The most
plausible answer seems to be that given by Herodo-
tus (i. 1, vii. 80), who affirms that the Phenicians
formerly dwelt by the Red Sea, whence they jour-
neyed across Syria to the Mediterranean, thus im-
plying an original home in Arabia and conforming
with the general trend of Semitic migrations.
Winckler (fieschichte Israels, i. 126-132, Leipsic,

Phenioia

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

1895) has advanced the hypothesis that the Phe-
nician and Canaanitic migration was the second to
take place from Arabia, probably between 2800
and 1600 b.c. While there are thus no ethnolog-
ical or linguistic reasons for regarding the Pheni-
cians as a separate people, the events of history
render it possible to speak of them as a nation. In
their home, between the open sea and the almost
impassable mountains, they became navigators and'
merchants, rather than an agricultural or pastoral
people. Thus, on the one hand, their coherence
with the Canaanites became ever more loose; and,
on the other hand, their commercial interests de-
veloped a fresh bond of union. In Syria they never
unfolded a strict nationality, for there was always
a number of central points, consisting of the larger
cities. The Phenicians accordingly called them-
selves Sidonians, Giblites, Carthaginians, and the
like. To foreigners, however, they all seemed to be
of one type, bold seamen, cunning and conscience-
less traders. Through their enterprise and good
fortune they brought the treasures of Babylonia
and Egypt to the west, and thus essentially fur-
thered the subsequent civilization of the Mediter-
ranean lands.

HI. Religion: The sources for a knowledge of
Phenician religion and cult are scanty. The in-
scriptions contain little but names of gods whose
pronunciation is often uncertain, and many for-
mulas the meaning of which is obscure. The eu-
hemeristic treatise on the cosmogony and theogony
of the Phenicians, the " Phenician history " of
Sanchuniathon (q.v.), can be used only with cau-
tion, if at all, for the older period. It is remarkable
that in so maritime a people the cult of sea-
gods was so slightly emphasized. Hesychius men-
tions a " Zeus of the sea/' and at Beirut the eight
Kabirs (" great ones, mighty ones ") were held to
be the discoverers and patrons of navigation. The
fact that in the names of the gods thus far known
no allusions to trade or navigation appear seems
to imply that the Phenicians developed their relig-
ion not on the coast or as seafarers, but in another
region where their life was not unlike that of the
other Canaanites to whom they were akin.

The Phenician divinities were primarily local
gods. Besides the gods of the cities, there were

gods of the mountains. As possessors
z. Deities, they were called ba'al; as lords, adon;

as rulers, melekh (see Moloch, Mo-
lech). Their worshipers were gerim, " proteges,"
or 'abhadhim, " servants." Sexual antitheses were
prominent in their religious system. The divinities
were usually named after the place where they were
honored: Ba'al %or, the god of Tyre; Ba'al Zidon,
the god of Sid on; Ba'alath Gebal, the goddess of
Byblus. When the Phenicians founded a new col-
ony, they established there a new seat for the cult
of their native gods, whose authority did not tran-
scend the limits of the new settlement. In common
parlance the Phenicians spoke of a ba'al or ba'alath
without any qualifying phrase (cf. I Kings xviii.
19 sqq.), but there was no divinity so named. The
feminine form ba'alath was relatively rare, its place
being taken by 'ashtart, so that Astarte, or Ash-
toreth, appears in the Old Testament as the god-

dess par excellence of the Sidonians (i.e.,
cf. I Kings xi. 5, 33, xxiii. 13; see Astarte; Ash-
era; Baal). Few Phenician gods are known by
specific names. The one most frequently men-
tioned was Melkarth (Hercules), the " King of the
City (of Tyre) ." Eshmun, greatly honored in Sidon,
and compared with jEsculapius, seems to have been
a god of health and healing. Proper names often
contain the divine names Zd (" Hunter, Fisher "[?];
possibly connected with the name Sidon), Skn, Pmy,
and P'm, as well as a goddess Tnt (usually pro-
nounced Tanith). Among the foreign gods were
the Egyptian Isis, Osiris, Horus, Bast, and Thoth;
the Syrian Resheph and 'Anat; and the Babylonian
Tammuz, Hadad, and Dagon. The Phenicians,
like the Canaanites, were accustomed to place by
the altars sacred stones as the abode of the deity,
pillars being substituted later for natural stones.
Such pillars were called maueba, natSb, or ham-
manim (see Memorials and Sacred Stones), and
were regarded as animate. In the cult of female
divinities, the sacred stone was replaced by the
sacred post (representing the sacred tree), called
Asherah (q.v.). The two pillars in the temple of
Melkarth at Tyre (Herodotus, ii. 44; Josephus,
Apion, i. 18) doubtless connoted the dualism found
in nature. Still other sacred sites had groups of
three pillars, apparently typifying a threefold phe-
nomenon of nature.

The narrow local cults were later transcended by

the widely worshiped Ba'al Shamem, or " Lord of

Heaven," with his " goddess of the heaven of Baal "

(cf. Herodotus, i. 105), who may be

2. Cult compared with the " queen of heaven "
of Jer. vii. 18, and with the Carthagin-
ian Caelestis. The signification of the divinity El
is uncertain. He seems to have been first honored
in Byblus, and was equated with Kronos by the
Greeks, who said that he was worshiped with sac-
rifices of children in Phenicia, Carthage, and Sar-
dinia (see Moloch, Molech). An important list of
Carthaginian divinities is given in the deities in-
voked by Hannibal to witness his treaty with Philip
of Macedon (Polybius, vii. 9). In Phenician cult
there was nothing to distinguish them from other
Canaanites. Sacred enclosures with altars, stones,
and trees (posts), a cell or larger house for the
image of the divinity (the architecture strongly in-
fluenced by Egypt), the firstlings of all productions
for the deity, animal sacrifices, sacred dances,
" votaries," priests, ablutions, and circumcision — all
were present. The cosmogony presupposed a tri-
partite division into heaven, earth, and sea.

IV. History: The earliest mention of the Phe-
nician coast thus far known refers to its conquest
by Sargon, king of Agade, in the middle of the third
millennium b.c. Whether, however,
z. Till the this means the Phenicians proper is a

Assyrian problem, and Winckler holds that the
Period, campaign was waged against the pre-
Phenician inhabitants, whose com-
mercial activity and culture were later adopted by
the Phenicians from the Arabian desert. About
1400 b.c. the Egyptian power, to which Thothmes
III. had subjected the Phenicians a century previ-
ous, was waning, the Hittites were entering the

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Phenicia

country and the kings of the Amorites, Abdashirtu
and Anru, were attacking the Phenician cities,
whose kings wrote in vain to Egypt for aid. Sethos
I. and Rameses II. restored the Egyptian power, at
least for the southern portion of Syria; but the
supremacy of the Pharaohs came to an end, and
the Philistines definitely settled in the land. The
first prosperity of the Phenician cities began about
1000 B.C. Tyre became predominant, the suprem-
acy of Sidon apparently being religious and civili-
zing rather than political. Hiram I. of Tyre, after
receiving a gift of twenty Israelitic cities from
Solomon, engaged in trade with him (see Ophir;
Tarshish) and founded the colony of Citium in
Cyprus, naming the town Ifarta IJadasht, or " new
city " (Carthage). Under King Pygmalion the
famous colony of Carthage is said to have been
founded from Tyre, when what was probably an
existing city received a new lord, a new cult, and
a new name. Winckler holds that the impulse to
migration which led the Phenicians to Canaan sent
other emigrants from Arabia along the northern
coast of Africa, and possibly into southern Europe,
so that the " foundation " of Carthage was, in
reality, merely its subjugation by Tyre. However
this may be, the subordination of Carthage to Tyre
led to the supremacy in the western Mediterranean
of Tyre, which seems to have extended its sway
over a number of Syrian cities also. While Hiram I.
is always termed " king of Tyre " (II Sam. v. 11;
I Kings v. 15, ix. 10), Ethbaal is called " king of
the Zidonians " (I Kings xvi. 31), thus implying
that Tyre and Sidon had meanwhile been united
under the hegemony of the former. This is con-
firmed by the statement of Menander (cited by
Josephus, Ant., VIII., xiii. 2) that Ethbaal founded
Botrys (and also Auza in Lybia). The northern
cities around Aradus, however, were unaffected by
this predominance of Tyre.

The invasions of the Assyrian kings Asshurbani-
pal and Shalmaneser II. in the ninth century were
averted by the payment of tribute; but in 738 Tig-
lath-Pileser III. formed the Assyrian
2. Assyrian province of Simyra from the cities in
to the the Eleutherus valley. Sennacherib
Roman vainly besieged Tyre five years (701-
Period. 696), though it lost its possessions
on the mainland, while Sidon became
tributary and received a new king from Senna-
cherib. Later Sidon revolted against Esarhaddon,
only to be destroyed in 675 and replaced by an
Assyrian city. Later still, Tyre was attacked and,
with Aradus, forced to make peace with the Assyr-
ians. The decline of the Assyrian power was prob-
ably favorable to the Phenician cities, and Egyptian
attempts to regain supremacy were unsuccess-
ful. The Egyptians were driven from Syria by the
Babylonians under Nebuchadrezzar II., who be-
leaguered Tyre in vain (585-573). But internal
strife broke out in Tyre, and after rule by suffetes,
or " judges," the city was forced to ask Babylon
for a king. Under Persian rule, which was accepted
unresistingly by the Phenicians, Sidon became pre-
dominant. In the days of Herodotus, Sidon, Tyre,
and Aradus made the " Three Cities " (Tripolis),
but in the reign of Alexander the Great the chief

Phenician centers were Tyre, Sidon, Byblus, and
Aradus. In the Persian period, Aradus extended
its power along the coast farther than before; in
the south Acre, Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Carmel be-
longed to Tyre; Dor and Joppa to Sidon; and the
entire coast to the fifth Persian satrapy. With the
connivance of Nectanebo of Egypt, the Phenician
cities, under Tennes of Sidon, revolted against Per-
sia in 350, but were ruthlessly suppressed by Arta-
xerxes III. Alexander the Great found resistance
only at Tyre, which he succeeded in reducing (see
above). On the emergence of the Ptolemies and
Seleucids from the confusion ensuing on the death
of Alexander the Great, the Phenician cities came
under Seleucus I. His successors also held Aradus
and its vicinity, while the cities south of the Eleu-
therus were under the Ptolemies from 281 to 198.
The kings of Sidon in the third century seem to have
included Eshmunazar I., Tabnit, and Eshmunazar
II., but on the death of the last-named Sidon appar-
ently adopted a republican form of government, as
Tyre did in 274. The other Phenician cities secured
autonomy from the Seleucids, and these privileges
were generally confirmed by the Romans. The Phe-
nician language, however, was superseded by
Aramaic, while the higher classes prided themselves
on Greek or Roman culture.

Phenician trade was carried on both by land and
sea. Land traffic brought the products and treas-
ures of Arabia, Babylonia, and Armenia, and later
of Persia and India, to the Mediter-

3. Trade ranean. Commerce with Egypt was
and probably carried on chiefly by water,
Discovery, though the maritime commerce of
Phenicia was scarcely as extensive as
is commonly supposed. Colonies proper were to be
found only in Cyprus and northern Africa, Gades in
southern Spain probably being settled originally
from Africa. The Phenician commercial settle-
ments or factories along the shores of the Mediter-
ranean do not deserve the name of colonies.

The Phenicians were primarily merchants, ever
eager to adorn their markets with the best and
newest (cf. Ezek. xxvii.). Such a people would
not be likely to develop an individual art, and Phe-
nician remains, dating at the earliest from the Per-
sian period, show a mixture of Egyptian, Babylonian,
Persian, and Greek elements. The Phenician coins
were struck on Greek models, but in Aradus Persian
weights were used, and Phenician in Byblus, Sidon,
and Tyre. In architecture the Phenicians received
their inspiration from the Egyptians, but they de-
veloped a marked individuality in the treatment
of stone. The Phenicians were skilled in con-
structing aqueducts, as is shown by the stone pipes
through which the island of Tyre was supplied with
water. Their ability in building ships was famed in
antiquity (cf. Ezek. xxvii.; Herodotus, vii. 96, 128).
Their moral reputation, however, was indifferent, as
the allusions of the Odyssey to their knavery amply
prove. The Phenicians have won much unmerited
fame as discoverers through the attribution to them
by the Greeks of the invention of things which they
merely transmitted. In Rome purple fabrics were
called aarranns (from Sarra, " Tyre "), and the
Tyrians are described as the best skilled in dyeing in

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

purple. The art, however, was perhaps Babylonian.

In like maimer the Greeks thought that the alphabet

Originated in Tyre, especially in view of the power

of the city about 1000 B.C. As a matter of fact

Phenicia merely transmitted the alphabet, which

probably originated in Babylonia like the cuneiform

writing. Awl finally it may be noted that glass

and faience, the invention of which was popularly

HMcriUtl Ui the Phenicians, were known in Egypt

earlier than in Phenicia. (H. Guthe.)

BlBUoanAPHT: Tbe article! Id the dictionaries are general,

covering thn whole topic. Tbe bent ana; DB, ui. 683-

ASA.sr.5-.s6i:. Sill-Nii.'). lis!) ssi- EB, iii. 37^0-65; Jf.

ix.M7-670: Vigourom, DieJionnaire. partxixi. UMHl

Jarobus. Dictionary, pp. 974-878.

On llic jn-oKr-jphy consult: V. tiu*rin. Dmeriptvin de. la
Palatine. III.. Galilee, part 2, Paris. 1880; Survey of
Watrrn Pnlettint, Mrminr; vol. i.. Galilee, I«ndon, 1881:
G. Elicrs nti.i H. Guthe, Pala^ina in Bild und Wort, vol.
ii., .Stuttgart. 1894.

On the. art, language, and inacripi iua: : Iii..vri|.iior:; m.-
eoUnclwl in tho CIS, part 1. vola., I.— ii.. Paris, 1881-89.
Consult: O. lVrrnt sukI U. <:hiuie», Hitoire de /'art dan.
i'anliV;uiW. vol. 3. Phinicie, Paris. 1885. Eng. tfnnsl., Hisf.
of AH in Phoenicia, 2 vola.. London. (885; W. Geoccius.
Seriplura- linauatqu* Phmicia numumenta. Leipsic, 1857;
I*. .s^hnVJ.T, Die ph.wLrix-hc Spmehe. HaUc. 1889 (gram-
mar!; B. Slink, ilfiirirmMWiVfte Curse/, unnen, pp. 187
aq.[., Lerpajo, 1875; C. Ck-nnoiit-ftiuineuu, Sctatu et
cachH* pMn^irm, Paris. 1883; E. Led rain. Notice dm
nu-numentt fMnJc&au (i ,e ., in the Louvre), Paria, 1888;
A. Bloch, W„iunjf*f,.<',V.»wr. Ucrlin. Wjl); J. IJ. 10. Hnff-
mann, f'c6(T finite JJ»<ifit4i»cAr Intehriflrn. flflltjlHI''.
1HW1; A. Pellegrini. Aiutti ■fEpiyT'ifin frnicia, Palermo.
18U1; O. Hamdi. Uni ytcrapole royal* /< Sidon, Paris,
1892-98; M, Udibar-kj. IJaHavMI d<r noraVn ' " -
Epigrapnii. Wiirar, 1X9S; idem. Ephemtrit fQi
•che EpigraphH. Gicsoen, 1900 sun;.; A. Mayr. Aut aen
ji/i.iniji.i'nTi \el.-ri:i«ilm r-m Malta. Muiiifli. 1 1 hi I .". ; S.-lir:.-
der. HAT. pp. 128 sqq.. ct passim; W. F. «m LaBtjBU,
Die phtmizitchen tntehrifttn, I^ipsie. 1007.

On the alphabet; E. do Rouge, Mbnaira sur forwent.
tuyptimnc dc I'aliihai...! pMnfnen, Poris, 187*; Deeeke. in
ZfJ.Hi;, xxni (I.S77), ID.' s,|r,.; P. Bern.fr, tfisr, rfe f*n-
(IB-S dans rnnti;uM. I'firis, l-S'.li; Ball, in /'>7(,t. IS!!:;.
pp. 392-108; C. 11. fonder, «/.'./.' and Mr Eos*, pp. 74 «nq.,
Edinburgh. 1SW5: II. /.iimi™i, in ZIlMG. I (1808), 667
sqq.; J. Alvarci de Peralta. Iconagrafia dp to* At)-!l>>-!<>*
frniein u hilimim. Madrid. 1898.

On the hulnrv: It. t'i.'t.ii'hm.'mri. II. -,!ii-),tc der Ph„ni-
tier, Berlin. 1880; ('!. Uawlin-rjn. //i\f. ../ rh,cnicia, Lon-
don. ISS1I; idem, Phrtniriu. it.. 18W1; F. C. Movers, fJiV
PA.-nisier, l(onn, 1841-50; J. Kenriek. Hi*, of Phwniria,
Lnndun. 1855; E. Rcnan, ,1/iss.on de Phtnicil, Paris.
1884; G. Maapero. /7iW. anritnar d« peoples de /'an'en/.
Paris. 1875; idem. Struggle of the VnnV.rw, I.uhIitl. isc'itl:
H. Pruts. ,tu. Ph-ni^rn. I,-i;.sir. 18711; F. Bov,r. /■■,/.,;.(.
Palatine, and Phoiaia. London, l.ssS; E, Oberhummer,
Phlmilitr in .\him,mie<i. Muui.-h. 1HS2: E Mey.rr. ',',-
tchiehte del Alrertume, vol. J., Stuttgart, 1884: A von
Uulirlmiid, in iinr!trj,)]i,rtliii Hritanniea. <icrm. trans., in
his A'friMs Schrijten. ii. :io-s(i. U-ipsip, 188S: W. M.
Milller. .4«irn usd Eumpa, r.,i;1-.ir. ISM; f. Peters. Da,
aoldene Opl-ir Salnmo't. Einr Slu/lie rur Gcehirhte iter
pk-uik, ■«■*-■« IIV//j'..|iV,;,-, M,„,i,.|,, igi)5; H. Wincklcr.
.Uf„fi.Tlfrd i ■-/,,■ Fur-c/innwin. i. 5 (]M>7). 4-'l »qq.. ii. 1
(1898). 65-70, ii. 2 (IWM), 205 s-iq.; idum. Uetrl.ichtc
IwracU, i. 10-1 sqi|.. Leipsic. 1885; W. von I-andiu, DA
/'A. .airier. I>'ipair. 1SHII; i.lcia, ill. Brdeuluio del Ph.,ni-
tier im ViilXcrleben. ib. 190.5; V. Berard, Let Phenicitn*
It VOdymtr. 2 vols.. Paris. 1WI2-0:1; i.len., in (7HR. siiin.
173-228. 4111-160; C. A. Brustoti. F.l.i,.h> iil.-,ai,;.-,i,:r-
Pari,, I'JIH; W. M. Mliller. ,\Vur DarMrllunoen " BiaiBii-
*r/lfr " Gexanttter untl ph..a\:\"-h. r S.-hijT. i/\ , j'f. .. 7. r/,r ..-.'■■ n
l.-and.i.vN.i/./.-a, IVrlin. 1!1II4: A. D. Mordlmann. //."-

/■"-j"-.Vr.- /.r/./.i- ■■...'[ ti""l>uilr.'. flarl L', I '..11 -1 ■.[,( inople, T.HIT;

F. C. Eiseler, -Sidan: a .Sfudi/ in Orimlal HiMory. New

Baudiiain. Sludieit rer •emiliscnin Rc/iawn»ofi»rau-i(e,
Leipsic. 1878; F. Boethgen, Beitragr tur lenitime/um Ite-
ligioniueiehi,-hle. Berlin. 1S88; P. D. Chantepie de uv
Sauowye, i^AreucA drr RsIiinoruaucAicAji, i. 348-333.
Tubingea, 1005; Smith, R.->. af Sem. Goiwult alsa the

PHILADELPHA. See Asia Minob, IV.
PHILADELPHIA!* SOCIETY. See Lead, Jane.

PHILARET, fi"la-ret' (VASILY MIKHAILO-
VICH DROZDOV): Rtiasiiui prelate; b. at Ko-
lomna (58 m. s.a.e. of Moscow) 1782; d. at Moscow
Dec. 1, 1867. He was educated at the seminaries
of Kolomna and -St. Sergius Lavra, and on the com-
pletion of hie atudiea was at once appointed pro-
fessor in the latter. He became preacher at the
monastery of St. Scrgius at Troitsk in 1806, and
four years Iat«r was appointed professor of theol-
ogy in the ecclesiastical academy of Alexander
Xevsfci in St. IVUir^biirj;, iK't'ottunff archimandrite
in 1811 and director in 1812. He took monastic
vows in 1817, and after being bishop of Reval and
episcopal vicar of St, Petersburg, became, in 1819,
arrlihishop of Tver and a member of the Holy
Synod. In the f'jlli.™iiic year Iil Mil.- lirchtii-hiip nf
Varoslav, and in 1821 was translated to Muscdw,
also becoming metropolitan in 1826. His dirinR
utttTiiiicfs, liowt-v.T, br'.'upht him into iinp.ri'il dis-
favor, and from !,S-1'> until t lie accession of Alexander
II. in 1855 be was restricted to the limits of his
diocese. He is said to have prepared Alexander'.-,
proclamation freebg the serfs (Mar. 19, 18iil), and
he enjoyed (lie reputation of being one of the lead-
ing pulpit orators of his time and country. He was
it prominent figure in preparing a Russian transla-
tion of the Bible (see Bible Versions, B, XVI., , 2),
and wrote " Colloquy between a Believer and a
Skeptic im 'he True Doctrine of the Greco- Russian
Church" (St. Petersburg, 1815); " Compend of
Sacred History " (1816); " Commentary on Gene-
sis " (1816); "Attempt to Explain Psalm Ixvti."
( 1 S 1 8) ; "Sermons delivered at Various Times"
(IS JO); " Extracts from the Four Gospel* and the
Acts of the Apuslles for l"se in Nay Schools " (1X30);
''■Ghrialhiii Catechism" (1823; Eug. transl. by
R. W. Blackmore in his Doctrine o/ the Russian
Churrh, Aberdeen, 1845; reprinted in Schaff, Crect!*,
ii. .415-512); " Extracts from the Historical Kook,
of the Old Testament. " (1828-30); " Pritici|ile.s „f
Religious hislruetion " (1S28); and " New Collec-
tion of Sermons " (I.S.'J0-3I>). An English version
of some of his sermons was published at. London in
1873 under the title " Select Sermons by tbe late
Melropolitan of Moscow, Philaret," together with
ii brief biographical sketch.

BtnnooB.ii.Hv: fliojrannif unirrrseHs, miii. 4S-4B; La
Grands Bneyclopedie, nvi. 045.

PHILASTEK, fi-las'tcr (PHILASTRIUS) : Bish-
op of Hrescin and eeelesiaslicul writer: b. possibly
in I'^gypl in lite first half of the fourth century; d.
before :ii>7. He had been consecrated before ISSI,
for in that year he took part- in the Synod of Aqui-
leia. Augustine knew him uliile at Milan; and his
successor Gaudentiiis, who l)ecame bishop of Bres-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Phenicia
Philip II.

cia before 397, praised his orthodoxy and learning
{MPL, xx. 957). According to the tradition cur-
rent at Brescia, he died on July 18; but the Sermo
devitaet obitu Philastri (MPL, xx. 1002), ascribed
to Gaudentius, seems to date rather from the eighth
or ninth century. About 383 Philaster wrote his
Diveraarum hoereseOn liber (ed. J. Sichard, Basel,
1528; also in MPL, xii.; CSEL, xxxviii.), a cata-
logue containing twenty-eight pre-Christian and
128 Christian heresies. The style shows lack of ed-
ucation, and the matter lack of intellectual train-
ing. It is fanciful and artificial, especially in its
divisions of distinction. His source for heresies
previous to Noetus was probably the lost Syntagma
adversus amnes hcereses of Hippolytus, and for the
Manicheans the Acta Archdai. The intrinsic value
of the work is small. He was, however, cited by
Augustine, and thus gained importance in the
Middle Ages, and he is of some interest in tracing
the history of the New-Testament canon, especially
for the Epistle to the Hebrews, and the Letter to
the Laodiceans. (R. Schmid.)

Blbuoorapht: R. A. Lipsius, Zur QueUenkritik des Epi-
phanios, Vienna, 1865; idem. Die QueUen der altesten Ket-
seroeschiehte, Leipaic, 1875; A. Haraack, Queilenkritik der
Oesehichte dee Gnosticismus, Leipsic, 1874; idem, LUtera-
tur, L 150; J. Kunse, De histories gnosticismi fontibus,
Leipdc, 1894; Kroger, History, passim; Schaff, Chris-
tian Church, ili. 931; Ceillier, Auteurs sacris, v. 171-178,
viii. 42-43; DCB, iv. 351-353.

PHILEAS, fi-16'as: Bishop of Thmuis (the mod-
ern Tmai, between the Tanite and Mendesian
branches of the Nile) and martyr; d. at Alexandria
305. According to Eusebius, he was distinguished
for his wealth, noble birth, honorable rank, and
philosophical training, and the same church his-
torian also gives a fragment of a letter written by
Phileas from his prison in Alexandria to his diocese
at Thmuis (Hist. ecd.f VIII., x. 2-10; Eng. transl.,
NPNF, 1 ser., i. 330-331), holding up the example
of the Alexandrian martyrs. Together with three
other bishops imprisoned with him, Phileas wrote
to Meletius of Lycopolis (q.v.), charging him with
violating the rules of the Church by appointing
other bishops in their places. The acts of Phileas,
which are extant both in Greek and Latin, seem to
have been known to Eusebius and to Jerome; and
Rufinus (HisL eccl., viii. 10) states that they were
Written by a Christian named Gregorius. The offi-
cial who presided at the martyrdom of Phileas was
Culcianus, who was succeeded by Hierocles appar-
ently in 306, and at latest by 308.

(N. Bonwetsch.)

Bibliography: The letter is also in M. J. Routh, Reliquics
sacrat, 5 vols., Oxford, 1846-48; Eng. transl. with intro-
duction and notes is in ANF, vi. 161-164. The Acts of his
Martyrdom are in ASB, Feb.,i. 450 sqq. (with commen-
tary); R. Knopff, AusgewahUe Martyrakten, pp. 102 sqq.,
Freiburg, 1001; F. Combefis, IUuetriwn Christi martyrum
lecti triumphi, pp. 145 sqq., Paris, 1660 (the Greek text).
The older literature is given in ANF, Bibliography, p. 71.
Consult: Jerome, De vir. ill., Ixxviii.; N. Lardner, Credi-
bUxty of Gospel History, in Works, iii. 234-237, London,
1838; J. M. Neale, Hist, of the Holy Eastern Church, i.
97, 00-101, London, 1847; E. le Blaut, Les Pers&-
ctdeurs et les martyrs aux premiers siecles, pp. 226-
227. Paris, 1803; Hamack, LiUeratur, i. 441-442, ii. 2, pp.
89-72, 74, 83; C. Schmidt, in TV, v. 4b (1001); O. Bar-
denhewer, Gesehichte der aUkirchlichen LiUeratur, ii. 211-
212, Freiburg, 1003; Krttger, History, p. 210; DCB,
iv. 353; KL, ix. 1008.

PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO. See Paul the
Apostle, II.

PHILIP II. : King of Spain, son of the Emperor
Charles V. and Isabella of Portugal; b. at Valla-
dolid May 21, 1527; d. at Madrid Sept. 13, 1598.
Educated under Dominican rather than Jesuit in-
fluence, he perpetuated the Spanish idea of Roman
Catholicism that underlay the policy of Ferdinand
and Isabella and Cardinal Ximenes, which regarded
Roman Catholicism as the only tolerable form of
Christianity and as absolutely essential to the po-
litical power of Spain. He had no sympathy with
the humanistic popes and Curia, and would brook
no interference of the papacy with Spanish admin-
istration; on the other hand, he insisted upon con-
trolling papal policy. The policy of compromise by
which Charles V. had sought to reunify religion
throughout his realm had been recognized by him-
self as ineffective.

Philip began his reign with the fixed resolve to
exterminate Protestantism at whatever cost from
every foot of territory that he con-
Two Chief trolled. Closely connected with this
Aims; aspect of his policy was a determina-
Failure in tion to make his own will supreme
England, throughout his vast realm. Protes-
tantism had never been allowed to
gain much headway in Spain and he spared no
effort or expense to remove every vestige of anti-
catholicism. With equal severity he dealt with the
Moriscoes (professed Moorish converts still Moham-
medan at heart) and with converts from Judaism
whose sincere devotion to Roman Catholicism was
suspected. He married Mary of England (1554)
with the twofold object of bringing England under
the domination of Spain and of exterminating her-
esy in the British Isles. He even sought to ingratiate
himself with the English people by putting aside
his customary moroseness and reserve and as-
suming an air of friendliness and suavity. His failure
to win the hearts of the English, Mary's dissatisfac-
tion with his private life, and the urgent need of his
presence at home led to his leaving England for-
ever (Sept., 1555). In 1556 by the abdication of
Charles V. he became master of Spain, the Sicilies, the
Milanese territory, Franche Comte", the Netherlands,
Mexico, and Peru, thus becoming the greatest po-
tentate on earth with seemingly unlimited resources.
He was impatient to begin a crusade against
Protestantism in which he sought to enlist all the
Roman Catholic sovereigns of Europe, but was
shocked by the discovery that the
His Wars, pope had formed an alliance with the
king of France and the sultan to de-
prive him of his Italian possessions. He scrupled
at going to war with the pope, but self-interest
soon triumphed and he sent the duke of Alva to
drive French and papal forces from Sicily and to
seize the papal possessions, while he himself admin-
istered a severe chastisement to the French at St.
Quentin (Aug. 10, 1557) and at Gravelines (Apr. 2,
1559). After the death of Mary of England he
sought once more to gain a foothold in England by
proposing to marry Elizabeth, her sister and suc-
cessor. Failing in this project he married Isabella

Philip n.

Philip the ApoatU

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

of France, daughter of Catharine de Medici, his
main object being to bring his influence in favor of
Roman Catholicism more powerfully to bear upon
France for the destruction of the Huguenots and
to prevent French interference with his measures
against Evangelical Christianity in the Netherlands.
As a preparation for the crusade against Protestant-
ism, which he foresaw to be an undertaking of vast
proportions, he began to gather rapidly into the
treasury the wealth of his domain, ignoring com-
pletely the customary and legal rights of the people.
The revolt of the Netherlands and his unsuccessful
efforts to suppress it depleted the well-filled treas-
ury and led to extortionate and destructive taxa-
tion in Spain, including ecclesiastical foundations.
Portugal became his through failure of the direct
male line of succession and through a successful mil-
itary invasion (1580). The pope having bestowed
England upon Philip, he undertook to take posses-
sion (1588) by sending the armada, a fleet of 131
vessels with 19,000 marines and 8,000 sailors, against
a far inferior English fleet. Favoring winds and
superior seamanship gave the victory to the Eng-
lish, and Spain was well-nigh swept off the sea.
Philip promoted and rejoiced in the massacre of St.
Bartholomew's day in France (1572) and, when
Henry of Navarre became heir apparent and was
contending for the crown, Philip joined forces with
the Guises. In the war that followed Philip was
worsted and was obliged to sign the treaty of Ver-
vins (May, 1598). By forty years of aggressive
warfare, for the destruction of the political enemies
of Spain and of the enemies of the Roman Catholic
Church, he lost a large part of his hereditary pos-
sessions, impoverished and degraded what remained,
and at his death (1598) left Spain a secondary power
and its people far behind the age in free institutions
and in civilization. The inquisition of heresy was
with him a favorite occupation, and it was carried
on with the utmost cruelty wherever his authority
prevailed.

While he regarded Roman Catholicism as the
only valid form of Christianity and was convinced
that the toleration of any other form of religion
tended toward anarchy or at least
Attitude toward destruction of monarchy, he
toward was strenuous in resisting anything in
the Papacy, papal or conciliar action that could be
construed as infringement upon the
prerogatives of the Spanish crown. His control of
the Inquisition, his right to nominate bishops not
only for Spain but also for the Netherlands, the
regium exequatur (involving the right of the king
to pass upon all papal bulls and briefs before their
promulgation in his domains; see Placet), the
right of the king to administer and control the
affairs of the Hospitalers and other endowed eccle-
siastical institutions, he persistently maintained.
He exercised a controlling influence over the Coun-
cil of Trent (1556 onward) and his representatives
were keen to detect and mighty to defeat any or-
dinance that trenched upon the rights of the Span-
ish crown. The conciliar provision for episcopal
visitation of the chapters of the monastic orders he
resolutely and effectively opposed, as well as the
council's proposed arrangement for provincial and

diocesan synods. He greatly promoted the prog-
ress of the monastic orders, especially the Domin-
icans, Franciscans, the order founded by St. Peter
Nolasco (see Nolasco), and Jesuits, and encouraged
the multiplication of their establishments in Spain
and the colonies. He took the keenest interest in
papal elections and virtually insisted upon his right
to nominate to the papal office or at least to defeat
all candidates whom he disapproved. He promoted
the Jesuit school at Douai for the education of
Roman Catholic missionaries for England.

Apart from his single-minded devotion to the
maintenance and extension of the authority of the
Spanish crown and the universal prevalence of the
Roman Catholic religion, Philip had few of the
qualities that mark a great ruler or statesman. He
was egoistic, unsympathetic, cruel (the loss of tens
of thousands of troops seems to have affected him
only as a diminution of the resources available for
the accomplishment of his purposes, and he fre-
quently was present in person at the burning of
heretics), taciturn, morose, distrustful, and reserved.

A. H. Newman.

Bibliography: A rich list of literature is furnished in the
British Museum Catalogue. For English readers the best
works directly on the subject are: W. H. Prescott, Hist,
of the Reign of Philip II., many editions, e.g., in his Com-
plete Works, Boston. 1005 (a classic); M. A. S. Hume,
Philip II. of Spain, London, 1897; idem, Spain, its Great-
ness and Decay, ib. 1898; idem. Two English Queens and
Philip, ib. 1908. Further accounts of the life and reign
of Philip are: C. Campana, 2 parts, Venice, 1605-09;
G. Leti, 2 parts, Coligni, 1679; Robert Watson, 2 vols.,
London, 1808; A. Dumesnil, Hist, de Philippe II., Paris,
1822; E. San Miguel y Valledor, 4 vols., Madrid, 1844-
1847; F. A. M. Mignet, Antonio Perez and Philip II.,
London, 1846; C. Gayarrd, New York, 1866; R. Baum-
stark, Freiburg, 1875; V. Gomes, Madrid, 1879; H.
Fomeron, 4 vols., Paris, 1881-82; W. W. Norman, New
York, 1898. Consult also more general works, such as:
Cambridge Modern History, vol. iii., London and New
York, 1905; S. A. Durham, Hist, of Spain and Portugal,
5 vols., London, 1832 (the best general history in Eng-
lish); M. W. Freer, Elisabeth de Valois, 2 vols., London,
1857; F. W. Schirrmacher, Geschichte von Spanien, 6
vols., Gotha, 1893; H. Watts, Spain, New York, 1893;
C. A. Wilkens, Spanish Protestants in the 16th Century,
New York, 1897; J. L. Motley, The Rise of the Dutch Re-
public, ed. Bell, London. 1904; H. C. Lea, Hist, of the
Inquisition of Spain, 4 vols.. New York, 1906-07; Robin-
son, European History, ii. 168 sqq. Illustrative original
documents are cited in Reich, Documents, pp. 593 sqq.,
and in Gee and Hardy, Documents, pp. 384 sqq.

PHILIP IV. (LE BEL, "THE FAIR"): King
of France (1285-1314), eon of Philip III.; b. at
Fontainebleau (37 m. s.s.e. of Paris) 1268; d. Nov.
29, 1314. A contemporary Flemish monkish chron-
icler, having in mind his persistent and unscrupu-
lous efforts to subjugate Flanders, speaks of him
as " a certain king of France . . . eaten up by the
fever of avarice and cupidity." Guizot, quoting
with approval this medieval characterization, adds:

" And that was not the only fever inherent in Philip IV.
. . . ; he was a prey also to that of ambition and, above
all, to that of power. When he mounted the throne, at
seventeen years of age, he was handsome, as his nickname
tells us, cold, taciturn, harsh, and brave at need, but with-
out fire or dash, able in the formation of his designs and
obstinate in prosecuting them by craft or violence, bribery
or cruelty, with wit to choose and support his servants, pas-
sionately vindictive against his enemies, and faithless and
unsympathetic toward his subjects, but from time to time
taking care to conciliate them either by calling them to hit

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

«. *nd thniat the kingship ir
f tbat &TTOguDt mi J reckless

i-'imiM ([!■:.- v. iiii ability and

v'lii. I, i-i

d fatal «
•• Witi. of Fran

scarcely as real as this
ir while he was able to
ultimately com-

L 457. New York. 18S4).
His political success

characterization implie
rob England of Guienne he was
peiled to restore it, and while for
Dated and oppressed Flanders, bis victory was fol-
lowed by humiliating defeat. By his marriage to
Johanna of Navarre (1284) he added Navarre,
Champagne, and Brie to the royal possessions.
Lyons was later (1312) subjected to the crown.

In ecclesiastical matters his success was more
marked and permanent; but even when he con-
tended most effectively against papal usurpations
he manifested no higher qualities or motives than
those set forth above. His refusal to yield to the
demand of Boniface VIII. (q.v.) that he make
peace with the king of England was due not to a
clearly defined view of the proper relations of
Church and State, but to his determination lo have
his own way and his willingness to defy what lie
must have recognized as the highest spiritual au-
thority on earth. The same may be said of his
successful retaliatory measures in response to Boni-
face's bull CUricit laicot (Feb. 25. 1296). He had
gained so large a measure of authority in France
that the French clergy, whether tiiry syni|i:ir|ji/cij
with his defiance of the pope or not, dared not
antagonize him, paid to the king the war subsidies
demanded in spite of papal prohibition, ami nbvjed
the king in withholding all papal dues. That Boni-
face deserved to be cliastised for his arrogance does
not moke of Philip a heroic champion of civil lib-
erty in administering the discipline. This is true
also of his defiant treatment of the bull Unam
tantiam (q.v.). His burning of this most arrogant
papal pronouncement, his confiscation of the es-
tates of prelates who sided with the pope, and his
response to the pope's bull of excommunication by
throning the pope into prison, furnish no proof
that he was a. reformer. The fact is that he re-
garded neither God nor man when his own sup-
posed interests were at stake. He manifested the
same spirit in manipulating the college of cardinals
so as to secure the election of a pope (Clement V.)
committed to the interests of France and pledged
to remove the papal capital to Avignon. He se-
cured the removal of the papal seat to French ter-
ritory not in older that he might bring about a
reformation in the papal administration, but that
he might prevent other sovereigns from using the
organized power of the papacy against hhzUi If and
ought be assured of papal and curia] cooperation
for the aggrandizement of the French monarchy.
He compelled the captive po[ie and Curia to coop-
erate with him in the destruction of the Templars
(q.v.), not because be believed that the order had
become scandalously unmoral and blasphemously
and diabolically irreligious, as members of the order
*ere tortured into confessing, but because he was

jealous of their political power and lack of sub-
serviency, and covetous of their vast wealth. He
persecuted the Jews not chiefly because he "anted
them to become Christians, but as a means of ap-
propriating their wealth. HIb avarice was also
itLHiifested in his debasing of the coinage of the
realm. It is not to be supposed that the well
f'Oiiceivi-d : -i I m I urll e\>TU!ed measures fur consolida-
ting : i in I iin.Ti.'']-ihg (In- ioii horny of the crown, over-
coining civil ami ecclesiastical opposition, and en-
riching ilie royal exchequer were the product of his
own independent thinking. He was surrounded
with able and unscrupulous Counselors (such as
William of N'ugarct], who subserviently ministered
to his consuming desire for power arid glory and
who profited personally by his successful exploita-
tions. See Boniface VIII.; and Clement V.

A. H. Newman.

Biblioobafhy: Imoortant source* an: Codex diplomatic**
I, od. T. do L. Btinim. Bruges. 187B
-■'■* dt Philippe h Bri. Touloupr,

1887.

1 Lettre.

i, band)

. Bullet. HiK dn dtm/la
du Papo Boniface VIII ai-ix Philippe It lit!. 2 porta, Paris,
1718; M. Bouquet. Rrturil dm hittoriena dr, Gauttt, vol.
ai., 23 vols., ib. 1738-76: J. Jolly. Philippe U Bel. i»
dentin*. ™ acf«. son influence, ib. 1809; Milmau, Latin
• i.: Pmtoi ~

fBo»

t, VIII. i

PHILIP THE APOSTLE: One of the twelve,
usually named fifth in order in the lists of the apos-
tles. Excepting in these lists, he is not mentioned
in the Synoptic Gospels. In the narrative of the
Fourth Gospel he occasionally apjiears individu-
ally (John i. 14 sqq., vi. 5 sqq., xii. 21 sqq., xiv.
8 sqq.). He '" was of lielhsaida, the city of Andrew
and Peter" (John i. 44), after whom, and prob-
ably owing to their common following of John the
Baptist, Philip became acquainted with Jesus (John
i. 14 sqq.), to whom he then brought Nalhanael.
According to John vi. 5-8, xii. 22 (cf. Mark iii. 18),
he appears to have stood close to his fellow coun-
tryman Andrew; and John vi. 7, xii. 22, indicate
that he possessed a reserved and circumspect dis-
position. But neither his Greek name nor John
xii. 22 warrants the inference that Philip was of
Greek education. On another side, to explain this
whole Johannme portraiture of the Apostle Philip
as purely ideal (e.g., Holtzmann) is opposed by the
very simplicity of the data.

The patristic statements (Clement of Alexandria,
Strom., iii. 4; Eusebius, Hist, era*., III., xxxl,
Eng. transl., NPNF, 1 ser., lf>2) that the unnamed
disciple of Jesus in Luke fx. 60; Matt. viii. 22, was
Philip rests probably on a confusion with the evan-
gelist of tliis name. This mistake, however, has
both possible and rational evplaual ion, in case the
apostle and the evangelist alike sojourned in Asia
Minor (see Phiup the Evangelist).

F. SiEryERT.

BlBUOciRAPIlY . I ''iii-uill in kitiitiiJ: The {.-OEumpnturics oa
the Gospels and Acts, and works oa the apostolic age.
Abo A. B. Brw-c The Training of Ih. Ticrh-r. I :.li.,l,au-li,

1871; J. II. Liutitfi-Hit, i'iitii itiirv oa Colossisas, pp.

45-48. London, 1879; idem, Cambridge Sermon*, pp. 129
sqq., ib. 1S90: G. Milligan. The Twtlve Apoillei. Lunclon,
1804; Dfl. iii. 834-838; EB, Iii. 3897-3701; DOT, ii.
3M-:j6(i: Visoiii-iui, t)ictivr,nnirr. part xai., cola. 267-
270. For the apociypbal bistoiy consult; C. Tisebeu-

Philip the Arabian
Philip of Hesse

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

dorf, Ada apostolorum apocrypha, pp. xxxi.-xl., 75-104,
Lcipsic, 1851; W. Wright, Apocryphal Act* of the Apostle*,
ii. 69 sqq., London, 1871; Apocryphal Gospels, Ads, and
Revelations, Eng. transl. by A. Walker, pp. 301-324, Edin-
burgh, 1873; R. A. Lipsius, Die apokryphen Apostdge-
sehichten tend AposteUegenden, ii. 2, pp. 1-53, Brunswick,
1884; Analeda Bollandiana, ix (1890), 204-240; T. Zahn,
Oeschichte des netUestamentlichen Kanons, ii. 761-768,
Leipeic, 1890; Stdlten, in JPT, 1891, pp. 149-160; Apoc-
rypha Anecdota, in TU, ii. 3 (1893); A. S. Lewis, Mytho-
logical Ads of the Apostles, in Horcs Semitica, iv„ London,
1904; Harnack, Litteratur, i. 138.

PHILIP THE ARABIAN (MARCUS JULIUS
PHILIPPUS ARABS): Roman emperor 244-249;
b. at Bostra (119 m. s. of Damascus) in the Roman
province of Arabia Petraea (whence his epithet of
"the Arabian"); killed in battle near Verona,
Italy, in the autumn of 249. Elevated to the pur-
ple by the murder of his predecessor, Gordianus
III., he was able, during his reign, to subdue the
Carpi who had ravaged Dacia, and, in 248, to cele-
brate the millennial of the founding of Rome,
but was, on the other hand, obliged to conclude a
humiliating peace with the Persians. In 249 Philip
became involved in civil war with his rival Decius,
by whom he was defeated and slain, his young son,
whom he had made coregent at the age of seven,
being murdered by the Pretorian Guard at Rome.

Philip the Arabian, whose high moral ideal is
evinced by his earnest, though unavailing, efforts
to suppress the practise of unnatural vice, is of in-
terest theologically chiefly because of an ancient
and wide-spread tradition which makes him the
first Christian emperor of Rome. This tradition
appears earliest in Eusebius (Hist, eccl., vi. 34), who
states that, according to report, Philip had desired
to attend divine service on Easter, but had been
obliged to perform penance. Vincent of Lerins
(fifth century), Dionysius of Alexandria, Chrysos-
tom, Jerome, the first Valesian Fragment, and
Orosius likewise either explicitly state or at least
imply that Philip was the first Christian emperor.
It is plain, however, simply from the coins and
medals struck by him that he was a worshiper of
the Olympic gods and that he was himself pontifex
maximu8.

But though Philip was not a Christian, he was
remarkably friendly to the new religion, and the
tradition that he himself was an adherent of it was
doubtless due, at least in part, to his tolerant atti-
tude toward it. During his reign Origen could re-
fute Celsus, and conversions could be made en
masse; but he could not prevent Christians from
falling victims to mob violence in Alexandria.

(Franz GOrres.)

Bibliography: Sources are: Zosimus, Hist., i. 17-22; Ju-
lius Capitolinus, Oordiani tree, chape, xxii., xxvi.-xxx.,
ed. H. Peter, Leipsic, 1865; Sextus Aurelius Victor, De
Casaribus, ed. J. F. Gruner, pp. 308-313, 429-430, Er-
langen, 1787. Consult in general the history of the period
in works on the Roman Empire, and in particular: B.
Aube, Les Chritiens dans l' empire remain, pp. 467 sqq.,
Paris, 1881 ; P. Allard, Hist, des persecutions, ii. 216-256,
474-478, Paris, 1886; K. J. Neumann, Der r&mische Stoat
und die aUgemeine Kirche bis auf Diokletian, i. 231-254,
330-331, Leipsic, 1890; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chaps,
vii., x., xvi.; DCB, iv. 355; KL, ix. 2008-09; Neander,
Christian Church, vol. i., passim.

PHILIP THE EVANGELIST: One of the seven
named in Acts vi. 5 as chosen to direct the care of

the poor, to " serve tables," and possibly to direct
outward concerns generally. Their office was prob-
ably different from the later diaconate (see Dea-
con), being, in any case, dissolved with the perse-
cution and dispersion of the congregation (Acts
viii.) and later supplanted by the more comprehen-
sive office of presbyter (Acts xi. 30, xv. 29). Since
that earlier office was instituted because the Gre-
cian members of the primitive congregation com-
plained that their widows were neglected, it may
be assumed that at least a contingent of the seven
was chosen from the Hellenist members themselves,
and probably one of these was Philip. Philip, like
Stephen (Acts vi. 13), took a comparatively liberal
stand in relation to the Jewish law and worship,
and evolved from that liberal mode of teaching its
practical sequel, in that after his flight from Jeru-
salem he began an eventful missionary activity
among the Samaritans (Acts viii. 5 sqq.), who were
accounted nearly the same as heathen. Moreover,
he baptized an uncircumcised half-proselyte, the
queen of Ethiopia's eunuch (Acts viii. 26 sqq.).
Next he journeyed, preaching the Gospel, "till he
came to Caesarea." Here Paul took up his abode
with him, together with his fellow travelers, on
Paul's final journey (Acts, xxi. 8). And as this in-
cident is related in Acts, Philip is designated not
only with reference to his former office as " one of
the seven," but also with reference to his mission-
ary activity as " the evangelist " and as the father
of " four daughters, virgins, which did prophesy "
(xxi. 9). This is the last notice of him in the New
Testament.

The patristic tradition in regard to the subse-
quent fortunes of Philip is of impaired value for the
reason that he has been confused with the apostle
of like name, as in Polycrates of Ephesus, who re-
ports of the Apostle Philip (Eusebius, Hist. eccl.t
III., xxxi. 3, V., xxiv. 2), that he rests in Hierapo-
lis, as do two of his daughters, who grew old as
virgins; whereas his third daughter, whose " walk
and conversation were in the Spirit," lies buried in
Ephesus. These family particulars so closely re-
semble what is reported in Acts xxi. 9 of the evan-
gelist that it is hardly tenable to think of two dif-
ferent men of the same name in this connection.
Error in the Book of Acts is the less likely since it
is precisely there that the reports are from an eye-
witness. It is evident that Polycrates erroneously
held the Philip of Hierapolis to be the apostle,
though this does not exclude the proposition that
his particulars in regard to the Evangelist Philip
are correct. In comparison with these details the
statements of Gaius of Rome (Eusebius, Hist, eccl.,
III., xxxi.) are not so exact. It is probably duo
to a confusion of the two named Philip that Clem-
ent of Rome (Eusebius, Hist. eccl.f III., xxx. 1)
asserts that the Apostles Peter and Philip had be-
gotten children, and that Philip had given his
daughters in second marriage. Neither are those
communications of Eusebius himself quite clear
(III., xxxi.) which have arisen from a combination
of what is stated by Polycrates and by Caius. Con-
fusion of the apostle with the evangelist may have
been easier because of the possibility that the two
lived at the same time in Asia Minor. The later

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Philip the Arabian
Philip of Hesse

tradition was that the evangelist died as bishop at

Tralles; that the apostle died and was buried in

Ephesus. F. Sieffert.

Bibliography: Because of the confusion noted in the text,
the literature named under Phi up the Apostle covers
in large part the subject of this article. Consult the com-
mentaries on Acts (e.g., G. T. Stokes, in Expositor's Bible,
vol. L, chaps, xvii., xx., London and New York, 1891),
and the works on the apostolic age (e.g., A. C. McGifFert,
pp. 73-74, 95, 340, 424, New York, 1897); T. Zahn, in
Foreehvngen tux Geachichte des ncutestamentlichen Kanons,
vi (1900), 158 sqq.; DB, iii. 836-837; Vigouroux, Die-
tionnairc, part xxxi., cols. 270-272; ASB for June 6;
Hamack, LiUeratw, ii. 1, pp. 357-358, 368, 669.

PHILIP OF GORTYWA: Christian apologist;

flourished in the last half of the second century.

He is mentioned with praise in the letter of Diony-

sius of Corinth to the Christian community at Gor-

tyna (Eusebius, Hist, eccl., IV., xxiii. 5; Eng.

transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 201); and wrote in the time

of Marcus Aurelius a reply to Marcion (mentioned

only by Eusebius, IV., xxv., NPNF, ut sup., p.

203). Jerome (De vir. ill., xxx.) is dependent upon

Eusebius. (G. KrCger.)*

Bibliography: The sources are indicated in the text. Con-
sult further: Hamack, LiUeratur, i. 237; DCB% iv. 355;
C. A. Bernoulli, Drr SchriftsUllerkataloQ dee Hieronymua,
p. 334 et passim, Freiburg, 1895.

PHILIP OF HESSE.

Early Life and Embracing of Protestantism (f 1).
Introduction of the Reformation in Hesse (| 2).
Suspected of Zwinglianism (§3).
Leader of the Schmalkald League (f 4).
Bigamous Marriage (5 5).
Overtures to the Emperor (| 6).
Resumption of Hostility to Charles (| 7).
Imprisonment of Philip and Interim in Hesse (§ 8).
Closing Years (§ 9).

Philip of Hesse, or Philip the Magnanimous, land-
grave of Hesse from 1509 to 1567 and one of the
most powerful promoters of the Protestant Refor-
mation, was born at Marburg Nov. 13, 1504; d. at
Cassel Mar. 31, 1567. His father died when Philip
was five years old, and in 1514 his mother, Anna of
Mecklenburg, after a series of struggles with the
estates of Hesse, succeeded in becoming regent for
him. The controversies still contin-
i. Early ued, however, so that, to put an end
Life and to them, Philip was declared to have
Embracing attained his majority in 1518, his
of ProteB- actual assumption of power beginning
♦frntfonv in the following year. The power of the
estates had been broken by his mother,
but he owed her little else. His education had been
very imperfect, and his moral and religious train-
ing had been neglected. Despite all this, he de-
veloped rapidly as a statesman, and soon began to
take steps to increase his personal authority as a
ruler.

The first meeting of Philip of Hesse with Luther
was in 1521 at the Diet of Worms, where he was
attracted by the Reformer's personality, though he
had at first little interest in the religious elements
of the situation. It was only after his marriage
with Christina, the daughter of George of Saxony,
early in 1524, that he began to take an active part
in forwarding the cause of the Reformation. The
impulse to this activity came from his reading
Luther's translation of the Bible, and his nascent

Protestantism was fostered by meeting Melanch-
thon in the spring of 1527. As early as 1524 he
had encouraged the spread of the new doctrines in
his territories and he now professed open adherence
to the tenets of Luther, refusing to follow the coun-
sel of the clergy, his mother, or his father-in-law,
all of whom urged him to repress the spread of the
new teaching by force. He openly approved of
Luther's position in the Peasant War, declaring
that it was not the result of the Protestant move-
ment; he refused to be drawn into the anti-Lutheran
league of George of Saxony in 1525; and by his
alliance with the Elector John of Saxony, concluded
at Gotha Feb. 27, 1526, showed that he was al-
ready taking steps to organize a protective alliance
of all Protestant princes and powers. At the same
time he united political motives with his religious
policy, aiming, as early as the spring of 1526, to pre-
vent the election of Archduke Ferdinand as em-
peror of the Holy Roman Empire. At the Diet of
Speyer (1526) Philip openly championed the Prot-
estant cause, rendering it possible for Protestant
preachers to propagate their views while the
Diet was in session, and, like his followers, openly
disregarding ordinary Roman Catholic ecclesiastical
usages.

Although there was no strong popular movement
for reforming Hesse, Philip determined to organize
the church there according to Protes-
2. Introduc- tant principles. In this he was aided
tion of the not only by his chancellor, the human-
Reforma- is tic Feige (Ficinus) of Lichtenau, and
tion in his chaplain, Adam Krafft (q.v.), but
Hesse. also by the ex- Franciscan Francois
Lambert (q.v.), a fanatical enemy of
the faith he had left. While the violent policy of
Lambert, embodied, at least in part, in the Hom-
berg church order (see Hombero Synod and Chukch
Order of 1526) was abandoned, and an essentially
Lutheran type of organization was adopted, the
monasteries and religious foundations were dis-
solved; their property was applied to charitable
and scholastic purposes; and the University of
Marburg was founded in the summer of 1527 to be,
like Wittenberg, a school for Protestant theolo-
gians. Philip's father-in-law and the bishops of
Wurzburg and Mainz were active in agitating
against the growth of the new heresy, and the com-
bination of several circumstances, including ru-
mors of war, convinced Philip of the existence of a
secret league among the Roman Catholic princes.
His suspicions were confirmed to his own satisfac-
tion by a forgery given him by an adventurer who
had been employed in important missions by George
of Saxony, one Otto von Pack; and after meeting
with the Elector John of Saxony at Weimar Mar.
9, 1528, it was agreed that the Protestant princes
should take the offensive in order to protect their
territory from invasion and capture. Both Luther
and the elector's chancellor, Bruck, though con-
vinced of the existence of the conspiracy, coun-
seled strongly against acting on the offensive. The
imperial authorities at Speyer now forbade all
breach of the peace, and, after long negotiations,
Philip succeeded in extorting the expenses for his
armament from the dioceses of Wurzburg, Bamberg,

Philip of HeaM

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

and Mainz, the latter bishopric also being compelled
to recognize the validity of ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tion in Hessian and Saxon territory until the em-
peror or a Christian council should decide to the
contrary. The condition of affairs was, however,
very unfavorable to Philip, who might easily be
charged with disturbing the peace of the empire,
and at the second Diet of Speyer, in the spring of
1529, he was publicly ignored by the emperor.
Nevertheless, he took an active part in uniting the
Protestant representatives, as well as in preparing
the celebrated protest of Speyer; and before leav-
ing the city he succeeded in forming, on Apr. 22,
1520, a secret understanding between Saxony,
Hesse, Nuremberg, Strasburg, and Ulm.

Philip was especially anxious to prevent division
over the subject of the Lord's Supper. Through
him Zwingli was invited to Germany,
3. Sus- and Philip thus prepared the way for
pected of the celebrated debate at Marburg
Zwinglian- (see Marburg, Conference of). Al-
ism. though the attitude of the Wittenberg
theologians frustrated his attempts to
bring about harmonious relations, and although
the situation was still further complicated by the
position of George, margrave of Brandenburg, who
demanded a uniform confession and a uniform
church order, Philip held that the differences be-
tween Strasburg and the followers of Luther in their
sacramental theories admitted of adjustment, and
that the erring could not scripturally be rejected
and despised. The result was that Philip was sus-
pected of a tendency toward Zwinglianism. At the
same time, the results of a conference with the elec-
tor of Saxony and with Margrave George at Schleiz
(Oct. 3), the anger of the emperor at receiving from
Philip a statement of Protestant tenets, composed
by the ex-Franciscan Lambert, and the landgrave's
failure to secure any common action on the part of
the Protestant powers regarding the approaching
Turkish war, all tended to draw him closer to the
Swiss and the Strasburg Reformers. He eagerly
embraced Zwingli's plan of a great Protestant alli-
ance to extend from the Adriatic to Denmark to
keep the Holy Roman emperor from crossing into
Germany. This association caused some coldness
between himself and the followers of Luther at the
Diet of Augsburg in 1530, especially when he pro-
pounded his irenic policy to Melanchthon and urged
that all Protestants should stand together in de-
manding that a general council alone should decide
concerning religious differences. This was supposed
to be indicative of Zwinglianism, and Philip soon
found it necessary to explain his exact position on
the question of the Lord's Supper, whereupon he
declared that he fully agreed with the Lutherans,
but disapproved of persecuting the Swiss.

The arrival of the emperor put an end to these
disputes for the time being; and when Charles de-
manded that the Protestant representatives should
take part in the procession of Corpus Christi, and
that Protestant preaching should cease in the city,
Philip bluntly refused to obey. He now sought in
vain to secure a modification of the tenth article of
the Augsburg Confession; but when the position
of the Upper Germans was officially rejected, Philip

left the diet directing his representatives manfully
to uphold the Protestant position, and to keep
general, not particular, interests constantly in view.
At this time he offered Luther a refuge in his own
territories, and began to cultivate close relations
with Martin Butzer, whose comprehension of po-
litical questions constituted a common bond of
sympathy between them, and who fully agreed
with the landgrave on the importance of com-
promise measures in treating the controversy on
the Lord's Supper.

In 1530 Philip was successful in accomplishing
the purpose for which he had so long worked by
securing the adhesion of the Protestant
4. Leader powers to the Schmalkald League (see
of the Schmalkald, League and Articles
Schmalkald of), which was to protect their relig-
League. ious and secular interests against in-
terference from the emperor. The
landgrave and his ally, the elector of Saxony, be-
came recognized leaders of this union of German
princes and cities. Philip kept clearly in view the
necessity of an anti-Hapsburg policy, and was thor-
oughly convinced that the Protestant cause de-
pended on the weakening of the Hapsburgs both at
home and abroad.

Before engaging in hostilities, Philip attempted
to accomplish the ends of Protestant policy by
peaceful means. He proposed a compromise on the
subject of the confiscated church property, but at
the same time he was untiring in providing for a
possible recourse to war, and cultivated diplomatic
relations with any and all powers whom he knew
to have anti-Hapsburg interests. A peaceful turn
was, however, given to the situation by the ar-
rangements made at Nuremberg July 25, 1532 (see
Nuremberg, Religious Peace of), though this
did not prevent Philip from preparing for a future
struggle. He was untiring in trying to draw new
allies into the league against Charles V. and Fer-
dinand, who had been invested with the duchy of
Wurttemberg; the battle of Lauffen (May 13,
1534) cost Ferdinand his newly acquired possession;
and Philip was now recognized as the hero of the
day, and his victory as the victory of the Schmal-
kald League. In the years following this coalition
became one of the most important factors in Euro-
pean politics, largely through the influence of Philip,
who lost no opportunity of furtherLig the Protes-
tant cause. Its alliance was sought by both France
and England; it was extended for a period of ten
years in 1535; and new members were added to it.
On the other hand, the struggle between the two
Protestant factions injured the advancement of
their mutual interests, and Butzer, encouraged by
Philip, was accordingly occupied in the attempt to
bring Protestants together on a common religious
platform, the result being the Concord of Witten-
berg (see Wittenberg, Concord of). The em-
peror's fears as to the political purpose of the league
were, for the time being, set at rest; but at the
same time a council which should include represen-
tatives of the pope was rejected; and measures were
taken to secure the permanence of the Protestant
cause in the future. In 153&-39 the relations be-
tween Roman Catholics and Protestants became

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Philip of Hesse

strained almost to the breaking-point, and war was
averted only by the Frankfort Respite (q.v.). The
Protestants, however, failed to avail themselves of
their possible opportunities, largely through the un-
wonted docility and pliability of Philip.

This unexpected course of the Protestant leader
was largely conditioned by two factors: he was
weakened by a licentious life, and his marital rela-
tions were about to bring scandal on
5. Bigamous all Protestantism. Within a few weeks
Marriage, after his marriage to the unattractive
and sickly Christina of Saxony, who
was also alleged to be an immoderate drinker,
Philip had committed adultery; and as early as
1526 he had begun to consider the permissibility of
bigamy. He accordingly wrote Luther for his opin-
ion, alleging as a precedent the polygamy of the
patriarchs; but Luther replied (Nov. 28, 1526) that
it was not enough for a Christian to consider the
acts of the patriarchs, but that he, like the patri-
archs, must have special divine sanction. Since,
however, such sanction was lacking in the present
case, Luther advised against such a marriage, espe-
cially for Christians, unless there was extreme ne-
cessity, as, for example, if the wife was leprous, or
abnormal in other respects. Despite this discour-
agement, Philip gave up neither his project nor a
life of sensuality which kept him for years from re-
ceiving communion. He was affected by Melanch-
thon's opinion concerning the case of Henry VIII.,
where the Reformer had proposed that the king's
difficulty could be solved by his taking a second
wife better than by his divorcing the first one. To
strengthen his position, there were Luther's own
statements in his sermons on Genesis, as well as
historical precedents which proved to his satisfac-
tion that it was impossible for anything to be un-
christian that God had not punished in the case of
the patriarchs, who in the New Testament were held
up as models of faith. It was during an illness due
to his excesses that the thought of taking a second
wife became a fixed purpose. It seemed to him to
be the only salve for his troubled conscience, and
the only hope of moral improvement open to him.
He accordingly proposed to marry the daughter of
one of his sister's ladies-in-waiting, Margarethe von
der Saale. While the landgrave had no scruples
whatever, Margarethe was unwilling to take the
step unless they had the approval of the theolo-
gians and the consent of the prince elector of Sax-
ony and of Duke Maurice. Philip easily gained his
first wife's consent to the marriage. Butzer, who
was strongly influenced by political arguments, was
won over by the landgrave's threat to ally himself
with the emperor if he did not secure the consent
of the theologians to the marriage; and the Witten-
berg divines were worked upon by the plea of the
prince's ethical necessity. Thus the " secret ad-
vice of a confessor " was won from Luther (see
Luther, § 21) and Melanchthon (Dec. 10, 1539),
neither of them knowing that the bigamous wife
had already been chosen. Butzer and Melanchthon
were now summoned, without any reason being
assigned, to Rotenburg-on-the-Fulda, where, on
Mar. 4, 1540, Philip and Margarethe were united.
The time was particularly inauspicious for any |

scandal affecting the Protestants, for the emperor,
who had rejected the Frankfort Respite, was about
to invade Germany. A few weeks later, however,
the whole matter was revealed by Philip's sister,
and the scandal caused a painful impression through-
out Germany. Some of Philip's allies refused to
serve under him; and Luther, under the plea that
it was a matter of advice given in the confessional,
refused to acknowledge his part in the marriage.

This event had affected the whole political situa-
tion. Even while the marriage question was occu-
pying his attention, Philip was engaged in construct-
ing far-reaching plans for reforming
6. Over- the Church and for drawing together
hires to the all the opponents of the house of Haps-
Emperor. burg, though at the same time he did
not give up hopes of reaching a relig-
ious compromise through diplomatic means. He
was bitterly disgusted by the criticism directed
against him, and feared that the law which he him-
self had enacted against adultery might be applied
to his own case. In this state of mind he now de-
termined to make his peace with the emperor on
terms which would not involve desertion of the
Protestant cause. He offered to observe neutrality
regarding the imperial acquisition of the duchy of
Cleves and to prevent a French alliance, on condi-
tion that the emperor would pardon him for all his
opposition and violation of the imperial laws,
though without direct mention of his bigamy. The
advances of Philip, though he declined to do any-
thing prejudicial to the Protestant cause, were wel-
comed by the emperor; and, following Butzer's ad-
vice, the landgrave now proceeded to take active
steps with the hope of establishing religious peace
between the Roman Catholics and Protestants.
Secure of the imperial favor, he agreed to appear
at the Diet of Regensburg, and his presence there
contributed to the direction which affairs took at
the Regensburg religious colloquy (see Regens-
burg, Conference of), in which Melanchthon,
Butzer, and Johannes Pistorius the elder repre-
sented the Protestant side. Philip was successful
in securing the permission of the emperor to estab-
lish a university at Marburg; and in return for the
concession of an amnesty, he agreed to stand by
Charles against all his enemies, excepting Protes-
tantism and the Schmalkald League, to make no
alliances with France, England, or the duke of
Cleves, and to prevent the admission of these powers
into the Schmalkald League. On the other hand,
the emperor agreed not to attack him in case there
was a common war against all Protestants.

These arrangements for special terms led to the
collapse of Philip's position as leader of the Protes-
tant party. He had become an object of suspicion,
and, although the league continued to remain in
force, and gained some new adherents in succeeding
years, its real power had departed. But while of
the secular princes only Albrecht of Mecklenburg
and Henry of Brunswick were still faithful to the
Roman Catholic cause, and while united action
might at the time easily have resulted in the tri-
umph of Protestantism, there was no union; Duke
Maurice and Joachim II. of Brandenburg would
not join the Schmalkald League; Cleves was sue*

Philip of Emm
Philippi

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

cessfully invaded by the imperial troops; and Prot-
estantism was rigorously suppressed in Metz.

In 1543 the internal dissensions of the league
compelled Philip to resign from its leadership, and
to think seriously of dissolving it. He put his trust
entirely in the emperor's good faith, agreeing to
help him against both the French and the Turks.
At the Diet of Speyer in 1544 he championed the
emperor's policy with great eloquence; the bishop
of Augsburg declared he must be inspired by the
Holy Spirit; and Charles now intended to make
him commander-in-chief in the next war against
the Turks.

The situation was suddenly changed, however,
and Philip was tardily forced again into the opposi-
tion, by the peace of Crespy (Sept., 1544), which
opened his eyes to the danger threatening Protes-
tantism. He prevented the Roman
7. Resump- Catholic Duke Henry of Brunswick
tion of from taking forcible possession of his
Hostility to dominions; he unsuccessfully planned
Charles, a new alliance with German princes
against Austria, pledging its members
to prevent the acceptance of the decrees of the pro-
jected Council of Trent; when this failed, he sought
to secure the neutrality of Bavaria in a possible war
against the Protestants; and he proposed a new
Protestant alliance to take the place of the Schmal-
kald League. But all this, like his projected coali-
tion with the Swiss, was prevented by the jealousy
prevailing between Duke Maurice and the elector
of Saxony. Fearful of the success of these plans,
the emperor invited Philip to an interview at Speyer
(Mar. 28, 1546). Philip spoke plainly in criticism
of the emperor's policy, and it was soon evident
that peace could not be preserved. Four months
later (July 20, 1546) the imperial ban was declared
against John Frederick and Philip as perjured
rebels and traitors. The result was the Schmalkald
war, the outcome of which was unfavorable to
Protestant interests. The defeat at Muhlberg (Apr.
24, 1547) and the capture of the Elector John Fred-
erick marked the fall of the Schmalkald League. In
despair Philip, who had been negotiating with the
emperor for some time, agreed to throw himself on
his mercy, on condition that his territorial rights
should not be impaired and that he himself should
not be imprisoned. These terms were disregarded,
however, and on June 23, 1547, both the leaders of
the famous league were taken to south Germany
and held as captives.

The imprisonment of Philip brought the Church
in Hesse into great trials and difficulties. It
had previously been organized carefully by Philip
and Butzer, and synods, presbyteries,
8. Impris- and a system of discipline had been
onment of established. The country was thor—
Philip and oughly protestantized, though public
Interim in worship still showed no uniformity,
Hesse. discipline was not strictly applied, and
many sectaries existed. The Interim
(q.v.) was now introduced, sanctioning Roman
Catholic practises and usages. Philip himself wrote
from prison to forward the acceptance of the In-
terim, especially as his liberty depended upon it.
As long as the unrestricted preaching of the Gospel

and the Protestant tenet of justification by faith
were secured, other matters seemed to him of sub-
ordinate importance. He read Roman Catholic
controversial literature, attended mass, and was
much impressed by his study of the Fathers of the
Church. The Hessian clergy, however, boldly op-
posed the introduction of the Interim and the gov-
ernment at Cassel refused to obey the landgrave's
commands. Meanwhile his imprisonment was made
still more bitter by the information which he re-
ceived concerning conditions in Hesse, and the rigor
of his confinement was increased after he had made
an unsuccessful attempt to escape. It was not until
1552 that the Peace of Passau gave him his long-
desired freedom and that he was able, on Sept. 12,
1552, to reenter his capital, Cassel.

Though Philip was now active in restoring order
within his territories, new leaders — Maurice of Sax-
ony and Christopher of Wurttemberg — had come to
the fore. Philip no longer desired to assume the
leadership of the Protestant party.
9. Closing All his energies were now directed
Tears. toward finding a basis of agreement
between Protestants and Roman Cath-
olics. At his direction his theologians were prom-
inent in the various conferences where representa-
tive Roman Catholics and Protestants assembled
to attempt to find a working basis for reunion.
Philip was also much disturbed by the internal
conflicts that arose after Luther's death between
his followers and the disciples of Melanchthon.
He was never wearied in urging the necessity of
mutual toleration between Calvinists and Lutherans,
and to the last cherished the hope of a great Protes-
tant federation, so that, with this end in view, he
cultivated friendly relations with French Protes-
tants and with Elizabeth of England. Financial
aid was given to the Huguenots, and Hessian troops
fought side by side with them in the French relig-
ious civil wars, this policy contributing to the dec-
laration of toleration at Amboise in Mar., 1563.
He gave permanent form to the Hessian Church by
the great agenda of 1566-67, and in his will, dated
in 1562, urged his sons to maintain the Augsburg
Confession and the Concord of Wittenberg, and at
the same time to work in behalf of a reunion of
Roman Catholics and Protestants if opportunity
and circumstances should permit. (T. Kolde.)
Bibliography: As a source employ: M. Lens, Briefwechsd
Landgraf PhUipps des GrossmUthigen . . . mil Bucer,
1641-47, 3 parts, Leipsic, 1880-91. Matter of pertinence
is to be found in the literature under Butzer, Martin;
Luther, Martin; Melanchthon, Phiupp; Reforma-
tion; and the various articles named in the text. For
the English reader the fullest account accessible is probably
to be found in J. Janssen, Hist, of the German People, vols,
v.-vii., St. Louis, 1903-05. Consult further: C. von
Rommel, Philipp der Grossmuthige, 3 vols., Giessen, 1830;
P. Hoffmeister, Das Leben PhUipps des GrossmHthigen,
Cassel, 1846; P. A. F. WaJther, Landgraf Philipp von
Hessen, Darmstadt, 1866; J. Wille, Philipp der Gross-
muthige und die Restitution Ulrichs von Wirtemberg, 1626-
16S6, Tubingen, 1882; S. Ehses, Landgraf Philipp von
Hessen und Otto von Pack, Freiburg, 1886; A. Heidenhain,
Die Unionspolitik Landgrafen PhUipps des GrossmUHgen,
1667-62, Breslau. 1886; W. Falckenheiner, Philipp der
GrossmUthige im Bauernkriege, Marburg, 1887; J. B. Rady,
Die Reformatoren in ihrer Beziehung tur Doppdehe des
Landgrafen Philipp, Frankfort, 1890; O. Winckelmann,

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Der x-Jimaitalditrne Bund. 1630-M, Straaburg.

Turba. Veihajtang lend (ItfanatnjtcAaft da Landarajen

PhMpp ton Hettrn, Vienna. IBM; B. Luloib, Die Oefana-

awtiw da Landgrafen PhUipp von Ht/ism, Hmnum

1890: Philipp da Groeemidiiie. Btilr&ec i

nu 1-ebetu und leintr Ztil, Marburg.

•thrift nan Qeiadtlni* Philipp* dtr Brawn i

1004; Seheuk. PMlip dtr QnMMflNn fflBihlllJill ran

Hmtn (ItOir-BT), Frankenberg. 1004; W. W. Hock-

wett. Dw Doppttthe dtt Landgrafen Philipp

lUibuIX' 1B04; Cambridai Modem History,

aim. London and New York. 1905: A. von E

Konuecke, Oil Hildnitv Philippe del Gramemotiatn, Unt-

biUB. 1906; Sehaff. Christian Church, vol. vi. passim.

PHILIP THE MAGHABIM00S. See Philip op

PHILIP HEM, SAIHT. Sen Nbrj, Philip.

PHILIP OF SIDE: Church historian; b. at Side
(the modem Eski Adaliuh; 02 m. s.w. of Konieh,
the ancient IcoDium), Pamphylia; flourished about
413*. He si i.i'lii >l under I'.lit.idon at tin- catechetical
■:!,'-il :.n Alexandria, and while slUI a young mmi
became the head of the brunch school established
by Rhodon. probably at Philip's suggestion, in
Side about 405. Later he was a priest in Constant i-
noplc, where be was an intimate friend of Chrysos-

iid In c lidato for the patriarchate

of Constant iin 'pic against Si-inn in- I I ",'■">), \i.-storius
(428), and Maximianus (431). He seems to have
Ix-en identical with the By/antine ph-sbytrr Philip.
who was eommended by Cyril of Alexandria for re-
fusing to associate with the herel ical Nest-onus, and
whom the Alexandrine patriarch sought to recon-
cile with Maximum us, when the latter succeeded
the deposed hcresiarch. It is also very pnslbla
that Philip may have spent some time in Antiocb
and Amida.

From the statements of Socrates (Hut. Met,
VII., xxvii.), Photius (Bibliotheca, xxxv.), and
Niccphorus (//w/. rrcL, xiv. 2<t) it is clear that Philip
of Side was a man of extraordinary learning and
diligence, but more diffuse than accurate. Among
his [iiunerous books, which dca.lt with many themes,
the most important were his " History of ' 'liristian-
ity " and his, polemic against the Emperor Julian.
Of his writings, however, only scant fragments have
survived, these being merely of an average charac-
ter. A number of his fragments have been edited
by Carl de Boor {ZKG, vi. 478-494; TV, v. 165-
184), and his history seems also to have influenced
the " Religious Conference at the Sassunid Court "
(ed. Eduard Bratke, in TV, xix., part 3, 1899). A
few other fragments of Philip's writings are known
to exist, and it is possible that he was also the
author of the still unedited D< titirturo arris Perxici
d at tinetura oris Indiei. (E. Bhatke)-.)

Bulioobaphi; A. Wirth. Ana orienlah'ichrn Chroniktn, pa.
SOS »qq., FronkJort. IS'.'!; 0. [i;ifl.>i.l«ni-r. P„tnJ..,ii.-,
jrp. 332-333. Freiburc. HXu , IJu; iraust, St, Loui", 1BIM;
idem, in KL. ix. 2(iL'2-LM; F luimiient, Aleiandrr dtr
Gruue und die Ida- r/o W'.'t><iii>>-ritf«* in Prophetic und
&w.pp. 118-135. Freiburg, 1901; DCS, iv. 358; CeUlier,

PHILIP THE TETRAECH (4 b.c. -34 a.d.): Son
of Herod the Great and of Cleopatra, a woman of
Jerusalem. He was educated in Rome For his
tetr-jrehate und rule sec He hod and his Familv,

II., § 3. He was a gentle and gracious prince, who

always resided in his own territories and was ever
ready to give aid and justice to his people. Philip's
coins bear the representation of the emperor and
the device of a temple, which is more probably ths
temple of Augustus at Cn-sarea than the sanctuary
at Jerusalem. His reign of thirty-seven years was
almost contemporaneous, with lite life of Jesus, who
sometimes traversed Philip's dominions. When the
latter died in 33 or ,'S4 a.d., his land became a part
of the province of Syria and was administered asJ
atl imperhd domain.

There is some difficulty in bringing Mark vi. 17
(Matt. sic. 3) into agreement with Josophus, Ant.,
xviii. 137, where Philip is said to have married
Salome, the daughter of his brother Herod Antipas
and of his niece Herodias, while Mark makes Philip
the first husband of Herodiaa herself, and states
that she left him to marry Herod. Some interpre-
ters suppose that two sons of Herod the Great bore
the name of Philip, one of them being also called
Herod; others airain think I hat I In- re must be some
error either in Josephus or in Mark. It is probable]
that the latter confused two brothers, one of whom
was the father and the other I lie husband of Salome.

E. von DobschOtz.

Ii]ni.]i..aiM'i] v: < '(ui-iill I hi1 Ei r.cni run- ija.trr Hi.inhj i\n
inn Faiult. and add In thnt S. Mathews. Hit. of New
Tatamtnl Timet in Palatine, New York, 1800.

PHILLPPI, fi-lip'pi, FRIEDMCH ADOLPH:

German Lutheran; b. at Berlin Oct. 15, 1809; d.
at Rostock Aug. 29, 1882. Although a Jew by
birth, he soon Itegun to consider the problem of the
truth of Christianity. He became a convert when he
was sixteen years old, but out of respect to his par-
ents he was not baptized until four years later.
After completing his education at the universities
of Berlin (1M27-2!)) and Leipsic (1829-30), he
taught at Dresden (1830-32) and Berlin (1.S33 34).
hut withdrew from active life to devote himself to
the private study of theology, especially dogmatics
and exegesis. In 1S37 he became privut-dwent for
theology in the University of Berlin, whence he was
called to Dorpat in 1 >>I 1 as professor of dogmatics
and moral theology. Here he took a lively interest
in the ecclesiastical ipa-sl ions of the day, contribu-
ting much to strengthen the position of l.ulheran-
isni in Russian territory. In 1851 he was called to
Rostock as professor of New-Testament exegesis, in
which capacity lie successfully opposed the theology
of Johann Hofmann and Michael Bamngarten
(qq.v.). In addition to his professorial duties,
Philippi was appointed a theological examiner in
lS.'ili, and ;i eonsistorial councilor in 1S74. Among
his writings are: De Celsi nilversarii Christianorum
philosophandi gencre (Berlin, 1836); Der ttiatij/e
tjrhormni Chrixti, di\ Beilrag zur liecfU/irli'./'iiiiis-
khn: I IS-il); Conimrntar Hirer rle'i Brief Pauti an die
ROmcr (3 parts, Krlangen and Frankfort. 1848 W>;
Kng. trans!, by J. S. Banks, 2 vols., EdmbttTgb,
1S78-7U); Kin-mi-lie filaiil.x'tiflfkre (6 vols.. Gtlters-
loh, 1854-79): Fndigton urui Yortrdge (edited by
F. Philippi, 1SS3); Symbulik, akiuiemimrkr. Vorlc-
swigcii (edited by (he same, I8S3); and Erkt-intmj
dirs Brie its I'oi'Ii nn 'lit' CuIiiIit (edited by the same,

I8S4). (Ferdwano PitiLippif.)

Philippi
Philippine Islands

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Bibuoqrapht: MeckUnburgucJiea Kirchen- und ZeitMaU,
1882, new. 19-21; M. A. Landerer, NeuetU Doomenge-
echichU, p. 215 et passim, Heflbronn, 1881.

PHILIPPI, JACOBUS: German Roman Catho-
lic; author of the Reformatorium vita dericorum
(Basel, 1494); b. at Kulchhoffen or Kilchen (now
Kirchhoffen, a hamlet near Freiburg) about 1435;
d. apparently after 1510. In 1463 he matriculated
in the theological faculty at Basel. Here he edited
a gradual (Basel, 1488) and a breviary (1492), and
also lectured on various books of the Bible, espe-
cially on the Pauline epistles. In 1464 he was a
member of the committee of advisement on the
university statutes. In scholastic philosophy he
was a realist. Of his activity little is known; but
it is evident that he was inclined toward the Breth-
ren of the Common Life (see Common Life, Breth-
ren of the), making his will in favor of their house
at Zwolle in 1486. He was attracted to the com-
munity primarily by his brother Ludwig, who had
become one of their number at Zwolle in 1472, and
who died there as rector of the Brethren in 1490.
The statement in Johann Butzbach's Auctarium
de 8criptoribu8 ecclesiasticis that Jacobus Philippi
was still living after 1508 seems to be confirmed by
a title-deed of 1510.

Among Philippi's writings Butzbach makes spe-
cial mention of the Sermons ad popidum (thus far
undiscovered) and of the Prctcordialc sacerdotum
devote celebrare cupientium utile et consclatorium
(Strasburg, 1489). His chief work, however, was
his Reformatorium (first printed at Basel, 1494, not
1444, as a misprint led many to suppose), directed
against evils in the life of the clergy. As a remedy
Philippi recommended the community of the Breth-
ren of the Common Life. The close of the book
admonishes against the misuse of benefices accu-
mulated in the hands of a single holder. In all his
reform measures Philippi shows himself in harmony
with many of his contemporaries. L. Schulze.
Bibliography: Biographical material is to be found in the
Reformatorium; scattered notices are collected by L.
Schulse in ZKW, 1886, pp. 88 sqq., and by Schdngen
in the " Chronicle " of Jacobus Trajecti published by the
Historical Society of Utrecht, 1903. Consult further:
J. Harbin, Peter von Andlau, Strasburg, 1897; idem,
Handbuch der dchvmzeriachen QeechickU, ii. 87 sqq., Stans,
1902.

PHILIPPIANS, EPISTLE TO THE. See Paul
the Apostle, II.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: The most northern
group of the Malay Archipelago, situated between
the Pacific Ocean on the east and the
Geograph- Sea of China on the west and south of
ical De- Japan and north of the islands of
scription. Borneo and Celebes, and included be-
tween latitude 4° 4& and 21° W north
and longitude 116° 4C and 126° 34' east. The
archipelago consists of 3,141 islands, most of which
are very small; the total land area is 115,026 square
miles; population, 7,635,426. The principal islands
are as follows: Luzon (area, 40,969 square miles;
population, 3,798,507), Mindanao (area, 36,292;
population, 499,634), Samar (area, 5,031; popula-
tion, 222,690), Negros (area, 4,881; population,
460,776), Panay (area, 4,611; population, 743,646),
Palawan (area, 4,027; population, 10,918), Min-

doro (area, 3,851 ; population, 28,361), Leyte (area,
2,722; population, 357,641); and Cebu (area,
1,762; population, 592,247).

The islands were discovered by Ferdinand Ma-
gellan in 1521 ; were conquered by the Spanish from
Mexico under Legaspi; and were sub-
Historical ject to the crown of Spain, until, by
and the treaty of Paris, Dec. 10, 1898, they
Political were ceded to the United States by
right of conquest and for the addi-
tional consideration of $20,000,000. Upon taking
possession the United States proceeded to reorgan-
ise the civil and judicial administration of the
islands. Religious liberty was guaranteed by the
treaty of Paris. The general government is mod-
eled after that of the United States. The executive
is composed of the governor-general who is the head
of a commission of eight members appointed by the
president of the United States and assigned as
heads of the different departments. The commis-
sion serves as the upper house of legislation and the
lower is elected by the people. The Supreme Court,
composed of four American and three native judges,
is also appointed by the American president. A
limited franchise is granted to the natives outside
of the Mohammedan islands. The population known
as the Filipinos is not homogeneous, but consists of
numerous tribes speaking many languages. The
aborigines were the Negritos, who now number
only 23,500; they are black, dwarfish, woolly-
haired, thick-lipped, and dwell in the remote parts
of the islands. The Malay or brown races consti-
tute nine-tenths of the population, of which the
principal are the Tagalogs, Visayans, Ilocanos,
Moros, Bicals, and Igorrotes. There are small ele-
ments of negroes brought by the Spanish from
Africa and Papua; of Indians brought from Mexico,
Mongoloids, and whites. Immediately after the
establishment of American sovereignty, a system
of free public schools was established. In 1905-06
the average attendance per month was 375,554 out
of a total of 1,200,000 between the ages of six and
fifteen. In the latter year there were 3,340 schools
(primary, intermediate, and high), 4,719 native,
and 831 American teachers. The Roman Catholics
in 1903 maintained 1,004 private schools with an
enrolment of 63,545, and 325 religious schools with
an enrolment of 26,478.

When the Spanish took possession their design
was the establishment of a politico-religious sover-
eignty. The picturesque ceremonials
Religious of the Roman Catholic Church ap-
History; pealed to the natives, whose adherence
Roman to their own religious beliefs was weak
Catholics, while they were disunited by their
diversities and rivalries. Great num-
bers of missionary friars of the Augustinian, Fran-
ciscan, Dominican, and Recollet orders came to the
islands, to each of whom a charge was assigned.
They labored with great success, the entire body of
people yielding rapidly to conversion. At present
only eight and one-half per cent of the inhabitants
are classed as wild, while all the others are termed
civilized. This was the result mainly of the devo-
tion of the friars to parochial instruction and to the
spiritual and physical welfare of the natives. The

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Philippi
Philippine Islands

Jesuits likewise participated in the work; but, be-
coming the richest and most powerful order, they
aroused the jealousy of the others and were re-
called in 1767. In 1850 they were given permission
to return. The bishopric erected in 1581 was made
suffragan to Mexico, and in 1595 it was raised to
metropolitan rank with three suffragan bishoprics;
to which a fourth was added in 1867, which was,
however, merged in one of the others in 1874. With
these at the head of the Church stood the provin-
cials of the four great orders named above. The
members of these orders or regular clergy greatly
preponderated in numbers and influence over the
secular clergy composed mostly of natives. The
domestic history of the archipelago, naturally se-
cluded, was parochial; consisting of missionary ex-
tension and political and industrial progress sub-
ject to the religious interest and the will of the
friars, with an occasional conflict between the arch-
bishop and the latter. Finally, the leaven of west-
ern forces finding various access bore fruit, and the
insurrections of 1896 and 1898 constituted an up-
heaval for the overthrow of the land-holding friars
and the political and economic stagnation resulting
from their long undisputed occupation. One of the
demands of the revolutionists was their expulsion.
With the insurrection of 1896 a priest, Aglipay by
name, placed himself at the head of a seceding relig-
ious or antipapal party, entitled Independent Cath-
olic Church. After negotiations between the United
States' government and Pope Leo XIII. in 1907 it
was agreed that the United States pay $7,000,000
for the friar lands and that the Church send no
friar as priest into any parish after a final objection
by the governor-general. The majority of the peo-
ple are Roman Catholics of whom there are
3,940,000, besides 3,000,000 Independent Catholics.
Every village as established by the Spanish had its
central church. Most of these buildings were of
stone and many were elaborate structures. In 1903
there were 1,608 churches of which 1,573 were Ro-
man Catholic, and in the city of Manila alone there
were 51. The Moros of the Sulu Archipelago, south-
ern Mindanao, and Palawan in the southwest, who
were the least affected by the Spanish occupation,
about 270,000, are Mohammedan. Buddhists of
Asiatic derivation number 75,000 and Animists
260,000.

Immediately after the Spanish cession, various
Protestant churches in the United States took steps
to enter the field by adopting in con-
Protestant ference a plan of cooperation and union
Missions, having in view the erection of " La
Iglesia Evangelica Fitipina," as the
national church of the Filipinos. The Presbyterian
Church established a permanent mission in 1899;
the Methodist Episcopal, the same year; the Bap-
tist in 1900; the Protestant Episcopal and Chris-
tian (Disciples) in 1901; the United Brethren in
1902; and the Congregational in 1903. In Apr.,
1901, a federation of missions and churches was
formed in Manila called " The Evangelical Union
of the Philippine Islands." The field was to be
mutually divided with Manila as the common cen-
ter. The Presbyterian Board opened stations on
Luzon, at Lagunaand Albay, in 1903, and at Taya-

bas in 1906; at Iloilo, Panay, in 1900; at Duma-
guete, Negros, in 1901; and in Cebu in 1902. The
Ellinwood School at Manila became a theological
seminary in 1907, conducted jointly by the Method-
ist Episcopal bishop and the presbytery. In 1901
the Silliman Industrial Institute was established
at Dumaguete. In 1908, 63 outstations were opened
and the 20 churches had 4,127 members. In 1900
the Methodist Episcopal Church assumed the occu-
pation of northern Luzon divided into three dis-
tricts, which became a district conference in 1904.
In 1908 there were 108 churches in the seven out-
stations with 25,000 communicants and 35,000 ad-
herents. The American Baptist Missionary Union
occupied the Visayan islands of Panay and Negros
in the south in 1900, with Iloilo as a center. The
work has been extended into Cebu. By 1908 there
were 25 churches with 2,838 members. The Broth-
erhood of St. Andrew sent out two clergymen and
two laymen in 1899, who established the Mission
of the Holy Trinity. In 1901 Bishop Brent arrived
and the islands became a mission district of the
Protestant Episcopal Church. A cathedral and
settlement^house have been established at Manila
for the English-speaking people, and stations scat-
tered among the natives. The Foreign Christian
Missionary Society (Disciples), with stations at
Manila, Laoag, Vigan, and Aparri, laying much
stress on evangelistic work, have 29 churches and
2,505 members. The American Board planted a
mission on Mindanao in 1901 and has a station at
Davao and an outstation at Santa Cruz; and in
1908 the Mindanao Missions Medical Association
was formed [in New York. The missions of the
various denominations generally combine the indus-
trial, medical, educational, and evangelizing fea-
tures. There are (1908) 7 societies with 212 sta-
tions and outstations, 126 missionaries, 492 native
helpers, 18 schools with 519 pupils, 8 hospitals, 194
churches with 35,000 communicants and 45,000
adherents, exclusive of Protestant Episcopalians.

Theodora Crosby Bliss.

Bibliography: For lists of literature consult: A. P. C.
Griffin. Library of Congress, List of Work* Relating to
. . . Philippine Islands, Washington, 1005; J. A. Rob-
ertson, Bibliography of the Philippine Islands, Cleveland,
1908; and Richardson, Encyclopaedia, p. 851. Workj on
geography and description are: J. Montero, El ArchipiS-
lago Filipino, Madrid, 1886; J. Foreman, The Philippine
Islands, London, 1899; R. Reyes Lala, The Philippine
Islands, New York, 1899; S. MacClintock, The Philippines,
New York, 1903; H. C. Stunt*, The Philippines and the
Far East, Cincinnati, 1904; F. W. Atkinson, The Philippine
Islands, Boston, 1905; J. A. Le Roy, Philippine Life in
Town and Country, New York, 1905; D. C. Worcester, Phil-
ippine Islands and their People, New York, 1907. For eth-
nology consult: D. G. Brinton, Peoples of the Philippines,
Washington, 1898; A. B. Meyer, The Distribution of the
Negritos in the Philippine Islands, Dresden, 1899; F. Blu-
menthal. Die Philippinen. Eine Darstellung der ethnogra-
phischen Verh&Unis des Archipels, Hamburg, 1900; F. H.
Sawyer, The Inhabitants of the Philippines, London, 1900;
G. A. Koese, Bijdrage tot de Anthropologic der Philippijnen,
Haarlem, 1901-04; D. Folkmar, Album of Philippine Types,
Manila, 1904; Ethnological Survey Publications, Manila,
1905 sqq. On the history consult: M. Halstead, Story of
the Philippines, New York, 1898; A. K. Fiake, Story of
the Philippines, New York, 1899; J. Foreman, Philippine
Islands, New York, 1899; A. March, Hist, of the Philippines,
New York, 1899; E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The
Philippine Islands, 1493-1803, Cleveland, 1903; idem,
The Philippine Islands, 1498-1898, 55 vols., ib. 1903-08

Philippists

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

(giving text and translation of innumerable documents —
a monumental work) ; A. J. Brown, The New Era in the
Philippines, New York, 1903; A. de Morga, Hist, of the
Philippine Islands, 2 vols., Cleveland, 1007; D. B. Barrows,
History of Philippines, New York, 1908. For the religious
side consult: A. Coleman, The Friars in the Philippines,
Boston, 1899; J. T. Medina, El Tribunal de la Inquisicidn
en las Islas Filipinos, Santiago, 1899; F. Colin, Labor
Evangelica, Ministeros de los Obreros de la Compafiia de
Jesus . . . enlas Islas Filipinos, 3 vols., Barcelona, 1900-
1902; E. Zamora, Las Corporaciones reliffiosas en Filipinos,
Valladolid, 1901. For accounts of evangelical missionary
work consult: H. O. Dwight, The Blue Book of Missions,
pp. 68-69, New York, 1907; and the annual reports of the
missionary societies at work there.

PHILIPPISTS.

Before Luther's Death (| 1).
Opposition to Melanchthon (| 2).
Open Conflict (ft 3).
Lutheran Strictures (ft 4).
Downfall of the Philippists (ft 5).
Estimate of Philippism (ft 6).

Philippists was the designation usually applied
in the latter half of the sixteenth century to the
followers of Philipp Melanchthon (q.v.). It prob-
ably originated among the opposite or Flacian
party (see Flacius, Matthias), and
i. Before was applied at first to the theologians
Luther's of the universities of Wittenberg and
Death. Leipsic, who were all adherents of
Melanchthon's distinctive views, es-
pecially those in which he approximated to Roman
Catholic doctrine on the subject of free will and
the value of good wrorks, and to the Swiss Reform-
ers' on the Lord's Supper. Somewhat later it was
used in Saxony to designate a distinct party or-
ganized by Melanchthon's son-in-law Caspar Peu-
cer (q.v.), with George Cracovius, Johann S tassel
(q.v.), and others, to work for a union of all the
Protestant forces, as a means to which end they
attempted to break down by this attitude the bar-
riers which separated Lutherans and Calvinists.
Melanchthon had won, by his eminent abilities as a
teacher and his clear, scholastic formulation of doc-
trine, a large number of disciples among whom were
included some of the most zealous Lutherans, such
as Matthias Flacius and Tileman Hesshusen (qq.v.),
afterward to be numbered among the vehement op-
ponents of Philippism; both of whom formally and
materially received the forms of doctrine shaped by
Melanchthon. As long as Luther lived, the conflict
with external foes and the work of building up the
Evangelical Church so absorbed the Reformers that
the internal differences which had already begun
to show themselves were kept in the background.
But Luther was no sooner dead than the internal
as well as the external peace of the Lutheran Church
declined. It was a misfortune not only for Me-
lanchthon, but for the whole body that he, who had
formerly stood as a teacher by the side
2. Opposi- of Luther, the real leader, was now
tion to forced suddenly into the position of
Melanch- head not only of the University of
thon. Wittenberg but of the entire Evangel-
ical Church of Germany. There was
among certain of Luther's associates, notably
Nikolaus von Amsdorf (q.v.), a disinclination to
accept his leadership. When in the negotiations
set on foot with reference to the Augsburg Interim

(see Interim) by the Elector Maurice in 1548 he
showed himself increasingly ready to yield and
make concessions, he ruined his position with a
large part of the Evangelical theologians for all
time; and an opposition party was formed, in which
the leadership was at once assumed by Flacius in
view of his learning, controversial ability, and in-
flexible firmness. Melanchthon, on the other hand,
with his faithful followers (Camerarius, Major,
Menius, Pfeffinger, Eber, Cruciger, Strigel [qq.v.]),
and others saw in the self-styled genuine Lutherans
naught but a narrow and contentious class, which,
ignoring the inherent teaching of Luther, sought
to domineer over the church by letter and name,
and in addition to assert its own ambitious self.
On the other hand, the Philippists regarded them-
selves as the faithful guardians of learning over
against the alleged " barbarism," and as the mean
between the extremes. The genuine Lutherans also
claimed to be representatives of the pure doctrine,
defenders of orthodoxy, and heirs of the spirit of
Luther. Personal, political, and ecclesiastical ani-
mosities widened the breach; such as the rivalry
between the Ernestine branch of the Saxon house
(now extruded from the electoral dignity) and the
Albertine branch; the jealousy between the new
Ernestine University of Jena and the electoral uni-
versities of Wittenberg and Leipsic, in both of
which the Philippists had the majority; and the
bitter personal antagonism felt at Wittenberg for
Flacius, who assailed his former teachers harshly
and made all reconciliation impossible.

The actual conflict began with the controversy
over the Interim and the question of Adiaphora
(see Adiaphora and the Adiaphoristic Contro-
versy) in 1548 and the following years. In the
negotiations concerning the Leipsic
3. Open Interim the Wittenberg theologians
Conflict, as well as Johann Pfeffinger and the
intimate of Melanchthon, George of
Anhalt (q.v.), were on the side of Melanchthon, and
thus drew upon themselves the violent opposition
of the strict Lutherans, under the leadership of
Flacius, who now severed his connection with Wit-
tenberg. When the Philippist Georg Major (q.v.)
at Wittenberg and Justus Menius (q.v.) at Gotha
put forth the proposition that good works were nec-
essary to salvation, or as Menius preferred to say
" the new obedience, the new life, is necessary to
salvation," they were not only conscious of the
danger that the doctrine of justification by faith
alone would lead to antinomianism and moral laxity
but they manifested a tendency to bring into account
the necessary connection of justification and re-
generation: namely, that justification as possession
of forgiving grace by faith is indeed not conditioned
by obedience; but also that the new life is presup-
posed by obedience and works springing out of the
same justification. But neither Major nor Menius
was sufficiently firm in his view to stand against
the charge of denying the doctrine of justification
and going over to the Roman camp, and thus they
were driven back to the general proposition of jus-
tification by faith alone. The Formula of Concord
(q.v.) closed the controversy by avoiding both ex-
tremes, but failed to offer a final solution of the ques-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Philippics

tion demanded by the original motive of the con-
troversy. The synergistic controversy (see Syner-
gism), breaking out about the same time, also
sprang out of the ethical interest which had in-
duced Melanchthon to enunciate the doctrine of
free will in opposition to his previous predestinarian-
ism. After the clash in 1555 between Pfefrlnger
(who in his Propositions de libero arbitrio had held
closely to the formula of Melanchthon) and Ams-
dorf and Flacius, Strigel went deeper into the mat-
ter in 1559 and insisted that grace worked upon
sinful men as upon personalities, not natural objects
without a will; and that in the position that there
was a spontaneous cooperation of human powers
released by grace there was an actual lapse into
the Roman Catholic view. The suspicions now en-
tertained against Melanchthon and his school were
quickened by the renewed outbreak of the sacra-
men tarian controversy in 1552. Joachim Westphal
(q.v.) accused Melanchthon of agreement with Cal-
vin, and from this time the Philippists rested under
the suspicion of Crypto-Calvinism. The more the
German Lutherans entertained a dread of the
invasion of Calvinism, the more they mistrusted
every announcement of a formula of the Lord's
Supper after the form of Luther's doctrine yet ob-
scure. The controversy on this subject, in which
Melanchthonf8 friend Hardenberg of Bremen (see
Hardenberg, Albert Rizaeus) was involved with
Timann (q.v.) and then with Hesshusen, leading to
his deposition in 1561, elevated the doctrine of ubiq-
uity to an essential of Lutheran teaching. The Wit-
tenberg pronouncement on the subject prudently
confined itself to Biblical expressions and fore-
warned itself against unnecessary disputations,
which only strengthened the suspicion of una vowed
sympathy with Calvin.

The strict Lutherans sought to strike a decisive
blow at Philippism. This was apparent at the
Weimar meeting of 1556 and in the negotiations of
Coswig and Magdeburg in this and the following
years, which showed a tendency to work not so
much for the reconciliation of the contending par-
ties as for a personal humiliation of Melanchthon.
He, although deeply wounded, showed
4. Lutheran great restraint in his public utterances;
Strictures, but his followers in Leipsic and Wit-
tenberg paid their opponents back in
their own coin. The heat of partizan feeling was
displayed at the Conference of Worms in 1557,
where the Flacian party did not hesitate, even in
the presence of Roman Catholics, to show their
enmity for Melanchthon and his followers. After
several well-meant attempts at pacification on the
part of the Lutheran princes, the most passionate
outbreak occurred in the last year of Melanchthon 's
life, 1559, in connection with the " Weimar Confu-
tation " published by Duke John Frederick, in
which together with the errors of Servetus,
Schwenckfeld, the Antinomians, Zwingli, and
others, the principal special doctrines of the
Philippists (Synergism [q.v.], Majorism, see Ma-
joristic Controversy, adiaphorism) were de-
nounced as dangerous errors and corruptions. It
led, however, to discord among the Jena theologians
themselves, since Strigel defended against Flacius

Melanchthon's doctrine on sin and grace, and drew
upon himself very rough treatment from the im-
petuous duke. But the ultimate outcome was the
decline of the University of Jena, the deposition of
the strict Lutheran professors and the replacing of
them by Philippists. It seemed for the time that
the Thuringian opposition to the Philippism of
Electoral Saxony was broken; but with the down-
fall of John Frederick and the accession of his
brother John William to power, the tables were
turned; the Philippists at Jena were again dis-
placed (1568-69) by the strict Lutherans, Johann
Wigand (q.v.), Cdlestin, Kirchner, and Hesshusen,
and the Jena opposition to Wittenberg was once
more organized, finding voice in the Bekenntnis von
der Rechtfertigung und guten Werken of 1569. The
Elector August was now very anxious to restore
peace in the Saxon territories, and John William
agreed to call a conference at Altenburg (Oct. 21,
1568), in which the principal representatives of
Philippism were Paul Eber and Caspar Cruciger
the younger, and of the other side Wigand, Cdlestin,
and Kirchner. It led to no result, although it con-
tinued until the following March. The Philippists
asserted the Augsburg Confession of 1540, the loci
of Melanchthon of the later editions, and of the
Corpus Philippicum, met by the challenge from the
other side that these were an attack upon the pure
teaching and authority of Luther. Both sides
claimed the victory, and the Leipsic and Wittenberg
Philippists issued a justification of their position in
the Endlicher Berichi of 1571, with which is con-
nected the protest of the Hessian theologians in
conference at Ziegenhain in 1570 against Flacian
Lutheranism and in favor of Philippism.

Pure Lutheranism was now fortified in a number
of local churches by Corpora doctrinw of a strict
nature, and the work for concord went on more and

more definitely along the lines of elim-

5. Downfall inating Melanchthonism. The Philip-

of the plats, fully alarmed, attempted not only

Philippists. to consolidate in Electoral Saxony but

to gain ascendency over the entire Ger-
man Evangelical Church, but met their downfall
first in Electoral Saxony. The conclusion of the
Altenburg Colloquy prompted the elector, in Aug.,
1569, to issue orders that all the ministers in his do-
mains should hold to the Corpus doctrinw Philip-
picum, intending thus to avoid Flacian exaggera-
tions and guard the pure original doctrine of Luther
and Melanchthon in the days of their union. But
the Wittenberg men interpreted it as an approval
of their Philippism, especially in regard to the Lord's
Supper and the person of Christ. They pacified the
elector, who had become uneasy, by the Consensus
Dresdensis of 1571, a cleverly worded document;
and when on the death of John William, in 1574,
August assumed the regency in Ernestine Saxony
and began to drive out not only strict Lutheran
zealots like Hesshusen and Wigand, but all who re-
fused their subscription to the Consensus, the Phil-
ippists thought they were on the way to a victory
which should give them all Germany. But the un-
questionably Calvinistic work of Joachim Cureus
(q.v.), Exegesis perspicua de sacra coma (1574), and
a confidential letter of Johann Stossel (q.v.) which

Philippists
Philiitinei

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

fell into the elector's hands opened his eyes. The
heads of the Philippist party were imprisoned and
roughly handled, and the Torgau Confession of 1574
completed their downfall. By the adoption of the
Formula of Concord their cause was ruined in all
the territories which accepted it, although in some
others it survived under the aspect of a modified
Lutheranism, as in Nuremberg, or, as in Nassau,
Hesse, Anhalt, and Bremen, where it became more
or less definitely identified with Calvinism. It
raised its head once more in Electoral Saxony in
1586, on the accession of Christian I., but on his
death five years later it came to a sudden and
bloody end with the murder of Nicolaus Krell (q.v.)
as a victim to this unpopular revival of Calvinism.
Though it may be regretted that the moderate,
pacific, and enlightened spirit of Melanchthpn him-
self was not allowed to have more influence in the

Lutheran Church and that his estima-

6. Estimate ble points of departure from Luther

of Philip- remained unrecognized, yet it can not

pism. be denied that Philippism was only

something halfway, while it claimed to
guard the genuine religious ideas and motives of
the Reformation better than the doctrine of the
Formula of Concord. Nor must the fact be over-
looked that where, after the promulgation of the
Formula, Philippism still maintained its ground,
it produced no results in the domain of theology
which can be compared for a moment with those
which proceeded from the stricter school. The lat-
ter won its victory to a great extent because it gave
birth to the greater number of popularly effective
writings and powerful literary personalities. Me-
lanchthon's spirit, however, yet remained operative
in the seventeenth century, even though at the
end of the sixteenth his influence was greatly super-
seded by that of orthodox Lutherans. The move-
ment initiated by Georg Calixtus (q.v.) shows not
only considerable affinity with its tendency, but has
a direct historical connection with it through his
Helmstedt teachers, especially Johann Caselius
(q.v.), who was a personal disciple of Melanchthon.

(G. Kawerau.)

Bibliography: Perhaps the best method of mastering the
subject treated in the foregoing article is a study of the
men mentioned in the text as active by means of the arti-
cles in this work and of the literature appended to those
articles. Especially valuable are the letters of Melanch-
thon and the accounts of his life and activities. Much of
the literature under Formula of Concord is valuable.
The works on the history of the Church and of the doc-
trine of the period are also to be consulted. Besides the
foregoing consult: V. E. Ldscher, Historia motuum twi-
schen den Evanodisch-LiUherischen und Reformirten, Frank-
fort, 1723; G. J. Planck, Geschichte dor Entstehuna und
der Veranderung . . . tensers protestantischen Lehrbe-
griffs, vols, iv.-vi., 6 vols., Leipsic, 1791-1800; H. Heppe,
Geschichte des deutschen Protestantismus 1666-81, 4 vols.,
Marburg, 1852-50; idem, Dogmatik des detdschen Protes-
tantismus im 16. Jahrhundert, 3 vols., Gotha, 1857; A.
Beck, Johann Friedrich der Mittlere, 2 vols., Weimar,
1858; E. L. T. Henke, Neuere Kirchengeschichte, ii. 274
sqq., Halle, 1878; G. Wolf, Zur Geschichte der deutschen
Prolestanten 1666-69, Berlin, 1888; H. E. Jacobs, The
Book of Concord, vol. ii., Philadelphia, 1893; W. Mdller,
Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte, ed. G. Kawerau, 3d ed.,
vol. iii., Tubingen, 1907; Schaff, Creeds, i. 258-340.

PHILIPPUS SOLITARIUS: Greek monk of the
late eleventh century. In 1095 he completed, ap-

parently at Constantinople, his mystic and devo-
tional " Mirror/1 a dialogue in political verse which
represents Body and Soul as setting forth their
mutual relations as factors of human nature, and
as making preparation for death. The Greek text
is still unedited, except for scanty fragments (ed.
P. Lambecius, Commentarii de bibliotheca Ccesarea
Vindobonenei, v. 76-84, Vienna, 1778; C. Oudin,
Commentarius de scripioribus ecdesice antiquis, ii.
851, Frankfort, 1722; J. B. Cotelerius, on Apos-
tolic Constitutions, viii. 42, in his Sanctorum Pa-
trum qui temporibus apostolicis floruerunt opera, 2
vols., Paris, 1672), but was translated into Latin
prose by the Jesuit Jacobus Pontanus (Ingolstadt,
1604; most convenient reprint in MPG, exxvii.
701-902). Closely akin to the " Mirror " is the
short poem " Lamentations " (ed. E. Auvray, Paris,
1875; E. S. Shuckburgh, in Emmanuel College Mag-
azine, vol. v.), which may in reality be the eighth
book of the " Mirror," which was omitted by Pon-
tanus. A new redaction of both poems was pre-
pared by Phialites in the twelfth century, and the
Vienna manuscripts of the " Mirror " contain note-
worthy additions, especially on the dogmas and rites
of the Armenians, Jacobites, and Romans (the two
former portions ed. F. Combefis, Auctuarivm novum
bibliothecoB Graco-Latinorum patrum, ii. 261, 271,
Paris, 1648. (Phujpp Meter.)

Bibliography: Krumbacher, Geschichte, pp. 742-744;
P. Lambecius, Cornrnentarium de . . . bibliotheca Ccesarea
Vindobonensi, v. 76-84, Vienna, 1778; KL, ix. 2023.

PHILIPS, OBBE. See Mennonites, VI.

PHILISTINES, fi-lis'tinz or toinz.

Name and Territory (| 1). Early History (| 4).
Origin (§ 2). Later History (§ 5).

Not Semitic (§ 3). The Cities (§ 6).

In the Hebrew the Philistines are known as Pel-
i&htim or Pelishtiyyim, and their country as Pele-
sheth. In the Greek they appear as Phulietieim or
PhUistieim, Phulistiaioi, and sometimes as aUophu-
loi, " foreigners "; and in the Vulgate as Ph&ia-
thiim, Philistini, and PalaxHni, the last recalling the
usage of Josephus (see Palestine, I., § 1). The

expression aUophvloi dates from about

i. Name the period of the beginning of the

and Septuagint, has reference to a distinc-

Territory. tion based on national and religious

grounds, and designates all not Jews
who are of oriental origin and dwell in Palestine, and
particularly the Philistines. The territory occupied
by the Philistines was the southern part of the coast
of Palestine. Taking Joppa (the modern Jaffa) as
the most northern and Raphia as the most southern
Philistine city, the length of the territory was rather
less than sixty miles, with a width varying between
twelve and thirty-five miles. The eastern bound-
ary was the hill country of Judea, and the whole
territory was included within what was known as
the Shephelah. The significance of the district lay
in the coast cities, not so much because of their sea
trade as of their importance for overland traffic, as
they were situated on one of the principal trade
routes between Egypt and Babylon. Their loca-
tion brought them into relation with the two cen-
ters of early culture and yet secured for them a rela-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PhilippUU
Philirtinea

tive independence, removed from both as they were
either by a great distance or by the desert. The
coast is almost without natural harbors, the hinter-
land possessed a few small plains, and toward the
south the country gradually becomes transformed
into pasture land.

The first reports of this district come from
Egyptian inscriptions and from the Amarna Tab-
lets (q.v.). Thothmes III. (c. 1500 B.C.) reckoned
the district to the land of Ham. The Amarna Tab-
lets mention Gaza, Ashkelon, and Joppa. Espe-
cially instructive is the portrayal at Karnak of the

conquest of Ashkelon by Rameses II.
2. Origin, (c. 1280), in which the defenders of the

fortress are shown as distinct from the
Philistines both in dress and countenance and as
identical with Canaanites, proving that the inhabi-
tants at that time were of the same race as those
of Upper Palestine and that a foreign people had
not yet intruded. This fact is confirmed by the
names which come from this period, which are of
Semitic-Canaanitic type. Deut. ii. 23 affirms that
the Awim dwelt here until the Caphtorim entered
and destroyed them; Josh. xiii. 3, cf. xi. 22, im-
plies that the Awim and the Philistines lived along-
side each other. The culture of the region was like
that of other parts of Palestine, except that Egyp-
tian influence was felt more strongly. The Old Tes-
tament (cf . Amos ix. 7) thus agrees with other in-
formation that the Philistines were intruders, and
Jer. xlvii. 4 is in accord with other passages in de-
riving them from Caphtor (q.v.), the identification
of which is not yet settled. A connection of the
Philistines with the Cherethites of I Sam. xxx. 14-
15 and with the Carim, " captains/' of II Kings xi.
4, 19 (cf. the gloss on Gen. x. 14), supposed to be
from Caria in Asia Minor, has been attempted, but
the combination is uncertain, even in view of I Kings
i. 38, where Cherethites and Pelethites (or Philis-
tines) are mentioned as part of the royal guard, and
no certain datum is gained for determining the place
of origin of the Philistines. The Egyptian monu-
ments of the period of Rameses III. (1208-1180
B.C.) speak of unrest in northern and central Syria
caused by a foreign and hitherto unnamed people,
whose names are read Purasati, Zakkari, Shak-
rusha, Dane or Danona, Washasha, and Shardana.
Of these the Purasati are always named first, and,
it is assumed, were the leaders. The fact that these
peoples marched with a great amount of baggage
and with wives and children is taken by E. Meyer
as proving that it was the migration of a people
which pushed on to the borders of Egypt. W. M.
Muller argues from the application to them of the
name equivalent to " heroes " that they were pred-
atory bands of soldiers plundering alike friend and
foe. Rameses III. speaks of a land battle with
them and also of a sea fight. The Golenisheff papy-
rus relates that the Egyptian Uno-Amon journeyed
in a ship to Dor in Palestine for timber during the
fifth year of Herihor, the last king of the twentieth
Egyptian dynasty, and that the city then belonged
to the Zakkari, whose chief was named Bidir. It
is noteworthy that this people's name occurs both
in the time of Rameses and of Herihor, in the for-
mer in connection with the Purasati, and that with

Rameses the Egyptian hegemony of southern Syria
begins to vanish; it is further probable that since
the Zakkari made sure their footing, their associates
the Purasati also did. With the Purasati the Egypt-
ologist ChampoUion connected the Philistines be-
fore 1832, and this identification has approved itself
to later scholars. W. M. Muller supposed the pro-
nunciation to have been Pulaesti, cf. the Assyrian
Palastu, PUistu. This scholar has located their
home on the southern coast of Asia Minor and in
the islands of the ^Egean Sea. A sea people was
known to the Egyptians as Ruku or Luku (Lycians).
An attempt to derive the name from a Semitic root
meaning " to wander " does not approve itself,
since it is practically certain that the Philistines
were not of Semitic stock, and the Egyptians gave
to the peoples of Syria their own names, describe the
Philistines and their associates as coming from " the
end of the sea," and portray them as differing in
feature and dress from Semites. It is not unlikely
that between the Philistines and their associates
and the " early Cretans " of Odyssey xix. 176 a rela-
tionship existed, but definite proof is lacking.

Proof from the language of the Philistines is lack-
ing, since practically nothing is known of it, and the
occurrence of persons and places in the Old Testa-
ment and Assyrian inscriptions helps little, since
the Philistines naturally adopted the language of
the country after their settlement
3. Not therein. The Semitic names of places,

Semitic, upon which F. Schwally bases his ar-
gument that the Philistines were Sem-
ites proves nothing, since these names often remain
unaltered in the East through successive waves of
population. The Achish of I Sam. xxvii.-xxviii.
has been placed alongside the Ikausu of the Assyrian
Inscriptions (cf. Schrader, KAT, 3d ed., p. 473), a
form " Ekasho of the land of Kefti " found in an
Egyptian source, which seems to make a non-Sem-
itic origin of this name clear. The Old Testament
calls in several places (Josh. xiii. 3; Judges iii. 3;
I Sam. vi. 4, 16) the rulers of the Philistines sera-
ram, " lords," a word which does not yield readily
to a Hebrew (Semitic) etymology, and Kloster-
mann (on I Sam. v. 8) has equated it with the Gk.
tyrannos. The deities of the Philistines appear to
be Semitic — cf. Dagon, Ashtaroth, and Beelzebub
(qq.v.). This people had images in their temples
and took them when they went to war as did the
Hebrews the ark (II Sam. v. 21); Isa. ii. 6 shows
that their soothsayers were held in honor. Those
who visited the temple of Dagon avoided stepping
on the threshold (I Sam. v. 5; cf. Zeph. i. 9). But
these observances are in accordance with Semitic
custom. The general impression, however, received
from a view of the facts is that the Philistines were
not of Semitic stock, and were intruders into the land
where they adopted Semitic customs and language.
[The name of Goliath, with its Aramaic ending —
ath, does not contradict the theory of the non-
Semitic origin of the Philistines, since he is described
as belonging to the Giants (q.v.; cf. II. Sam. xxi.
15-19; I Chron. xx. 4-8; both in accord with Josh. x.
22), who are recorded as descended from the
Awim or Anakim. Descendants of the old
stock would be reckoned by outlanders to the

Philistine*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

dominant people, even though their descent was
not forgotten. G. w. G.]

This is confirmed by the further fact that they did
not practise circumcision (Judges xiv. 3, xv. 18;
I Sam. xvii. 26, xviii. 25), with which should be put
the fact that the " sea folk " of Merneptah were un-
circumcised (W. M. M tiller, Aaien und Ewropa, pp.
357-358, Leipsic, 1893), and with these the Pip-
rasati of Rameses were connected. For the time
when they entered Palestine the Golenisheff papy-
rus (ut sup.) gives a suggestion, since the date of
Herihor is about 1100. The Bidir of Dor had re-
ceived an Egyptian embassy sixteen years earlier,
and the Egyptians had bought timber of his father
and grandfather. Hence the Zakkari had been set-
tled in the region some fifty or sixty years before
the time of the papyrus, and this goes back approxi-
mately to the time of Rameses III. (ut sup.). This
comes into close connection with the unrest caused
by the dissolution of the Hittite realm in northern
Syria. By 1100 the Philistines had at least partly
subjected the Hebrews, and it would appear that
shortly after they had firmly seated themselves in
the lowlands of Judea they attacked the moun-
tain region. Their success was won probably not
through greater numbers but by means of better
weapons and cleverer tactics. The Egyptian monu-
ments show that they were equipped with felt hel-
mets, coats of mail, large round shields, short spears,
large swords, and war chariots. If they came from
Asia Minor, they must have possessed the Mycenean
culture and were by no means " barbarians/'

When the Philistines came into touch with Israel,
their territory was divided into five districts, the
chiefs of which were called seranim, " lords." The
capitals of these districts, named from north to
south, were Ekron, Ashdod, Gath, Ashkelon, and
Gaza. This fivefold division may correspond to
tribal divisions. The Old Testament

4. Early names the Cherethites as occupying

History, the northwestern part of the Negeb,
and these with the Zakkari may make
up two outside groups of the same stock. Since
Achish is called " king " in I Sam. xxi. 10 and else-
where, he may have been the head of the Philistine
confederation; an alternative supposition is that
the Hebrew writer used the ordinary terminology.
Inasmuch as during the reign of Rameses III. the
Egyptian boundaries reached to Lebanon, while Dor
was apparently in the possession of the Zakkari, it
seems probable that their advance along the great
highway of commerce by way of Carmel took place
after the Egyptian power suffered a decline. It ap-
pears strange that the region about Dor and the
Plain of Sharon was not reckoned in with the five
districts of the Philistines, for when the battle of
Gilboa was fought, these regions must have been
in their power. The southernmost limits of their
territory had been attained when they reduced
Israel. The mention of the Philistines which ap-
pears in such passages as Gen. xxvi., cf. xxi. 22-23,
are anachronisms, since the Egyptian monuments
do not indicate settlement in what became their
territory before the twentieth dynasty. The migra-
tion of the Danites (Judges xviii.) may have been
due to the Philistines. In the long contest between

the Philistines and Israel, the former appear as the
aggressors, with the purpose of conquering the high-
land, the middle portion of which came into their
power according to I Sam. v.-vi. The lower portion
is shown by the story of Samson to have been al-
ready under their control (Judges xiii.-xvi., cf. iii.
31) . The fear of this people was so great among the
Hebrews that many of the latter entered their ranks
against their own kin (I Sam. xiv. 21). While Saul
began the period of successful resistance, his reign
was rather one of little contests with them than a
serious campaign for freedom. At this time David
(q.v.) became a beloved leader of his people (I Sam.
xviii. 7) against the common foe. When Saul turned
against David, the latter took refuge with Achish
of Gath, who gave him Ziklag as his residence. The
last battle between Saul and the Philistines took
place at the foot of Mount Gilboa, where Saul and
his sons fell, and the earlier hegemony of the Phil-
istines was reestablished. Ishbosheth established
his capital at Mahanaim, and David became king
over Judah in Hebron (II Sam. ii.-iv.). When the
latter became king over all Israel, the Philistines re-
garded the act as one of revolt and sought to main-
tain their mastery. David knew, however, the ad-
vantage which was his in the possession of the high-
lands, and in numerous great and small conflicts
(II Sam. v. 17-25, xxi. 15-22, xxiii. 9-17) not only
secured the freedom of his people but reduced the
Philistines to a position of subjection, at least in
part, though their position on the highway enabled
them still to profit by overland commerce. Gittites
(from Gath) were in David's army (II Sam. xv. 18),
as well as the Cherethites and Pelethites, who were
probably of Philistine blood. The theory of W. M.
M tiller that the victory of David was due to the
Philistines having at the same time to resist an at-
tack by the Egyptians has little to sustain it;
David's success was partly due to the advantage
of position. In Solomon's time Egypt sought to
reestablish her hegemony over the region (I Kings
ix. 16), and to this may be due the fact that Dor
was independent of Israel. But the result was such
a weakening of the Philistines that the Plain of
Jezreel and Carmel, the key to the trade route, fell
into Solomon's hands and with it command of com-
merce. When Shishak made his raid, the Philis-
tines seem to have given him no trouble, since no
mention is made of capture of plunder with
reference to them. The territory of the Philis-
tines, as it is reflected in the Old Testament,
seems to picture the situation as it was after
Solomon 's time.

From that time there appears little which indi-
cates an independent development of the Philistines.
The conflicts between them and Israel have little
significance. Rehoboam fortified his dominion
against them by a line of strongholds (II Chron. xi.
7-12). Nadab and Elan fought with
5. Later them at Gibbethon (I Kings xv. 27,
History, xvi. 15 sqq.); Jehoshaphat received
tribute from them (II Chron. xvii. 11),
but the harem of Jehoram was carried off by them
(II Chron. xxi. 16-17). Gath seems to have been
taken from Judah by Hazael (II Kings xii. 17),
while Uzziah carried on a victorious campaign

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Philistine*

against them (II Chron. xxvi. 6), though against
Ahab the Philistines became aggressive (II Chron.
xxviii. 18), but were subjected under Hezekiah
(II Kings xviii. 8). This people were included in
the denunciations of the prophets (Amos i. 6-8;
Jer. xxv. 15 sqq.; Ezek. xxv. 15, and elsewhere).
They were subdued by the Assyrians, and in that
period Gaza had especial importance because of the
trade route to Arabia; and the region figures in the
Assyrian annals with frequency. Sargon deported
the inhabitants of Ashdod and Gath and settled
foreigners in their place (711 B.C.). Zidka of Ash-
kelon and Hezekiah united against the Assyrians in
701, dethroned the Assyrian vassal king of Ekron,
but the prior status was restored by Sennacherib.
On the downfall of the Assyrians, the Egyptians
once more tried to control the region, and Psam-
meticus is said to have besieged Ashdod for twenty-
nine years (Herodotus, Hist., ii. 157); about this
lime that city is reported by the same author (i.
105) to have been plundered by the Scythians.
Necho II. made another attempt to control Syria,
but Nebuchadrezzar was the victor. Neither at
that time nor in the time of Cyrus do the Philis-
tines appear as aggressive. Under Darius Philistia,
Phenicia, and Cyprus belonged to the fifth satrapy.
Gaza was an independent city flourishing through
its commerce, but was taken by Alexander after a
siege of two months, while under the Seleucidae its
fortunes were frequently changed, especially in the
contest between Egypt and Syria (see Ptolemies;
Seleucidae). In the Maccabean contest for independ-
ence, the cities of the Philistines were the centers of
hard battles. Bacchides sought to shut the Jews out
from the plain; Jonathan attacked and plundered
Joppa, took Aahdod, received Ekron from Alexan-
der, while Ashkelon surrendered (I Mace. v. 68, ix.
50-52, x. 75-89); Simon took Joppa and settled
Jews there, and also took Gezer (I Mace. xii. 33-
34, xiii. 43-48); while Alexander Jann&us seems to
have completed the reduction of the region (Jo-
sephus, An*., XIII., xiii. 3, xv. 4; War, I., iv. 2).
Pompey freed it from the Jewish yoke, but Caesar
gave Joppa back to the Jews. Antony gave the re-
gion to Cleopatra in 36 B.C., but in 30 through the
gift of Augustus part of it was in Herod's hands.
After the fall of Jerusalem, Jamnia became the cen-
ter of Jewish Palestine. But long before this most
that was distinctively Philistine had vanished. Dur-
ing the Persian period Greeks had settled in the coun-
try and cities and had gained control of commerce.
It is significant that the coins of Gaza of the Per-
sian period contain lettering partly Phenician and
partly Greek, but of Greek workmanship. The gov-
ernment was on Greek models, the gods bore Greek
names, while the cities were centers of Greek cul-
ture. While this is true, the rural population used
the Aramaic tongue, as did the lower classes in the
cities, at the end of the fourth century b.c. ; more-
over, the Greek names of deities but concealed local
conceptions; the chief temple of Ashdod in the
Hasmonean period was Dagon's, Gaza's chief deity
was Mamas (Aramaic for " Our Lord ").

For Dor see Samaria. Japho (Joppa, the mod-
ern Jaffa) was one of the border cities of Dan (Josh,
ix. 46), later the seaport of Jerusalem (II Chron. ii.

16), and seems to have been a city of great age, pos-
sessing a Canaanitic population in the time of the
eighteenth and nineteenth Egyptian dynasties. The
Amarna Tablets show an Egyptian
6. The governor for the place. Later it must
Cities. have been in the hands of the Philis-
tines. The New Testament speaks of
it as visited by Peter (Acts ix. 36-43). It has re-
tained its importance through the centuries because
of its port, though the protection afforded is not of
the best. The story of Andromeda centers at this
place. In the fourth century it was the seat of a
bishop. At the present time it is the seaport of Je-
rusalem, with which it is connected by rail, has
about 45,000 inhabitants, and is celebrated for its
gardens. About twelve miles south of Joppa and
about five miles from the coast is the modern Jebna,
which corresponds to the Jabneh of II Chron. xxvi.
6 and the Jabneel of Josh. xv. 11; it is the Jamnia
of II Mace. xii. 8. About six miles inland the vil-
lage of 'Akir probably locates the site of Ekron,
variously assigned to Dan and to Judah (Josh. xix.
43, xv. 45-46; cf. however Josh. xiii. 2-3). The
name of Ashdod (Gk. Azotos) is preserved in the
modern Esdud, a village with about 3,000 inhabi-
tants situated on the trade route about midway be-
tween Joppa and Gaza. The city was reckoned to
Judah (Josh. xv. 47; but cf. xiii. 2-3). The account
of the conquest of the city by Uzziah in II Chron.
xxvi. 6 seems doubtful in view of Amos i. 7. [This
rhetorical passage, however, does not imply the
independence of Ashdod.] Neh. iv. 1 probably re-
fers not merely to the inhabitants of the city but to
those of the outlying territory which reached to the
limits of Gezer. The Evangelist Philip visited Ash-
dod (Acts viii. 40). In the early Christian centuries
a distinction was made between Ashdod-on-the-Sea
and Ashdod- Within, the former probably repre-
sented by the ruins of Minet al-]£al'a. The name
of Ashkelon is also preserved in the modern 'Asfca-
lan, about ten miles south of Ashdod and about
thirteen miles north of Gaza. The ruins on the site
of the present village appear to date only from the
Middle Ages; apparently there were two sites other
than this, one near the sea and one inland, a dis-
tinction which is supported by reports of a bishop
of Ashkelon and one of Mayumas Ashkelon. Ruins
exist quite near a little haven, and also others at
the present El-Hammame and El-Mejdel to the
northeast of the ruins of the time of the Middle
Ages. It is in these last ruins that the sanctuaries
of the early city are to be found. Ashkelon was a
Roman colony in the fourth Christian century.
Gaza is to be sought at the present Ghazze, situated
a little over two miles from the coast, at the present
a market place of some importance. Underground
streams nourish fine groves of olive-trees and palms.
Its haven was mentioned by Strabo and Ptolemy,
and by Constantine the Great it was made a city
with the name Constantia; its privileges were taken
away by Julian, and it was known thereafter as
Mayumas. Near one of the gates of the present city
is a Mohammedan sanctuary dedicated to " the
Strong one/' i.e., Samson. Walls which are found
under the present town were built over the city
founded by Gabinius, the commander of Pompey's

Philistine*

Philo of Alexandria

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

army, in 61 b.c. The earlier city lay somewhat to
the north, and was destroyed by Alexander Jannseus
96 b.c. Still farther to the south lay Raphia, the
modern Tell Refah, about two miles from the sea
and without a harbor. It marked the boundary be-
tween the Egyptian and Syrian domains (Josephus,
War, IV., xi. 5). Gath lay nearer the land of Judah,
according to I Sam. xvii. 1-2, 52, near the Wadi el-
Sun t, and according to Eusebius (Onomasticon, ed.
Lagarde, 244, 127, cf . 246, 129) about four miles to
the north of Eleutheropolis toward Lydda (Diospo-
lis). Jerome (on Mic. i. 10) asserts that it lay on
the way from Eleutheropolis to Gaza. It early
ceased to be a Philistine city (II Kings xii. 17; cf.
Jer. xxv. 20; Amos i. 7; Zeph. ii. 4).

(H. Guthb.)

Bibliography: The literature on Hebrew history should
be consulted as indicated under Ahab; and Israjel, His-
tory of. The older literature directly bearing on the
subject is noted in K. B. Stark, Gaza und die philist&isehe
Kuste, Jena, 1852. Consult: O. Baur, Der Prophet Amos,
pp. 76-94, Giessen, 1847; V. Guerin, Description de la
Palestine, ii. 36 sqq., Paris, 1869; A. Hannecker, Die Phil-
istOer, Eichatadt, 1872; W. M. Thomson, The Land and the
Book, vol. i.. New York, 1882; E. Meyer, Geschichte dee
AUerthume, i. 317 sqq., 358 sqq., Stuttgart, 1884; F.
Schwally, in ZWT, xxxiv (1891), 103-108. 265 sqq.; J. F.
McCurdy, History, Prophecy and the Monuments, vol. i.-
ii., passim, New York, 1894-96; idem, in The Expositor
("Ussiah and the Philistines M), 1890; G. A. Smith, His-
torical Geography of the Holy Land, chap, ix., London,
1897; R. Raabe, Petrus der Iberer, Leipsic, 1895; C. Cler-
mont-Ganneau, Etudes d'areheologie orientale, x. 1-9, Paris,
1896; W. M. M Oiler, in MiUheilungen der vorderasiaHschen
Gesellschaft, v (1900), 1-42; also his Asien und Europa,
cited in the text; R. Dussaud, Questions rnyceniennes, Paris,
1905; M. A. Meyer, Hist, of the City of Gaza, New York,
1907; E. Meyer, Der Diskus von Phaestos und die PhUister
auf Kreta, Berlin, 1909; Robinson, Researches, vol. ii.;
Schroder, KAT, passim; DB, iii. 844-848; EB, iii. 3713-
3727; JE, x. 1-2; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, fasc. xxxi
(1908), 286-300.

PHILLIPS, PHILIP: Methodist Episcopal Gos-
pel singer; b. in Chautauqua Co., N. Y., Aug. 13,
1834; d. in Delaware, Ohio, June 25, 1895. Brought
up on a farm, he developed a talent for song; re-
ceived some training in the country singing-school
and later studied under Lowell Mason. He con-
ducted his first singing-class at Alleghany, N. Y., in
1853, and after that similar schools in adjacent
towns and cities. In 1860 he changed from the
Baptist to the Methodist Episcopal Church. He

brought out Early Blossoms (1860). The next year
he opened a music-store in Cincinnati, and published
Musical Leaves (Cincinnati, 1862). During the Civil
War he aided the Christian Commission by raising
funds with his Home Songs and services of song
throughout the country. He visited England and
prepared The American Sacred Songster (London,
1868) for the British Sunday-school Union, of which
1,100,000 copies were sold. Later he made a tour of
the world holding praise services in the Sandwich
Islands, Australia, New Zealand, Palestine, Egypt,
India, and the cities of Europe. Other published
collections are Spring Blossoms (Cincinnati, 1865);
Singing Pilgrim (New York, 1866); Day School
Singer (Cincinnati, 1869); Gospel Singer (Boston,
1874); Song Sermons (New York, 1877). He wrote
also Song Pilgrimage around and throughout the
World, with an introduction by J. H. Vincent and a
biographical sketch by A. Clark (Chicago, 1880).

PHILIPPS (PHILIPZOON), UBBO. See Ub-

BONITE8.

PHILLPOTTS, HENRY: Church of England
bishop of Exeter; b. at Bridgewater (50 m. s.w. of
Bristol), Somerset, May 6, 1778; d. at Bishopstowe,
Torquay (29 m. e.n.e. of Plymouth), Sept. 18,
1869. He was educated at Corpus Christi, Oxford
(B.A., 1795), was elected a fellow at Magdalen Col-
lege, and prelector of moral philosophy in 1800.
He became a deacon (1802), and priest (1804), pre-
bendary of Durham (1809), dean of Chester (1828),
and bishop of Exeter (1830). He was the recog-
nized head of the High-church party, and, in the
House of Lords, was upon the extreme Tory side,
opposing every kind of liberal measure. He was
also involved in several memorable controversies,
especially with the Roman Catholic historians, John
Lingard (q.v.; 1806) and Charles Butler (1822).
But he is best known by the Gorham Case (q.v.).
On the reversal of the lower courts' decision by the
privy council, he published A Letter to the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury (London and New York, 1850),
in which he threatened to hold no communion with
the archbishop.

Bibliography: Of the Life by R. N. 8hutte only vol. L ap-
peared, London, 1863. Consult: H. P. Liddon, Life of
. . . Pusey, 4 vols., London, 1893-07; DNB, xlv. 222-
225.

I. Life.
II. Works.

Lost and Spurious (ID.

Exegetioal (5 2).

Philosophical and Political (} 3).

PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA.

III. Doctrines.

Relation and Scope (} 1).
On God in Himself (5 2).
God Revealed; Creation (5 3).
Intermediate Potencies; the Logos
(M).

Man (S 5).
The Scriptures (| 6).
Ethics (S 7).
Eschatology (} 8).
IV. Later Influence.

L Life: Philo of Alexandria (b. about 20 b.c;
d. about 42 a.d.) stands as the leading exponent of
the Jewish-Alexandrine religious philosophy, and
in its influence upon the literature of the Christian
Church its foremost representative. The incom-
plete biography of him is derived from statements
in his own works and from incidental passages in
Josephus (Ant., XVIII., viii. 1, XX., v. 2), Euse-
bius (Hist, eccl.j ii. 4-5; Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser.,
i. 107-109; Praparatio evangelica, viii. 13-14; Eng.

transl., 2 vols., Oxford, 1903), Jerome (De vir. ill.,
xi.), Isidore of Pelusium, Photius, and Suidas.
From these it appears that Philo was of a rich,
prominent family, brother of Alexander Lysima-
chus, alabarch of the Jews at Alexandria. Whether
he was of priestly descent (Jerome) and whether
his name was Jedediah or this was merely a free
rendering of the name Philo by later Jewish writers
remain uncertain. In 39 or 40 a.d. he appeared
as the representative of the Jews of Alexandria

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Philistines

Philo of Alexandria

before Caligula at Rome to regain the privileges
lost through the acts of the imperial governor
Publius Avilius Flaccus in conjunction with the
bloody atrocities of the hostile Greek party. The
mission secured no promise of relief; but the acces-
sion of Claudius brought the restoration of their
rights and the release of their imprisoned alabarch;
and under Claudius, Philo wrote the report of the
expedition to Rome. At what time he sojourned in
Palestine is uncertain.

IL Works: Of his works, Eusebius (Hist, eed.,
ii. 18; Eng. transl., ut sup., 119-122) gives a fair
but incomplete enumeration; but some of the wri-
tings mentioned thus, as well as others in the later
accounts of Jerome, Photius, and Sui-
i. Lost and das, are extant, if at all, in fragments
Spurious, only. All but meager fragments is lost
of the important work " Counsels for
the Jews," no doubt identical with the " Apology
for the Jews " mentioned by Eusebius; likewise
three books of " Questions and Answers on Exo-
dus," two books of the " Allegory of the Sacred
Laws," one book of " On Rewards," and the same
of " On Numbers." Peter Alexius refuted the charge
brought by a forgotten Socinian theologian of the
seventeenth century that a Christian author toward
the close of the second century composed the col-
lective writings of Philo and ascribed them to him.
This untenable hypothesis was taken up in the last
century by a hypercritic of Jewish descent, Kirsch-
baum by name, who assumed, however, a gigantic
fraud by several Christian authors. More considera-
tion is due to recent attacks on individual works;
such as, for instance, against the apparent com-
posite character of De incorruptibUilate mundi,
against the " Dissertations on Samson and Jonah "
from the Armenian, the Interpretatio Hebraicarum
nominum, and the Liber antiquUalum Biblicarutn
printed in the sixteenth century in Philo's name.
The last three are certainly not genuine. Weighty
objections have been raised by recent critics against
the authenticity of De vita contemplaiiva, some of
whom claim its origin to have been from the monk
Falsarius at the close of the third century; because
(1) of its connection with the writing Quod omnis
probus liber of which it is claimed to be a continua-
tion; (2) the author is more limited in his cosmic
view than Philo and has in mind the monastic mode
of thought; and (3) it was never mentioned before
Eusebius, who seeks to establish thereby the his-
torical priority of the Therapeutce (q.v.). How-
ever, this argument makes too much of the silence
before Eusebius; besides, the diction is decidedly of
the period of Philo, and the descent of the manu-
script as well as the Jewish character of its con-
tents speak also for its authenticity.

The genuine or unquestioned works of Philo fall
into three groups: the exegetical on the Pentateuch,
the philosophical, and the political. The exegetical
is the most replete and comprehensive
2. Exe- and is subdivided as to contents into
getkal the cosmogonical, historical, and legis-
lative writings. Of the cosmogonical,
De mundi opificio is an allegorical explanation of the
creation in Genesis. The historical writings, called
also allegorical or genealogical, present a historico-

allegorical elucidation of Genesis chapter by chap-
ter. Those of legislative content present ethical
considerations with reference to the decalogue and
Hebrew ritual based on the codes in Exodus, Levit-
icus, and Deuteronomy.

The philosophical works belonging to Philo's

earlier period and challenged by the modern critics

on account of difference of content with that of the

later works are, De incorruptibUitate

2. Philo- mundi; Quod omnis probus liber; and
sophical and De vita contemplaiiva. To these be-

Political. long the Qucestiones et solutiones in
Genesin et Exodum, a brief catechetical
explanation of the Pentateuch originally in five
books, partly preserved in a Latin translation and
partly recovered in an Armenian translation; and,
from the Armenian, De providentia (2 books); and
Alexander seu de ratione brutorum. The political or
historico-apologetical writings for the cultured class
of Jews and heathen in common, with an apologet-
ical tendency in favor of the first, embrace, De vita
Mosis; the " Counsels for the Jews "; " Unto
Flaccus "; and " Embassy to Gaius " [Caligula],
the last two important for autobiographical notices,
and forming books iii. and iv. respectively of a more
comprehensive work of five books, " On the Fate
of the Jews under Emperor Gaius," the fourth and
fifth of which bore the common title, " On the
Virtues."

m. Doctrines: Philo stands as the most con-
spicuous figure and the culminating point of a long
development marked by the confluence of Jewish
monotheism and Hellenic cosmogony.
i. Relation This movement is represented at Alex-
and Scope, andria in the middle of the third cen-
tury before Christ by the peripatetic
Aristobulus, who already shows the tendency of
allegorizing and of abstracting the conception of
deity from Biblical anthropomorphism by the in-
trusion of intermediate entities. The allegorizing
of Philo is said to have gathered up into a mighty
basin all the streams of Alexandrine hermeneutics
from the past and discharged them again into mul-
tiple streams and rivulets of the later exegesis of
Judaism and Christianity. He knew all the im-
portant Greek philosophers, from whom he cited
freely; but first for him was Plato, from whom he
derived his philosophical content, while in his
method of extravagant allegorizing he imitated the
Stoics. These allegorized the Greek myths in the
effort to philosophize the multiple forms of popular
religion and reduce them to simple fundamental
principles; so did Philo in dealing with the Biblical
and legal forms and cultic prescriptions of the Jews,
in the interest, however, of monotheism. In his ad-
herence to a living personal Creator and Ruler of
the universe, revealed through Moses, and choosing
Israel from the world races as his peculiar posses-
sion, he did not waver. Moses to him is the prophet
of all prophets and his law the essence of all wisdom
and doctrine of virtue; and waiving his privilege of
constructing an independent cosmology he presents
his cosmologies! views in the form of a great prao-
tico-speculative commentary on the Pentateuch.
He disapproves of the heretical sects of Judaism,
and lavishes warm praise on the pious Essenes. The

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

army, in 61 B.C. The earlier city lay aomvAlsl bo

the north, and was destroyed by Alexander Jann.Tus
96 b.c. Still farther to the south lay Raphia, the
modem Tell Refali, about two miles from the sea
ami without a harbor. It marked the boundary lie-
tween the Egyptian an<t Syrian domains !,losi-(ihu>,
War, IV., xi. 5). Gath lay nearer the land of Judah,
according to I Sam. xvii. 1-2, 52, near the Wadi el-
Siint, ami according to Eusebius {Onomasticon, ed.
Lagarde, 244, 127, ef. 246, 120) about four miles to
the north of Elcuthoropolis toward Lydda (Diospo-
lia). Jerome (on Mic. i. 10) asserts that it lay on
the way from Eleutheropolis to Gaza. It early
ceased to be a Philistine city (II Kings xii. 17; cf.
Jer. xxv. 20; Amos i. 7; Zeph. ii. 4).

(H. Guthb.)
Bibuucjhapht: The lilerntufs on Hebrew history should
be consulted as indicated under Abas; nnd IwutL. His-
tory or. The older literature directly bearing on the
subject is noted in K. B. Stark. Con und die pkilulaixht
Katte. Jena, 1862. Consult: (i. Bniir. Dcr PropM Amoi,
pp. 70-04. Oiessen. 1M7; V. Guerin, Drtcriptien dt la
Pa/mini, ii. 38 so.q... Ps™. 1869; A. Hanneeln>r, Mi Phit-
utarr. Eicbstidt. 1872; W. H. Thomson. The Land and the
Bonk. vol. i.. New York. 1882; E. Meyer, (ifrhichtt dr.
AUerthunu. i. 317 sqq., 358 sqq.. Stuttgart, 1881; F.
Schwally. in ZWT. ixiiv (1891). Iil.'i -ins, LIBS .-i.;.: J V
McCurdy, History. Prophecy and the Monument*, vol. L*
ii., passim, New York. 1894-00; idem, in Thi Expositor
("Usiinh and Che Philistines"). 1800; G. A. Smith, Hit-
lorical Grooraphy of the Holy Land. chap. in.. London.
1897; R. Rasbe, Petna der Iberer, U'i|-ir, IHilS; (\ fler-
mont-Gaoneau. Elude* d'arcMologie orimlalr. x. 1-0, Paris.
1898: W. M. M,ill,.r, in Millluiluigeaderoordenuiatieehefi
Cnttlachaft, v (1900). 1-42: also his Alien und Europa,
cited in the te*t; R. Duasnud.tfwsfioMmiffSnimrtrs, Paris.
Ktufl; It A. Meyer.Hi.1. of Ute City of Oaia. New York.
1907: E. Meyer. Der Ditktu von PhaeMot ua.1 ih, FWi.Jc
auj Kreta. Berlin, 1909; Robinson. Rfteanhr: vol. ii.:
Schrniler. EAT. passim; DB, iii. 844-N48: EH. iii .17111-
3727; JE. k. 1-2; Vigouroux. Diriionnoirr, fast juuj
(1908). 288-300.

PHILLIPS, PHILIP: Methodist Episcopal Gos-
pel sii!.e;i.-r; !>. in Chautauqua Co., N. Y., Aug. 13,
1834; d.inDelaware,Ohio,June25,1895. Brought
up on a farm, he developed a talent for song; re-
ceived some blaming in the country fktgfafrMhacA
and later studied under Lowell Mason. He con-
ducted his lir.-t sin uinjr- class al Allegheny, N. Y., in
1N.V1, and after that similar schools in adjacent
(owns and cities. In IHtXi he changed from the
Baptist to the Methodist Episcopal Church. He

brought out Early Blossoms (1860). The next ye.ir
he opened a music-store in Cincinnati, and pulili.-hi-d
Aiusieal Lcarex (Cincinnati, 1S62). During the Civil
War he aided the Christian Commission by raising
funds with his Home Song* and services of song
throughout the country. He visited England and
prepared The American Sacred Songster (London,
1868) for the British Sunday-school Union, of which
1, 100,000 copies were sold. Later he made a tour of
the world holding praise services in the Sandwich
Islands, Australia, New Zealand, Palestine, Egypt,
India, and the cities of Europe. Other published
collections are Spring Blossoms (Cincinnati, 1865);
Singing Pilgrim (New York, 1866); Day School
Singer (Cincinnati, 1869); Gotpel Singer (Boston,
1874); Song Sermons (New York, 1877). He wrote
also Song Pilgrimage around and throughout the
World, with an introduction by J. H. Vincent and a
biographical sketch by A. Clark (Chicago, 1880).
PHILIPPS (PHILIPZOOW), UBBO. See Ub-

PHILLPOTTS, HEKRY: Church of England

bishop of Exeter; b. at Bridgewater (50 m. a.w. of
Bristol), Somerset, May G, 1778; d. at Bishopstowe,
Torquay (29 m. e.n.e. of Plymouth), Sept. 18,
IN 69. He was educated at Corpus Christi, Oxford
(B.A., 1795), was elected a fellow at Magdalen Col-
lege, and prelector of moral philosophy in 1800.
He became a deacon (1802), and priest (1804), pre-
bendary of Durham (1809), dean of Chester (1828),
jowl bishop of Exeter (1830). He was the recog-
nized head of the High-church party, and, in the
House of Lords, was upon the extreme Tory side,
opposing every kind of liberal measure. He was
also involved in several memorable controversies,
especially with the Roman Catholic historians, John
Lingard (q.v.; 1806) and Charles Butler (1822).
But he is best known by the Gorham Case (q.v.).
On the reversal of the lower courts' decision by tho
privy council, he published A Letter to (As Arch-
bishop of Canterbury (London and New York, 1850),
in which he threatened to hold no communion with
the archbishop.

BnUOOuSBT; Of the Lift by R. N. Shutte only vol. t ap-
peared. London. 1883. Consult: H. P. Liddou. Lift of
. . . Pussy, 4 vols., Loudon, 1803-07; DNB, xlv. 222-

PHIL0 OF ALEXANDRIA.

mi (| 1).

Philosophies! and Political (1 3).

n and Scope (5 1).

(14).

L Life: Philo of Alexandria (b. about 20 b.c;
d. about 42 A.n.) stands as the leading exponent of
the Jewish- Alexandrine religious philosophy, and
in its influence upon the literature of the Christian
Church its foremost representative. The incom-
plete biography of him is derived from statements
in his own works and from incidental passages in
Josephus (Ant., XVIII., viii. 1, XX., v. 2), Euse-
bius {Hist, ted., ii. 4-5; Eng. tranal., NPNF, 2 ser.,
L 107-109; Prarparatio evangelica, viii. 13-14; Eng.

The Scriptures (f 6}
Ethics (J 7).
Eeohstolotf (18).
IV. Later Ii '

tranal., 2 vols., Oxford, 1903), Jerome (De vir. ill-,
xi,), Isidore of Peluaium, Photius, and Suidas.
From these it appears that Philo was of a rich,
prominent family, brother of Alexander Lysima-
chus, alabarch of the Jews at Alexandria. Whether
he was of priestly descent (Jerome) and whether
his name was Jedediah or this was merely a free
rendering of the name Philo by later Jewish writers
remain uncertain. In 39 or 40 A.n. he appeared
as the representative of the Jews of Alexandria

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Philistines

Philo of Alexandria

H. Works: Of his works, Eusebius (Hist, eed.,
ii. 18; Eng. transl., ut sup., 119-122) gives a fan-
but incomplete enumeration; but some of the wri-
tings mentioned thus, as well as others in the later
accounts of Jerome, Photius, and Sui-
i. Lost and das, are extant, if at all, in fragments
Spurious, only. All but meager fragments is lost
of the important work " Counsels for
the Jews," no doubt identical with the " Apology
for the Jews " mentioned by Eusebius; likewise
three books of " Questions and Answers on Exo-
dus," two books of the " Allegory of the Sacred
Laws," one book of " On Rewards," and the same
of " On Numbers." Peter Alexius refuted the charge
brought by a forgotten Socinian theologian of the
seventeenth century that a Christian author toward
the close of the second century composed the col-
lective writings of Philo and ascribed them to him.
This untenable hypothesis was taken up in the last
century by a hypercritic of Jewish descent, Kirsch-
baum by name, who assumed, however, a gigantic
fraud by several Christian authors. More considera-
tion is due to recent attacks on individual works;
such as, for instance, against the apparent com-
posite character of De incorruptibilitate mundi,
against the " Dissertations on Samson and Jonah "
from the Armenian, the Interpretatio Hebraicorum
nominum, and the Liber antiquilatum Biblicarum
printed in the sixteenth century in Philo's name.
The last three are certainly not genuine. Weighty
objections have been raised by recent critics against
the authenticity of De vita contemplaiiva, some of
whom claim its origin to have been from the monk
Falsarius at the close of the third century; because
(1) of its connection with the writing Quod omnis
probus liber of which it is claimed to be a continua-
tion; (2) the author is more limited in his cosmic
view than Philo and has in mind the monastic mode
of thought; and (3) it was never mentioned before
Eusebius, who seeks to establish thereby the his-
torical priority of the Therapeutae (q.v.). How-
ever, this argument makes too much of the silence
before Eusebius; besides, the diction is decidedly of
the period of Philo, and the descent of the manu-
script as well as the Jewish character of its con-
tents speak also for its authenticity.

The genuine or unquestioned works of Philo fall
into three groups: the exegetical on the Pentateuch,
the philosophical, and the political. The exegetical
is the most replete and comprehensive
2. Exe- and is subdivided as to contents into
getical the cosmogonical, historical, and legis-
lative writings. Of the cosmogonical,
De mundi opiftcio is an allegorical explanation of the
creation in Genesis. The historical writings, called
also allegorical or genealogical, present a historico-

The philosophical works belonging to Philo's
earlier period and challenged by the modern critics
on account of difference of content with that of the
later works are, De incorruptibilitate
2. Philo- mundi; Quod omnis probus liber; and
sophical and De vita contemplativa. To these be-
Political. long the Qucestiones et selutiones in
Genesin et Exodum, a brief catechetical
explanation of the Pentateuch originally in five
books, partly preserved in a Latin translation and
partly recovered in an Armenian translation; and,
from the Armenian, De procidentia (2 books); and
Alexander seu de ratione brutorum. The political or
historico-apologetical writings for the cultured class
of Jews and heathen in common, with an apologet-
ical tendency in favor of the first, embrace, De vita
Mosis; the "Counsels for the Jews"; "Unto
Flaccus "; and " Embassy to Gaius " [Caligula],
the last two important for autobiographical notices,
and forming books iii. and iv. respectively of a more
comprehensive work of five books, " On the Fate
of the Jews under Emperor Gaius," the fourth and
fifth of which bore the common title, " On the
Virtues."

HI. Doctrines: Philo stands as the most con-
spicuous figure and the culminating point of a long
development marked by the confluence of Jewish
monotheism and Hellenic cosmogony.
i. Relation This movement is represented at Alex-
and Scope, andria in the middle of the third cen-
tury before Christ by the peripatetic
Aristobulus, who already shows the tendency of
allegorizing and of abstracting the conception of
deity from Biblical anthropomorphism by the in-
trusion of intermediate entities. The allegorizing
of Philo is said to have gathered up into a mighty
basin all the streams of Alexandrine hermeneutics
from the past and discharged them again into mul-
tiple streams and rivulets of the later exegesis of
Judaism and Christianity. He knew all the im-
portant Greek philosophers, from whom he cited
freely; but first for him was Plato, from whom he
derived his philosophical content, while in his
method of extravagant allegorizing he imitated the
Stoics. These allegorized the Greek myths in the
effort to philosophize the multiple forms of popular
religion and reduce them to simple fundamental
principles; so did Philo in dealing with the Biblical
and legal forms and cultic prescriptions of the Jews,
in the interest, however, of monotheism. In his ad-
herence to a living personal Creator and Ruler of
the universe, revealed through Moses, and choosing
Israel from the world races as his peculiar posses-
sion, he did not waver. Moses to him is the prophet
of all prophets and his law the essence of all wisdom
and doctrine of virtue; and waiving his privilege of
constructing an independent cosmology he presents
his cosmologies! views in the form of a great prac-
tice-speculative commentary on the Pentateuch.
He disapproves of the heretical sects of Judaism,
and lavishes warm praise on the pious Essenes. The

Philo of Alexandria

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

emphasis of Philo is positive; faith and piety are
the supreme virtues. His positive faith is saturated
with an ardent mysticism; not that of absorption
in divine contemplation, but rather that sustained
on the one hand throughout his monotheistic eth-
ical point of view and on the other throughout his
philosophical consciousness, ever alert to penetrate
to the nature of things. Philo was thus the first
monotheistic theologian in this cosmopolitan sense
and the predecessor of the Alexandrine school.

In his doctrine of God he distinguished strictly
between God in himself and God revealed, as de-
manded by his Old-Testament theistic point of view
as well as his Platonic dualism of spirit
2. On and matter. On the one hand, he re-
God in jects the pantheistic view and the dei-

Himself. fication of creatures; on the other, the
anthropomorphic and anthropopathic
view. God in himself is absolute, incorporate, and
outside of the material universe; comprehending
all, yet uncomprehended. He is outside of time
and space, and in his being unknowable. The only
name by which God can be designated is therefore
pure being (to on or ho on). Though without real
attributes yet in contrast with created being certain
marks can not be avoided, such as immutability,
unity, simplicity, absolute freedom, and beatitude,
without lack of anything, self-sufficiency, whereby
he stands in relation to nothing and is none of the
created beings. God is called " the Good " only in
the sense that he is the source of all good; " Light,"
in the figurative, only as the divine source, as much
brighter than the visible lights as the sun exceeds
the darkness.

God, as revealed, on the other hand, is also imma-
nent in his relation with the universe and is the all-
filling, all-penetrating, leaving no vac-
3. God uum. He is the author of the universe

Revealed; and first cause on whom depends the

Creation, world of spirits and sense. A series of
attributes arise from his relations with
the universe; such as omnipotence, by virtue of
which he is almighty and the efficient cause of all;
omniscience, all-knowing the present and all-fore-
seeing the future; and wisdom, whereby he tran-
scends the counsel and reason of mankind. Three
corollaries follow his creative power: the material,
the means, and the object. (1) The stuff was the
matter (hyte), the relative nothing (me on). Time
is evolved from formless matter; and, not in time
but with time becoming, heaven and earth were
created. Creation in six days is to be taken figura-
tively, six being a symbol of perfection and repre-
senting the relative order and not time. This con-
ception of creation taken from the Timceus of Plato
is fundamentally nothing else than the absolute ra-
tional plan of creation springing from the Logos of
God (cf. Origen and Oriqenistic Controversies).
This Logos is the means by which the universe was
created and the object was God's beneficence as
love and as free self-impartation to his creatures.

Between God the Infinite and the finite, imper-
fect universe there is a wide gap which is, however,
removed by being filled with divine potencies (dy-
nameis), which are peculiar mediating beings or con-
cepts, represented on the one hand as active

powers, self-revelations, or attributes of God; on

the other, as personal beings of a spiritual kind.

Incomprehensible in number they sub-

4. Inter- mit to classification; namely, into the
mediate well-doing and the primitive powers.

Potencies; At the head of the former is the
the Logos, ogaihotes through whom God made the
universe and at the head of the other
is the archS, through whom he rules it. But higher
than these two at the summit of the series of all
mediate beings, constituting their principle of unity,
appears the divine Logos. He is their father and
leader, the first-born. Are the others angels, he is
the archangel. He stands in immanent relation
with God and proceeds from him, whereas the others
proceed from the Logos. He is sometimes called
second God or image of God; his administrator, tool,
and mediator. As mediator, through him the world
was made. In him subsisted at the beginning of
creation heaven and earth; i.e., the body of ideals.
He is the seat of ideals which by partition or sepa-
ration he projects from himself. Through him God
imprints the intermediate potencies, which have
their seat in the Logos, upon matter; hence his is
called " seal of God." As the bond of unity, God
holds together, supports, and directs all through
him. He is also represented as the high-priest and
advocate for men with God. The synonym " word "
(hrtma ; Gen. i. 3; Ps. xxxiii. 6; Deut. viii. 3) used
sometimes by Philo indicates that the Logos was
to him equivalent to the Biblical term of the Old-
Testament instrument of creation and governance
of the world.

At the conclusion of the work of creation, God

made first the heavenly man through the Logos;

i.e., the preexistent ideal man, in his pretemporal,

spiritual, unsexual eternal state, un-

5. Man. tainted by sin and truly in the divine

image. Subsequently, the earthly
man, made not by the Logos alone but with the aid
of the lower potencies, was deficient in the perfect
image of God and was, in advance, subject to the
possibility of sinning. Indeed, his higher soul (nous)
came from the creative, living breath of God, but
in the creation of his lower soul (with its earthly
reason, nous geinds) as well as his body, several an-
gelic potencies or demiurges cooperated. After the
earthly man had lived seven years in Paradise, or
the realm of virtues, especially of piety and wisdom,
he was sexually differentiated by the formation of
woman from him and he entered the state of temp-
tation and sin. The results of the fall are partly
physical and partly ethical, the latter being the in-
creasing degeneration of Adam's descendants, im-
pure from birth. A partial image of God remains as
freedom of will and rational perception; by these
the fallen retain unbroken connection with God,
particularly through the Logos through whom God
reveals himself. Many men fail to apprehend God
because of their guilt; only the consecrated who
know how to rise above the earthly may enter into
closer relations with him. In the special Scripture
revelation, Moses is the earthly mediator of a rev-
elation which shows Israel to be the chosen and the
possessed of God, just as the Logos is the heavenly
mediator.

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Philo of Alexandria

The Scriptures — Philo having in mind the Septu-
agintr- are capable of a double sense, and must not
be understood otherwise than as allegorical. The
immediate sense is the literal, fit only
6. The for weaker minds; it is the outer in teg-
Scriptures, ument which the mediate or allegor-
ical sense penetrates and fills as the
soul does the body. The formal criteria for prefer-
ring the allegorical are, (1) when the literal repre-
sents something unworthy of God; (2) when there
is apparent contradiction; and (3) when the text
itself is figurative. In a series of instances a deeper
sense is implied, (1) by a duplication of expression;
(2) a redundant word or words; (3) repetition with
slight variation; and (4) play of words and the like.
In the doctrine of the moral law Philo stands on
strict monotheistic, Old-Testament ground; in the
doctrine of virtue he adheres to Plato and the Stoics.
The divine moral law appears to him
7. Ethics, the entire natural and moral, world-
comprehending order. The law of
Moses is the visible transcript of the natural law.
The Hebrew ceremonial law requires in all points a
spiritual or allegorical interpretation. The virtues
are arranged in the order of importance according
to the Platonic-Stoic scheme, with the exception
that piety is supreme. The strict ascetic retirement
of the Therapeutse and Essenes is commended for the
culture of the virtues. The Logos is given an im-
portant place in the ethical sphere, as the teacher
of virtues, the conqueror of evils, and the heavenly
model for men. He operates on the one hand in the
human conscience as judge; on the other, as medi-
ator before God for man.

In his doctrine on immortality and retribution,
so far as it affects the individual, Philo stands on
Hellenic ground; in his expectation for the future
of the people of God, he is Jewish par-
8. Efichatol- ticularist. Man is designed to be im-
ogy. mortal by virtue of his godlike nature.
Actual immortality is attained through
virtue, especially piety; also by philosophy, appre-
hended and realized in life. Though the life of the
sinner continues after death, yet it is not really im-
mortal; this property belongs to those only who
carry their blessedness attained in this world into
the highest ether of the world beyond, where they
behold God. The fate of the godless is that the
punishment which sin carries within itself in this
world, such as fear, sadness, and strife, continues
into the next. The misery involved in sin is the
place of its condemnation and not the mythical
Hades. Philo knows nothing of a trans-mundane
hell as a place for torment, the devil, or malevolent
angels.

IV. Later Influence: Philo's religious philoso-
phy exerted a profound influence upon the early
Christian theology and the development of Chris-
tianity. It has been termed " an outline of the ker-
nel of Christian history formed by the Jew Philo
before it went into effect," and the Logos doctrine
has been called " the Jewish prologue of Christian-
ity." But such generalizations can be supported
only so far as the coincidences of individual con-
cepts and expressions of Philo with those of the
New Testament and some of the early Christian

writers. The teachings of Philo differ as much as
possible from the fundamental doctrines of Chris-
tianity regarding the person and work of Christ.
In his treatment of messianic prophecies of the Old
Testament he either preoccupies himself with ab-
stractly spiritualistic allegory or with a one-sided
national hope, stopping short of a deeper ethical in-
terpretation. His Logos doctrine is one only in
name with that of the New Testament; the former
is a cosmic potency without true personal character,
the latter is above all else a personal being of eth-
ical godlike significance. The former is unrelated
to the 'theocratic national expectations of Israel;
the latter is the incarnate Son of the Father, the
Messiah. However, this is not equally true of the
influence of Philo upon the formal dogma and exe-
gesis of the Fathers, which were both far-reaching
and persistent. As already upon Josephus and upon
the later exegetes of the Targum and the Midrash,
the Cabalists, and the religious philosophers of the
Middle Ages; so the influence of Philo's phraseology
and allegorical exegesis shows itself upon a consid-
erable number of the early Christian writers, par-
ticularly of the Alexandrian school; and even in a
certain sense upon New-Testament writers like
Paul, John, and the author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews. Of the Greek Fathers, especially Barna-
bas, Justin, Theophilus of Antioch, Clement, Origen,
Eusebius, and, among the Latins, Ambrose and Je-
rome, show a similar influence. (O. ZttcKLERf.)

Bibliography: The best ed. of the " Works " is by L. Cohn
and P. Wendland, in an edilio major and minor, vols. i.-v.
and ix., Berlin, 1896-1909. There is also an editio atereotypa
in course of issue from Leipsic, vols, i., v., vi., 1898-1905;
The editio princeps by A. Turnebus was issued Paris, 1552;
an edition which has long been standard is that by T.
Mangey, 2 vols., London, 1742. There is an Eng. transl.
by C. D. Yonge, 4 vols., London, 1854-55; and a new
Germ, transl. was begun under the editorship of L. Cohn,
vol. i., Breslau, 1909. Special mention should be made
of Neu enldeckU Fragmenta Philos, ed. P. Wendland, Berlin,
1891; Fragments of Philo Judams, newly ed., J. R. Harris,
Cambridge, 1886; and the Eng. transl., Philo about the
Contemplative Life, by F. C. Conybeare, Oxford, 1895
(contains a full bibliography). Very useful as covering
the whole subject are: DCB, iv. 357-388 (a notable discus-
sion); Schurer, GeschichU, iii. 487-562, Eng. transl., II..
iii. 321-381; DB, extra vol., pp. 197-208; and Vigouroux,
Dietionnaire, fasc. xxxi., cols. 300-312. Consult further: J.
Bryant, The Sentiment of Philo Judams, London, 1798; C.
G. L. Grossmann, Quastiones Philonea, part 1, De theologia
Philoni* fontibus et auctoritate, Leipsic, 1829; A. Gfrorer,
Philon und die aUxandriniache Theoaophie, Stuttgart, 1831 ;
A. F. Dahne, Geschichtliche Darstellung der judisch-alexan-
drinischen Rdigionsphilosophie, 2 vols., Halle, 1834; F.
Keferstein, Philo* a Lehre vom den goUlichen Mittelwesen,
Leipsic, 1846; J. Bucher, Philoniache Studien, Tubingen,
1848; C. Morgan, An Investigation of the Trinity of Plato and
Philo, London, 1853; J. T. Delaunay, Philon d' Alexandria
Paris, 1867; M. Heinse, Lehre vom Logoa, Leipsic, 1872; B.
Bruno, Philo, Strauss und Renan, und das Urchristenthum,
Berlin, 1874; J. W. Lake, Plato, Philo and Paul; or the
pagan Conception of a " Divine Logos " the Basis of the
Christian Dogma, Edinburgh, 1874; C. Siegfried, Philon
von Alexandrien als Ausleger des Alien Testaments, Jena,
1875; H. Soulier, La doctrine du logos chez Philon d' Alex-
andria, Turin, 1876; F. Klasen, Dieolttestamentliche Weis-
heit und der Logos der judisch-alexandrinischen PhUo-
sophie, Freiburg, 1878; J. Reville, Le Logos d'apres Philon
a" Alexandrie, Geneva, 1877; P. E. Lucius, Die Thera-
peuten . . . Eine kritische Untersuchung der Schrift " De
vita contemplative," Strasburg, 1879; J. Reville, La Doc-
trine du logos dans le quatrieme evangile et dans les auvres
de Philon, Paris, 1881; S. Weiss, Philo von Alexandrien
und Moses Maimonides, Halle, 1884; J. Drummond, Philo

Philo Byblius
Philoxenus

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Judcsus, or the Jewish- Alexandrian Philosophy in its De-
velopment and Completion, 2 vols., London, 1888; H. von
Amim, Quellenstudien zu Philo von Alezandrien, Berlin,
1888; L. Maaaebieau, Le Claeeement dee osuvres de PhiUm,
Paris, 1880; M. Freudenthal, Die Erkenntnisslehre Philos
von Alexandria* Berlin, 1891; P. Wendland and O. Kern,
Beitrage zur Oeeehichte der griechischen Philosophic und
Religion, pp. 1-75, Berlin, 1895; C. O. Montefiore.in JQR,
vii (1895), 481-545 (a florilegium); A. Aall, Oeeehichte der
Logosidee in der griechischen Philosophic 2 parts, Leipsic,
1896-09; E. Herriot, Philon le juif, Paris, 1898; S. Tiktin,
Die Lehre von den Tugenden und Pfiichten bei Philo, Bern,
1898; T. Simon, Der Logos, Leipeic, 1902; W. Bousset,
Die Religion dee Judenthums im neutestatnenUichen Zeit-
alter, Berlin, 1903; P. Kruger, Philo und Josephus ale
Apalogeten dee Judenthums, Leipsic, 1906; J. Martin,
Philon, Paris, 1907; P. Heinisch, Der Einfiuss Philos auf
die alteste christliche Exegese, in Altestamentliche Abhand-
lungen, ed. J. Nike], MQnster, 1908; Lee Idiee phUoso-
phiques et reHgieuses de Philon d* Alexandria Paris, 1908;
K. 8. Guthrie, The Message of Philo-Judams of Alexan-
dria, Chicago, 1909; H. Windisch, Die Frommigkeit Philos
und ihre Bedeutung fur das Christenthum, Leipsic, 1909;
N. Bentwich, Philo-Judams of Alexandria, Philadelphia,
1910; K. S. Guthrie, The Message of Philo Judatus of
Alexandria, London, 1910; works on the history of Israel,
e.g., H. Ewald, Oeeehichte, vi. 257-312, and on the history
of philosophy.

PHILO BYBLIUS (HERENNIUS PHILO) : Greek
grammarian and historian; b. in 63 a.d. (not 42,
as was usually given); d. after 141. Knowledge of
him comes principally through Suidas, though he
is mentioned not infrequently by the Church Fa-
thers, particularly by Origen (Contra Celsum, i. 15;
Eng. transl., ANF, iv. 403) and Eusebius (Pra-
paraiio Evangelica, i. 9-10; Eng. transl., 2 vols.,
Oxford, 1903). Suidas makes him an ambassador
to Rome in the time of Hadrian, and a friend of
Herenniu8 Severus (from whom he took his name
Herenniu8), consul in 141 a.d. Three of the many
works ascribed to him are often referred to: " Con-
cerning Cities and the Famous Men they have
produced," " Phenician History " or " Things Phe-
nician " (a professed translation of a work by
Sanchuniathon, q.v.); and "Concerning Jews,"
about which it is debated whether it was an inde-
pendent work or merely an excursus to or a chapter
in the " Phenician History," with the probability
inclining in favor of the former alternative. The
quotations from his " Phenician History " are sup-
posed to make him out to be a Euhemerist; but it is
to be remembered that if this work is really a trans-
lation from the putative author, Sanchuniathon,
Philo can not be held responsible for the trend of
opinion there expressed. Only fragments remain
of his works in citations by Eusebius.

Geo. W. Gilmore.

Biblioorafhy: The fragments are collected in C. and T.
Muller, Fragmenta historicorum Grctcorum, ill. 560-576,
4 vols., Paris, 1841-51. Consult H. Ewald, in the Ab-
handlungen of the Royal Society of G&ttingen, v (1853);
E. Renan, in the Mhnoires of the Academy of Inscrip-
tions, xxiii. 2 (1858), 241 sqq.; W. von Baudissin, Studien
sur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, i. 3 sqq., Leipsic, 1878;
Schurer, Oeeehichte, and Eng. transl., Introduction, $f 3,
18; and literature under Sanchuniathon.

PHILO OF CARP ASIA: Bishop who flourished
in the fourth century. Polybius in his fanciful Vita
Epiphanii (MPG, xli. 85) writes of a deacon Philo
whom among others the sister of Honorius and
Arcadius sent to Cyprus to Epiphanius to summon
him to Rome to cure her of sickness by the laying

on of hands and prayer. But Philo on account of
his piety was consecrated by Epiphanius as bishop
of Carpasia, Cyprus, and was entrusted with the
former's official administration during his absence
at Rome. With this has been combined the notice
of Suidas that " Philo the Carpathian wrote a com-
mentary on the Song of Songs "; but Carpathos ia
the name of an island between Rhodes and Crete.
Here there is either reference to different persons
or a confusion of places; probably the latter, since
the commentary mentioned by Suidas, preserved
in a number of manuscripts, is provided with the
superscription, " Commentary on the Song of Songs
of Philo, bishop of Carpasia/' The commentary
was first published by A. Giacomelli (Rome, 1772);
was printed by A. Gallandius, BiUiotheca veterum
patrum, vol. ix. Appendix, p. 713 (Venice, 1765-
1781); and is in MPG, xl. 1 sqq. (A. Hauck.)

Bibliography: Fabricius-Harles, Bibliotheoa Graca, ix. 252,
Hamburg, 1804; O. Bardenhewer, Patrologie, p. 276,
Freiburg, 1901, Eng. transl., St. Louis, 1008.

PHILOPATRIS, fi'lo-pe'tris: A dialogue as-
cribed by a single family of manuscripts to the Greek
satirist Lucian. Formerly regarded as a satire on
Christianity, it is now known to be a political pamph-
let of the Byzantine period. It is divided into two
parts: the first is theological and contains a refu-
tation of heathen polytheism accompanied by an
exposition of Christian doctrine; the second is po-
litical and reveals the dissatisfaction felt in certain
circles with the government of that period, though
it closes with expressions of loyalty, and with the
hope that the emperor would overcome his enemies.

The Humanist editors of Lucian themselves per-
ceived that this dialogue, which is inartistic both in
form and execution, was not written by their author;
and this view is undoubtedly correct, although nat-
urally there have been some defenders of its au-
thenticity, the latest of whom was C. G. Kelle, Lu-
ciani PhUopatris (Leipsic, 1826). Some classicists
sought at least to maintain that the dialogue was
written in the time of Trajan, but the majority of
critics allowed themselves to be influenced by J.
M. Gesner (De estate et auctore dialogi . . . qui
PhUopatris inscribUur, Jena, 1714) in favor of the
period of Julian. A. von Gutschmid and others
were inclined to refer the work to the time of the
Persian wars of Heraclius. At present, however, the
general opinion is in harmony with the view of B.
G. Niebuhr, to the effect that the dialogue belongs
to the second half of the tenth century, the time of
Nicephorus Phocas (963-969) or to that of his suc-
cessor, John Tzimiskes (969-976). If this be true,
the whole first part must be regarded as a jesting
religious controversy, introduced to give plausibility
to the attribution of the dialogue to Lucian;
although R. Crampe has argued that, if the work
was written in the seventh century, political opposi-
tion would be combined with a tendency toward
paganism.

The dialogue was expunged from the Aldine edi-
tion of Lucian of 1522 by the Inquisition, and was
placed on the Index by Paul V. in 1559. To what-
ever period it may be assigned, the PhUopatris
retains its interest from a theological point of view
because of its combination of Christian ideas with

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Luoanic style, whether it proves the existence of
r-e*"'"" in Byzantium in the seventh century, or
whether it simply shows how frivolously the Human-
ista of the tenth century treated questions of faith.
Th* description of Paul borrowed from the Acts of
Fsal and Thecla and the [illusion to II Cor. xii. 2 sqq.
are also worthy of note. E. ton DobschOtx.

RDUoflurflT: The work is printed in the eds. of Lucian'a
~ Work* " of Florence. 1496. the Aldine, 1503 (expunged
ia that of 1523), ZweJbrOoken. 1791, and Leipeie, 1839.
Separate ianw an by J. H. Oemer. Jena, 1715: C. B.
Baaa, ia La* Diaamut, CSBB, Bonn, 1828. Consult:
Ftbhdm-Hules. BibliaUuca Grata, v. 344. Hamburg,
1798; Krumbaeher. GexAichle. pp. 456 aqq.; idem, in
ajawlfcMl ZtiUchriH. xi (1902), 578 sqq.: B. O. Nie-
bohr. Urbrr dot Alter da DirUoat PhiiopalrU, Bonn, 1843;

B. Cmnpe. rkiloaatrii, Halle, 1804; E. Rohde, in fluon-
rnucU Zdttchnlt. v (189S), 1-15. vi [1898). 475-482;

C. Stash. Dt P/nSopatride. Cracow, 1897: R. Oarnett,
Alms for Oblivion, in CornAiU Maoaiint, May. 1901; B.
BafcMab La Quation dv Philapalrin, in Herat aTchtalo-
mw, 1902. 79-110.

PHTLOPOSTJS. See Johannes Philoponus.

PH1XOST0RGITJS, fil"o-ster'jius: Arian contro-
versialist; b. at Borissus in Cappadocia about
3S4; d. after 426. His father was the strict Arian
Carterius, and he became a polemical writer in the
same cause. At the age of twenty be repaired to
Constantinople for study and met Eunomius on the
way, whose works he studied. There is no further
knowledge of the course of his life. The work for
which he was famous was a church history in twelve
books, intended to justify the Arian party and is
unfortunately lost. Only excerpts by Photius and
others who used it have come down, and these are
unreliable except as they report mere facts. It is
certain that he used the writings of Afitius and
Eunomius and Arian documents as well as the his-
tory of Eusebius, The history began with the con-
troversy between Anus and Alexander and ex-
tended to Valentinian III. It would scarcely be
reliable in its partisan representation of persons and
relations, yet the loss of so much historical matter
dealing with an age so intensely controversial is to
be deplored. The work was used and read during
the Middle Ages; the excerpts of Photius are men-
tioned, Suidas used it for his lexicon, Nicetes Akom-
inatus possessed it, and Nicephorus seems to have
used it. (Ehwtn Preuschen.)

Bwjoohafbt: The fint issue of the excerpt* of Photius.
ed. J. Qotoofredua. war, at Geneva, 1643; Valeaiue edited
them next, Paris, 1873, after which there were several
editions, principally the one by W. Reading, Cambridge,
1720. reprinted at Turin, 1748, and in MfU. Ixv. New
fragment* were edited by P. Batiffol in Romitche Qwxr-
taueanA iii (1889), 134 sqq., of. his Qumttiona Phila-
Mot/<na7i*, Paris, 1891, and tug articles in the Qvartalwchrifl,
i» (1890), 134 aqq., ix (1895). 67 eqq. An Eng. tnuul. ■
by Walford, London. 1865. Consult: Fabriciug-Harlea.
BMiottuta Grtrra, vit. 609 sqq., Hamburg, 1801; J. R.
Asmus, in BymnfinucAe Ztiuckrift, iv. 30 sqq.: L. Jeep,
to JfAeiaucAH Jfuawn. Li (1897). 213 sqq.; TV, evil
(1899J: CeOtier. Aulturi eocrai, viii. 509-514; DCB, iv.
390; and the literature under Arianism.

PnrtOXErTTJS, fl-iex'i-naB, (XENAIA, AXE-
HAIA): Monophysite bishop of Mabug (Hierapo-
li«); said to have been boroatTahal, a little place
in the Persian district of Beth-Garmai, between the
Tigris and the mountains of Kurdistan, in the sec-
ond quarter of the fifth century; d. a violent death

at Gangra in Paphlagonia, probably £23. He was
probably of Syrian parentage, and not a slave, as
was reported by Theodore the Lector; studied at
Edessa while Ibas was bishop there (435-457), but
was an opponent of Ibas and of Nestorianism. He
left Edessa and went to Antioch, where, having
accepted the Henoticon (q.v.), be came into con-
flict with the Patriarch Calandio, who expelled him;
but he returned and was by Peter Fullo (458) con-
secrated metropolitan of Hierapolis (Mabug), when
he took the name Philoxenus, sending a confession
of his faith to the Emperor Xenos, to refute a charge
of Eutychianism (q.v.). For the next thirteen years
nothing is heard of him. It is not impossible that
this was the period when the writings which made
him famous were composed. In May, 498, he was
in Edessa, being charged with undue leniency to-
ward drunken carnival rioters. With the accession
to office of Flavian in 498 (see Monophvbites)
Philoxenus came more into publicity as the spokes-
man of the Monophysites. He was twice at Con-
stantinople, being summoned thither by Anastasius
in 506 at the end of the Persian war. He was the
animating spirit of the party which assailed Flavian
as a Nestorian. At the Synod of Tyre Monophysi-
tism was victorious; but a few years later came the
reversal, and under Justin (successor of Anastasius)
Philoxenus was banished to Philippopolis (518 or
519), and then to Gangra.

The eminent position and ability of Philoxenus as
a writer are conceded. Hi» productions stamp him
as a man of virile thought, strong will, and warm
heart, while the " strife-seeking rioter " his op-
ponents deemed him disappears in the spiritual
curate of souls. Jacob of Edessa (q.v.) regarded
him as one of the four great teachers of the Syrian
church, Ephraem, Jacob of Sarug, and Isaac of
Antioch being the others. He was held in equal esti-
mation by the Armenians, who quoted and used
his writings. Numerous manuscripts of his writings
exist at Paris, Rome, Oxford, and particularly at
the British Museum, but comparatively few have
been published. For bis work on Bible translation
see Bible Versions, A, III., 2. He wrote a partial
commentary on the Gospels, and dealt with dog-
matic subjects, liturgies, and the like, and a list of
eighty writings is given by Budge (see below).
Among the printed productions are thirteen ad-
dresses on the Christian life, dogmatic treatises on
matters dealing with a personal creed; on the Chal-
cedonian creed; against Nestorius and Nestorian-
ism; letters of theological content to Abraham and
Orestes, priests at Edessa, on the pantheism of
Stephen bar Sudaili to the monks at Teleda (be-
tween Antioch and Aleppo); circular addresses to
monks, with no particular ascription; letters to
monks at Beth Gaugal near Amida, and to Em-
peror Zeno; and two Anaphora, printed in E. Renau-
dot, LUurgiarum orientatium colledio, ii. 370 (Paris,
1716).

In considering his Cbristology, it is to be borne in
mind that he stood for the same thing as Severus of
Antioch (q.v.), with whom he fought shoulder to
shoulder, the two being the foremost representatives
of Monophysitism, ever energetically opposed to
Eutychianism (q.v.) and Apollinarianiam (see Apol-

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

L1N4BW of Laodicea). His letter to Zenn issued
from u desire to purge himself of false sic-pieioti.
"He who was complete d«ity assumed flesh ami
became true man," he asserts in this letter. While
the polemic against Nestorius gradually lost its in-
terest, the effort continued to guard against the
consequences of Docetisra (q.v.), and appears in the
latest of iiis writings — to the monks of Teleda. In
this the avowal of the reality of the manhood of
l.'hri-t and of his undergoing (he experiences of hu-
manity is explicit. Philoxouus emphasized the fact
that all which Christ did was done both voluntarily
and vicariously. In the hist phases of his thought
he approached the position of Julian of Halieamassus
(q.v.). Yet it must remain a matter of doubt
whether I'hilo\euus had part in the strife between
Julian and Severus, since this broke out while 1'hi-
loxenus was in banishment in Thrace, though .Sev-
erus expressly stated that Julian had not only pub-
lished his hook in Alexandria but had distributed it
broadcast. Possibly Philoxenus had received it, in
whose earlier writings Severus " had found nothing
foolish." The letter to the monks of Teleda and a
work of unaligned authorship appear to be the only
documents which contain an echo of the dispute.

Early issue of some of bis works is to be found in
S, E. Assemani, Bibliotheca orientatis (Rome, 1719-
17'JS'l; and M.,LeQuien, Orient Christuinut (Paris,
1740). Later issues are: The Discourses of Philoi-
mmu, Bishop of Mabbogh A.D. 485-819, Ediiedfrom
Syrhu Manuscripts . . . with an English Transla-
tion by E. A. Watlis Budge, 2 vols. (London, 1SH4);
Thru- Utters of PkUoxenia, Bishop of Mabbogh {486-
SIB): being the Letter to the Monks, the first Letter
to the Monks of Beth-Gougal, and the Letter to the
Emjieror Zena . . . with an English Translation,
an,l Ititrtolitctum, ... by A. A. Vaschalde (Rome,
1902); the Letter of Mar Xinains of Mabug to Abra-
ham and Orestes, in A. L. Frothinghum's Stephen
bar Sudani (Leyden, 1SS0); and his Tractatus tret
de trinitatc tl incamaiione, ed. A. Vaschalde. in
CSCO, vol. xxvii., 1907. (G. KrCqeb.)

BiBLloaHAPm: The early aourcoa are for the most part col-
]pcti?d. nhalracinj. or uawl in J. H, Aasemani, BMiotAiea
orientalii. i. L'tW, :il(l :i.W. 47.5, 470. ii. 10. 13, 17. 20.
Con.ult further: W. Wrielir. Sliort Hi* of Surioc Lilrra-
turf. pp. 72-76. London, 1894; idem. CMobaiM of Surioe
MSN. in Mr British Jlfuwum, 3 purta. London. 1870-72;
R. Duval, Hti. i>"Hl'-'fiir. "h:i\ei,KC rC titttrvirt d'Edctte,
Pnrin, IK92; irlem. Iji LiUenUurt svriaque. il> 1000: E.
Ter-MiaaMiaali, in TV, xivi <19Q4>: DCB, iv. 391-393.

PHOCAS, SAINT: Christian martyr. He is said
to have been a gardener at Sinope in Ponttts where
he was famous for his lavish almsgiving and hos-
pitality to strangers. He suffered martyrdom, as
some hold, in the |*Tsecut. ion under Trajan (tt8-
117); according to others, under Diocletian (284-
305). fn the East he is the patron saint of mari-
ners, who are accustomed to revere him with hymns,
call upon him when in distress at sea, and share
with him a part, of their prolils by giving them to
the poor. A magnificent church Has erected to his
honor at t 'oust ant inople l,y the emperor of the same
name shortly before 610. The Phocas revered by
Roman tradition as the bishop of Sinope must be
the same person. Another Phocas must be a
martyr of Antioch, a touch of the door of whose

tomb, according to Gregory of Tout--, was a
for serpent bites. (O. ZoCKLtaf) |

Bibuoorapbt: The Aria, by Biahop AateriuB. at
Sept.. vi. 393-290; in P. Combefia. Qroeo-LaL |
bil.li.<llUK,l nauum auOariiim. i. 189-182. Puis.
L. Suriua, Vila lancttmtm. Sept., 22, 12 vol
1617-18. The anoaymoua Uarlyrium 8. Pin
H rpismpi Sinopt in Panto, is io ASB. July, i
The Vita of Phocaa the martyr of Antioch la in A
Mar.. I. 366-367, and in Suriua. ut sup.. Mar., S. "
DCB. iv. 303-394.

PHQvBADIUS, fi-be'di-trs (FCEGADIUS, 1
DIUS:: Bishop of Aginnum, the modern J
(73 m. s.e. of Bordeaux); d. after 392. ~
confuted the second Sirniian formula (see f
ism, I., iii., § 6) in southern Gaul by means
era orthodoxy, in his work Liber contra Ari
the latter part of 357 or in 35S; MPL, xx.
a work clear, animated, and occasiontilly ironical in
argument and admirable and impressive in style. J
The main thought is that if Christ is not God be a (
not real Son. Known after the beginning of tl
sixteenth century is s tract, De fide orthodoxa ros-
tra Arianos (MPL, xat. 31-50) with ■
confession of faith, with which Phaebadius has been
generally credited. At the Synod of Rinx
Phaibadius obstinately defended orthodoxy, but .
finally with -Servatio of Tongem was made to yield.
These two bishops at a certain stage of the synod
produced special formulas, " in which first Arius
and all his unbelief are condemned, and secondly,
the Son of God is not only pronounced to be equal
with the Father but also without beginning."
I'll, el.adius took part in the synods of Valence and
Saragossa (380), and was still living in 392.

(Edgar Hennecke.)

Bibuogbafht: K. Schoncmiuin. Bibliotheca . . . patrun
Lotinorum. i. 30B-312. Leipiic. 1792; Tulemout, Htm-
oira, vi. 427-428; Gallia Christiana, ii (1720), 895-897;
J. Drflaeke, in ZWT, 1890. pp. 78-98: F. W. F. Katten-
buseh. Dan apottoliteht Symbol, i. 171-173, Leipaic, 1894:
(Villier. Auieun lacrii. v. 372-377; DCB. ii. 647 (under
" Fcegadiua "J.

PHOTIHUS, fryti-nos: Bishop of Sirmium; b.
in Ancyra in Galatia; d. in Galatia 376. He was a
pupil of Marcellus of Ancyra and bishop of Sirmium
in Pannonia, near the modern Milrovicza. He first
appears ut the Synod of Antioch in 344, where the
Eastern Church condemned him and Marcellus.
This judgment was approved by a Synod at Milan
in 345, and Photinus was deprived of his bishopric
by a Synod of Sirmium in 351. According to
Epiphamus be appealed to the Emperor Constan-
tius, was granted a hearing, and disputed with Basil
of Ancyra before his judges. Socrates and Sozomen
correctly refer this disputation to the Synod of
Sirmium in .151, and stale that he was exiled. The
Synod of Milan, 355, renewed the anathema. That
he returned for a season appears from the friendly
letter of Emperor Julian to hun and from the fact
that Jerome knows liim to have been banished by
Valentinian (364-375). His heresy obtained little
influence in the East; but in the West, especially
on the Balkan peninsula, Phot in ions continued for
a longer period. They were known at Sirmium in
381, and at the beginning of the fifth century a
Photinian Marcus, driven from Rome, found refuge*
in the diocese of Senia, Dalmatia. Augustine refers

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pbiloxenua
Photiua

them frequently not as a sect but as persons in
who think after the Photinian manner; i.e.,
who regard Christ as a mere man.
Photinus was a dynamic monarchian (see Mon-
im) who, without denying the virgin
regarded the person of Christ as essentially
and denied a hypostatic distinction of the
from the Father and a hypostasis of the Spirit.
attached himself to the Marcellian doctrine and
, argumentation: " the Son is known simply accord-
:iag to his appearance in the flesh " and Daniel (vii.
>13) speaks " prophetically, not as of the Son exist-
ing.w His most significant writings, according to
were Contra genies and Libri ad Valen-
Socrates knows of a book " Against All
" and Rufinus of a tract on the symbol
(MPL, xxL 336). (F. Loops.)

BnwooRAPHT: The principal sources are Epiphanius, Hear.,
bad.; Hflaiy, Fragments 1-3, and De Trinitate, vii. 3-7;
Socrates, Hist, ted., ii. 30, Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., ii.
44-45, 56-68; VigOius of Thapsus, MPL, lxii. 179 sqq.,
and MPL, xxxv. 2213-2214. These are mostly collected
in If . de Larroque, Dissertatio duplex, Geneva, 1670. Con-
sult, besides the literature under Arianism and Monarchi-
imwm, especially that under Diodorus and Marcellus of
Aneyra; DCB, iv. 394-395; C. R. W. Klose, GeschichU und
Ltkn da MareeUus und Photinus, Hamburg, 1837; C. W.
F. Waleh, Historie der Ketzereien, iii. 1-70, Leipsic, 1766;
Fabrichxs-Harles, Bibliotheca Graca, be. 222-226, Ham-
burg. 1804; Tillemont, Mhnoires, vol. vi.; Hefele, Concili-
engesehichte, vols, i.-ii., Eng. transl., ii. 188-189, Fr. transl.,
voL i., passim; Hamack, Dogma, vols. i.-v. passim;
Neander, Christian Church, vol. ii. passim.

PHOTIUS, fo'shi-us.

I. life.

Early Life (5 1).
First Patriarchate (5 2).
Decisive Break with Rome (f 3).
Years of Retirement (f 4).
Second Patriarchate (5 5).
II. Writings.

Bibliotheca (5 1).
AmphUochia (§ 2).
Polemical Works (5 3).
Other Writings (f 4).
Editions (§ 5).

Photius, twice patriarch of Constantinople in the
ninth century, enjoys an almost unparalleled pre-
eminence in both the Greek and the Russian Church
of the present day. Though in his own time he had
enemies, and though circumstances clouded his
fame at Rome and at the Byzantine court, he took
deep hold among his people from the first, and soon
after his death his Church put his name in her calen-
dar of saints. To judge his character is not easy.
He was not the tyrant that his opponents repre-
sented him to be, though he could be hard and
domineering. He was crafty, double-tongued, and
▼ain, but to be so lay in the character of his time
and in the atmosphere of the Constantinople in
which he lived. He was a sort of universal genius
— phflologian, philosopher, theologian, jurist, mathe-
matician, man of science, orator, and poet; no
original thinker but of powerful memory, of iron
industry, of good esthetic sense, of great dialectic
skfll, far-seeing and clever in practical matters, of
commanding will-power, a profound judge of men,
and true in friendship, though also always exacting
the return. His piety in its way was real. To him
the Orthodox Church owes her understanding and
appreciation of her distinction from the Latin.

Proud already of her inheritance, Photius intensified
and confirmed her self-consciousness, and gave her
the pregnant catchwords which have never been
forgotten.

L Life: Photius was born at Constantinople,

probably between 815 and 820, and died in the

Armenian monastery of Bordi Feb. 6, 897 or 898.

He was of a family of quality, rigidly

z. Early orthodox, and friendly to images. His
Life. parents died early, " adorned with the
martyr's crown," this probably mean-
ing that, as friends of images, they were despoiled of
their property and honors. It is known that they,
with Photius, were excommunicated by an icono-
clastic synod, but Photius himself appears never to
have been in pecuniary straits. It is not possible to
follow the course of his life closely before he became
patriarch. When hardly more than a boy he began
to give public lectures, first on grammar, then on
philosophy and theology — an activity which was in-
terrupted by an embassy " to the Assyrians/ ' men-
tioned without further explanation in the preface
to the Bibliotheca (see below, II., § 1); probably
a visit to the court of the calif in Bagdad is meant.
After the death of the Emperor Theophilus in 842,
the Empress Theodora became regent for her young
son, Michael III., called the Drunkard, assisted by
her brother, Bardas, who from his sister's counselor
speedily developed into her rival. Learning was
now held in higher esteem than it had been by the
preceding iconoclastic emperors, and Photius' rela-
tions with the court became very intimate. He
was first secretary of state and captain of the body-
guard, and his brother Sergius was married to Irene,
a younger sister of Theodora and Bardas. Photius
himself was never married nor was he a monk.
Bardas succeeded in entirely supplanting Theodora
as regent, probably in 857, and, to nullify her influ-
ence, which was feared by the young Michael as
well as by his uncle, it was proposed to immure her
in a convent. The Patriarch Ignatius, however (see
Ignatius op Constantinople), was a partizan of
Theodora and refused to lend himself to this plan,
so that, on Nov. 23, 858 (or, according to others,
857), Bardas deposed him and chose Photius for his
successor.

Photius undoubtedly belonged to a powerful party

antagonistic to Ignatius, which included Bardas

and was led by a certain Gregorius Asbesta. He

was not a cleric, but the elevation of a layman to

the patriarch's chair was not unprece-

2. First dented. On five successive days (Dec.
Patriarch- 20-24, 858) Gregorius hurried the can-
ate, didate through the five grades neces-
sary for the 'assumption of the patri-
archate, and on Christmas Day he was enthroned.
Ignatius, however, did not retire quietly, in spite
of the efforts of Bardas and Photius to make him
yield, and he had a large following, the monks be-
ing especially hostile to Photius. The ill-treatment
of Ignatius and his friends was doubtless exagger-
ated, and, so far as it really occurred, was due to
Bardas rather than to Photius. Photius exerted
himself to secure episcopal sees for his friends and
accomplished Ignatius' deposition, in apparently
canonical form, by a synod in 859. Ignatius went

Photius

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

to Rome and sought aid from Pope Nicholas I.
(q.v.)- At first Photius ignored this move, but ul-
timately he sent a particularly impressive legation
to Nicholas with a notification of his enthroniza-
tion which completely concealed the real situation.
A letter from the emperor went with it asking for
recognition of Photius and requesting that legates
be sent to a council in Constantinople to settle the
few remaining problems connected with the icono-
clastic disorders. At the same time Photius wrote
to the Eastern patriarchs concealing the facts even
more than in his letter to the pope and evidently
wishing to secure recognition from them before the
pope's legates should arrive in Constantinople.
The council (called " first-second " — prima-secunda)
met in May, 861, and from the very first the papal
legates, Rodoald of Porto and Zacharias of Anagni,
espoused Photius' side. Ignatius was very summa-
rily treated and his deposition was confirmed, al-
though he received more support from the assem-
bled bishops than the emperor and Photius had
expected.

Nicholas seems to have hoped that Photius would
recognize the primacy of jurisdiction, which he had
assumed from the first. But Photius had no such
intention, however much he may have been will-
ing to flatter. The pope proceeded slowly, but on
Mar. 18, 862, he issued an encyclical to the Eastern
bishops in which he disavowed the acts of his legates
at the council and declared: " We do not consider
Ignatius deposed nor do we recognize Photius as in
episcopal orders." He wrote to the emperor and
to Photius to the same effect, and a year later (Apr.,
863), when it had become evident that writing ac-
complished nothing, he had his judgment confirmed
by a synod in Rome and threatened Photius and
his adherents with excommunication. Meanwhile
Photius found unexpected support from certain
Western bishops who had fallen out with Nicholas
over the divorce of Lothair II. (see Nicholas I).
He drew up a reply from the emperor to the pope
in which he adopted a very lofty tone, even ad-
dressing Nicholas as the emperor's subject. The
document is lost, though its tenor is evident from
certain letters of Nicholas. The pope answered
with spirit, but he failed to measure public opinion
in Constantinople. The new Rome looked down
with scorn on the old and its " barbarians' tongue,"
and Photius all his life disdained to learn Latin (see
below, II., § 1). Constantinople regarded the con-
nection of the papacy with the Carolingian empire
as a manifestation of revolt. There was a firm de-
termination to insist that the pope should at least
respect ecclesiastical boundaries, and feeling on this
point was excited at the time by the case of the Bul-
garians, who, converted by eastern missionaries and
placed under the jurisdiction of the ecumenical pa-
triarch by the Council of Chalcedon, were showing
some disposition to go over to Rome (see Bul-
garians, Conversion of the). Photius, appar-
ently in 865, addressed a long letter to the newly
converted Bulgarian Bogoris; but the latter, doubt-
less for political reasons, turned to the pope, who
sent two legates and a number of priests, as well as
a voluminous pastoral epistle to the prince. At the
same time Nicholas sent three messengers with no

less than eight letters addressed to the emperor,
Bardas, Photius, and all concerned, even the sena-
tors of Constantinople, requiring the execution of
his judgment. The emperor, however, turned tin
pope's envoys back at the border, and the Letten
were not delivered.

Photius now executed the master stroke whiek
really separated East and West. As the pope had
attacked the validity of his ordination and position,
so he called in question the pope's own position, de-
claring the pontiff to be a patron of heresy. The
encyclical to the patriarchs of the East in whiek
Photius made the charge and sought to prove it Ii
rightly regarded as the magnacharta of
3. Decisive the Orient in all its subsequent attitude
Break with and conduct toward the Occident
Rome. Leaving personal matters quite out of
account, and not hinting at the rela-
tions between Nicholas and himself, Photius spoke
only of the danger which threatened from Rome,
making the sending of Roman priests to the Bul-
garians his starting-point and ending with an attack
on the Filioque (see Filioque Controversy), con-
cerning which he wrote a minute theological discus-
sion with fourteen arguments against the doctrine
of double procession. He wished to hold a synod
in Constantinople to counteract the work of the
West, and it actually met in the summer of 867.
The acts are lost, but Photius secured the decrees
which he wished, and he then allowed his personal
resentment to appear when he retaliated for his own
excommunication by Nicholas with anathemati-
zing the pope. He seems even to have attempted
to exalt the new Rome over the old and to have
thought of claiming the primacy for Constantinople.

Photius' triumph was short-lived. Bardas had

been murdered in 866, and Basil the Macedonian

had succeeded him as joint ruler with Michael. In

Sept., 867, Basil had Michael murdered

4. Years and became sole ruler. He thought it

of Retire- would strengthen his position if Ig-
ment natius were restored. Accordingly,
Photius was expelled from his palace a
few days after Basil's accession, and on the anni-
versary of his deposition, Nov. 23, 867, Ignatius was
reenthroned, ten days after the death of Nicholas I.
Basil deemed a break with the West inopportune,
and, after negotiating for a year with Rome, he
called a council (the Fourth Constantinople, Oct
5, 869-Feb. 28, 870; the eighth general council of
the West) which brought about the full restitution
of Ignatius, at the same time officially deposing and
condemning Photius. It was dominated by the
Pope Adrian II. (q.v.), but his triumph was more
apparent than real. In the West this council is re-
garded as the settlement of the controversy over
images; but Photius could claim with reason that
he had finally allayed this strife by the council of
861; and when the papal legates at the council de-
manded recognition of the claims of Rome concern-
ing the Bulgarians, the Orientals protested in words
which showed how the alliance of the pope with the
West rather than with the East burned in all Greek
souls.

Photius lived at Stenos, on the European side of
the Bosphorus, under strict surveillance and de-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Photius

prived of his books. Direct association with his
friends was forbidden, but he was allowed to corre-
wpood with them freely. His following among the
clergy was so great that at first scarcely twenty
bishops appeared at the council which condemned
kirn, and, in spite of the strenuous exertions of his
enemies, only a little over 100 were present at the
final session. Harsh measures against his adherents
Bade it easy for him to organize a sort of antihier-
archy, and he well knew how to hold his party to-
gether and to animate all with his own unyielding
spirit, which steadily refused to hear of compro-
mise. Gregorius Asbesta and a whole company of in-
fluential metropolitans stood by him faithfully. At
the same time he carefully refrained from attacking
the emperor in all that he wrote, and the time came
when he could move more freely. His requests for
favor to his friends were listened to, the emperor
even consulted him on theological questions, and
finally (probably in 876) he was recalled to Constan-
tinople as tutor to the princes royal. It was evi-
dent that after the imminent death of Ignatius,
Photius would again ascend his throne.

Ignatius died Oct. 23, 878 (according to others,

877), and three days later Photius was installed in

his place. The relations between Photius and Basil

were thenceforth of the best. Basil asked Pope

John VIII. (q.v.) to recognize the re-

S Second instated patriarch, and this time the
Patriarch- pope, needing imperial support for his
ate. schemes in Italy, showed a disposition
to comply. He declared Photius' first
elevation illegal, however, criticized the second be-
cause it had taken place without his knowledge,
and stipulated that Photius should ask pardon be-
fore a synod. This was not at all to Photius' mind,
and he accordingly contrived that a council should
meet in Constantinople (the " Synod of St. Sophia/'
Nov., 879-Jan. 26, 880, the eighth general council
of the East), attended by three times as many bish-
ops as the council of 869. From this he obtained all
that he desired, and the acts read as though the papal
legates did not fully comprehend what they were
doing. Photius was very amiable and apparently
submissive to " his beloved brother," John, but he
obscured the full meaning of his demands, and, re-
maining in the background himself, spoke in the
council through others. The emperor kept away
from the council; but after it was officially closed,
he presided, at the instance of Photius, over two
supplementary assemblies, at the first of which
those present, including the papal legates, declared
their adherence to the old creed. In the second
Photius had one of the bishops deliver an address
which in no veiled terms put him above the pope.
Later, for political reasons, John rather outbid
his legates than disavowed them.

Photius was now at the zenith of his power and
glory, but relations with Rome soon became strained
again. In 882 John VIII. was succeeded by Mari-
nas I., the first pope who had previously been bishop
of a non-Roman see and who had not been chosen
directly from the Roman clergy. That he himself
bad made many translations did not deter Photius
from using this technical irregularity against his
Roman rival. Though his pontificate was too brief

for any real results, Marinus renewed the ban against
Photius, whereupon the latter stirred up afresh the
strife over the procession of the Holy Spirit (see be-
low, II., § 3). On Aug. 29, 886, the Emperor Basil
died unexpectedly. His successor, Leo VI., had
been Photius1 pupil and originally was devoted to
him, though for unknown, reasons he had been the
patriarch's bitter enemy since 880. Like Basil at
his accession, Leo determined to be rid of Photius.
He was ruthlessly deprived of his office and was ban-
ished to the monastery of Bordi in Armenia, where
he lived probably a full decade or more. With
his second downfall, however, Photius disappears
from history.

It should be noted that Photius' contest with the
popes did not absorb all his powers. He always
found time for learning and art. He promoted mis-
sions to the Bulgarians and Russians; he sought re-
lations with the Saracen princes, primarily for the
good of the Christians under their rule and because
of the holy places in Palestine; and he watched and
endeavored to convert the Paulicians and other
heretics both within and without the empire.
Though some of his acts may be criticized, he had
a lofty concept of his duty both as " watchman "
against the West and as supreme shepherd of the
East, and he performed it with zeal and energy.
The Greeks are right when they reckon him among
the foremost of all their spiritual leaders.

H. Writings: Measured by the standard of his
time, Photius ranks very high as scholar; in the
ninth century he is a phenomenon of learning and
good judgment. Even when measured by a more
exacting standard, he is still far from contemptible;
his books were literary treasure-houses
i. Biblio- for the later dark ages of his people and
theca. have their value even now. The best-
known and most important for the
present time is that commonly called the Biblio-
theca or Myriobiblon, which presents summary ac-
counts (cited as " codices ") of 280 books read and
studied by Photius, put together without apparent
plan of arrangement and varying much in length
and method of treatment. Some codices are mere
brief synopses of contents; others contain excerpts,
which steadily grow longer as the work proceeds;
and some include critical remarks, which also vary
from superficial opinions to carefully weighed and
exact judgments. Possibly the book epitomizes
Photius1 academic lectures or gives specimens from
them. It purports to have been written at the re-
quest of " our dear brother, Tarasius," who asked
Photius, when he was preparing for his journey
" to the Assyrians " (see above, I., § 1), to leave
behind on his departure a description of books which
he had read with his scholars at times when Tara-
sius could not be present. In its present form the
work can hardly have been composed under such
conditions; perhaps it originated as indicated at
Tarasius' request and was elaborated later. It
takes account of both heathen and Christian wri-
ters, and includes not a few works which are now
lost. Historians, theologians, philosophers, gram-
marians, physicists, as well as acts of councils, mar-
tyrs, and saints, are reviewed. The rhetoricians
appear to have been particularly interesting to Pho-

Photius
Piaoenza

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

tius. Of theologians the dogmaticians proper are
preferred. The poets hardly appear, and the great
philosophers of ancient Greece are scarcely men-
tioned, perhaps from an evident intention to treat
only less-known works. Thucydides, Polybius, Plu-
tarch, and writers like Hippocrates and Pausanias
are also left out of account, and the more famous
theologians are treated briefly. Athanasius, Chrys-
ostom, Gregory Nazianzen, and Basil are often
mentioned, but only their rarer works receive ex-
tended notice. The summaries are often excellent,
and Photius' remarks on the style of his authors
show good and cultivated taste. For his biograph-
ical notices he used an abridgment of a work of
Hesychius of Miletus. Latin writers he knew only
in translation.

The Amphilochia is so called because it is dedi-
cated to Amphilochius of Cyzicus, one of the truest
friends and oldest disciples of Photius, who had
propounded certain questions to his teacher and
who is often mentioned in the work. It consists of
a series of questions and answers (300

2. Amphi- in number according to the prologue;
lochia, in existing manuscripts and editions

the number is greater and variable,
and the order is not the same), chiefly relating to
Biblical topics, but including some which belong to
dogmatics and philosophy and some which hardly
appertain to theology at all. The Bible questions
generally relate to passages which appear to be con-
tradictory, the so-called enantiophanies of Scripture,
and some of the answers are merely exegetical ex-
positions. Many passages are treated more than
once. As in the Bibliotheca, the answers vary
greatly in length, some being mere notes, others al-
most treatises, and there is no apparent plan. Most
of the answers evidently belong to the time of the
first exile of Photius, and may have been commu-
nicated by letter. It is possible that Photius col-
lected them later, and probably the work was
expanded with time. The author shows little orig-
inality, excerpting whole sections from Chrysos-
tom, Polychronius, Germanus of Constantinople,
John of Damascus, and others, and elsewhere being
dependent on Athanasius, Basil, Gregory Nazian-
zen, Dionysius the Areopagite, Maximus Confessor,
and others without directly copying them. In no
less than thirty-two passages he repeats Theodoret
almost verbally. The long, minute, and keen first
answer addressed to Amphilochius may, however,
be original.

The best-known of Photius' polemical works is the
" Treatise on the Mystagogy of the Holy Spirit,,,
written against the Filioque. It was an incident of
the renewed strife with Rome begun by Marinus (see
above, I., § 5) and belongs to the years 885 or 886.

It is throughout an independent prod-

3. Polem- uct of Photius. It was he who gave
ical Works, the doctrine of the procession of the

Holy Spirit the sharp and precise defi-
nition which it ever afterward had in dogmatics.
It is significant that the doctrine is not mentioned
in the Amphilochia; it had no immediate interest
for Photius, and only the need of points of attack
upon the West led him to elaborate it. After a brief
introduction he fixes on John xv. 26, as the locus

cUusicus of the doctrine, where Christ says that
the Spirit proceeds " from the Father." To add
that he proceeds also from the Son is held to lead
to absurdities; it makes the Spirit a " product of
the Son," and it destroys the unity of the three
Persons of the Trinity (iii., iv.). The latter argu-
ment remained the leading one of all Eastern po-
lemics against the West in the Filioque controversy.
The consequences of the addition are further con-
sidered in chaps, vi.-xix., xxxi.-xlvii., and bri.-briv.
Such passages as John xvi. 14 and Gal. iv. 6 are
declared to be invalid arguments against the posi-
tion of Photius (xx.-xxx., xlviii.-ix., xc.-xciv.).
In chap. v. he asserts that the Fathers and councils
are unanimous against the addition; and in chaps,
lxv.-lxxxix. he examines the utterances of such
western authorities as Ambrose, Augustine, and
Jerome, and the popes from Damasus to Adrian
III., and maintains that they support the conten-
tion of the East. The " Dissertation on the (New)
Sprouting of the Manicheans " is a work against
the Paulicians (q.v.). It consists of four books, of
which the first gives a historical account of the
Paulicians as New Manicheans, and the remainder
a dogmatic and Biblical refutation of their doc-
trines. Books ii.-iv. do not fully accord with the
plan as laid down in book i., and it has been sug-
gested that they are a working-over of twelve lec-
tures against the Manicheans. The fourth book ap-
pears to be an independent work and later than ii.
and iii. If genuine, it probably belongs to the time
of the first exile, since in it the author complains of
being deprived of his books. The first book is
closely related to the Historia ManichfBorum as-
cribed to Petrus Siculus (MPG, civ. 1240 sqq.).
The " Precise Conclusions and Proofs," in the form
of questions and answers, furnishes a compendium
of historical documents (acts of synods, etc.) re-
lating to metropolitans, bishops, and the like; and
it has been held that Photius wrote it as an indirect
defense of his elevation and his opposition to Rome,
as well as a refutation of the arguments advanced
by his opponents against his legitimacy.

Hergenrdther knew of twenty-two addresses by
Photius, of which only two were printed (MPG,
cii. 548 sqq.). Eighty-three " addresses and homi-
lies" are now offered by Aristarches (see below,
§ 5), but the greater number of these are composi-
tions of the editor rather than of Photius. No
doubt Photius1 works contain passages
4. Other which were originally parts of spoken
Writings, discourses; but it may well be ques-
tioned whether it is possible to select
these fragments and put them together so as prop-
erly to reproduce the original addresses. At the
same time, the collection offers some important
inedita which are attested by manuscript evidence
as real specimens of Photius' homiletic manner and
skill. In general his thought follows the old and
familiar channels of his Church. He is fluent and
figurative, soars not seldom in a real flight, but more
often shows mere floridity and phrasing. Photius1
letters are the most important source for his char-
acter and type of thought. Migne arranges them in
three books: political letters to popes, patriarchs,
bishops, emperors, and other princes (24 numbers);

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Photius

private letters to bishops, clerics, monks, etc.,
mostly letters of encouragement, recommendation,
admonition, and the like (102 numbers, many of
them very short) ; and letters to laymen, especially
high officials (67 numbers). Valettas (see below,
i 5) gives a larger number disposed in five books:

dogmatic and hermeneutic letters " (84 numbers) ;

parenetic letters11 (57 numbers); "consolatory
letters " (15 numbers); " letters of censure " (64
numbers); and " miscellaneous letters " (40 num-
bers, mostly brief friendly notes).

Photins' other writings include: Bible commen-
taries, of which only fragments are preserved (cf.
MPG, ci. 1189-1253). A lexicon intended as a help
to the understanding of authors whose diction was
no longer current in the ninth century; it shows
little originality and perhaps belongs to Photius'
youth; probably he had help in composing it.
Poems, of which three odes on Basil and a hymn of
nine odes on Christ are known (the former in MPG,
cii. 577 sqq., the latter in the Ekklesiastike Aletheia,
Constantinople, 1895). An " Exhortation by Means
of Proverbs " is published by J. Hergenrdther in his
MonumerUa Groeca ad Photium ejusque historian
pertinenHa (Regensburg, 1869, pp. 20-52), as well
as some fragments of philosophical writings (pp. 12
sqq.) and a not uninteresting extract from a work
"On the Holy Liturgy" (pp. 11-12). For lost
works of Photius (against the Emperor Julian,
against Leontius of Antioch, and probably also a
study on contradictions in the Roman codes) cf.
Krumbacher, GescJtichte, p. 522.

Photius was not the author of the Nomocanon,
the standard law-book of the Eastern Church (see
Nomocanonb). It is older than his time, though
it was supplemented during his patriarchate (in 883,
according to the preface), and his councils of 861
and 879 had a part in this work. Whether Photius
himself prepared the new edition is uncertain; but
it is at least evident that he had a good knowledge
of canon law, for some of his letters expound legal
points in an illuminating manner. The canons of
his councils were certainly Photius1 work, and the
Bibliotheca proves his acquaintance with the legal
literature.

Photius' writings are collected in AfPO, ci.-civ. The
last two volumes contain the Bibliotheca, the text being that
of Immanuel Bekker (2 vols., Berlin, 1824). Migne's text

of the AmphUochia (vol. ci.) was furnished
5. Editions, by Bishop Jean Baptist* Malou, with the

help of Hergenrdther, from a Vatican manu-
script and without knowledge of the manuscript of Mt.
Athos, which is the basis of the more valuable edition pub-
lfchedby Constantinus (Economus (Athens, 1858). The
"llystagogy of the Holy Spirit" was first edited by
Hergenrdther (Regensburg, 1857); his text is reprinted
with copious notes in Migne (cii.). The " Dissertation
on the Manicheans " was first published in complete
form (four books) by Johann Christoph Wolff in his
Aneedota Groxa, i.-ii (Hamburg, 1722), whence it was
reprinted by Migne (cii. pp. 15 sqq.). The work referred
to above as " Precise Conclusions and Proofs " is given by
Migne (civ. 1219 sqq.) under the title " Ten Questions and
Answers." The most complete collection of Photius' ad-
dresses and sermons (or of what purport to be such; see
above, II., f 4) is S. Aristarches' " Eighty-three Addresses
and Homilies of Photius " (2 vols., Constantinople, 1900).
The letters (reprinted from older works) are in M PL, cii.,
as well as in the much better and more complete edition by
Johannes Valettas, " Letters of Photius" (London, 1864);
as supplements, Valettas prints the " Ten Questions and

IX.-

Answers " mentioned above and a similar " Five Questions
and Answers." A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus has attempted
to supplement Valettas in his Sancti Patriarchs Phoiii epis-
tola xlv. (St. Petersburg. 1896), though in his Photiaka
(1897) he states that only the first twenty-one letters really
belong to Photius, the others being properly ascribed to
Isidore of Pelusium. The best edition of the lexicon is by
8. A. Naber (2 vols., Leyden, 1864-65). Certain fragments
and treatises of lesser moment are published in J. Hergen-
rdther, MonumerUa gratca ad Photium ejusqe historiam per-
tinentia (Regensburg, 1869), and in A. Papadopoulos-Kera-
meus, MonumerUa groica et latina ad historiam Photii patri-
archal pertinentia (2 parts, St. Petersburg, 1899-1901).
The writing " On the Franks and the Other Latins," printed
by Hergenrdther in the first of these collections (pp. 62
sqq.), is shown in his Photius (iii. 172 sqq.) to be spurious;
it is probably subsequent to the time of Michael Caerularius.
For the Scripta canonica (including the Nomocanon), cf.
MPG, cv. (p Kattenbusch.)

Bibliography: The most accessible compend of epistolary
and conciliar sources is Mansi, Concilia, xv. 159 sqq., xvi.
1 sqq., 209 sqq., 295 sqq., 413 sqq., 425 sqq., xvii. 365
sqq.; to this may be added the material in MPG, cv.
509 sqq., cviii. 1037 sqq., cix. 155 sqq., 663 sqq., 985 sqq.
The work of first rank is J. Hergenrdther, Photius, sein
Leben, seine Schriften, una doe griechische Schisma, 3 vols.,
Regensburg, 1867-69. Exceedingly useful is Krum-
bacher, Geschichte, 73 sqq., 515 sqq., 971 sqq., where an
excellent list of literature is found, including a very full
statement of editions of the works. Consult further:
Fabricius-Harles, Bibliotheca Or oca, x. 670 sqq., xi. 1
sqq., Hamburg. 1807-08; J. N. Jager, Histoire de Pho-
tius, Paris, 1854; L. Tosti, Storia delV origine dello edema
greco, 2 vols., Florence, 1856; H. Lammer, Papet Nikolaue
und die byzantinieche Staatekirche seiner Zeit, Berlin, 1857;
A. Pichler, Oeechichte der kirchliche Trennung zwiechen
dem Orient und Occident, i. 180 sqq., Munich, 1864; R.
Baxmann, Die Politik der Pdpste von Oregor I. bis auf
Oregor VII., ii. 1 sqq., Elberfeld, 1869; A. F. Gfrorer,
Byzantinieche Geschichten, vols, ii.— iii.. Gras, 1873; B.
Jungmann, Diseertationes select a, iii. 319-442, Regensburg,
1882; A. Gasquet, V Empire byzantin et la monarchie
franque, pp. 348-372, Paris, 1888; G. Bernhardy, Grund-
riee der griechischen Litteratur, vol. i., Halle, 1892; F. W.
F. Kattenbusch, Vergleichende Konfessionskunde, i. 118
sqq., Freiburg* 1892; A. H. Hore, Eighteen Centuries of
the Orthodox Greek Church, 365-369. 376-383, London, 1899;
idem, Students Hist, of the Greek Church, ib. 1902; W. F.
Adeney, The Greek and Eastern Churches, pp. 209, 235
sqq., 279-280, New York, 1908; Ceillier, Auteurs eacres,
xii. 719-734; Schaff. Christian Church, iv. 636-642;
Neander, Christian Church, iii. 561-578 et passim; Har-
nack. Dogma, vols, ii.-v.; the literature under the arti-
cles on Popes John VIII., Martin II., Adrian III., Stephen
V. and VI., and Formosus II., also contain matter that is*
pertinent; Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, vol. iv.; KL, ix.
2082 sqq.

PHRYGIA, frij'i-a: A region of fluctuating
boundaries occupying the central portion of Asia
Minor. At the beginning of the Christian era the
name had merely an ethnological and no geograph-
ical significance. There was no Roman province of
the name Phrygia until the fourth century. In the
northern part were the cities of Ancyra, Gordician,
Doryleum; in the southern, Colossse, Hierapolis,
Laodicea. The region is of great importance for
the history of religion after about 200 B.C., the
cults of the West imported from the East receiving
a profound impress from the primitive usages still
current in Phrygia. Especially is this the case
with the mysteries so strongly renascent in tht
century before the Christian era. See Asia Minob.

PHUT. See Table op the Nations, § 6.

PHYLACTERY. See Tepillin.

PIACENZA, SYNOD OF. See Urban IL

SKSf

THE NEW 8CHAFF-HERZ0G

PIARISTS, pai'a-rists: A Roman Catholic order
of men having as its aim the giving of free juvenile
instruction es[>eei:illy to poor hoys. The members
are variously known hy other names, such as Piar-
ians, Srolopians, and Paulinists. Their beginning
-was an independent brotherhood founded at Rome
in 1507 by the Spanish nobleman Jose1 Calasanze;
they received their constitution as a congregation
for their present function in 1617, and were pro-
moted to an order by Gregory XV. in ItiJl, with
the title, Conprrjti.it io lJni]lirLii clericonim rejrulariiim
pauperum matris I li-i solmlnruru piarum. The order
ranks second in importance as a religious brother-
hood for the instruction of boys.

Jose' Calasanze (Josephus a Mat re. Dei) was born in
the Castle, t'alasunze near Petralta de la Sal in Ara-
gon Sept. 1 1, 1556; arid died at. Home A up. 2~>, I 01 S.
He studied law at Leridu and theology at Alcala
and became a priest in 1583. Tn 1592 he went to
Home, win-re us n strict, arfetie and a member of
four religious brotherhoods lie dovotfd himself it,
the care of the sick and the instruction of youth.
In 1012, the number of scholars was 1,200. Soon
n divi-ie.il into popular and higher schoola waa re-
quired; in 11)31) (.'alasanze established tin; Nazarene
College at Rome for noble youths; and in Hi.'J'J
Pope Urban VIII. made him general for life. The
order extended its work from Italy, so that nfter
11)31 it had spread over Germany, Poland, Hungary,
and other lands; but ou account of its ped.igoeicid
rewnlls ii aroused the jealousy of the Jesuits, ■, .- 1 j i i ■ 1 1
led to C'alaaanze's downfall. In 1646 the order was
reduced to a secular brotherhood without vows.
Alexander VII. restored it in 1660 to a congrega-
tion, yet without its fourth vow; Clement IX.
granted this in 1069, and raised it to a formal order;
and Innocent XII. in 1098 restored its mendicant
pin ilecL-s. Calasan/e was canonized by Clement
XIII. in 1767. The order, distributed in nine prov-
inces, consisrs of 121 houses and 2,11X1 members and
is strongest in Spain. {O. ZQCKUBf.)

BlBUooturiiTi Among the skeUhca of the life of the
founder mav he nnmeii thoM by J. Timon-Daviil. 2 vol"..
HsneQln, 1884 (best): A. dell* Concrttjnrir. Itnim-, Hint:
F. J. Lipowoky, Munich. 1720: W. E. Hubert. Main*.
1S80; N. Tijtmnaseo. Rome. ISM) D. M. Casaanovns y
Sani, Snragosna. 1804; and J. C. Hculciirrirh. Vienna,
1907. For tho Constitution a consult L. Holnttn, Ciuln

nieh un^nof^ch icktr.

■Viu-.Imh-it. 17V.-. C ill- H.ir.i'.i

enealuatcn. iii. 2S7-20B: L. Kellnc

tn Skizien und Bildern, i. 327 »qq., timon, Vim); H.
Z. r fi'.t.k'.. in'.. t'xot'viache atudien der kaViotitrl,m /vir.'ir
in Outerreich, Vienna. 1804: A. Brtn.ller, D,i. Wirkm
der . . . Piarirten. Vienna, 1806: F. Endl, in Mitlhril-
itngen der GttrAicht? fur d'-uUrr"- ErrirfiunffB- und Schul-
auKhiehtr. VIII,, 117 aqq., Helyot, Ordre, moruutitfrct, iy.
281-282; KL, a. 20-flfi aqq.

PI-BESETH, pi-be'seth: An Egyptian city men-
tioned in Ezek. kxx. 17, together with Aven (On);
called by the Greeks (and the Beptuaginl) Boulias-
tos, or, more rarely, Boubastist. It was situated in
the Delta on the right bank of the eastern arm of
the Nile. The Hebrew name represents the K<rvp-
tian 1 V r- Baste (t), " House of Bast," the local god-
dess who was represented aa a eat or as a woman
with :i feline head. The real name of the city was
Bast, from which the name of the goddess was de-
rived. Pi-beeetb. waa the residence of the Lybian

kings of the Twenty-second Dynasty, including
Shisbak; and in Christian times was an episcopal
see-city. The extensive ruins of its temples are at

Tell Basta, near the modern Zakazik.

(G. Steindohff.)

BiBLioQHiPHY : The Eighth Memoir [for 1889-00) of the
Earpr EiPLDUTiaN Fund (q.v.); the literature under
Lbontofous, and part of that (on exploration and dis-
covery) under Eotpt.

PICABDS (PICKAHDS): A corruption of " Bcg-
hards " (see Beoharbb, Beguines), applied as a
term of reproach to the Bohemian Brethren {q.v.,
I., S 4),

PICE, BERHARD: Lutheran; b. at Kempen
(27 m. s.s.w. of Esaen), Prussia, Dec. 19, 1842. He
was educated at the utiivcn-ii ie.s of Bre.sl.iu and Ber-
lin, and at Union Theological Seminary, from which
he was graduated in 1868. He was then pastor at
New York City (1868-09), North Buffalo, N. Y.
[186B-TO), Syracuse, N. Y. (1870-74), Rochester,
N. Y. (1874-81), Allegehany, Pa. (1881-95), Albany,
N. Y. (1895-1901). Since 1905 he has occupied a
pastorate in Newark, N. J. He has translated F.
lielii/seh's Jewish Artisan Life in the Time of Christ
(New York, 1883) and H. Cremer's Essence of Chris-
tianity (1903); has edited Luther's "Bine Feste
Burg" in Nineteen Languages (New York, 1SS3);
and has written Luther as a Hymnisl (Philm k'liihin,
1875); Judisches Volkslebcn tar Zeit Jesu (Roches-
ter, N. Y., 1880); Historical Sketch of the Jew
since the Destruction of Jerusalem (New York, l*s7j;
The Life of Jesus according to extra-canonical Source*
(1887); The Talmud, what it is, and what it knows*
about Jesus and his Followers (1888); Historical
Sketck of the Jews since their Return from Babylon
(Chicago, 1892); Vadc Mccum HomUeticwn, i.
(aeons, Pa., 1899); The Extra-canonical Life of
Christ (New York, 1903); Extra-canonical New
Testament Writings of tlie First 7W Centuries (1905);
Lyra Gerhardti: A Selection of Paul Gerkardt'a
Spiritual Songs (Burlington, la., 1900); Hymns
and Poetry of the Eastern Church (1908); Para-
lipmncna: Remains of Gospels anil Sayings of Christ
(1908); and The Apocryphal Acts (Chicago, 1909).

PICK, ISRAEL: Founder of the Amenian Con-
gregation; b. about 1880. Baptized as a Christian
at llresUui in 1854, he professed that by so doing
he did not renounce his Judaism, but became a Jew
in the truest sense. AH the law and ordinances of
the (.'Id Testament were included with the Chris-
tian sacraments as the ordinances of the new con-
jrretpitiou f unruled hy him, which lie styled Amenian
because in Christ (Elohim-amen; Isa. lxv. 16) all
the promises of God are yea and amen (II Cor. i.
20). He gathered about 800 adherents, mainly at
Munchen-Gladbach. In 1859 he went to the Holy
Land in search of a place of settlement for his fol-
lowers and was never heard of again. His principal
literary work was Der Gott der Synagoge und der
Gott der J udenchristen (Breslau, 1854).

(O. ZOcKLBHt.)
Biduoohaprt: Consult Pick's Brirfe an meine Stamma-
ffciuiiirn. Hamhunj, 1S54; Holleotierg. in DeuUrAc Zril
schrift fur diritaicht Wuttntchaft und chrittlicha Ltbm,
18o7, nog. 8-S; J. B. Jonj, Qnchid-U da t\ «HHiMftitUI
in triner neuatm Enlurictulung, ii. 2D-I-300, Froiburg, 1SS7.

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PICKETT, JAMES: Primitive Methodist; b.
it Berwick Baasett (27 m. n. of Salisbury),
England, Dec. 19, 1853. He received his educa-
tion at Wootwn Bassett, Wiltshire; was in busi-
M in London, 1870-76; entered the Primitive
Methodist ministry, and served at Bognor, 1876-
!»; Southwark, 1878-81; Forest Hill, 1881-85;
Lacester, 1885-97; and at Hull, 1891-1903; De-
fame general missionary secretary in 1903; and was
dieted president of the conference of his denomi-
I nation, 1908.

PICO DELLA MTRAHDOLA, pi'co del'lo mi"ron-
do"fa, GIOVANNI: Italian philosopher; b. at
Mirandola Feb. 24, 1463; d. at Florence Nov. 17,
HW. He studied at the University of Bologna
(1477-7!<i, and then visited the principal univer-
stir* of Europe, pursuing the studies of philosophy
and ™l'|j learning as a means to this end He-
brew, Aramaic, and Arabic. In this arduous course
of di.i ;[>lhie he became a follower of Mnrsilio Ficino,
and their common aim was to demonstrate the fun-
damental agreement of heathen philosophers with
eacli other and with Christian scholasticism and
myMi i.m. The root idea of this propaganda was
that all truth is one and all science is one. Yet the
sub-tincture of Pico's system was derived from the
Cabala. In 1487 he went to Rome where he pro-
posed to hold a disputation covering the domain
of knowledge, to which he invited the loading
achtilars as participants. As the themes of the dis-
cusfrioi) he issued 900 theses " in dialectics, morals,
physics, mathematics, metaphysics, theology, magic,
and cabalism." In publishing these he declared
that he did not intend to defend anytliini; regarded
by the Church or its head as untrue or improbable.
But the theologians declared some of the theses
heretical at least in tendency, and the pope (Inno-
cent VIII.) prohibited the disputation. Pico com-
posed an apology, and went to France. He was
later, through the intervention of Lorenzo de'
Medici, permitted to return to Italy, and took up
bis residence near Florence, a member of I lie brilliant
circle which gathered about Lorenzo. In 1403 a
brief of the new pope, Alexander VI., relieved him
<rf the taint of heresy. The humiliation suffered
through the interdiction of the disputation led his
tboii^iii> Inward celibacy, and when he died hr had

been en me in plat tug reiiftiuei.i I" a nxsitast#r\, mil
for this he prepared by ascetic practises. He trans-
ferred his estates to his nephew, Giovanni Fran-
cesco, and bestowed his personal property on the
poor.

BtMuoaatrai ; Pico's Opera were published. 2 parts. Vpnire,

UM:

,. IJ57:

nclu'lims the works of his nephew, 2 vols., Basel, 1572-
1573. sad (bat) 1601. His EpiMela were very often ed-
ited sad published, e.g.. Puis. 1500, 1520; Cologne, 1518.
On his life and work consult: G. DreydoriF, Dai Si/ttrm
dee JoAann Pico, Orafrn von Mirnndula und Concordia,
Hjrbunj. 1B6SI W. H. PwtOt Stadia! in Ihe Hitt. of the
fLenaiunntf, London, 1873; Pastor, Poors, v, 151, 154.
M2-344, 389; Creighton. Papacy. W. 164-166. 173; KL,
viiL 1549-55. The life by his nephew, with three of big
letters, his " Interpn-lnrion ol P=. tut" his " Twelve Rales
of ■ Christian Life." " Twelve Points of ■ Perfect Lover."
sad hit " Hymn to God," ttanst. into Bug, from the Latin
of Sir Thomas Mora, cd. J. M. Rigs, appeared London,

PICPDS, plfc"pus', CONGREGATION OF (Con-
gregation oE the Sacred Heart of Jesus and Mary):
A Roman Catholic congregation founded at Paris
in 1805. The founder, Pierre Marie Joseph Coudrin
(b. 1768; d. Mar. 27, 1837) was led to undertake
the work by contemplation of the effects of the
French Revolution on morals and religion. He de-
sired an organization the purjxjse of which should
be the conversion and moral and religious instruc-
tion of both sexes, and should commemorate by
suitable services four phases of the life of Christ —
his childhood by free instruction of children, his
private life by Perpetual Adoration of the Blessed
Sacrament ('|.v.)p his public life by preaching arid
missions, and bin suffering and death by the praci ise
of austerities. He was encouraged und assisted by
liislmj) .1, II. Chabol of Meiuie, ntnl the coiinvcga-
tion took its name from the street and buildings
in Paris in which it was instituted. In 1817 con-
firmation was granted by Pius VII., after, which
seminaries were founded and preaching to the peo-
ple was begun. In 1S26 missions to the heathen
were sent out, six priests going to the Sandwich
Islands. In 1833 Gregory XVI. entrusted to the
aaagragttf&m the mission for eastern Oceania.
Kruin that time the two branches of work, educa-
tion and preaching, were greatly extended. Mis-
sionaries went to various parts of Oceania arid
Ausl i alasia, to North and South America, and to
Africa, while in all these par's as well as in Europe
(■I I i.ii-.i ! tonal jtisiitiit.il'!! is ivi-tv established, there
being 200 with 12,000 scholars in Oceania alone.
The celebrated Father Damien (see Vbubter, Jo-
seph nr.) was n member of the congregation, and a
Lame number "i1" pi. illy devoted lull less celebrated
missionaries have contributed to success, and have
adtled to the sum of knowledge by books dealing
with the languages und ethnology of the i.-hnds
and lauds where they have labored.

There is a branch of the congregation for women,
The Skvcs of tin; Sacred Heart of Jesus arid Mary.
the foundation of which was laid in IS00 by Coudrin
and Henriette Aymer de la Chevalerie (d. 1834).
Prior to the separation of Church and Stale in
France, the sisters had establishments in France,
and such are still found in Belgium, Holland, Spain,
England, and South America.

Hi iii.li ii aiil'HIT The Conttitulinn* wm> print/'d I 'a r i- ■ . IS HP.
Consult: A. Coudrin. Vie de (MoM Coudrin, Paris, IMOl
H. Perron. Vie de . . . Pierre Uarie-Jam-ph (W™, ib.
1B00; E. Keller, Lei CtmoretiationB r/lioieusei en France,
pp. 372, 434, ib. 1880: Helyot, Ordrei mmmpJsw*, It.
1277 sqrj.. Paris. 1B5U: Heinibuchor. Orden und nTonore-
t/alionen, Lii. 47H73; KL, bt. 2102-Ofi.

PICTET, pic"te', BENEDICT: Swiss Reformed;
b. at Geneva May 30, 1655; d. there June 10, 1724.
After receiving his education in the university of
his native city, he made an extensive tour of Europe,
after which he assumed pastoral duties at Geneva,
and in 1680 was appointed professor of theology.
In the domain of systematic theology, Pictct pub-
lished two great works: Theologia Christiana (3
vols., Geneva, 1G96; Eng. transl., Christian Theol-
ogy, London, 1834) and Morale ckrRienne (2 vols.,
1692), in which lie sought to revive the old and
somewhat stagnating orthodox theology, though he
was unable to prevent the Genevan " Company of

Piotnrea
Pietism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Pastors " from adopting a new formula of subscrip-
tion in 1706. Pictet also distinguished himself as
Christian poet, his hymns soon becoming popular
conjointly with the Psalms, and some of them still
being found in French hymnals. Mention should
likewise be made of Pictet's Huit sermons sur I'ex-
amen des religions (3d ed., Geneva, 1716; Eng.
transl., True and False Religion examined; the
Christian Religion defended; and the Protestant Ref-
ormation vindicated , Edinburgh, 1797) and of his
Dialogue entre un catholique et un protestant (1713;
Eng. transl., Romanist Conversations, London, 1826).

Eugene Choisy.

Bibliography: E. de Bud6, Vie de Benedict Pictet, Lau-
sanne, 1874; J. Gaberel, Hist, de Veglise de Geneve, vol.
iii., Geneva, 1862; G. Borgeaud, Hist, de runiversiU de
Geneve, ib. 1900; Lichtenberger, BSR, x. 699-600.

PICTURES, MIRACULOUS: Certain pictures or
images believed by the Roman Catholic Church to
confer special graces upon those who look at them,
on the intercession of the saint represented in them,
and on condition of more or less subjective sus-
ceptibility on the part of the beholder. Among
these graces are recovery from illness, discovery of
secrets, inspiration to good works, and the like.
The popular notion ascribes miraculous powers to
the pictures themselves; but theologians take pains
to explain that God alone is the wonder-worker,
and the picture only the locality and occasion of the
miracle, by means of the intercession of the saint,
or sometimes the means by which the miracle is
worked, as in cases where the image is supposed to
speak, to weep, or to open and close its eyes.

(C. GRttNEISENf.)
Bibliography: Council of Trent, session XXV., Latin and
English in Schaff, Creede, ii. 199-205; M. Chemnits, Ex-
amine concilii O Tridentini . . . Opus, Frankfort, 1565-
1573, reprint, ed. Preuas, Berlin, 1861, Eng. transl., Lon-
don, 1582; J. Marx, Das WaUfahren in der katholischen
Kirche, Treves, 1842.

PIE (PYE), poi: The name given to the index-
table on which prior to the Reformation in England
the directions for worship were written, and to the
early ordinal or directory for priests, containing a
table of daily services and a summary of the mass
rubrics. The arrangement was complicated and
obscure, and the investigation required to discover
the proper order was sometimes extended. The re-
sult was great confusion in the services. The name
is perhaps derived from pica, " magpie/1 and is the
result of the " pied " appearance of the book caused
by the printing of initials in red and the body in
black type on white paper.

Bibliography: W. Maskell, Montimenta ritualia ecclesim
Anglicana, 3 vols., London, 1846-47; M. E. C. Walcott,
The English Ordinal; Us Hist., Validity, and Catholicity,
ib. 1851; idem, Sacred Archaology, p. 445, ib. 1860; J. H.
Blunt, The Annotated Book of Common Prayer, pp. 101
sqq.. New York, 1908. A transl. of a pie is given in The
Roman Breviary, transl. by John, Marquess of Bute, i. pp.
xi.-L, Edinburgh, 1879.

PIEPER, pf'per, ANTON: German Roman Cath-
olic; b. at Ludinghausen (16 m. s.w. of Munster),
Westphalia, Mar. 20, 1854. He was educated at
the universities of Munster, Innsbruck, and Rome
from 1874 to 1883 (D.D., Freiburg, 1883), and in
1890 became privat-docent for church history and
Christian archeology at the University of Munster,

associate professor of church history in 1896, and
full professor of church history and Christian arche-
ology in 1899. He has written Papst Urban VIII.
und die Mantuaner Erbfolgefrage (Freiburg, 1883);
Die Propago^da-CongregaHon und die nordlichen
Missionen in siebzehnten Jahrkundert (Cologne,
1886); Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der stdndigen
Nuntiaturen (Freiburg, 1894); Die pdpetlichen
Legaten und Nuntien in Deutschland, Frankreich
und Spanien seit der Mitte des secheehnten Jahr-
hunderts (Munster, 1897); Die aUe University
Munster 1773-1818 (1902); and Christentum,rcmi-
sches Kaisertum, und heidnischer Stoat (1907).

PIEPER, FRANZ AUGUST OTTO: Lutheran;
b. at Carwiti (85 m. w. of Danzig), Pomerania,
June 27, 1852. After studying at the gymnasium
of Colberg, Pomerania, he graduated in 1872 at
Northwestern University, Watertown, Wis., and in
1875 from Concordia Theological Seminary, St.
Louis, Mo. He was Lutheran pastor at Manitowoc,
Wis. (1875-78), professor of theology in Concordia
Seminary (1878 to 1887), since president of the
same institution, and also president of the Lutheran
Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other states since 1899.
In addition to his work as, editor of Lehre und Wehre,
he has written Das Grundbekenntnis der evangeliscK-
lutherischen Kirche (St. Louis, Mo., 1880); Lehre
von der Rechtfertigung (1889); Oesete und Evan-
gelium (1892); Distinctive Doctrines of the Lutheran
Church (Philadelphia, 1892); Unsere SteUung in
Lehre und Praxis (St. Louis, 1896) ; Lehrstellung der
Missouri-Synode (1897); Christ's Work (1898);
and Das Wesen des Christentums (1903).

PIERCE, LOVICK: Methodist Episcopal South;
b. in Halifax County, N. C, Mar. 24, 1785; d. at
Sparta, Ga., Nov. 9, 1879. With very limited edu-
cation, he entered the ministry in South Carolina
in 1804, and served as chaplain in the war of 1812,
after which he studied medicine and practised at
Greensborough, Ga., until about 1821, when he per-
manently resumed the ministry. He was abundant
in labors; possessed remarkable physical endur-
ance, and was a man of great intellectual force and
moral power. He was a strong advocate of the
Wesleyan doctrine of sanctification; and was one
of the first to encourage, and did much to advance,
the cause of higher education in his church. He
was a member of the first delegated general confer-
ence of Methodism in 1812; and remained one of
its chief representatives in its conferences as well as
before the country until his death.
Bibliography: J. M. Buckley, in American Church History

Series, vol. v. passim, New York, 1895; and toe other

works cited under Mbthodibts which cover his locality

and period.

PIERIUS, pi-erf-us: Presbyter of Alexandria.
According to an excerpt from the " Christian His-
tory " of Philippus Sidetes by H. Dodwell, Disser-
tatio in Irenceum (Oxford, 1689), it appears that
Pierius was the head of the catechetical school at
Alexandria, the successor of Dionysius, and prede-
cessor of Theognostus [c. 265 a.d.]. Photius also
names Pierius as master of the school and teacher
of Pamphilus. Eusebius (Hist, eccl., VII., xxxii.
26, 27, 30, Eng. transl. in NPNF, 1 ser., i. 321-322,

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pieturtt
Pietism

cf. note 42) names Achillas, later bishop, as con-
ductor of the school at that time, and if this is cor-
rect, the two might have been jointly at the head.
At any rate his character, according to Eusebius, of
ascetic, philosopher, ezegete, and preacher, would
present him as amply qualified. Sidetes also states,
on the authority of a lawyer, Theodore, that Pierius
and his brother Isidore were martyrs and had a very
large church at Alexandria, which is also reported
by Photius. Jerome (De vir. ill., lxxvi.; also his
second Epist. ad Pammachium, Eng. transl. in
ANF, vi. 157) states that, after the persecution of
Decius, Pierius lived at Rome. The work (Bib-
lion) of Pierius to which Photius refers (Codex
cxix.) consisted of twelve treatises or addresses, of
which also Sidetes makes mention. One of these
was an extemporaneous first Easter sermon, men-
tioned by Photius. The address upon the martyr-
dom of his pupil Pamphilus which contains exe-
getical elements is to be distinguished from the Bib-
lion, and the representation of Jerome that he was
the author of a commentary on I Corinthians is not
substantiated. Pierius was a follower of Origen,
was indeed called " the younger Origen/' and his
writings were studied with those of Origen.

(N. Bonwetsch.)

Bibliography: For Philippua Sidetes consult C. de Boor, in
TU, v. 2 (1889), 169 sqq.; for Photius, use M. J. Routh,
Reliquim sacra, iii. 423 sqq., 5 vols., Oxford, 1846-48,
MPG, x. 241 sqq., and the Eng. transl. in ANF, v. 157.
Consult further: ANF, Bibliography, pp. 70-71 (contains
detailed list of notices); Palladius, Hist. Lausiaca, chaps,
xii., cxliii., in MPO, xxxiv.; Harnack, Litteratur, i. 439-
441 (collects the passages), ii. 2. pp. 66-69, 71, 105, 123;
idem. Dogma, ii. 95-96, 116, iv. 41; Bardenhewer, Go-
schichU, ii. 168 sqq.; Kruger, History, pp. 217-218; L. B.
Radford, Three Teacher* of Alexandria, Cambridge and
New York, 1908.

PIERSON, ARTHUR TAPPAN: Presbyterian;
b. at New York City Mar. 6, 1837. He was gradu-
ated at Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y. (A.B.,

1857), and Union Theological Seminary (I860),
being minister of the Congregational Church at
Winsted, Conn., in the summers of 1859 and 1860.
He was then pastor at Binghampton, N. Y. (1860-
1863), Waterford, N. Y. (1863-69), Detroit, Mich.
(1869-82), Indianapolis, Ind. (1882-83), Bethany
Church, Philadelphia (1883-89), Metropolitan Tab-
ernacle, London (1891-93), and Christ Church,
London (1902-03). In 1889-90 he made a mission-
ary tour of the British Isles. Since 1888 he has been
editor of the Missionary Review of the World, and
was lecturer on missions in Rutgers College in 1891
and Duff lecturer in Scotland in 1892. He has
written The Crisis of Missions (New York, 1886);
Many Infallible Proofs: Chapters on the Evidences of
Christianity (1886); Evangelistic Work in Principle
and Practise (1887); Keys to the Word: or, Helps to
Bible Study (1887); The Divine Enterprise of Mis-
sums (1891); Miracles of Missions (4 vols., 1891-
1901); The Divine Art of Preaching (1892); From
the Pulpit to the Palm-Branch: Memorial of Charles
H. Spurgeon (1892); The Heart of the Gospel (ser-
mons; 1892); New Acts of the Apostles (1894); Life-
Power: or, Character Culture, and Conduct (1895);
Lessons in the School of Prayer (1895); Acts of the
Holy Spirit (1895); The Coming of the Lord (1896);
Shall we continue in Sint (1897); In Christ Jesus:
or, The Sphere of the Believer's Life (1898) ; Catharine
of Siena, an ancient Lay Preacher (1898); George
Mailer of Bristol and his Witness to a Prayer-Hear-
ing God (1899) ; Forward Movements of the last half
Century (1900); Seed Thoughts for Public Speakers
(1900); The Modern Mission Century viewed as a
Cycle of Divine Working (1901); The Gordian Knot:
or, The Problem which baffles Infidelity (1902); The
Keswick Movement in Precept and Practice (1903);
God's Living Oracles (1904) ; The Bible and Spiritual
Criticism (1906) ; The Bible and Spiritual Life (1908) ;
and Godly Self-control (1909).

Philipp Jakob Spener.

Early Life and Education (ft 1).

Frankfort and the Collegia Pietatis

(§2).
The Pia Desideria (ft 3).
Attacks on Teachings and Collegia

(J 4).

Stormy Career at Dresden (ft 5).

Call to Berlin; Real Rise of Pietism
(ft 6).

Spener" s Closing Years (f 7).

Personality and Theology ($8).

Part in Pastoral Reform (f 9).

Promotion of Lay Religion (f 10).

Cooperating Forces (§ 11).

Pietism at Halle.

Prestige of Francke and h» Institu-
tions (ft 1).

PIETISM.

Unsuccessful War on Pietism
(ft 2).

One-sided Nature of the Movement
(ft 3).

Effect on Theological Study (ft 4).
III. Pietism in Wurttemherg.

Pietism Cordially Welcomed (ft 1).

Separatism and Tubingen Influence
(ft 2).

Attitude toward Moravians (ft 3).
IV. The Spread of Pietism.
V. The Nature and Influence of Piet-
ism.

Complexity of Pietism (ft 1).

Lutheran Orthodoxy and Pietism
(J 2).

Disadvantages of Pietism (ft 3).

Influence on the Church (ft 4).

Religious Training and the Bible
(ft 5).

Effect on Theology and Union (ft 6).

Forerunner of Religious Freedom
(ft 7).

Conventicles and Lay Cooperation
(ft 8).

Separatists Tendencies (ft 9).

Rigid Austerity (ft 10).

Philanthropic and Missionary Ac-
tivity (ft 11).

Pietism and the Enlightenment
(5 12).

Development and Origin (ft 13).
VI. Later Development.

Factors and Growth (ft 1).

Character of Modern Pietism (ft 2).

Estimate of the Movement (ft 3).

The term Pietism connotes a movement in be-
half of practical religion within the Lutheran Church
of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Es-
tablished at Halle by Philipp Jakob Spener, and
following distinct and individual courses of develop-
ment in Halle, Wurttemberg, and Herrahut, it re-
ceived a bond of union in its conviction that the
type of Christianity then prevailing in Lutheran-
ism stood in urgent need of reform, and that this

could be brought about by " piety," or living faith
made active and manifest in upright conduct.

L Philipp Jakob Spener: Philipp Jakob Spener,
the founder of Pietism, was born at Rappbltsweiler
(33 m. s.w. of Strasburg), Upper Alsace, Jan. 23,
1635; d. at Berlin Feb. 5, 1705. His parents gave
him a devout education, and he received still more
lasting religious impressions from his godmother,
the widowed Agatha von Rappoltstein (d. 1648)

Pietism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

and her chaplain, Joachim Stoll (1615-78), finding
additional spiritual nourishment in such works as
the Vom wahren Christentum of Johann Arndt
(q.v.) and German translations of the English
devotional writers Emanuel Sonthomb (Emanuel
Thompson?), Lewis Bayly, Daniel Dyke, and
Richard Baxter.

Spener began his university studies at Strasburg

in May, 1651, devoting himself primarily to history,

philosophy, and philology, and receiv-

i. Early ing his master's degree in 1653. He

Life and later gained a reputation as a student
Education, of genealogy and heraldry, particularly
through his voluminous Opus herald-
icum (2 vols., Frankfort, 1690). His theological
teachers were Johann Schmidt (1594-1658), Sebas-
tian Schmidt (1617-96), and especially Johann
Konrad Dannhauer (q.v.). It was to the latter
scholar that Spener was chiefly indebted for his
living interest in the writings of Luther and the
assertion of the religious rights of the laity, as well
as for his subsequent avoidance of separatistic
tendencies. As a student he lived a quiet, reserved
life; his acquaintance confined itself to a few
sympathetic friends; and his Sundays were de-
voted to serious reading and singing hymns with
these friends, as well as to the composition of his
Soliloquia et meditationes sacroe. He terminated
his formal studies in 1659, and spent the next three
years at Basel, Geneva, and Tubingen. Here his
chief object was further knowledge of languages,
literature, and history, but at the same time his
religious development was profoundly influenced,
notably by his acquaintance with Jean de Labadie
(see Labadie, Jean de, Labadists), whom he
met in Geneva. Though many desired Spener
to remain in Wurttemberg, he accepted, in Mar.,
1663, the position of assistant preacher at the
cathedral in Strasburg, an appointment which was
particularly attractive to him, since it allowed
him time to pursue his studies and to attend
lectures; and in the following year he received his
theological doctorate.

Spener now planned to live a quiet scholar's life,
and eventually to become a professor of theology.
In 1666, however, he was called as senior to Frank-
fort, where he not only found that his

2. Frank- new office restricted his customary and
fort and the congenial scholastic leisure, but also

Collegia that his Lutheran orthodoxy was

Pietatis. doubted, and that he was accused of
Calvinistic tendencies. Accordingly,
on the eighth Sunday after Trinity, 1667, he de-
livered a sermon on " necessary caution against
false prophets/1 among whom he classed the Re-
formed, who had a small congregation at Frank-
fort. Spener afterward regretted the attitude here
taken against the Reformed, however, and sought
as far as possible to prevent the circulation of his
sermon. Very different, and far happier, were the
results of his sermon on July 18, 1669, on the " vain
righteousness of the Pharisees." Here he described
this ineffectual righteousness of the Pharisees as
that superficial security which is content with an
external subscription to the orthodox Lutheran
Church, and which is satisfied with a merely intel-

lectual attachment to pure doctrine, outward par-
ticipation in divine service and the sacraments,
and abstinence from gross sins and vices. Most of
his hearers were disposed to feel that Spener de-
manded too much from frail men, but others were
startled into a salutary dread and were aroused to
serious repentance.

It was those thus affected who, a year later (1670),
participated in the Collegia pietatis, or private
devotional gatherings, which Spener assembled
twice a week in his house, this course being a de-
cided innovation, though at first the meetings es-
caped attack. At the same time, Spener by no
means restricted himself to the care of his little
band of conventicle people, but strove to arouse and
maintain personal and vital Christianity by preach*
ing, by ecclesiastical discipline, and, most of all, by
improving and animating the catechizingg held each
Sunday. His catechetical sermons and his catechism
itself, the Erkldrung der chrisMchen Lehre nach der
Ordnung des kleinen Kateckismus Luther* (Frank-
fort, 1677), were a fruit of these endeavors, as well
as several annual series of sermons.

The event that formed an epoch in Spener's life
and attracted wide attention was the publication of
his little Pia desideria (Frankfort, 1675). In this
work Spener first depicted the Christianity of his
period, which left much to be desired in every rank
and station. Nevertheless, God had

3. The Pia promised better times for the Church
Desideria. militant, which were to begin when

Israel should have become converted
and papal Rome should have fallen. Meanwhile
he proposed the following helpful measures: the
word of God must be more widely diffused among
the people, this end being furthered by discussions
on the Bible under the pastor's guidance; the es-
tablishment and maintenance of the spiritual priest-
hood, which is not possessed by the clergy alone,
but is rather constituted by the right and duty of
all Christians to instruct others, to punish, to ex-
hort, to edify, and to care for their salvation; the
fact must be emphasized that mere knowledge is in-
sufficient in Christianity, which is expressed rather
in action; more gentleness and love between de-
nominations are needed in polemics; the univer-
sity training of the clergy must be changed so as to
include personal piety and the reading of books of
edification, as well as intellectual knowledge and
dogmatic controversies; and, finally, sermons
should be prepared on a more edifying plan, with
less emphasis on rhetorical art and homiletic erudi-
tion.

Concretely regarded, these fundamental ideas of

the Pia desideria were not new, but the very fact

that Spener's treatise made so great a stir, and

within a few years evoked a complete literature of

its own, shows how imperative it was

4. Attacks to emphasize such principles afresh,
on Teach- But amid much approval, there was,

ings and from the very first, no lack of opposi-

Collegia. tion. This turned especially on the

reiterated recommendation of private

devotional gatherings in the Pia desideria. It was

only now that the Frankfort conventicles became

a center of general observation, visited by many!

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pietism

copied by many, and also distrusted by many.
[But while Spener hoped that the small bands of
earnest Christians thus formed within the general
congregation would serve as a spiritual leaven for
lite larger body, they possessed from the start the
two inherent dangers of separatistic tendencies and,
as being composed preponderatingly of laymen as-
sociated on the theory of the universal priesthood
of all believers, of opposition to the clergy proper.
Both these dangers proved real perils; and as early
as 1677 complaints were lodged against the collegia
pietatis by the police of Frankfort, while on Jan.
26, 1678, the Darmstadt consistory warned all pas-
tors under its jurisdiction against them.] Spener
defended his innovations, however, in his Das geist-
liche Priestertum (Frankfort, 1677), and finally
transferred the meetings from his house to the
church, only to be confronted with fresh difficul-
ties. His assertion that conversion and regenera-
tion were indispensable for the right study of the-
ology was contested by Georg Konrad Dilfeld in his
Thedogia HorbioSpeneriana in 1679, only to be
easily refuted by Spener in his AUgemeine Gottes-
gelehrtheU aller gldubigen Christen und rechlschaffenen
Theologen (Frankfort, 1680).

Spener now hoped to proceed unmolested in his
work, but his plans were abruptly frustrated in 1682
by the secession of a number of his most zealous
friends and adherents from all connection with the
Church. With the utmost reluctance Spener broke
with the separatists for love of his church and his
pastoral office, and even opposed them openly in
his Der Klagen aber das verdarbene Christentum
Missbrauch und rechUr Gebrauch (Frankfort, 1685).
A portion of these Frankfort separatists emigrated
to Pennsylvania in 1683; and Spener's position was
still further complicated by misunderstandings with
the municipal council, which proved little disposed
to comply with his wishes in combating public
offenses, regularly inspecting catechetical examina-
tions, and effecting a better organization of the
parishes and of the practise of confession.

Under these circumstances Spener decided, in
the summer of 1686, to accept a call to Dresden as
first chaplain to Elector John George III. of Saxony.
Still greater conflicts awaited him here.
5. Stormy The morals at the Saxon Court were
Career at crude and licentious, and Spener fell
Dresden, into disfavor with the elector by re-
proaching him, as his confessor on a
fast-day, for his intemperance. The Saxon clergy,
moreover, received Spener with distrust as a stranger,
and his Dresden colleagues were offended when he
began catechetical exercises in his house, deeming
such a course beneath the dignity of a first court
chaplain. In addition to all this, Spener alienated
the Saxon universities of Leipsic and Wittenberg by
his criticism of university conditions and the de-
fective training of theological students in his De
impedimentis studii theologici (1690). The con-
flict between the old orthodoxy and the new spirit
represented by Spener became acute at Leipsic in
1689, when Spener's friends and pupns, who in-
cluded August Hermann Francke and Paul Anton
(qq.v.), organized, for purposes of edification, the
so-called collegia biUica. [Three years previous, on

July 18, 1686, at the instance of Johann Benedikt
Carpzov (q.v.), their subsequent opponent, Francke
and Anton had established a similar institution, the
collegium philobiblicum, an association of eight mas-
ters who met at the house of Valentin Alberti (q.v.)
for the study of the Bible. Gradually, under the
influence of Spener, the devotional element gained
ascendency over the technical theology that had
been the purpose of the original society; but no
open disturbance was created until Francke started
the collegia biblica. His pietistic lectures now caused
such a sensation among the students, however, as
well as among the townsmen of Leipsic, that " doubt-
ful conventicles and private assemblies " were for-
bidden by an electoral edict on Mar. 10, 1690, and
Francke was eventually obliged to leave the uni-
versity.]

A lively literary controversy now began concern-
ing the merits of Pietism, but in 1691 Spener, who
was deemed the spiritual leader of the Pietists, who
were themselves opposed as sectaries, accepted a
call to Berlin as provost of the Nikolaikirche. At
Berlin, unlike Saxony, Spener and
6. Call Pietism were to a certain extent pro-

to Berlin; tected by Elector Frederick III. (King

Real Rise Frederick I. of Prussia after 1701);
of Pietism, for the Reformed elector, desiring to
establish peace in his land between
Lutherans and Reformed was opposed to strict Lu-
theranism, and perceived in the practical and union-
istic trend of Pietism an ally to his plans. In Bran-
denburg, accordingly, Spener exercised a profound
influence over ecclesiastical conditions through his
powerful patrons. He utilized this influence, after
1692, primarily to further the creation of a theo-
logical school after his own liking at the new Uni-
versity of Halle, its first significant exponent being
A. H. Francke (q.v.).

Meanwhile the Pietistic movement had attracted
wide circles and divided Lutheran Germany into
two camps, organizing itself into a kind of party
which, though claiming to be entirely orthodox and
repudiating all attributes of heresy or sectarianism,
was forced to struggle for existence against ortho-
doxy. The situation was still further complicated
by the incorporation, after 1691-92, of certain
chiliastic, enthusiastic, and ecstatic phenomena
with the Pietistic movement. [As early as 1691 an
unnamed opponent of Spener (probably C. A. Roth
of Halle), in his Imago Pietismi, brought essentially
the same charges against Pietism which were after-
ward constantly repeated in polemics against it.]
Between 1691 and 1698 Spener alone exchanged
some fifty controversial treatises with his antago-
nists. His chief opponents were Carpzov and Al-
berti in Leipsic, and such Wittenberg theologians
as Johann Deitschmann (q.v.) and Johann Georg
Neumann, the former of whom, in his Christluiheri-
sche Vorstellung (1695), written in behalf of the Wit-
tenberg theological faculty, charged Spener with
283 erroneous teachings. Besides these opponents,
there were Johann Friedrich Mayer (q.v.) in Ham-
burg, Samuel Schelwig (q.v.) in Danzig, and Au-
gust Pfeiffer in Lubeck, the latter especially charg-
ing Spener with heterodox chiliastic views because
of the Behauptung der Hoffnung kUnftiger besserer

Pietism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Zeiten, which he had published in 1092. The con-
troversy was the more bitter since Spener's oppo-
nents feared, not without reason, that Pietism rep-
resented a new religious tendency, though they were
unable to grasp its true nature, much less to under-
stand its relative justification.

After 1698 Spener withdrew both from contro-
versial writing and from public advocacy of
Pietism, deeming further debate useless and his
opponents as altogether incapable of

7. Spener's amendment. In 1700-02, under the
Closing title Theologiache Bedenken, he pub-
Years, lished at Halle four volumes of selec-
tions from his correspondence with

both men and women, princes and statesmen,
theologians and scholars, nobles and common-
ers, through which he had for decades exercised a
profound influence on Germany. During his closing
years his mood fluctuated between hopes for his
cause and a dejection which was increased by many
extravagances of his friends and followers. Never-
theless, from first to last he conscientiously fulfilled
his duties as preacher and catechizer. His last liter-
ary labor was his anti-Socinian Verteidigung des
Zeugnis8es von der evrigen Gottheii Christi (Frank-
fort, 1706). He spent May, 1704, at Grosshenners-
dorf in Saxony, where he dedicated his godson, Zin-
zendorf, then four years old, to the advancement
of the kingdom of God. After a severe attack of
illness, Spener passed his seven last months tran-
quilly and with patience, though growing more and
more feeble until his death, Feb. 5, 1705.

Spener's was no heroic nature. He lacked bold
initiative, as he himself knew; timidity and hesita-
tion were inborn in him; and he was

8. Person- drawn into active life only by his living
ality and devotion, his moral earnestness, and
Theology, his strong faith-born sense of duty and

responsibility. Nevertheless, his Chris-
tianity was somewhat one-sided, restricted, and
narrow; and, like his style, he was dry, prosy, and
heavy. But notwithstanding this, his personality
made a profound impression on many because of
his unswerving earnestness, his conscientiousness
and fidelity to duty, his ingenuous modesty, and his
irenic temper.

Neither was Spener's importance inherent in his
theology. He meant to be simply an orthodox Lu-
theran, and persistently dwelt on his harmony with
the doctrinal standards of the Lutheran Church.
At the same time, he shifted the center of interest
from the maintenance of orthodox doctrine to con-
duct and practical piety, and from the objective
validity of the verities of salvation and means of
grace to the subjective conditions connected with
them, their subjective ethical accountability then
following as a necessary corollary. Spener was con-
cerned, above all, with the true personal faith of the
heart, which, he maintained, might coexist with
serious doctrinal errors. At bottom, however, this
meant a far graver revolution in existing dogmatic
and theological tenets than Spener himself had sur-
mised, and led, in practise, to connivance at all
sorts of erroneous teachers, sectarians, and fanatics.
This laxity afforded Spener's opponents a ground of
attack, but their unskilful, superficial, and impas-

onslaughts not only lightened Spener's task
of defense and substantiation, but also, unfortu-
nately, helped to obscure his perception of the real
consequences of his position. Spener's activity as a
practical theologian and reformer may be summar-
ised as efforts, on the one hand, to reform the clergy
and their official ministration; and, on the other
hand, to regenerate the ecclesiastical, religious, and
moral life of the congregations and their members.

In his attempted reform of the clergy, Spener

justly discerned and combated the great defects

in the theological studies of his time, especially the

neglect of Biblical exegesis, undue

o> Part in stress on formal rhetoric and polemics,

Pastoral and, most of all, the worldly life of

Reform, those busied with theology. He main-
tained that it was neither sufficient nor
even the chief essential for a pastor simply to hold
pure doctrine, stressing instead the importance of
Christian character in the pastor with relation to
his office and his official activity. He set forth the
principle that the first and foremost object of preach-
ing is to edify, to induct the hearers into the word
of God, and to awaken and foster personal piety and
Christian living, all erudition and fine rhetoric, un-
less they subserve that end, being from the realm
of evil. The rise of Spener, therefore, betokened an
advance in the cause of preaching and homiletics,
even though he himself fell far short of realising
the ideal of a plain, Scriptural, and edifying style of
preaching. He was an important factor in securing
recognition of the great importance of the religious
instruction of the young; and by his direct exam-
ple he revived the languishing condition of catechet-
ical training, combated the mechanical system of
memorizing, emphasized the serious duty of relig-
ious tuition, strove to secure a practical method of
catechetical instruction, introduced the Bible as
a school text-book, and contributed largely toward
the spread of confirmation in the Lutheran Church
of Germany. The improprieties and misuses con-
nected with private confession at the time of Spener
were felt by him to be a heavy pastoral burden and
responsibility, especially as he had little sympathy
with the custom. He had, therefore, no direct per-
sonal interest in its retention or improvement. Any
reform of it seemed to him possible and desirable
only in connection with the formation of boards of
elders who should share the responsibility of church
discipline. Since, however, such an institution ap-
peared impracticable at the time, Spener's influ-
ence on confession and ecclesiastical discipline was
little more than negative. The importance of de-
tailed pastoral care was taught by Spener more by
precept than by example, though in private life, es-
pecially in association with the clergy, candidates,
and students, he exerted a profound and pervasive
influence in this direction, while his extensive cor-
respondence made him known as the " father con-
fessor of all Germany."

In his endeavor to reform the ecclesiastical, relig-
ious, and moral life of Germany Spener combated,
among both clergy and laity, inert, conventional
Christianity and reliance on mere external ortho-
doxy, unceasingly preaching the necessity of con-
scious, personal, vital, active, and practical Chris-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pietism

tian life. For the furtherance of this type of Chris-
tianity he recommended household devotions,
extempore prayer, and Bible readings,
xo. Pro- as well as a stricter observance of Sun-
motion day. He labored earnestly in behalf
of Lay of Christian discipline and morals,
Religion, not only assailing current offenses in
public and private life, but also rais-
ing the standard of conscience and refining the
moral sense. In his reaction against the prevail-
ing laxity and licentiousness which the Lutheran
clergy judged too leniently as things indiffer-
ent, Spener's stress on Christian and moral earnest-
ness was no less wholesome than justifiable. He
also emphasised the rights, and still more the
obligations, of the laity in the Church; opposed
the monopoly of the clergy; energetically revived
the theory of the common spiritual priesthood of
all believers; promoted the cooperation of the laity
in ecclesiastical administration; and procured both
recognition and free scope for the spontaneous
activity of laymen in the life of the Church, even
though in the latter direction he merely gave ex-
pression to general ideas and wishes. He created
no actual organizations, for neither was he the man,
nor was the time yet ripe. Nevertheless, in an age
of sharp denominational cleavage, Spener awoke
the Protestant sense of fellowship between all com-
munions that rested on the common basis of the
Reformation. He helped pave the way toward
friendly relationship between the Lutheran and Re-
formed Churches in Germany, both fortifying union-
istic sentiment and preparing the means of union
though rejecting any artificial and precipitate at-
tempts at union. On the other hand, he was far
more firmly convinced than most of the statesmen
and clergy of his time that Roman Catholicism had
deviated fundamentally from the Gospel of Christ,
and that the " Roman peril " was real. He gave re-
peated expression to the thought of missions among
Jews and heathen, and emphasized the missionary
duty of Protestant Christianity at a time when the
Lutheran Church had almost no conception of any
such duty; and it was Spener's Pietistic friends,
pupils, and disciples who went out from Halle in
1705 to the work of the Evangelical mission among
the heathen, they being the first in Germany to at-
tempt that field.

In all these lines, indeed, Spener did not stand
entirely alone among his contemporaries. He had
his forerunners and colaborers. He was not the
" Father of Pietism " in the sense that
xx. Coop- it emanated exclusively from him. He
erating was met half-way, as it were, by a
Forces, widely diffused sentiment in the Lu-
theran Church of Germany, and he
was aided in many phases of the situation by the
change which took place in the general spirit of the
age. There were also cooperative influences proceed-
ing from England, Holland, and Switzerland. For
the Lutheran Church of Germany, however, Spener
was the acknowledged and honorable protagonist;
he was the most eminent advocate and the spiritual
center of all those forces which so vigorously sought
to reform the Lutheran Church in the last quarter
of the seventeenth century. Paul Grunberg.

CL Pietism at Halle: A new epoch in the de-
velopment of Pietism was marked when, for a time,
the University of Leipsic closed its doors to the
movement, whereupon the theological faculty of
the newly founded University of Halle
i. Prestige was filled, under Spener's influence
of Francke with men of his own type. From ths
and his In- first the dominant spirit was August
stitutions. Hermann Francke (q.v.), who, though
professor of Hebrew and Greek in the
philosophical faculty until 1698, immediately began
to lecture on exegesis. His colleagues were Joachim
Justus Breithaupt, Johann Wilhelm Baier, Paul
Anton, Johann Heinrich Michaelis, Joachim Lange
(qq.v.), and Johann Daniel Hernschmied. The uni-
versity was also profoundly affected by Francke *s
establishment of the famous Halle orphan asylum
and affiliated schools and institutions. Many stu-
dents of theology here received not only support,
but preparation for their studies; the publishing
house facilitated the literary propagation of Halle's
cause; the collegium orientale afforded opportunity
for linguistic training; and in the infirmary attached
to the orphan asylum the medical faculty found
compensation for the lack of a university clinic.
Since Francke was both the dominant power in the
faculty and the director of the orphan asylum, the
former organization soon became so closely bound
up with the interests and aims of these various in-
stitutions that the Halle phase of Pietism derived
its peculiar nature from this very combination.
This state of affairs was undeniably advantageous
in many ways to the faculty, which gained prestige
from the growing recognition of Francke 's organiza-
tions, while the number of theological students at
Halle rapidly increased; though, at the same time,
these very factors caused a decided loss of independ-
ence and freedom of action in the faculty.

In its command of an assured position, the Halle
school of Pietism quickly assumed the aggressive,
and deemed itself called to be the censor of diver-
gent tendencies, views, and modes of life. This atti-
tude rendered it still more difficult for its opponents
to recognize its good intent, and contributed much
to the degeneration of the controversies into per-
sonal animosities to the prejudice of
2. Unsuc- real explanation and mutual under-
cessful standing. This turn of events was the
War on more unhappy since even without them
Pietism, the mass of conflicting elements would
have resulted in open rupture. In
1698 strife broke out between Francke and the clergy
of Halle, followed by a series of clashes between the
theological faculty and the law professor, Christian
Thomasius (q.v.), who had enthusiastically espoused
the cause of Francke at Leipsic, all these controver-
sies, however, being eclipsed by the attitude of the
theological faculty toward their colleague, the phi-
losopher Christian Wolff, who was deposed from his
office by King Frederick William I. (see Wolff,
Christian, and the Wolffian Theology). Of
still greater moment were the literary battles be-
tween Pietism and its opponents outside of Halle.
The most significant of these was the Wittenberg
theological professor Valentin Ernst Loscher (q.v.),
with his VoUsUfadiger Timotheus Verinus (Witten-

Pietism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

berg, 1718). Loscher was no fanatical assailant of
Pietism; he recognized some good in the move-
ment, and by a threefold classification of its adher-
ents (the Halle Pietists being reckoned as midway
between the radical and conservative wings) he
sought to do justice to its several gradations. At
the same time, his estimate of conversion, his con-
cept of the pastoral office, and his stress on pure
doctrine rested on a theological basis so wholly and
fundamentally at variance with that of the Halle
school that the harmony which he desired proved
impossible, despite long correspondence and a per-
sonal interview with Francke and Hernschmied in
May, 1719. The orthodox Lutheran attacks on
Pietism, however, neither distracted the Pietists
from their cause nor checked its wider development.
Francke 's educational institutions grew and multi-
plied; the Canstein Bible Institute was founded
(see Canstein, Karl Hi lde brand, Baron von);
union was effected with the Danish mission in Tran-
quebar; and Francke also found time to interest
himself in behalf of the captive Swedes in Siberia.
His death, in 1727, was a serious loss for his faculty,
which soon was greatly changed.

Many of the institutions and organizations created
by the Pietism of Halle exercised a deep influence
on the Lutheran Church in Germany. Even before
Francke fs death, however, the movement had
reached its zenith; and it had only been his power-
ful, energetic, and influential personality which had,
in many ways, lessened the dangers of one-sidedness
and extravagance in Pietism at Halle, and kept its
darker side comparatively inconspicuous. At the
same time, the flaws in the movement did not orig-
inate altogether in the second generation, but were
innate in the Halle type of Pietism from the first.

One obvious characteristic of the movement at

Halle was its lack of appreciation of the diversity

and wealth of development in the

3. One- growth of piety. " Conversion," as
Sided Francke experienced it, was not viewed
Nature in the light of an individual phenom-
of the enon, but as the normal way to salva-
Movement tion, regardless of other experiences
taught by the history of the religious
life. The question then arose as to the distinguish-
ing marks of real conversion, and whether this must
include a conviction of sin and the experience of
ictic conversion at a precise moment. The affirma-
tion of these demands also afforded a standard for
gaging the Christianity of others; and in applying
this the Pietists of Halle were no very lenient judges
where they lighted upon the " unconverted." Their
one-sided insistence on the religious tone in educa-
tion was not above criticism, admirable as were the
results which it produced, for in some cases it was
the cause of spiritual pride, and in others of hypoc-
risy. Francke, himself, however, in his inculcation
of intense Christianity, clearly recognized the claims
of practical life. Among the subjects of instruction
he included botany, zoology, mineralogy, anatomy,
physics, and astronomy, as well as such mechanical
crafts as turning and glass-grinding, thus preparing
the way for the modern trade schools. But notwith-
standing all this breadth of judgment, which Francke
also evinced in many other directions, he was

strangely ignorant of the needs and feelings of the j
young. The incessant surveillance of the pupils in
all of his institutions clogged the development of
independence and was an obvious pedagogical error,
and the same statement holds true of the restriction
of harmless amusements.

The practical religion taught by the Pietism of
Halle exerted a significant influence upon the atti-
tude of the university toward technical theology.
Since Francke was convinced that living faith and
sincere conversion were indispensable postulates to
a knowledge of God, independent value
4. Effect on was denied mere intellect, and the
Theological entire curriculum of studies was ax-
Study, ranged accordingly. First of all, the
development of personal religion was
furthered; all academic lectures assumed the char-
acter of devotional sessions and revival sermons;
every lecture was opened and closed with prayer.
In addition to all this, the faculty met twice each
week at the dean's house, where the students had
to report on their studies and receive advice. Hie
study of the Bible in the original was the center of
the entire course. The darker side of this concept
of theology, however, was shown in the Halle fac-
ulty's unproductiveness in the field of strict scholar-
ship. Francke's own ability for scientific activity
was undeniable, but he was far too much engrossed
by his institutions to have time for research, though
he never felt that this curtailed his efficiency as a
teacher. There was, however, no perception of the
fact that the new foundation of theology upon con-
version and the edifying study of Scripture needed
to be harmonized with orthodox theology, or that
the entire body of systematic theology must be re-
constructed, any more than there was recognition
of the desirability of reaching a scholarly under-
standing with extremists in the Pietistic camp
itself and with the Wolffian philosophy. Since these
problems lay within the scope of the faculty's duties,
the fact that they were ignored was an act of re-
missness that brought speedy vengeance. The
faculty grew torpid and, after the death of Francke,
lost its influence over the student body.

H. Pietism in Wttrttemberg: The entrance of
Pietism into Wurttemberg was particularly mo-
mentous for the subsequent develop-
i. Pietism ment of the movement, since it there
Cordially not only attracted many adherents,
Welcomed, but also acquired a distinct character
which was both independent of Spener
and sharply distinguished from the Halle and Mora-
vian Pietistic types. The movement received its
first incentives in Wurttemberg from Spener him-
self, who visited Stuttgart in May, 1662, and later
spent four months in Tubingen. Not only were the
general conditions of religious life in Wurttemberg
favorable for the growth of Pietism, but special
welcome seems to have been accorded it because of
contemporary political burdens, which rendered
men more open to the preaching of a gospel of the
heart. The movement was also aided by the fact
that the princes of the land did not oppose it; while
it received direct encouragement from the Church
authorities, who had early begun to turn Spener's
views to practical account in favor of true Chris*

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pietism

tian life. The influence of the Halle Pietist was
veiy evident in the efforts to raise the standard of
theological education; and as early as 1694 an edict
was issued declaring that even a comprehensive the-
ological training did not lead to a true knowledge
of God if the heart clung to the world, and urging
professors to educate not only learned, but devout
and godly men . At Stuttgart the consistory success-
fully sought to obviate conflicts with Pietism on
Wurttemberg soil; the controversial Considered
tmum iheologicarum decas of the Tubingen profes-
sor Michael Muller was confiscated; and on Feb.
28, 1694, appeared an edict joyfully hailed by Spener
/or, while assuming the inviolable validity of the
symbolical books and the existing agenda, it con-
ceded a whole series of details to Pietism. There
iris, however, no uniform attitude on the part of
the ecclesiastical authorities toward private devo-
tional meetings, which had become popular in Wurt-
temberg as early as the ninth decade of the seven-
teenth century. Where these meetings lacked
clerical direction, they were at first partly forbidden ;
and it was only long afterward, in consequence of
the organization of collegia pietatis by some lecturers
at Tubingen in 1703, that the conventicles were
regularly sanctioned, though even then it was de-
sired that they be held in the churches. Moreover,
this favorable disposition of the consistory had ref-
erence only to that section of Pietism which con-
tinued strictly within the bounds of the Church
and did not favor the separatistic tendencies to which
Wurttemberg was peculiarly predisposed.

The early stages of Pietistic separatism may be
traced back to the initial stages of the movement
itself. It found particular support among clergy-
men of marked devoutness and gravity, and firmly
ensconced itself in various places, including the
country districts. The conflict with this growing
separatism was opened by the Edict of 1703; a sec-
ond edict, forbidding all conventicles held by sec-
taries, followed in 1706; and the third,
x. Sepaxa- or general, rescript of Mar. 2, 1707,
tism and added certain drastic measures, threat-
Ttibingen ening to banish those separatists who
Influence, should refuse to attend Church and
communion within three months. This
course was abandoned, however, in a few years, so
that the decree of Jan. 14, 1711, showed a milder
attitude toward the separatistic Pietists. It came
to be more and more the practise to abandon all
forcible measures in the case of such separatists as
behaved themselves quietly, until finally the general
rescript of Oct. 10, 1743, permitted all private de-
votional meetings that did not involve breach of the
peace. This leniency toward the separatists, which
was in sharp contrast to North German practise of
the period, became possible since it involved no
danger to the Church, and since there was no con-
tentious orthodoxy to misconstrue its spirit. At
the same time, this policy prevented the Church
from putting down separatism, which persisted
throughout the eighteenth century and broke out
afresh at its close.

Lastly, the attitude of the University of Tubingen
was important for implanting Pietism in Wurttem-
berg. While the influence of Tubingen's theolog-

ical faculty upon this development was far from
equal to that of Halle, nevertheless, the plan of fill-
ing professorships with men who took their inspira-
tion from Spener showed its practical effects in more
ways than mere modification of the aims and meth-
ods of instruction. Besides Johann Wolfgang Jager,
who imparted a new spirit to the faculty, the teach-
ing force included Johann Christian Pfaff, Andreas
Adam Hochstetter, Christoph Reuchlin, and Chris-
toph Eberhard Weismann. The Pietism evolved
under these conditions showed certain distinctive
features. Its adherents were predominantly among
the clergy, among the middle classes in the towns,
and in the rural districts; not, as with Pietism in
North Germany, among the nobility. This insured
a far more popular character for the movement, so
that Pietistic Stunden, or prayer-meetings, have sur-
vived to the present time. On the other hand, the
Wurttemberg phase of Pietism preserved the church
ideal more largely than was the case at Halle, this
attitude doubtless being strengthened by the mod-
erate and reasonable course adopted by the ecclesi-
astical authorities, as well as by the absence of a
contentious type of orthodoxy. In Wurttemberg,
moreover, Pietism enjoyed a distinct advantage
through its intimate sympathy with scientific the-
ology, the resultant combination being shown, for
example, by the New-Testament critic and exegete
Johann Albrecht Bengel (q.v.), who constantly
sought to unite the two. In view of the influence
exercised by Pietism on the life of the Church in
Wurttemberg this attitude toward scientific method
was not without moment for theology; and its
influence on Pietism itself was still more profound,
since it served to maintain its intellectual mobility,
and fostered that spirit of independence and self-
restraint which preserved it from the decline which
overtook the movement at Halle. Finally, Wurt-
temberg Pietism was characterized by a range and
scope of religious life far wider and more diverse
than the stereotyped form of the movement which
prevailed at Halle; and while it is not always easy
precisely to define the new elements introduced by
Swabian individualism, it is certain that there were
many direct points of contact between the Swabian
movement and the Pietism of Halle.

Though Wurttemberg never became entirely in-
dependent of Halle, a distinct sense of the diver-
gence between the two schools was

3. Attitude eventually evolved. This became clear
toward in the position taken by the Wurttem-

Moravians. berg Pietists with regard to the
Moravians. Count Nicholas Louis von
Zinzendorf (q.v.) exercised a considerable influence
from the time of his first visit in 1729, and induced
many young theologians to enter the Moravian com-
munion. Nevertheless, he was denied the fruit of
great and permanent results, since men like Georg
Konrad Rieger, and especially Bengel (qq.v.), who
disapproved the formation of independent congre-
gations, Count Zinzendorf s personality, and many
other things, opposed the further inroads of Mora-
vianism. Yet though they thus blocked its advance
in Wurttemberg, this rebuff did not entirely break
off friendly relations with the Unity of the Breth-
ren, with whom harmony is still preserved, chiefly

Pietism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

because of Lutheran appreciation of Moravian mis-
sionary activity. The third main division of Piet-
ists was the Unity of the Brethren (q.v.), or Mora-
vians, founded by Zinzendorf .

IV. The Spread of Pietism: Statistics of the
spread of Pietism can scarcely be given with any
approximation to completeness until preliminary
studies, such as have already been begun, shall have
been made of the history of the movement in the
various localities in which it took root. Such
studies, moreover, would doubtless aid in distin-
guishing the frequently interchanging tendencies
proceeding from Herrnhut and Halle respectively.
Spener himself, like Francke, sought to find inter-
ests in common with other religious bodies and lead-
ers, while Zinzendorf surpassed them both in this
regard. The triumph of Pietism over all obstacles,
and its spread not only throughout Germany, but
even into Switzerland, Holland, England, Denmark,
and Russia, was partly due to the wide-spread indif-
ference toward dogmatic formulas that had been
discredited through theological wrangling, though
it owed its real success to the fact that it was able
to offer something not then supplied by the State
churches. In addition to preaching, the personal
association that was facilitated by the private de-
votional meetings, and an extensive correspondence
dating from the time of Spener, the spread of Piet-
ism was furthered by the influence exerted in filling
pastorates and professorships with men sympathetic
with the movement. This was particularly the case
at Halle, which had a thousand theological students
about 1730, while in 1729 an edict of Frederick
William I. required all candidates for the ministry
in his dominions to study there for two years. The
university, therefore, together with Francke 's in-
stitutions in Halle, developed a powerful influence
in behalf of Pietism up to the middle of the
eighteenth century; and Francke 's journey to
South Germany in 1718 still further promoted the
cause.

V. The Nature and Significance of Pietism: The
wide diversity of opinion, even at the present time,
regarding Pietism is due not only to the fact that
the movement, as a peculiar concept of Protestant
Christianity, is naturally judged according to the
dogmatic position of each individual critic, but also

to the very nature of the Pietistic tend-
i. Com- ency. The mere question of authori-
plexity of tative sources for a determination of the
Pietism, essence of Pietism involves great diffi-
culties, since the movement produced
neither official doctrinal writings nor any principles
which, when acknowledged everywhere and at all
times, should constitute regular affiliation with the
Pietist cause. The sole recourse, therefore, is to the
private literature of the movement, which is pre-
dominantly devotional. It must, however, be used
with caution because of its subjective, transient
tone, which is shared by its opponents as well; and
purely biographical sources are lamentably scanty.
Moreover, Pietism embraced very heterogeneous
phenomena, so that it assumed extremely diver-
gent phases in different individuals living at the
same time but in different regions, with different
antecedents, and under different conditions. It like-

wise underwent the most diverse combinations, to
say nothing of the variations which distinguished
the chief phases of the movement from each other,
or of the development which each of these phases
worked out independently.

Claiming possession of pure doctrine, the right
administration of the sacraments, and a well-organ-
ized establishment as a national Church, Lutheran-
ism had embarked upon a course of development
during the seventeenth century in
2. Lutheran which, though the Bible was recognised
Orthodoxy as the sole authority and as the first
and and highest source of knowledge,

Pietism, its essential content was held to be
summarized and contained in defin-
itive dogmas. Where these boons and institu-
tions were unmutilated, the Church professed to
supply such a degree of perfection as obviated
the necessity of any further development, whether
inward or outward. The sole requirements laid
upon church-members, accordingly, were recogni-
tion of the doctrine of the Church as an authori-
tative presentation of divine revelation, reception
of the proffered Word and sacraments, and obedi-
ence to the several ordinances affecting church life.
In opposition to this institutional Christianity of the
Lutheran Church, which assumed to stand for evan-
gelical Christianity while actually permitting the
spiritual life to languish, Pietism emphasised the
duty of striving after personal and individual re-
ligious independence and collaboration, and de-
clared that religion is something altogether per-
sonal, that evangelical Christianity is present only
when and in so far as it is manifested in Christian
conduct. In the nature of the case, this assertion
of the right and of the necessity of personal Chris-
tianity implied no attack upon any special doctrines
or institutions of the Church, but was rather a pro-
test against Lutheran absolutism. Notwithstand-
ing this, Pietism assumed many phases on the basis
of accentuation of personal Christianity. With
Spener and Francke, the core of religious life was a
firm faith in Providence. The clergy whose train-
ing was received at Halle laid the chief stress on
conversion. Another principle widely diffused, es-
pecially in Moravian circles, was deep love for Jesus,
this leading to a revival of the well-known ideals of
medieval mysticism. All Pietistic trends and types,
moreover, found a common bond in their tendency
to seek the normal realization of living piety in a
life of intense religious emotion, and to give a per-
manent place to the keen realization of individual
sinfulness and guilt.

Pietistic devotion achieved great and successful

results, which were well merited in so far as the

movement represented a justifiable reaction against

an exaggerated ecclesiasticism. On

3. Disad- the other hand, it was unconscious of
vantages of the dangers attending its championship

Pietism, of the rights of individual personalities.
In proportion as the experience of
regeneration was exalted, the more expedient it
seemed to produce, or at least te facilitate, this
event by systematic courses of action. But the as-
sumption that religious development was essentially
fulfilled in the sphere of religious emotion prepared

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pietism

the way for an artificial excitation of this feeling,
tins involving the danger of insincerity, self-decep-
tion, and sentimentalism, which, in the absence of
self-discipline and sobriety, formed an easy transi-
tion to still worse aberrations. The extreme im-
portance attached to individual experiences and to
spontaneous prayer led to a communicativeness
often bard to distinguish from loquacity. More-
over, those who underwent no such experiences
came to be regarded with disdain by others. It is
significant that Alberti, at Leipsic, early reproached
the Pietists with self-complacency; and the thought
of standing in a peculiarly intimate relationship to
God was by no means unusual in Pietism at Halle.
These principles were also adopted and amplified by
the Moravians, or Unity of the Brethren. This atti-
tude, which was the chief factor in estranging non-
Pietistic from Pietistic circles, may seem to con-
tradict the facts that Pietism was characterized by
anxiety and depression, that it was cankered with
introspection, that it never attained to inward rest,
that one " awakened " must ever be awakened
anew, and that he sought for indications of the grace
which he had received, but enjoyed his prize only
occasionally. Yet the contradiction is merely
apparent, for the attitude in question was the
necessary consequence of the dominating Pietistic
consciousness of sin. It was, in other words, the
result of an exclusively transcendental concept of
the theory of blessedness, which in turn explains
why Pietism looked so radically askance upon the
world.

By strongly emphasizing personal Christianity in
the cultivation and development of pastoral care
Pietism supplied abundant and mo-
4. Influence mentous incentives which were heartily
on the welcomed by Lutheran orthodoxy.
Church. The desire to unite the clergy more
closely, and thus to facilitate an ex-
change of professional experiences, led Johann Adam
Steinmetz, then general superintendent of the arch-
diocese of Magdeburg, to organize pastoral confer-
ences in 1737; while by the systematic diffusion of
devotional treatises he opened new ways for relig-
iously influencing the masses. The fact that Jo-
hann Kaspar Schade's formal protest against the
compulsory introduction of private confession was
so thoroughly approved by the elector of Branden-
burg that he abandoned the usage in 1698 (his ex-
ample being followed by other State churches) was
the result of serious disorders in the practical work-
ing of the system, though voluntary private con-
fession still prevailed widely. The victorious ad-
vance of Pietism was also bound to affect public
worship, which, as part of a State institution, en-
joyed such protection in various districts that neg-
lect of it might be punished by fines and other legal
means. Not only was the mere existence of private
devotional gatherings prejudicial to the position
of authority enjoyed by the Church, but she was
also obliged to find that the Pietistic emphasis on
personal Christianity acted to the detriment of her
liturgy. Nevertheless, while Pietism succeeded in
mftlring the entire Bible available for homiletic pur-
poses, as contrasted with the compulsory pericopes,
the movement failed to produce an epoch in the

history of German preaching. It was, on the other
hand, conspicuously successful in the sphere of
hymnology, for which it was peculiarly qualified
because of its cultivation of the emotional side of
religion and its tenderness and warmth of religious
expression. Though most of the hymns that ema-
nated from Pietistic circles were pitched in too sub-
jective, and even unwholesome and sentimental,
a strain to be suitable for congregational use, some
of the Pietist composers, such as Johann Jakob
SchQtz, Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen, Johann
Jakob Rambach, Carl Heinrich von Bogatzky, Ernst
Gottlieb Woltersdorf, Philipp Friedrich Hiller, and
Nicholas Louis von Zinzendorf, have won a secure
place in Lutheran hymnals; and not only did the
wealth of poetry produced by Pietism exercise a
profound influence in the furtherance of its own
extension, but it also stimulated religious poetry
beyond the circle of its own adherents.

In his high appreciation of religious and moral
training for the people through the channel of relig-
ious instruction Spener followed the lines laid down
by Luther in his catechisms, and espe-
5. Religious cially advanced the task undertaken

Training by Duke Ernest I. of Saxe-Gotha in

and the the middle of the seventeenth century.
Bible. It was owing to his efforts, indeed, that
an electoral ordinance of Feb. 24, 1688,
provided for the holding of weekly catechetical ex-
aminations for children and adults alike throughout
the country; and it is not improbable that Spener
was the ultimate inspiration of the Prussian elec-
toral edict of 1692 requiring Sunday catechization
in the rural congregations. Spener's purpose was
the inward assimilation of religious truth rather than
mere imparting of knowledge; and his efforts to
advance practical piety among the masses were in-
timately associated with his interest in confirma-
tion, which became an integral part of the usage
of the Lutheran Church largely through the coopera-
tion of Pietism. Still more eventful than Spener's
energy, however, was the educational activity of
Francke.

One of the main characteristics of Pietism was
the fact that it claimed to be founded exclusively
on the Bible. This might seem to be a mere repe-
tition of the assertions of Lutheranism from the
very first, but Pietism showed its independence of
Lutheran orthodoxy both in its unswerving return
to the Bible and in its application of Scriptural
truths. The Lutheran Church was bound, as Piet-
ism was not, by the creeds in which it had summar-
ized its understanding of the Bible, and which it
regarded as authoritative. The Pietistic reestab-
lishment of the authority of the Bible was, there-
fore, a direct return to one of the cardinal princi-
ples of the German Reformation, and by granting
the " awakened " Christian full capacity for inde-
pendent study of the Bible Pietism restored Jto lay-
men the right which they had lost. Accordingly,
Francke insisted that even children should read the
Bible and made Biblical history a theme of study
at school; while for the same reason he sought to
gain wide circulation for the Bible, especially
through the Canstein Bible Institute at Halle. On
the other hand, Pietism impaired the salutary fea-

Pietism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

tures of this return to the Bible when it ignored the
influence of the facts and conditions of history in
its system of exegesis. The result was unbridled
subjectivism; the Bible became a magical book
from which prognostications and counsels were
sought; the gloomy views on the conditions pre-
vailing in the Church and the world turned men's
thoughts to the future and gave the prophecies and
apocalyptic writings a preeminence which fostered
only too well the Pietistic tendency toward fanati-
cism.

While the practical character of Pietism forbids
it to be considered a theological movement, it did
not preclude points of contact with scientific theol-
ogy. Unfortunately for both sides,
6. Effect on however, these were predominantly

Theology antithetic; yet at the same time the
and Union, development of Pietism had two re-
sults which were widely welcomed. In
the first place, it became clear that the official
Church and theology were not so deeply implanted
among the people as had been supposed; and the
recognition of this fact involved the task of seeking
closer touch with the needs and longings of the
time. Furthermore, by unsettling post-Reforma-
tion scholasticism and combating excessive ap-
preciation of the creeds, Pietism cleared the way
for new theological investigation in which the Bible
was made the first field of labor, while the presen-
tation of new points of view supplied corresponding
problems for solution. The fact that even these
incentives produced no marked change in theol-
ogy, but served only as a preliminary for its re-
vival in the nineteenth century, was due not only
to immobility and want of receptivity on the
part of the orthodox theology of the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, but also, in great
measure, to the Pietistic lack of appreciation of
the nature and import of learning, its failure to
perceive the concept and task of theology apart
from preaching, and its absence of conscious need
of exact formulation.

When Pietism once came to power, it renounced
the claims to freedom which it had once emphasized,
and rapidly declined into externalism and torpidity.
The movement undoubtedly resulted in a consider-
able depreciation of dogma and dogmatic docu-
ments; for though they were not explicitly assailed,
the stress laid by Pietism on Christian life and its
use of the Bible deprived dogma of the preeminence
which it had formerly enjoyed. The practical effect
of this process appeared in a change of view regard-
ing the relation of the Lutheran to the Reformed
Church. It was obvious that living, personal Chris-
tianity was not confined to the membership of the
Lutheran Church; but, this being so, both denomi-
nations were fundamentally equal. This disregard
of sectarian distinctions was actually realized by
Pietism when it was confronted with the task of
founding a new church, the Unity of the Brethren.
In this case, the first attempt at union was success-
ful; though there is no doubt that other factors
besides Pietism entered into the formation of the
Moravian communion. It was undeniable, more-
over, that the excessive stress of Pietism on per-
sonal religion might possibly lead to a deprecia-

tion of the differences separating Protestantism and
Roman Catholicism, a tendency which might have
found some support in certain aspects of the Halle
system of education, in specific forms of Pietistic
mysticism, and in much that is reported of Zinien-
dorf . Pietism did not, however, yield to this allure-
ment, but adhered to its essentially Protestant
character. Spener was an uncompromising foe of
the Roman Catholic Church. In 1676 he urged the
elector to make no concession to the pope; the re-
vocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 called forth
his unsparing condemnation; and the attempts of
Cristoval Rojas de Spinola (q.v.) to unite Protes-
tants and Roman Catholics received no sympathy
from him. In 1694, as the spokesman of the Berlin
clergy, he discussed the method of most effectually
resisting all overtures of the Roman Catholic Church,
and his entire attitude toward the Latin commu-
nion was too intensely bitter to permit him to be
suspected of any pro-Roman tendency. The exam-
ple of Spener was followed in general by both the
Halle and the Wurttemberg phases of Pietism; and
though the age of orthodoxy witnessed many con-
versions from the Lutheran to the Roman Catholic
Church, Pietism was responsible for none of them.
It was not until toward the close of the eighteenth
and the beginning of the nineteenth century, when
the Enlightenment had dulled sectarianism, that
Pietists began to fraternize with Roman Catholics
of similar tendencies.

By weakening the antagonism that had previ-
ously existed between the Lutherans and the Re-
formed, Pietism became the vehicle of

7. Fore- an idea which, when realized, pro-
runner of duced far-reaching results. While the
Religious concept of freedom in faith and con-
Freedom, science did not attain full clearness and

expression until the nineteenth cen-
tury, Pietism was an important factor in this de-
velopment; and to that movement was mainly due
the wide diffusion of the conviction that it had be-
come necessary to break with the restrictions on
religious freedom contained in the treaties of Augs-
burg and Westphalia. Pietism likewise fought
against the external constraint which it encoun-
tered from both Church and State because of the
establishment, and secured legal sanction for its
own organizations; and though this was but an iso-
lated violation of the maxim that the State had the
right of forcible intervention in case of deviation
from the State Church, this infringement of the
principle of territorialism marked a distinct ad-
vance toward complete emancipation from the
medieval concept of religious compulsion.

Yet another constituent force in Pietism was its
union of its adherents into a life of intimate relig-
ious fellowship. The formation of circles of this

type began the Pietistic movement

8. Con- under Spener, and in Wurttemberg
venticles they developed into lasting institutions,
and Lay Wherever Halle's influence reached,

Cooperation, such meetings were organized; and
Zinzendorf's entire activity was sub-
servient to the fellowship ideal. Pietism, therefore,
fought unceasingly for the privilege of private as-
sembly, and its opponents rightly deemed its con-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pietism

ventides one of the most important manifestations
of its peculiar genius. The diversity in the outward
form of these conventicles, however, indicates that
the movement sought merely to adapt given condi-
tions to the practical development of active relig-
ious intercommunication, with scant regard to ex-
ternal organisation as an end in itself. In forming
hk collegia pietatis Spener took his stand on the doc-
trine of the universal priesthood, a theory which
Luther had opposed to the Roman Catholic dis-
tinction between clergy and laity, and which Lu-
theranism had never renounced. The tenet had,
however, received no practical application, for the
old twofold classification of Christians had still con-
tinued, except that the laity were now subjected to
temporal rulers and theologians instead of being
guided by bishops and priests. It was, then, only
the revival of a fundamental idea of the Reforma-
tion when Pietistic conventicles procured for every
Christian the right and opportunity of testifying to
his experience in free address and free prayer. The
enlistment of laymen for cooperation in the active
work of the Church, moreover, meant the winning
€i new forces. This was a momentous advance,
for though it was restricted chiefly to the " awa-
kened," it still remained a vital force. The single-
ness of aim in the highest concerns of life and the
mutual interest in common edification produced so
dose a bond of fellowship among Pietists that class
distinctions of civil life either lost their significance
or at least were much obscured. On the other hand,
this very fact naturally afforded opportunities for
base motives, as well as for vanity, greed, and hy-
pocrisy; yet despite such abnormal phases of the
movement, the increasing approximation of high
and low on the basis of mutual religious edification
at a time when such free contact was otherwise im-
possible exercised a noteworthy influence on social
life. Spener clearly saw and boldly faced the evils
arising from the fact that the government of the
Church was exclusively in the hands of the secular
rulers in various governments, and that the laity
were excluded from it. He accordingly urged the
appointment of lay elders to cooperate with the
preachers. The plan of instituting presbyteries
gained favor in Wurttemberg and was realized in
the Moravian congregations. Nevertheless, Spener
was unsuccessful in securing a general participation
of the laity in the administration of the Church, for
this was impossible unless the above-mentioned
secular rulers should voluntarily curtail their pre-
rogatives, a thing inconceivable in the eighteenth
century. Furthermore, the formation of separatis-
tic bodies for the realization of his ideals was as
opposed to Spener's ecclesiastical mind as was the
act of the Peace of Westphalia in granting tolera-
tion in Germany to those churches alone which
were explicitly recognized by the treaty in question.
But though Pietism found no way wholly to recon-
struct the organization of the Church, the move-
ment was not without significance in relation to
subsequent efforts in this direction. There was a
close affinity between Pietism and the chief expo-
nents of Collegialism (q.v.), apparent, for instance,
in the latter system's leading advocate, Christoph
Matth&us Pfaff (q.v.), and also implied in the cir-

cumstance that both causes had their headquarters
at Halle.

So far as the orthodox opponents of Pietism un-
derstood and recognized the revival of the theory of
the universal priesthood, they considered its benefi-
cent results to be far outweighed by accompany-
ing dangers and disadvantages. A far

o> Sepa- • more vulnerable point of attack, how-
ratistic ever, was the relation of Pietism to
Tendencies, separatism. This tendency was en-
tirely unintentional, and the Moravian
branch of Pietism was the only one to form a sepa-
rate communion. Yet even here both the attendant
circumstances and the character which the sect as-
sumed show that it was not a product of a separa-
tistic spirit. On the other hand, it must be con-
ceded that Pietism was peculiarly open to the
charge of separatism; and the very fact that the
adherents of the movement were not conventional
in their bearing immediately aroused suspicion.
Though the Pietists themselves denied that there
was such a thing as " Pietism/' the outsider noticed
that the friends of the movement kept together and
supported each other, that the sense of union
with sympathizers in other localities was a living
one, that the adherents of the cause evinced un-
usual energy in pursuit of their aims, and that they
exercised a potent influence. In short, Pietism had
become a " party " as early as 1691; and during
its golden age at Halle it manifested every evil of
factionalism: greed for power; one-sided condem-
nation of opponents; and failure to censure friends.
It seemed, therefore, both consciously and distinctly
a tendency toward separation from fellow Lutherans
in religious and in social life; and the very fact that
its measures were designed to further the religious
interests of its adherents alone caused it to be sus-
pected of tendencies toward separatism and even
secession.

Not only did Pietism thus become a faction of
Lutheranism, but it was also joined and besieged
by many of separatistic tendencies. As an opposi-
tion movement it naturally possessed a strong at-
traction for all those elements which were dissatis-
fied with existing conditions in the Church. Here
they looked for sympathy and shelter, doubtless
hoping, at the same time, to make the Pietistic
circles instrumental to their own aims. They were
cordially welcomed, but Pietism had to atone for
excessive leniency toward many an enthusiast and
" prophet " of doubtful character or of radical views.
This ambiguous attitude of Pietism toward radical-
ism and separatism naturally increased current mis-
trust of the movement, and explains why its oppo-
nents might honestly assume an actual agreement
between the two groups. Pietism itself, moreover,
became fruitful soil for separatist movements
through its attacks on contemporary Church condi-
tions, its conventicle system, and its predilection for
chiliasm and the like. At the same time, a sharp
distinction must be drawn between Pietism and
separatism. The former sought to achieve its proj-
ects of reform inside the Lutheran Church, and
took current dogma and recognized organization
as its bases; while the latter had lost all hopes
of the future of a Church which it assumed to

Pietism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

be moribund, and accordingly on principle took
up a position outside the existing status of the
Church.*

The chief characteristics of Pietism also in-
clude intense moral earnestness and the stern aus-
terity that it sought to realize in

10. Rigid practical life. The conditions which

Austerity, confronted it demanded a* policy of
energetic aggression. Morality was low,
especially at the courts and among the nobility,
and conditions in the middle classes and the peas-
antry were little better. The effects of the Thirty
Years' War, which had shaken German civilization
to its very foundations, were visible in immorality,
luxury, riotous living, and contempt for the rights
of others. How far Pietism effected the moral ele-
vation of the masses must remain a problem until
deeper researches shall have been made in the his-
tory of eighteenth-century Lutheranism, particu-
larly with regard to the confessional. It is certain,
however, that the adultery and drunkenness com-
mon among Lutheran pastors before the rise of Piet-
ism were checked by it; and that it distinctly raised
the moral tone of the Wurttemberg clergy. Its
moral effect upon the nobility is equally demon-
strable, even though its darker sides were shown at
the court of more than one Pietistic count. The
labors of Pietism were, therefore, by no means in
vain.

Pietism not only combated worldliness, but
viewed the world itself as a vast organism of sin
which every " awakened " Christian must shun
under jeopardy of salvation. This attitude, how-
ever, gave rise to controversy because of the demand
of Pietism that public morality be transformed to
accord with its peculiar tenets, so that the theater,
dancing, cards, smoking, and jesting were not to be
considered Adiaphora (q.v.), but must be avoided
by the Christian as sins and abominations before
God. This austerity came to prevail not only among
the more humble adherents of the movement, but
also among the Pietistic nobility, so that Henry II.
of Reuss-Greitz even attempted, though with scant
success, to give official recognition to these princi-
ples by a decree dated Sept. 17, 1717. Pietism itself,
however, was unswerving in its attitude, and all its
branches retained the conviction that the converted
Christian must exercise renunciation regarding the
points at issue. This position was deeply significant
in the development of Pietism, for by shunning the
world it was led to feel either no interest or an en-
tirely inadequate interest in art, science, and secu-
lar culture. This aloofness involved the surrender of
all real influence upon intellectual life in general;
it forced Pietism into a position of isolation, and
was also bound to restrict its religious and moral
effects.

The final conspicuous attribute of Pietism was its

♦ To those who do not regard separatism as an unmixed
evil, but as a thing sometimes demanded by way of protest
against intolerable State Church conditions, the above criti-
cism will seem to lack force. If conditions in Germany in the
seventeenth and the eighteenth century had made possible
the rise ot denominations, as in England, the religious life of
the nation might have attained to and maintained a higher
standard, and the triumph ot rationalism in the Enlighten-
ment (q.v.) might have been averted. a. h n.

practical benevolence, which led the movement in-
to the midst of active life and made it the vehicle
of an evangelical comprehensivenesi
iz. PhUan- hitherto unknown in Germany. Hie
thropic and impulse to undertake such tasks was
Missionary inherent in the nature of Pietism.
Activity. Just as Luther had taught that good
works must necessarily proceed from
living faith, so the intense religious life of Pietism
inspired its followers to share the blessings of their
salvation with others, to testify to their faith, and
to give proof of it by upright life and brotherly love.
In harmony with this attitude they naturally sought
out the wretched and the needy as proper objects
of beneficence. Attention was given first to their
own countrymen and was begun by Spener himself,
who took an active part in building a combination
of a poorhouse, orphan asylum, and workhouse at
Frankfort in 1679. The importance of all this, how-
ever, was overshadowed by Francke's establish-
ment of the orphan asylum at Halle in 1694. The
new element in this event was the fact that one
man alone, relying on divine help, should under-
take to found such an institution on broad lines,
and that it should be maintained by the voluntary
contributions of a circle bound by mutual sympathy.
Thus Pietism won the distinction of permanently
pledging the Lutheran Church to works of active
benevolence, so preparing the way for the ultimate
establishment of the inner mission (see Innbre Mis-
sion). The orphan asylum at Halle was also the
point of departure for foreign missions, the second
form of benevolent activity created by Pietism,
Spener himself had had appreciation for this cause,
though the actual bond between Pietism and mis-
sions was Francke. Through him Halle became the
psychic center of the Danish mission, he supplied
the missionaries that went to India, he founded the
first German missionary journal, he raised money
for missionary purposes, and he led Protestant Ger-
many to include missions in its scope of activity.
A distinct step in advance was made shortly after-
ward when Zinzendorf turned the attention of the
Moravians to this field of labor, not only because
the Moravians embodied an independent type, and
were more adaptable than the Halle Pietists, but
also because they struck into new paths, utilized
the services of laymen, and as a church sent mis-
sionaries with astonishing rapidity to various parts
of America and South Africa. Germany was led,
therefore, to share in spreading Protestantism among
non-Christian nations and peoples through the direct
influence of Pietism; and since this movement con-
trolled the mission work until late in the nineteenth
century, the details of the system adopted clearly
showed the peculiar genius of Pietism. Under Zin-
zendorf s direction, the Moravian type of mission-
ary preaching, unlike that of the Danish and Halle
mission, took the noteworthy course of preaching
simply the Gospel of Christ, and not Lutheran dog-
ma. It was, moreover, the interest of German
Pietism in the diffusion of the Scriptures that led
the missions to make the Bible accessible in trans-
lation to the Christian congregations among the
heathen. The pioneer in this cause was Bartholo-
maeus Ziegenbalg (q.v.) with his Tamil version of

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pietism

the Bible (Tranquebar, 1714-28). In certain re-
spects, however, the adoption of Pietistic views
worked unfavorably, as in the attempt to concen-
trate converts from paganism into small congrega-
tions analagous to the Pietistic circles within the
Church at home. At the same time, extraordinarily
strict rules were laid down regarding the admission
of converts to the Church, and baptism was given
onjy when conversion had been proved; while the
same antipathy toward amusements and popular
customs was manifested by the Pietists in the mis-
sion field as was shown by them in Germany. The
Pietists were also lacking, to some degree, in proper
self-restraint, as in their choice of fields of labor, the
practise of drawing lots in connection with weighty
decisions, and the sentimentalism characterizing
many of their reports. Pietism also inaugurated
systematic missions among the Jews. Spener had
recognised the need of such missions and had done
much to rouse interest in them. The Moravians
also took an active part in this work through the aid
of Samuel Lieberkuhn, although their extensive
foreign missions prevented them from applying their
fuD energy to this difficult branch of Christian ac-
tivity. On the other hand, an important center for
these efforts was created by Pietism at Halle, where
Johann Heinrich Callenberg (q.v.) founded, in 1728,
an Institutum Judaicum, which continued in opera-
tion till 1792. Pietism likewise aided those who
sympathized with its tenets, even though they were
not within its own communion or in its own land.
Zinzendorf found opportunity to intercede for the
Protestants in Moravia; he protected the Sen wen ck-
fekiians who had fled from Saxony to America; and
he made spiritual provision for the German emi-
grants to Pennsylvania.

Hie exact relation of Pietism to the Enlighten-
ment (q.v.) is a problem which receives most diver-
gent answers. Some declare that the two move-
ments are absolutely antithetical, and others hold
that the Enlightenment is a product of Pietism. In
reality, however, the relation between
12. Pietism these two trends was neither one of
and the mere antithesis nor yet one of cause
Enlighten- and effect. Though there were many
rnent. fundamental deviations between Piet-
ism and Enlightenment, such as the
divergent attitudes toward revelation, the essence
of piety, and the Bible, the two movements still had
points in common, not only through such men as
Christian Thomasius, Johann Christian Edelmann,
and Johann Konrad Dippel (qq.v.), but also through
their opposition to Lutheran orthodoxy, their in-
sistence on the religious rights of individuals, and
their practical Christianity. On the other hand,
the theory that the Enlightenment was derived
from Pietism is inadequate, for it assumes that those
degeneracies and excrescences of the separatists
and radical forms of Pietism, which Pietism itself
rejected as alien elements, must be regarded as
characteristic features of the movement; and this
hypothesis also overlooks the fact that the premises
underlying Enlightenment were extremely mani-
fold, and in their initial stages were far anterior to
the rise of Pietism. Enlightenment and Pietism
should rather be considered two distinct movements
IX.— 5

with a mutual goal in the destruction of clericalism,
though diverging from each other in their subse-
quent evolution. At the same time, the since rest
Pietism indirectly aided the rapid growth of En-
lightenment in Germany, not only, in its contempt
for culture, by giving the younger generation no
adequate training to cope with Enlightenment, but
also, through its neglect of such education, by dri-
ving those of scholarly inclinations into the rational-
istic camp.

It is extremely difficult to fix the precise limits

of Pietism in point of time. Each of its chief phases

passed through a distinct development and reached

its climax at a different period. At

13. Devel- Halle Pietism was on the decline by

opment and 1730; and when Francke died in 1769,

Origin, the old position of Halle as the citadel
of Pietism in central and northern Ger-
many was practically lost. Wurttemberg Pietism
never exercised such wide-spread influence as that
of Halle, but on the other hand it enjoyed a tran-
quil and steady development; and it also had the
advantage of not owing its prosperity to any one
individual, so that the death of Bengel in 1769 had
no such effect as that of Francke. By overcoming
the " Storm and Stress period," which they styled
their " winnowing-time," the Moravians had wTon
such internal and external tenacity that the decease
of Zinzendorf in 1760 no longer menaced their status,
and August Gottlieb Spangenberg (q.v.) could
begin his activity. When Valentin Ernst Loscher
(q.v.), the famous opponent of Pietism, died in 1749,
the Pietistic controversy had ceased to attract at-
tention; the age of aggressive Pietism was past;
its message to Protestantism had been delivered.

Great differences of opinion likewise prevail con-
cerning the beginnings of Pietism. It is well known,
however, that long before the time of Spener a re-
action had begun against the ruling tendencies in
the Church and in theology, as well as against their
effect on Christian life. Yet despite all this, the
Pietistic movement was adjudged by its own con-
temporaries to be something new, this view being
justified by the fact that Pietism welded together
the scattered projects of reform, deduced their prac-
tical conclusions, and endeavored to realize them.
This was Spener's achievement, and in this sense
he may be considered the founder of Pietism. The
preparation for Pietism, like its history, shows clear
analogies to similar phenomena within the Reformed
Church; and long before Spener's movement the
sects which had broken off from the Church of
England had manifested a kindred spirit which
exercised a marked influence on the continent,
including Germany, through its rich devotional lit-
erature. In western Germany contact with the Re-
formed Church of Holland was an important factor.
The Pietistic tendencies in the Reformed Church,
which also appear in the Reformed phase of Protes-
tantism in northern Germany, are in entire accord
with Lutheran Pietism in their emphasis upon prac-
tical Christianity, their attitude toward the dom-
inant orthodoxy of their time, and their tendency
toward a closer union among the faithful. These
points of agreement between Lutheran Pietism and
its parallels on Reformed soil imply the existence of

Flfhlus

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

an international movement, even as Enlightenment
was later to pervade all Europe. Yet even though
many an incentive may have reached Germany from
the Puritans, the Labadists, and the Dutch, Pietism
was essentially a German movement, not a product
of foreign Calvinism.

VL Later Development: Among the numerous

and divergent factors which finally brought about

the fall of Enlightenment, Pietism was one of the

foremost. Though it could bring to bear neither

theological nor philosophical learning, and though

it was without influence either on great

i. Factors masses or on the rulers of Church and

and State, it at least possessed the power

Growth, which is ever inherent in firm religious
convictions and the inward strength of
the Christianity for which it stood. Pietism thus
became the center for multitudes of members of the
State Church who had failed to find in the official
clergy, dominated by Enlightenment, the aid to re-
ligion which they desired. The new movement, on
the other hand, was able to give all who joined it a
definite and inspiring aim in the propaganda for the
old faith; and there accordingly arose a Pietistic
reaction which, hidden at first, grew until it be-
came a potent factor among the national, literary,
theological, and ecclesiastical elements which com-
bined for the spiritual and mental regeneration of
Germany during the period of the Napoleonic wars.
So powerful, indeed, was its influence that it was
little less than that which had been exercised by
the Pietism of the eighteenth century, even though
the changed conditions of the times rendered its ex-
ternal forms less striking. The bond between the
Pietism of the eighteenth and that of the nineteenth
century was supplied by survivals of the older move-
ment, by the Moravians, and by the Christentums-
gesellschaft (see Christentumsgesellschaft, Die
Deutsche). From this latter organization German
Lutheranism gained an assistance which marked
an epoch in its history, especially in view of the
foundation of the Basel Bible Society, the Basel
Missionary Society, and other religious and philan-
thropic institutions. The Moravians, or Unity of the
Brethren (q.v.), perhaps never exercised a greater
influence upon German Protestantism than during
the era of Enlightenment. The very remoteness of
their settlements gave them protection against the
tendencies of the age, and the further they pro-
gressed in their tranquil development, the greater
was the'confidence of others in their cause. Even in
Zinzendorf 's time auxiliary societies were formed in
England and Holland for the support of their mis-
sionary labors, and they were aided by their friends
in Germany, especially about the beginning of the
nineteenth century, when " awakened " circles be-
came filled with the missionary spirit. Zinzendorf
also showed himself disposed to cultivate religious
friendship with non-Moravian sympathizers, and
from his tours for the furtherance of this end was
developed missionary activity among the Lutheran
DiuHpora, the object being not secession from the
State Church, but the formation of circles of Mora-
vian sympathizers within it. In 1775 these affiliated
adherents numbered 30,000. The revival type of
preaching also renewed the conventicles of the older

Pietism. In Wurttemberg, indeed, prayer-meeting
had never lapsed entirely, but had been conducted
chiefly by laymen until a number of pastors, among
whom Ludwig Hofacker (q.v.) was prominent, like-
wise joined the movement. In 1828 the number
of those attending conventicles was estimated at
30,000. Swabian Pietism was also powerfully aided
by its close affiliations with the Basel Missionary
Society, which still finds its chief subsidiary district
in Wurttemberg, whence it is accustomed to call its
leaders. So important a center as Basel was bound
to affect all German Switzerland; Barbara Juliana
von Krudener (q.v.) gave some incentives of a tran-
sient kind in this region; and the " awakening " in
French Switzerland likewise became a factor as H
spread eastward. Besides Bern and Zurich, St. Gall
may be noted as the center of a large Pietistic circle
formed by the talented Agnes Schlatter. The re-
vival in Bavaria found some Roman Catholic ad-
herents, and Nuremberg also became a Pietistic
focus, largely through the merchant Johann Tobias
Kiessling. In Baden, the rise of Pietistic sentiment
was observed from the time of the " famine years "
1816-17, and it made rapid progress after the union
of 1821. In northern Germany, on the other hand,
Pietism, except for small scattered groups, suc-
cumbed to Enlightenment; and even when this
latter movement was approaching its end, the Piet-
istic cause had no firm hold that could be compared
with Pietism in Wurttemberg. The Reformed
Pietism of Rhenish Westphalia, however, ex-
perienced a powerful revival through Samuel Collen-
busch, Johann Gerhard Hasenkamp, Friedrich
Arnold Hasenkamp, Johann Heinrich Hasenkamp,
Gottfried Menken, Friedrich Adolf Krummacher,
and Gottfried Daniel Krummacher (qq.v.). At the
same time the Lutherans at Elberfeld were headed
by a pastor, Hilmar Ernst Rauschenbusch, who had
been won for Pietism while a student at Halle; the
valley of the Wupper remained one of Pietism's
surest domains in the nineteenth century; and the
movement even gained entrance at Berlin, a center
of German Enlightenment, notably through the
efforts of the Silesian Baron Ernst von Kottwiti
(q.v.) and the preacher Johann Janicke.

It is even more difficult to define modern Pietism
than the corresponding movement of the eighteenth
century. It forms no organized ecclesiastical body;
its individual groups have no fixed mutual relation;
it has no distinct theological tendency;
a. Charac- and large numbers of its adherents do
ter of not term themselves Pietists. The old
Modern Halle school of Pietism has entirely
Pietism, disappeared. The Moravians have
formed a distinct church, and have so
largely divested themselves of earlier Pietistic char-
acteristics that only in a very limited sense can they
now be considered Pietists. The Wurttemberg
branch alone survives, but though it preserves most
purely the connecting bond with early Pietism, the
territorial limitations of its activity prevent it from
serving as a standard to determine the nature of
modern Pietism. The transfer of the term Pietism
to phases of church life of the nineteenth century
shows that the word has lost its original definiteness
of meaning. In many instances the modern use of

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pietism
Flffhius

the word indeed connotes ideas in harmony with the
older Pietism; in other instances there are only
alight suggestions of such affinities; and in yet other
eises there are absolutely no points in common.
The Pietism of the nineteenth century may, how-
ever, be defined as that tendency in German Prot-
estantism which represents the devotional type of
the older Pietism, as well as its views of life and its
altitude toward the world, so that it may be re-
garded as a continuation of the earlier school.
Nevertheless, only the fundamental ideas of primi-
tive Pietism have been retained, for the revolutions
in political, social, and ecclesiastical affairs have
caused the movement to assume new forms and ac-
tivities and to adopt new constituent elements. It
thus implies a further stage of development and
allows scarcely an instance of mere repetition. It
no longer fosters religious life by prayer-meetings,
bat finds a wider sphere of activity in foreign and
domestic missionary societies. A noteworthy char-
acteristic of the revival period of the early nine-
teenth century was the sense of fellowship with simi-
lar circles within the Roman Catholic Church, while
the two churches cooperated in Bible societies, but
the rise of ultramontanism, after the second decade
of the nineteenth century, ended further association,
although in Pietistic circles the sentiment of spir-
itual affinity with kindred spirits in the sister church
persisted long, and exercises some influence even at
the present time. The syncretism of Pietism,
moreover, in combination with the decay of de-
nominational barriers during the period of the
Enlightenment, rendered the movement as liable to
sectarianism and separatism in the nineteenth cen-
tury as it had been in the hundred years preceding;
but, on the other hand, these dangers were lessened
by the fact that the relations of the new Pietism to
the Church and to orthodoxy experienced an essen-
tial transformation. Their united stand against
their common foe rationalism produced close affilia-
tions which outlasted the conflict. Pietism became
reabsorbed in the Church, and orthodoxy grew
susceptible to Pietistic modes of thought and feeling.
This change in the situation of Pietism was essen-
tially aided by the fact that the Church now ac-
corded due recognition to practical benevolence
both at home and in the foreign mission field. Since,
however, Pietism had from the first laid special
claim to these spheres of activity, the altered atti-
tude of orthodoxy toward it was a distinct tribute
to its ability and enabled it to retain all essentials
of its missionary position. When, moreover, the
Church developed an increasing interest in domestic
and foreign missions, there was a marked augmenta-
tion both of the influence of Pietism and of the con-
fidence shown it by orthodox circles.

A comprehensive verdict on the significance of
modern Pietism for German Protestantism, whether
favorable or unfavorable, can not be given in a sin-
gle sentence. It is a far more complex
3. Estimate phenomenon than the older system,
of the full of heterogeneous elements, and not
Movement only varying in different parts of the
country and changing with the lapse
of time, but also showing divergent phases in cities
and in rural districts. In addition to its mission

work, Pietism was an important factor in the relig-
ious revival of Germany during the first third of the
nineteenth century, even though it was not the sole
source of the movement. The enlargement of its
sphere of activity and its coalescence with the State
Church doubtless aided Pietism to escape from its
conventicle-like bonds. On the other hand, its in-
nate tendency toward small coteries, which cuts it
off from all comprehension of the wealth of intel-
lectual, national, and cultured life, prevents it from
becoming a great popular movement; nor has it
proved able to resist the tendency toward party
schemes and uncharitable depreciation of those
holding different opinions. The movement has re-
cently been forced into a critical position by the
rise of the modern associations! tendency based on
Anglo-American Methodism; for even though Piet-
ism and Methodism were closely akin in origin, the
tendency in question is directed toward ends which
have no reference to Pietism. Carl Mirbt.

Bibliography: A. Ritschl, Geachichte dea Pietiamua, Bonn,
1884-86; J. Q. Walch, Einleitung in die ReHgionaatreitig-
keiten der evangAutheriachen Kirche, 5 vols., Jena, 1730-39;
F. W. Berthold, in Raumera hietoriachen Taechenbuch, 3
eer., in. 131-320, iv. 171-390, Leipsio, 1852-53; M. Gdbel,
Geachichte dea chriatlichen Lebena in der rheiniach-west-
foliachen Kirche, vols, ii.-iii., Cobleni, 1852-60; A. Tho-
luck, Der Qeiat der lutheriachen Theologen Wittenberga . . .
dea 17. Johrhundertea, Hamburg, 1852; W. Gasa, Geachichte
der proteatantiachen Dogmotik, ii. 374-449, Berlin, 1857;
H. Schmid, Die Geachichte dea Pietiamua, Ndrdlingen, 1863;
H. L. J. Heppe, Geachichte dea Pietiamua und der Myatik
in . . . der Niederlande, Leyden, 1879; W. Bender, Jo-
hann Konrad Dippel, Der Freigeiet aua dem Pietiamua,
Bonn, 1882; F. Nippold, Zur Vorffeachichte dea Pietiamua,
in TSK, 1882, pp. 347-392; idem, Handbuch der neueaten
Kirchengechichte, in. 114 aqq., iv. 173 sqq., Berlin, 1901;
E. Sachoe, Ur sprung und Weaen dea Pietiamua, Wies-
baden, 1884; L. Renner, Lebenabilder aua der Pietiaten-
text, Leipsic, 1886; G. Freytag, Bilder aua der deutachen
Vergangenheit, vols, iii.-iv., Leipsic, 1888; J. H. Kurts,
Church History, pp. 159. 162, 176, New York, 1890; W.
Habner, Der Pietiamua, Zwickau, 1901; C. Kolb, Die An-
fonge dea Pietiamua und Separotiamua in Wurttemberg, Stutt-
gart, 1902; T. Kolde, in Beitroge zur bayeriachen Kirchen-
geachiehte, viii. 266-283, Erlangen, 1902; J. Batteiger,
Der Pietiamua in Bayreuth, Berlin, 1903; J. Jungst-Stettin,
Pietieten, Tubingen, 1906; H. Stephan. Der Pietiamua ola
Troger dea FortachriUa, Tubingen, 1908; W. G. Goetere,
Die Vorbereitung dea Pietiamua in der reformierten Kirche
der Niederlande, Leipsic, 1909; Troltsch, Leibniz und die
Anfange dea Pietiamua, ed. C. Werckshagen, i. 366-375,
Berlin, n.d.; the literature under Francks, August Her-
mann; Kruxdenzr, Barbara Juliana von; especially
that under Mysticism; Spenbr, Philipp Jakob; and
Thomasius, Christian; and the works on the church
histoxy of the period.

PIETRO MARTIRE VERMIGLL See Vermigli.

PIGHIUS, pi-gi'us, ALBERTUS (ALBERT PIG-
GHE): Dutch Roman Catholic controversialist;
b. at Kampen (9 m. n.n.w. of Zwolle) c. 1490; d. at
Utrecht Dec. 26, 1542. He studied philosophy and
mathematics at the University of Louvain and com-
pleted his theological studies at the University of
Cologne in 1517. He was canon (1524-35) and prov-
ost (1535-42) at the Church of St. John the Bap-
tist, Utrecht. Pope Hadrian VI. called him to
Rome in 1523 and he took part in the diets of Worms
and Regensburg, the issue of which were his publi-
cations: Controversiarum prcecipuarum (Cologne,
1541); Ratio componendorum dissidiorum (1542);
and Apologia adversus M. Buceri (Mainz, 1543).
Pighius was one of the most resolute defenders of

Pisrou
Pll£Tixna*68

]

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

the papacy, and in his comprehensive principal
work, Hierarchies ecclesiastical assertio (Cologne,
1538), he unfolded most conclusively the papal sys-
tem from a substructure involving a critical survey
of the sources of Christian truth. He was the first
to make tradition a basis of knowledge alongside of
Scripture, in order to cut off Protestant argument
in advance. On the other hand, his zeal of argu-
ment almost betrayed him as an unconscious dis-
ciple of Protestantism. The freedom of the will he
asserted to such an extent, in De libero hominis ar-
bitrio (1542), that original sin seemed to him scarcely
as actual corruption but rather the imputation of
the sin of Adam. This view carried with it the con-
sequence of regarding justification as the imputation
of the righteousness of Christ.

(E. F. Karl MCllbr.)

Bibliography: Bayle, Dictionary, iv. 637-641; A. Schwefoer,
Die protcstantischen Centraldogmen, i. 180 sqq., Zurich,
1854; Linsenmann, in TQ, 1866, pp. 571 sqq.; K. Werner,
Geschichtc der apologetitchen taut polemischen Litteratvr,
iv. 241 sqq., 275 sqq., Schaffhauaen, 1865; Hefele, Con-
ciliengeschichte, ix. 936 sqq.

PIGOU, pi-gQ', FRANCIS: Church of England;
b. at Baden-Baden, Germany, of English parent-
age, Jan. 8, 1832. He was educated at Trinity Col-
lege, Dublin (B.A., 1853), and was ordered deacon
in 1855 and priested in the following year. He was
curate of Stoke Talmage, Oxfordshire (1855-56),
chaplain of Marbceuf Chapel, Paris (1856-58), cu-
rate of Vere Street Chapel, London (1858), and of
St. Philip's, Regent Street, and St. Mary's, Ken-
sington (1858-60), incumbent of St. Philip's (1860-
1869), and served as vicar of Doncaster (1869-
1875), being also rural dean of Doncaster after 1870;
he was vicar of Halifax (1875-88), where he was
likewise rural dean, and became dean of Chicester,
a dignity which he held three years. Since 1891 he
has been dean of Bristol, and was appointed a chap-
lain-in-ordinary to the queen in 1890. He is widely
and favorably known as a missioner, and has held .
missions not only throughout England, but also in
the United States, which he visited in 1885. His
writings include Faith and Practice (sermons; Lon-
don, 1865); Early Communion Addresses (1877);
Addresses to District Visitors and Sunday School
Teachers (1880); Addresses delivered on various
Occasions (1883); Manual of Confirmation (1888);
Phases of my Life (1898); Odds and Ends (1903);
and The Acts of the Holy Ghost. Thirty-two Years of
Experience of Conducting Parochial Missions (1908).

PILATE, ACTS OF. See Apocrypha, B, I., 7.

PILATE, PONTIUS: Known only as the fifth
Roman procurator of Judea, under whose adminis-
tration Jesus was executed. He probably succeeded
Gratus 27 a.d. and ended his procuratorship early in
37; it is not likely that Pilate required more than a
year for his return journey to Rome, whither he was
summoned by Tiberius to give an account of his ad-
ministration, and he arrived there after Tiberius'
death, which took place Mar. 16, 37, and it appears
that Vitellius, the legate of Syria, his accuser, was
in Jerusalem in 36 as well as in 37, at the time of the
Passover. Regarding the position of the procura-
tor, see Govxbnob. A copper coin struck in Csesarea
under Pontius Pilate is represented in DB, iii. 424-

428. The judgment regarding Pilate's
tion is chiefly based on the statements of PhUo
(Legatio at Caium, xxxviii.), who calls him inflexible
and ruthless and reproaches him with venality, vio-
lence, peculation, ill-treatment, insult, the repeated
infliction of punishment without trial, and with end-
less acts of cruelty — the well-known accusations
brought by the Jews against every energetic Roman
functionary. The only fact adduced by Philo, the
setting up in the palace at Jerusalem of the golden
shields dedicated to Tiberius, testifies only to the
extreme sensitiveness of the Jews. Josephus (if or,
II., ix.; Ant., XVIII., iii.-iv.) judges mors indul-
gently, although he charges the procurator with
introducing into Jerusalem banners bearing the
emperor's image, and with using the funds of the
temple for the construction of an aqueduct. The
fact that Pilate energetically repressed every re-
volt is also proved by the massacre of the Galileans
(Luke xiii. 1) and of the Samaritans (Josephus,
Ant,9 XVIII., iii. 1, iv. 1). It was on account of
this latter act that Pilate was removed by Vitellius,
who was very friendly toward the Samaritans as well
as the Jews. It is quite natural that there were fre-
quent disputes between the imperial procurator and
the Jewish princes as to their respective fields of
authority. Of the cause of the enmity between
Pilate and Herod alluded to in Luke xziiL 12,
nothing is known. That Pilate was not an incom-
petent functionary is proved by the long duration
of his rule under Tiberius.

In the trial of Jesus, Pilate acted from the stand-
point of a functionary for whom public order was
more important than the life even of an innocent
man. According to Mark, the only question at
issue was the confirmation of a sentence passed by
the Sanhedrin. The fact that death occurred so
quickly is the cause of his curiosity for the moment.

In Matthew and in Luke various points are added
which bear an apologetic stamp; Pilate's wife and
he himself acknowledge the innocence of Jesus. In
John, where the main action of the trial is trans-
ferred from the Sanhedrin to the proceedings be-
fore Pilate, he becomes almost a mediator between
Jesus and the Jews. Subsequently, along this
apologetic tendency, the responsibility for the death
of Jesus is more and more laid upon the Jews, and
Pilate is made a witness to his innocence. Later
Pilate is even represented as a Christian; the Copts
and the Abyssinians rank him among the saints;
and the Greeks do the same for his wife Prokla.
In the third century arose the legend of Pilate's
suicide under Caligula, of which Origen knows noth-
ing. After the fourth century the estimation of
Pilate, especially in the west, became more and
more unfavorable; but recent historians have been
more just in their treatment.

E. von DobschCtz.

Some interest attaches to the apocryphal account
of the death of Pilate (Eng. transl., ANFt viii. 466-
467). According to this the Emperor Tiberius was
afflicted with a serious disease. Hearing that there
was in Judea a wonderful physician who healed
by power of a word, he sent to Pilate an order to
have the physician come to Rome. To the messen-
ger Pilate confesses that he has had the healer cm-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

pipou
Pllffrimaffes

cified because he was a malefactor. The messenger
in returning meets Veronica, who sends by him the
miraculous handkerchief (see Jesus Christ, Pic-
tubes and Images of, III., 1, §§ 1-2), by which
the emperor was healed. So Tiberius was enraged
at Pilate and had him brought to Rome, but was
restrained miraculously from upbraiding him by
the fact that Pilate wore the seamless coat of Jesus.
In a second interview, the anger of the emperor dis-
solved in the same unaccountable manner. By im-
pulse or on advice, Tiberius had Pilate deprived
of the coat and then sentenced him to the most dis-
graceful death possible. To avoid this, Pilate com-
mitted suicide. His body was weighted and sunk
in the Tiber, but the demons which inhabited the
body caused the water to boil as if in a storm. The
body was then raised and sent to Vienne in France
(etymologized as Via Gehenna), where the phenom-
enon was repeated. The body was then sent to
"Loeania" (Lausanne or Lucerne?) and buried.
Thus Pilate was brought into connection with Mont
Pilatus, near Lucerne, the name of which is, however,
rather to be derived from Mons PUeatus, " the
hatted mountain/' referring to the cloud cap which
forms so often around the summit in midday.

Bibliography: As sources, besides the references in the
Gospels, consult: Philo, Legatio ad Caium, xxxviii.; Jo-
sephus, War, II., ix.; idem. Ant., XVIII., iii.-iv.; and the
apocryphal material with comment on it, as follows: J. C.
Thilo, Codex apocryphus N. T., i. 118-119, 487-488, Leip-
sic. 1832; C. Teschendorf, PUati circum Christum judicio
quid lucis afferatur ex Actis Pilati, Leipsic, 1855; idem,
Bvangelia apocrypha, lb. 1876; R. A. Lipsius, Die Pilatus-
Akten, Kiel, 1871; Clemen, in TSK, 1894, pp. 759 sqq.,

F. C. Conybeare, in Studia Biblica et ecclesiastica, iv. 59-
132. Oxford, 1896; Harnack, Litteratur, i. 21-24, 907-
909, ii. 1, pp. 603-612; M. R. James, Apocrypha Artec-
data, in TS, vol. ii.; E. Hennecke, Handbuch tu den neu-
testamentlichen Apokryphen, pp. 143 sqq., Tubingen, 1904;
idem, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, pp. 74-76, ib. 1904.
Eng. transls. of the apocryphal materia! are in: ANF,
▼in. 416-467 (see Apocrypha, II., 7); Acta Pilati, ed.
Geo. Sluter, Shelby ville, Ind., 1879; Qesta Pilati: or
the Report*, Letters and Acts of Pontius Pilate . . . , ed.
W. O. Clough, Indianapolis, 1880; Apocryphal Gospels,
Acts, and Revelations, translated by A. Walker, pp. 125
sqq., Edinburgh, 1873; Apocryphal New Testament, pp.
50-79, Boston, n.d. Consult further: J. Langen, Die
ietxten Lebenstage Jesu, pp. 261-294, Freiburg, 1864;

G. Warneck, Pontius Pilatus der RichterJesu Christi, Gotha,
1867; G. A. Mailer, Pontius Pilatus der funfte Prokurator
von Judaa, Stuttgart, 1888 (gives earlier literature);
P. Waltjer, Pontius Pilatus, eene Studie, Amsterdam, 1888;
A. Schaab, Pontius Pilatus, ein Zeitbild, Carlsruhe, 1892;
T. Kommsen, R&mische Qeschichte, v. 508 sqq., Berlin,
1894; J. Stalker, Trial and Death of Jesus Christ, pp. 43
sqq., London, 1894; A. T. Innes, Trial of Jesus Christ, a
Legal Monograph, Edinburgh, 1899; S. Mathews, Hist, of
N. T. Times, 2d ed.. New York, 1910; J. Belser, Die
Geschichte Leidens und Sterbens . . . des Herrn, pp. 323-
339. 346-372, Freiburg, 1903; G. Roeadi, The Trial of
Jesus, London, 1905; The Archko Volume, transl. by Mc-
intosh and Twyman, chap, viii., 2d ed., Philadelphia, 1905;
SchQrer, Qeschichte, i. 487-492, Eng. transl., i. 2, pp. 81-86;
DB, iii. 875-S79; EB, iii. 3772-74; DCO, ii. 363-366; JB, x.
34-35; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, part xxxii., columns 429-
434; especially in the literature on the life of Christ the
works of Keim, Holtsmann, Lange, Weiss, Stalker, An-
drews, and Edersheim; also the commentaries on the
Gospels, at the passages where mention of Pilate occurs.

PILGRIMAGES: Journeys to holy places for the
sake of devotion and edification. They are a com-
mon feature of religious devotion, not peculiar to
Christianity. In the last-named religion the custom
began early. In the middle of the fourth century,

after Constantino and his mother Helena had visited
Golgotha, Bethlehem, and other places, and had
built churches there, pilgrimages to the Holy Land
became quite frequent. In the eighth century
Charlemagne made a treaty with Haroun al Rashid
to procure safety to the Christian pilgrims in Jeru-
salem, and founded a Latin monastery in that city
for their comfort. In the eleventh century it was
the outrages to which the Christian pilgrims were
exposed in Palestine which, more than anything
else, contributed to bring about the crusades. But
in the mean time the Church had taken the matter
in hand, and pilgrimages changed character. They
became " good works," penalties by which gross
sins could be expiated, sacrifices by which holiness,
or at least a measure of it, could be attained. The
pilgrim was placed under the special protection of
the Church; to maltreat him, or to deny him shel-
ter and alms, was sacrilege. And when he returned
victorious, having fulfilled his vow, he became the
center of the religious interest of the village, the
town, the city, to which he belonged, — an object of
holy awe. Thus pttgrimizing became a life-work, a
calling. There were people who adopted it as a vo-
cation, wandering all their life from one shrine to
another. Places of pilgrimage sprang up every-
where — at the tombs of the saints and martyrs (St.
Peter and St. Paul in Rome, St. Thecla in Seleucia,
St. Stephen in Hippo in Africa, the Forty Martyrs
in Cappadocia, St. Felix at Nola in Campania, St.
Martin at Tours, St. Adelbert at Gnesen, St. Willi-
brord at Echternach, St. Thomas at Canterbury, St.
Olaf at Drontheim, etc.), or at the shrine of some
wonder-working relic or image. At the Reforma-
tion, this practise was ridiculed by Protestants,
but was retained by the Roman Catholic Church.
In very recent times two new places of pilgrimage
have excited the Roman Catholic world — Lourdes
(q.v.) in the south of France, near the Pyrenees;
and Knock, near Dublin, Ireland. In both places
the Virgin Mary, it is claimed, revealed herself.

Among the most celebrated shrines toward which
the currents of pilgrimage have been chiefly di-
rected are the holy places of Palestine, which since
the fifteenth century have been under the guardian-
ship of the Franciscan order. Sanctuaries of the
Virgin in various parts of the world, e.g., Loreto
(q.v.) and Genezano in Italy, Chartres, Fourvidres
(in Lyons) and especially Lourdes (q.v.) in France,
Einsiedeln (q.v.) in Switzerland, Mariazell in Aus-
tria, Guadeloupe and Montserrat in Spain, Walsing-
ham in England (of which Erasmus wrote an ac-
count; Eng. transl., Pilgrimages to Saint Mary of
Wokingham and Saint Thomas of Canterbury, 2d
ed., London, 1875), etc. Among the sanctuaries of
the angels and saints may be mentioned the
" Limina apostolorum " on the Vatican hill, Monte
Gargano, in Italy, in honor of St. Michael (it was
the devotion of Norman pilgrims to this shrine that
led to the Norman conquest of Naples); Czensto-
chau in Russian Poland, Compostella in Spain, in
honor of St. James the Apostle, Mont St. Michel on
the northern coast of France, to say nothing of the
reputed tombs of Lazarus and his two sisters in the
south. In North America the most noted place of
pilgrimage is the shrine of St. Anne on the St.

Plrl

ligrln
.Shell

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

Lawrence, a few niiles below Quebec, where a re-
puted relit- ill" Si. Aniii', mother of the Virgin, is
preserved, hiving been brought from one of the
sanctuaries dedicated to St. Anne in France. In
general, all the tombs of prominent sainta, or local-
ities intimately connected with their careers, have
at one time or another been centers of pilgrimages
on the part of the pious faithful, even though the
claims of many of them to such honor could not
stand the test of critical in ves ligation.

James F. I 'Kiacou,.

BiBMOottu'Hr; 1. Mori. Oat WaUJahrtn in dtr kalholitchm
AVr.V. Treves. Ia42: A. Moller, Dot Hetiiee DrvltcAiami,
UacfticlUe untl ttachrnibuna dtr WatlJahrUaru. Cologne,
lBB7i H. von Kuilniki. Die brr lilt ml, ilea Walljtih'ttort' drr
ErJr, PHjeAom, WOT; L. Oepnol, FUmnagrt. Paris.
1902; OCA. ii. 1835-ta (a detailed .lU-u^.a, wlie.r.. the

«S-i8l>: \'I.. iii. 1HKI !■."!!: JK, <_ :io-:w. An im'por-

I:il)l i-riiH 11 thill of lln> i'.,l.::linr l'-h. i'ik' T...-I ,-Vi.r,.

IS vols, and laden, London, 1887 (to the different W*
una of the Hrin valuable iu traductions an prefixed).
For the Roman Catholic position on Iho >ubject, d. Coira-

PILIGRIM: Bishop of Passau; d. May 20, 991.
He was a kinsman of Friedrich, archbishop of Salz-
burg; was brought up at the Benedictine monas-
tery of Niederaltaich; became a canon of the dio-
cese; and was bishop of Passau, 971-091, For
supporting Otto II. against Duke Henry he was
rewarded with the monastery of St. Mary, a part
of the revenue of Passau, and a confirmation of his
title. The emperor approved his control of the
monastery of Krcms in I'T.'j, of St. Florian and St.
PSltW i" '.'TO, and later of Otting and Mattsee. The
bishopric li:i<l no real claim on any one of these, but
I'iliniim knew liuiv 1" estublish one on forged docu-
ments. His inordinate ambition included the ele-
vation of Passau into an archbishopric. This effort
was advanced by means of the reoccupution of
Ostmnrk situ I I he. heuinnint; "f 'I"' mission to Hun-
gary, and Piligrim forwarded the most embellished
reports to Pope Benedict VI. in 'J73 or 974, to the
effect that about 5.1KK1 persons had been baptized;
countless, rhristian captives of war had openly con-
fessed; thai, the heathen offered no hindrances;
and that he was convinced that, the erection of sev-
eriil bishoprics in Hungary was necessary in order
to conserve and intend what had Ix'i'ti accomplished.
He advanced the fable to ISenetliel that at one time
Lorch, which he represented to be the original seat
of the bishopric of Passau. was the metropolitan
seat for seven bishoprics in Pannonia and Moesia;
and had a number of sources forged representing
tie' relations of earlier popes with the arc hi lisliopne
of Lorch. lie asked, therefore, for the pallium and
the mil ln.iri/.-i I ton to creel, the bishopric* in Hungary.
His dependence upon fraud may have been due to
the slurbs importance attache,! by the emperor and
the pope to this enterprise. Failing in this effort,
he succeeded in 1*77 in having :i statement inchi'lf-d
in a document of Otto IT., which declared Lorch to
have been an ancient seat of primacy. But evi-
- 1 ■ ■ : 1 1 I; Archbishop i rii drich indw ed ihe pt>[>e to
confirm his right over Bavaria and Pannonia, and
Piliiriim had to abandon his plans. But Piligrim's
care for his district was great, and churches were
organized and synods were held. He was a man

distinctly ahead of his times in bis freedom (mat
superstition, and made a marked impression upon
his age. (A. Havck.)

BlBUoaaaPHT: E. Dflmmler. PMgnm »n Pauau and rfu
frabiatum Lorch. Loipric, ISM; 8. Riexler, Ut.rt.khn
Baitrtu. i. 301 aqq.. Golba. IS78: K. Sehrtdl. Pohom
•ocro. i. 77 sqq.. Panau. 1S79; Hauok, KD, ill MtatV
PILLAR OF FIRE AND CLOUD: The tradi-
tional supernatural guide and guard of the Hebrews
during the desert wanderings. Beginning at Etharn
(Ex. xiii. 20 aqq.) the Hebrews were accompanied
by a pillar of cloud by day and fire by night which
went before them to show the way. When the
Egyptians pursued, the pillar (Ex. xiv. IS aqq.)
passed behind the people serving as an obstructing
bank of cloud toward the enemy and as light toward
themselves. According to the adduced passages
and other statement* of the Bible, it was the Lord
himself that went before Israel; theology regards
it as " his angel," i.e., the agent of his manifestation
(Ex. xxiii. 20 aqq.). This cloud also covered the
tabernacle after its erection (Num. ix. 15 sqq.), and
filled it (Ex. xl. 34 sqq.) as the habitation of God.
On important occasions it descended upon the
tabernacle, stood before it (Num. xii. 5) while the
people worshiped, and regularly when Moses was
to receive revelations (Num. xxxiii. 8-11). The
glory of the Lord concealed in the cloud appeared
at supreme moment* to all the people (Ex. xvi. 10;
Num. xiv. 10, xvi. 19, xvii. 7). The ascent of the
cloud from the tabernacle meant the breaking of
the camp; its resting upon a place the sign of
pitching camp (Ex. xl. 36 sqq.; Num. be 17-23).
There is no doubt that there were not two but one
and the same pillar which appeared by night as fire,
by day as cloud. It is also clearly stated that this
cloud was the covering of God when he descended
upon Sinai (Ex. xxiv. 15 sqq.).

As to its physical nature, this mysterious cloud,
like wonders in general, attaches itself to natural
conditions and phenomena. However, two efforts
to materialize that theophany must be rejected.
One derives the pillar of cloud from the caravan-fire
which was borne before the march. Reference is
made to Alexander's march (E. Curtius, tirifhixt-he
Gewhirhif, V., ii. 7, Berlin, 1868-74; Eng. transla-
tion, History of Greece, London, 1868-73), which
shows how great armies made use of lire for guid-
ance, just as caravans do to-day. But this is con-
tradicted by the materials of the narrative noted
above, and the divinity of the cloud demands a su-
pernatural phenomenon. Such a cloud lay preg-
nant with lire on Sinai where God most positively
offered his majesty to the gaze of the people. For
the same reason, the view of Ewald (followed by
Riehm and Uillman) must also he rejected, who
supposed that the altar-fire was the kernel of the
tradition.

The cloud in the mean time became a subject for
theological speculation. The author of the Wisdom
of Solomon saw in it the divine wisdom (x. 17; of.
xviii. 3, xix. 7); Philo, the divine Logos (Opera,
ed. T. Mangey, 501, London, 1742).

C. von Orelli.

BiBuooaapB'T: The iubjeet ia beat d

is O.T.oilod under Biau

lThk

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PiUsrrtm

ud in those on the history of lame] (boo under Arab;
nullum. Him-onr or). Consult farther tbe nrticl™ in
the Bible dictionaries, e.g., SB, iii. 3775-78; JE, i. 39.

PILOT, WILLIAM: Anglican; b. at Bristol,
England, Dec. 30, 1841. He was educated at St.
Boniface's College, Westminster, and tit. Augus-
tine's College, Canterbury, and was ordered deacon
h 186" and advanced to the priesthood in 1868.
From 1867 to 1875 he was vice-principal of Queen's
CbUege, St. John's, Newfoundland, as well as incum-
bent of Quidi Vidi, Newfoundland, and in 1883-84
na principal of Queen's College. Since 1875 he has
been superintendent of education in Newfoundland
toti ui 1!t05 m also appointed commissary to the
bishop of Newfoundland. He is a canon of the
Anglican cntliedr.il at St. John's. In theology he is
■n ' 'Anglican of the old type, " and has written essays
OB nomenclature and folk-lore of Newfoundland,
also the geography of Newfoundland, and sketches
of early church history of Newfoundland.

P1BYTDS: Bishop of Cnossus, Crete, in the sec-
ond century, according to Eusebius (Hist, eccl., iv.
21, 23, Eng. trans!., NPNF, 2 aer., i. 11)7-198, 200-
202), and contemporary of Dionysius of Corinth
(q.v.). Eusebius gives some extracts from the cor-
respondence of the two. Dionysius, it appears,
wrote to the bishop of Cnossus asking him not to
impose too strict a yoke of chastity upon his breth-
ren. But Pinytus was unmoved by this counsel
and replied that Dionysius might impart stronger
doctrine and feed his congregation with a more per-
fect epistle inasmuch as Christians could not always
sub-i-l on milk or tarry in childhood. It may be
that Pinytus was influenced by Montanistic views;
however, Eusebius vouches for his orthodoxy and
his care for the welfare of those placed under him.

(A. Hauck.)
Bnuocunn: Tbe reference* are collected iu Hamnck.

PIOHIUS: Christian martyr of the middle of the
third century. Eusebius {Hist, eccl., IV., iv. 47;
Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 series, i. 192) refers to his
own lost " Collection of the Ancient Martyrdoms "
as containing accounts of martyrdoms in the time
of Polyearp. Among the martyrs referred to was
& certain Pionius, of whom an account was given in
Eusebius' source and used by him, whieh included
a report of his confessions, his courageous defense
of the Christian faith before people and authorities,
his friendly reception of the fugitives from persecu-
tion, and his encouraging address to the brethren
who visited him to prison, as well as his endurance
of sufferings, nailings, and burning. In spite of
sonie uncertainties in particulars, the genuineness
of the account seems evident and presents a good
picture of events during the Deciau persecution
(see Dears, Caius Messjus Qrivrus Trajanus),
The " Acts " from which Eusebius draws points dis-
tinctly (ii. 1, ix. 4, 23) to the persecution of the
year 250 under the consuls Decius and Gratus;
the reference to the time of Marcus Aureliua by
EuMbius is explained by the connection with the
''Acts of Polyearp." Pionius was sewed at the
anniversary of the martyrdom of Polyearp. Feb. 23,
which day also was a Sabbath in 250, and he was

burned with a certain Metrodorus on Mar. 12. The
Pionius of this article must be distinguished from
Pionius, author of Vita Polyairpi (350-400).
Bihuoqb»phy; Monroes an: T. Hainan. Acta Marturum.
pp. 1S5-ISS. Kiwust.urn. is.l'j; ASB, Feb.. i. 37-40;
F. Mikloaicb, Mvnumtnta lingua nataoaimienicit, pp. 04
Bqq., Vienna, 1851; O. van Uobhnnll. in Arr*iv far afari-
tche Phiiotoffie, xviii (tSBB), 150 nqt]., in A itsgeviUhtte Mar-
ti/raktcn. pp. BO »■)((.. Tiitiiiwu. 1;mi], Mul in Acta mariyrum
•■..'.,■:.;. i>ji. in ..;., . ii, ■In., iwj. Consult further: Krogor,
Hitter,/, pp. a85-JSfl: B. Aubrf, L'^eiitr <f i'ttal dam la
tcamde moitif du 3. titrtt. pp. 140 sqq.. Paris. 1885; J. B.
Lujhifooi, ApottM.- F,u>„t>. i d2L'-fliii), 695-702. London.
1889; T. Zahn, in Fortcliunecn i-ur OrachirkU da nrvlc-
UamtnttKhtn Kanent. iv. 271 A 4. Leipsie, 1891; J. A. F.
Gregg. The Drcian Pmtcutitm, pp. 242 sqq., ib. 1887;
BnnJonhcwer, GttchvMt, ii. 031-032: DCB. iv. 3B7, 428;
Ceuuer, Jmiuri tarrti, ii. 113-114.

PIPER, KARL WILHELM FERDIHAND: Ger-
man church historian ; b. at Stralsund (120 m. n.w.
of Berlin) May 7, 1811; d. at Berlin Nov. 28, 1889.
Hi1 studied theology at the universities of Berlin
and Gottingen, 1829-33; was tutor in theology at
the latter institution, l,H.'«-40; privat-docent in
church history at the University of Berlin. IslJ;
and associate professor alter 1842. As church his-
torian he belonged to tile Kchool of Neander. His
earlier literary activity dealt with chronology and
resulted in the publication of the " Evangelical
Calendar" (1850-70), in which he substituted for
the names of saints, those of Christian worthies, and
furnished annually biographical sketches. His
principal pursuit became the investigation of Chris-
tian monuments of art, as a source for church his-
tory. The first important product appeared as the
first part, of the projected work. Mylhotogie and
Siimhnli.k f/.r I'hri'lHi-iifi Kuiiti (2 vols., Weimar,
1847-51) setting forth the influence of pagan myth-
ology upon Christianity. The intended second part
was never prepared. His next great work was Ein-
leiiung in die moniunenlate Theoloyie (Gotha. 1867).
Other works are: U titer den ckristlwhcn Midi rl:n i's
(lierlin, 1862} j ami Die Kalendarien unit Marty-
rologi-en dcr Angel such sen (1S02). Piper dues not
treat art for art's sake; form and style are almost
ignored. He always seeks to present the content
for his s|iecific purpose. He was the founder of the
Christian museum at the diversity of Berlin and
us director from [80 till his death. (A. Hauck.)

PIPPIH, DOHATIOH OF. See Papal States.

PIRKE ABOTH, pir-ke' fl'bot [" Sayings of the
fathers "): The ninth tractate of the fourth order
(" Damages") of the Mishna. An especially val-
uable translation, with excellent notes, is found in
C. Taylor's Sayings of the, Jewish Fathers, 2d ed.,
Cambridge, 1899. See Talmud.

PIRKHEIMER, pirk-huim'er, CHARITAS: Sis-
ter of Wilibald I'lrkheimer ((].v.) ami abbess of the
nunnery of St. Clara at Nuremberg; b. at Eich-
etatt (42 m. w.s.w. of Regensburg) Mnr. 21, 1466;
d. at Nuremberg Aug. 19, 1532. At the age of
twelve she entered the nunnery of which she be-
came abbess in 1503. In tbe same year she in-
duced her sister Clara, who succeeded her in the
heinl.-hij> nl the eli.iister iii 1532. to enter as a sister
and to undertake the work of secretary and assist-
ant. She was especially faithful in the mainte-

Pirkheimsr
Flflffah

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

nance of discipline and nurture of those committed
to her care. By her brother she was led to the
study of patristics, but was never reconciled to the
Reformation, being a devoted daughter of her
church. Her character was necessarily developed
in a one-sided direction through her early entrance
into the nunnery, and she was apparently quite
morbid through continued contemplation of her
Bins and weaknesses. Her Denkwurdigkeiten pic-
tures the misfortunes of her cloister (given in C.
Hofler's Franki&chen Studien, vol. iv., part 2,
Vienna, 1853).

Bibliography: F. Binder, Charitae Pirkheimer, Freiburg,
1873.

PIRKHEIMER, WILIBALD: German humanist;
b. at Eichstatt (42 m. w.s.w. of Regensburg) Dec.
5, 1470; d. at Nuremberg Dec. 22, 1530. He re-
ceived his elementary education from his father
and then studied at the universities of Pa via and
Padua the classics, music, and jurisprudence for
seven years. He was city councilor at Nuremberg,
1496-1523; was entrusted with diplomatic charges
by his city; and served in the war with the Swiss
as imperial counselor to Maximilian I. and Charles
V., as a result of which he wrote Historia belli
Suitensis sive Hdvetici (in Pirckheimeri opera poli-
tico, pp. 63-92, Frankfort, 1610), which secured
him the appellation of the German Xenophon.
But Pirkheimer was famous for his versatile scholar-
ship; he was identified with the revival in Germany
of the humanities from Italy and shared the leader-
ship with Erasmus and Reuchlin. He translated
into Latin wholly or in part the works of Euclid,
Xenophon, Plato, Ptolemy, Theophrastus, Plutarch,
Lucian of Samosata, Gregory of Nazianzus, and
John of Damascus, and possessed a large library
gathered in the cities of Italy and freely thrown
open to friends of learning.

Though in conflict with crystallized scholasticism,
he was not inimical to the Church. However, he
was a part of the movement which prepared the
way for the coming division. At the beginning of
the Reformation he took his position with Luther;
called himself " a good Lutheran " in 1522; and
for his Eckiit8 dedolatus (ed. S. Szamatolski, 1891)
and for a defensive polemic for Luther he drew upon
himself a bull at the instigation of Johann Eck
(q.v.) in 1521, but was absolved the same year.
After 1524 he gradually fell away from Protestant-
ism and turned more and more toward the Roman
Catholic Church, mainly through his relation with
the monastery of the Poor Clares (see Clare,
Saint, and the Poor Clares) at Nuremberg the
abbess of which (1503-32) was his famous sister
Charitas (q.v.). When the innovators in that city,
Hieronymus Ebner, Caspar Niitzel, and Lazarus
Spengler, went so far in 1524 as to induce a volun-
tary abandonment of the monastery by the nuns,
Pirkheimer's tender relation with his sister impelled
him to advance to the defense. He appealed to Mel-
anchthon through whose influence the abolition was
stayed. His last work was in defense of the monas-
tery, the Oraioria Apologetica (1529; ed. G. J.
Gretser, Opera omnia, xvii., Regensburg, 1734-41).

(F. LiSTf.)

Bibliography: An inoomplete edition of the Opera, ed.
M. Goldast, was issued Frankfort. 1610, with the basal
life by K. Rittenhausen. Pirkheimer's " Autobiog-
raphy " is given by K. Rack in his Wilibald Pirekheuner'*
Sehweizerkrieg, Munich. 1895. There are biographies by
F. Roth. Halle. 1887; in ADB, zxxv. 118-122; and m
E. Munch. Wilibald Pirkheimere Sehweizerkrieg und Bhren-
handd mil seinen Feinden zu Nurnberg, Basel, 1826. Con-
sult further: R. Hagen. Wilibald Pirkheimer in eeinem
VerhaUnie sum Humanitmut und zur Reformation, Nurem-
berg. 1882; O. Markwart, Wilibald Pirkheimer alt Of
achichUchreiber, Zurich. 1886; P. Drews. Wilibald Pirk-
heimere SteUung zur Reformation, Leipaie. 1887; P. Kalk-
off, Pirkheimere und Spenglere Lbeung vom Bonne Ml,
Breslau, 1896; H. Westermeyer. Zur BannangetegenheU
Pirkheimere und Spenglere, in Beitrage zur bayerieehen
Kirehengeechiehte, ii. 1-8. Erlangen, 1896.

PIRMDI (PERMK, PRIMHf), SAINT: Abbot
and missionary in southern Germany; d. at the
monastery of Hornbach (75 m. n.n.w. of Strasburg)
Nov. 3, probably in 753. According to Rabanus
Maurus (q.v.) he was a foreigner, and being a Bene-
dictine, it is concluded that he was an Anglo-Saxon.
He was first known as rural bishop of Meaux, where
he preached in Latin and Frankish, during the reign
of Theodoric IV. (720-737) and was called thence
as missionary to the people about Lake Constance.
There he first established the monastery of Reich-
enau on an island in the western arm of Lake Con-
stance. When the Alemanni under Theobald rose
against Charles Martel, Pirmin was compelled to
leave his see, and repaired to Alsace, where, under
Count Eberhard, he completed the monastery of
Murbach in the Vosges. He is also said to have
founded the religious houses of Altaich in Bavaria
and Pfaefers in Switzerland, of Schuttern and Gen-
genbach in Offenburg, Schwartzach near Lichtenau
in Baden, Maurmunster and Neuweiler in Alsace,
and finally the abbey of Hornbach near Zwei-
brucken.

There still exists a document of Pirmin entitled
Dicta abbatis Pirminii, de singulis libris canonicis
scarapsus; first published by J. Mabillon in Vetera
analecta, iv (Paris, 1723); ed. by A. Gallandi in
Bibliotheca veterum patrum, xiii., pp. 277-285
(Venice, 1779); MPL, lxxxix. 1030 sqq. Scarap-
sus is evidently a corruption for excerptus. These
sayings written in barbarous Latin are directed to
baptized Christians, offering instruction in faith
and morals and supported by abundant Scripture
citation. Man was created to fill the vacancy made
by fallen angels. Satan is vanquished by the hu-
mility of the Son of God and sin by the cross. The
vocation of the Christian is to follow Christ and
shun evil. Of elementary sins there are eight: lust,
gluttony, fornication, wrath, despair, recklessness,
vainglory, and pride. He warns against the fleshly
sins: divorce, which should not be permitted ex-
cepting with the consent of both parties and for the
love of Christ; fornication, covetousness, untruth-
fulness, and sorcery. Actual sins are to be atoned
for by almsgiving. (A. Hauck.)

Bibliography: Early Vita and other documents, with com-
ment, are in ASB, Nov.. ii.. 1, pp. 2-54, and, ed. Holder-
Egger, in MOH, Script., xv (1887-38), 21-35. Consult:
M. Gdrringer, Pirminius, Zweibrucken, 1841; P. Heber,
Die vorkarolingischen chrisUichen Glavbenahelden am Rhein,
pp. 212-248. Frankfort. 1858; J. H. A. Ebrard, Die iro-
eehottieche Mizsiontkirche, pp. 344 sqq., 453 sqq., Gutenv
loh, 1873; J. Weicherding, Der St. Pirminzberg . . . umd

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pirkheimer
Pis?ah

der heilioe Pirmin, Luxemburg, 1875; C. P. Caspari,
Kirckenhistorische Anecdote, i. 149 sqq., Christiania, 1883;
E. Egli, KirchengeschichU der Schweix, pp. 72-82. Zurich,
1803; Friedrich, KD, ii. 580 sqq., Rettberg. KD, ii. 50-
84; Hauck, KD, i. 346; DCB, iv. 405.

PERSTMGER, BERTHOLD. See Puerstinqer.

PISA, COUNCILS OF: The council of Pisa in
1409, standing as a moment in the tendency to es-
tablish an episcopal oligarchy in place of a papal
monarchy, was occasioned by the great schism in
the western Church and the need of reforms. There
had been since 1378 two popes in western Christen-
dom and it was imperative to put an end to the
confusion incident to a double system of bishops,
priests, and sacraments. The two popes themselves,
Gregory XII. of Rome and Benedict XIII. of Avig-
non, were opposed to arbitrating their claims. A
majority of the cardinals of both parties resolved to
ignore their obstinate chiefs and came together at
Iivorno in 1408 and invited the representatives of
the Church to a general council at Pisa on Mar. 25,
1409. A large number of church dignitaries besides
representatives of the sacred orders, universities,
and secular kings and princes obeyed the summons
of the cardinals. The claims of both papal pre-
tenders were considered, and after ten days the car-
dinals entered into a conclave at the archiepiscopal
palace at Pisa, and, on June 26, chose unanimously
the Cardinal Peter Philargi, archbishop of Milan, as
pope. He was a native Greek of the island of Crete,
and reputed to be of a conciliatory disposition. He
assumed the name of Alexander V. The cardinals
had not taken pains to find out whether the several
Christian states would accept their election as valid.
The consequence was that instead of a two-headed
papacy they had created a three-headed one, a re-
sult foreseen by such men as Pierre d'Ailly (q.v.).
Rupert of Germany, Ladislaus of Naples, and cer-
tain other minor princes stood by Gregory XII.;
Spain and Portugal supported Benedict XIII. The
cause of union was thus unsuccessful. The cause
of reformation, on the other hand, fared no better,
for it proved that the great assembly was unpre-
pared to deal with so great a problem. The refor-
mation of the Church, both head and members, was
postponed to the next council, to which both Pope
Alexander V. and Council agreed. The materials of
reformation were to be first discussed at provincial,
diocesan, or chapter synods; but later developments
proved that no one had in mind a reform of the
hierarchical structure. The only consequence was
the testimony to the world that there was a Church
universal strong enough to withstand the strain of
even a thirty-years schism. (P. Tschackert.)

The second Council of Pisa was called by nine
cardinals under the Spanish Cardinal Carvajal,
three of whom, however, had not formally given
assent, to convene Sept. 1, 1511. The council was
a political step aimed at Pope Julius II., who was
involved in conflict with Ferrara and France. It
was of an abortive nature, attended by only a small
contingent, and soon adjourned to Milan on ac-
count of popular opposition, where it declared
Julius II. suspended, Apr. 21, 1512. Soon after, it
dispersed to France from fear of the Swiss invasion,
and died of inanition at Lyons toward the end of

the year. Pope Julius II. retaliated by depriving
the four leading schismatic cardinals of their dig-
nities and calling a Lateran Council which met May
3, 1512, and excommunicated the members of the
second Pisan Council. The whole matter was a
futile attempt to galvanize into activity the con-
ciliar movement of the previous century (ut sup.)
and to employ it for political purposes.

Bibliography: The sources most accessible are Hefele, Con-
ciliengeschichte, vi. 992 sqq.; Mansi, Concilia, xxvi. 1136
sqq., 1184 sqq., xvii. 1-10, 115 sqq., 358 sqq.; E. Mar-
tene and U. Durand, Thesaurus norma anecdotorum, ii.
1436 sqq., Paris, 1717; P. Tschackert, Peter von Ailly,
appendix, 31-41, Gotha, 1877; and Reichstagsakten, vol.
vi., ed. J. Weizs&cker, Gotha, 1888. Consult J. Lenfant,
Hist, du concile de Pise et de ce qui est passe de plus mem-
orable depuis ce concile jusqu'au concile de Constance, 2
vols., Amsterdam, 1724; Pastor, Popes, i. 175-207;
Creighton, Papacy, i. 223 sqq., iv. 269, v. 160-161; J. B.
Schwab, Johann Gerson, Wurzburg, 1858; C. Hdfler,
Ruprecht von der Pfalt, Freiburg, 1861; Lehman, Die
Pisaner Condi von 1 611, Breslau. 1874; Q. Erler, Dietrich
von Nieheim, Leipsic, 1887; F. Stuhr, Die Organisation
und Geschaftsordnung des Pisaner . . . KonzUs, Schwerin,
1891; H. Roesbach, Das Leben und die . . . Wirksam-
keit des Bemaldino Lopez de Carvajal, vol. i., Breslau, 1892;
J. Haller, Papsttum und Kirchenreform, vol. i., Berlin,
1903; KL, x. 23 sqq.; Milman, Latin Christianity, vii.
312-320; and the literature under Gregory XII.; Bene-
dict XIII. (1).

PISCATOR, pis-ke'tor (FISCHER), JOHANNES:
German theologian; b. at Strasburg Mar. 27, 1546;
d. at Herborn (32 m. n.e. of Nassau) July 26, 1625.
He was educated at Tubingen; became professor of
theology at Strasburg in 1573; and of philosophy at
Heidelberg in 1574 as a follower of Peter Ramus;
was made scholastic rector at Siegen in 1577; pro-
fessor of theology at Neustadt-on-the-Haardt in
1578; rector at Moers in 1581; and was instructor
at the high school at Herborn, in 1584-1625. Tire-
less in industry, Piscator prepared Latin commen-
taries collectively of the New Testament (Herborn,
1595-1609) and the Old Testament (1612, 1618),
and a German translation of the Bible (1605-19).
He followed with Anhang des herbonischen biblischen
Wercks (1610), noted for its wealth of archeological,
historical, and theological material. He left a mul-
titude of text-books in philosophy, philology, and
theology, of which Aphorismi doctrines Christiana
(1596) was much used. His significance for theol-
ogy was his opposition to the doctrine of the active
obedience of Christ. " Whoever denies that Christ
was subject to the law, denies that he was man."
If the imputation of the active obedience were suf-
ficient man would be free from obedience as well as
from the curse. [From being an advocate of supra-
lapsarianism in the most extreme form, as in his
controversy with Conrad Vorstius (cf. extracts in
A. H. Newman, Manual of Church History, ii. 338-
339, 3 vols., Philadelphia, 1900-03), Piscator be-
came a pronounced Arminian. a. h. n.]

(E. F. Karl MUller.)

Bibliography: Steubing, in ZHT, 1841, part 4, pp. 98 sqq.;
F. C. Baur, Die christliche Lehre von der Verstihnung, pp.
352 sqq., Tubingen, 1838; W. Gass, Oeschichte der protes-
tantischen Dogmatik, i. 422 sqq., 4 vols., Berlin, 1854-67;
A. Ritschl, Die christliche Lehre von der Rechtfertigung und
Versdhnung, i. 271 sqq., Bonn, 1889, Eng. transl.. Critical
Hist, of the Christian Doctrine of Justification and Recon-
ciliation, Edinburgh, 1872.

PISGAH. See Moab.

Piaidia
Pitser

THE NEW 8CHAFF-HERZ0Q

PISIDIA. See Asia Minor, VII.

PISTIS SOPHIA. See Ophites.

PISTOJA, SYNOD OF. See Ricci, Scipione de',
Johannes.

PISTORIUS, JOHANNES BECKER: The name
of two persons, father and son, who were influential,
though widely divergent, figures in the religious
controversies of the sixteenth century.

1. Johannes Pistorius the Elder: First Protes-
tant pastor at Nidda, Hesse; b. in the latter part
of the fifteenth century; d. 1583. In company with
Butzer, he appears to have attended the Diet of
Augsburg in 1530, and in 1541 he became superin-
tendent of the diocese of Alsfeld. Landgrave Philip
accorded him the utmost confidence. In 1540 he
was one of the Hessian delegates to the convention
at Hagenau, and soon afterward he

Contro- was delegated to attend the colloquy
versies with at Worms, in 1540-41. He accom-

Roman panied the landgrave to the Diet of
Catholics. Regensburg, where the emperor ap-
pointed him to speak on the Protestant
side, along with Melanchthon and Butzer. He stood
loyal to Melanchthon, who esteemed him highly.
In 1543, at the request of Butzer, the landgrave
sent him to Cologne, to support attempts of the
elector to introduce the Reformation there. He
preached to large throngs, and to Melanchthon's
complete satisfaction. In 1545-46, again as a col-
league of Butzer, he took part in the religious con-
ference at Regensburg. When it was purposed to
introduce the Interim (q.v.) in Hesse, he headed a
brave, though moderate, resistance, even being
ready to resign his office. After the reaction brought
about by the Elector Maurice, the landgrave, in
1557, despatched Pistorius to the princely diet at
Frankfort; and not long afterward he was one of
the speakers at the great religious conference in
Worms (q.v.).

From this time on, Pistorius was busied more by

the controversies raging among the Protestants than

by the struggle against the Roman Catholic Church.

He then deeply influenced the Hessian position, and

his constant aim was either to preserve

Activity or to restore peace. Together with his

in Inter- colleagues at the Synod of Ziegenhain,
Protestant in 1558, he gladly accepted the Frank-
Controversy, fort Recess (q.v.). Owing to illness,
he was unable to accompany the land-
grave to the princes' conference at Naumburg in
1561, although he declared, in a formal expression
of opinion, that the revised Augsburg Confession
contained no doctrinal deviation from the original.
It was most probably Pistorius who composed the
important Hessian opinion, dated Oct. 19, 1566,
regarding the " final answer " of the Wurttemberg
theologians to the Heidelberg divines (Tubingen,
1566). This document takes a very decided stand
against the Heidelberg party with their Calvinistic
teaching regarding the Lord's Supper, and it recog-
nizes the doctrine of Ubiquity (q.v.). At the mo-
mentous eighth general synod of 1576, when the
Torgau Book (see Formula, op Concord) was under
advisement, Pistorius approved its basal creed, its
various doctrinal statements and antitheses, its

teaching concerning the Lord's Supper, and, pend-
ing deeper investigation, its Christology. At the
same time, he shared the scruples urged by the ma-
jority against emphasizing the Invariata, the " dam-
nation " of the Calvinists, and the subtlety of the
doctrine of ubiquity; and he was, therefore, the
first to sign the treatise explanatory of these points.
At the general assembly in Treysa (Nov., 1577),
Pistorius and the majority voted to reject the Book
of Bergen (see Formula of Concord). It is thus
evident that Pistorius undervalued the significance
and range of the dogmatic questions of the period.
He intensely disliked doctrinal polemics, and always
treated dogmatic questions from a practical point
of view. Administratively he evinced a very influ-
ential activity in organisation and polity, as well
as in public worship, discipline and education, dur-
ing his entire term of office. At his death he left
an unfinished work on the diets and colloquies that
he had attended from 1540 to 1557.

2. Johannes Pistorius the Younger: Roman
Catholic convert and apologist; b. at Nidda (19 m.
s.e. of Giessen), Hesse, Feb. 4, 1546; d. at Frei-
burg Sept., 1608. He studied first theology and
then medicine, and in 1568 published at Frank-
fort the peculiar cabalistic treatise:
Early Life De vera curandce pestis ratUme, which
and Con- he followed by his Artis cabalia-
version of licce acriptores (Basel, 1587). During
Margrave the life-time of Charles II. (d. 1577),
Jacob, sole regent of the margravate of
Baden-Durlach, Pistorius became court
physician, though he was continually taking part in
theological affairs. Meanwhile he had gone over from
Lutheranism to Calvinism; and shortly afterward,
in 1588, became a convert to the Roman Catholic
Church. He now wrote a number of open letters
which opened a controversy on the nature of the
Church, an issue that he henceforth deemed the
most important point under discussion. At the
same time he made earnest, though unsuccessful,
efforts to convert Margrave Ernest Frederick. With
the Margrave Jacob, at Hochberg Castle, he had
better fortune. This chivalrous, learned, and trav-
eled prince had frequently received foreign Protes-
tants, although in 1585-86, when in the Spanish
military service, he had fought against the adher-
ents of the new teachings in the archdiocese of
Cologne. He was very accessible, moreover, to
Roman Catholic court influences, and now became
a convert to the ancient Church. To justify this
step he arranged a religious conference at Baden,
the residence of his cousin, Margrave Eduard For-
tunatus, who had himself become a Roman Catholic
in 1584. Margrave Jacob appeared with his coun-
cilor, Pistorius, his chaplain, Johann Zehender, the
Jesuit Theodor Busoeus, and others. Duke Christo-
pher of Wurttemberg, who had been invited, did
not attend in person, but sent certain councilors
and theologians, Jakob Andrea, Jakob Heerbrand,
and Gerlach. The debate (Nov. 18-19) occupied
four sessions, though it did not turn on ubiquity, as
the margrave had purposed, but on the visible and
invisible Church, as Pistorius had arranged. The
conference proved fruitless, however, and was soon
broken off. Andrea and Pistorius parted in enmity,

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

and their oral dispute was prolonged in writing.
Jtirpave Jacob, dissatisfied with the Baden con-
ference, and continually influenced by the duke of
Biwia, ordered a second religious colloquy, this
tin* at hk Emmendingen residence. The Roman
Cithclic debaters were the chaplain Zehentler and
the rector Oeorg Hanlin of Freiburg. The mar-
pare had wished for the debate to turn on the doc-
trineof justification; and at his command Pistorius
tad prepared 300 theses on that subject, but again
leded in making the theory of the Church the
topic of argument. After seven sessions (June 3-
7, 1500), tie margrave finally authorized the pro-
nouncement that " Luther's church was a new
ehtirch, and therefore a false church." Without
further delay, the margrave solemnly became a
member of the Roman Catholic Church in the
monastery of Thennenbach (July 15), Busceus
gl*utii!s him absolution. Great joy reigned in
Bome, and Pope Sixtus V. appointed a feast of
thank -giving. Before it could be held, however,
Margrave Jacob, after a brief illness, had died (Aug.
7, 1590). Immediately after his death, Ernest Fred-
erick appeared at Emmendingen and forbad n any
change in religious conditions, but when this prince
waa later about to force Calvinism upon his domain.
he, too, died a sudden death (1604). The entire
margravate now devolved on George Fn ■dcrii jk,
whom neither Pistorius nor Ernest Frederick had
been able to win from Lutheranism.

Pistorius outlived these events, but not in Baden,

He took orders, became vicar general to ih>- hishup

of Constance, and resided for the most part in

Freiburg, devoting himself zealously to writing

polemics. Soon after his removal from

Clerical Baden, he published Wahrha/le Be-

Career and schreibung, was sich bri tlwigrqf

Writings. Jakobs Ittiler Krankkeit und Ableben

verlauffen (150O) and Orationts dc vita

tt marie Jaccbi (1591).

Of great note among his many and widely pub-
lished controversial writings was his Analomia
LvtAeri (2 parts, Cologne, 1595-98), in which he
sought to prove from Luther's writings that the
Reformer was possessed of the seven evil spirits
(lust, blasphemy, etc.), and that he was an utter
abomination. The constructive counterpart to this
work wus his Wcgwtiser fur all vcrfuhrUn Christen,
da* iit, ein wahrhaftiger Bericht von vienehn dureh
die unrechiglaubigcn in Streil gezogenen Ar!ii;tln,
dam ua jeaermann der Tdmischen Kirrhe Wiilirlwit
erkennen kann (Miinster. InOil). Pistorius rendered
lasting service through his works on history and
gent-ahisry, particularly by his edition of the Betlp-
Urrft 'rr*,m tirrinanKan.m it v<Ar . F mnk f t,>rt . 1;«M-
1607) and by his Piiimic.ir historiir corpus (3 vols.,
Basel, 1583). His zeal was recognized by his
church, for he was appointed imperial and Bavarian
councilor, apostolic prothonotary, provost of the
cathedral at Breslau, and domestic prelate to the
abbot of Fulda. Carl Mirbt.

BauooiiFm: For 1. besides the literature under Cohta-

partiDeat. consult: H. Heppe. Kirckenaefhichte. derbeiden
Beam. vol. i . Marburg. 18T6; idem. Grschichle drr her-
mstken GauraUvnoden 166S-8t, 2 vols., Camel, 1847;
PkHippt del CrwmufAiflm AciiiarAr Kirehenreformationi-

Ordnung. ed. K. A. Credner. pp. ccmvi. "iq.. QlMBMi
1S52: P. W. HuHorsmp, Hatiache KirehatgrtehiiJUe. 2
vola., Frankfort, 1884; P. Vetter. Die Rdieionmerhand-
Ittnfffn avfdem fteiehtfag tv lieeenebura, pp. 71 sqq., Jena,
1889; F. Hemniuin, Dos Interim in Hesscn, Marburg,

For 2: K. F. Vierordt, GetchieMe drr tvongtluehai
Kirehe in drm Grwtheniatutn Baden, ii. 21 aqq.. Carls-
ruhe. 1856; A. Rasa, Die Kanverttim frit drr Reformation,
ii. 488 aqq , iii. S3 sqq., Freiburg. 1S80; J. Jaameo. Qe-
tchichte del drultclien Volktt. v. .'189 suq., 30.1 Hqq.. Frei-
burg, 1880. Eog. Initial,, ij. 144-145. it, passim. St. Look*
1908; F. von Weech. Baditche Gestliichte, pp. 27U sqq..,
Carls rube. 1800.

PITHOM: A treasure city built for Rumeses II.
by the Israelites (Ex. t, 11), It has been identified
by Hrnir^ch with Succolh, ihe first, encampment on
the route of the exodus, the starting-point being
Rameses (Ex. xti. 37, xtii. 30), and by Naville with
the present Tell al-Maskbuta in the Wady ai-Tutn-
ildt on the line of the Sweet-Water ('and, between
Ismullia and Tell al-Kebir. See Eqypt, I., i, 5

PITRA, pi"tra. JEAN BAPT1STE: Cardinal; b.
tit Charapforgeuil, near Autun (230 m. s.e. of Paris)
Aug. 12, 1812; d. at Rome Feb. 9, 1889. He stud-
ied at the seminary at Autun, became priest in
1836, entered the order of St.. Benedict in 1840, and
lived in the abbey of Solesmes. In 1843 he was sent
as prior to a new monastery at Paris, whence he
made journeys throughout Franee, Switzerland.
Holland, Belgium, und Knglaud, in the interest of
hia order. He devoted himself to historical re-
search and at Paris ho helped to project the Pa-
trnlifjiii ip|" tin- Abbe \1 i.L'ne, a j el a~-i"ied in the pub-
lication uf the first four volumes. In 1858 Pope
Pius IX. senl him to Russia in the hope of effecting
a union with the <ircek Church, and lie took occa-
sion to prosecute his researches in archives, monas-
teries, and libraries. ' In 1861 he entered the service
of the Propaganda; two years later he was made
a cardinal priest; in ISli!' he became librarian of
the Vatican; in 1S7!I, cardinal bislmp of Fraseati;
and in 1884 he retired to the bishopric of Porto.
He was an earnest advocate of the papal suprem-
acy. He was the author of Etudes trur la collection
ties ades dot saints par (<■« /W/,/n./iJ« (Paris, 1850);
mid Histoire .(<■ Saint Leger (1846). His greatest
work is f>i.tit;Ut'!!>.u>ii .Snli-xnu'iisv. (4 vols., 1S53-5-S),
followed by Analeda sacra Bjrieiitgio Solrsmensi
parala (8 vols., 1876-91), and Analeda novissima
(2 vols., 188.>-«S); the whole munumental work is of
immense value as it is a treasure-house of hitherto
imprinted documents relating to ecclesiastical his-
tory. To be added are the Juris eccUsiastici Gra^
conim historia el monumenta (Rome, lKfU~tiS), and
Trillion katnnactiam (1879); both the fruit of four
years of travel and special study after 1858, when
the pope directed him to devote his attention to the
ancient and modern canons of the eastern churches;
and Hymnographie de. I'fglise grecque (1867).
Bibliogbafht: Biographies arc by A. Batbuidicr. Para.
1893; and F. Cabrel, ib. 1893.

PITZER, ALEXANDER WHITE: Presbyterian;
b. at Salem, Roanoke County, Va., Sept. 14, 1834;

studied at Virginia Collegiate Institute (now Roan-
oke College, 1S4S-51); graduated at Harapden-
Hidncy College, Va, (1854); studied at Union Tbco-

Pius in

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

logical Seminary, Va. (1854-55), and at Danville
Theological Seminary, Ky. (1855-57); was pastor
at Leavenworth, Kan. (1857-61); Sparta, Ga.
(1862-65); Liberty, Va. (1866-67); organized Cen-
tral Presbyterian Church, Washington, D. C, in
1868, and has since been its pastor. He was also
professor of Biblical history and literature in
Howard University in the same city (1876-90).
He is the author of Ecce Deus Homo, published
anonymously (Philadelphia, 1867); Christ, Teacher
of Men (1877); The New Life not the Higher Life
(1878); Confidence in Christ (1889); Manifold Minis-
try of the Holy Spirit (1894); and Predestination
(1899).

PIUS, poi'us: The name of ten popes.

Pius I. : Bishop of Rome 140-155. According to
the Muratorian Canon (q.v.) he was a brother of the
Hernias who was the author of " The Shepherd."
Tertullian (" Against Marcion," i. 19) declares
that Marcion in the time of this pope went to
Rome for the purpose of establishing his sect
there. According to Irenseus, Valentinus and the
Syrian Cerdon were active there at the same time.
Thus the pontificate of Pius I. was a stormy one.
What part Pius took in these conflicts and contro-
versies is not known, but one of the ablest of his
champions and allies was Justin Martyr (q.v.).
Pius I. was canonized and his festival is July 11.

(H. BOhmer.)

Bibliography: Sources are Iremeus, Hctr., III., iii. 3, Eng.
transl., ANF, i. 416; Eusebiua, Hiat. eccl., IV., xi., Eng.
trans 1., NPNF, 2ser., i. 182 sqq.; Liber pontificalia, ed.
Duchesne, i. 4-5, Paris, 1886, ed. Mommsen, in MGH, Geat.
port. Rom., i (1898), 14. Consult, Jaflte, Regeata, i. 7-8; Har-
nack, LiUeratur, i. 789, ii. 1, pp. 70 sqq. (where literature
on the lists of Roman bishops is fully given); J. Langen,
Geachichle der rdmiachen Kirche, i., iii. sqq., Bonn, 1881;
Bower, Popca, i. 12-13; Platina, Popea, i. 27-29.

Pius n. (iEneas Silvius, Enea Silvio de' Piccolo-
mini) : Pope 1458-64. He was born in Corsignano,
the present Pienza (100 m. n.n.w. of Rome), Oct.
18, 1405. He studied at the University of Siena,

came under the spell of the penitential
Early Life, appeal of Bernardino of Siena (1425),

and was with difficulty restrained from
joining the Franciscan order. At Florence he began
the study of law, in deference to his father's wishes,
but against his own inclination; he was fortunate,
however, in finding a position as secretary #in the
employment of the bishop of Fermo. The latter
took him to the Council of Basel (q.v.), already
under the shadow of suspension at the hand of
Eugenius IV. (1431). Like his master, whom Picco-
lomini before long exchanged for one offering higher
pay, he joined the opposition; though leaving Basel
and making a journey in the political service of Car-
dinal Albergati, first to the Netherlands, then to Scot-
land, and not returning to Basel until 1436. Though
still a layman, Piccolomini soon managed to gain
a certain esteem in connection with the council.
His cleverness and rhetorical talent procured him
the post of abbreviator, and caused him to be com-
missioned on various embassies. But when it was
proposed to nominate him as conclavist in behalf
of electing a successor to Eugenius IV., whom the
council had pronounced to be deposed, he declined

this honor, as he wished to avoid consecration in
order that he might still indulge in pleasures not
permitted to the clergy. In the year 1438 or 1439,
Piccolomini began his CommentorU on the Council
of Basel; in 1440, he wrote the Libellus diologonm
de auctoritote consilii generalis. Wide prospects
were disclosed to him when, in 1442, he attended
the imperial diet at Frankfort as envoy. It was
there that the bishops of Chiemsee and Treves rec-
ommended him to King Frederick III., who crowned
him with the laurel, poet of scandalous verses though
he was; and then took him into his own service as
secretary. An index to his mood and frame of
mind at that time is found in a letter addressed to
his father from Vienna, Sept. 22, 1443. He asks
him to receive in his home one of his own (Piccolo-
mini's) illegitimate sons; and adds by way of ex-
cuse, that he, " of course, was no capon, nor did he
belong to your cold natures/' casting at his father
the shameless comparison: " You know what sort
of a chanticleer you were yourself." If, therefore,
a " conversion " of Piccolomini is supposed to have
occurred in the following year still this hindered
him not from publishing so lascivious a tale as
" Euryalus and Lucretia "; and the play Chrysisf of
which one critic observes that it " shows brilliant
wit and intimate familiarity with the indecencies
and obscenities of the Roman poets, and is worthy
to be produced in a brothel." And if he writes
under date of Mar. 6, 1446: " I am a subdeacon;
something I once thoroughly abhorred to be. Lev-
ity has left me/' the latter acknowledgment need
not be taken for very serious repentance. The
mainspring rather appears in what he writes two
days later: " I own to you, dearest brother, I am
satiated, surfeited; I have grown disgusted with
Venus . . . Venus even shuns me more than I
abominate her." This is not the note of a peni-
tential mood.

Simultaneously with his " conversion," as secre-
tary of Frederick III. he changed the direction of
his ecclesiastical statecraft. While Felix V. and the
Council of Basel still regarded him as the advocate
of their interests, he posed even in Vienna as one of

the " neutrals," and as such openly
Diplomacy, appeared at the Nuremberg diet of

1444. The resolution passed by this
diet, that the status of " neutrality " should last
till 1445, but that Pope Eugenius IV. should then
be requested to convoke a new council, was conveyed
to Rome by Piccolomini in person; and if, indeed,
he did not there contrive to gain approval for his
errand, he still gained the entire favor and pardon
of Eugenius IV. as far as his own course was con-
cerned. Thus the political variation was effectually
reversed; while in order to set aside the animosity
still prevalent in Germany he supported the king
with all his diplomatic art. Nor was reward from
Rome lacking. After Eugenius IV. had appointed
him papal secretary, there followed, upon his re-
turning to Vienna subsequently to the papal elec-
tion of 1447, his nomination as bishop of Trieste,
and, in 1450, as bishop of Siena. At this time Pic-
colomini conceived a new " mission " for himself,
designed to carry him still higher and to obliterate
all disagreeable souvenirs of his Basel period. He

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pius i-n

endeavored to unite all Europe against the Turks,
who already held in their control the citadel of
daaacal Greek culture. So upon his urgent appeal,
t Nicholas V., on Sept. 30, 1453, issued the crusading
boll, and Piccolomini, at the diets of Regensburg and
Frankfort in 1454, delivered lofty orations against
the hereditary foe of Christendom. The circum-
stance that, following the new papal election of
1455, Piccolomini transcended his commissioned
authority, and in the name of the emperor acknowl-
edged the obediency of Calixtus III., although the
promises of the deceased pope had not so much as
been rehearsed, let alone approved, finally brought
him the greatly desired red hat, in Dec., 1456,
though his thanks for its bestowal were cold.
Thenceforth he remained at Rome in close alliance
with Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, later Alexander VI.
He it was, at the conclave after the death of Calix-
tus III., in 1458, who carried through the election
of Piccolomini.

Rome joyfully acclaimed the election of the
worldly-fashioned humanist. Nevertheless, his elec-
tion proved a disappointment to the mendicant
literati, who beset him with all sorts of petitions.
To his teacher alone, the aged Filelfo in Florence,
was he accessible, and to him he granted a pension,
though this was irregularly paid, and
His Work thus eventually gave occasion to in-
ss Pope, vectives against the donor. However,
Pius II. expended considerable sums
in the acquisition of manuscripts and for the copy-
ing of valuable codices, besides employing artists
of every kind, particularly architects, at Rome,
Siena, and Corsignano. The first project which the
new pope desired ,to carry out, was that of a cru-
sade to recover Constantinople. An assembly of
Christian princes, convened at Mantua, was opened
by Pius II. himself; but the proposition to impose
a general tithe for the purpose was withstood on the
part of Venice and France, and also met with
obstruction in the case of the Austrian Duke Sigis-
mund's delegate, Gregory of Heimburg (q.v.). It
was in course of the strife with him (for he appealed
from the pope to a general council) that the noto-
rius bull ExeerabUis appeared, Jan. 18, 1460, which
even thus early applied the ban against an appeal
of that kind. This reveals the extreme of contrasts
expressed in the man who formerly at Basel had
championed the superiority of the councils over the
popes. The action that emanated from Mantua,
and even evoked a bull declaring war and issuing
summons for a crusade (Jan. 14, 1460), had no
practical result, because meanwhile, at Naples, the
conflict which broke out between the Spanish and
the French pretenders for the sovereignty rendered
all procedure against the Turks impossible. The
pope then turned his attention to other objects.
He endowed with affluence his nephews and other
favorites at Siena; he sought to annul the prag-
matic sanction of Bourges (1438); in Germany, the
opposition of the archbishop of Mainz, Dieter of
Isenburg, necessitated measures of the utmost
stringency, including that prelate's deposition (1461)
followed next by the ban, which was not revoked
until 1464. It was in Bohemia, however, that the
strife became hottest. In 1458, King Podiebrad

had been forced to promise, in conjunction with his
oath of obedience to Calixtus III., that he would
" lead back the Bohemian people from all errors
and heresies to the true Catholic faith and into obe-
dience toward the Roman Church/' which prom-
ise Podiebrad was unable to meet because the Utra-
quists (see Huss, John), under Rokyczana, were
too strong. On the contrary, at the national diet
of May 15, 1461, he was compelled to guarantee
them the perpetuation of the articles compacted
at Prague. Accordingly, Pius II. stepped in with
absolute power, and annulled the concession by the
Council of Basel in favor of the Bohemians, although
he himself had advised its adoption. Podiebrad,
who personally was a Utraquist, now sided openly
with that party. His subsequent citation to Rome,
under date of June 15, 1464, on charge of heresy
was rendered inoperative by the pope's death.

A matter of less moment was involved in a con-
flict with Duke Sigismund of Tyrol, mentioned
above as Duke Sigismund of Austria. For years the
latter had stood at odds with the bishop of Brixen,
the famous cardinaTof Cues (Cusanus),

Conflicts who claimed the suzerainty over Tyrol,
and Cusanus had been commissioned dur-

Failures. ing the convention at Mantua as gov-
ernor of Rome, for he was an old friend
of Pius II. But when he returned to Tyrol, Sigis-
mund waylaid him and took him prisoner. Ban and
interdict were the sequel (1460). On promising to
procure at Rome the repeal of the church penal-
ties, Cusanus recovered his freedom; but as never-
theless he failed to effect the desired repeal, he did
not return to Tyrol. Neither did he survive the
conclusion of subsequent negotiations between
Pius II. and the duke (1461). With all these con-
flicts and cares, the pope was not permitted to com-
pass his favorite plan. Even his marvelous attempt
miscarried whereby the Sultan Muhamed II. was
to be converted by epistolary persuasion. Above
all, there was dearth of money. Within the papal
domain, and but eight miles from Rome, the rich
and sumptuous camp of the Alouni was discovered;
whereupon Pius II. once again convened envoys of
various powers, and in 1463 promulgated a new
bull in behalf of a crusade. But except at Venice,
which had a twofold interest in the enterprise, and
Hungary, which was immediately menaced, the
war against the Turks found no response. Then
the pope headed affairs in person. In June, 1464,
he journeyed to Ancona; and had the satisfaction,
on August 12, when already gravely ill, of outliv-
ing the arrival of the Venetian fleet. But three
days later he died, in his last words earnestly com-
mending to those about him the crusade and the
dependent members of his family. He seemed to
have realized what had been his strongest motive
in connection with this undertaking, to expiate, by
means of a " good death," an evil life. " We think,"
for so had he said in the discourse wherewith he
proclaimed the beginning of the crusade, " it might
go well with us if God should please to have us end
our days in his service."

The tremendous chasm which seams his life Pius
II. himself attempted to cover under a still greater
equivocation. All that he formerly assailed at

Pius n-vi

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Basel, and what he wrote to the praise of the coun-
cil, he retracted by appeal to Augustine in the
bull In minoribus of Apr. 26, 1463.
Character. Even previously, in the Epistola retrac-
tationis (cf. F. H. Reusch, Der Index
der verbotenen Bucher, i. 40, Bonn, 1883), he had
expressed himself in similar terms. And as touch-
ing his Commentarii on the Council of Basel, which
during the sixteenth century found their way to the
Index, he offset the same, in the years 1448-51,
with a work advocating the papal point of view.
Again, with reference to his obscene writings, about
the period of 1440, the pope exclaims to his read-
ers: " Away with that iEneas, and now receive
Pius! " He brought his autobiography down to
1464; and it was issued in elaborated form by his
friend Campano. Sundry historical, geographical,
and ethnographical writings belong to the second
period of his development, among them the history
of Frederick III., wherein events of the years 1439^
1456 are set forth in piquant style, also, the " Bo-
hemian History," and the works " Europa " and
" Asia." The vindictiveness of the aggrieved hu-
manist Filelfo attributed to Pius crimes against
nature such as not even Piccolomini had committed.
His life in the papal office appears to have been un-
objectionable; although the charge of nepotism
was well founded. Withal he was eager to eradi-
cate heresy, even though he laid himself open to
a charge of heresy: " With reason was marriage
taken away from priests; but with weightier rea-
son it ought to be again allowed them.1' In the
case of Bishop Pecock of Chichester (q.v.), this prel-
ate had first denied the infallibility of the Church
in comparison with Holy Scripture, but had after-
ward renounced that " false doctrine." However,
when still again he opposed the Church's infallibil-
ity, the pope (1459) commanded his legate to see
to it that the apostate be burned, together with his
writings. And under date of May 11, 1463, he urged
the bloodthirsty and avaricious inquisitors to allow
no human consideration to prevail as against the
Waldenses. Thus even with him, no sooner was
the interest of the ecclesiastical authority at stake
than everything else that stamps his nature— clas-
sical culture, creature benevolence, liberality of a
richly endowed intellect — was thrust aside.

Upon the death of Pius II. at Ancona on August
15, his body was conveyed to Rome, and first be-
stowed in the (older) Church of St. Peter; subse-
quently (1614), sarcophagus and monument were
lodged in the Church of S. Andrea della Valle.

The pope's writings were printed in a collective
edition at Basel, 1551 and 1571. His LUerce ap-
peared in many separate editions
Writings. (Cologne, 1478; Nuremberg, 1481,
1486, 1496.) They were classified,
with many accessions, by G. Voigt in Archiv fur
Kunde dsterreichischer GeschichlsqueUen (1856);
some supplements appear in Pastor's Rdmische
Pdpste, vol. ii., appendix (Freiburg, 1894; Eng.
transl., vol. iii.); a new ed. was begun by R. Wol-
kan in the Forties rerum Austriacarum, of which two
volumes have appeared, Vienna, 1909-10. There
is a Frankfort edition (1614) of his Commentarii
rerum memorabttium, also, ed. G. Lesca, Pisa, 1894.

The Commentariorum . . . de conaHo flaat&ati
appeared at Cologne, 1521; his Epistola Retracta-
tionis is in C. Fea, Pitts II. a calumniis vindicate*
(Rome, 1823); the Historia Frideriei III. is in A.
F. Kollar, Analecta . . . Vindobonensia, vol. n.
(Vienna, 1762); his "Addresses" were issued by
Mansi (3 vols., Lucca, 1755-59); supplements by G.
Cugnoni, Opera inedita Pii II. (Rome, 1883).

K. Benhatb.

Bibliography: Creighton, Papacy, iii. 202-358; K. R.
Hagenbach, Erinnerungen an JEneas SUvius Piccolomimi,
Basel. 1840; C. H. Verdiere, Bssoi sur Mnea Silvio Pic-
colomini, Paris, 1843; J. M. Dttx, Der deutscke KardML
Nicolaus von Cusa, i. 160 sqq., ii. 119 sqq., 142 sqq.. Re-
gensburg, 1847; G. Voigt, Eneas SUvius . . . und smm
ZeUalter, 3 vols., Berlin, 1856-63; idem. Die Wiedetbe-
lebung de* klassiscken Altertkums, 2 vols., Berlin, 1880-81;
H. G. P. Gengler, Ueber Mneas Sylvius in seiner Bedevtung
fUr die deutscke Recktsgesckickte, Eriangen, 1860; F.
Palacky, Oesckickte von Bdkmen, iv. 2, pp. 80 sqq., Prague,
1860; A. Jager, Der Streit dee Nikolai* von Cusa mit dem
Herzog Sigmund von Oesterreick, i. 317 sqq., ii. 44 sqq.,
Innsbruck, 1861; C. A. H. Markgraf, Ueber das Ver-
kaUniss dee Kbnigs Oeorg von Bdhmen tu Papmt Pius //.,
Breslau, 1867; A. von Reumont, Oesckickte der Stadt Rem,
iii. 1, pp. 129 sqq., 387 sqq., Berlin, 1868; F. H. Reusch,
Index der verbotenen Backer, i. 36, 40, Bonn, 1883; A. Frind,
Die Kirckengesckickte Bokmens, iv. 46 sqq., Prague, 1878;
G. W. Kitchin, Life of Pius II., London, 1881; A. Beeg,
Pius II. in seiner Bedeutung als Oeograpk, Halle, 1901;
W. Boulting, Mneas Silvius (Enea Silvio de Piccolomini —
Pius II.), Orator, Man of Letters, Statesman and Pope,
London, 1909; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 2, passim;
Mirbt, QueUen, pp. 169-170; Ranke, Popes, i. 28-29. 306;
Pastor, Popes, vols, ii.— iii. passim; Bower, Popes, iii. 241-
244; Platina, Popes, ii. 257-275, Milman, Latin Christian-
ity, vii. 565, viii. 64-122.

Pius HL (Francesco Todeschini): Pope 1503.
He was a nephew of Pope Pius II. and was born
at Siena in 1439. His uncle had him educated at
Perugia, and influenced him to adopt the name and
arms of the Piccolomini. He also created him
archbishop of Siena in 1460, cardinal in 1462, and
governor of Rome in 1464. By the following popes
the " cardinal of Siena " was largely employed on
diplomatic missions. That he possessed courage
was evinced by his vigorous opposition, in 1497,
restraining Alexander VI. from erecting a duchy
out of portions of the States of the Church in be-
half of his son, the duke of Gandia. He is supposed
to have owed his election in Sept., 1503, not so
much to his unstained reputation as to his mani-
festly impaired health. In fact, he died on the tenth
day after his enthronement, Oct. 18, 1503. He had
permitted Csesar Borgia to return, and thus left the
city of Rome in grievous confusion under the strife
between him and the Orsini and Colonna.

K. Benrath.

Bibliography: Pastor, Popes, vi. 185-206; Creighton,
Papacy, v. 61-67, F. Petruccelli della Gattina, Hist, dip-
lomatique des conclaves, i. 435 sqq., Paris, 1864; F. Gre-
gorovius, Oesckickte der Stadt Rom, viii. 4 sqq., Stuttgart,
1874; A. von Reumont, Oesckickte der Stadt Rom, iii. 2,
pp. 7 sqq., Berlin, 1878; Piccolomini, in Arckwio storica
Italico, v. 32, 102-103, Florence, 1903; Bower, Popes, iii.
277-278.

Pius IV. (Giovanni Angelo Medici): Pope 1560-
1565. He was derived not from the Florentine Me-
dici but from a Milanese family, was elected pope
at the age of sixty years in Dec., 1559, and was
enthroned as Pius IV. on Epiphany, 1560.

Unlike his predecessor Paul IV. (q.v.), whose

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

piu» n-vi

' policy had been passionately hostile to Spain, he
f turned toward the Austro-Spanish house. By na-
ture he was the counterpart to that somber man
who had reorganized the inquisition at Rome, per-
ceiving therein the best instrument of his domina-
tion. . Pius IV. was affable, benevolent, and of
ample manners. Yet it was his lot, soon after his
ascension to the throne, to inflict the extreme penalty
of the law upon the two nephews of his predecessor.
One of them, the duke of Paliano, besides other
deeds of violence, had caused thirty vassals of the
hostile Colonna family to be imprisoned, and atro-
ciously made away with his wife's paramour, as well
as herself. The evidence against him inculpated in
like degree his brother, Cardinal Caraffa. When
the trial proceedings had lasted eight months, the
pope himself gave the decision, in a sealed order at
the final session, imposing the death sentence upon
both, which was carried out Mar. 6, 1561. Under
Pius V., however, the trial was reviewed, the stig-
ma upon the two brothers was removed, and the
promoter of the trial was himself condemned to
death.

Nepotism in the Curia was radically abolished
by Pius IV., who contrived to extract large sums
of money from the States of the Church and from
the ecclesiastical administration, and allotted con-
siderable amounts to his adherents, though he never
yielded to them special influence in State or Church.
His weightiest concern was the reopening of the
Council of Trent (q.v.), the result of which was no
less gratifying to the Curia than it was disappoint-
ing to Emperor Ferdinand. For even though the
emperor refused to acknowledge its decrees, and
though not until later, and subject to the guaran-
teed rights of his crown, were these decrees acknowl-
edged by King Philip II., while the French parlia-
ment assumed an expectant stand, yet during the
council and by virtue of it, Pius IV. removed all
dangers that threatened the papal absolutism with-
in the Church. When, in 1564, he solemnly pub-
lished the council's decrees and imposed upon the
bishops the Pro/essio fidei Trideniina (see Triden-
tinb Profession op Faith) as a matter of obliga-
tion, he could do so in the consciousness that the
papal theory had now conquered effectually. Hence
the contingency of apostasy without was indemni-
fied within the Church by a centralization of ecclesi-
astical economy such as laid all the lines of admin-
istration, jurisdiction, and doctrinal finality in the
sole hands of the pope.

Destiny placed Pius IV. between two popes who
stand as the most impassioned persecutors of here-
tics in that century, Paul IV. and Pius V. For he
is not the equal of these in furtherance of the in-
quisition and in persecution of heretics. Yet wThere
opportunity offered, he showed himself ready for
that object; and it was he who facilitated the con-
flict in the literary arena by devising the expedient
of the Index librorum prohtbitorum, so named by
him in 1564. K. Benrath.

Bibliography. Onuphriua Panvinius, De summis ponti-
ficQnt* continuatio, Bonona, 1599; Ranke, Popes, i. 241
•qq., iii. nos. 31-40; M. Brosch, Geschichte des Kirchen-
staalee, vol. i., Gotha, 1880; F. H. Re use h. Index der ver~
boten Backer, passim Bonn, 1885; Bower, Popes, hi. 319-
320; and the literature under Trent, Council of.

Pius V. (Michele Ghislieri): Pope 1566-72. He
was born at Boeco near Alessandria (48 m. e.s.e.
of Turin), and both as cardinal and as pope con-
ceived his main task to be the detection and anni-
hilation of heresy. He belonged to the Dominican
order, to which this activity was particularly com-
mitted. After some earlier inquisitorial service about
Milan, he was drawn to Rome by Caraffa in 1550 (see
Paul IV.), who conferred on him the cardinalate
and appointed him director of the Roman inquisi-
tion. He owed his election as pope (Jan. 8, 1566) to
Cardinal Borromeo and other exponents of the very
strictest trend in the sacred college. The Roman
populace felt due fear on hearing that " Fra Michele
dell' Inquisizione " had ascended the papal throne.
In fact, no pope applied so indefatigably every
agency for annihilating the heretics. Both in and
out of Italy, he was incessantly exhorting or threat-
ening governments to make them accommodating
to this end. And the consequence was favorable
to him, especially in the Italian peninsula. During
the six years of his pontificate, Protestantism in
Italy was deprived of its last vestige of strength;
its prominent advocates being either killed or driven
away (see Italy, Reformation in). In France,
Catherine de' Medici and Charles IX. were at his
command. He fortified the Spanish king in his
measures against the Netherlands, and sent to the
duke of Alva the consecrated hat and sword.

Yet according to Roman Catholic apprehension,
this foe of " heretics " was a very pious man, and
in Rome he insisted on the most stringent ecclesi-
astical discipline, imposing heavy penalties for des-
ecration of festival days. No physician was to
continue treating a patient critically ill, unless that
patient's certificate of confession be produced on
the third day for inspection. Whoever, among the
higher clergy, combined an ascetic life with strict-
ness toward the nether clergy, was regarded as the
right man, as in the case of Carlo Borromeo.

Toward the close of his labors he was destined
also to achieve a notable success in statecraft. Like
so many of his predecessors, he headed an action
against the Turks, which Venice and Spain assisted
with their naval forces, and the work was crowned
by the brilliant victory of Lepanto (Oct. 7, 1571).

Pius V. died on May 1, 1572, and was canonized
by Clement XI. K. Benrath.

Biduoqraphy. G. G. Catena, Vita del . . . Papa Pio V.t
Rome, 1587; Ranke, Popes, i. 269 sqq., iii., no. 43; J.
Quetif and J. 6chard, Scriptores ordinis Pradicatorum,
ii. 220, Paris, 1721; J. Mendham, Life and Pontificate of
. . . Pius V., London, 1832; A. F. P. Comte de F»Lioux,
Hist, de ... Pie V., 2 vote.. Angers, 1844; T. M. Gran-
allo, Fra Michele Ghislieri, o San Pio V., Bologna, 1877;
F. H. Reusch, Index der verbotenen Backer, Bonn, 1885;
C. A. Joyau, Saint Pie V., pape du rosaire, Poitiers, 1892;
P. A. Farochan, Cheypre et Lifante, St. Pie V. et Don Juan
(TAutriche, Paris, 1894 (profusely illustrated); U. Papa,
Un EHssidio tra Venetia e Pio V.. Venice. 1895; B. A. H.
Wilberforce, St. Pxus V., London, 1896; Bower, Popes,
iii. 320, 484-489; Pastor, Popes, viii. 432 sqq.

Pius VI. (Giovanni Angelo Braschi) : Pope 1775-
1799. He was born at Cesena (57 m. n.e. of Flor-
ence) Dec. 27, 1717. After a course in jurispru-
dence, he entered the clerical vocation, and in 1740
went to Rome with his uncle, auditor to Cardinal
Ruffo. Years later, he reappears as secretary to

piub vi- vn

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Benedict XIV. and canon at St. Peter's. He was
created cardinal in 1773 by Clement XIV., with
whom he did not sympathize in the
Election principal ques on connected with his
and Policy, name, that is, suppression of the Jesuit
order in 1773 (see Jesuits, II., § 8).
When the conclave assembled after Clement's death,
the cardinal's election was vigorously resisted from
several quarters which employed even personal cal-
umniation, and his election was reached only after
the conclave had sat for four months. The Romans
received him coolly. Yet though the more zealous
faction hoped for immediate restoration of the Jesuit
order, Pius VI. considered himself circumscribed to
a policy of expectation and waiting in order not
to become involved in disputes with Spain, France,
and other states.

At first, the pope turned his attention to the ele-
vation of the morality of the clergy in Rome. Be-
fore long, however, he was diverted to affairs at a
distance, first, in Germany. In that
German and country the movement which was as-
Austrian sociated with the work of Febronius
Difficulties, (see Hontheim, Johann Nikolaus
von) had circulated extensively,
though it had been placed on the Index in 1764.
Meanwhile the true authorship, concealed under the
pseudonym, had become known. Inasmuch as Pius
VI. had correctly described, in an address dated
Sept. 24, 1775, the bearings of the movement upon
the Roman Church, he now commissioned the elector
of Treves to constrain the author to retract, and the
form of retraction was to comprehend the statement
of its purely voluntary character. This experiment
proved successful, for the author was a broken old
man, then (1778) nearly fourscore years old. How-
ever, in other quarters there asserted itself the
spirit which had prompted Hontheim, in the form
of Josephinism (see Joseph II.).

But though Pius VI. perceived things clearly and
was prepared to retaliate, he neither approved nor
yet abruptly reversed the first procedure of Joseph
II., who withdrew the Austrian cloisters from sub-
mission to the supreme control of foreign generals
of monastic orders. Even when Garampi, his nuncio
at Vienna, in Dec., 1781, met with a brusk rebuff
from Count Kaunitz, on the score of his instructive
Promemoria to the emperor — the pope still believed
he could attain every purpose through personal in-
tervention. So in the spring of 1782 he journeyed
to Vienna, but every attempt to draw the emperor
and his minister from the path of reform continued
fruitless. The enthusiastic speeches, in turn, which
the Roman Catholic population addressed to the
pope on occasion of his awe-commanding appear-
ance in Vienna, Munich, and Augsburg nowise
availed to console him over the miscarriage of his
attempt. This is apparent from the brief to the
emperor, dated Aug. 3, 1782, with its rather patent
affirmation that " those who lay their hands on the
goods of the Church belong to hell." He seemed
afterward more conciliatory; but in Sept., 1783, he
was provoked afresh by the emperor's arbitrary
course in appointing, as though he were the sole
authority, a bishop for Milan. When, therefore,
Joseph II. was confronted with the prospect of ex-

communication, he answered that his holiness might
anyhow deign to visit the becoming punishment
upon the individual who had made so bold as to
misuse his name by forging a document. Without
awaiting reply, the emperor next announced his
visit to Rome, which came to pass in January,
1784. And at last Pius gained the point which
had been so vehemently contested, namely, that
the appointment to the episcopal sees in Lombardy
be conceded to him. He continued the reforms in
church conditions in Austria. After the Congress
of Ems (see Ems, Congress of) had completed its
sittings, and the electors transmitted to the em-
peror the Ems Proviso, Joseph II. made answer that
they could reckon upon his cooperation in execu-
tion of the same. And yet they had there decidedly
emphasized the sole prerogative of the archbishops
in matters of reform. At all events, the pope easily
became master of the Ems resolutions, as not only
the bishops in Germany, but even one of the mem-
bers of the Congress, the archbishop of Mainz, went
over to the papal camp. In order to secure the
Curia's acquiescence in the election of a coadjutor,
he offered the Ems Proviso by way of exchange;
wherein he was followed, down to 1789, by the other
participants in the Congress. In short, they trans-
formed the drafted resolutions into very modest pe-
titions. In the case of the king of Prussia, Frederick
William II., who had been accommodating to the
pope in connection with Mainz, Pius VI. accorded
him the reward of no longer thenceforth withhold-
ing from him the title of king.

Even while premonitory signs of the French
Revolution were perceptible, the pope still gained
a victory over Joseph's reform attempts. In what
was then Austrian Belgium, the clo-
Affairs in sure of the episcopal seminaries (1786)
Belgium had evoked great agitation, also ac-
and Italy, tively fomented by the papal nuncio.
And though Joseph II. dismissed the
nuncio from that country, this measure did not stay
the outbreak of actual insurrection any more than
did the repeal of the closure itself, together with a
propitiatory word from the pope. For the prov-
inces proclaimed their independence, and there
stepped to the front as president the pope's thor-
oughly devoted cardinal-primate Frankenberg.
Joseph II. died in 1790. Subsequently, church con-
cerns in the Austrian hereditary lands were once
again made thoroughly conformable to papalistic
grooves, barring some slight provisional modifica-
tion at the hands of Emperor Leopold II. Still
more serious for Pius VI. appeared to be the trend
of ecclesiastical conditions in Tuscany under the
Grand Duke Leopold I. The latter, under date of
Jan. 26, 1786, issued a circular to the Tuscan bish-
ops proposing fifty-seven reforms; for instance,
convocation of diocesan synods, improvement of
clerical studies, segregation of suspicious relics,
diminution of processions, and the like. Seven
bishops assented on principle, among them Ricci
of Pistoja (see Ricci, Scipione de'), who then also
submitted these points to a synod convening at
Pistoja in Sept., 1786, and effected their immediate
acceptance. On the other hand, a protest was
raised by the bishops generally, through the chan-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pius vi- vn

ml of the Tuscan Council (Apr. -June, 1787). And
as Leopold I. kept adhering to his plans of reform,
tiere ensued a conflict with the pope; while, in
lorn, the Tuscan envoy was recalled from Rome.
It mi only when Leopold ascended the imperial
throne (1790) that these complications reached an
end; Ricci resigned, and Ferdinand III. receded.
JTor was the situation less grave, as affecting the
pope, b the kingdom of Naples. In 1770, the royal
OBjualur was refused to quite a series of papal
briefs; in 1780, the king claimed a general patronal
tight over the benefices, then over the bishoprics;
in 1782, the tribunal of the inquisition was dis-
jolved in Sicily; while from 1788, the custom was
discontinued, of long centuries' duration though it
had heen. of offering a tent imd the so-called " feu-
dal tribute " at the festival of 8S. Peter and Paul.
By and by the number of unoccupied bishoprics
became so large that in 1791 the pope at last con-
ceded the king's right of presentation of three
candidates, whereupon sixty-two episcopal sees
were supplied.

The outbreak of the French Revolution (q.v.)
involved most incisive consequences for the Church.
The " civil constitution of the clergy," still proposed
for acceptance under Louis XVI., was
Conflict rejected by Pius VI.; and, in fact,
with France. .*>n,!Ht(J priests following the precedent
of 130 bishops, refused the oath in con-
nection with this new ruling. Thereupon, in Sept.,
1791, the National Assembly answered by annex-
ing Avignon and Venaissin. Then when a secretary
of the French embassy in Rome had been assas-
sinated there by the rabble, in 1793, and when the
pope took part in the coalition against France,
Bonaparte declared war on him, advanced upon
Rome, and. compelled Pius VI., during the truce of
Bologna, 1706, to relinquish a large part of the
States of the Church (see Papal States). When
disturbances wen' renewed, General Berthier occu-
pied Rome in 1798; and had Pius VI., who was ill,
transported first to Florence, then to Valence,
where he died Aug. 20, 1799. K. Bevrath.

Bmii i.KApnti For his bulk atB» consult either N. 3.
Cuillon's !,,,'),.-;,,,„ otnrrole -I, ■ hrtlt *f inttrvttiun. de . . .
PU VI., 2 votj-, P.in-, 1 7!>s: tbo fW/rrtio brevivm ... of
L. H. Halot, 2 parU. Rome, 1800: or the Colltrtio bid-
lorum. brerium .... London, 1803. For his life nod
ICU consult: Rankr. Pope*, ii. 453 ftqq., fii. no. 105;
P. P. Wolf, GtKhichlt dtr ri-niKa-katnolitcben Kircnt
mfcr . . . Pis* VI.. 7 vols,, Zurich. 1703-1802; C. do
Novace. Storia oV tommi Pontifiri. Rome. 1822: P. Bal-
duuri. WCaf. de rrnlevemrnl el de la raplivM de Pit VI.,
Parn. 1830: P. Beccatini. Storia di Pin VI., 4 vols,.
Venice. 1841; G. C. Cordate, Di Prvftdu PU VI. ad
avium Viametuxm, eti. J. Boerus. Rome, 1865; F. Petrn-
collk detlA Gattina. Hist, diplomatique dea conclaves, iv.
211 mq.. Puris. 1S66; A. von Roumont, G-rAichlc der
Stadt Rom, iii. 2, pp. 660 «.qq., Berlin. 1870; A. M. de
Pn&nrliou. Pic VI. rfyint let priionn du Dauphini. Grenoble.
IS7B; I. Bertnwd. Le Pontifical de Pie VI. et Valbeitme
rtxaivtumnairi, Pimn. 1879; P. H. Reuseh. Index dtrr str-
MMrn Bather, vol. ii.. Bonn. lW.i: H. Schlettor. Dit
Reitr da Papttet Pin* VI. nach Win. and Pint VI. and
Jtmeffl., 2 vols- Vienna. I»v;-!i4 tvuliinble (or the litera-
ttuo n»n.ed>: Pit VI.. m vie. ton pontifical 0717-90),
Pari*. 1907; Nippold. Pawn,, pp. 20. 36: Bower. Poprt,
aL 390H19.

Pius Vn. (Luigi f 'luaramonti) : Pope 1800-23.
He was bom at Cesena (57 m. D.e. of Florence)
Aug. 14. 1740. At the age of sixteen he entered the
IX.— 6

He hit lie tine order, became a lecturer in the cloister
at Parma and later in Rome. His predecessor
made him bishop of Tivoli, then of Imola, and in
I 7S.i, cardinal. When I he French army approached
Imola. he still iii.-iiiii allied hi., residence in hi. epis-
copal city. On that occasion (1707), he contrived
to save the town from spoliation and even main-
tained good terms with Republican powers.

Shortly before he was taken captive, Pius VI.
had prescribed that the conclave should be held in
that city in the neighborhood of which the most
cardinal!! might happen to In- at his death, only not
in Rome. So they assembled in Venice, and on
Mar. 14, 1S00, Chiaramonli was elected unanimous-
ly, and in July he entered Rome us Pius VII. For
secretary of state he appointed Cardinal Ercole
Consaivi (ij.v.j, whose first achievement of note was
the conclusion of the concordat with France (see
Concordats and Delimiting Bulia, VI., § 1),
which restored most of its rights to the Roman
Catholic Church, and annulled episcopal power in
favor of the paptd absolute supremacy. However,
in virtue of the "Organic Articles" (1802), the
first consul deprived these concessions of nearly all
.-i^nitieanee, insomuch that the pope protested.
Yet both siihs wished to avoid a rupture, and in the
fnlluwirig year, Pius VII. appointed the consul's
uncle (Joseph Fesch, q.v.) a cardinal.

Meanwhile in Cermany, when by terms of tha
peace of Lunfville, in 1801, the left bank of the
Rhine had fallen to France, the secularization of
the temporal dominions of the Church was brought
to pass despite every protest; and the Flector Pal-
berg of Maim, against the will of the Curia, was
elected primate of Germany. Even thus early.
Napoleon pui forth still greater demands, as. mIici,
the senate had named hint hereditary ruler of
France, he desired the pope to consummate the im-
perial coronation. Heluelantly. but yet in the hope
of thereby gaining concussions for the Church, Pius
VII. performed the ceremony of anointing (Dec.
2, 1804), but when he was about to place the crown
on the sovereign's head, Napoleon forestalled him.
crowned himself, ami placed the diadem on the head
of his consort. Josephine. All demands by the pope
on occasion of this journey came to naught; what
satisfaction he felt was on account of the deport-
ment of the French people, who were charmed by
his presence. At Florence, on his return journey,
he receiver.! the full submission of Bishop Rieei of
Piatoja (see Rjcci, Scipionb de').

But heavy clouds were gathering from France.
The emperor demanded the dis.soltit ion of hi- brot Iter
Jerome's marriage, desiring Jerome to marry a prin-
cess— a prelude to his own course later. When the
pope firmly refused. Napoleon declared the mar-
riaire dissolved. Ill IStllS. he managed to find occa-
sion to occupy Rome; in 1809, he declared it a
French city; and when for this reason he was put
under the ban,' he had the pope and Cardinal Parea
earrieil captive to Savona. But even here Pius VII.
would not bend, and refused the confirmation of the
French bishops appointed by the emperor until
finally the enervating torments of his captivity ni-
di a him to an oral assent. But when, owing (o

eonlimieil confinement at Fontaineblcail, the tor-

Pius vn-x

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

mented old man, on Jan. 25, 1813, agreed to a
concordat both surrendering Rome and voicing the
confirmation of the bishops designated by the em-
peror, Cardinals Consalvi and Pacca, who hastened
to the spot, succeeded in moving him to solemn
retraction. Napoleon's own fate had meanwhile
turned; the year 1814 gave the captive his freedom
again; and on May 24 he triumphantly entered
Rome. The restoration of the Jesuits and of the
Congregation of the Index, together with Consalvi 's
activity at the Congress of Vienna, effectually re-
instated the Roman Catholic Church both within
and without; while by the terms of sundry favor-
able concordats, the pope guaranteed large advan-
tages to the states of Central Europe.

At the close of his life, Pius VII. found himself
once again involved in conflict, this time with Spain
and Portugal. In that quarter, the revolution and
the liberal government of 1820 had not only abol-
ished the settlements of the Jesuits, but also those
of most of the remaining orders, and ruptured dip-
lomatic relations were the result. The French,
however, suppressed the revolution, and King Fer-
dinand VII. proclaimed the abrogation of all acts
against the Church (1823). This happened also in
Portugal, where Dom Miguel, at the same time, put
an end to liberalism.

The Rome of the second phase of the pontificate
of Pius VII. became the goal of artists of all na-
tions. Crowned heads, as well, sought the city, and
the venerable pontiff was visited by Emperor Francis
II. of Austria (1819) ; by the king of Naples; and by
King Frederick William III. of Prussia, while Charles
IV. of Spain and Emanuel of Savoy made Rome
their permanent residence. The city was thus en-
veloped with new splendor; and Pius VII., who
died on Aug. 21, 1823, is commemorated still by that
part of the Vatican sculpture museum which bears
his name Chiaramonti. K. Benrath.

Bibliography: The bulls are in the BuUarii Romani con-
tinuatio of Barberi, vols, xi.-xv., Rome, 1846-53. Con-
sult: Ranke, Popes, ii. 461 sqq., 466 sqq., 539 sqq.; £.
Pistolesi, Vita del . . . Pio VII., 2 vols., Rome, 1824;
H. Simon, Vie politique et privie de . . . Pie VII. , 2 vols.,
Paris, 1823; Jager, Lebensbeschreibung dee Papstes Pius
VII. mil Urkunden, Frankfort, 1824; A. F. Artaud de
Mori tor. Hist, du pape Pie VII., 3 vols., Paris, 1839;
B. Pacca, Historical Memoirs, 2 vols., London, 1850;
idem, Memoircs star le pontifical de Pie VII., 2 vols., Paris,
1884; N. P. S. Wiseman, Recollections of the last Four
Popes, London, 1858; A. Gavaszi, My Recollections of the
last Four Popes, London, 1858; J. Bohl, Pius VII. en
tijn Tijd, 2 vols., Rotterdam, 1861; F. Petrucelli della
Gattina, Hist, diplomatique des conclaves, iv. 282 sqq.,
Paris, 1866; A. Theiner, Hist, des deux concordats de la
r&publique francaise et de la republique cisalpine, 2 vols.,
Bar-le-Duc, 1869; A. von Reumont, Qeschichte der Stadt
Rom, iii. 2, pp. 665 sqq., Berlin, 1870; O. Mejer, Zur
Geschichte der romisch-deutschen Frage, vols. 1. — iii. passim,
Rostock, 1871-73; D. Bertollotti, Vita di Papa Pio VII.,
Turin, 1881; F. H. Reusch, Index der verbotenen Bucher,
vol. ii., Bonn, 1885; H. Chotard, Le Pape Pie VII. a
Savone, Paris, 1887; Mary H. Allies, Pius VII., London,
1897; F. Nippold, Handbuch der neuesten Kirchengeschichte,
ii. 15-70, Berlin, 1901; L. Konig, Die Sakularisation und
das Reichshonkordat, Innsbruck, 1904; H. Welschinger,
Le Pape et Vempereur, 1804-16, Paris, 1905; Nielsen,
Papacy, Nippold, Papacy, passim; Pastor, Popes, viii.
299; Bower, Popes, iii. 419-434; and the literature under
Concordats and Delimiting Bulla.

Pius VUL (Francesco Saverio Castiglioni) : Pope
1829-30. He was born at Cingoli (102 m. e.s.e. of

Florence) Nov. 20, 1761. The principal event of his
brief pontificate was the Emancipation Act of Apr.
23 [13], 1829, in favor of English Catholics, though
this did not have the pope's cooperation. In the
case of the contest just then breaking out with
the Prussian government, Pius VIII. allowed the
clerical assistenHa passiva, where there was no
guaranty for the bringing up of all the children as
Roman Catholics. This concession was revoked by
his successor. When the Bourbons were expelled
from France in the July revolution, and Louis Phil-
ippe was instituted king, the pope reluctantly ac-
knowledged the reversal. K. Benrath.

Bibliography: The bulk are in the BuUarii Romani over
tinuatio of Barberi, vol. xviii., Rome, 1856; for the Brief
of Mar. 25, 1830, of. Mirbt, QueUen, pp. 350 sqq. Con-
sult: A. F. Artaud de Montor, Hist, du pape Pie VIll^
Paris, 1844; A. Gavaasi, My Recollections of the last Four
Popes, London, 1858; N. P. S. Wiseman, Recollections of
the last Four Popes, London, 1858; M. Broach, Oeechkhte
des Kuxhenstaates, ii. 316 sqq., Ootha, 1882; F. H. Reosch,
Index der verbotenen Bucher, voL ii passim, Bonn, 1885;
F. Nippold, Handbuch der neuesten Kirchengeschichte, n.
79 sqq., Berlin, 1901; Bower, Popes, iii. 464-170; Nip-
pold, Papacy, passim; Nielsen, Papacy, passim.

Pius IX. (Giovanni Mastai Ferretti): Pope 1846-
1878. He was born at Sinigaglia (70 m. s.e. of
Ravenna) May 13, 1792. He studied in the Col-
legium Romanum, was made priest, and labored
for several years in Chile. In 1827 he became bishop
of Spoleto, then of Imola, and obtained the cardi-
nalate in 1840. Elected by 34 (37 ?) votes, in the
conclave following the death of Gregory XVI., Pius
IX. found himself confronted with extremely dif-
ficult tasks. The administration of the Papal States
(q.v.) had everywhere aroused the utmost dissatis-
faction ; and the cities of the eastward half — Ancona,
Bologna, and Ravenna — clamored for reforms.
The pope's character and presence appeared to war-
rant such progress, and it was hoped that he might
even assist in the unification of the entire nation,
which was demanded on every side.

Good will for the amelioration of existing condi-
tions attended him from the outset. He curtailed
the expenses of the papal court, though in connec-
tion with the civil administration he could not per-
suade himself to break with the system according
to which the governing officials were to belong al-
most without exception to the clerical body. He
refused the patriots' demand for some action toward
eliminating the Austrians from the Italian penin-
sula, resolving not to declare war on Austria, al-
though his troops were already united with the Pied-
mont troops; but, in his address of Apr. 29, 1848,
he took shelter behind the pronouncement that
" conformably to our apostolic rank, we embrace
all nations with like love."

Though it proved not feasible to laicize the ad-
ministration of public affairs throughout the Papal
States, in Rome the lay element was to be more
strongly represented in the common council; some
non-clerics also took seats in the council of state
(consulta). This did not meet the impetuous de-
mand for a constitution and for institution of secu-
lar ministers. Yet on May 4, 1848, upon adjust-
ment of the membership of the Consulta in the
proportion of six laymen to three clerics, a patriotic
president of council was accepted in the person of

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pin» vn-x

Terezuo Mamiani; but in view of the conflict that
mm ensued with the Curia's executive experience
and wisdom, Mamiani perceived himself constrained
to withdraw. His successor, Count Rossi, was as-
fluonated, and in order to escape the tumult, Pius
IX. fled from Rome to Gaeta. From that base he
rejected the suggestion of the Piedmontese that he
•flow them to restore the Papal States as a consti-
tutional monarchy. This was done by the French
in 1849, but not under those conditions. Hardly
had Pius IX. returned (Apr., 1850) when he in-
augurated an era of uncompromising reaction,
marked, for instance, by the incident that in Bo-
logna alone, down to 1856, the " court of summary
justice " had executed by shooting 276 " culprits/'
The administration of the Papal States was now
conducted by Antonelli (q.v.) on a thoroughly cleri-
cal basis. In the department of finance, individuals,
including Antonelli, enriched themselves; nothing
was done in the matter of public instruction to re-
duce the scandalous illiteracy of the land; while
in the department of justice arbitrary ruling was
rife. In short, the Papal States remained the worst
administered political fabric in Europe, while trade
and industry were in wretched condition. In the
distinctly ecclesiastical sphere, wherein Pius IX.,
in 1854, conceived the dogma of the Immaculate
Conception of Mary (q.v.), without taking counsel
of the Church, he tested the point as to how far the
bishops would conform to his bidding. At the
same time, in relation to civil governments, he car-
ried most of his demands through the medium of
concordats (with Spain, 1851; Austria, 1855; also
with lesser German States; see Concordats and
Delimiting Bulls). In Italy, however, the uni-
fication project, supported by Piedmont, now so
successfully asserted itself against the pope that its
several stages were completely accomplished (vic-
tory over Austria, 1859; Victor Emanuel, king of
Italy, 1860; September treaty, 1864) even down to
the conquest of Rome, in 1870. It is memorable
that the last step in the process was achieved
shortly after the momentous date when the Vatican
Council (q.v.) had declared the infallibility of the
pope, July 18, 1870.

To be sure, the occupation of Rome by the Italian
army was by no means intended to banish the pope
from that city thereafter. They suffered him the
narrowly circumscribed " sovereignty " of the Vati-
can; and even offered him, in the stipulation law
of 1871, an annual income of 3,250,000 francs. But
Pius IX. rejected this offer, feigned a state of cap-
tivity, and a limitation upon his action which soon
became subjects of derision; for it appeared, as in
the contest with Prussia, that the Curia had grown
more free than formerly in the matter of safeguard-
ing its ecclesiastical interests. The last years of
Pius' pontificate are largely filled with this contest,
he himself having given the challenge in that ad-
dress of the spring of 1871 wherein he threatened
Prussia with the " stone " of her destined shatter-
ing. Yet even this contest (so grave in its results
and not finally appeased until Leo XIII., q.v.,
came into power) did not prevent the brilliant cele-
bration of two jubilees of Pius IX. In 1871 he cele-
brated the twenty-fifth anniversary of his pontifi-

cate, whereby he had attained to the " years of
Peter "; and in 1877 his jubilee proper, or fiftieth
year in the priesthood. On this occasion he beheld
the whole Roman Catholic world at his feet. In-
deed, he surpassed the " years of Peter " by seven
years, dying on Feb. 7, 1878. He and his secretary
of state Antonelli did not achieve the restoration
of the temporal sovereignty, but they bequeathed
such a heritage to the following pontiff as he well
understood how profitably to occupy to the Church's
advantage. K. Benrath.

Bibliography: Sources of information for the pontificate
are the Acta Pie IX., 4 vols., Rome, 1854 sqq.; Acta
sanctm sedis, ib. 1865 sqq.; Ada et decreta sanctorum con-
cUiorum, vol. vi., Freiburg, 1882. A collection of this
pope's encyclicals was published in Freiburg, 1881 sqq.,
and of his " Apostolic Letters," 2 vols., Paris, 1893. A
large literature is indicated in the British Museum Cata-
logue, under " Rome, Church of," cols. 332 sqq., and under
Pius IX. Consult: Mi*bt, Quellen, pp. 360-390 sqq.;
M. Marocco, Storia di Pio IX., 2 vols.. Turin, 1856-59;
H. Reuchlin, Oeschichte Italiens, vols, i., iii., iv., Leipsic,
1859-73; F. Liverani, II Papato, Vlmpero e il Regno-
a" Italia, Florence, 1861; A. Gennarelli, Le Sventure ital.
durante il Pontificato di Pio IX., Florence, 1863; A. O.
Legge, Pius IX., 2 vols., London, 1872; Abbe Gillet,
Pie IX., sa vie et lee acts de son pontifical, Paris, 1877;
T. A. Trollope, Story of the Life of Pius IX., 2 vols., Lon-
don, 1877; J. G. Shea, Life of Pius IX. and the Great
Events of ... his Pontificate, New York, 1878; J. M.
Stepischnegg, Furstbischof von Lavant, Papst Pius IX.,
2 vols., Vienna, 1879; A. M. Dawson, Pius IX. and his
Times, Toronto, 1880; C. Sylvain, Hist, de Pie IX., 3
vols., Lille, 1883; F. H. Reusch, Index der verbotenen
Backer, passim, 2 vols., Bonn, 1885; A. Pougeois, Hist,
de Pie IX., 6 vols., Paris, 1886; J. F. Maguire, Pius IX,
and his Times, London, 1893; M. Pages, Pie IX., sa vie,
ses ecrits, sa doctrine, Paris, 1895; £. Gebhart, Moines
et papes (Alexander VI. and Pius IX.), Paris, 1896; F.
Nippold, Handbuch der neuesten Kirchengeschichte, ii. 102—
155, Berlin, 1901; J. Fernandei Montana, El Syllabus
de Pio IX., Madrid, 1905; J. H. Robinson and C. A.
Beard, Development of Modern Europe, vol. ii. passim.
New York, 1908; R. de Cesare, The Last Days of Papal
Rome, 1860-70, Boston, 1909; Nippold, Papacy, pp. 113
sqq.; Nielsen, Papacy. Use also the literature under In-
fallibility of the Pops; Ultbamontanism; and
Vatican Council.

Pius X. (Giuseppe Melchior Sarto): Pope since
1903. He was born at Riese (a village near Castel-
franco, 25 m. n.w. of Venice), Italy, June 2, 1835.
His parents were in humble circumstances and their
family was large, but such were the talents of the
future pope that every effort was made for his edu-
cation. His early training was received in the
gymnasium at the neighboring town of Castel-
franco, and in 1850 he entered the Seminary of
Padua, where he remained seven years, being or-
dained to the priesthood in 1858. He was immedi-
ately appointed curate in Tombolo, in the diocese
of Treviso, where he remained until 1867, when he
was called to take control of the parish of Salzano.
In 1875 he was made canon of Treviso, and three
years later was appointed director of the episcopal
chancellery and vicar general of the diocese. Mean-
while his talents were rapidly gaining recognition,
and in 1882 he was consecrated bishop of Mantua,
where he found an evil condition of affairs, made
still worse by the attacks of the Italian government,
which from 1871 to 1879 had rendered exercise of
episcopal functions impossible. Within the eleven
years of his bishopric, Sarto transformed the dio-
cese of Mantua into a model see, and his labors

Pius Societies
Plaeette

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

found their fitting reward in 1893, when he was
created patriarch of Venice and cardinal priest of
San Bernardo. There he remained until in 1003
he was elected pope to succeed Leo XIII. (q.v.).
The most striking features of the new pope's reign
thus far have been the official promotion of the use
of the Gregorian chant throughout all churches of
the Roman Catholic communion, the separation by
the French government of Church and State (1905;
see France), the attack upon critical tendencies
in the Church (see Modernism; and cf. Los von
Rom), and a serious dispute with Spain, one object
of which on the part of the Spanish government is
the control of the religious orders necessitated by
the settlement of monks and nuns exiled from
France.

Bibliography: Pie X-Actea-encycliquea-motu proprio, brefa,
allocutions, etc. Texte latin avec la traduction francaiee en
regard prectdee d'une notice biographiaue euivi d'une table
generaU alphabttique, 3 vols., Paris. 1906-09; A. de Waal,
Papat Piue X.: Lebenebild, Munich, 1903, Eng. transl.,
Life of Pope Piue X., Milwaukee, 1904; A. Marcheaan,
Papat Piua X. in Leben und Wort, Einsiedeln, 1906; N.
Peters, Papat Piua X. und doe BibelMudien, Paderbora,
1906; A. Hoch, Papat Piua X. Bin Bild kirchlicher Re-
formthatiohrit, Leipsic, 1907; W. £. Schmits [Didier), The
Life of Pope Piua X., New York, 1908; B. Sen tier, Piua
X., Gras, 1908; N. Hilling, Die Reformen dee Papatea Piua
X. aufdem Oebiet der kirchenrechtlichen Geaettaebung, Bonn,
1909; and the literature under Modernism.

PIUS SOCIETIES: Certain religious associations,
composed of clergy and laity, formed in Germany
after the revolutionary disturbances of 1848, the
object of which was the defense and promotion of
Roman Catholicism in Germany. The bishops of
the Roman Catholic Church assembled at Wurz-
burg in 1848, agreed to support the Pius Societies,
so called after Pius IX. (q.v.), to maintain the su-
premacy of the pope in Germany and to keep na-
tional education in the hands of the Church. In
Oct., 1848, a meeting representing many local unions
was held at Mainz in which all the Pius Societies
throughout the country were incorporated in one
collective union which took the name of the " Cath-
olic Union of Germany." The object of this asso-
ciation was declared to be the treatment of all so-
cial and religious questions from a Roman Catholic
standpoint, and especially the preservation and
promotion of the Church's welfare and independ-
ence. The union was pronounced by the bishop of
Limburg to be " a powerful lever for the Christian
restoration of Germany." At this meeting were
formed the Vincent societies for domestic mission-
ary work, and later Boniface societies, which, to-
gether with a host of societies either new or previ-
ously in existence, became adjuncts of the Pius
Societies.

The assemblies were always made occasions for
commenting on the condition of the Roman Catho-
lic Church in Germany, for preaching Ultramontan-
ism (q.v.), and inveighing against Protestantism.
During the trials of the so-called Kulturkampf (see
Ultramontanism) the Pius Societies at their an-
nual meeting at Wttrzburg, 1877, resolved: "We
will fight not with the sword but with the cross."
This peaceful attitude gave way after 1880 to a
more stormy program, including the ultramontane

policy of Pius IX., the readmittance of Roman
Catholic orders, particularly the Jesuits, and the
temporal supremacy of the pope. The Pius So-
cieties do not aim at a parity of privileges among
all religious bodies, but at the total catholicisation of
the German nation in accordance with the intro-
duction of that future ideal when, in the words of
Baron von Loft uttered in the Roman Catholic As-
sembly at Bonn in 1881 : " Germany shall be a
Catholic country and the Church the leader of the
nations." (O. ZOcKUsnt.)

Bibliography: From the Roman Catholic aide may be
adduced: H. Menne, Ueber den Zweck und Nututn der
kotholieche Vereine DeutacJOonda, Osnabruck, 1848; T.
Palatini!*, Bntatehung der Generoherwammtung der Katko-
liken DeuUchlanda, Wursburg, 1893; H. Brtlek, Oeeehickte
der kotholiachen Kirche im 19. Jokrhundert, iiL 511-637,
Monster, 1905. For the Protestant side read: H. Schmid,
Geechichte der kotholiachen Kirche Deutechlonda, pp. 667,
758 sqq.f Munich, 1874; F. Nippold, Hondbuch der new
eaten Kirchengeechichte* ii. 707 sqq., Berlin, 1901.

PLACE, JOSUE DS LA. SeePukCEUs.

PLACEMAKER'S BIBLE. See Bible Versions,
B, IV., § 9.

PLACET, pltfset, or pta'set (PLACETUM RE-
GIUM, REGIUM EXEQUATUR, LITTEIUE PAR-

EATIS): Formal state approval of measures of
ecclesiastical adniinistration, or state provision that
only ecclesiastical administrative measures thus ap-
proved shall be civilly recognised and maintained.

This presupposes that both State and

Develop- Church are mutually independent. In

ment of the the case of a church governed, as t!ic

Placet Reformed state church came to be, by

the civil power, the placet is meaning-
less; and it is equally inapplicable where the State,
in ecclesiastical affairs, is completely dependent on
the authority of the Church, as was the case in the
Middle Ages from the time of Gregory VII. The
placet, therefore, first becomes a part of the ma-
chinery of the State when the latter begins to re-
volt from the Church and to deem itself independ-
ent. Concomitantly with the development of royal
power, this occurred first in Spain, during the reign
of Alfonso XI. (1348). In that country, the placet
had already been formulated in a series of royal
ordinances when the Emperor Charles V. ascended
the throne and made decisive use of this device
with the aid of the Cortes. In France the placet did
not arise till nearly a century later, there assuming
a distinct character through the practical bearings
of the French parliaments. The rule that papal
bulls gained legal validity only by virtue of the
royal placet was practically current in France be-
fore becoming established by legislation in 1475.
In the Netherlands, while the rudiments of the
placet are very old, it was only in the Spanish period
that it was legislatively established (1565), its form
here receiving marked influence from Spanish juris-
prudence and from the French culture dominant
in the Walloon portion of the country.

In so far as these developments arose prior to the
Reformation, the Church, like the modern Roman
Catholic communion, never acknowledged the civil
placet, but, in virtue of her divine commission, as-
serted the prerogative of sole power to prescribe

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pius Societies
Placette

whatsoever might be deemed necessary for her best
interests even in secular affairs, particularly of a
legislative character. She accordingly held ecclesi-
astical requirements to be binding in
Mutual their very nature, and regarded the
Attitude of State as unreservedly pledged to lend
Church and her the support of the secular arm.
State. The bull In coma Domini (1568) pro-
nounces excommunication on all who
obstruct the publication and execution of papal
bulls and briefs. By the brief Pervenerat (June 30,
1830) Pius VIII. rejected the placet in dealing with
the estates of the ecclesiastical province of the
Upper Rhine; and Pius IX. followed the same
course in his allocution Meminit unusquisque (Sept.
30, 1861), as well as on other occasions, and em-
phasized it in the Syllabus (§ 30). The Roman
Catholic Church denies categorically that the State
any jurisdiction over things which the

Church has declared spiritual, and the Curia and its
sympathizers view the use of the placet by the State
as an act of compulsion to which they must sub-
mit so long as there is no feasible way to overcome
it. By the State these ecclesiastical pronounce-
ments were long disregarded. When the bull In
atna Domini (q.v.) was published in Spain without
royal approbation, Philip II. retaliated with most
stringent measures; and the placet was also upheld
by his successors. In France, jurisprudence and leg-
islation alike developed this legal instrument even
down to concrete details; and only when the enact-
ment of the Church was concerned with religion
alone was there no need of State approval. The
French theory, modified by the Belgian develop-
ment of Hispano-Gallican theory and practise, was
also of essential influence upon the evolution of
German jurisprudence.

As a logical consequence of the social freedom
guaranteed by a constitutional government, asso-
ciations for religious purposes regulate and, so far
as their social means permit, control their own
affairs. Similar freedom is enjoyed by the Roman
Catholic Church. Here the placet has
The Placet no place as long as the State is not
in Modern bidden to transcend its own sphere,
Times. which it alone can gage, and to pro-
tect the special interests of the Church;
or so long as its own interests do not lead it to re-
strict the freedom of the Roman Catholic Church.
The Church, on the other hand, neither recognizes
any limitations of this character, nor does it con-
cede to the State the right to decide how far to
further the interests of the Church, but it demands
implicit obedience. This double relation of Church
and State, which was clear to the former from the
first, but only gradually became evident to the lat-
ter, conditioned the development of the controversy
concerning the placet in Germany from the time
when constitutional government came to have a
distinct meaning.

German states retaining the placet are Bavaria,
Saxony, Wurttemberg, Baden, Hesse, Saxe- Weimar,
Brunswick, and Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, as well as the
imperial provinces of Alsace and Lorraine; though
the several state codes diverge considerably as re-
gards details. Officially the Roman Catholic Church

never recognizes the placet; and in Bavaria, for in-
stance, the church dignitaries have simply ignored
it when publishing the Vatican decrees, thus re-
peatedly giving rise to severe controversies not only
regarding the validity of the placet in general, but
also concerning its validity in the case of dogmas in
particular. The theory advanced by influential
ultramontane leaders, that the placet should be ab-
rogated since Church and State are independent of,
though coexistent with, each other, would be cor-
rect if the Church were willing to see her ordinances
preserved intact simply by the social agencies of
her rule in the sphere of conscience. But since, to
secure this end, she lays claim, either directly or in-
directly, to civil means, this ostensible coexistence
practically becomes the Gregorian elevation of the
Church above the State. If, therefore, the modern
State freely concedes to the Roman Catholic Church
the right of regulating its own religious concerns, it
can do so only in the sense in which it concedes
autonomy of any character, on condition of State
supervision, and of the State's consequent right
either to approve or to forbid.

Those states which still enforce the placet as a
special institution make it apply to Protestants as
well as to the Roman Catholic Church. Even the
states which no longer take cognizance of the placet
as such are not content with the fact that the sanc-
tion of church laws rests in the hands of the terri-
torial sovereign; for in the case of such laws, they
require either the countersignature of a minister of
state, or preliminary approbation by ministers of
state for drafts of such laws. See also Nominatio
Regia. E. Sehling.

Bxbuoorapht: The one book of value here is E. Friedberg,
Die OrHruen swiachen Stoat und Kirche, Tubingen, 1872.
But see Church and State, and the literature there ad-
duced.

PLACETTE, pla"set', JEAN LA: French Prot-
estant theologian and moralist; b. at Pontacq (118
m. 8.S.W. of Bordeaux) Jan. 19, 1639; d. at Utrecht
Apr. 25, 1718. He studied theology at the Protes-
tant academy at Montauban; became pastor at
Orthez (1660), and at Nay (1664), where he earned
a brilliant reputation as an orator; after the revo-
cation of the Edict of Nantes (1685) he became
pastor of the French church at Copenhagen, where
he labored fruitfully as pastor and as writer till 1711,
when he retired and went to live at Utrecht. His
writings fall into three classes, those on systematic
theology, on morals, and on practical theology.
Among those in the former class to be named are:
Observationes hisUyrico-ecdesiastica (Amsterdam,
1695); Traitt de la fox divine (1697); and Rtponse
a deux objections . . . sur Vorigine du mal et sur le
mystere de la Trinite (1707). In the second class
mention may be made of Nouveaux essais de morale
(1692); a second series with the same title (6 vols.,
The Hague, 1715); Le Morale chrUienne (2 vols.,
Cologne, 1695) ; and Divers traitis sur des maHeres de
conscience (Amsterdam, 1696). In the third class
are: La Mori des jusies ou maniere de bien mourir
(1695; Eng. transl., The Death of the Righteous, 2
vols., London, 1737); La Communion devoU (2
vols., 1695); Traitt de la conscience (1699; Eng.
transl., The Christian Casuist, London, 1705); and

Plaoetum Rectum

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

thi' posthumous .-In* *nrla manure dr. /itMht (I(o<-
tcrdani, 1733; contains a biography).
JiiauoaKAFHt: Beside the life in Arie .... lit sup., eon-

Licbleoberger, ESR, vii. 741
PLACETUM REGIUM.

See Pu.cET.

PLACEOS, pla-sl'us, JOSUA (JOSUE DE LA
PLACE): French theologian; h. at Saumur (30 m.
B.e. of Angers) probably in 15W; d. there Aug. 17,
1065 or 1655. He became pastor at Nantes in 1828
and was professor of theology ;it his native city
from l')-!-itil] his death. 1'lareus together with M.
Aniyraiil (i].v.) mil 1 I., t !;ipt*llus belong, as followers
of John Cameron (q.v.), to that theological move-
s;i>ri i :it Sjiimur which in con trust with the orthodox
school of Sedan sought to moderate the Calnnistic
doctrine by emphasizing the ethical and common
human elements, without, however, departing from
the fundamental principles. From the supreme
value of the accountability of every human soul,
I'laceus especially dtni the conclusion against the
imputation of Adam's actual sin. In defense of the
doctrine that the sin of Adam could be reckoned
to his descendants only as mediated by the in-
herited sinful subjective state he pointed out that
Calvin knew nothing of an immediate imputation
find that the same was denied by Peter Martyr and
Daniel Chnmier (q.v.), hut did not go so far as to
justify himself hy the view of Zwingli that heredi-
tary guilt was no more than the guilt of every in-
dividual. The national synod of Charcnton (IG-14)
Urnl'T tIii- leadership nf Autoine !',:iris.solcs (q.v.],
representing the over- zealous constituency of Mon-
taulian, opposed this assertion hy adopting a decree
to be subscribed by all pastors and fiflllfttri'ltfflif
i'laceus issued later his vindication, Disputatio de
iniji'ilnt'iiiim primi prrcnt!. Adami (Saumur, lii.ja).
The national synod of Loudon, in HwO, withdrew
nil threatening measures of discipline, hut tin- Zurich
orthodoxy did not. rest content until in the Formula
consensus Helvetia of 1675 it repudiated with
Hauinuri-m as a whole the mere " imputation medi-
ate and consequent." (E. F. Karl MCu-er.)
BiBLioaiuFHi: The Optra omnia were published in 2 vols.,
Franeker. 100(1, AubcnciL 1702. Commit; E. onrl E.
HuiK, 1m France pruttdanlr, ed. H. L. Bonliar, vi. 309
■qq„ Paris. 1S80; J. G. Waloh. BMritwm in die Reti-
j/j',,fi ■, >:ir.iiiQkciten . . . auuer der evanaditeh-lutlirrim-hm
Kirrhe. iii. SUO «o,q.. Jena. 1734; Burt hoi mi™, in Hull/tin
de la ooeitte de thiol, da protetanliome frincai,. ISM;
S:iiei.'V. in Revue de thfolaoie, Oct.. 1S.~!,">: I.iilii< i.l,erv r,
HSR, xi. 4SQ sqq.

PLAGUE. See Diseases and thb Healing
Akt, Hebrew, IV., ££ 4-6.

PLAGUES OF EGYPT. See Moses, £ 3.

PLAIH-SOHG. See Sacred Music,

PLAHCK, GOTTLIEB JAKOB: German Lu-
theran and church historian; b. at Niirtingen (IS
m.s.s.e. of Stuttgart). Wurtteraberg, Nov. 15, 1751;
d. at Gottingen Aug. 31, 1833. He was educated
at the University of Tubingen (1769-74), where he
was a lecturer in 1775-80, after which he went to
Stuttgart ns vicar, being preacher and associate
[jroh-'or at the Karlsschule in the same city, 1781-
1784. Here he completed the Brat two volumes of

his Getchichle der EnUtehitng, der VerSnderungen
u nd der Biidung untcres proteislanlisckrn Lekrbegngn
von Anfang der Reformation bit iur EinfQhnmg der
Konkordienformel (6 vols., Leipsic, 1781-1800). So
favorable was the reception accorded these volume*
that, on the death of Christian Wilhelm Fran*
Walch in 1784, Planck was chosen to succeed him
as professor of church history at Got linger.. II'- 1- -
came a member of the consistory in 1791; ephor of
the Hanover theologians in 1800; general superin-
tend eat of the principality of tiijttingen in 1805;
abbot of Bursfelde in 1828; and supreme eonsL*-
torial councilor in 1830.

Planck himself described his theological stand-
point as " rational supernaturalism." He held to
the divinity as well as to the reasonableness of
Christianity, to the necessity as well as to the com-
prehetisibility of a, direct divine revelation. He
was essentially a historian, and the historical point
of view and method colored his whole personality.
The first of his two most important works, the Ge-
tckichte . . . unaerc* proteatantiachm Lchrbtqriflt,
has already been mentioned. His second great
work was his Geachichle der ehrUdich-kirchiichtn
GeeeUscha/ttver/aaxung (5 vols., Hanover, 1803-09).
The first of these two works was undoubtedly
Planck's masterpiece, and marked an epoch in the
writing of Protestant church history, since it was
the earliest attempt at an unpartiian account of
the Reformation and of the rise of Lutheraniam.
Planck has been criticized for emphasizing too
strongly the subjective, personal part in the devel-
opment of ideas. He paid too little attention to
general influences and currents of thought that pro-
vailed throughout entire historic periods, though
he went deeply and carefully into hia sources, and
used the knowledge of details thus obtained in pre-
senting extremely graphic delineations of charac-
ter and motives.

Among tho numoroiw writings nf Pbincli, in addition to
those already mentioned, special mention may be nude at
(he following: continuations of the NruaUt RelioionrGe-
erhichte of Christ hui Wilhelm Fnuii Walch (q.v.; 3 vole..
Lemgo, 1787-9.1) and the Bibliothot dn Kirr-lirnwrtamm-
lunam da rirrlen iwl /BnJTii Jahrk-underU of Georg Daniel
l-'a-l.i drfirnii-. I7MJ, ai well m. a new edition of the Qrund-
riu der Kirdumamoafhl* of Ludwig Timotheua Spittlar
(q.v.; Oflttingcn, 18121; Qntndrim einer Getchichle der
I: in->/[ ;,-'.• 'i \~,:t.i :.,.ni. I. :/-.-<.! {,-',,■<, It^iicrunQ umi dem Jcanoni-
k*oi RecM* (1700); finleiiuno in die (AwfuoiV-Am Wist en
tchajtm (2 part*. Leirmic, 17B4-0S; E^ig. tranal., Intro-
.!;.■!, ",m l.i Stirred PSifoiomy and Interpretation, Edinburgh,
ISM); Ulbtt Trennuna unj Vrreiniovno der gttrtnnltn
chrittlirhm llauplporlhriien (Tuhingen, 1S03): Bttraehtunae*
i/'.rr .!<<■ 'i, '/•*>'■■" \'i r'/'ulimnom in item Zwtund der deutfrbm
tnU^Vi KitU Hwu«.w. I-OMI, Woru dot FrvdtMi
nut ,ln !..,tli.-l '( .,■■!., n K.'.-h. (I M.tli'ii'iTi, 1SJ.I01; (Inmdriu dor
tnealooixhen Bncitklopildio (1813); GeerkicnU dee CArulm-
thumi in der Periode seiner erettn Binfilhrmg in die WiM
dare* Jeoum und die Apoetrt '2 vols.. 1818); Ueber die Be-
handluno. die Haltbarkeit und den Worth dn hietorite/icn Bo-
"•"" far die r„,lllKhheit dee ChriHenlhum* (ISL'l); sod
'„., ' i.-'.l,' drr protretantiechen Theolooi* eon der Konkordim-
formel an 6ii in die MiOo do, aekHehnien Janrnundertt (1831).

He was, throughout, judicial and conciliatory, re-
fraining as much as possible from taking sides, and
preferring painstaking investigation of facts to
pas-ing judgment.

Besides his historical works, Planck also wrot«
three quasi -romances, the first two anonymously:
Tagebuch eines neaen Ehemanncs (Leipsic, 1779);

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Jmotfan Asntey'a Briefe (Bern, 1782); and the
inrmelltary Das erstc Anilsjahr des Pfarrers von S.
in Ataivgen aus seincm Tagebueh, cine Pastoral-
ViaLox in Form ciner Geschiehie (Gottingen, 1823).

(Paul Tschackekt.)
Bauoanrai: J. S. Patter, GtWuiengachiditt von der
, . . fmivtniUt lit G'itingcn. continued by SaiklfcJd and
OnHrtey.ii. 121. iiL 283 sqq.. tv, 27tj. 4 ports. CBttingeo,
1IB-1S3S (for list of works by snd on Plnock) ; G. C. F.
IMm, Dr. O. J. Planet. Ein bioorapkitchrr I'mrurA, ib.
1SB; NtUoioa der DeuUcAat, lor 1833. li. HI sqq.; ZH7\
183«,i.3]3mq. (by Mobnickc). IBU. iv. 75 sqq. (by E.
Basel; G. Franck. GtuchicMt dsr protalantitehen Then-
lew. lit- J53 sqq., LeiiMie, 1S7S.

KASCK, plank, HEDIRICH LTOWIG: Ger-
man Lutheran; sou of the preceding; b. at Got-
iiajen July 19, 1785; d. there Sept. 23, 1831. He
ifcs educated at the university of his native city
(1803-06), where he became lecturer in 1806. Four
years later he was appointed associate professor of
theology in the same institution, and in 1823 was
promote! to a full professorship. He devoted him-
self particularly to New-Testament exegesis, and
kmc; labored on a lexicon of the Greek Testament,
which he did not live to complete. Among his wri-
ting- *|*?t-ial mention should be made of the follow-
hag; Bemerkungen uber I Timollieus (Gotnn^en.
180c\; in answer tn Schleiermacher'n attack on the
authenticity of the epistle); Entumrf einer neuen
syju ■ ■.-.-. rM-litihtj dtr drr-i crxtrtt Eron-

geii. :.-h Gruiidsdtien der adherer Kritik (1809);

De vera notura atque indole oralionis Grata Nori
Tex (1810; Eng. transl. by A. S. Patereon,

Edinburgh, 1833); and Abrixs der philosopHschen
Rttigimdehre (Gottingen, 1821).

(Paul Tbchackebt.)

BraLioaiuFBT: Consult the liteniturc under the preceding,
G. C. ¥. I.ueke, Dr. C J. Planck, pp. 153 sqq..
.__, 1835; ud tho Ntktoloa for 1831. It 303: also
F. Sehlegel. Kirdien- ™l RrformalioatgitcMU-litr,
vol hi., Huwver, 1832; G. Uhlhom, HannovttKhe Kir-
ehtnaerJiitnlt. Stuttgart. 1902; ABB. nvi. 227; Vigour-
oux, Dittionnaire, fast, ixiii.. col. 457.

PLATH, plat, KARL HEIBRICH CHRISTIAH:
Lutheran promoter of foreign missions; b. at Bum-
berg (69 m. n.e. of Posen) Sept. 8, 1829; d. at Ber-
lin July 10, 1901. He was educated at Halle and
Bonn (1849-53), and at Wittenberg Theological
Seminary (1854-56); wins preacher arid religious in-
structor at Halle (1856-63); third secretary of the
Society fur Foreign Minions, Berlin (1863-71) and
also instructor at the mission seminary, field-lec-
turer and author of missionary literature; first sec-
retary of Gossner's Mission, after 1871; lecturer at
the University of Berlin on missionary urn I n-ligitms-
history after 1867; and ftill professor after 1882.
He visited India in 1S77-7S on behalf of Gosaner's
Mis-ion and twice afterward. He was author of
LAen dot Freiherm von Canstein (Halle, 1861);
Siebrri Zruge.n des Herrn am allnln Voile (Berlin,
1867); Die Erwahlung dtr VoVcer im Lichte der
MiBsumxgtxchichlf. (1867); Drci new Mission sfragct
(1868; Eng. transl., The Subject of Missions Co»-
Mertd wider Three New Aspects, Edinburgh, 1873) ■
Die Mitnonagedanken de» Freiherm von Leibnitz
(1869); Missiont-Stiidien (1870); and F&nfaig
Jahre Gosanerscher Mission (1886).

ear. O. PUth. ffnrt Piatt, liuptklor der Oatf
Minion, Sahwerin, 1904.

PLATMA, BARTOLOHEO (BARTOLOMEO
SACCH1): Italian humanist, theologian, and his-
torian of the popen; l>. at I'indciiu (17 m. e. of Cre-
mona) 1421; d. at Rome 1481. After studying at
Mantua, he went to Florence in 1457 to learn Greek
of Argyropulos, and in 1462 migrated to Rome,
where he obtained a position at the Curia in the
College of Abbreviators. When Paul II. ascended
the throne in 1464, Platina, like many others, lost
his position, and then headed a sharp reaction
UKitinxt the pojav lie was arrested and imprisoned
for four months in the Castle, of St.. Angelo, and did
not obtain a new office until Sixtos IV. appointed
him director of the Vatican library, a position which
he held until his death. The same pope gave him
the incentive for the preparation of his most im-
portant work, his Opus in Vitus summorum ponHfi-
cum ad Sixtum IV. (Venice, 1479; translated into
the principal languages (Jf |;uro|ic; Eng. transl s., 2
vols., Lives of the Popes, London. 1685, 1888). In
the main, Platina repeat**! the statements of his
preileerssors Damasus, Anastasius, Pandulphus,
I'tolesnieus of Lucca, and others, though he fre-
quently made independent investigations. At the
same time, like his precursors, be utilised forged
decretals without sii-peetini; their real nature.

In addition to Platina 'a Opus, mention should also
be made of bis Historia indytw orbit Mantua et
serenissima: fuittiliu Uo^yuin liliri » x (Vienna, 1675).

K. Be K BATH.
BiBLiooB«»Ht; On the editions, etr., of PUtina's work on
the popes consult Mollor, Dittrrttitia it B. PlaHna, Alt-
dorf. 1694, with which may he compsted TinboKhJ,
Storia delta Ltttcralura Italiana, vol. vi., 11 vols., Modeu,
1772-95; pjid Hutorin inili/la urbts Mantua, ed. Lun-
becias, Vienna. 1675. Consult; Pastor, Popa, vols, ii.-
i». (use the- Index); ' 'niitliton. Pn<»v» (use the Index):
S. BiBsolnli. l.r Yu, di dur itlialri Cr, r«n«n, Milan, ISoB;
G. Voigf, Pi-r Wiatrrbrttbuni/ i/m khs^tKam AUtrAamt.
ii. 237 sqq.. Rcrtin. 1881 ; J. liurekhnrdt. Die Kullur dtr
Aewriuiniai. ii. 277-27H. I,ei,..ir, iv. is, Eng. Inisl, Tn*
Ciciliialion of tht Rtnaxener of Itaty, London. I8S8.

PLATHER, plat'ner, JOHB WISTHROP: Con-
gregatiomdist; b. at Lee, Mass., May 15, 1865. He
was educated at Yale College (A.B., 1885), and after
being a private tutor for five years entered Union
Theological Seminary, from which he was graduated
in 1893. He then studied at the University of Ber-
lin for two years, after which he was an instructor
at Union Theological Seminar}' for a year; he was
assistant professor of ecclesiastical history at Har-
vard (1896-1901), and since 1901 has been professor
of the same in Audover Thcologic;d Seminary.

PLATO. See Platonism and Christianity.

PLATO, pUto, PORPHORY ROJDESTVEHSKI:
Archbishop of the Orthodox Russian Church in the
United States; b. at Kursk (275 m. s. of Moscow),
Russia, 1866. He became a priest in 1887 and a
monk in 1894, and in 1902 was consecrated bishop
hi" ('lii;ri;'in. lirst- auxiliary bishop of the archdio-
cese of Kief, and superior of the monastery of the
Kpipliany in Kief. He was a reactionary member of
the second Duma, and in 1907 wad elevated to the
archbishopric of Alcutia and North America, with
residence in New York City.

PL ATOM, pla'ton (PETER IXVCHTH): Metro-
politan of Moscow; b. near Moscow June 29, 1737;

Platon

Platonism and Christianity

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

8»

d. at Moscow 1812. He was the son of a psalmo-
dist, and was educated at the seminary and the the-
ological academy of Moscow. In 1757 he was ap-
pointed instructor in Greek and rhetoric at the
latter institution, and became distinguished as a
pulpit orator. Within the year he was called to be
instructor in rhetoric at the famous monastery of
the Holy Trinity near Moscow. Here he became a
monk, adopting the name of Platon, and in 1761
was made rector of the seminary of the monastery.
A sermon preached by him in Oct., 1762, produced
so favorable an impression on the Empress Cath-
erine II. that she summoned him to court to be the
religious instructor of the eight-year-old heir ap-
parent, Paul Petrovitch. Here he came into close
contact with Voltaire and the encyclopedists, but
without injury either to his faith or his character.

Platon remained at the Russian court, winning
the admiration of even Voltaire, until the marriage
of the heir apparent to Maria Feodorovna, daughter
of Duke Eugene of Wurttemberg, in 1773. During
this time he published, for the use of his royal pupil,
his " Orthodox Doctrine: or, A short Compend of
Christian Theology " (Moscow, 1765; Eng. transl.,
The Present State of the Greek Church in Russia: or,
A Summary of Christian Divinity, by R. Pinkerton,
Edinburgh, 1814), in which the influence of Western
thought, and even of rationalism, may be distinctly
traced. At the same time, Roman Catholic doc-
trines are mercilessly attacked, while the Lutheran
tenet of ubiquity and the Reformed theory of pre-
destination also receive their share of criticism.
This catechism was followed, a year later, by the
" Exhortation of the Orthodox Eastern Catholic
Church of Christ to her former Children, now on the
Road to Schism," pleading, though with scant suc-
cess, for lenient treatment of dissenters from the
Orthodox Church.

In 1768 Platon became a member of the synod,
and in 1770 was made bishop of Tver, though he
still remained at St. Petersburg, finally being the
religious instructor of the new grand duchess. In
1775 he was enthroned archbishop of Moscow, and
throughout the reigns of Catherine II., Paul, and
Alexander I. diligently promoted the religious,
moral, intellectual, and material welfare of his arch-
diocese, maintaining meanwhile an unceasing liter-
ary activity. In 1775 he issued a catechism for the
use of the clergy, and in 1776 a short catechism for
children, as well as one in the form of a dialogue,
while his brief history of the Russian Church (1777)
is the first systematic treatise of its kind in the
Russian language.

In 1787 Platon reluctantly consented to become
metropolitan of Moscow. He visited the city but
seldom, however, passing the winter in the Triotzki
monastery and the summer in the Pererva Monas-
tery close to Moscow. Here he supervised person-
ally the studies of the seminarians, who included
three destined to succeed him as archbishop of Mos-
cow. It was Platon who crowned both Paul (1797)
and Alexander I. (1801); but despite his close and
cordial relations with the court he preserved to the
last his firmness and his independence. Shortly
before his death he aided in preparing the way for
the foundation of the Russian Bible society which

was established in the year in which he died. The
collected works of Platon were published at Moscow
in twenty volumes in 1779-1807, the greater portion
of these writings being sermons, of which there are
about 500. An abridged English translation of
Platon *s catechism was prepared from a Greek ver-
sion of the Russian original (London, 1867), and his
sermon preached at the request of the empress to
celebrate the victory of Tschesme also appeared in
English (London, 1770). (H. Dalton.)

Bibliography: A life in Russian by Snegirew was published
at Moscow, 1857, while incidents of the life, also in Rus-
sian, was by Barsow, ib. 1891. Consult: L. Boissard.
Utgliee de Ruesie, ii. 348 sqq., Paris, 1867; A. H. Hore,
Eighteen Centuries of the Orthodox Greek Church, pp. 690-
691, New York. 1899.

PLATONISM AND CHRISTIANITY.

Christian Estimate of Plato (f 1).

Platonic Philosophy Spiritual (f 2).

Platonic Philosophy Theistic (f 3).

Platonic Philosophy Teleological and Ethical (f 4).

Religion, Rewards, and Punishment in Plato (f 5).

Merits and Defects (f 6).

Later Platonic Schools ((7).

" The peculiarity of the Platonic philosophy,"
says Hegel, in his " History of Philosophy " (vol.
ii.), "is precisely this direction toward the super-
sensuous world, — it seeks the elevation of conscious-
ness into the realm of spirit. The Christian religion
also has set up this high principle, that the internal
spiritual essence of man is his true
i. Christian essence, and has made it the universal
Estimate principle." Some of the early Fathers
of Plato, recognized a Christian element in Plato,
and ascribed to him a kind of propae-
deutic office and relation toward Christianity.
Clement of Alexandria calls philosophy " a sort of
preliminary discipline for those who lived before
the coming of Christ," and adds, " Perhaps we may
say it was given to the Greeks with this special ob-
ject; for philosophy was to the Greeks what the
law was to the Jews, — a schoolmaster to bring them
to Christ (cf. Strom., I., v.-xx.; Eng. transl., ANF,
ii. 305-324). " The Platonic dogmas," says Justin
Martyr, " are not foreign to Christianity. If we
Christians say that all things were created and or-
dered by God, we seem to enounce a doctrine of
Plato; and, between our view of the being of God
and his, the article appears to make the only dif-
ference " (cf. // Apol., xiii.). " Justin " (says
Ackermann, Das Christliche im Plato, chap, i., Ham-
burg, 1835; Eng. transl., The Christian Element in
Plato, Edinburgh, 1861), " Justin was, as he him-
self relates, an enthusiastic admirer of Plato before
he found in the Gospel that full satisfaction which
he had sought earnestly, but in vain, in philosophy.
And, though the Gospel stood infinitely higher in
his view than the Platonic philosophy, yet he re-
garded the latter as a preliminary stage to the
former. And in the same way did other apologetic
writers express themselves concerning Plato and his
philosophy, especially Athenagoras, the most spir-
ited, and philosophically most important of them
all, whose ' Apology ' is one of the most admirable
works of Christian antiquity." The Fathers of the
early Church sought to explain the striking resem-
blance between the doctrines of Plato and those of

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Platon

Platonism and Christianity

Christianity, principally by the acquaintance, which,
as they supposed, that philosopher had with learned
Jews and with the Jewish Scriptures during his so-
journ in Egypt, but partly, also, by the universal
light of a divine revelation through the " Logos,"
fthich, in and through human reason, " lighteth
every man that cometh into the world," and which
illumined especially such sincere and humble seekers
after truth as Socrates and Plato before the incar-
nation of the Eternal Word in the person of Jesus
Christ. Passages which bear a striking resemblance
to the Christian Scriptures in their picturesque, para-
bolic, and axiomatic style, and still more in the
lofty moral, religious, and almost Christian senti-
ments which they express, are scattered thickly all
through the dialogues, even those that treat of phys-
ical, political, and philosophical subjects; and they
are as characteristic of Plato as is the inimitably
graceful dialogue in which they are clothed. A
good selection of such passages may be seen in
the introductory chapters of Ackermann's work (ut
sup.)- A still more copious and striking collection
might be made.

Perhaps the most obvious and striking feature of
the Platonic philosophy is that it is preeminently
spiritual. Hegel speaks of " this direction toward
the supersensuous world/' this " eleva-
2. Platonic tion of consciousness into the realm of
Philosophy spirit," as " the peculiarity of the Pla-
SpirituaL tonic philosophy." There is no doc-
trine on which Plato more frequently
or more strenuously insists than this, — that soul is
not only superior to body, but prior to it in order of
time, and that not merely as it exists in the being
of God, but in every order of existence. The soul
of the world existed first, and then it was clothed
with a material body. The souls which animate the
sun, moon, and stars, existed before the bodies which
they inhabit (Timceus). The preexistence of hu-
man souls is one of the arguments on which he re-
lies to prove their immortality (Pkcedo, 73-76).
Among the other arguments by which he demon-
strates the immortality of the soul and its exalted
dignity are these: that the soul leads and rules the
body, and therein resembles the immortal gods (ib.
80); that the soul is capable of apprehending eter-
nal and immutable ideas, and communing with
things unseen and eternal, and so must partake of
their nature (ib. 79); that, as consciousness is sin-
gle and simple, so the soul itself is uncompounded,
and hence incapable of dissolution (ib. 78); that
soul, being everywhere the cause and source of life,
and every way diametrically opposite to death, can
not be conceived as dying, any more than fire can
be conceived as becoming cold (ib. 102-107); that
soul, being self-moved, and the source of all life and
motion, can never cease to live and move (Phadrus,
245) ; that diseases of the body do not reach to the
soul; and vice, which is a disease of the soul, cor-
rupts its moral quality, but has no power or tend-
ency to destroy its essence (" Republic," 610), etc.
Spiritual entities are the only real existences: ma-
terial things are perpetually changing, and flowing
into and out of existence. God is: the world be-
comes, and passes away. The soul is: the body
is ever changing, as a garment. Soul or ideas, which

are spiritual entities, are the only true causes; God
being the first cause why every thing is, and ideas
being the secondary causes why things are such as
they are (Phcedo, 100-101). Mind and will are the
real cause of all motion and action in the world,
just as truly as of all human motion and action.
According to the striking illustration in the Phcedo
(98, 99), the cause of Socrates awaiting death in the
prison, instead of making his escape as his friends
urged him to do, was that he chose to do so from a
sense of duty; and, if he had chosen to run away,
his bones and muscles would have been only the
means or instruments of the flight of which his
mind and will would have been the cause. And just
so it is in all the phenomena of nature, in all the
motions and changes of the material cosmos. And
life in the highest sense, what we call spiritual and
eternal life, all that deserves the name of life, is in
and of and from the. soul, which matter only con-
taminates and clouds, and the body only clogs and
entombs (Gorgias, 492, 493). Platonism, as well as
Christianity, says, Look not at the things which are
seen, but at the things which are not seen; for the
things which are seen are temporal, only for a sea-
son; but the things which are not seen are eternal
(cf. II Cor. iv. 18).

The philosophy of Plato is eminently theistic.
" God," he says, in his " Republic " (716 A), " is
(literally, holds) the beginning, middle, and end of
all things. He is the supreme mind or reason, the
efficient cause of all things, eternal, un-
3. Platonic changeable, all-knowing, all-powerful,
Philosophy all-pervading, and all-controlling, just,
Theistic. holy, wise, and good, the absolutely
perfect, the beginning of all truth, the
fountain of all law and justice, the source of all
order and beauty, and especially the cause of all
good " (PhUebus, Phcedo, Timceus, " Republic,"
and " Laws," passim). God represents, he imper-
sonates, he is the true, the beautiful, but, above all,
the good. Just how Plato conceived these " ideas "
to be related to the divine mind is disputed. In
discussing the good, sometimes it is difficult to de-
termine whether he means by it an idea, an attri-
bute, a principle, a power, or a personal God. But
he leaves no doubt as to his actual belief in the di-
vine personality. God is the reason (the intelli-
gence, Phcedo, 97 C) and the good (" Republic,"
508 C) ; but he is also the artificer, the maker, the
Father, the supreme ruler, who begets, disposes, and
orders all (cf. Timceus, with places just cited). He
is Theos and Ho Theos (Phcedo, 106 D, and often
elsewhere). Plato often speaks also of gods in the
plural; but to him, as to all the best minds of an-
tiquity, the inferior deities are the children, the
servants, the ministers, the angels, of the supreme
God (Timceus, 41). Unity is an essential element
of perfection. There is but one highest and best —
the Most High, the Supreme Good, God in the true
and proper sense is one. The Supreme God only is
eternal, he only hath immortality in himself. The
immortality of the inferior deities is derived, imparted
to them by their Father and the Father of all, and
is dependent on his will (Timceus, 41). God made
the world by introducing order and beauty into
chaotic matter, and putting into it a living, moving,

Platoniam and Christianity

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

intelligent soul; then the inferior deities made man
under his direction, and in substantially the same
way. God made the world because he is good, and
because, free from all envy or jealousy, he wished
everything to be as much like himself as the creature
can be like the creator (Timceus, 30 A). Therefore
he made the world good; and when he saw it he
was delighted (ib. 37 C; cf. Gen. i. 31). God is the
author of all good, and of good only, not of evil.
•' Every good gift cometh down from the Father of
the celestial luminaries "; " for it is morally impos-
sible for the best being to do any thing else than
the best " {Timcnis, 30 A; cf. Jas. i. 17). God ex-
ercises a providential care over the world as a whole,
and over every part (chiefly, however, through the
inferior deities who thus fulfil the office of angels,
11 Laws," 905 B-906), and makes all things, the
least as well as the greatest, work for good to the
righteous and those who love God, and are loved
by him (Phcedo, 62; " Republic," 613). Atheism is
a disease, and a corruption of the soul; and no man
ever did an unrighteous act, or uttered an impious
word, unless he was a theoretical or practical athe-
ist (" Laws," 885 B), that is, in the language of the
indictment at common law, he did it, '* not having
the fear of God before his eyes."

The Platonic philosophy is teleological. Final
causes, together with rational and spiritual agen-
cies, are the only causes that are worthy of the study
of the philosopher: indeed, no others deserve the
name {Ph<Bdot 98 sqq.). If mind is the cause of all
things, mind must dispose all things for the best;
and when it is known how anything may best be
made or disposed, then, and then only, is it known
how it is and the cause of its being so (Phcsdo, 97).
Material causes are no causes; and in-
4. Platonic quiry into them is impertinent, unphil-
Philosophy osophical, not to say impious and ab-
Teleological surd. Thus did Plato build up a
and Ethical, system of rational psychology, cos-
mology, and theology, all of which are
largely teleological, on the twofold basis of a priori
reasoning and mythology, in other words, of reason
and tradition, including the idea of a primitive rev-
elation. The eschatology of the Phcedo, the Gorgias,
and the " Republic," is professedly a mythos, though
he insists that it is also a logos (" Republic," 523).
His cosmology he professes to have heard from some
one (Phasdo, 108 D) ; and his theology in the Timceus
purports to have been derived by tradition from
the ancients, who were the offspring of the gods,
and who must, of course, have known the truth
about their own ancestors (40 C). Yet the whole
structure is manifestly the work of his own reason
and creative imagination; and the central doctrine
of the whole is, that God made and governs the
world with constant reference to the highest possi-
ble good; and " ideas " are the powers, or, in the
phraseology of modern science, the " forces," by
which the end was to be accomplished. The philos-
ophy of Plato is preeminently ethical, and his
ethics are remarkably Christian. Only one of his
dialogues was classified by the ancients as " phys-
ical," and that (the Timceus) is largely theological.
The political dialogues treat politics as a part of
ethics, — ethics as applied to the State. Besides

the four virtues as usually classified by Greek mor-
alists,— vis., temperance, courage, justice, and wis-
dom,— Plato recognized as virtues humility and
meekness, which the Greeks generally despised, and
holiness, which they ignored (Euthyphron) ; and he
teaches the duty of non-retaliation and non-resist-
ance as strenuously, not to say paradoxically, as
it is taught in the Sermon on the Mount (Critias,
49). That it is better to suffer wrong than to do
wrong is a prominent doctrine of the Gorgias (479
£, 508 C). But as the highest " idea " is that of
the good, so the highest excellence of which man
is capable is likeness to God, the supreme and ab-
solute good. A philosopher, who is Plato's ideal, is
a lover of wisdom, of truth, of justice, of goodness
(" Republic," book vi.), of God, and, by the con-
templation and imitation of his virtues, becomes
like him as far as it is possible for man to resemble
God (ib. 613 A, B).

Plato is preeminently a religious philosopher.

His ethics, his politics, and his physics are all based

on his theology and his religion. Natural and moral

obligations, social and civil duties, duties to parents

and elders, to kindred and strangers,

5. Religion, to neighbors and friends, are all relig-

Rewards, ious duties (" Laws," ix. 881 A, xi.
and Punish- 931 A). Not only is God the lawgiver

ment in and ruler of the universe, but his law
Plato. is the source and ground of all human
law and justice. " That the gods not
only exist, but that they are good, and honor and
reward justice far more than men do, is the most
beautiful and the best preamble to all laws"
(" Laws," x. 887). Accordingly, in the " Repub-
lic " and the " Laws," the author often prefaces
the most important sections of his legislation with
some such preamble, exhortation, or, as Jowett
calls it, sermon, setting forth the divine authority
by which it is sanctioned and enforced. Plato gives
prominence also to the doctrine of a future state of
rewards and punishments. At death, by an in-
evitable law of its own being, as well as by the ap-
pointment of God, every soul goes to its own place;
the evil gravitating to the evil, and the good rising
to the supreme good. When they come before their
judge, perhaps after a long series of transmigrations,
each of which is the reward or punishment of the
preceding, those who have lived virtuous and holy
lives, and those who have not, are separated from
each other. The wicked whose sins are curable are
subjected to sufferings in the lower world, which
are more or less severe, and more or less protracted,
according to their deserts. The incurably wicked
are hurled down to Tartarus, whence they never go
out, where they are punished forever as a spectacle
and warning to others (Gorgias, 523 sqq.; Phctdo,
113 D). Those, on the other hand, who have lived
virtuously and piously, especially those who have
purified their hearts and lives by philosophy, will
live without bodies (Phcedo, 114 C), with the gods,
and in places that are bright and beautiful beyond
description.

Allusion only may be made to other characteris-
tic features of Plato's philosophy, such, for exam-
ple, as his doctrine of " ideas," — the true, the
beautiful, the good, the holy, and the like, — which,

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Platonlsm and Christianity

looking at them now only on the ethical and practical
aide, are eternal and immutable, and not dependent
even on the will of God (the holy, for
6. Merits instance, is not holy because it is the
and will of God, but it is the will of God
Defects, because it is holy, just, and good — Eu-
thyphron, 10 D) ; the indispensable ne-
cessity of a better than any existing, not to say bet-
ter than human, society and government (like the
ideal republic, which is not so much a state as a
church or a school, a great family, or a man " writ
large "), in order to the salvation of the individual
or the perfection of the race; the degenerate, dis-
eased, carnal, and corrupt state into which mankind
in general has fallen since the reign of Kronos in
thegolden age (" Laws," 713 C; " Politics," 271 D;
Critica, 108 D), and from which God only can save
any individual or nation (" Republic," vi. 492,
493); and the need of a divine teacher, revealer,
healer, charmer, to charm away the fear of death,
and bring life and immortality to light (Phcedo, 78
A, 859).

But a passing glance may be given to the rad-
ical defects and imperfections of Plato's best teach-
ings—his inadequate conception of the nature of
sin as involuntary, the result of ignorance, a mis-
fortune, and a disease in the soul, rather than a
transgression of the divine law; his consequent
erroneous ideas of its cure by successive transmi-
grations on earth, and protracted pains in purga-
tory, and by philosophy; his philosophy of the
origin of evil, viz., in the refractory nature of mat-
ter, which must therefore be gotten rid of by bod-
ily mortification, and by the death of the body
without a resurrection, before the soul can arrive
at its perfection; his utter inability to conceive of
atonement, free forgiveness, regenerating grace, and
salvation for the masses, a fortiori for the chief of .
sinners; the doubt and uncertainty of his best re-
ligious teachings, especially about the future life
("Apology," 40 E, 42; Phoedo, 107 C); and the
utter want in his system of the grace, even more
than of the truth, that have come to us by Jesus
Christ, for, after all, Platonism is not so deficient
in the wisdom of God as it is in the power of God
unto salvation. The " Republic," for example, pro-
poses to overcome the selfishness of human nature
by constitutions and laws and education, instead of
a new heart and a new spirit, by community of
goods and of wives, instead of loyalty and love to a
divine-human person like Jesus Christ.

In the Middle and the New Academy, there was
always more or less tendency to skepticism, grow-
ing out of the Platonic doctrine of the uncertainty
of all human knowledge except that of " ideas."
The Neo-Platonists (see Neo-Platon-
7. Later ism), on the other hand, inclined
Platonic toward dogmatism, mysticism, ascet-
Schools. icism, theosophy, and even thaumat-
urgy, thus developing seeds of error
that lay in the teaching of their master. After the
Christian era, among those who were more or less
the followers of Plato, were, at one extreme, the de-
vout and believing Plutarch, the author of " Delay
of the Deity in the Punishment of the Wicked,"
and the practical and sagacious Galen, whose work

on the " Uses of the Parts of the Human Body "
is an anticipation of the Bridgewater Treatises, both
of whom, as also Socrates, would have accepted
Christianity if they had come within the scope of
its influence; and, at the other extreme, Porphyry
and the Emperor Julian, who wielded the weapons
of philosophy in direct hostility to the religion of
Christ; while intermediate between them the major
part of the philosophers of the Neo-Platonic and
eclectic schools who came in contact with Christian-
ity went on their way in indifference, neglect, or
contempt of the religion of the crucified Nazarene.
But not a few of the followers of Plato discovered
a kindred and congenial element in the eminent
spirituality of the Christian doctrines and the lofty
ethics of the Christian life, and, coming in through
the vestibule of the Academy, became some of the
most illustrious of the Fathers and Doctors of the
early Church. And many of the early Christians, in
turn, found peculiar attractions in the doctrines of
Plato, and employed them as weapons for the de-
fense and extension of Christianity, or cast the
truths of Christianity in a Platonic mold. The doc-
trines of the Logos and the Trinity received their
shape from Greek Fathers, who, if not trained in
the schools, were much influenced, directly or indi-
rectly, by the Platonic philosophy, particularly in
its Jewish-Alexandrian form. That errors and cor-
ruptions crept into the Church from this source can
not be denied. But from the same source it de-
rived no small additions, both to its numbers and
its strength. Among the most illustrious of the
Fathers who were more or less Platonic, may be
named Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, Theophilus,
Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen,
Minutius Felix, Eusebius, Methodius, Basil the
Great, Gregory of Nyssa, and St. Augustine. Plato
was the divine philosopher of the earlier Christian
centuries; in the Middle Ages Aristotle succeeded
to his place. But in every period of the history of
the Church, some of the brightest ornaments of
literature, philosophy, and religion — such men as
Anselm, Erasmus, Melanchthon, Jeremy Taylor,
Ralph Cudworth, Henry More, Neander, and Tayler
Lewis — have been " Platonizing " Christians.

Bibliography: No attempt can be made here to give a
complete list of works on Plato, the works now cited being
those which probably best illustrate the subject of the
article. A notable bibliography, covering editions, trans-
lations, and critical treatises, is to be found in Baldwin,
Dictionary, iii. 1, pp. 404-423, to be supplemented by the
list entered under " Philosophy " in Fortescue's Subject
Index of Modern Works . . . of the British Museum,
London, 1902 sqq. For the works of Plato the best eds.
for general use are that on the basis of Stephens by C. D.
Beck, 8 vols., Leipsic. 1893-99; and the ed. by J. Burnet,
vols. i.-v., Oxford, 1900-07. The classical Eng. transl. is
that of B. Jowett, The Dialogues, 3d ed., 5 vols., Oxford,
1892, with E. Abbott's Index, ib. 1895, The Republic, 2
vols., 3d ed., ib. 1908. Of prime importance are the
works on the history of philosophy by Ueberweg, ed.
M. Heinze, 9th ed., Berlin, 1901-05, Eng. transl. of the
4th ed., London, 1875-76; W. Windelband, 4th ed.,
TQbingen, 1907, Eng. transl. of 1st ed.. New York, 1893;
J. E. Erdmann, 2 vols., Berlin. 1895-06, Eng. transl., 3
vols., London, 1892-98; and E. Zeller, new ed., Tubingen,
1892, Eng. transl., London, 1897. Consult: O. C. B.
Ackermann, Das Christliche im Plato und in der platoni-
schen Philosophic, Eng. transl.. The Christian Element in
Plato, Edinburgh, 1860; F. Schleiermacher, Introduction
to Dialogues of Plato, translated by W. Dobson, Cambridge
and London, 1836; E. Zeller, Platonischen Studien, Tu-

Pleasure
Plainer

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

bingen, 1839; J. F. Simon, fitudea sur la theodicie de
Platan et dCAristate, Paris, 1840; C. B. Smyth, Christian
Metaphysics, or Plato, Malebranche, and Oioberti Com-
pared with the Modern Schools of Psychology, London,
1851; C. Morgan, An Investigation of the Trinity of Plato,
Cambridge, 1853; D. Becker, Das philosophische Sys-
tem Platans in seiner Beziehung gum christlichen Dogma,
Leipsic, 1862; R. D. Hampton, The Fathers of Cheek
Philosophy, Edinburgh, 1862; G. Grote, Plato and the
Other Companions of Socrates, London, 1865, 2d ed., 1867;

B. F. Cooker, Christianity and Greek Philosophy, New
York, 1870; A. £. Chaignet, La Vie et Us ecrits de Platon,
Paris, 1871; J. W. Lake, Plato, Philo and Paul, Edin-
burgh, 1874; E. Zeller, Plato and the Old Academy, Lon-
don, 1876; S. W. Mendenhall, Plato and Paul, or Philoso-
phy and Christianity, Cincinnati, 1886; E. W. Simson, Der
Begriff der Seele bei Plato, Leipsic, 1889; J. Lipperheide,
Thomas von Aquino und die platonische Ideenlehre, Munich,
1890; J. H. Stirling, Philosophy and Theology, Edinburgh,
1890; C. Benard, Platon: sa vie et sa philosophic, Paris,
1892; W. Pater, Plato and Platonism, London and New
York, 1893; J. W. G. van Oordt, Plato and the Times he
Lived in. The Hague, 1895; H. Roeder, Platans philoso-
phische Entwickdung, Leipsic, 1905; E. Reich, Plato as
an Introduction to Modern Criticism of Life, London, 1906;

C. Bitter, Platon, sein Leben, seine Schriften, seine Lehre,
Munich, 1909; idem, Neue Untersuchungen uber Platon,
ib., 1910; A. E. Taylor, Plato, New York, 1909. Much
that is illustrative from a historical point of view will be
found in the literature under Scholasticism.

PLEASURE: An agreeable and gratifying feel-
ing or desire which awakens in the person experi-
encing it a wish for its continuance or renewal.
Neither the feeling nor the impulse is necessarily
sinful, for desire and its gratification are essential
to a complete life. Just as the man who takes pleas-
ure in nothing is unhealthy, so one who seeks and
desires nothing is in danger of becoming both men-
tally and morally a nonentity. Ethically, pleasure,
both as feeling and desire, is determined by its re-
lation to the ego, by the free personality of man,
and by its object. Where, as in the ethics of De-
mocritus, Epicurus, Protagoras, and others, the ego
exalts its own natural sensations and desires into
a norm of life, pleasure decides what is good and
what is bad. On the other hand, the personality
that has submitted itself to the divine will deter-
mines for itself what shall be pleasure and pain. It
is divine revelation that guides man here, so that
the Psalmist can say, " Delight thyself also in the
Lord; and he shall give thee the desires of thine
heart " (Ps. xxxvii. 4; cf. i. 2, lxxiii. 23-28, cxi.
2, cxii. 1, cxix.); and the New Testament makes
communion with God the highest and most perfect
pleasure of the Christian (cf. II Cor. v. 15; Gal. ii.
20; John xvii. 23). This pleasure, however, does
not exclude the enjoyment of other pleasures.
Pleasure in the true (science) and the beautiful
(art), and even bodily pleasures in moderation, as
in eating and in general comfort, are proper and
consistent with the Christian life. Extreme as-
ceticism is unchristian (I Tim. iv. 3-5; Col. ii. 16-
23). Pleasure becomes sin only when the accom-
panying desire becomes lust, overpowers the will,
and enslaves the personality. As a guard against
this the moderate asceticism of Paul may be rec-
ommended (I Cor. ix. 27; Phil. iv. 11-13).

While desire is an essential element of human
nature, it requires a curb. According to Roman
Catholic doctrine, this was a special gift of grace
bestowed upon Adam, without which man would
be completely given up to sensuality. Desire in

the first man was originally directed by God; but
Adam renounced this guidance, and desire became
concupiscence and lust, this depravity being trans-
mitted by man's first parents to the entire human
race. At times Paul uses " lust " as synonymous
with " sin " (Rom. vii. 7); but in New-Testament
usage the ethical character of desire, whether good
or evil, depends upon the subject rather than upon
the object (cf. John viii. 44; Rom. i. 24; Gal. v. 16;
I John ii. 16). The duty of the Christian toward
sinful natural impulses is set forth in Gal. v. 24 and
Col. iii. 5.

The doctrinal difference between Roman Catholi-
cism and Protestantism regarding original sin de-
pends chiefly on their divergent interpretation of
desire, the Council of Trent maintaining that, after
the loss of the special gift of grace, man's nature
was weakened, though neither the loss of his orig-
inal righteousness nor the desire which remains even
in the regenerate is necessarily sinful. Protestant-
ism, on the contrary, holds that desire is evil in
itself. (Karl Burger.)

PLENARY {Liber plenarius): The term applied
in the early Middle Ages to a missal containing all
the liturgy appertaining to the mass, thus combi-
ning what was usually scattered through the sacra-
mentary, gradual, and lectionary. Though such
plenaries existed in the ninth century, the extant
manuscript copies are not older than the eleventh.
Later in the Middle Ages the plenaries were trans-
lated into German with various additions explana-
tory of the mass. The name was likewise applied
to lectionaries containing the epistles and Gospels
for Sundays and feasts, with glosses or postils on
the Gospels; and the plenaries came to be called
simply Gospel books or postils. With the Reforma-
tion the plenary vanished, none being known to
have been issued after 1521. (P. Drews.)

Bibliography: J. Alsog, in Freiburger Didcesan-Archiv,
viii (1874), 255 sqq.; M. F. A. Q. Campbell. Annates de
la typographic neerlandaise au 16. siecle, The Hague, 1874;
F. Falk, Die Druckkunst im Dienste der Kirche, pp. 29 sqq.,
Cologne, 1879; R. Cruel, Geschichte der deutschen Predict
im MittelaUer, pp. 533 sqq., Detmar, 1879.

PLITT, GUSTAV LEOPOLD: German Lutheran;
b. at Genin, near Lubeck, Mar. 27, 1836; d. at
Erlangen Sept. 10, 1880. He studied theology at
the universities of Erlangen (1864-56, 1857-58)
and Berlin (1856-57), and early in 1861 became
privat-docent at the former institution, lecturing
chiefly on church history and especially on the Ref-
ormation period and the life of Luther, and also on
exegesis. At the same time he developed his liter-
ary activity, publishing Melanchlhons Loci com-
munes in ihrer Urgestalt (Erlangen, 1864) and soon
after his main work, Einleitung in die Augustana
(2 vols., 1867-68). In 1867 Plitt was appointed
associate professor. Besides continuing his work
as an author, evidenced in his Aus Schetting's Leben,
in Brief en (3 vols., Leipsic, 1869-70) and Kurze
Geschichte der lutherischen Mission, in Vortrdgen
(Erlangen, 1871), he took an active part as preacher
at the university and in influencing practical church
life.

In 1867 he became the head of the Bavarian

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pleasure
Plumer

Veron fur Judenmission, and was equally energetic
in behalf of home missions and philanthropic enter-
prises, being also one of the founders of the institu-
tion of army deacons in the Franco-Prussian war.
In 1875 he was advanced to a full professorship,
and in the same year published his Grundriss der
SynboUk fur Vorlcsungen (Erlangen, 1875), which
hid been preceded by Die Apologie der Augustana,
oacidMich erkUtrt (1873). Meanwhile he had con-
tinued his studies on the period of the Reformation,
and contemplated combining them into a biography
of Luther which should appeal to the cultured pub-
lic as well as to scholars. This work, begun by him,
was completed after his death by his friend E. F.
Petersen of Ltibeck, appearing under the title,
Martin Luthers Leben und Wirken (Leipsic, 1883).
In 1877 he became associated with Johann Jakob
Henog (q.v.) in the preparation of the second edi-
tion of the Realencyklopddie fur protestantische The-
ologie und Kirche, a task for which wide theological
knowledge, unwearying energy, and breadth of view
rendered him peculiarly adapted. He had been
able, however, to help to finish only half the work
when he died. (F. Franx*|\)

PLOCKHOY, PIETER C0R5BLISZ: "The
father of modern socialism "; born at Zierikzee
(35 m. n.w. of Antwerp) about 1600; d. in German-
town, Pa., about 1674. Becoming interested in
pUns for the realization of the Christian ideal
through the best social and industrial methods, he
crossed to England and had two interviews with
Cromwell, who was greatly interested in his project.
On the decease of the protector, Sept. 3, 1658,
Plockhoy discussed his scheme with parliament, but
owing to the breakdown of government in England
was not able to secure cooperation. He printed in
English at London in 1659 a pamphlet of fourteen
pages, with an advertisement or an invitation of the
same bulk, setting forth A Way Propounded to make
ike Poor in these and other Nations happy by bring-
ing together a fit, suitable and xvell qualified People
into one Household Government or little Common-
walth, wherein Everyone may keep his own Property
find be employed in some Work or other , as he shall
tufit, without being oppressed.' *

He proposed to assemble in a common lot and
housing four sorts of people: husbandmen, handi-
craftsmen, mariners, and masters of arts and sci-
ences, who were to be industrial, yet cultivated and
of good character, that is, " only rational and im-
partial persons." " All intractable persons, such
m those in communion with the Roman see, usuri-
ous Jews, English stiff-necked Quakers; Puritans;
fool-hardy believers in the Millennium; and obsti-
nate modern pretenders to revelation," were to be
exduded. Those not of the elect or limited num-
ber could join the community as servants or assist-
ants. Two houses were deemed necessary, one for
the living occupants and one for a warehouse, fac-
tory, and shops. Rents were to be cheap and there
**s to be no overcharging. In the living-house,
the sexes were to sit on opposite sides of the table,
*nd dwell in mutual courtesy, using no titles. They
TOe to acknowledge none but Christ as head and
faster. A president was to be elected annually to

be the executive, but he was to have no salary or
remuneration. In the large hall at the religious
and devotional exercises, which included singing
and Bible-reading, each was to take turns in speak-
ing, and each was to make his discourses short.
Then the business of the court began. No clergy-
man or capitalist was allowed. One hundred fam-
ilies were to be associated, so that, for example, in-
stead of the work of one hundred women toiling
as in separate families, only twenty-five could do
the housework, while seventy-five were set free for
other productive labors. In like manner, instead
of 100 fires, four or five furnaces could heat the
whole habitation. Each was to work six hours a
day for the benefit of the colony, the rest of the
time could be devoted to private interests. The
profits were to be divided equally among all over
twenty years and to others in proportion.

After the fall of the Netherlands West India Com-
pany the city of Amsterdam financed Plockhoy's
project after a contract of 117 articles had been
made, giving 100 guilders to each colonist twenty-
four years old and free from debt. Colonists were
to be ready by Sept. 15, 1662. The settlement was
made on Hoorn Kill on the Delaware River, near
Swannendaal (New Castle). It seems to have flour-
ished until 1664, at the conquest of New Netherland
by the English. Then Sir Robert Carr seized and
plundered the Delaware settlements, sold the
Dutch soldiers as slaves in Virginia, stripped the
colonists bare, and took " what belonged to the
Quaking Society of Plockhoy, to a very naile." It
is not known what became of his colonists, but ten
years later Plockhoy, now blind and his wife lead-
ing him, came into Germantown, Pa., where the
couple were given a house during the ten years of
his remaining life. Some of Plockhoy's ideas, once
novel, are now commonplace. His pamphlet in
Dutch, Kort en klaer ontwerp . . . door een Volck-
planting . . . aan de Zuytrevier in Nieuw Neder-
land (16 pages, Amsterdam, 1662), is described and
discussed by E. B. O'Callaghan, History of New
Netherland; or, New York under the Dutch, ii. 461-
469, New York, 1848; J. R. Brodhead, Hist, of the
State of New York, i. 697-699, ib. 1853; G. M. Asher,
Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the Dutch
Books and Pamphlets Relating to New Netherlands,
pp. 205-208, 2 parts, Amsterdam, 1854-67; W. E.
Griffis, The Story of New Netherland, pp. 131, 138,
Boston, 1909. W. E. Griffis.

PLOTTOUS. See Neoplatonism, II.

PLUMER, WILLIAM SWAN: Presbyterian; b.
at Greersburg (now Darlington), Beaver Co., Pa.,
July 26, 1802; d. at Baltimore, Md., Oct. 22, 1880.
He was educated at Washington College, Lexing-
ton, Va., where he graduated in 1825; and at Prince-
ton Theological Seminary in 1826; and was or-
dained in 1827.

After working in various fields he was pastor at
Petersburg, Va. (1831-34), Richmond (1835-46),
Baltimore (1847-54), and at Allegheny, Pa. (185£-
1862), where he served at the same time as pro-
fessor of didactic and pastoral theology in the West-
ern Theological Seminary. He supplied the pulpit
of Arch Street Church, Philadelphia (1862-65);

Plymouth Brethren

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOO

WM poster .it Pottsville, Pit. (1865-66); and pro-
fessor in the theological seminary :il Columbia, S. (.'.
(1867-80). He possessed u singular impress] WBtm
in the pulpit and a gift for teaching. His writing!
are praeliral anil didactic and of mi ullra-Calvmis-
tic cast. He founded The Watchman of the South
in 1837 and was sole editor, 1837-15. Some of his
works are The Bible True and Infidelity Wicked
(New York. 1848); The Saint and Ihe Sinner (Phila-
delphia, 1851); The Grace of Christ (1853); The
Law of God us Contained in the Ten CoWUUWuJtilenit
(1864); Sermons for the People (1871); and Com-
militaries on Romans (1870), and on Hebrews
(1872).

PLTJMMER, ALFRED: Church of England; b.
at Heworth (near Gateshead, opposite Neweastlc-
on-Tyne), Durhamshire, Feb. 17, 1841. He was
educated at Exeter College, Oxford (B.A., 1863;
M.A., 18fl6), and was ordered fauna in 1866, but
hiis never been ordained To the priesthood. He was
fellow of Trinity College (1865-75), and was tutor
and dean of the same college (tS67-74); he was
master of University College, Durham (1874-1902),
where he was junior proctor of the University of
Durham (1875-77), senior proctor (1877-93), and
snbwarden (1896-1902). He was one of the last
pupil- of J. J. 1. von Doll inner, and translated that
(hi'ol<i»ian's Fables renpirliiig the Popes of the Mid-
dle Ages (London, 1871); Prophecies and (he Pro-
phetic Spirit in the Christian Era (187:!); and Hip-
polytus and Callisl'is: or, The Church nf Home in the
first Half of the third Century (Edinburgh, 1876).
He has prepared Peter and Jiuie for The ,\'<-u' Testn-
inr-iii Commentary jar English Headerx ( London,
1879); the Johannine Gospel and Epistles for The
Ctiititinihlp Bible far Schools (Cambridge, 2 vols.,
1880. 1883) and for The Cambridge Greek Testa-
ment (3 vols., 1882, 1886), and II Corinthians for
the same series (2 vols., 1903); The Pastoral Epis-
tles. James, and Jude for The Expositor's Bible (2
vols., London, 1888, 1890); Luke for The Inter-
national Commentary (Edinburgh, ISOtii; and an in-
dependent commentary on Mult \v\\ ! HMIfl). He has
also written the historical introduction to Joshua,
Nehemiah, and the Johannine Epistles in The Pul-
pit Commentary (3 vols., London, 1881, 1889), and
is the author of The Church of the Early Fathers
(London, 1887): English Church History ficto tlie.
Death of Henry 17/. la the Death of William HI. (3
vols., Edinburgh, 1904-07); and The Church of
England in the Eighteenth Century (1910).

PLDMPTRE, EDWARD HATES: Church of
England; b. at London Aug. 6, 1821; d. at Wells
Feb. 1, 1891. He was scholar of University Col-
lege, Oxford (B.A., 1844; M.A.. 1847); and fellow
of Brasenosc College (1844-47); assistant preacher
At Lincoln's Inn (1851-58); Beleet preacher at Ox-
ford (1851 -53, 1864-66, 1872-73): chaplain of King's
College, London (1847-68); professor of pastoral
theology there (1853-«3j; dean of Queen's Col-
lege, London (1S55-75); prelicndary of Portpool,
in St. Paul's Cathedral (1S63-81); professor of
exegesis in King's College. London (1863-81); ex-
amining chaplain to the bishop of Gloucester ,inrl
Bristol (1865-67); Boyle lecturer (ISftW-OT); rec-

tor of Plucklev. Kent (1SIW-73); Grinfield lecturer
on the Septuagint at Oxford (1872-74): examiner
in school of theology at Oxford (1872-73); vicar of
Bickley, Kent (1873-S1); principal of Queen's Col-
lege, London (1875-77); and examining chaplain
to" the late archbishop of Canterburv (1879-82). ( U
Dec. 21, 1881, he was installed dean of Wells. He
was a member of the Old-Testament company
of revisers, 1870-74, and is known also as a
hymnist. For The Bible ("Speaker's") Com-
mentary he wrote the comments on The Book
of Proverbs (1873); for C. J. Ellicott's New-Testa-
ment Commentary fur English Readers, those on the
first three Gospels, the Acts, and II Corinthians
(1877); for the Old-Testament Commentary by the
same general editor, those on Isaiah. Jeremiah, and
Lamentations (1882-84); for The Cambridge Bible,
those on Ecclosiasles, James, Peter, and Jude; and
for Philip Sehaff's Popular Commentary on the Mm
Testament, those on I Timothy and II Timothy
(1883). He edited The Bible Educator |4 vols.,
London anil New York, 1874). He likewise pub-
lished The Calling of a Medical Student, four ser-
mons (1810); T lie Study of Theology and the Minis-
try nf Sauls (1853); King's Colby Sermons (1R50);
Sophocles (a translation; 1865): .Esehyhis (a trans-
lation; 1868); St. Paid in Asia Minor and the
Syrian Antioch (1877); The Epistles to the Seven
Churches (1877); HMical Studies (1870; 4th ed.,
1884); Introduction to the New Testament (1883);
things .Veto and Old (1884) ; Theology and Life, ser-
mons (1866); Spirits in Prison, and other Studies
on Life after Death (1SS-1I: Life and Letters of 'Thomas
Km, Bishop of Bath and Wells (2 vols., 1888); Laza-
rus and Other Poems (1864); Master and Scholar
(poems; 1806): Christ and Christendom (Boyle
Lectures; 1867; new ed,, 1899): The Cnmmrdia
and Canzoniere of Dante Alighieri (new transla-
tion, with notes, life, and portraits, 3 vols, 1887);
and Wells Cathedral and Us Deans (1888). The two
hymn* by him which are most widely known are
' Kejoiee, ye pure in heart," and "Thine arm, O
Lord, in days of old."

BiBMooftAPRT: Julian, Hymrmtooy p. 897; S. TV. Duffleld.
English Humns, pp. 209-209. New York. 1880; DNB,
xlv. 437-138.

PLUHKET, WILLIAM COHYHGHAM: Church

of Ireland archbishop; b. at Dublin, Ireland, Aug.
26, 1828; d. there Apr. I, 1897. Graduated at
Trinity College, Dublin (B.A., 1853; M.A., 1864);
was ordained deacon (1857), und priest (1858); wsa
rector of Kilmoylan and Cummer, Tuam (1858 -04);
chaplain and private secretary to the bishop of
Tuam, and treasurer of St. Patrick's Cathedral,
Dublin (1864-07); precentor of St, Patrick's (1888-
1877); consecrated lord bishop of Mealh (1876);
and translated to the joint archbishopric of Dublin,
Glendalough. ami Kildure, in 1884. He was a leader
or the Evangelical party in the Irish Church; stren-
uously opposed its disestablishment prior to 1868;
fostered a sympathy for struggling Protestant com-
munities, and took an active part in the Protestant
movements in Spain and Italy; reorganised what
is now the Church of Ireland Training College (Kil-
dare Place); and for his activity in educational
nutlets was nominated in 1895 a member of the

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Phunmer
Plymouth Brethren

board of national education. In 1871 he succeeded

his father in the peerage.

BaiiociiPHT: F. D. How, William Conyngham PlunkH,
...,a Memoir, London, 1900; DNB, Supplement, iii.
X7M77.

PLURALITIES: A term in canon law for the
holding, by a clergyman, of two or more livings at
the same time. The canon law forbids it; but Ro-
om Catholic bishops granted dispensations to com-
mit the offense until by the general council of 1273
the right was taken from them. The popes still
exercise this right. In England the power to grant
dispensations to hold two benefices with the care
of souk is vested in the monarch and in the arch-
bnhop of Canterbury. The benefices thus held must
not be farther apart than three miles, and the an-
nual value of one of them must be under a hundred
pounds.

PLUTARCH OF ATHENS. See Neoplatonism,
IE., § 3.

PLUVIAL. See Vestments and Insignia,
Ecclesiastical.

PLYMOUTH BRETHREN.

I. History.
Foundation; Record till 1845 (| 1).
The Newton Episode (§ 2).
Defection of Cronin and Kelly (§ 3).
Further Divisions (§ 4).
Present Status (J 5).
II. Doctrines.

L History: The Plymouth Brethren, called by
others Darbyites or Exclusive Brethren, and by
themselves " Brethren," are to be distinguished
from Bible Christians and Disciples of Christ (qq.v.).
Tney took their origin in Ireland about 1828 after
a movement under the leadership of John Walker
which was a revolt against ministerial
i. Founda- ordination, and in England the origin
tfen; Rec- is connected with the interest in proph-
ordtill ecy stimulated by Edward Irving
1845. (q.v.). Conferences like those under
the Irving movement were held from
1828 at Powerscourt Mansion, County Wicklow,
Ireland, at which John Nelson Darby (q.v.) was a
prominent figure. Prior to this, from 1826 private
meetings had been held on Sundays under the
leadership of Edward Cronin, who had been a Ro-
man Catholic and later a Congregationalist, for
" breaking bread," at which Anthony Norris Groves,
John Vesey Parnell (second Lord Congleton), and
( John Gilford Bellett, a friend of Darby, were attend-
ants. In 1827 John Darby resigned his charge and
in 1828 adopted the non-conformist attitude of the
men named above, prompted by the Erastianism
of a petition of Archbishop Magee to the House of
Commons, and issued a paper on The Nature and
Uwity of the Church of Christ (in vol. i. of his CoU
fafai Writings, London, 1867) . This served to swell
the ranks of the Brethren, so that in 1830 a public
u assembly " was started in Aungier Street, Dublin,
which emphasised " the coming of the Lord as the
present hope of the Church and the presence of
the Holy Ghost as that which brought into unity "
■ad "the heavenly character of the Church," and
used as the golden text Matt, xviii. 20. Through
Francis William Newman (q.v.), Darby had become

acquainted with Benjamin Wills Newton (a lay
fellow of Exeter College) and George Vicesimus
Wigram at Oxford. He also visited Plymouth
(whence the name for the Brethren), where Robert
Hawker had been active in Evangelieal ministry,
and held meetings there, the outcome of which was
the first English gathering of the Brethren (1831).
The basis of communion was the acceptance of
" all that are on the foundation " and rejection of
" all error by the Word of God and the help of his
ever present Spirit," recognizing that " degeneracy
claimed service, and not departure." Before the
appearance of Darby's Liberty of Preaching and
Teaching (1834), the Brethren had taken their stand
upon a free ministry, while other weighty papers by
Darby and Newton appeared in the new magazine,
The Christian Witness, edited by J. L. Harris. Re-
cruits of note were Henry Craik and Georg (Fried-
rich) M idler (q.v.), coming from the Baptist denom-
ination. The latter had been in the service of the
London Society for Promoting Christianity among
the Jews, but became convinced that assemblies
should consist only of the converted and joined the
Brethren, beginning pastoral work at Bristol in
1832 on the lines of their policy, and developing the
other activities for which he became famous. Other
noted converts to the denomination were Samuel
Prideaux Tregelles (q.v.) and Robert Chapman.
Darby continued his work in London, then went to
the continent, where in French Switzerland he pro-
moted the movement by personal and literary ac-
tivities, opposing a regular ministry as ignoring the
privilege of every believer to direct access to God.
While there he became aware of a tendency toward
isolation manifesting itself in Newton, shown in his
revival of restricted ministry together with doc-
trinal divergencies, e.g., Newton's adherence to the
Reformation teaching of justification, inclusion of
the Old-Testament saints in the apocalyptic Church,
and belief that the second advent would not pre-
cede the " great tribulation," to which the Church
would be subject. Failing to secure satisfaction
from Newton and his adherents, in 1845 Darby
started a separate assembly.

Newton remained at Plymouth for two years.
The dispute so far had concerned the special " tes-
timony " of Brethren as such. According to notes
of a lecture by Newton acquired by Harris in 1847,
Newton's position as to our Lord's
2. The person was unsound: Christ by his in-
Newton carnation and as a descendant of Adam
Episode, entered upon a relation of distance
from God, and as an Israelite incurred
from birth the condemnation attaching to the
broken law. Tregelles shows that the personal sin-
lessness was maintained through the seal at Christ's
baptism, although lifelong suffering was entailed
by his relationship. Newton withdrew the first part
of his statement, but did not satisfy Darby, and a
definite alienation separated the two men. New-
ton severed his connection with the Brethren, but
continued till his death (1898) to write on prophet-
ical subjects. Tregelles is reported by Scrivener to
have died in the communion of the Church of Eng-
land. In 1848 the Bristol company did not refuse
fellowship to the adherents of Newton, and one of

Plymouth Brethren

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

their number, George Alexander, seceded on the
ground that " blasphemers were sheltered/' taking
occasion for this action in a paper intended to ap-
ply to the special circumstances but construed as a
statement of a general policy. After debate and
several assemblies, it was decided that no one up-
holding Newton's views should be received into
communion, and several to whom this applied with-
drew, though it appeared that they were afterward
readmitted. Darby insisted upon the fundamental
of " separation from evil " as " God's principle of
unity "; the result was a breach between him and
the Bristol company, his followers insisting upon his
statement as the watchword, while the opponents'
formula was " the blood of the Lamb is the union
of saints." Wigram charged Craik with statements
concerning Christ's physical ailments which sa-
vored of Newtonianism; but Darby sent a farewell
message to Craik on his deathbed (1866), which did
not, however, heal the breach. A new magazine,
The Present Testimony, edited by Wigram, became
the organ of the exclusives, followed in 1856 by
the monthly Bible Treasury, for which William
Kelly (q.v.) was responsible, and to this also Darby
contributed papers on the sufferings of Christ, in
which he argued that Christ endured certain non-
atoning sufferings, in addition to those borne vicari-
ously in death, due to his voluntary position in
Israel (John xi. 51), in fulfilment of prediction of his
participation in the sorrows of the godly remnant
in the last days. This had no affiliation with the
Newtonian doctrine, which affected the whole life
of Christ; but some of his followers, unable to dis-
tinguish between Darby's position and Newton's,
withdrew from fellowship with him. Darby offered
to abstain from ministry, but was counseled not to
do so by his prominent supporters. Meanwhile he
had worked on German soil, where he had met
Tholuck, and had visited the United States, Canada,
and other British colonies lecturing and writing.

In 1879 a gathering at Ryde, Isle of Wight, failed
to deal with depravity in the midst, and Darby's
old Dublin associate Cronin, desiring to end the
scandal, founded a new " assembly " in the place.

Darby regarded this as a breach of

3. Defection unity, and called upon Cronin's home

of Cronin congregation at Kensington, London,

and Kelly, to discipline the offender, and to

" judge " his " indiscretion." Cronin
was defended by use of Darby's avowal that the old
assembly was " rotten " and that for thirty years
he himself had avoided it. A crusade was never-
theless directed against Cronin by the leaders at
Park Street, Islington, and additional matters con-
nected with baptism entered into the controversy.
Finally, although Darby had asked only for a stern
rebuke, Cronin's stubbornness widened the breach
and he was excommunicated. About the same time
there was disruption at Ramsgate, Kent, one of the
rival parties at which supported Cronin while the
other strongly condemned him, the assemblies at
Blackheath, where Kelly resided, and at Islington
also taking opposite sides. The result was a split
in 1881 at Park Street like that which had occurred
in the Bethesda affair. Each side charged the other
with " independency," and Darby described the sit-

uation as a struggle between intelligence and the
Spirit, by " intelligence " referring to Kelly's en-
deavor to give intellectual expression to the policy
hitherto pursued and thereby to maintain the
" unity of London." The man who had so long
led meditated withdrawing altogether from the
Brethren, feeling that the encroachments of the
world had marred " the testimony "; but his faith
reasserted itself. Darby's survival of this poignant
situation can be counted only by months, as he died
the next year. He was little disposed to learn from
others, and claimed to have " the mind of the
Spirit." He united Roman Catholic with Evangel-
ical ideas, though his own apprehension of Scrip-
ture dominated his mind. He regarded himself as
the beginning of the Plymouth Brethren, which was
true at least so far as the English branch was con-
cerned. Where he was iconoclastic, it was not, as
he expressed it, " with an Edomitic attack but
with Jeremianic sorrow."

The year 1885 was notable for concurrent divi-
sions among Darby's last associates on both sides of
the Atlantic. In the United States Frederick Will-
iam Grant, of Plainfield, N. J., alienated rivals in
the Islington party by his candidly independent
attitude toward some of their cherished doctrines.
He was an ex-clergyman of Canadian

Further origin, a man of much erudition, and
Divisions, highly esteemed in his section. He
held that the saints of the old dispen-
sation possessed eternal life, and agreed with the
interpretation of Rom. vii. which holds that the
apostle there describes the moral condition of be-
lievers even after receiving the seal of the Spirit.
The English leaders detached their adherents from
fellowship with him. At Reading, England, Clarence
Esme Stuart, an accomplished Biblical scholar who
had sided with Darby in 1881, came into collision
with James Butler Stoney, an unbalanced teacher
who was no longer held by the restraint imposed
by Darby's presence. Stuart's primal offense was
that at Reading he had not adopted the hymn-book
last revised by Darby; second, that he unduly dis-
tinguished between the standing and state (or condi-
tion) of believers, holding that the Pauline expression
" in Christ " sets forth condition alone, and that in
this are to be sought such distinctions as obtain
fundamentally between believers of the different
dispensations. With these doctrinal issues was
combined a social breach between him and a local
female ally of the Stoney school. Upon this last
matter the Reading assembly refused to give judg-
ment, though with some dissent against the order of
procedure, supported by the Stoney faction domi-
nant in London, which separated from Reading
and carried many assemblies with them. Those in
Great Britain who disowned the interference of the
London adherents continued to recognize the Grant
contingent in America. Stuart gave color to the
new departure by shortly afterward emphasizing
his view of atonement, according to which Christ,
as high priest only after death, made propitiation by
blood not on the cross but in heaven, in the inter-
val between death and resurrection. This view was
not unknown in theology (e.g., Professor George
Smeaton), but was regarded by Stuart's critics as a

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Plymouth Brethren

novel inference from Darby's teaching. The year
1890 witnessed a further division among the " ex-
claves " of the party formed in 1885. Frederick
Edward Raven of Greenwich became prominent
through teaching doctrines which were reprobated
by the old Darbyites. He questioned the claim of
believers in general to have had eternal life imparted
to them, in doing so seeming, as an Apollinarian, to
impair the glory of Christ's person. He held also that
Scripture is not as such the word of God but the
record of it, to which resort is to be had for con-
firmation of oral ministry. Reconciliation he re-
garded, with Calvin, as a continuous process which
believers undergo. In the division which ensued a
majority of Stoney's associates and a small band in
the United States stood with Raven, but the con-
tinent of Europe was lost to them. From 1881 to
bis death in 1906 Kelly continued to be revered as
a sound teacher of the first order, possessed of great
capacity as a leader and controversialist. He was
unremitting in his ministry and in writing, defend-
ing the truth as he conceived it against all innova-
tion, in particular against the higher criticism. With
him passed away the last survivor of the golden age
of the Brethren.

This community has, then, resolved itself into the
following sectional fellowships. (1) Brethren fully
recognizing the existing congregation at Bethesda
(Bristol) and regarding, with Westcott,
5. Present the primitive unity of the Church as
States, that of a federation; adhering to Bap-
tist views; open in communion; and
existing in Great Britain and the colonies, Europe,
North and South America, India, and China. It
has the largest following. (2) Those who fol-
lowed Darby more or less closely, in five branches,
(a) Brethren chiefly in France, Switzerland, and
Germany, with a remnant in England and the
United States, committed to Darby's ecclesiastical
position as defined since 1881. (b) Associates of
Kelly, adhering to Darby's doctrinal views, with
the exception of pedobaptism, and to the system
prevalent in 1848-81 ; mainly in England, (c) As-
sociates of Stuart and Grant, loath to abandon
anti-Bethesda discipline, but standing for elasticity
in doctrine, (d) Associates of Raven, opposed to
Bethesda, favoring expansion of doctrine of their
own type, but including some independent of this;
m Great Britain, the colonies, and the United States.
These have since 1908 composed two sections, sep-
arated from one another by disciplinary policy and
views of evangelization and redemption. On the
other hand, there has been for several years a
moTement, originating v\ America, for abatement
of the alienation between the various types of bodies.
Some adherents of Grant have lowered the barriers
between themselves and " open " Brethren, while
not giving themselves this name; and since 1906 a
corresponding movement has gathered force in Great
Britain. These " eclectics " repudiate the distinction
between " open " and " close," and seek, by a blend-
ing of the Pauline and Johannine aspects of the
Church, to revive the unity first realized at Dublin
untrammeled by formal federation of either open
or dose types, which is favored by neither element.
A hopeful feature of the situation is the absence of

IX.— 7

a pronounced leadership. No denominational sta-
tistics exist for Great Britain. In the United States
there are over 300 assemblies with about 7,000 com-
municants. The denomination has drawn its mem-
bership from all ranks of society — the nobility, the
army and navy, the judiciary, and scholars in vari-
ous spheres. It has had notable Evangelists like
Charles Stanley and Denham Smith; missionaries
like Baedeker and Arnot have propagated its teach-
ings in the world field; while C. H. Mackintosh is
the writer whose works are most widely used.

II. Doctrines: A full epitome of the doctrine
developed among the Brethren could be obtained
only from the writings of Darby, who was the chief
teacher. So lar^e was his authority in his denomi-
nation that for most Athanasius, Augustine, Luther,
and Calvin were mere ciphers. On the Godhead
and the person of Christ the teaching is that com-
mon to Catholic Christianity. On human nature it
is held that Adam was first sinless, not virtuous or
holy; the fall spelled unqualified ruin. The atone-
ment has two sides: God ward it is propitiation;
man ward, substitution ; the purchase of all, the re-
demption of the believer, and Christ's death under
wrath. Predestination is held as the election of
individuals, the assured acceptance of believers, to-
gether with denial of free will and reprobation.
Justification implies the righteousness of God (not
of Christ specifically) displayed in the resurrection
of the Savior, with dissociation of his life from the
process. Sanctification is positive and practical;
in the latter aspect it involves self-judgment and
confession to God, insuring a sense of forgiveness
through Christ's priesthood, which preserves from
sin, as his advocacy restores. Cleansing by his
blood is once for all, cleansing by the Word con-
tinues. Not the law, but the Second Man's risen
life is the believer's rule. The Church was prim-
itively one visible, closely organized community.
The " assembly," in view of grace, is the body of
Christ; in view of government is the house of God;
one is the product of the Spirit, the other is the
product of man, marked by failure and ruin. Na-
tional churches art too broad, non-conformity is too
narrow. Darby denies what has been suggested by
critics — that the " gathering " is held to be coex-
tensive with ** the Church of God on earth "; he
also repudiates the further assertion that for eight-
een centuries there has been no church. The or-
dinances are (1) bapt;:m, which is required for fel-
lowship. Among the exclusives mutual toleration
is practised by baptists and pedobaptists. Darby's
view was based on the recognition of privileged
position (outward as distinct from inward, essential
baptism). Other pedobaptists practise household
baptism. (2) The Lord's Supper is observed weekly
in the forenoon, at which leavened bread and fer-
mented wine are taken by the members seated.
The institution is commemorative only. Partici-
pation in this is jeal^uslv guarded; in theory it is
the privilege of all Vlievers, but in practise the the-
ory is overborne by the notion of full fellowship.
The special m^ans of grace are the Holy Scriptures
according to the canon of the Reformers. The book
is infallible; consequently the idea is condemned
that the Church and the Bible stand or fall to-

Plymouth Brethren
Poems, Anonymous

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

gether. The higher criticism is not recognized; de-
velopment is disowned, and the truth is recovered
by reversion to St. Paul (not, as the Quakers hold,
to the " historical Christ "). Since Darby's dying
recommendation not to neglect the Johannine doc-
trine, the center of gravity is increasingly sought in
that. The Bible version favored is Darby's own (in
English, French, and German) ; he rejected the Re-
vised Version with the words, " They have not had
the mind of God at all." In the matter of the min-
istry Darby did not begin by questioning the valid-
ity of Anglican orders. His conception of the office
was service in the Word, the faithful exercise of a
special gift, for which the individual is responsible
to the Lord alone. A distinction is made between
"gift" and "office"; the latter came through
apostolic appointment and is no longer available.
The " assembly," while not being the source of the
ministry, since it is the taught and not the teacher,
may or may not accredit the ministry as profit-
able. Anything beyond the moral influence of the
Spirit is regarded as delusion. In theory, all godly
men are possibly competent, whether in formal
fellowship or not; but in practise such fellowship is
presupposed, and the flock is discouraged from
" wandering." The public ministry of women is
disallowed. Worship is conducted, as among the
Quakers, by " waiting on the Lord," and conven-
tional collections of hymns are used in praise and
prayer. The Lord's Prayer is discarded, as symbolic
of the position and desires of the inchoate Church
and typical of the Jewish remnant. The local as-
sembly acts through non-official organs, men of
moral weight whose personal influence is encour-
aged as commanding confidence. As discipline ex-
communication is practised for grave delinquency
and for lapse into fundamental error in doctrine.
With the exclusives I Cor. v. 6; II Tim. ii. 19 sqq.;
and II John 10 have furnished the rule of action.
While this has been the object of criticism, in prac-
tise its influence has been salutary, restraining
tendencies to antinomianism. For eschatology, it
is held that believers at death go not to Hades but
to a heavenly paradise with Christ. Within the
present dispensation Christ will at an initial com-
ing gather all his people to his tribunal for re-
ward according to conduct, and will subsequently
visit the earth in an appearance for judgment of liv-
ing nations (Newton denied the distinction between
the two and the interval). The second beast of
Rev. xiii. is regarded as the Antichrist. No Chris-
tian will pass through the great tribulation (New-
ton expected that Christ will be revealed before the
parousia), while the Church with Christ will reign
over the earth for a millennium, with Israel, the
earthly bride, as administrative assessor. The final
judgment is of the wicked dead, with endless pun-
ishment of such. So much of the foregoing as
Brethren deem part of their special testimony they
describe as " recovered truth." The germinant
idea is that of the Church's ruin. In their principal
points of doctrine they have been anticipated by
other bodies or by individual thinkers; but they
believe that men such as Darby have presented
these with more light and power.

E. E. Whitfield.

Bibliography: For the authoritative literature of the

nomination use the writings named in the articles on J. N

Darby, W. Kelly, Q. Mueller, and B. W. Newton as theirs

productions, together with the works cited in the btbliog

raphies there appended. A considerable literature, mainly —
controversial and antagonistic to the Plymouth Brethren,
is given in the British Museum Catalogue under " Plymouth
Brethren." Consult further: W. B. Neatby, Hist, of the
Plymouth Brethren, London, 1902 (critical and accurate);
J. J. H[eraog], in Evangelische Kirchenteitung, xxxiv (1844),
nos. 23-26, 28-33 ; S. P. Tregelles, Three Letters to the Author
of " A Retrospect of Events . . . among the Brethren"
London, 1849; Memoir and Correspondence of A. A'.
Groves, by his wife, London, 1855; F. Esteoul, Le Ply-
mouthisme & autrefois el le Darbyisme d'aujourdhui, Paris,
1858; H. Groves, Darbyism: its Rise and Development,
London, 1866; E. Dennett, The Plymouth Brethren, Lon-
don, 1871; J. Grant, The Plymouth Brethren, their His-
tory and Heresies, London, 1875; E. J. Whately, Plymouth
Brethrenism, London, 1877; T. Croekery, Plymouth-
Brethrenism: a Refutation of its Principles and Doctrines,
London, 1879; J. C. L. Carson, The Heresies of the Plym-
outh Brethren, London, 1883; W. Reid, Plymouth Breth-
renism Unveiled and Refuted, Edinburgh, 1883; J. S.
Teuton, The Hist, and Teaching of the Plymouth Brethren,
London [1883]; Life among the Close Brethren, London,
1890; J. R. Gregory, The Gospel of Separation, London,
1894; A. Miller, Plymouthism and the Modern Churches,
Toronto, 1900.

PNEUMATOMACHL See Macbdonius and the
Macedonian Sect.

POACH, ANDREAS. See Antinomianism, II.,

1, §5.

PNEUMATICS: The highest of three classes of
natures (pneumatic, psychic, and hylic) assumed
as human by Gnostics. The superiority of the pneu-
matics is regarded as resting upon the ground that
to them had been communicated the higher truths
of the world of eons because they alone were capa-
ble of understanding such truths. Those possess-
ing the pneumatic nature were known also as " the
elect," and were regarded as not under the domin-
ion of the archon or world-ruler and also not sub-
ject to the restraints of the demiurge. They there-
fore live on as strangers in the world, perceiving as
from afar the reality of the things of a higher world.
Their innermost characteristic is their essential re-
lationship with God, resulting in a life of undivided
unity, exalted above the antithesis of rest and mo-
tion. Their blessedness is described as due to a
union between the sStir (savior) and wisdom
(sopkia). They are to be found not only in the
Christian Church, but are scattered in the pagan
world, the evidence of this being found in the agree-
ment of much of pagan doctrine with Christian
truth. In the Christian Church, they are its salt
and its soul, the real propagators of Christianity.

The name has at various times in the history of

the Christian Church been adopted because of its

signification (" the spirituals ") by parties or sects,

as by the followers of a French Anabaptist named

Ambrose (fl. c. 1559), who professed to have received

revelations which transcended in value those of the

Bible.

Bibliography: Besides the literature under Gnostics, con-
sult Neander, Christian Church, vol. i. passim.

POBIEDONOSTSEV, p6"bi-e"do-ne«/tseff, KON-
STANTIN PETROVICH: Greek Orthodox; b.
at Moscow 1827; d. at St. Petersburg Mar. (10) 23,
1907. After completing his studies at the Imperial
Law School at St. Petersburg, he was successively

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Plymouth Brethren

sccretsjy and chief secretary of the Senate of Mob-
cow, later becoming professor of civil law at the
university of the same city. In I860 he was ap-
pointed tutor to the princes of the blood royal, in-
cluding the future Emperor Alexander III., and in
IS6.1 accompanied another of the princes in his
travels through Russia. Pobiedonostsev was cre-
*ial a senator in 1868 and in 1872 became a mem-
ber ot the cabinet. His chief activity, however,
began in 1880, when he was made chief procurator
of the Holy Synod, a position which he retained
noU his retirement from active life in 1905. In
thia high office, his devotion to the principles of
tulocratic government and his firm adherence to
the welfare of the GrMfc Orthodox Church exposed
turn to the enmity of the revolutionary factions and
the attacks of rationalists and Protestants of all
shades. Nevertheless his course was unswerving
and .■' nsislent throughout — personally fearless and
deeply impressed with the righteousness of his
cause, he acted with a severity whii:h could not fail
to bring upon him the hatred of those whom his
mea-.iT.--. affected. Besides a Russian translation
of the Imtintio Christi (St. Petersburg, 1869), he
wroth ■ " Letters on the Travels of the Imperial Heir
Appin nt in Russia " (in collaboration with I. K.
Bast; Moscow, 1864); " Course of Civil Law " (3
»ola-. St. Petersburg, I86S-91); and "Historical
Investigations on the State " (1870). His Reflex-
ions of a Russian Statesman have been translated
into English by R. C. Long (London, 1898].

POCOCK (POCOCKE), EDWARD: Orientalist;
b. at Oxford Nov. 8, 1604; d. there Sept. 10, 1691.
He was educated at Oxford (B.A., 1622; H.A.,
1826; B.D., 1636); elected fellow of Corpus Chriati
College, 1628; became chaplain to the English fac-
tory at Aleppo, 1630-36 (during which time he made
a collection of Greek and oriental manuscripte and
coins on commission of Archbishop Laud); pro-
fessor of Arabic at Oxford, 1636-40; was in Con-
stant inople to seek for manuscripts, 1637-40; rec-
tor of Chiidrey, Berkshire, 1642-47; professor of
Hebrew and canon of Christ Church, 1647-18; lost
the canonry and the two lectureships in 1650;
though in the same year the lectureships were re-
stored to him, and in 1660 the canonry; and in spite
of opposition from Roundheads, and the indiffer-
ence of Cavalier-. In- retained these [nisi I ions till la-
death. He was one of the foremost orientalists in
boa day. His works are numerous and valuable.
His Tiicological Works were published with a Life
by the editor, Leonard Twells (2 vols., London,
1740). They embrace Porta Motrin (a Latin trans-
lation of Maimonides' six discourses prefatory to his
commentary upon the Minima, 1655), Commen-
taries on Hosea (1685). Joel (1691), Micah and
Halachi (1677), and a Latin treatise upon ancient
weights and measures. The commentaries formed
part (if Fell's projected commentary upon the entire
Old Testament. They are heavy and prolix, but
learned. Pocock took a prominent part in Walton's
Polyglot, furnished the collations of the Arabic
Pentateuch, and «;n I'l.insult.'il hy Walton at every

step (see Bibles, Polyglot, IV.). Be translated
Crotiu-' Dc vertiate Christiana: rctigioitia (ItJOO) ninl

the Church of England Liturgy and Catechism into
Arable (1674). His chief work was his edition of
Qregorii Abul Farajii hisloria dynastiarum, Arabic
text with Latin translation (2 vols., Oxford, 1663).
BiaLloaHAPHT: Besides the Lift in the Titnlooieal Worti,

ulsup., rcprinUwJ in The Urn of Dr. Etticard Pocock, . . .

Dr. Zachory Pearce. etc.. ed. L. Twells. 2 vofa., London.

1818, consult: The Bemaimof John Locke, fit., 1 . Memoirs

of the Lift of Dr. E. Pocockt. London. 1714; DNS, xlvi.

PODEBRAD (PODIEBRAD) AHD KUSSTATT,

GEORGE OF: King of Bohemia (14.18-71); b. at
Podebrad (30 m. c. of Prague) Apr. 23, 1420; d. at
Prague Mar. 22, 1471. From 1444 he had beeo the
leader of the utraquist party (see Hubs, John,
Hussites, II., £$ 3, 7). On the death of Ladislas
he was elected king of Bohemia by the diet, and his
reign mark* the derisive period in the religious his-
tory of Bohemia. The Hussites had been in a man-
ner reconciled to the Church by the compacts made
with the Council of Basel (1433; see Huss, John;
Hrssrn-.s, II.. 5 •>>. The papacy neither accepted
nor disavowed the compacts, and hoped to bring
back Bohemia to Roman Catholicism. Podebrad
wished to unite Bohemia and organise it into a
great power; but this was impossible so long as it
was rent by religious discord and, through want of
papal recognition, was isolated from European poli-
tics. He accordingly tried to accomplish his pur-
pose by skilful iliploraacy with the pope?. Cnlixtiis
III. and Pius II. At last Pius II, was alarmed at
his increasing influence in Germany, and in 1462
disclaimed the compacts, and demanded I'm !el, rail's
unconditional obedience. At first Podebrad tem-
porised, and, when he proposed to the various courts
of Europe the summoning of a parliament of tem-
poral princes, Pius II. excommunicated him in 1406.
His successor, Paul II., authorized the formation
of a league of discontented nobles, anil called Ma-
thiaB Corvinus, king of Hungary, to the aid of the
Church; but Podebrad was not conquered, and,
after his death, the Bohemian crown was given by
the diet to Ladislas II.

BlRUoaRAFHT: Croighton, Papacu, vol. iii. passim; Pastor,
Popes, iv, 134-140; II, Jordan, Dai Kdniethvm Ctorpt
eon PodxArad, Leineic. 1381: F. Pnlacky, GacKichte am
Behmsn, vol. iv., Prrmuo, 1857; idem, Urkundtiche Bti-
tr/lgt >n ZtitaUtr Geargt con Poditbrad, Vienna. I860;

E. H, Gillelt, Life and Times of John Hum, ii r„',0-.x, I ,
M2-583. New York. 1870; E. J. Wbntely. The Gospel
in Bohemia, London, 1877; H. Ermiach, Gachirhtc dcr
atchMch-bohmitthtn Bttichunatn H6i-7I, Dresden. 1S81 ■

F. LuaWow, Bohemia. London, 1888: C. E. Maurice. Bo-
hemia. London mil N'ew York. 1896: Monumenta Valicana
m aest™ Bohcmiat Muslranti.1. Premie. 1903; H. Apianus,
Gachithte Bahmcnu. Ix'in-k, KW5; E. Srhwitiky, Dtr
curopaitche Flirttrnbund Georgi von Podicbrad, Marburg.
1907; Hefelr. Conriliengrschichu, vol. viii. passim; and
the literature under Pius II.

POEMS, AHORYMOTJS, IB THE EARLY
CHURCH: A small group of compositions of un-
known authorship and of relatively small poetic
excellence, though not without interest for the his-
tory of literature, dogma, and culture.

1, Carmen adversus Marcionem: A refutation of
Miirciijnis'ii' dualism in (ivv hfmks, containing 1.30-
elumsy ln\:imelers. The lir.-l bunk attacks heresy
in general and Marcionism in particular; the sec-
ond shows the harmony of the Old and the New

323787B

Poems, Anonymous
Poiret

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

100

Testament; the third demonstrates the unity of
Church doctrine with the teaching of the Old Tes-
tament, of Christ, and of the apostles; the fourth
refutes Marcionistic tenets one by one; and the
fifth considers the antitheses. The place, date, and
authorship of the poem are too problematical to
admit of even plausible solution, though the impli-
cation of the anonymous De duodecim scriptoribus
ecclesiasticis that the poet was a certain Bishop Vic-
torinus (most likely Victorinus of Pettau [q.v.]) de-
serves serious consideration.

2-3. Carmina de Sodoma; Carmen de Jona:
Two poems of 166 and 105 hexameters respectively,
ascribed by a number of manuscripts to Tertullian
or Cyprian. Their use of the Itala shows that they
can scarcely have been written later than 400. They
may be fragments of some longer poem, and are
characterized by a considerable degree of artistic
merit.

4. Carmen de Genesi: A fragmentary composi-
tion in hexameters, often printed in the works of
Tertullian and Cyprian, and representing the first
part of a poetic version of the Heptateuch con-
tained in a few manuscripts. It has been suggested
that the poem was wTitten by a Cyprian who lived
in Gaul early in the fifth century, though others
have distinguished two authors in the fragment.

5. Carmen de Judicio Domini, or Ad Flavium
Felicem de resurrectione mortuorum: A poem
variously ascribed to Tertullian and Cyprian, though
showing close affinities to Commodian and the Car-
men adversxis Marcionem. On the basis of Isidore
of Seville {De vir. ill., vii.), it may not improbably
be ascribed to Verecundus of Junca in Byzacene (d.
about 552), despite certain differences in style.

6. Carmen ad Senatorem ex Christiana Religione
ad Idola Conversum: A poem of eighty-five hex-
ameters ascribed by the manuscripts to Cyprian,
expressing the hope that a renegade senator, pos-
sibly Flavianus, prefect of the city of Rome (late
fourth century), might ultimately return to Chris-
tianity.

7. Carmen de Pascha: An allegorical composition
of sixty-nine hexameters, also called De cruce and De
ligno vitce. It gives the history of Christianity from
the crucifixion to the sending of the Holy Ghost,
and though assigned both to Cyprian and to Vic-
torinus Afer, probably dates from the fifth century.

8. Carmen de Passione Domini: A poem of
eighty hexameters printed with the works of Lac-
tantius, but probably written between 1495 and
1500, perhaps by its anonymous first editor (Venice,
1501).

9. Carmen de Laudibus Domini: A panegyric in
148 hexameters, composed in Gaul, probably be-
tween 316 and 323, by a contemporary of Juvencus,
perhaps resident in Flavia JEdxm (the modern
Autun) .

10. Carmen adversus Flavianum: A poem of
122 hexameters, polemizing against the advocates
of paganism, especially Clavianus, prefect of Rome.
Since the latter fell in the 'rebellion against Theodo-
sius I., the poem was written in or shortly after 394.

11. Carmen de Fratribus Septem Macchabaeis
Interfectis ab Antiocho Epiphane: A poetic version
of II Mace. vii. in two recensions, one of 394 hex-

ameters, and the other of 389. It has been ascribed,
though without sufficient reason, both to Hilary of
Aries and to Victorinus Afer.

12. Carmen de Jesu Christ© et de Homine: A
poem of 137 hexameters on the redemptive work of
Christ, conjecturaUy assigned to Victorinus of
Pettau or to some later Christian grammarian.

18-14. Carmen de Lege Domini and Carmen de
Nativitate, Vita, Passione et Resurrectione Domini:
Two poems, one of 106 and the other of 216 hex-
ameters, ascribed to a certain Victorinus. They
treat of the Old and New Testaments respectively,
and are a cento from the Carmen adversus Mar-
cionem (see above).

1 5 . Carmen de Procidentia Di vina : A long poem
seeking to refute skepticism regarding the divine
governance of the world. It was composed in south-
ern Gaul about 415, but though in phrase and versi-
fication it resembles the work of Prosper of Aqui-
taine (q.v.), to whom the manuscripts ascribe it,
its tendency toward semi-Pelagianism makes such
an identification impossible.

16-17. Metrum in Genesin and De Evangelio:
Two poems ascribed by the manuscripts to Hilary
of Poitiers (apparently an error for Hilary of Aries).
The first poem is a paraphrase of Gen. i.-ix. in 204
hexameters; the second is a mere fragment.

18. Christos Pashon, or Christus Patiens: A
Greek drama of 2,640 iambic trimeters erroneously
ascribed to Gregory Nazianzen, really written at
earliest in the eleventh century by an unknown
author. It is a cento from the Greek tragedians
(especially Euripides), the Bible, and such older
apocryphal writings as the Protevangelium of
James. The prologue, spoken by the Virgin, an-
nounces the author's intention of narrating the pas-
sion in Euripidean style; and the dramatis persona
are Christ, the Virgin (the leading rdle), Joseph of
Arimathea, St. John the Divine, Mary Magdalene,
Nicodemus, a messenger, Pilate, the high priests, a
chorus of maidens, a semi-chorus, young men, and
the watch. The whole is a closet drama, and is the
only known instance of a Greek attempt to produce
a passion play. (G KrCger.)

Bibliography: Works to be used in general are: J. F. C.
Bahr, Die chriatliche Didder und Geechichtaachrtiber,
Carlsruhe. 1872; A. Ebert, AUoemeine Geachichie der Lil-
teratur dee MiUelaUera, Leipsic, 1889; M. Manitius, Ge-
achichte der chrisUich-loteiniachen Poetic, Stuttgart, 1891.
For editions of the works under discussion: Q. Fabricius,
Poetarum veterum eccleaiaaticorum opera Christiana, Basel,
1564; F. Oehler, TertuUiani Opera, Leipsic, 1854; G.
Hartel, Cypriani Opera, Vienna, 1871; R. Peiper, Cy-
priani Gaili poeia Heptateuchoe, Vienna, 1891.

On 1 consult for editions: Fabricius, ut sup., pp. 257-
286; Oehler, ut sup., 781-798; and for discussions: Bahr,
ut sup., pp. 21-22; Elbert, ut sup., p. 312, no. 1; Mani-
tius, ut sup., 148-156; E. Huckst&dt, Ueber daa paeudo-
tertullianiache Gedichi adv. Marcionem, Leipsic 1875 (cf.
A. Hilgenfeld, in ZWT, xix (154-159); A. Oxe, Pro-
legomena de carmine adv. Marcionitae, Leipsic, 1888; J.
Ziehen, Zur Geachichte der Lehrdichtung in der apatrbm-
iachen Litterotur, in Neue Jahrbucher fur doe kloaaiache
Altertum, i (1898), 409.

On 2-4, for editions consult: the edition of 2 by G.
Morelius, Paris, 1560; Fabricius, 298-302; Oehler, ut
Hup., 769-776; Hartel, ut sup., 283-301 ; Peiper, ut sup.,
1-7, 212-226; for discussions consult. Bahr, ut sup., pp.
34, 41; Ebert, ut sup., 118-224; Manitius. ut sup., 51-
54, 167-170; H. Best, De Cypriani qua feruntur metria in
Heptoteucham, Marburg, 1891.

101

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Poems, Anonymous
Poiret

On 5 for editions consult: Fabricius, ut sup., pp. 286-
294; Oehler, ut sup., pp. 776-781, Hartel, ut sup., pp.
308-325; and for discussions: Bahr, ut sup., p. 23; Mani-
tius, ut sup., 344-348; O. Bardenhewer, Patrologie, Frei-
burg. 1901, Eng. tranal., 8t Louis, 1908.

On 6 for editions consult: Hartel, ut sup., pp. 302-305;
Peiper, ut sup., 227-230; for discussions, Bahr, ut sup.,
p. 24; Ebert, ut sup., pp. 313-314; Manitius, ut sup., pp.
130-133.

For the rest the works already cited are available. Ad-
ditional sources for one or more are: S. Brandt, Ueber
das dem Lact. Mvoeschriebene Oedicht, Leipsic, 1891; W.
Brandea, Ueber die fruhchrisUiche Oedicht Laudes Domini,
Brunswick, 1887; (on 10) Q. Delisle, in Bibliothegue de
VhcoU dee ehartss, ser. 6, vol. iii., pp. 297 sqq., Paris, 1867,
and T. Mommsen, in Hermes, iv (1869), 350-363; (on
13-14): A. Mai, Classici auctores, v. 382-385, Rome,
1S33, and A. Oxe, Victorini versus de lege Domini, Cre-
feld, 1894. For editions of 18 that of Bladus, Rome,
1542, and that in MPO, zxxviii. 131-338 may be named;
and the later ones of F. Dubner, Paris, 1846; J. G. Brambs,
Leipsic, 1885; A. Ellison, ib. 1885 (Greek and German;
useful for the list of literature and the introduction);
Germ, tranal. by E. A. Pullig, Bonn, 1893. Consult
Krumbacher, Oeschichte, pp. 746-748 (also with lists of
literature).

POESCHL, pO'shl, THOMAS: Austrian chiliast;
b. at Horitz (20 m. s.w. of Budweis), Bohemia, Mar.
2, 1769; d. at Vienna Nov. 15, 1837. He was edu-
cated for the Roman Catholic priesthood at Linz
and Vienna, and after ordination became, in 1804,
cooperator, catechist, and director of the school at
Braunau-on-the-Inn. In 1806 he attended the
Protestant Johann Philipp Palm at his execution,
and became filled with wild hatred of Napoleon,
while his impassioned sermons caused some to regard
him as a saint and others as a maniac. At this crisis
he came into contact with the mystic and chiliastic
Roman Catholic " Brothers and Sisters in Zion,"
and was accordingly removed to Ampfelwang,
whither the " Brothers and Sisters " also trans-
ferred their headquarters. The great battle of Leip-
sic, however, caused his insanity to become unmis-
takable. Supported by the revelations of a certain
Magdalena Sickinger, he now proclaimed himself
called to convert the Jews and to found the true
Judeo-Catholic Church. In spite of all efforts to
suppress him, he continued to promulgate his doc-
trines at Vocklabruck and Salzburg. Finally, in
1817, he was committed to the hospital for the
clergy at Vienna, where he remained until his death.

Under the leadership of a peasant named Johann
Haas, the followers of Poschl went on to still wilder
vagaries than their leader, though without falling
into sensuality or giving a single addition to Prot-
estantism. Even when deserted by Haas and Mag-
dalena Sickinger, they remained true to Poschl,
who had adherents a generation later, not only in
Bohemia, but also in Baden, Franconia, Hesse, and
Frankfort, while in 1831 some fifty emigrated to
Louisiana, where they made an unsuccessful at-
tempt at communism. His three great tenets were
the indwelling of Christ in the heart through faith,
the conversion of the Jews, and the repentance of
the Christians; and he likewise advocated the use
of the vernacular in the liturgy, the administration
of the Eucharist under both kinds, and the rejection
of images. (Georg Loesche.)

Bibliography: L. Worth, Die protestantische Pfarrey V6k-
labruck (181S-18B6). Bin Beitrag *w Kenntnias . . . der
Poscktouur, Marktbreit, 1825; M. Hiptmair, Thomas

Poschl im Lickte seiner Selbstbiographie, Vienna, 1893;
T. Wiedemann, Die religidse Bewegung in Oberdsterreich
. . . beim Beginne dee 19. Jahrhunderts, Innsbruck, 1890;
ADB, xxvi. 454-455; KL, x. 118-121.

POETRY, HEBREW. See Hebrew Language
and Literature, III.

POHLE, pS'le, JOSEPH: German Roman
Catholic; b. at Niederspay (7 m. s. of Coblenz) Mar.
19, 1852. He was educated at the Gregorian Uni-
versity, Rome (1871-79; Ph.D., 1874; D.D.,
1879), and the University of Wurzburg (1879-81);
was teacher in the intermediate school at Baar,
Switzerland (1881-83), professor of dogmatic the-
ology in St. Joseph's College, Leeds, England,
(1883-86), professor of philosophy at Fulda, Prussia
(1886-89), professor of apologetics at the Catholic
University of America (1889-94), and professor
of dogmatic theology at the University of Monster
(1894-97). Since 1897 he has been professor of
the same subject at the University of Breslau. He
has been one of the editors of the Philosophisches
Jahrbuch der G&rresgesellschaft since its establish-
ment in 1888, and has written P. Angelo Secchi, S. /.,
Ein Lebens- und KuUurbUd aus dem neunzehnten
Jahrhundert (Cologne, 1883) ; Die Sternenwelien und
ihre Bewohner, zugleich als erste Einjuhrung in die
moderne Astronomic (2 vols., 1883-84); and Lehr-
buch der Dogmalik jwr akademische Vorlesungen und
zum Selbstunterricht (3 vols., Paderborn, 1902-05,
new ed., 1908).

POINTS OF AGREEMENT, HESSIAN. See

VERBESSERUN08PUNKTE, Hessische.

POIRET, pwQ"re', PIERRE: Prominent French
mystic; b. at Metz Apr. 15, 1646; d. at Rijnsburg
(3 m. n. of Leyden) May 21, 1719. After the early
death of his parents, he supported himself by the
engraver's trade and the teaching of French, at the
same time studying theology, in Basel, Hanau, and,
after 1668, Heidelberg. At Basel he was captivated
by Descartes' philosophy, which never quite lost its
hold on him. He read also Thomas a Kempis and
Tauler, but was especially influenced by the wri-
tings of the Dutch Mennonite mystic Hendrik Jansz
van Barneveldt, published about that time under
the pseudonym of Emmanuel Hiel. In 1672 he be-
came pastor of the French church at Annweiler in
the duchy of Deux-Ponts. Here he became ac-
quainted with Elisabeth, abbess of Hereford, the
granddaughter of James I. of England and a noted
mystic, with the Theologia Germanica (q.v.), and
with the writings of Antoinette Bourignon (q.v.),
which last supplied exactly what he wanted. The
desire, to make the acquaintance of this gifted woman
took him to Holland in 1676. He settled in Am-
sterdam, and published there in the following year
his Cogitationes rationales de Deo, anima, et malo,
which gained him an immediate reputation for
scholarship and philosophic insight. It is Cartesian
in form; the Trinity is conceived in mathematical
terms; all knowledge is to rest on evidence — but
the end of this knowledge of God is practical, to
lead distracted Christendom back to unity. The in-
fluence of Thomas a Kempis and Tauler is plainly
visible.

From Holland Poiret went on to Hamburg, still

Foiret
Prissy

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

108

in quest of Antoinette Bourignon, was completely
won by her at the first meeting, and until her death
in 1680, he was her faithful disciple. He accom-
panied her in her wanderings, traveled several times
as f ar as Holstein in connection with her exceed-
ingly confused affairs, and returned to Amsterdam
to see to the publication of her complete works, to
which he prefixed a thoroughgoing defense of her
and added a translation of the Gdttliche Gesichi of
Hans Engelbrecht (q.v.), the Brunswick enthusi-
ast. He defended her character and divine mission
in a Afemoire touchant la vie de Mile. A. Bourignon
(1679), and championed her cause against Bayle
and Seckendorf. He was also a warm admirer of
Jane Lead (q.v.)- In 1688 he settled at Rijnsburg,
where he busied himself on his own works and in
multifarious labors for the Dutch booksellers, such
as in the Dutch edition of Ruinart. Among his
original productions may be mentioned V&conomie
divine, ou systeme universel et d&montri des ctuvres et
dee deeseins de Dieu envere lee hommes (Amsterdam,
1687; Eng. transl., The Divine (Economy, 6 vols.,
London, 1713), which purports to reproduce the
visionary notions of Antoinette Bourignon, but at
least gives them in intelligible and consistent form.
Another work, La Paix dee dmes dans tous lee partis
du Christianisme (1687), disregards the formal
creeds of the various churches, and appeals to the
minority of really sincere Christians, urging them
to an inner union without the abandonment of their
external affiliations. In De eruditione solida, su-
perficiaria et falsa (1692), he distinguishes between
superficial knowledge of the names of things and
real or solid knowledge of the things themselves,
which latter is to be attained by humble renuncia-
tion of one's own wisdom and will. He continued
to make contributions to the philosophical and re-
ligious controversies of the time, as, for example,
against Bayle and his " hypocritical " opposition
to Spinoza. The work which probably ran through
the most editions was the little treatise on the ed-
ucation of children which first appeared in 1690 in
a collection of his shorter writings, was frequently
translated, and influenced the Pietistic controversy
at Hamburg. His most permanently valuable con-
tribution was Bibliotheca mysticorum seleeta (1708),
which displays an astonishing acquaintance with
ancient and modern mystics, and contains valuable
information on some of the less-known writers. He
also published a large number of mystical writings
both from the Middle Ages and from the French
Pietists of the seventeenth century. In 1704 he
brought out a new edition of Mme. Guyon's wri-
tings, with the addition of a treatise printed for the
first time and an introduction. In spite of his de-
votion to her, he was not a Quietist in the ordinary
sense of the word. He would not have man's rela-
tion to God one of pure passivity but of receptiv-
ity. He repudiated predestination, and condemned
Pelagianism because it suppressed the feeling of in-
herent sinfulness in man — just as he opposed So-
cinianism because it did not ascribe the whole of
salvation to the operation of God's grace. Mystic
as he was, he knew how to combine with his own
peculiar attitude a firm insistence on certain dog-
matic definitions, such as that of the Trinity. He |

continually appealed to the authority of Scripture.
Though after 1680 he led a quiet and retired life, he
was recognised widely by the scholars of his time,
such as Thomasius and Bayle, Le Clerc and Walch,
as a man of great learning; and his zealous partici-
pation in the cause of Antoinette Bourignon did
not injure his good name as a devout mystic and
an honorable man. His influence persisted after
his death, not merely through the work of his spir-
itual son Tersteegen, but through the respect which
his writings won for mysticism, forcing the regu-
lar theology, as represented by Le Clerc, Lange,
Buddeus, Walch, and Stapfer, to take account of it.

S. Cramer.
Bibliography: The one source, contemporary, exact, and
detailed, sent by Point himself to Ancfllon and after
Poiret's death printed in Latin in the Bibliotheca Bremeneie,
iii. 1, Bremen, 1720, is printed as Kort Verhad van dee
Schryvere Petrue Poirete leven en Sehriften in De godddyke
Huiehouding. ii. 31-66, 1723. Next to this the best refer-
ences are to A. Ijpeij, Oeechiedenie van de KrieUlyke Kerfc
in de achttiende Eeuw, x. 510-531, Utrecht, 1809; idem,
Oeechiedenie der eyetemaHeche OodgeUerdheid, iii. 46-61;
and M. Gobel, Geechichte dee ehrietlichen Lebene in der
rheiniech-weatph&liechen evangeliachen Kirche, vol. iii.,
Coblena, 1860. The more general works on Mtbticibm
(see the bibliography there) have practically nothing ad-
ditional to what is contained in the preceding — of. R. A.
Vaughan, Howe with the Mystic*, ii. 290, 8th ed., London,
n.d.

POISSY, pwa"si', RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE
OF: A conference held in Sept., 1561, between
Protestants and Roman Catholics at Poissy (10 m.
n.w. of Paris). The wide diffusion of Protestantism
in France led the queen regent, Catherine de Medici,
to seek to establish some peaceable understanding
between the two confessions. After
Purposes the assembly of notables at Fontaine-
and Pre- bleau in Aug., 1560, and the general
liminaries. assembly of the estates at Orleans
(Dec. 13, 1560-Jan. 31, 1561), the no-
bility and the third estate gathered at Pontoise,
while the court and the clergy met at the abbey of
Poissy. The assembly, which was partly to pre-
pare for the expected reopening of the Council of
Trent, partly as a sort of national council to pro-
mote the reformation of the French Church, and
partly to diminish the debt of the State out of the
treasury of the Church, was convened July 28, 1651.
The assurance, in the king's name, of the Chan-
cellor Michel de L'H6pita1 (q.v.) to the bishops and
archbishops that there was to be a reformation not
only of abuses but also of doctrine, received a very
limited approval, and still more so that the Re-
formed also were to be heard. A review of the pre-
liminaries is necessary properly to understand the
call of colloquy. Theodore Beza (q.v.) and col-
leagues came to Worms in 1557 in behalf of the
Evangelicals imprisoned by Henry II. at Paris, and
when the Germans requested a confession of faith,
the French returned a statement of entire agree-
ment with the Augsburg Confession with the ex-
ception of the article on the Eucharist, holding out
the prospect, however, of future agreement. The
result was that Elector Otto Heinrich interceded
with the French king. Meanwhile relations became
more strained: Frederick went over to Calvinism,
and strict Lutheranism was emphasized in Wurt-
temberg. When King Antoine of Navarre, for the

103

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Polret
Poissy

French kingdom, demanded intercessory delega-
tions to the court in behalf of the Protestants, he
was advised to accept the Augsburg Confession,
especially on the Eucharist. Duke Christopher of
Wurttemberg, on June 12, sent to Antoine and to
the duke of Guise an envoy with copies of the Augs-
burg Confession, the new Wurttemberg Confession,
and various books of the Lutheran theologians.
Christopher's envoy found the convention of prel-
ates already in prospect, and the duke's suggestion
that Protestant theologians take part in the pro-
ceedings obtained royal approval. The Roman
Catholics, in their turn, expected to refute the Prot-
estants by the Bible and the Church Fathers and
drive the Reformed to the wall. Beza and Peter
Martyr Vermigli (q.v.) were the Reformed theo-
logians invited to attend the colloquy. The Ger-
man princes were also asked to send theologians,
but they were unable to agree on any uniform in-
structions to their delegates and the plan was con-
sequently abandoned. Beza enjoyed a cordial wel-
come both at Paris and the court at St. Germain,
and on the Sunday evening after his arrival was in-
vited by Antoine to an assembly which included
Catherine, Condi, and the cardinals of Bourbon
and Lorraine. Here a conversation was carried
on between Beza and the cardinal of Lorraine,
in which the latter minimized the differences of
Eucharistic doctrine between himself and Beza,
concluding by inviting the Reformed theologian to
visit him that they might cooperate for some agree-
ment between Roman Catholics and Protestants.
Shortly afterward it was invidiously rumored at
St. Germain and abroad that Beza had been worsted
in argument by the cardinal. Some days before
Beza's arrival the Reformed preachers had pre-
sented a memorial thanking the king for their safe
conduct and requesting him to submit to the con-
sideration of the prelates the French Reformed con-
fession (see Galxjcan Confession). This petition
was graciously received by the king on Aug. 17,
and on Aug. 26 the prelates, yielding to the wish of
Catherine, decided to hear the Reformed. Attempts
were made to keep the king himself from attending,
but in vain; and on Sept. 9 the conference began
in the refectory of the great Nunnery at Poissy.
There were present the king, his mother, the princes
and princesses royal, high dignitaries of the crown,
and many courtiers; while from among the lords
spiritual were present the cardinals of Tournon,
Lorraine, Chatillon, Armagnac, Bourbon, and
Guise; the archbishops of Bordeaux and Embrun,
thirty-six bishops, representatives of absent prel-
ates, many deputies of abbeys and monasteries,
and theologians and professors of the Sorbonne.
The Reformed were represented by twenty dele-
gates and fourteen elders.

After preliminary addresses by the king and
chancellor, Beza delivered a long address in which
he sought to demonstrate the patriotism and peace-
fulness of his party and gave a brief
The summary of the Reformed doctrines

Sessions, to show that they differed in very

essential points from tenets previously

held, and that they did not reject each and every

fundamental principle of Christianity so as to be

on a plane of those of Jews and Mohammedans.
This presentation contained many citations for
authority from the Fathers. When, however, Beza
spoke of the Eucharist, and declared that the body
of Christ was as far from the bread as the highest
heaven is from the earth, he was interrupted with
vehement disapproval. He was followed by Car-
dinal Tournon, who expressed his entire disapproval
of Beza's attitude and concluded the session by
demanding a written copy of the Reformed leader's
address, which was apparently altered by Beza be-
fore it was printed. For the second session the
prelates entrusted the cardinal of Lorraine with
the refutation of Beza. The Roman Catholic reply
was to comprise the following four doctrines: the
Church and her authority; the powers of councils
to represent the entire Church, which includes not
only the elect, but also the non-elect; the author-
ity of the Scriptures; and the real and substantial
presence of the body and blood of Christ in the
Eucharist. This was to be followed by the presen-
tation of a creed controverting the Reformed con-
fession and by pronouncing condemnation on the
preachers if they should refuse to accept it, after
which the conference was to be closed. The Prot-
estants, learning of this, protested to the king, who
obliged the prelates to defer their proposed con-
demnation and adjournment. The second session
took place on Sept. 16, and was opened by the
cardinal of Lorraine. Expressing the pleasure of
the prelates to learn that the Reformed were in
harmony with the Apostles' Creed, he yet called
attention to other points in which they deviated
from Roman Catholic teaching. In his discussion
of the Eucharist, the cardinal carefully avoided all
offensive phraseology, and even avoided references
to transubstantiation and the mass, speaking of
the real presence in a quasi-Lutheran sense. Dis-
cussion and a copy of the address were denied, to
Beza's disappointment. On the following evening
Catherine summoned Beza and Peter Martyr, the
latter of whom expressed his hope of reaching an
understanding if the Eucharistic problem were omit-
ted from discussion and each one were permitted to
believe and preach according as he was convinced
by the word of God. The queen expressed her in-
tention of doing all in her power to bring about
such an understanding. [It is a significant fact that
at the conference while the Roman Catholic prelates
were seated, the Protestants were required to re-
main standing.]

The further course of events was determined by
the intervention of the papal legate, the cardinal
of Ferrara, uncle of the duchess of Guise. He ad-
vised the queen to restrain the king, the cardinal of
Tournon, and the majority of the prel-
Results. ates, from attending further confer-
ences, pleading that an agreement
might the more easily be reached if the irreconcil-
able spirits were absent. On Sept. 24, therefore, a
conference was summoned with twelve represen-
tatives of each party; and the debate, which was
without result, concluded with the question of the
cardinal of Lorraine whether the Reformed were
ready to subscribe to the Augsburg Confession. On
the following day Montluc, bishop of Valence, and

Poiaay

Poland, Christianity in

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

104

D'Espence conferred, at the queen's command, with
Beza and Nicolas dee Gallards on a compromise
formula. The result was as follows: " We believe
that the true body and the true blood of Jesus
Christ really and substantially, that is, in their
proper substance, are, in a spiritual and ineffable
manner, present and offered in the Holy Commu-
nion and that they are thus received by the faith-
ful who communicate." When, on Sept. 26, nego-
tiations were continued publicly, Beza declared
that the Reformed could not accept this formula.
The ultimate failure of compromise is perhaps due
to the Jesuit general Lainez, who hitherto played
his part under cover but, admitted to the colloquy
on Sept. 26, vehemently and scurrilously attacked
the Protestants, to whom Beza replied. The debate
continued until late at night; and for further dis-
cussion a committee of five on each side was ap-
pointed; among the Roman Catholics being Montluc
and D'Espence, and among the Reformed Beza and
Peter Martyr. After three conferences (Sept. 29,
Oct. 1, and Oct. 3) a formula was reached teaching
the real presence, of which the substance was given
through the operation of the Holy Ghost, the body
of Christ being received spiritually and through
faith. All at court were satisfied, but when the
formula was submitted to the assembled prelates
on Oct. 9, the majority declared the formula heret-
ical. A rigidly Roman Catholic formula was im-
mediately drawn up, and it was resolved to give
no further hearing to the Reformed after their re-
fusal to subscribe, and to urge the king to banish
the recalcitrants. Negotiations were broken off at
Poissy on Oct. 9. Ten days later five German theo-
logians arrived at Paris, Michael Diller, Peter
Bouquin, Jakob Beurlin, Jakob Andrea (qq.v.) and
Balthasar Bidembach, summoned to explain the
Augsburg articles. Their leader Beurlin died on
Oct. 28 and on Nov. 8 the rest were received in
audience by the king of Navarre, who expressed a
wish that they would bear witness to the harmony
between the Augsburg Confession and the com-
promise formula at the conclusion of negotiations
at Poissy. After many futile conferences on the
union of German and French Protestantism, and,
after having explained to the king the meaning of
the Augsburg Confession and urged him to accept
it, the envoys were finally dismissed on Nov. 23.
The conference at Poissy had shown that reconcilia-
tion between Roman Catholics and Protestants on
the basis of mutual concession was entirely impos-
sible, and that the only alternatives were mutual
toleration or a war for existence.

(EUGEN LaCHENMANN.)

Bibliography: H. M. Baird, Hist, of the Rise of the Hugue-
nots, i. 505-546. London. 1880; Theodore Besa, Hist.
eccUsiastique des fglises rifornUes . . . de France, Geneva,
1580, new ed., ©d. P. Vowon, 2 vols., Toulouse, 1882-83.
and, in 3 vols., od. J. W. Baum and A. E. Cunits, Paris,
1883-88; J. W. Baum, Theodor Beza, vol. ii.f Berlin.
1852; O. de F61ice, Hist, des protestanis de France, pp.
131 sqq., Toulouse, 1850, new ed., 1861, Eng. transl.,
2 vols., London, 1853; G. von Polcns, GeschichU des
framttsischen Calnnismus, ii. 47 sqq., Gotha, 1859: N. A.
F. Puaux, Hist, de la reformation francaise, ii. 101 sqq.,
Paris, 1860; H. Klipffel. La Colloque de Poissy. Paris,
1868; A. de Ruble, he Journal de Claude cTEspence, in
Mhnoires de la sociiU oVhistoire de Paris, xvi., 1889; H.
Amphoui, Michel de VHdpital, pp. 185 sqq.. Paris, 1900.

POLAND, CHRISTIANITY Of.

I. Before the Reformation.

Slavic Foundations (| 1).
German Influence and Organization ({ 2).
Reaction and Turmoils (§ 3).
Ecclesiastical Independence ({ 4).

II. The Reformation and After.
Need and Preparation (| 1).
Reformation (§ 2).
Counter-Reformation (| 3).
Later History (| 4).

L Before the Reformation: When Poland re-
ceived Christianity in the tenth century, it com-
prised the territory between the Russian grand-
duchy in the east, Prussia and Pomerania in the
northeast and north, the Wendish
x. Slavic tribes in the northwest, the German
Founda- empire as far as the Oder in the west,
tions. and Moravia in the south and south-
west. After Duke Mieczyslaw of Po-
land had been defeated in 963 by the Wends, he
sought protection from them by submission to the
German emperor. But in spite of the favorable op-
portunity thus afforded for the introduction of
Christianity from Germany, no efforts were made
in this direction. Christianity was introduced as a
resultant of the Slavonic mission of the Greek-
Oriental Church; and, in particular, according to
the oldest and most reliable reports from Bohemia,
where it had obtained a permanent foothold under
Duke Boleslaw I. the Pious. Duke Mieczyslaw mar-
ried in 066 Dambrowka, the sister of Boleslaw II.,
duke of Bohemia, and in 967 accepted Christianity,
followed immediately by the nobles and a part of
the people. Further expansion was promoted by
priests from Bohemia; and at the order of the duke
all his subjects were baptized. All idols were to be
broken, burned, or thrown into the water.

At this point Germany began missionary work
in Poland. Under the protection of the emperor,
Jordan, a German priest, worked with great zeal
and under many difficulties, as missionary. The
Poles had indeed accepted Christian-
2. German ity after the example of their duke,
Influence nominally; but in secret they were
and Organ!- still attached to their old gods, and at
zation. a later time heathenism was yet strong
enough to produce a reaction. The
ecclesiastical organization of the country soon fol-
lowed the acceptance of Christianity by the duke.
This could not possibly have been accomplished by
the efforts of the Slavonic-Greek mission; but the
close political connection of Poland with Germany
and the feudal relation of the duke to the emperor
effected in the course of time close relations with
the German-Occidental Church, and from these a
firm foundation and organization of Polish Chris-
tianity proceeded. Mieczyslaw, in 977, after the
death of bis first wife, married Oda, the daughter
of the Saxon Margrave Dietrich, under whose in-
fluence the Greek rite gave way to the Roman
forms of church service (see Roman Catholics,
" Uniate Churches ")• Otto the Great conceived
comprehensive plans for a permanent Christianiza-
tion of the Slavonic people who were compelled
to submit to bis power. At his instance and with
his cooperation, the first Polish bishopric, Posen,

106

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PoiMy

Poland, Christianity in

was founded in 968. At first included under the
archbishopric of Mains, it was later incorporated in
the archbishopric of Magdeburg. Thus the con-
nection of the Polish Church with the Roman
Church was established, and under the influence of
the political conditions the Roman Church gained
the ascendency over the unwilling Greek element.
As the Roman missionaries from Germany did not
speak the Polish language, they could not gain that
influence over the people to which the Slavonic
missionaries owed most of their success. Conflicts
arose, and it became very difficult to introduce the
institutions of the Roman Church. The pope found
it necessary to make temporary concessions; and
preaching and liturgy were allowed in the vernacu-
lar. Until his death in 992 Mieczyslaw remained a
faithful adherent of the imperial power. Under his
son from his first marriage, Boleslaw Chrobry, " the
Brave " (992 to 1025), one of the most powerful
and valiant of the old Polish dukes, the tie of Po-
land with the Roman Church became still closer.
Although Poland had not been fully Christianized
even externally, it became under him a center for
the further expansion of Christianity among the
neighboring peoples, in that he made the mission
serve his warlike undertakings. Boleslaw Chrobry
had safeguarded St. Adalbert (see Adalbert of
Prague) on his missionary tour to Prussia and
afterward redeemed his remains; and over his
grave in Gnesen he contracted an intimate friend-
ship with Emperor Otto III. Gnesen became an
archbishopric and the center of the Polish Church.
Seven bishoprics were placed under its jurisdiction,
among them Colberg, Cracow, and Breslau; and
thus there was established the first comprehensive
organization of the Polish Church. But with the
foundation of the archbishopric of Gnesen Poland's
connection with the archbishopric of Magdeburg
and with the German Church and empire was
loosened, and there gradually grew up a more im-
mediate connection with Rome. As he had pro-
tected Adalbert on his missionary tour to Prussia,
so Boleslaw aided powerfully the bold undertaking
of Brun of Querfurt, the enthusiastic disciple of
Adalbert, to bring the Gospel to the wild people of
the far east. Boleslaw also sent to Sweden mis-
sionaries whose efforts were very successful. The
further he extended his power over the neighbor-
ing Slavonic people, the stronger became his desire
for a great Christian-Slavonic kingdom, the crown
of which he asked from the pope. In 1018 the
Greek empire in Constantinople feared its power
and the Russian kingdom, in the capital of which,
Kief, he erected a Roman Catholic bishopric, suc-
cumbed to it.

After the external reception of Christianity, the
people still clung tenaciously to heathenism. The
annual celebration of the destruction of the old
gods at which their images were thrown into the

water, took place for a considerable

3. Reaction time with the singing of dirges. Only

and by harsh penal codes were the uncul-

Turmoils. tured minds of the people turned to

the observance of Christian morals
and church usages. Adultery and fornication were
punished with mutilation, and eating of flesh dur-

ing Lent with the knocking out of teeth. Mieczys-
law II. carried out his father's policy for the main-
tenance and extension of the Church. He built
churches and founded a new bishopric, Cujavia,
in the territory of the Wends on the Vistula. But
the terrible disorders in Poland following his death
in 1034 involved also the Church. The external
and forced Christianization had been so ineffective
that the very existence of the Church was threats
ened. Many of the nobility and the people fell back
into heathenism; cities and churches were des-
troyed, and the laity rebelled against the clergy.
From Germany efforts were no longer made to aid
and strengthen the Polish Church. Under Conrad
II. the archbishopric of Magdeburg had forgotten
its missionary duty to the east and especially to
Poland. Since 1035 its influence upon the Polish
church and the latter's connection with the Ger-
man Church ceased. The bishopric of Posen was
placed under the archbishopric of Gnesen; Gnesen
was destroyed by the duke of Bohemia; Casimir,
the son of Mieczyslaw II., found refuge in Germany,
and after the recovery of his inheritance reestab-
lished the Church by placing land and church under
the protection of the royal power of Germany. But
a long time passed before the old order was rees-
tablished. Under Boleslaw II., who had regained
the throne, a terrible civil war ensued. In the fol-
lowing period the progress of the Church was hin-
dered by political disturbances, so that prosperous
development by the planting and fostering of Chris-
tian life was impossible, though the missionary
activity of the Polish Church was revived under
Boleslaw III. From Poland in the second quarter
of the twelfth century the Christianization of
Pomerania was accomplished by Otho of Bamberg,
while Pomerania became politically dependent
upon Poland. Strenuous efforts were made to ex-
pand the church in Prussia in order to subjugate
it the more securely to the dominion of Poland.
Such missionary efforts, however, did not indicate
vigorous life in the Church so much as political
energy in the sovereigns. The division of the king-
dom after Boleslaw's death (1139) among his four
sons wrought new ecclesiastical troubles and dis-
turbances; and before the time of the Reformation
peaceful developments did not obtain. The princes
either showered possessions and privileges upon
the clerpy from selfish or party interests at the ex-
pense of the nobility and the people, whose hatred
was thus intensified while the moral condition of
the clergy was corrupted, or they violently attacked
the rights and property of the bishoprics. A synod
at Leucyka in 1180 forbade princes to appropriate
the property of deceased bishops under penalty of
excommunication. The favors of the princes to the
clergy involved the latter in continual battles with
the nobility; violent dissensions between clergy on
the one side and nobility and laity on the other
were caused by the payment of tithes to the Church,
and by the arbitrary extension of clerical jurisdic-
tion.

In close connection with the national element
and the opposition of Slavism to Romanism and
Teutonism, the opposition to the popes is one of
the characteristic features of the Polish church.

Poland, Christianity in

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

106

The princes energetically guarded their right to fill
bishoprics, granted them by Otto III. Pope Martin

V. complained in letters to the king of
4. Ecclesi- Poland that the rights and liberties of
astical In- the Church were trampled under foot
dependence, and that the authority of the Holy See

was not obeyed. The clergy shared
with princes this desire for independence of the
pope. Hence the complaint of Gregory VII. in a
letter of 1075, " the bishops of your land are abso-
lutely independent and unsubmissive to regula-
tion." A bishop of Posen dared to refuse to an-
nounce an interdict of Innocent III. against one of
the dukes. Marriage of priests had come in through
the Greek origin of the Polish church; thence came
general opposition to the law of celibacy among
the Polish clergy. About 1120 all priests in the
diocese of Breslau were married. In the middle of
the twelfth century the majority of the Polish
clergy were the same; and a synod of Gnesen (1219)
complained that the former prohibitions of the
marriage of priests had remained without effect.
The appeal of the Polish nation from the pope to
a general council at the time when Pope Martin V.
did not condemn the work of John of Falkenberg,
the Dominican monk who in the interest of the
Teutonic order had preached murder and rebellion
against the Polish people and their king, was a
memorable protest against the absolutism of the
papacy. The immorality of the clergy, their simony,
unchastity, political intriguing, and lack of church
discipline produced an anticlerical and antiecclesi-
astical movement among the people. The relig-
ious needs of the country, which had been so shame-
fully disregarded by the clergy, were so urgent that
the Reformation found open doors among the Poles.

(David Erdmann1\)

II. Reformation and After: In the middle of the

fifteenth century Poland bordered in the west upon

Hungary, Bohemia, and Silesia; in the north on

the Eastern Sea from Danzig to Courland; in the

east it included Lithuania and the

1. Need greater part of White Russia; and in

and Prepa- the south, Red Russia, Volhynia, Po-

ration. dolia, and Kief; while its influence

spread over Moldavia and Walachia
(Roumania), and the Crimea. A grandson of Ladis-
las Jagieilo (1348-1434) was king of Bohemia and
Hungary. Relations by marriage brought neigh-
boring dominions under the kings of Poland, which
was now at the zenith of its power and extent.
Three sons of Casimir (1444-92) became kings of
Poland; the third one, Sigismund (1513-48), taking
for second wife the Italian princess Bona Sforza,
who wrought an influence detrimental to Poland
and the Reformation. The heart of the kingdom,
namely, Little Poland, was Slavic, and thus mild,
peaceable, and deeply religious. Cyril and Metho-
dius, the Slavic apostles of the ninth century, had
translated a part of the Scriptures into the mother
tongue; the pious people held firmly to worship in
the vernacular and to ecclesiastical independence;
and thus the foundation for the Reformation spirit
was laid. The king was only the chief of the nobles,
who in a century of strife had risen to an eminence
of independence and power which stood also in de-

fense of the bishops and resisted the popes. The
bishops had been appointed by the lords for cen-
turies and stood by their side; for they were first
of all Poles. An archbishop of Gnesen had been
regent. In 1176 Waldensians from the south of
France and later the Hussites found refuge in Po-
land, in spite of the individual opposition of the
bishops, the synods, and the Inquisition; and they
were protected. As elsewhere so in Poland the re-
vival of learning and humanism prepared the way
for the Reformation. The classics were read by
nobles and clergy; German and Italian scholars
were welcomed; multitudes of young Poles re-
turned from schools abroad, bringing back the spirit
of the humanities; and Erasmus obtained the most
enthusiastic admirers. But perhaps nowhere else
was the moral and spiritual destitution so great as
in Poland. The law of celibacy was generally vio-
lated among the priesthood; nepotism prevailed
among the bishops; and ecclesiastical positions
were sold to the highest bidder.

The fires of the Reformation first broke into
flame along the German border. As early as 1520
the Dominican Andreas Samuel at the cathedral of
Posen and later John Seklucyan, a preacher at the
church of Mary Magdalen, preached the Gospel,

emphasizing the need of a reformation

2. Refor- of the Church. In 1519, Jacob Knade,

mation. a vicar at the church of Peter and Paul

in Danzig, married; and this step, to-
gether with his fearless reform preaching, met with
wide public approval. In Posen, the castellan
Lukas of Gorka received the Evangelical preach-
ers under his protection against the bishop. The
archbishop of Gnesen hurried to Danzig to suppress
the movement but the magistrate upheld his right,
even against the king, to permit Evangelical preach-
ing and the entrance of the Reformation. From
here it spread by way of Elbing into Prussia ; George
of Polentz, bishop of Samland, joined it; Albert of
Brandenburg, Grand Master of the German Order
in Prussia, called as preacher to Konigsberg Jo-
hann Briessman (q.v.), Luther's follower (1525);
and changed the territory of the order into a heredi-
tary grand duchy under Polish protection. From
these borderlands the movement penetrated Little
Poland which was the nucleus for the extensive
kingdom. All measures on the part of the church
powers and king to stem the tide proved ineffective.
In spite of the prohibition, especially against Wit-
tenberg, the nobility continued to send its sons to
the universities of Bologna, Padua, Orleans, and
Paris, and even to Strasburg and Geneva, whence
Calvin's " Institutes " were welcomed in Poland.
The Italian Lismanin, confessor to Queen Bona,
joined the Reformation; and placed himself as wefc
as Prince Radziwil, chief reformer in Lithuania, in
communication with Calvin. The latter dedicated
his commentary on Hebrews to the king of Poland
(1549), which honor the latter accepted. From
1545 a constantly widening circle of spiritually
awakened Poles collected at the house of the emi-
nent and wealthy Andreas Traecieski of Cracow;
among these were Wojewodka, later prefect of
Cracow, Orzechowski, Przyluski, author of the
" statues of the realm," and, in particular, Rej and

107

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Poland, Christianity in

rricius Modrevius. From this source the move-
ment spread everywhere among the minor as well
as the greater nobility; but the prime cause of the
Reformation is to be sought in the deep religious
sense of the Slavic people, who eagerly accepted
the preaching of the Gospel in place of the means
of the deteriorated Church. In the mean time the
movement proceeded likewise among the nobles of
Great Poland; here the type was Lutheran, instead
of Reformed, as in Little Poland. Before the Ref-
ormation the Hussite refugees had found asylum
here; now the Bohemian and Moravian brethren,
soon to be known as the Unity of the Brethren
(q.v.), were expelled from their home countries
and, on their way to Prussia (1547), about 400
settled in Posen under the protection of the Gorka,
Leszynski, and Ostrorog families. During 1553-
1579, this band increased to seventy-nine congrega-
tions, due to their industrious and sane activity,
during the quarter-century leadership of George
IsraeL In Little Poland, owing to political condi-
tions, there was for a long time a lack of organic
home leadership. The churches could not continue
successfully under the control of Geneva and the
Rhine. Efforts were made to import proper men
from abroad, which resulted most wisely in the
choice of Johannes a Lasco (q.v.). He was a Pole,
acquainted with the Reformers of his native land,
a fugitive first in East Friesland and then in Eng-
land, and one who had specially proved his fitness
for organization and leadership. His return was
delayed and the Synod of Kozminek (1555), under
the pressure of threatened disorganization, adopted
a plan of union, the result of which would have
meant absorption into the Unity of the Brethren.
A year later, upon his arrival, Lasco insisted upon
the integrity and independence of the home church.
In the fifth decade of this century the movement
entered into its final tests in the struggles of the
bishops and the nobles of the Reformation in the
diets. In the diet of 1552, Leszynski refused to
bow the knee and remove the hat at the opening of
the mass. This diet secured freedom of conscience
by granting the Roman Catholic Church the right
of judgment on heresies but not of penalty. The
Diet of Warsaw (1556) provided that every noble
was free to establish in his house and on his estate
that worship which seemed to him fitting, if it
were grounded on the Scriptures. It also voted
an address to Pope Paul IV. demanding of the
Council of Trent worship in the vernacular, com-
munion in both forms, consecration of priests, aboli-
tion of the papal contributions, and the calling of
a national council for the correction of abuses and
the unification of church bodies. However, the
king was weak. He sent the bishop of Przenysl as
delegate; the diet was unrepresented and never
accepted the resolutions of the council. King
Sigismund August died in 1572 without heir, and
unfortunately at this stage the country was thrown
into the strife of electing a sovereign. The choice
fell upon Prince Henry of Valois, duke of Anjou,
who had been recommended by Coligny before
Sigismund's death. In spite of the division, united
action was taken at the Diet of Warsaw (1573)
under the Reformed leadership of Crownmarshal

Firley of Little Poland, guaranteeing equal rights
and freedom to all creeds. The Reformed repre-
sentatives of Poland also exacted a pledge from
the king of France before they cast their votes for
his brother, guaranteeing freedom of faith and
worship and a safe return of the fugitives to his
kingdom. Until the time of coronation the Jesuits
plotted to make this oath void, and when Henry
showed signs of weakening before reaffirming the
oath at the coronation, Firley fearlessly stepped
forward, seized the crown in his hand, and cried
out in a loud voice, " If thou wilt not swear thou
shalt not reign." The frightened king forthwith
took the oath.

This episode was an outward mark of a Counter-
Reformation which had been developing for some
time. Two movements within the bosom of Prot-
estantism exposed it the more to the reaction.
First, antitrinitarianism, imported from Italy,
toward which even Lismanin inclined, had its sup-
porters and centered itself at Pinczow.
3. Counter- Against this, Lasco (q.v.) placed him-
Reforms- self in energetic and successful oppo-
tion. sition. In the second place was the
irreconcilable division of the three
Protestant bodies over against the united front of
the Jesuit Roman Catholics. The Church of Little
Poland and Lithuania was Calvinistic; that of
Greater Poland and Prussia, and, with occasions,
that of Courland and Livonia, was Lutheran, the
churches of which were early intermingled with
many congregations of the Unity of the Brethren.
Lasco strove for such a union with his last energy,
but failed. Ten years after his death a general
synod at Sendomir (1570) adopted a consensus
identifying themselves in a union against the Ro-
man Catholic Counter-Reformation. It was shaken
by conflict as soon as it had been adopted. The
general synod at Thorn (1595) reendorsed the con-
sensus of Sendomir, making it binding upon all the
clergy and subscriptions necessary under the pen-
alty of dismission. Yet the measures fell into ob-
livion. In 1728 the general synod of Danzig re-
called it from obscurity and resolved to adhere to
it; but though never revoked, it was in time for-
gotten. Meanwhile the Counter-Reformation pro-
ceeded, conducted sagaciously by Rome, not only
by availing of these internal divisions of Protestant-
ism, but also by following its own independent de-
signs, regardless of the survival of the Polish na-
tion. The foreigner Stanislaus Hosius (q.v.), bishop
of Ermland, was the leader and an irreconcilable
antagonist of the dissidents. The Jesuits who
worked by his side did perhaps nowhere else so
effective and pernicious a work. While these laid
their insidious plans in the houses of the nobles,
Hosius knew how to make the most of the dissi-
dent polemical writings for the cause of Rome. A
further aid was the papal nuncio at Cracow, Com-
mendone, but most of all the king, Sigismund III.
(1585-1632), called by contemporaries " king of
the Jesuits." The Evangelicals lost their rights
and liberty of conscience. The Jesuits also directed
their efforts against the Eastern Church so that in
1599, at Wilna, a compact of Evangelicals and
Greek adherents was made to which either side

Poland, Christianity in
Polemics

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

106

made appeal from time to time until the final dis-
memberment of Poland. After a decade of warfare
the Jesuits came out victorious, and the Evangel-
ical cause and the kingdom went down together.
Two centuries more, however, ensued before the
victory was complete.

The correspondence of Hosius reveals the return
of the descendants of the illustrious fathers of the
Information to Roman Catholicism. At an assem-
bly in the palatinate of Cracow, in 1606, a warning
call went up from the knighthood, re-
4. Later f erring to the compact, for the king
History, to heed the senate; but the Protestant
party was vanquished in that body,
though at a diet in 1609, freedom from penalty and
the right of legal appeal were obtained. The Jesuits
continued their machinations; the king was wholly
in their power, and in Cracow, Posen, Wilna, and
elsewhere, they incited the populace and students
to destroy the churches of the dissidents. At the
close of Sigismund's reign, Poland was in rapid de-
cline; the Jesuits had smothered the spiritual life
and obtained complete possession of the schools;
the people had lost a sense of their rights; and
abroad the nation had fallen from its rank of in-
fluence. Wladislas IV. (1632-48), just and irenic,
who called a colloquy at Thorn in 1645 looking
toward the union of all churches, would not re-
strain the Jesuit activities. August II. (1696-
1733) lent himself to their policies, having himself,
as king of Saxony, apostatized to Roman Catholi-
cism, in order to secure the throne of Poland. At
the Diet of Grodno (1719) Casimir Ancuta, the
Jesuit lawyer of Wilna, secured unlawfully the ex-
pulsion of the last dissident, Piotrowski. WTith the
triumph of the Counter-Reformation is associated
also the doom of the once glorious kingdom. The
further history of Poland is involved in that of the
countries among which its territory was divided.

(H. Dalton.)

Bibliography: On I. as sources consult: Chronica Polo-
norum, ed. J. Szlachtowski and R. Kdpke, xnMGH, Script.,
ix (1851), pp. 423 sqq.; Chronica Polonorum, in Stensel,
Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum, vol. i.t Cracow, 1872-88;
Acta historica res oestas Polonict Ulustrantia, issued by the
Cracow Academy, 1878 sqq.; Thietmar, Chronicon, most
convenient in the ed. of F. Kurze, Hanover, 1889; A/onu-
menta Polonict historica, 6 vols., Lwrtw, 1864-93. Con-
sult further: C. G. Friese, Kirchengeschichte des Kimig-
reichs Polen. vol. i., Bre^lau, 1786; C. Meyer, Geschichte
des Landes Posen, pp. 383 sqq., Posen, 1881; C. Schie-
mann, Geschichte Polens, Berlin, 1884-85; W. R. Mor-
fill, Poland, London, 1893; W. P. Angerstein, Der Kon-
fiikt des . . . Boleslaus II. (1068 80) mit dem Bischof
Stanislaus, Thorn. 1895; K. S. Krotoski, St. Stanislaw,
Bishop Krakowski, Torun, 1(K)2; K. Schmidt, Geschichte
des Deutschtums im Lande Posen, Bromberg, 1904; Hauck,
KD, iii. 202-204, 272 sqq., 029 sqq. On II. consult: the
literature under Lamco, Johannes a; Acta conventus
Thorun., Warsaw, 1646; D. K. Jablonski, Hist, consensus
Sendom., Berlin, 1731 (rf. H. Dalton, D. E. Jablonski,
ib. 1903); ('. (J. Frieze, tit sup., vols, ii.-iii.; S. Lubienski,
Historia rt formation is Polonxc.a, Antwerp, 16S5; C. V.
Krasinski, Hist, of Rise, Progress and Decline of the Polish
Reformation, 2 voN., London, 1838-40; idem. Religious
Hist, of the Slavonic Nations, Edinburgh, 1851; J. Lu-
kasiewitsch, Die Reformation in Gross- Polen, Darmstadt,
1843; G. W. T. Fischer, Versuch einer Geschichte der
Reformation in Polen, 2 parts, Grata. 1855-56; Schnaase,
Die bahmischen Briider in Polen, Gotha, 1866; J. Sem-
brzycki. Die polnischen Reformirten und Unitarier in
Preussen 164$, Kdnigsberg. 1893, E. Borgius. Aus Posens
und Polens kirchlicher Vergangenhett, Berlin, 1898; O.

Koniecki, Geschichte der Reformation in Polen, 3d ti,
Posen, 1901; G. Krause, Die Reformation in Polen, Pom,
1901; Wotschke, Andreas Samuel und J oh. Sekkcm*
Posen, 1902; K. Vdlker, Der Protestantismus in Bd*\
Leipsic, 1910; and the list of important periodical litem*
ture in Richardson, Encyclopaedia, p. 862. ^

POLANUS, VELERAlfDUS: Leader and pas-
tor of Walloons in the middle of the sixteenth cen-
tury. All that is known of him is that with Jo-
hannes a Lasco (q.v.) he led his congregation with
two others from England, whither they had fled
from the Netherlands, to settle at Frankfort. Then
he met the persistent opposition of Hartmam
Beyer (q.v.) because of his adherence to the Re-
formed creed and polity, and was deprived of hit
church, while ultimately the right to hold service
was forbidden to the congregation.

POLE (POOLE), REGINALD: English cardinal
and statesman; b. at Stourton Castle (13 m. w. of
Birmingham), Staffordshire, Mar., 1500; d. in
Lambeth Palace, London, Nov. 17, 1558. On his
mother's side he was of the blood royal, and, after
his father's death, was educated by Henry VIII.
In 1517 he obtained the benefice of Roscombe,
which was supplemented by other benefices as he
rose in the prelacy. In 1521 he went to Italy to
complete his studies at Padua. In Paris, at the
close of the third decade of the century, he was
successful in obtaining an opinion
Life Pre- from the University of Paris favorable
vious to the to the king's divorce. He then returned
Cardinalate. to England to devote himself to theo-
logical studies in the cloister of Sheen.
In 1531 he declined the proffered archbishopric of
York, and in the following year he returned to Italy
by way of Avignon. In Italy he lived a number of
years in close friendship with Bembo, Contarini,
Matteo Giberti, Alvise Priuli, and Giovanni Morone.
Until 1535 Pole was regarded as neutral in the
divorce question, and had received from England
the incomes of his benefices. Now, however, the
king demanded Pole's opinion in writing, and after
considerable delay he complied in his De unitate
ecclesice, which brought about a total change in his
position, since he became a decided partisan of the
opposition. The king demanded that Pole should
give an explanation of his treatise in person, but
at this juncture he was called to Rome by Paul
III., chiefly to take part in preparing the Consilium
de emendanda ecdesia.

Pole was created cardinal of Santa Maria in Cos-
medin on Dec. 22, 1536, and now wrote an Apologia
ad Angliat Parlamentum, firm in substance, but
moderate in tone. In 1537 he was sent
Pole as by Paul III. as legate to the Nether-
Cardinal, lands, whence he was to fan the insur-
rection in England. The rebellion,
however, was crushed, and the king declared Pole
guilty of high treason. The cardinal now left the ,
Netherlands, but neither the emperor nor Francis
I. would receive him, and it was only in Italy that
he felt safe. But the pope rehabilitated him by
again employing him as legate, this time to the
emperor; but his family in England suffered heav-
ily, for Henry arrested the cardinal's brothers and
mother, and when the younger brother gave evi-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Poland, Christianity in
Polemics

against the others, they were brought to the
fold. Meanwhile, in 1541, Pole had been ap-
[pointed legate of the patrimony, i.e., governor of
fife Papal States, and was thus led to fix his resi-
at Viterbo. There certain colloquies on re-
igjous questions were held, the participants inclu-
ding Vittoria Colonna, Pietro Carnesecchi, and
Marco Antonio Flaminio. These discussions, how-
ever, were afterward deemed heretical by the In-
qoation, because both the point of departure and
the mainstay of the argument lay in the doctrine
of justification by faith, the merit of good works
being excluded.

After the death of Edward VI., Pole, in 1554,
again beheld his native land, this time as papal
legate. He found Queen Mary already married to
Philip II., and the reaction in full swing. He took
active part in the work and urged the enforcement
of the stern ancient laws against the Protestants.
But all his zeal could not induce his enemy, Gio-
vanni Pietro Caraffa, who, in 1555, ascended the
papal throne as Paul IV. (q.v.), to forget that Pole
himself was at one time under suspicion of heresy.
The new pontiff recalled the English legation, and
summoned Pole before the tribunal of the Holy
Office in Rome. Only his procrastination, and then
his death, delivered him from appearing there.

K. Benhath.

Bibliography*: Among the works of Pole the following are
most significant: Ad Henricum Octavum BrittanitB regent,
Pro ecclesiastical unitatis defensione, Rome, 1554 (extract in
English, The seditious and blasphemous Oration of Cardinal
Pole, . . . Translated . . . by Fabyane Wythers, London,
1560); De concilia, Venice, 1562; De summo pontificeChristi
in terris vieario, Lou vain, 1569; Reformatio Anflia. London,
1556; A Treatise of Justification, Louvain, 1569.

The one authoritative life was written in Italian by
Beccatelli, Lat. transl. by A. Dudith, found in Ital. and
Lat. in Epistolm Reginaldi Poli, 5 vols., 1744-57, an Eng.
transl. is by P. Pye, London, 1760. A life still worth con-
sulting is that in English by T. Phillips, Oxford, 1764.
Consult further: the anonymous life prefixed to Christ.
Longolii Orationes, E pistol ce et Vita, Florence, 1524; W.
F. Hook, Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, vol.
viii., London, 1869; N. Pocock, Records of the Reforma-
tion, 2 vols., Oxford, 1870 (contains original documents);
N. Sander. Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism, Lon-
don, 1877 (Roman Catholic); F. G. Lee, Reginald Pole
. . . an historical Sketch, London, 1888 (deals only with
the beginning and end of the cardinal's career); A. Zim-
merman, Kardinal Pole, Sein Leben und seine Schriften,
Regensburg, 1893 (accurate); W. Clark, The Anglican
Reformation, New York, 1897; F. A. Gasquet, Henry
VIII. and the English Monasteries, London, 1899; J.
Geirdner, The English Church in the Sixteenth Century,
London, 1903 (many details); Cambridge Modern His-
tory, vol. ii. passim, Cambridge, 1903; C. M. Antony, The
Angelical Cardinal Reginald Pole, London, 1909; M. Haile,
Life of Reginald Pole, London and New York, 1910; J.
GOlow. Biographical Dictionary of English Catholics, v.
336-341, London, n.d.; DNB, xlvi. 35-46.

POLEMICS.

Nature, Place, and Function (SI).

Pie-Reformation and Roman Catholic Polemics (8 2).

Protestant Polemics (S3).

The Modern Phase (S 4).

In Great Britain and America (S 5).

Polemics is that department of theology which is
concerned with the history of controversies main-
tained within or by the Christian Church, and with
the conducting of such controversies in defense of
doctrines held to be essential to Christian truth or
in support of distinctive denominational tenets. It

is, however, a question whether polemics belongs to

the special departments of dogmatics, ethics, or

practical theology, or whether it con-

x. Nature, stitutes an independent branch of

Place, and study. Christianity has had, from the

Function, first, to battle with scientific weapons

against Jews, heathens, heretics, and

schismatics, so that a rich and varied controversial

literature was early developed in all branches of

theology; though the means and the methods have

varied according to the nature of the subject under

discussion and the persons engaged.

Theoretically there is no distinct department of
theological polemics; but practically there is a
very real need of an independent branch of this na-
ture. Theological polemics, therefore, scientifically
combats erroneous conceptions and mistaken atti-
tudes toward Christianity in its various phases,
with the aim of defending the position of the com-
munion to which the controversialist belongs. As
the ancient Church had to fight against the classes
of opponents already named, so modern polemics
must defend the spirit of Christianity against non-
Christian philosophies, sectarianism, indifferentism,
and separatism. The problem next arises as to
what place is occupied by polemics in the general
field of theology. Schleiermacher divided theology
into " philosophical," " historical," and " prac-
tical," and subdivided " philosophical theology "
into " polemics " and " apologetics," apologetics
being directed outwardly, and polemics inwardly.
This division, however, is unsatisfactory. In the
first place, polemics is applied dogmatics, for the
polemic starts with certain dogmatic presupposi-
tions. Again, it is applied symbolics, since dog-
matic conceptions develop best in the orderly
growth of a communion fully conscious of its dis-
tinctive organization. Theologically, therefore,
polemics finds a place after dogmatics and apolo-
getics. If, in addition to questions of doctrine, it
takes into consideration the conduct of life, it be-
comes related to ethics, and may extend to or-
ganization and law, as well as to liturgies, missions,
science, and art. The limits of the subject depend
upon practical circumstances, the needs of the pe-
riod, and the disposition of the controversialist.
False doctrines were combated by the apostles,
and the Church Fathers followed along the same
lines, so that polemic literature has existed since
the time of Justin Martyr (q.v.), though his work
" Against all Heresies " has been lost.
2. Pre- Extant polemic literature begins with
Reforma- the " Against Heresies " of Irenaeus
tion and (q.v.). The Apologeticum and De
Roman prcBscriptione hcereticorum of Tertullian
Catholic (q.v.) followed; and Hippolytus (q.v.)
Polemics, continued in the third century with
his work on heresies. The dogmatic
theology of the Greek Church was strongly
polemic from the fourth to the eighth cen-
tury; and during the same period the theology
of the west assumed a polemic character through
its strife with Donatism, Pclagianism, Semipela-
gianism, and Manicheism, a large number of Augus-
tine's writings being of this character. The polemic
literature of the Middle Ages against heretics, Jews,

Polemics
Pollander

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

and philosophical freethinkers was dogmatio in
character from Agobard of Lyons to Savonarola's
Triumphu8 cruds. Then came, in the sixteenth
century, the controversy between Roman Catholi-
cism and Protestantism. The writings of the Jesuits
especially were polemic. Alfonso de Castro wrote
Adver8us omnes harreses libri quatuordecim (Paris,
1534), being followed by Franciscus Coster's En-
chiridion controversiarum (Cologne, 1585) and Gre-
gorius de Valentia's De rebus fidei hoc tempore con-
trover sis (1591). The chief work here, however,
was the Disputationes de controversiis Christiana
fidei (3 vols., Rome, 1581-91) of Bellarmine (q.v.),
who was followed by Martin Becan (d. 1624) with
his Manuale controversiarum hujus temporis (Mainz,
1623). Jesuit polemics against Protestantism have
continued without intermission, one of the most
noteworthy works of this character in recent years
being the II Protestantesimo e la regola di fede (3
vols., Rome, 1853) of G. Perrone (q.v.). More pop-
ular circles had already been reached by Bossuet'
Exposition de la doctrine de I'tglise catholique sur
Us matieres de controverse (Paris, 1671).

The Protestants, in their turn, were no less active

polemically from the sixteenth to the eighteenth

century. Here special mention may

3. Protes- be made of Martin Chemnitz, Examen
tant concilii Tridentini (Frankfort, 1565);

Polemics. Konrad Schlusselburg, Hareticorum
catalogus (1597-99); Nicolaus Hun-
nius (d. 1643), Diaskepsis de fundamentali dissensu
doctrinal Lutherana et Calviniana (Wittenberg,
1616); Abraham Calovius, Synopsis controversi-
arum (1685); and Johann Georg Walch, Einleitung
in die polemische Gottesgelehrtheit (Jena, 1752).
Interest in polemics ceased with Friedrich Samuel
Bock's Lehrbuchfur die neueste Polemik (1782). In
the Reformed wing mention should be made of
Rudolf Hospinian, Concordia discors (Zurich, 1607) ;
Daniel Chanier, Panstratia catholica (4 vols., Geneva,
1626); Johann Hoornbeck, Summa controversiarum
(Utrecht, 1653); Francesco Turretini, Institutio
theologice elenchticai (Geneva, 1681-85); and vari-
ous writings of Friedrich Spanheim, the elder and
the younger (qq.v.).

Polemics entered upon a new phase with Schleier-

macher, whose classification of polemics among the

branches of theology has already been

4. The described. He was followed by Karl

Modern Heinrich Sack, with his Christliche
Phase. Polemik (Hamburg, 1838), who de-
fined polemics as that branch of the-
ology which detects and refutes errors that endanger
Christian faith and the purity of the Christian
Church; and by Johann Peter Lange, whose Christ-
liche Dogmatik (3 parts, Heidelberg, 1849-52) calls
polemics and irenics " applied dogmatics." Theo-
retically, since the middle of the nineteenth cen-
tury, polemics has not been regarded as a distinct
department of theology. Practically, however, a
new era in polemics was begun by the sharp cri-
tiques of Protestantism by Roman Catholic scholars
of recent times. This movement was inaugurated
by Johann Adam Mohler's Symbolik (Mainz, 1832),
essentially a polemic against Protestantism from
an idealistic Roman Catholic point of view; and

this work was followed by the great
polemic of Johann Joseph Ignaz von Dollinger,
Reformation, ikre innere Entwickelung und
Wirkungen (3 vols., Regensburg, 1846-48).
ultramontane spirit there displayed was equally
manifest in Johannes Janssen's GesdrichU 4mm
deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgang des Mittdabrm
(8 vols., Freiburg, 1877-94; Eng. transL, Hid. &
the German People, 12 vols., St. Louis, 1896-1907>*
and Heinrich Suso Denifle's Luther und Luthertmmr
in der ersten Entwickelung (2 vols., Mainz, 1904-10)-*
The Protestants replied vigorously to these attacks
with Ferdinand Christian Baur's Gegensatz des
iholicismus und Protestantismus nach den
und Hauptdogmen der beiden Lehrbegriffe (Tu-
bingen, 1834), Carl Immanuel Nitzsch's Protettanti-
sche Beantwortung der Symbolik Dr. Mdhlers (Ham-
burg, 1835), and a number of other works. While
the books just mentioned are necessarily limited
in scope, a thoroughgoing, though purely negative,
discussion of the chief points of difference between
Roman Catholicism and Protestantism was supplied
by Karl August von Hase's Handbuch der protes-
tantischen Polemik gegen die rdmisch-katholitcks
Kirche (Leipsic, 1862, 7th ed., 1900, Eng. transL,
London, 1906) which discusses the Church (clergy
and papacy), salvation (faith, works, sacraments),
and accessories (ritual, art, science, literature, poli-
tics, nationality). Paid Tschackert followed this
with his Evangelische Polemik gegen die romisch*
Kirche (Gotha, 1885; 2d ed., 1888), which not only
criticizes the Roman Catholic system in detail, but
also affords a substitute for each point criticised by
presenting the Protestant teaching on the tenet in
question. Finally, mention should be made of the
anti-Roman Catholic propaganda carried on by
the Schriften des Vereins fur ReforrnoMonsgeschichls
(Halle, 1883 sqq.) and by the Evangelischer Bund
zur Wanning der deutsch-protestantischen Inte-
ressen (founded in 1886). (Paul Tschackert.)

In Great Britain and America polemics has taken

a different course from that which it assumed on

the continent. Several causes have contributed to

this. Theological encyclopedia has

5. In Great been far less exact in its divisions, and

Britain and where polemics has not been recognised

America, as a separate discipline, it has been in-
corporated into the body of theolog-
ical construction. There has, moreover, been but
little interest in the history of this branch of theo-
logical discussion. Again, toleration has been a
marked feature of English and American religious
thought (cf. Milton, Areopagitica; and Jeremy
Taylor, Liberty of Prophecying, which unfortunately
he did not exemplify later). Still further, the edge
of the controversial spirit has been dulled by the
practical nature of the Anglo-Saxon mind, the dis-
position to compromise, the lack of thoroughgoing
intellectual consistency, together with a rationali-
zing tendency which has tempered criticism of the
positions of others. Polemics has appeared quite
as often in apologetics as in doctrinal discussions.
Only a few of the historical occasions of polemics
and names of the chief persons involved are here
indicated. (1) The deistic controversy (1648-1775;
see Deism), in which among the pamphleteers and

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Polemics
Poliander

dignified defenders of supernatural religion appear
Richard Bentley (q.v.), Remarks upon a Late Dis-
arm of Free Thinking (London, 1713), a reply to
Anthony Collins, Discourse of Free Thinking (ib.
1713); Thomas Sherlock, Trial of the Witnesses of
fk Besurrection of Jesus Christ (ib. 1729), against
Woofaen, Discourse on Miracles (ib. 1727-29); and
W. Warburton, Divine Legation of Moses (ib., vol.
L, 1737-38, vol. ii., 1741). (2) Against the Armin-
ians— also including the Arians — of whom were
Daniel Whitby, Discourse concerning . . . Election
end Reprobation (ib. 1710); Samuel Clarke, Boyle
Ledum, 1704-05, and Scripture Doctrine of the
Trinity (ib. 1712); and John Taylor, The Scripture
Doctrine of Original Sin (ib. 1740), which gave rise
to many rejoinders by D. Waterland (cf . Works,
id i. " life " by Van Mildert, Oxford, 1823) and
others in Great Britain, and in New England by
Jonathan Edwards (q.v.), Inquiry into tfie Freedom
efthe Will (Boston, 1754). (3) The Unitarian con-
troversy in NewEngland was ushered in by the elec-
tion of Henry Ware as Hollis professor of divinity
in Harvard College in 1805. The principal writers
from the side of orthodoxy were Moses Stuart (q.v.),
professor of sacred literature in Andover Theological
Seminary, Letters to Rev. William E. Channing, D.D.,
an the Divinity of Christ (Andover, 1819) ; Samuel
Worcester, Letters to Rev. Dr. William E. Channing
(three pamphlets, Boston, 1815); and Leonard
Woods (q.v.), also professor in Andover, Letters
to Unitarians (Andover, 1820), Reply to Dr. Ware* 8
Letters to Trinitarians and Calvinists (ib. 1821), and
Remarks on Dr. Ware's Answer (ib. 1822). (4) The
Tractarian Movement in Great Britain (1833-41;
see Tractarian ism), brought to a crisis by John
Henry Newman's Tract No. 90, provoked a steadily
rising storm of opposition first from the Christian
Observer (Mar., 1834), and at last from Archibald
Campbell Tait (Archbishop of Canterbury, 1868-
1882) who, with three other Oxford tutors, signed
a protest against Newman's tract. Owing to the
violent controversy which ensued the series was
" discontinued." (5) The Liberal Movement in
the established church centered in Frederick Deni-
aon Maurice (q.v.), whose Theological Lectures (ib.
1853) was vehemently opposed by R. W. Jelf,
principal of King's College; and by Henry
Ifansel, Man's Conception of Eternity (ib. 1854);
Maurice's What is Revelation t (ib. 1859) was sub-
jected to severe criticism by Mansel's Examination
of the Strictures on the Bampton Lectures, 1858 (ib.
1859). (6) In America the (N. W.) Taylor- (Ben-
net) Tyler controversy (see New England Theol-
ogy) involved the questions of depravity, the self-
detennining power of the will, regeneration, and
the divine permission of sin. (For Taylor, cf. The
Quarterly Christian Spectator, New Haven, 1832-
1833; also, G. P. Fisher, Discussions in History and
Theology, New York, 1880. For Tyler, cf . The Spirit
of the Pilgrims, Boston, 1832-33; also, Letters on
the New Haven Theology, ib. 1837.) (7) In 1835-
1837 there culminated in the Presbyterian Church
a heated discussion, in which a fierce attack was
made upon Albert Barnes and Lyman Beecher, oc-
casioned by their view of the atonement and re-
lated subjects. (8) In the latter part of the last

century (1882-93) the so-called " Andover her-
esy," originating in a chapter in Progressive Ortho-
doxy (Boston, 1886), advocated probation after
death for those who had been deprived of probation
in this life. The controversy focused on the policy
of the A. B. C. F. M., whether those who main-
tained this view were eligible to appointment as
missionaries of the board. It was permanently
settled in 1893 by instructions to the Prudential
Committee to commission one who held to this
position. It is possibly significant that Andover
Theological Seminary, which was founded in part
to combat Unitarianism among other heresies, cele-
brated its centennial, 1908, by affiliation with the
Harvard Divinity School whose history had been
identified with the Unitarian body.

C. A. Beckwith.

Bibliography: G. B. Crooks and J. F. Hurst, Theological
EncyclopcBdia and Methodology, pp. 437 sqq.. New York,
1894; P. Schaff, Theological Propadeutic, pp. 411-412, ib.
1904; J. B. Rdhm, Protestantische Polemik, Hildesheim,
1882; W. G. T. Shedd, Dogmatic Theology, i. 15, New
York, 1891; S. J. Hunter, Outlines of Dogmatic Theology,
6, 84, ib. 1894; A. Cave, Introduction to Theology, pp. 521
eqq., Edinburgh, 1896; L. Emery, Introduction a Vitude
de la thiologie protestante, pp. 182-183, Paris, 1904; and
the literature under Theolooy ajs a Science.

POLENZ, GEORGE OF. See George of Polenz.

POLIANDER, JOHANNES (JOHANN GRAMANN,

GRAUMANN): German Reformer; b. at Neustadt-
on-the-Main (42 m. s.e. of Frankfort) July 5, 1487;
d. at Konigsberg Apr. 29, 1541. Educated at the
University of Leipsic (B.A., 1506; M.A., 1516), he
was first teacher and then rector at the Thomas-
schule in the same city. In 1519 he acted as aman-
uensis of Eck at his disputation with Luther and
Carlstadt, and in consequence of Luther's argument
he went to the University of Wittenberg in the
autumn of the same year, where he was intimately
associated with Luther and Melanchthon. Re-
turning to Leipsic in the following year, he lec-
tured on the Bible on the Wittenberg model. His
success as a scholar and teacher brought Conrad,
bishop of Wurzburg, to cause his appointment as
cathedral preacher at Wurzburg in 1522, where he
came into conflict, in 1524, with the monastic
preachers because of his views on the veneration of
the saints with the result that he was relieved of his
position. He was then preacher to the Poor Clares
(see Clare, Saint, and the Poor Clares) at Nu-
remberg and preacher at Mansfeld. In 1525 he
accepted the call of Duke Albrecht of Prussia to
Konigsberg, where he became pastor of the Alt-
stadt, and together with his friends Paul Speratus
and Johann Briesmann (qq.v.), the two other
14 evangelists of the Prussians," he established Prot-
estant foundations in Prussia. Besides preaching
he lectured publicly on the Bible. He also composed
" Nun lob mein Seel den Herren " and probably
the " Frohlich muss ich singen," thus being one of
the first Protestant hymn-writers. It is probable
that he took part in compiling the first two collec-
tions of Protestant hymns for Konigsberg (1527).
In consequence of his pedagogical experience, Al-
brecht entrusted him with the organization of the
new Protestant schools; and in 1531 he was one of

Politi

Polity, EoolMiastioal

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

112

the general ecclesiastical visitors who divided the
country into parishes, regulated the income of the
ministers and the new ecclesiastical conditions. At
the same time he was active in combating the sec-
taries brought from Silesia by Schwenckfeld. At
the colloquy of Rastenburg in 1531 Poliander was
the decisive factor in the victory over the Anabap-
tists. Until his death he stood in intimate relations
of counselor and friend with Albrecht.

(David ErdmannI*.)

Bibliography: For sources consult: T. KoJde, in B»»
trage but bayeriachen KirchengeschichU, vol. viM parti I
and 5, Erlangen, 1899; P. Tachackert. PvbUkatione* m
den kdnigl. preuM. Staataarchiven, vols, xliii.-xlv.
sic, 1890-91. Consult further: F. W. E. Host, Mt
Poliandri, Leipsio, 1806; idem. Was hat die
Thomastchule fUr die Reformation gethant ib. 1817; J. a
Cosack, P. SpercUut Leben und Lieder, pp. 77 sqq., Bran*
wick, 1861.

POLITI, LANCELOTTL See Catharinus, Am-

BBOSIU8.

I. Introduction.

II. Monarchical Type (Roman Ca-

tholicism).
Papal Authority Absolute (f 1).
Roman Doctrine of Church and

State (S 2).

III. Aristocratic Type (Eastern

Church).

IV. Conaistorial Type (Lutheran).

POLITY, ECCLESIASTICAL.*

Luther's Doctrine of the Church

(* 1).
The Prince and the Consistory (ft 2).
V. Episcopal Type (Church of England,

Protestant Episcopal Church).
VI. Presbyterian Type.

Rise and Extension (| 1).
Divine Right; Characteristics (§ 2).
VII. Congregational Type.

Distribution (f 1).
Essentials; Divine Right;
Church and State (f 2).
VIII. Eclectic Types (Methodist
Churches).
Constituent Elements (§ 1/.
Resultant Forms of Government
(5 2).
IX. Conclusion.

I. Introduction: The emphasis in this discussion
falls upon the developments which have occurred
within the modern period, and upon the grounds of
induction relative to the probable future of a church
polity which are supplied by these developments.
The Roman and Greek types in their pre-Reforma-
tion form were the product of a lengthened histor-
ical evolution, and only by sweeping dogmatic as-
sumptions can they be identified with the primitive
constitution of the Church. Some germs of them
doubtless were on hand at an early date, but as
they appeared at the opening of the sixteenth cen-
tury they were remote from anything that was out-
lined by Christ or known to his immediate follow-
ers. It is to be noted that, while forms of polity
may appropriately be named after certain leading
characteristics, they are not likely to be adequately
described by the titles thus affixed. In a theoret-
ical point of view it makes a great difference whether
a given polity is supposed to subsist by divine right,
or simply on the basis of human discretion. Prac-
tically it is of large account whether a given polity
is operated independently, or in close connection
with the State. Furthermore, it is of consequence
in judging a given polity to observe whether it is
appreciably modified by the incorporation of some
element from a different type. The subject is
obviously one of great complexity.

II. Monarchical Type (Roman Catholicism):
Since the promulgation of the decrees of the Vatican

Council (q.v.) and the acceptance of

i. Papal those decrees as having ecumenical

Authority authority, it can not be denied that the

Absolute, constitution of the Roman Catholic

Church is emphatically monarchical.

Prior to the Vatican legislation it was permissible

to assume that in the general body of the episco-

* In connection with the following treatment the reader
should consult the articles on the various churches and de-
nominational bodies of which mention is made in the course
of the discussion, which Articles usually contain accounts
of the principles and the details of church government pre-
vailing within the several bodies. »See also such articles as
Church, the Christian; Chi-rch Government; Church
and State; Colleoiaurm; Territoriaurm; Bishop;
Deacon; Episcopacy; and Organization op the Early
Church.

pate there resided an authority at least coordinate
with that of the pope. This assumption was widely
current in the early part of the nineteenth century.
But reaction from the disintegrating work of the
French Revolution, powerfully seconded by pope
and Curia, prepared for the enthronement of the
opposing ultramontane theory. 'This result was
consummated at the Vatican Council. The two
decrees of that council relative to the papal office
— the one declaring that the pope possesses the
fulness of the supreme power of jurisdiction over
the universal Church, together with the right of im-
mediate exercise of it over all the faithful, and the
other asserting his independent infallibility — to-
gether constitute a formidable declaration of undi-
vided and irresponsible rule. In the light of these
decrees one may express the outcome in the equa-
tion: In point of authority the pope plus the Church
equals the pope minus the Church. As complete
in itself and exempt from all lawful restriction or
arrest, the authority of the pope rules out the very
notion of a supplement. Roman apologists, it is
true, disclaim the application of the term " abso-
lute " to the papal monarchy. By divine ordinance,
they say, bishops have a place in ecclesiastical ad-
ministration. The pope is bound by this fixed ele-
ment in the constitution. Furthermore, he is bound
by the ex cathedra decrees of his predecessors on
matters of faith and morals. Consequently, the
papal monarchy is not of the absolutist type. But
while the pope must consent to the existence of
bishops, no bishop can enter upon his office with-
out the permission of the pope, from whom, or
through whom, comes all power of jurisdiction, and
who has also the right either to appoint bishops or
to determine the mode of their appointment. No
bishop in office can go counter to the expressed will
of the pope without being guilty of a misdemeanor.
No bishop can remain in office against the will of
the pope. No council of bishops can be assembled
contrary to the will of the poDe, and no assembled
council can pass any authoritative decree asrain^t
his judarment. As respects the ex cathedra decrees
of predecessors the pope alone interprets them
with full authority, and no one has the legal pre-

118

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Polltl

Polity, Ecclesiastical

t.i

nptto to gainsay his interpretation. The pope is
absolute in the same sense in which the divine head
raid be absolute if visibly enthroned over the mil-
itant Church. Roman orthodoxy accepts in their
full significance these words of Palmieri, " The
jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff is the vicarial
jurisdiction of Christ."

Roman Catholic deliverances in recent times on
the proper relation between Church and State show
a very scanty abatement from the
2. Roman medieval platform (see Chubch and
Doctrine State, §§ 3-6). The separation of
of Church Church and State is declared to be ab-
tnd State, normal. The most that is conceded is
that the scheme of separation can be
condoned for the time being where the conditions
are such as to make it practically necessary. " The
Gnircb," says Philipp Hergenrother, " rejects on
principle the system of the separation of Church
and State " ; and in saying this he but expresses the
plain import of the Syllabus of Errors of Pius IX.,
toe encyclical on the Christian Constitution of States
of Leo XIII., and the encyclical Pascendi gregis of
Pius X. Recent teaching promulgated by pontiffs,
canonists, and theologians pronounces that Church
and State are not related as equals, but that the
Church, as representing the supernatural order and
being the infallible guardian of morals, has a pre-
eminence of rightful authority. The authority of
the Church, it should be observed in this connec-
tion, means the authority of the hierarchy. As
Phillips wrote near the middle of the last century,
" the clergy is the sanctifying, the teaching, the
ruling Church; the laity is the Church to be sancti-
fied, to be taught, to be ruled." Very recently Pius
X. in his encyclical against Modernism (q.v.) has
strongly emphasized this sentiment by classing
among reprehensible errors the contention that a
" share in ecclesiastical government should be given
to the lower ranks of the clergy and even to the
laity," and by ordaining, as a condition of the as-
sembling of congresses of priests, " that absolutely
nothing be said in them that savors of Modernism,
Presbyterianism, or Laicism." Herein the pontiff
undoubtedly speaks in perfect conformity to the
postulates of the Roman system.

In the practical exercise of ecclesiastical sover-
eignty the Roman Congregations constitute an im-
portant factor. At a recent date they numbered
nineteen. The scheme of reorganization put forth
by Pius X. in 1908 provided for reducing them to
eleven.

TH. Aristocratic Type (Eastern Church): In one
point of view it is more appropriate to speak of the
Orthodox Eastern Churches than of the Orthodox
Eastern Church (see Eastern Church, I.). While
those who claim the title of " Orthodox " hold a
common creed, make use of the same liturgy, and
acknowledge bonds of intercommunion, they con-
stitute in respect of government a number of in-
dependent bodies (in 1907, sixteen, namely, the
churches of the four patriarchates of Constanti-
nople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem: the
national churches of Russia, Greece, Servia, Monte-
negro, Roumania, and Bulgaria; the church of
Cyprus; the churches of Carlowitz, Hermannstadt,

Czernowitz, and Bosnia-Herzegovina within the
Austro-Hungarian monarchy; the monastery of
Mount Sinai). The model of church constitution
which the Orthodox Eastern Church brought down
to the modern period was that recognized by the
ecumenical councils of the fourth and following cen-
turies, which knows no ecclesiastical monarch. The
highest dignitaries are patriarchs set over the major
provinces of the Christian world. The sole legiti-
mate authority standing above them is the ecu-
menical council. Among the patriarchs of the east-
ern division the one resident at Constantinople was
understood to be vested by conciliar decrees, espe-
cially those of Chalcedon, with a certain primacy.
Mohammedan conquests interfered not a little with
the working of the patriarchal constitution, but in
its general framework it survived to the modern
era. The power which has wrought most effect-
ively to modify this constitution has been the
example and the influence of Russia. Since more
than four-fifths of the entire membership of the
Orthodox Eastern Church is included within that
empire, naturally the ecclesiastical scheme espoused
and supported by Russia claims the right of way.
The Russian state has eliminated within its terri-
tory the jurisdiction of an outside party like the
patriarch of Constantinople. In 1589 it instituted
the patriarchal office at Moscow. In 1721 it did
away with the patriarchate and organized the Holy
Synod (made up now of eight or nine bishops with
the addition of two priests) to serve as the supreme
ecclesiastical authority, being entrusted with over-
sight of doctrine, worship, and matters of admin-
istration. Again, the policy of the Russian state
was to keep a firm hand upon the management of
church affairs. And this is done through provisions
which secure that the Holy Synod shall not antag-
onize the will of the sovereign. The czar appoints
a part of the members and controls in no small
degree the selection of the rest. In the meetings
of the synod he is represented by a lay official styled
the chief procurator. The Russian code recognizes
him as the overlord in preserving good order in the
Church and directing its legislation. While he is
not credited with power to make dogmas, it falls
within his prerogative to bring measures before the
synod, and the conclusions of that body are sub-
ject to his judgment. In Greece and the other na-
tional churches in the domain of Eastern Orthodoxy
both of these features — the independent relation to
the patriarch at Constantinople and the prominence
of State authority — the Russian model is largely
followed. In all the branches of the Eastern Church
the former feature is exemplified. Outside of his
patriarchate proper in European Turkey and Asia
Minor the patriarch of Constantinople enjoys at
most some trivial tokens of an honorary primacy.

The hierarchy of the Orthodox Eastern Church is
not widely distinguished as to its enumeration of
ranks from the Roman Catholic, except that it
stops short of monarchy. It includes patriarchs,
metropolitan bishops, ordinary bishops, priests,
and deacons. Below the deacon are the four minor
orders of subdeacon, reader, exorcist, and door-
keeper. A distinguishing feature is that the title
" metropolitan " is in most instances simply honor-

Polity, Bccleauaatical

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

114

ary. Only a few metropolitans have suffragans.
Another point of contrast with the Roman system
is that the diaconate is not treated as a mere step-
ping-stone to the priesthood. Many deacons remain
such all their lives and serve as curates in the
parishes.

IV. Consistorial Type (Lutheran): While

divine right is claimed both in Roman Catholic and

in Orthodox Eastern theory for prominent features

of the hierarchical system, Luther re-

x. Luther's pudiated the notion of the jus divinum

Doctrine in the domain of church polity. He
of the was disposed to regard polity as resting

Church, upon human election, and having its
sanction in practical demands. It was
contrary to his emphasis on the universal priest-
hood of believers to exalt the pastor over the con-
gregation as either a necessary medium of grace or
embodiment of sovereignty. Aptness to teach he
rated as the great pastoral credential, and the minis-
tration of Word and sacrament as the great pas-
toral function. Ordination meant for him simply
a solemn public recognition of ministerial standing.
On these points — the optional character of church
polity and the non-sacerdotal standing of the Chris-
tian minister — Luther supplied a permanent stand-
ard to his followers (see Church, The Christian,
IV., § 2; Luther, Martin, §§6, 14). With his
stress upon the primacy of the Evangelical message
in the Church Luther could easily have reconciled
himself to any form of external arrangements com-
patible with normal opportunity for that message.
He had no objection to episcopacy as such. Had a
larger proportion of the bishops been friendly to
the Evangelical movement, episcopacy might have
had a fair chance to survive in the Lutheran do-
main. As it was, it maintained only a transient
existence in any part of Germany. The Scandi-
navian countries took an exceptional course in
uniting Lutheranism with the episcopal form of
administration.

It was not long before Luther's somewhat ideal-
ized conception of the Church as essentially a teach-
ing institute, governing and molding men by the
power of the Word, submitted to prac-
2. The tical modification under the pressure
Prince and of circumstances. The disturbances

the Con- wrought by the Peasants' War, the
sistory. ignorance and wildness of the people,
and the readiness of the nobles to
make spoil of church property emphasized the need
of a directing and disciplining power. The one
power available for the exigency seemed to be the
Evangelical prince, the secular ruler who had es-
poused the Reformation. So he stepped into the
position of control, and theory was speedily accom-
modated to his actual standing by his being rated
as heir, within his own territory, to the old episco-
pal authority. The resulting type of polity was
distinctly Erastian. The government of the Church
became very largely a matter of territorial sover-
eignty. The prince was not indeed expected to as-
sume the spiritual office of administering the Word
and the sacraments, but in the general ecclesias-
tical management he was accorded a preeminent
function. The foremost organ of administration,

under the temporal ruler, came at an early stage to
be the consistory. Composed of theologians and
jurists appointed by the State this body served a*
a constant tribunal to pass on disputed points of ad-
ministration, to supervise property and educational
interests, and to render judgment in the majoff
cases of discipline. In the next grade of offidaml
importance came the superintendents, who wer«
usually pastors, selected by the secular govero-
ment to exercise a species of oversight over neigrj—
boring pastors. In the settlement of the pastor*
the deciding voice belonged to the State and to tbe
local patron. The prerogative of the congregation
was usually limited to the right of objecting to »
presented candidate. The development, on the
whole, may be described as being toward an em-
phatic preponderance of State authority, it being
understood that the consistory was very largely the
instrument of the State. Such germs of preeby-
terial or synodal organization as were witnessed by
the first generations of Lutherans were in no wise
fostered and brought to maturity.

A serious and partially effective attempt to mod-
ify this consistorial polity was first made in the
latter part of the nineteenth century. An incentive
in this direction was derived from the wide-spread
movement toward the principle of constitutional
rule which was started in 1848. Enlarged preroga-
tive on the part of the general body of citizens nat-
urally suggested enlarged privilege on the part of
the membership in the government of the Church.
The result was an extension of the rights of the local
congregation in the management of its own affairs,
and the granting of more or less important func-
tions to representative bodies or synods meeting
at stated intervals.

V. Episcopal Type (Church of England, Prot-
estant Episcopal Church) : Among the communions
which emerged from the Reformation movement
the Established Church of England was specially
distinguished by the extent to which it conserved
the medieval polity. It retained the hierarchical
constitution, only cutting off the papacy at one
end of the official line and the orders below the dia-
conate at the other end. Also in the scheme for the
parishes, the cathedral chapters, and such aids to
diocesan administration as archdeacons and rural
deans much of the old system was retained. It is
noticeable, however, that English Churchmen did
not in the earlier period claim divine right, or ex-
clusive validity, for their polity as against that of
other Protestant communions. The statements of
such eminent representatives as Jewel, Hooker,
and Whitgift amount to a disclaiming of that right.
The wide currency which is now accorded to the
theory of a necessary episcopal organization and
apostolical succession is attributable in large part
to Laud and other Carolinian divines, to the Non-
jurors (q.v.), and to the Tractarians (see Trao
tarianism). The royal " supremacy " over the
Church of England as originally asserted in the
reign of Henry VHI. included a full complement of
substantial prerogatives. In the succeeding period
also, so long as the Court of High Commission sub-
sisted, the sovereign was capable of interposing very
efficiently in the management of the Church. For

115

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Polity, Ecclesiastical

the most part since the revolution of 1688 the royal
supremacy has signified little else than a chief share
in dispensing ecclesiastical dignities. As for the
lay body in general, outside of the function of par-
liament in relation to the establishment, it has had
ray scanty recognition in the plan of government
of the Church of England. It has been wholly shut
out from the houses of convocation (q.v.), which
however cannot perform any real work of ecclesias-
tical government without being favored with " let-
ters of business " from the sovereign. In the view
of not a few thoroughly devoted members of the
Church of England the situation calls for remedy.
It is urged that in order to be inspired with due in-
terest in the Church laymen must be associated
nth the clergy in the management of affairs in
pariah councils, diocesan councils, and the houses
of convocation. Only when the lay element comes
to this measure of recognition, it is argued, will the
nation have any disposition to grant the Church
due autonomy by enlarging the prerogatives of its
own proper assemblies. This feature has become
well-established in the daughter communions. In
the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United
States the laity has been represented from the start
in the house of deputies, which, with the coordinate
house of bishops, forms the General Convention,
which constitutes the highest legislative authority
in that Church (see Protestant Episcopal
Church). Laymen have seats also in the diocesan
conventions with equal right of voice and vote.
Usually laymen help to make up the diocesan com-
mittee which serves the bishop as an advisory body ;
they have also a large function in the settling of
pastors and in determining the period of their in-
cumbency. Thus in the polity of this communion
episcopalianism has been united with a considerable
Presbyterian element. Partly owing to the influ-
ence of this American example a similar polity has
gained wide currency in the churches affiliated with
the Church of England. Laymen have been mem-
bers of the governing assemblies of the Episcopal
Church of Ireland since 1871. The same has been
true of the Scottish Episcopal Church since the re-
vision of its constitution in 1876. The principal
colonial churches — in Canada, South Africa, and
Australia — as they enjoy practical autonomy have
adopted in like manner the plan of governing as-
semblies composed jointly of clergy and laity.

VL Presbyterian Type: This form of polity,
which received its initial impulse from Calvin and
the Genevan model, was represented
i. Rise and before the end of the sixteenth century
Extension, in Poland, various parts of Germany,
Holland, France, and Scotland, and
gained a standing later as an appreciable factor
throughout the English-speaking world. The Cal-
vinian conception of the Church from which the
Presbyterian type proceeded has some points of
distinction from the original Lutheran conception.
In the former a less exclusive stress was placed upon
the Church as a channel of grace through the saving
ministry of the Word. Prominence was also given
to the office of the Church as an instrument for pro-
moting the rule of God in the world. Proceeding
from this standpoint, the Calvinian communions

naturally made larger account of discipline than
did the Lutheran, and were somewhat more ready
to carry a militant spirit into their religion. The
training of the elect to give practical effect to God's
sovereign right was relatively a conspicuous feature
in their ecclesiastical scheme. In the Calvinian
theory State and Church were rated as coordinate
powers, having each its own province. The extent
of the alliance which might be consummated be-
tween them was regarded as determined by the
possibilities of mutual serviceableness. At Geneva
Calvin thought it appropriate to give considerable
scope to the prerogatives of the State in ecclesias-
tical management as being best suited to achieve
the aim of the Church, the practical rule of God
over the community. In Holland also Presbyte-
rianism made connection with the State, and in
Scotland it has held the status of an " established "
religion. It received legal establishment in Eng-
land under the Long Parliament, but did not have
opportunity to enter largely into the standing as-
signed in the legislation. Generally, a rather jeal-
ous attitude toward State interference has been
characteristic of Presbyterian bodies. In the Amer-
ican version of the Westminster Confession the
legitimate function of civil magistrates in relation
to ecclesiastical matters is denned to be the im-
partial protection of all denominations of Christians.
The claim of divine right for their polity has had
considerable currency among Presbyterians. Its

advocates, however, have never meant

2. Divine by this claim what is asserted for the

Right; papal constitution in the bull Unam

Character- Sanctam (see Boniface VIII.) and im-

istics. plied in the anathemas of the Vatican

Council. It has not been held at
any period that the acceptance of presbyterial rule
is a condition of salvation. In the Westminster
Assembly there were stanch Presbyterians, and
enough of them to constitute a respectable minor-
ity, who opposed the theory of the jus divinum.
In later declarations it has often been affirmed that
the presbyterial form of church government is
agreeable to and founded on the Word of God.
But no violence is done in construing these state-
ments in the sense of this declaration in the Book
of Church Order of the Presbyterian Church South
(1879) : " The scriptural doctrine of presbytery is
necessary to the perfection of the order of the visi-
ble Church, but is not essential to its existence."
The central feature of Presbyterian church con-
stitution is a series of governing assemblies, con-
stituted on the principle of representation, in which
series the decisions of a lower assembly are subject
to revision by a higher, up to one vested with su-
preme jurisdiction though not free in its exercise
from certain constitutional restrictions. A second
prominent feature is the parity of ministers, or the
exclusion of all hierarchical gradations. A third
feature is the union of ministers and laymen in the
governing assemblies. According to a typical
arrangement the governing assemblies are of four
kinds, namely, church session, presbytery, synod,
and general assembly. The first, which is entrusted
with the supervision of the spiritual interests of the
local church, is composed of the pastor and the lay

Polity, Ecclesiastical

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

116

officials called ruling elders. In the mode of insti-
tuting these officials, a congregational element
comes into play. Both the pastor and the ruling
elders, as is also the case with the board of dea-
cons, are elected by the members of the local church.
In respect of the pastor elect, however, the appro-
bation of the presbytery must precede his installa-
tion, and the like sanction is requisite in connec-
tion with the transfer of a minister to a new
pastorate. Within the group of churches, between
which it serves as the immediate bond of connec-
tion, the presbytery fulfils a highly important and
responsible function. It has been characterized as
being the most important unit in the presbyterian
system. Ministers and elders make up the presby-
tery as they do also the synod and general assembly.

The presbyterian type obtains in the Dutch Re-
formed and the German Reformed communions
(see Reformed [Dutch] Church; Reformed
[German] Church) as well as in the numerous
bodies bearing the Presbyterian name. The polity
of Lutheran communions in this country is essen-
tially Presbyterian. There is some distinction, how-
ever, as respects the legal authority of the highest
assembly. While in the Iowa Synod it may ap-
proach the Presbyterian standard, it is very much
below that standard in the Synodical Conference,
and also below it in theory in the General Synod,
the General Council, and the United Synod of the
South. In the " Meetings " of the Friends — yearly,
quarterly, and monthly — the scheme of a hierarchy
of assemblies is illustrated. Still the divergence of
their polity from the usual Presbyterian type is by
no means slight, since they have no general assem-
bly, and all the meetings are democratic in com-
position.

VII. Congregational Type: While the dis-
tinctive features of the Congregational polity were
anticipated in some measure by the

i. Dis- Anabaptists (q.v.) on the continent,

tribution. it was in England at the extreme of
the Puritan reaction against prelacy
that this polity began in the more positive sense its
record in modern history. From the days of Rob-
ert Browne, Jeremiah Burroughes, John Greenwood,
and John Robinson (qq.v.), in the latter part of the
sixteenth century, it has had a continuous succes-
sion of earnest adherents. The Pilgrims brought it
to Plymouth in 1620, and it remained the distinc-
tive form of church order in New England during
the entire colonial period. The Baptists in all fields
have been almost universally its stanch advocates.
It is represented furthermore by the Disciples of
Christ, the Christian Connection, the Unitarians,
and most branches of the Adventists (qq.v.). The
polity of the Universalists lies between the Congre-
gational and the Presbyterian form.

The most pronounced feature of Congregational-
ism is the autonomy of the individual church. The
various churches of a communion may have, very
appropriately, means of fellowship and interaction,
such as councils, associations, or conventions. But
none of these are properly accorded any legislative
or judicial authority over the local church. They
are assemblies for conference, and their action is
ever advisory rather than mandatory. Ecclesias-

tical sovereignty begins and ends with the loc&l
church. [Congregationalist8 hold as a second fun-
damental of their polity the fellowship
2. Essen- of the churches as exercised in tbe
tials; conventions, associations, and councils
Divine referred to.] Within the individual
Right; congregation, according to the original
Church New-England scheme, the proper offi-
and State, cers were the pastor, the teacher, the
ruling elders, and the deacons. The
second and third, however, were not long re-
tained. At present, within communions of the
Congregational order, the regular officers are very
commonly enumerated as simply pastors and dea-
cons. The principle of the separation of Church
and State was contained in initial Congregational-
ism as represented by the teaching of Robert Browne
(q.v.). Baptists have always been earnest advo-
cates of that principle. The peculiar conditions,
however, in New England, where at first the com-
pany of citizens and that of church members were
substantially identical, led to a somewhat intimate
connection between Church and State. While in
important respects the churches continued to exer-
cise the functions of self-governing societies, State
patronage and control ran through no insignificant
range (cf. W. Walker, in American Church History
Series, in. 249, New York, 1894). The last rem-
nant of this scheme of Congregational " establish-
ments " disappeared in 1833.

In recent years there has been relaxation in the
advocacy of the divine right of Congregational pol-
ity. Representative writers of the Congregational-
ists repudiate the notion that an exclusive right
can be asserted for any given form of church con-
stitution, and affirm that their own polity is happily
conformed to New-Testament principles. Among
Baptists the teaching is not uniform. The question
occurs whether communions which adhere to the
Congregational polity have been able to maintain
the scheme of direct democracy, or autonomous
local churches, without substantial modification.
One indisputable fact is that within the last cen-
tury instrumentalities for giving expression to the
collective sentiment and enterprise of the whole
group of churches of like name have been greatly
multiplied. Very frequently the advocates of the
Congregational polity declare that the style of col-
lectivism which has thus been evolved works no
detriment to the Congregational principle, since
the councils or associations which have been insti-
tuted are engaged to respect the autonomy of the
local church. On the other hand, some admit that
the introduction of these bodies and the enlarge-
ment in various respects of their functions amount
to the intrusion of a Presbyterian element into the
actual administration.

Vm. Eclectic Types (Methodist Churches):

Among communions which illustrate a union of

Presbyterian and Episcopalian ele-

x. Con- ments a prominent place is occupied by

stituent the Methodist Episcopal Churches (see

Elements. Methodists). There is also a union of

Presbyterian and Episcopalian elements

in the church order of the United Brethren in Christ.

of the Evangelical Association, and of the Unity of

117

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Polity, Ecclesiastical

the Brethren (qq.v.). The Congregational element
(in certain features of local self-government) dis-
coverable in the churches mentioned is relatively
inconspicuous. Recent developments in these com-
munions have been largely in the direction of en-
larging the sphere of popular government. By the
last part of the nineteenth century all had come to
include laymen in the higher governing assemblies.
The same kind of development has been illustrated
in non-episcopal Methodism, as, for instance, among
the English Wesleyans (see Methodists, I., 1, §§
6, 8). In the Methodist Protestant Church lay
delegation has been a feature from the start (see
Methodists, IV., 3).

Within the principal Methodist churches the list
of assemblies includes quarterly, annual, and gen-
eral conferences. Between the first
2. Resultant and the second the district conference
Forms of is often interposed. Where existing
Govern- it assumes various functions which
ment otherwise would fall to the quarterly
conferences. The latter are made up
of the officials of the individual church — its resi-
dent ministers, local preachers, trustees, stewards,
class leaders, Sunday-school superintendent, etc.
The district conference consists of ministerial and
lay delegates. The annual conference of the Meth-
odist Episcopal Church is (1910) a ministerial body;
that of the Methodist Episcopal Church South in-
cludes, besides the ministers, four laymen from
each presiding elder's district. The general confer-
ences of both churches are made up of ministers
and laymen in equal numbers. Among the United
Brethren in Christ (q.v.) laymen are accorded a
place in all the governing assemblies. The gen-
eral conference is the supreme tribunal in the entire
group of communions under consideration. Within
certain constitutional limitations it exercises full
legislative and judicial authority. A special feature
in the constitution of the Methodist Episcopal
Church South is the provision that the board of
bishops may challenge the constitutionality of a
rule or regulation passed by the general conference,
and hold it suspended until it has been approved
in the use of the regular method for amending a
" restrictive rule " (that is, one of the cardinal lim-
itations imposed by the constitution) . As a Presby-
terian element finds illustration in the governing
assemblies of the Methodist economy, so an Epis-
copalian element is exemplified in its ministerial
ranks. In that economy deacon and elder (or pres-
byter) are related much as they are in the Church
of England and in the Protestant Episcopal Church
(q.v.). Methodist episcopacy, on the other hand,
has a special character as being non-diocesan. It
is also free from the aristocratic assumptions often
connected with the episcopal form of organization.
Methodist bishops are simply the foremost rank of
executives in their respective communions. In the
Book of Discipline of the Methodist Episcopal
Church a note prefixed to the form of episcopal
consecration implies that bishops represent a dis-
tinct office rather than a distinct order. It remains
true, nevertheless, that in the larger Methodist
bodies very weighty official (executive, not log:s-
lative) responsibilities are devolved upon the bish-

ops. The legal prerogative is with them to station
all the ministers (outside the limited circle of gen-
eral conference appointees), though the advice of
the presiding elders and the preferences of the in-
dividual churches are practically of great moment.
Methodist communions generally which have an
episcopal organization, as also the United Breth-
ren in Christ and the Evangelical Association (qq.v.),
make use of a kind of subepiscopate embodied in
presiding elders or district superintendents, who
are placed over divisions of the territory of the
annual conferences. Among the Unity of the Breth-
ren the Presbyterian feature is prominent, the bish-
ops, aside from the function of ordaining, having
ex officio no administrative significance, and com-
ing in practise to possess such significance only as
being customarily elected to the governing boards
and conferences.

Connection with the State has been foreign to
Methodist history, and the same is true of the doc-
trine of the divine right of a specific form of ecclesi-
astical polity. On this theme Methodists stand
with Lutherans, and only insist that in its spirit
ecclesiastical administration is obligated to be con-
formable to the demands of the New-Testament
conception of Christian citizenship.

IX. Conclusion: In view of the enthronement
of an extreme dogma as respects ecclesiastical mon-
archy in the Roman Catholic Church, and the prop-
agation of a radical type of sacerdotalism through
a considerable section of the Church of England,
it can not be said that recent movements in the
field of church polity have been uniformly in a sin-
gle direction. There has been an undeniable ad-
vance in the line of the most pronounced High-
church assumptions. But some rather significant
tokens of reaction are already apparent. The uni-
versal movement toward constitutional rule in the
secular sphere tends to make men restive under the
demands of a pretentious sacerdotalism. In the
ecclesiastical sphere generally, outside of the speci-
fied domains — not to mention the comparatively
stationary Orthodox Eastern Church — the develop-
ment in recent times has been almost uniformly in
favor of popular government. Whether it has been
in the interest of the specifically democratic form
of ecclesiastical polity, with its emphasis oh the
autonomy of the local church, is a question which
is likely to elicit different answers. Probably
the balance is not on that side, but rather on the
side of some form of representative government,
though in constructing this form it may not be out
of place to give a larger scope to the proper Con-
gregational element than is done ordinarily in Pres-
byterian communions or in those which combine
Presbyterian with Episcopalian characteristics.

On a couple of points the development has been
quite pronounced. The doctrine of divine right,
in anything like a stringent form, has been con-
signed to a diminishing constituency. A close union
of Church and State, or one which makes either
essentially a dependency of the other, has become
through a widening circle a matter of distinct op-
position. Henry C. Sheldon.

Bibliography: Richard Hooker, Ecclesiastical Polity* Ton-
don, 1594-1662, best ed. by J. Keble, 3d ed., 3 vols.,

Pollock
Polycarp

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

118

1845 (frequently republished); Bingham. Origines (these
two books are standard and with their constant citation
of historical sources may not be overlooked). Consult
further the works on church law (Kirchenrecht) by P.
Hergenrdther, Freiburg, 1905; Q. Phillips, Regensburg,
1845-89; J. Winkler, Lucerne, 1878; R. Sohm, Leipsic,
1892; J. B. SagmQller. Freiburg. 1904; and E. Friedberg,
6th ed.v ib. 1909 (contains an extensive and classified
list of works, pp. 5-12). Also: S. Davidson, Ecclesi-
astical Polity of the N. T. Unfolded and its Points of Coin-
cidence or Disagreement with Prevailing Systems Indicated,
London, 1850; F. Wayland, Notes on the Principles and
Practices of Baptist Churches, New York, 1857; T. Har-
nack, Die Kirche, ihr Ami, ihr Regiment, Nuremberg, 1862;
W. Cunningham, Discussions on Church Principles, Edin-
burgh, 1863; O. Mejer, Die Orundlagen des lutherischen
Kirchenregiments, Rostock, 1864; W. L. Clay, Essays on
Church Polity, Loidon, 1868; T. Witherow, The Apos-
tolic Church, which is it? An Inquiry . . . whether any
existing Form of Church Government is of Divine Right,
new ed., Belfast, 1869; G. A. Jacob, Ecclesiastical Polity
of the N. T., London, 1871; W. Pierce, Ecclesiastical Prin-
ciples and Polity of the Wesleyan Methodists, ib. 1873;
E. M. Goulburn, The Holy Catholic Church; its divine
Ideal, Ministry, and Institutions, New York, 1875; C.
Hodge, Discussions in Church Polity, ib. 1878; E. Hatch,
Organization of the Early Christian Churches, London,
1881; G. T. Ladd, The Principles of Church Polity, New
York, 1882; A. A. PeUiccia, The Polity of the Christian
Church of Early, Mediaeval, and Modern Times, London,
1883; E. D. Morria, Ecclesiology, ib. 1885; W. D. Killen,
The Framework of the Church; a Treatise on Church Gov-
ernment, Edinburgh, 1890; D. Palmieri, Tractatus de
Romano pontifice, Rome, 1891; F. Markower, Die Ver-
assung der Kirche von England, Berlin, 1894; W. J. Sea-
bury, An Introduction to the Study of Ecclesiastical Polity,
New York, 1894; A. Leroy-Beaulieu, The Empire of the
Tsars and Russians, part 3, ib. 1896; C. Gore, Essays in
Aid of the Reform of the Church, London, 1898; K. Ricker,
GrundsaUe reformierter Kirchenverfasaung, Leipsic, 1899;

E. L. Cutta, A Handy Book of the Church of England, Lon-
don, 1900; G. M. Boynton, The Congregational Way, New
York, 1903; H. Gallwits, Die Grundlagen der Kirche,
Eisenach, 1904; J. J. Tigert, A Constitutional Hist, of Ameri-
can Episcopal Methodism, 'Nashville, 1904; E. C. Dargan,
Ecclesiology, Louisville, 1905; H. H. Henson, Moral
Discipline in the Christian Church, London, 1905; A.
Fortescue, The Orthodox Eastern Church, ib. 1907; W.

F. Adeney, The Greek and Eastern Churches, pp. 132-
146, 325-354, 404-133, New York, 1908; H. C. Sheldon,
Sacerdotalism in the 19th Century, ib. 1909. For the
details of polity the reader is referred to the Books of
Discipline and Church Order issued by the various eccle-
siastical bodies, and to the literature under the articles
to which reference is made in the text, especially the
bibliographies attached to the various denominational
articles.

POLLOCK, BERTRAM: Church of England
bishop; b. at Wimbledon (7 m. s. of St. Paul's,
London) Dec. 6, 1863. He received his education
at Trinity College, Cambridge (B.A., 1885; M.A.,
1889; B.D., 1902; D.D., 1903); was made deacon
in 1890 and priest in 1891; was assistant master
at Marlborough College, 1886-93; master of Well-
ington College, 1893-1910; and became bishop of
Norwich in 1910. He served also as select preacher
at Cambridge in 1895, and at Oxford in 1907-08;
examining chaplain to the bishop of Litchfield,
1900-10; and chaplain in ordinary to the king,
1904-10.

POLLOK, ALLAN: Presbyterian; b. at Buck-
haven (15J m. s.w. of St. Andrews), Fifeshire, Scot-
land, Oct. 19, 1829. He was educated at the Uni-
versity of Glasgow (M.A., 1852), was sent by the
Colonial Committee of the Church of Scotland to
Nova Scotia, where he was minister of St. Andrew's,
New Glasgow (1852-75), professor of church his-
tory and practical theology in the Presbyterian

College, Halifax (1875-1904), acting also as prin-
cipal (1886-1904). He still lectures occasionally
in the college, and in theology is a " moderate Cal-
vinist, holding the doctrines of the Westminster
Confession in all essentials." He has written Lec-
tures on the Book of Common Order (New York, 1897),
and Studies in Practical Theology (Edinburgh, 1907).

POLLOK, ROBERT: Scotch poet; b. at North
Moorhouse, Eaglesham Parish (8 m. s. of Glasgow),
Renfrewshire, Oct. 19, 1798; d. at Shirley Common,
near Southampton, Sept. 18, 1827. He graduated at
Glasgow University (M.A., 1822); and studied
theology at Union Secession Hall and Glasgow Uni-
versity (1822-27). He is famous for The Course of
Time, a religious poem, projected on a stupendous
scale, in ten books, on the destiny of man (London,
1827; seventy-eighth thousand, 1868; many edi-
tions in the United States) . He was the author, also,
of Helen of the Glen (Glasgow, 1830), The Perse-
cuted Family (3d ed., Edinburgh, 1829), and Ralph
GemmeU (1829); the three republished separately
and together under the title, Tales of the Covenan-
ters (Edinburgh, 1833; later ed., 1895).

Bibliography: D. Pollok, The Life of Robert PoUok, . . .
with Selections from his Correspondence, Edinburgh, 1843;
a Memoir prefixed to later issues of The Course of Time;
and DNB, xlvi. 69-70.

POLYCARP: Bishop of Smyrna and martyr;
b. in the second half of the first century; d. at
Smyrna Feb. 23, 155. He is first mentioned in the
letters of Ignatius to the Ephesians (xxi. 1; Eng.
transl., ANF, i. 58) and to the Magnesians (xv.; Eng.
transl., ANF, i. 65) and to Polycarp. The Epistle
of Polycarp to the Philippians, however, is a letter
written to accompany the transmission of the let-
ters of Ignatius and was requested by the Philip-
pians (xiii.; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 36). Those who
dispute the letters of Ignatius as genuine would
have to reject this also as an interpolation; yet it
should not be overlooked that Irenseus had this
letter in mind as a witness of Polycarp's faith and
his preaching of the truth (Har., iii. 3-4, Eng.
transl., ANF, i. 416). The charge that it was falsi-
fied together with the letters of Ignatius is excluded
by the peculiar character of the epistle and the
charge of interpolation is contradicted by the use
of I Clement, equally distributed throughout all
the parts. The desire of Ignatius expressed in " To
the Smyrneans," xi. (Eng transl., ANF, i. 91) and
" To Polycarp," viii. (Eng. transl., ANF, i. 100)
throws light on the letter or letters of the Philip-
pians to be transmitted to the Syrians mentioned
in xiii. of Polycarp's letter. This letter of Polycarp
was therefore written at the time of the martyrdom
of Ignatius in the reign of Trajan (98-117). It is
preserved in Greek only together with the Epistle
of Barnabas as far as ix. 2; the remainder, in an
inaccurate Latin translation (ix. and xiii. also in
Eusebius, Hist, ecd., III., xxxvi. 13-15; Eng.
transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 168-169). The points of
recognition of the letter through Irenseus are sub-
stantiated by the contents: Christ, who has Buf-
fered for us and as the risen one is exalted, will also
raise us if we do the will of God. Its admonitions
deal plainly with the Christian walk in life, in reli-

119

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pollock
Polyoarp

ance upon the New-Testament Scriptures, espe-
cially I Peter. The apostasy of a presbyter Valens
ia deplored (xi.). He writes of the Smyrnean con-
gregation, whose representative he and the presby-
ters in whose name he writes are, that (in contrast
with the Philippians) in the time of Paul they knew
not yet God (xi.; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 35). This
does not show that he and the presbyters lived at
that time, but that the Philippians turned to him,
and Ignatius considers his intercourse with him as
worthy of mention and writes to him personally,
inasmuch as Polycarp must have been by 110-115
a widely known personage.

This is corroborated by the letter which the
Smyrnean congregation directed to the congrega-
tion at Philomelium and all the congregations of
the Catholic Church concerning the martyrdom of
Polycarp, less than a year later (xviii. 2; Eng.
transl., ANF, i. 43), which points not only to the
esteem in which he was held in his own congrega-
tion but to his fame also outside of the Church
(xvi., xii.; Eng. transl., i. 43; cf. Eusebius, Hist.
ecd., Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 18&-193). The
accounts of his martyrdom have received confirma-
tion from inscriptions discovered since 1880 (cf.
J. B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, i. 613 sqq.) which
also prove the reliability of the additional chap-
ter xxi. not known to Eusebius; for they prove
Philip the asiarch (xii.) and high-priest of Tralles
(xxi.) to have been asiarch in 149-153, and high-
priest and agonothete at Tralles since 137 for life.
From this additional chapter, the Acts of Pionius,
and the ancient martyrology it is seen that Polycarp
was martyred Feb. 23, on a greater Jewish Sabbath
(viii. 1, xxi.; perhaps feast of Purim; cf. Light-
foot, ut sup. 692 sqq.) during the proconsulship of
Statius Quadratus, fixed by Waddington, using the
representations of the rhetorician Aristides, at 154-
156, during which the 23d of February occurred as
a Sabbath only in 155. W. Schmid attempts to
show that the Quadratus of Aristides, evidently A vil-
lius Urinatius Quadratus the consul suffectus of 156,
was proconsul in 165-166 under Marcus Aurelius, in
accordance with the chronicle of Eusebius delivered
by Jerome, Feb. 23, 166, being also on a Sabbath.
In all probability, however, the Statius Quadratus of
the time of Polycarp's martyrdom is identical with
the consul of that name in 142, who, in the course of
advancement, must have been the proconsul in 155.
The Asiarch Philip also would have been too aged
to be high-priest and asiarch in the time of Marcus
Aurelius. At the time of his martyrdom Polycarp
had been a Christian for eighty-six years (ix. ; Eng.
transl., ut sup., i. 41). Irenseus relates how and
when he became a Christian and in his letter to
Florinus (Eusebius, V., xx.; Eng. transl., i. 238-
239) stated that he saw and heard him personally
in lower Asia; in particular he heard the account of
Polycarp's intercourse with John and with others
who had seen the Lord. Irenseus also testifies
{Hcer., iii. 3-4; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 415-417)
that Polycarp was converted to Christianity by
apostles, made a bishop, and had intercourse with
many who had seen the Lord. He repeatedly em-
phasizes the very old age of Polycarp (ut sup.). If
the supreme recognition of Polycarp was due to his

old age and former intercourse with the apostles, so
were likewise his presence in Rome under Anicetus
and his success in the conversion of heretics (154).
In the disagreement with Anicetus, Polycarp ap-
pealed for authority to his intercourse with John
and other disciples (Eusebius, V., xxiv. 16, Eng.
transl., i. 415-416). Irenseus makes mention of
several epistles to neighboring churches and indi-
vidual Christians which are not extant (Eusebius,
V., xx. 8, Eng. transl., i. 239). The Vita Polycarpi
auctore Pionio, knowing chapter xii. and many
letters and homilies of Polycarp, is corrupted with
so many fables that to extract the historical is im-
possible. Feuardentius, in his notes to Irenseus,
Hcer, iii. 3 (Cologne, 1596), gives several fragments
ascribed to Polycarp which were preserved in a
catena of Victor of Capua in his Liber responsorum,
to which T. Zahn (Forschungen, vi. 103, Leipsic,
1900) admits the possibility of a partial genuine-
ness. The statements of the learned Armenian
Ananias of Shirak (600-650) in his " Epiphany of
our Lord " also must speak for themselves. See
Papias. (N. Bonwetsch.)

Bibliography: The editions of Polycarp beat worth noting
are those of T. Zahn in Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn's
Patrum apostolicorum opera, ii. 109-133, Leipsic, 1876;
F. X. Funk, Opera patrum apostolicorum, 2d ed.t Tubingen,
1901; J. B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 1885, 2d ed.,
1889, with Eng. transl.; and A. Hilgenfeld, Berlin, 1902.
The Eng. transl. most available after that of Lightfoot,
is in ANF, i. 33-36. For eds. of the Martyrium consult
ASB, Jan., ii. 705 sqq.; E. Amelineau in PSBA, x (1888),
391-417; the eds. of Zahn, Funk, and Lightfoot, ut sup.;
R. Knopf, AugsewahUen Martyracten, Tubingen, 1901;
and O. von Gebhardt, Acta martyrum selecta, Berlin, 1902.
Eng. transls. are by Lightfoot, ii. 1057-67. ed. of 1885;
and in ANF, i. 39-44. The Vita Polycarpi of the 4th or
5th century by Pionius (said by Funk to be " worthless ")
has been edited by L. Duchesne, Paris, 1881 ; J. B. Light-
foot, ut sup., ii. 1005 sqq., 1068 sqq.; and F. X. Funk,
ut sup., ii. 291 sqq.; and is in ASB, Jan., ii. 695 sqq. A
detailed list of literature is in ANF, Bibliography, pp.
7-10. Discussions of the first importance are in the edi-
tions and translations noted above, either as preface,
prolegomena, or notes. Consult further: Irensus, Har,
III., iii., Eng. transl. ANF, i. 416; Eusebius, Hist, eccl.,
IV., xv., Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 188-193; Jerome,
De vir. ill., xvii., Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., iii.
367; A. Ritschl, Entstehung der aUkatholischen Kirche, pp.
284 sqq., 584 sqq., Bonn, 1857; J. Donaldson, Hist, of
Christian Literature, i. 154-200, iii. 306-310, Oxford,
1864-66; idem, Apostolical Fathers, pp. 191-247, ib. 1874;
T. Zahn, Ignatius von Antiochen, pp. 494 sqq., Gotha,
1873; idem, Forschungen zur Oeschichte des neutestament-
lichen Kanons, iv. 249 sqq., vi. 72 sqq., 94 sqq., Leipsic,
1891-1900; [Cassels], Supernatural Religion, i. 274-282,
ii. 267-271, iii. 13-15, London, 1875; B. F. Westcott,
General Survey of the Hist, of the Canon of the N. T„ pp.
36-40, ib. 1875; T. Keim, Aus dem Urchristenthum, pp.
90-133, Zurich, 1878; G. A. Jackson, Apostolic Fathers,
pp. 77-S7, New York, 1879; F. Piper, Lives of the Leaders
of Our Church Universal, cd. H. M. MacCracken, pp. 14-
22, Philadelphia, 1879; A. H. Charteris, Canonicity, pas-
sim, London, 1880 (references are very numerous); J.
Nirschl, Lehrbuch der Patrologie und Patristik, i. 121-131,
Mains, 1881; W. F. Adeney, in British Quarterly, lxxxii
(1886), 31-67; O. Bardenhewer, Geschichte der aUchrist-
lichen Literatur, i. 146 sqq., ii. 615-616, Freiburg, 1902-
1903; E. Sch warts, De Pionio et Polycarpo, Gfittingen,
1905; O. Pfleiderer, Das Urchristentum, ii. 256 sqq., Ber-
lin, 1902, Eng. transl., Christian Origins, London, 1906:
H. Mailer, Aus der V eberlieferungsgeschichte des Polykarp-
Martyrium, Paderborn, 1908; Harnack, Oeschichte, i.
69-74, 817, ii. 1, pp. 325 sqq., 334-356, 381-406, ii. 2,
pp. 303, 466-467; KrQger, History, pp. 25 sqq., 380;
Ceillier, Auteurs sacris, i. 392-398, 406 sqq., DNB, iv.
423-431; the literature under Ignatius op Antooch, and
the church historians on the post-apostolic period, e.g.,

THE NEW 8CHAFF-HERZ0G

Schaff. ChrMan Chunk, i. 100-111. 399. 335. 486. 061,
077. 0*). On the date of the martyrdom oonnut: R. A.
Lipaiua, iaJPT, 1878. pp. 751-768; K. Wieaeler. Chrit-
nticrSolguTHfen. pp. 34-87. GuteraLoti. 187S: idem, in
TVS A'. Lii UWSOi. 141-)6.'j; T. Randoll, in Stadia BOtica,
PP. 175-207, Oxford. 188G; W. M. Rainaay in EzvolUotv
Tima, Jan., 1907, pp. 188-189.

POLYCHROME BIBLE. See Bible Tbxt, I., 3,
5 4-

POLYCHRONIOS: Bishop of Apamea; flourished
in the first half of the fifth century. Of his life
nothing is known except thiit he was the brother of
Theodore of Mopsuestia (q.v.), that he was bishop
after US, mid lliat lie was one of the most distin-
trui-1 jH.'ii i*M-eetf*s of the Antiochiiiii school. Though
never expressly anathema tiled, Polychronius was re-
garded as u heretic in later times, so of his. excgclical

works only fragments have been preserved in va-
rious catenas. It may be regarded as certain that

IV>!\clironius wrote exhaustive commentaries on
Job, Daniel, and Enekiei. The greater part of the
fragment.- preserved are from Daniel, which he in-
terpreted as referring to Antiochus Epiphanes in-
stead of Antichrist, and saw in the fourth mon-
archy of the world the Macedonian empire, and in
the ten heads the Diadochi. He sought always to
establish the historical moaning and polemized
:iljailist allciMrieul exi-gesis. as Well as against the
theory of a twofold sense. As a critic, however, lie
seems to have been more conservative than his
brother. His knowledge of philology, antiquities,
;iiid history was considerable, but he shows ft com-
paratively slight a<i[ii;iiutaiiee with the Semitic
laii^uai.-''S. His Cliristology was apparently that of
his brother, though probably less pronounced.

(A. Habnack.)

Bibliwirapht: Thoodorct. Hut. reel., v. 39. Eug. tnuu].,
NPXF. 2 aer.. iii. 159; O. Harden hewer. Foluchnmiwi
Brudrr Throdar: FreiViure, 1879; Fabricius-Hnrlei. Bib-
liothan Crirca. viii. 638-600, ■. 302-363. Hamburg, 1802-
1S07; DNB, iv. 434-436; Ceillier. Aulruri •acrfi, i. 60.

POLYCRATES, pe-lic'ra-tU: Bishop of Ephesus;

flouii-hcd ill tlie seen] id cent ury. He is kninn only
bration of Easter (about 190) [to whom he wrote a
Setter, i-iven in Euscbius, Hi"!, red., V., Xxiv., Eng.
transl in NPXF, 2 sor, i. 242-244]. The contro-
versv, according to Eusebius, took place under
Com'modus (A. Dec. 31, 192), and to Maximin of
AntliK'h (whom Serapion succeeded in 15)0-191) let-
ters are said to have been directed. At this time he
had been a Christian sixty-five years, coming of a
Christian finiiily which had already furnished seven
bishops. Vir-tor had requested him to eall a synod
1o decide the Easter problem (see Easteh); but
f hi- -vi'..i. I'- 1 by i'.,ly crates a|i|H-aliriE to the usage
of Asia Minor, decided in favor of Nisun 14tli, where-
upon the pope made an unsuccessful attempt to
excommunicate the church of Asia Minor.

(N. Bonwetsch.)
TiiHi.i'i-.HAiHv: EuKbiua. Hi*, eaj.. V.. xxii.. xxiv.. Eng.

tntnsl.. XP\'F. 2 m, i. 210-244 (cf. n(Jlc !l .>.. V nii.l;

Hamaek, Liltcratur. i. 260. u. 1, p. 323; T. Zahn. Far-

iii. 1H7. vi. 162-163. liia -ai. 20* Mqq., Leipoic, 1890-^
1900, O. Banlenhowpr. QhoMAM drr ilTII ftiJllfnftiii Lit-
teratvr, i. 5SO. Frcihuru, 1902; R.Vtf. iv. 436-437; Ceillier,
Aulrurs merii, i. 535, ii. 642-543.

POLYGLOT BIBLES. See Bibles, Polyglot.

POLYTHEISM.

I. Scope and Definition. '■*■■■ (I 3).

Meaning in Scripture (1 1). Mabiiain (| 3).

Lapse from Mouotheimi III. Develop

(f 2). A Com .

tt. CiueifioMion. theum (| 1).

Fetiahiam (| 1). IV. Ethical EitimaQon.

I. Scope and Definition: Polytheism or the
doctrine and belief that there are more gods thin
one is the more scientific term for what is otherwise
known as idolatry and heathenism, and refers to
those religions which are in contradistinction to the
monotheism of Judaism, Christianity, and Moham-
medanism. It is based on the natural

i. Hean- tendency of man to seek religious rela-
ing in tjons with deity in the light of the

Scripture, revelation of natural religion alone.
In the evolutionary process nature
proceeds from plurality to unity, and even panthe-
ism appears as a philosophical elaboration and in-
spiration of primitive polytheism. The verdict of
both the Old and the New Testament on the na-
ture and value of polytheism is essentially the
same. Polytheism is the lapse from the living God
to the worship of vain idols and the perversion of
divinely revealed truth in order to smuggle in false-
hood, darkness of spirit, and association with de-
mons. The gods of the heathen are powerless (Jer.
ii. 28; Isa. xli. 29, xlii. 17, xlvi. 1 sqq.), and made
by man from perishable material (especially Isa.
xli., xliv.; Pa. oxv. 4 sqq., exxxv. 15-18). So far
as they really exist, they arc demons (Deut. xxxii.
17; cf. Deut. x. 17, jocrii. 17; Ps. xcvi. 15, cvi.
27). In the New Testament idols are vain, and
are not really gods (Acts xiv. 15, xix. 26; I
Cor. viii. 5; Oal. iv. 8), and he who eats of their
offerings eats the meat of demons (I Cor. x.
19-21; Rev. is. 20).

In considering the origin of polytheism, the usual
development of pantheism from on earlier polythe-
ism, illustrated in India by Brahman ism and in
Greece by the Eleatic and Stoic systems, would
naturally lead one to consider the primitive form
of all religion to consist in the worship of a plural-
ity of gods from which even Biblical

3. Lapse monotheism was developed. Never-
from theless, neither the Pentateuch nor the

Monothe- prophetic writings contain any traces
ism. whatsoever of an earlier polytheism,
and the Old Testament very definitely
ivcirds the polytheism of the heathen as caused by
a fall from primitive monotheism in the account of
the tower of Babel (Gen. xi. 1 sqq.). The gradual
development of polytheism from on original mon-
otheism is supported by the history of Abraham
(Gen. xiv. 18-20; Josh. xxiv. 2 aqq.); of Jacob,
who saw the introduction of Teraphim (q.v.) into
his household (Gen. xxxi. 19-20, xxxv. 2-3); of
Joseph, who married the daughter of an Egyptian
priest of the sun (Gen. xli. 50), and of Hoses who
was able to keep his people true to the God of the
covenant only by bitter struggle against the pagan-
ism of Egypt and Midian (cf. Num. xii. 1 aqq.;
Deut. xxxii. 15 sqq.; Amos v. 25-26). Similar
views are presented in the New Testament, as in
Rom. i. 21 sqq.; Acts xiv. 16, xvii. 29.

191

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Polychrome Bible
Polytheism

E Classification: Granted that the theory of
evolution is legitimate in the domain of natural
science, the question arises whether it applies as
well to this sphere in view of the facts of religious
history. From the time of David Hume (q.v.) and
the English deists and of the German G. L. Bauer,
the theory of the origin of monotheism from poly-
theism has passed through three definite stages : gods
were derived either from fetishes, dead ancestors or
other spirits, or from the heavenly bodies. These
three theories may conveniently be termed fetish-
ism, animism (with its varieties of spiritism, Shama-
nism, q.v., ancestor worship, hero cult), and Sabaism.
The theory of Fetishism (q.v.), dating from the
period of Voltaire and Hume, was essentially estab-
lished by Charles De Brosses in his Du
I. Fetish- cults des dieux f Miches (Paris, 1760),
and was further developed by Auguste
Comte (especially in the fifth volume of
his Court de philosophie positive (Paris, 1830-42),
who assumed that from the worship of rude ob-
jects of a childlike superstition in magic, or fetishes,
was developed first the polytheism of more civilized
pagan nations, while from the latter was evolved
monotheism as the highest ethical form of religion.
This has become a favorite dogma of positivists in
France, England, and North America as well as
Germany, as illustrated by Lord Avebury's Origin of
Civilization (London, 1870); S. Baring Gould's
Origin and Development of Religious Belief (1869);
C. Meiners, who held, in his AUgemeine kritische
Geschichle der Religionen (Hanover, 1806), that
fetishism was not only the oldest but also the most
general form of worship; G. P. C. Kaiser in his
Biblische Theologie (Erlangen, 1813-21); Hegel in
his Vorlesungen uber Philosophie der Religion (Ber-
lin, 1832) maintaining that magic, constantly
changing its objects of worship in the form of
fetishism, creates the first and lowest type of re-
ligion; and T. Waitz, in his Anthropologic der
Naturvdlker (Leipsic, 1859-65). The fetishistic
theory was developed into a formal system by
F. Schultze in Der Fetischismus, ein Beitrag zur
Anthropologic und Religionsgeschichte (Leipsic, 1871),
in which an interpretation of the individual tend-
encies of fetishism is attempted, on the assumption
that the rudest fetishism of modern aborigines is
necessarily the closest in approximation to the primi-
tive type of all religions. This theory of fetishism
has exercised more or less influence on historians
of civilization like K. Twesten and F. von Hell-
wald, natural philosophers likeC. Sterne, E. Haeckel,
and investigators of religions like A. Wuttke, whose
Geschichle des Heidentums (Breslau, 1852-53), while
proceeding from a rigidly monotheistic basis, re-
gards fetishism as the oldest and most primitive
type of religion known to history; and G. Roskoff
in Geschichle des Teufels (Leipsic, 1869) and Re-
Kgionswesen der rohesien Naturvdlker (1880). In
opposition to the frequent assumption after Dar-
win that there are numerous primitive peoples
without any trace of religion, so that absolute athe-
ism is alleged to be the real basis and starting
period of the entire religious and ethical develop-
ment of mankind, Roskoff, in the latter work, mar-
shaled an array of facts confirmed by a company

of scholars; but he falls in also with the naturalistic
view, regarding magic as the prototype of all re-
ligious activity. The theory of fetishism is scien-
tifically false. The fetish is not, according to De
Brosses and the other naturalists, an enchanted
and therefore prophetic object (as if from fori,
fanum, or fatum), but is something artificially
made (Portuguese, feitico — Latin facere) especially
for religious purposes, such as an amulet, cross, or
idol. Properly speaking, fetishes are devotional or
cultic objects which imply a relatively developed
stage of religion, and are even typical of an incipi-
ent decay of religious life. They are invariably
relics of an older and more perfect concept of the
deity; for some sort of an idea of a higher being to
be invoked must have been present before steps
could be taken to make a fetish. The stone, block,
bone, or rag, which forms such a magic idol for the
African, was never anything but an idol capri-
ciously adapted to a long developed, even though
rough and vague, concept of God. The worship of
fetishes forms a rude parallel to the veneration of
relics and objects of superstition like the tooth of
Buddha in Ceylon, Mohammedan talismans, Greco-
Roman amulets, or the teraphim or earthern ser-
pents of the peoples with whom the Israelities came
in contact. Far from belonging to the childhood of
religion, as Meiners, Hegel, Lord Avesbury, and
others have held, on the ground of the puppet
shape of the fetishes and the childish homage of
dances and drummings in their honor, fetishism is
decadent, even as senility frequently assumes an
appearance of childishness. Neither fetishism nor
the primitive atheism assumed by Avesbury can
rationally be made the foundation of religious de-
velopment either of mankind as a whole or of indi-
vidual stocks or peoples (cf. J. Happel, Die Anlage
des Menschen zur Religion, pp. 112, 134 sqq., Leyden,
1877; O. Pfleiderer, Religionsphilosophie, pp. 318-
319, 742-743, Berlin, 1878; F. M. Muller, Lectures
on the Origin and Growth of Religion, especially vol.
ii., London, 1878; P. Schanz, Apologie des Chris-'
tentums, 2d ed., ii. 37, 297, and passim, Freiburg,
1887-88; and C. von Orelli, AUgemeine Religions-
geschichte, pp. 15, 265-266, 84VS42, Bonn, 1899).
[For another view of the subject, see Fetishism.]

The animistic hypothesis, or soul-cult, as the
source of all religious development is considerably
later than that of fetishism. As introduced into

comparative religion by E. B. Tylor
2. Ani- in his Primitive Culture (London, 1871 ;
mism. new ed., 1903) and Anthropology (1881)

animism denotes a belief, wide-spread
among the primitive peoples throughout the world,
in more or less powerful souls or spirits dwelling in
material objects, in a word, " spirit worship " (cf.
J. Lippert, Der Seelenkult nach seinen Beziehungen
zur hebrdischen Religion, Berlin, 1881 ; O. Seeck, Ge~
schichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt, pp. 339-
377, Berlin, 1901). Logically, this form of religion
is a grade higher than fetishism, regarding its cultic
objects as filled with, or possessed of, certain spir-
itual beings, which human magic can cause to ap-
pear and become operative. At the same time,
cruder fetishistic views and usages are found in
animism, especially in the magic character of the

Polytheism
PomeriuB

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

122

priests of both types. Three forms of animism may
be distinguished: physiolatric, anthropolatric, and
pat riarchola trie. Physiolatric animism is the wor-
ship of certain nature spirits residing in wells or
rivers (nymphs, nixies), in hills or rocks (cobalds),
in trees (hamadryads), or in animals, and the like,
the two chief subdivisions being the two last, phy-
tolatry and zoolatry, the latter comprising ophiol-
atry. Anthropolatric animism is the worship of
the dead, whether regarded as being in some
inanimate medium or in some living animal from
simple inhabitation to metempsychosis; this type
is the darkest of spiritism issuing in necro-
mancy and fanatical Shamanism. Patriarchol-
atry, or ancestor worship, is the worship of
the ancestors of special families or entire stocks,
this frequently passing over among wild tribes into
totemism, in which the ancestors are held to have
been certain beasts or birds, which thus become
fixed emblems of the families or stocks in question.
All attempts to make any or all of these types of
animism the source of the development of religion
have failed. Ancestor worship in particular, de-
fended by H. Spencer in his Principles of Sociology
(London, 1876-82), J. Lippert (ut sup.), and others,
is rendered nugatory because the pious regard of
ancestors presupposes too long a development and
too ripe a civilization to be regarded as the primi-
tive source of religion; as, for instance, the Chinese
cult and the Pitris and Rishis of India and the
Greeks. Sec Comparative Religion, VI., 1, a,
§§ 1-6; Heathenism, §§ 2-4, 6.

The Sabaistic theory, or the assumption that the
cult of the heavenly bodies is the source of religion,
seems to go back, strictly speaking, to such Church
Fathers as Clement of Alexandria, and Firmicius
Maternus, who held that, while monotheism was

the original religion, the stages of de-
3. Sabaism. cline had begun with the worship of

the heavenly bodies. They were closely
followed by Moses Maimonides (q.v.), and, among
more recent students, by those who investigate
mainly religions possessing an astronomical basis, as
the Egyptian, Babylonian, and Phenician. A chief
exponent of this theory was the French astronomer
C. F. Dupuis, who, in his Origine de tons les cultes
ou religion (12 vols., Paris, 1795), sought to prove
that worship first of the sun and then of the other
heavenly bodies was the point of departure for all
religious evolution. Similar attempts were made
by J. A. Kanne in Neue Darstellung der Myihologie
der Griechen (Leipsic, 1805), J. G. Rohde in Versuch
Uber das Alter des Tierkreises und den Alter der
fUernbilder (Breslau, 1809), E. von Bunsen in his
Einheit der Religion (Berlin, 1870) and Die Plejaden
und der Tierkreis (1879), and C. Ploix in La Nature
des dieux (Paris, 1888), in which he blended Saba-
iim and fetishism. If, however, a stellar cult de-
veloped into adoration of the zodiac, the planets,
and other celestial objects, it presupposes a degree
of culture which is incompatible with the primitive
period of mankind. The truly primitive forms of
worship of the heavenly bodies seem rather to be
monotheistic, the divine element being regarded
not so much as the sun, moon, or " host of heaven,"
as the heaven itself as the symbol or manifestation

of the highest beneficent power, in comparison with
wliich the individual stars constituted mere sub-
deities. A number of adherents of primitive mono-
theism have accordingly regarded Sabaism as the
mediate stage through which man passed in his de-
cline from monotheism to the baser forms of poly-
theism. Criticism of Sabaism leads necessarily to the
positing of a primitive monotheism though not in
its absolute form.

III. Development: A relative monotheism, con-
sisting of a theistic basis with pantheistic elements,
was assumed as the basis of all religious develop-
ment by Schelling in PkUosophie der
1. A Cor- Metologie und Offenbarung (Stuttgart,
ruptionof 1856-59), and he was followed by
Monothe- many others. This relative monothe-
ism, ism of the earliest historic period was
termed kathenotheism or henotheism
by Max Muller; and though restricted by him only
to certain characteristics of the Vedic religion, yet
it may well be applied, mutatis mutandis, to the
earliest periods of the religion of various other peo-
ples of similar antiquity. This henotheism is de-
fined by Muller as a naive faith in individual powers
of nature which alternately appear as supreme. The
religion of the Chinese seems to be an unfolding of
the cult of heaven, and early Iranian religious rec-
ords show similar traces of a relatively pure primi-
tive monotheism, since between the supreme crea-
tor of the universe, Ormazd, and his subordinate
deities, the six Amshaspands, a considerable inter-
val is held to exist. The oldest religious concepts
of the other Indo-Germanic peoples were richer in
polytheistic elements, though even in them the sky-
god was dominant. Among the religions of south-
western Asia, the ancient Arabs and the Phenicians
had a basis of primitive monotheism, consisting in
the worship of a supreme god of the light or of the
sun (Ilah or Shamsh in North Arabia, Bel among
the Sabeans of South Arabia, and Baal Hamman
among the Phenicians), though even in the earliest
records this basis had received many accretions of
stellar polytheism. The same statements hold good
of the religion of ancient Babylonia. The most
ancient supreme sky-god Anu must early have re-
ceived by his side a Bel and an Ea, their number
later being increased by various younger nature
deities, such as the moon-god Sin and the sun-god
Shamash, as well as the five planetary deities Mar-
duk, Ishtar, Adar, Nergal, and Nebo. Many of the
most competent Egyptologists agree in placing at
the head of the development of the Nilotic religion
a creative celestial " king " or " father " of the
gods, who was called Amon-Ra by the Thebans
and Ptah at Memphis; and Le Page Renouf, in his
Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, p.
119 (London, 1880), declares: " The sublimer por-
tions [of the Egyptian religion] are not the com-
paratively late results of a process of development
or elimination from the grosser. The sublimer por-
tions are demonstrably ancient; and the last stage
of the Egyptian religion, that known to the Greek
and Latin writers, was by far the grossest and most
corrupt."

It must not be supposed, however, that this proc-
ess of degeneration from monotheism everywhere

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

took the same course or passed through the same
phases. In like manner, various motives entered
into the creation of early myths; and neither the
une-tided interpretation of mytha as personifica-
tions of meteorological phenomena nor the one-
sided anthropology of the euhemerists nor the opera-
tion of diabolical forces as held by early orthodoxy
isinweord with the actual state of affairs.

IT. Ethical Estimation: Regarding the relation
of polytheism to morality, the stem judgment niuat
told which the Old and the New Testament alike
pronounce upon idolatry without distinction of its
wrious forms or gradeB. Idolaters are evildoers
punished by the law with the severest penalties,
'■i ■■'. tij'lirjiilcd liy tin- prophets for their enormi-
ties. In the New Testament sinners and heathen
ire parallel (Matt, xviii. 17; Gal. ii. 15; I Cor. v.
It while idolatry is classed among the " works of
lie flesh." being placed between Inseiviousness and
f sorcery (Gal. v. 20), and repeatedly designated as
belonging to the worst abominations I Romans ii. 2'2;
Rev. ii. 15, 20, ii. 21, xvii. 4-5, xviii. 22) and as
lading to the gravest sensuality (Rom. i. 24-28).
And this judgment not only holds true of classical
antiquity, but of modern primitive peoples as well.

(O. ZfiCKLERt.)

The conclusions reached by the author of the
preceding article are nut those of the mo, lorn school
of comparative religionists. Every linn of evidence
exhaustively examined by these students leads to
results that arc in complete accord with the science
of anthropology, which regards man himself as a
development. Religion appear* distinctly and un-
mistakably as a growth, in which monotheism is
the choicest fruit, not the root. Wherever the lus-
tory of religion can lie traced for long periods, as
in Babylonia and China, and now in Greece, the
farther back one searches the more diffused is the
worship, until the god* are lost in spirits or demons.
This is confirmed by the study of primitive religion,
where the objects of worship are spirits, not gods,
with rare exceptions, and these exceptions afford
D-o support, to the theory of monotheism as original.
Similarly in the organized religions, the irrational
and animistic elements, for instance of ritual (in
which are always preserved (oncst the traces of
origin), are clearly derivable from the earlier stages
and point to polytheism
monotheism. While there may be
people from monotheism to polytheism (;is in the
decadent period of Jewish history), 'he ease can
always be shown to be reversion and not degenera-
tion. The background of Hebrew religion is now
recognized by the entire critical school :is not only
polytheistic but animistic. A case of this is the
action of Jacob in anointing the stone (an act of
worship) on which he slept while he saw his vision
(Gen. xxviii. 18), which action was precisely that
which Arab tribes directed to the stone deities
which they worshiped (Smith. Rel. of Sun., pas-
sim). The first commandment is an explicit recog-
nition of the existence of other deities.

The conclusions of comparative religionists as to
the order of development in religion are briefly in-
dicated in Comparative Religion (q.v., especially
VI, 2, dj- Geo- w- C-ilhore.

of tl

f fint

Heid.nlu-n:
Retiaianen i
Scbaffhrnisoii

a Africa. China.
-, Gesthichle da

vols.. Breslau, 1852-53; K. Werner. Die
Kuliur dee vorckriitlirhcn tleutcnlumi,

871; E. L. Fischer. Hridcntum und Offm-
barang. Miiini, 1878; J, Legge, Religions of China, Lon-
don. 1881; E. G. Meude, Lin FrMrm dcr allgemcincn
Rttiaion.wit!*rn*c>i,ift, I,e[;,.ic. l-.sl; (;. HiiB-IJnson. The
Religions of Ihe Anrienl lYorld. London, ISSi; !'. F.
Reman. Dcr Urtprung dcr Religion, Buscl. (SSC; W.
Schneider. Die KalurviiiArr, 3 vols., Monster, 1885-81;
idem, Oeschichlc dcr Religion im Murium. 2 purU. Oottm,
IH95-98; K. von Orelli, Mlgim.'n, l/,ligi.ia. •(!■■•. -lui-hli,
Bonn, ISM; «. -Slowh. Dim fl,:idcntiii« ah r.-ligi»*r* 1'rv
blent, GQleralob. 1803; W. Murult. I'WJitk* 1-,4-yi, .
Leipsic, 1904 sqq.; W. Iloussct. What ie Religion t Now
York. 10(17; A. Bros, La lUtioion de* pevpict nan cioi-
liete. Faria. 1007; F. X. K..rr],,o,.r. U- ,-lglhcimuitaii-
verto tt guibasdam due formie apod Hebrao, finitimaegue
gentes uaibUM. Inn-hni.k. 1«W; (i. Fnucirl, l.n M.li,„,lr.
comparative dune Vhintoire dee religions, Pali?, 1909; L.

Frulienius, The Child! I '-f Man. l....i.|on. !!»«>; A. Le

Roy, La Religion dee prinndj". Paris, H*'J9; J. 11 Lrutui.
Psychological Origin ami .V.j(ujt .>/ krtivien, London, 1008;
S. Roinooh, Orpheus. Met. generate dee religion*, Paris.
1809, Ens. tranal.. Orpheus. London. 1909; W. St. C.
Twd;i]l. Mulhi,- ry,ri..l.h an,! Ihr Tim-: a Criticism .)/ .sum.:
modern Theories, Luiiilon. 190SI; H. Ii. Underwood, Re-
liaione of Eastern Asia, New York, 1010.

POMEBIUS, JTJLIANUS: GaUican presbyter
of Moorish descent; d. about 490. He ia said by
t.'yprian to have been the teacher of famous Ca-sarius
of Aries (q.v.), and according ti> the s|iuriou* addi-
tion to Gennadius' De vir. ill. (\cviii.) and Isidore*
De seriptinibu* eeilrsuisticix (iv.), he wrote a dia-
logue De animie nalura (or De nnlura anima. et
ijimliliili- vjnK) in eight books and a treatise Dr rila
.-mill miiliilini (or Vh- cwilrmptti tumuli) in tlu:eo
books. The first Irook of the latter work {MPL, lix.
415-y2(l) treats of the value of the conleuiplnlivn
life, the second of the active life of the Christian,
and the third of vices and virtues. The entire works
are full of the spirit of Augustine. The similarity
of the latter treatise to the eschalolojrical medita-
tions of St. Julian, bishop of Toledo, early led to
Julian's identification with I'nmerius, who flour-
ished fully two centuries before him. Julian, a con-
vert from Judaism, was archbishop from Jan. 29,
680, to Mar. 8, 690, and was zealous in defending
and extending the faith and reformation of the
clergy, at the same time maintaining a firm attitudo
toward Benedict II. when the pope criticized his
creed. Hi* apuloiry addressed to Benedict, to-
gether with some of his other works, has been lost;
but his Pregiioxlirfirum futvri srcidi libri tr,:. (Leip-
sie. 1535); De ilrman*lratione. seitiv iriatix (Heidel-
berg, 1633); and BistotW Waiabtt regi.x Tnlilnvi
[MPL, xcW.) are extant. He probably took part
in the final redaction of the old Spanish liturgy and
nf the Visigothic canon law. (O. ZdCKLEHt.)

Eiiiuoohapbt: Bitknre HSIiraire de la Franer, ii. M6-flM:

J. Nirechl. l.thrbaeh tier I'iili:il;gi-: na.l Pntrietik. in. i!SS
"qq.. Mniui, 1831: F. Arnold, Clsaritis oon Arelale, pp.
BO-M, 184-129, Lei[»ic. 189<; O. Banlenhiwer. Pntro-
logic, p. 640, FrciV.un. 1001, En*, tran.-l . St.. I.oui-. lWlK;
O, Zocliler, Die Tugmdlihrf dee Chriilenlvme, pp. 93-95,
I iiiierHlr.li. IBM.

On Julian of Toledo conaullr Patrum Tolrlanorvm. . . .
Opera, ed. F Lon-rimno, pp. 3-;l.»S. llndri.l, 17S5; J. .le
Mariana, Historic de rAus Hiepaniir. vi. 248-240, Maim,
1605. Enu. tranal.. T)„: (,'.vi.-™/ lli.'t. »i Spain. 2 parts,
London, 1800; P. B. Gams, Kirc/iengejchidtic von Spanien.

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOO

ii. 2, pp. 176-338. 3 vol»., Kegenaburt. 1862-TSi F. Dtba.

Vm-ZauulB da- Wtdeote*, pp. 473-100, Wilribun, 1870.
A. Ebsrt, Qachithit der LiUrratur da MiiicbitUn. i. 750-
751, Leiptio, 1B74; P. von Wougcn. Julian, linbi*Ju>.
vm Tolrdo, St. Gall, 1801: R. Hunow, De Juliana ToU-
(ana, Joan. 1881; DSB. iii. 477-481 (exhaustive).

PONCE DE LEOH, LOIS DE. See Leon, Luis de.

POND, ENOCH: Congregationahst; b. at
Wrentham, Mass., July 29, 1791; d. at Bangor,
Me., Jan. 21, 1882. He was graduated from Brown
University (1813), studied theology under Nathan-
ael Emmons (q.v.), was licensed (1814), and or-
dained pastor of the Congregational Church in Ward
(now Auburn), Mass. (1815). He was editor of Tht
Spirit of the Pilgrims (Boston), an orthodox relig-
ious monthly which played an important part in
the Unitarian controversy (1828-32); professor of
systematic theology in the Bangor Theological Sem-
inary (1832-58); professor of ecclesiastical history,
lecturer on pastoral theology, and president from
1858 till his death. He was active in the building
up of the institution and was a voluminous writer.
Among his works are: Christian Baptism (Boston,
1817); Morning of the Reformation (1842); The
Mather Family (1844); Swedenborgianism Exam-
ined (New York, 1861); The Ancient Church (1851)
Lectures on Pastoral Theology (Andover, 1866)
Lectures on Christian Theology (Boston, 1868)
and A History of God's Church from its Origin to the
Present Times (Hartford, 1871).

POHTIAHUS: Pope probably from July 21, 230,
to Sept. 28, 235. During his pontificate the circu-
lar letter of Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, con-
demning Origen, was approved by a synod at Rome
(sea Origen; and Ohigenistic Controversies).
Pontianus, together with the antipope Hippolytus,
was exiled to Sardinia under the persecution of
Maximums Thrax, where he resigned.

(A. Hahnack.)
Biblioqbapht : Liber pontifical*!, ed. L. Duchesne, vol. i.,
Paris, 1880, ed. T. Mommaen, in MGH, Oat. pant. Rom,,
i (181181, 24-2S: Haraack. Gachichu, i. 648. ii. I, pp. 107
kih.; Bower. Papa, L. 23-23: Platina, Popa, i. 43-45;
Milmnn, Latin Chrwtianitv, i, SO.

PONTIFICAL: In the literal sense of the term,
all that pertains to the bishop, especially his vest-
ments and those functions that he alone may per-
form; more specifically, the term applied by the
Roman Catholic Church to the book containing the
ritual of those rites which may be celebrated only
by bishops or by priests especially delegated by
them to act as their representatives. At an early
period the Roman Catholic Church took particular
pains to prevent any deviations in specifically epis-
copal functions from the forms usual at Rome; and
on Feb. 10, 1596, the new Pontificale Romanum was
approved, while at the same time all previous pon-
tificals were declared to be superseded. Since, how-
ever, this edition was not free from errors, Urban
VIII. ordered a new official edition (June 17, 1644)
which should be the definitive model for all subse-
quent copies. The Pontifical was enlarged by Bene-
dict XTV. in 1752. The standard edition author-
ized by Leo XITI. is entitled Pontificale Romanum
a Benedido XIV. et Leone XIII. recognitum et
castigatum (Regcnsburg, 1898). The Pontifical con-

sists of two parte, the first part containing toon
rites which relate to persons, and the second than
which relate to things. E. Sehijno.

POflTOPPIDAfl, pen-tep'pt-dfln, ERIE: Dan]*
bishop; b. at Aarhus (on the eastern shore of Jut-
land) Aug. 24, 1698; d. at Copenhagen Dec 20.
1764. He was educated at Fredericia (1710-18),
after which he was a private tutor in Norway, and
then studied in Holland, and at London and Ox-
ford, England. In 1721 he became informiUor of
Frederick Carl of Carlstein (later duke of Plan),
and two years later morning preacher in the castle
and afternoon preacher at Nordborg. From 1726
to 1734 he was pastor at Hagenberg, where he so
protected the pietists as to find it advisable to de-
fend his course against the Lutherans with Dialogue;
oder Unterredung Severi, Sinceri, und Simplidt bob
der Religion und Reinheit dtr Lehre (1726) and HeOer
Gtaubenespiegel (1727). During this same period
he laid the foundation of his later topographical
and historical works in Memoria Hafnia (172B);
Theatrum Dania (1736); and Kurzgefasste Refer-
mationshistorie der ddnxschen Kirehe. Pontop-
pidan became successively pastor at Hillerod and
castle preacher at Frederiksborg (1734), Danish
court preacher at Copenhagen (1735), professor ex-
traordinary of theology at the University (1738),
and a member of the mission board (1740), mean-
while writing his Everriculum fermenti veteris (1736)
and Bone SpriehwSrter (1739).

In 1736 Pontoppidan was directed by royal
rescript to prepare an explanation of the catechism
and a new hymnal, and through these two works —
Wahrheti *ur Gottesfureht (1737) and the hymn-
book (1740) — the pietistic cause in Denmark re-
ceived powerful assistance. He likewise continued
bis historical investigations in his Marmora Danica
(3 vols., 1730-41; a collection of noteworthy epi-
taphs and ecclesiastical monuments) and his un-
critical Annates eeclesias Danicas (4 vols., 1741-52);
and also wrote a novel, Menoea (3 vols., 1742-43),
a critique of the religious conditions of Denmark
and other countries. In 1747 he was appointed
bishop at Bergen, where he introduced many edu-
cational reforms, and wrote Gloesarium Norvagieum
(1749) and Versuch einer naturiichen Geschichts
Norwegens (Copenhagen, 1752-53), while his pas-
toral letters formed in part the basis of his later
Collegium pastorale practicum (1757). The antagon-
ism which Pontoppidan roused at Bergen, however,
obliged him to go in 1754 to Copenhagen, where he
became prochancellor at the university in the fol-
lowing year. But all his plans in this capacity were
thwarted by his opponents, and he sought consola-
tion in writing, the results being his Origines Haf-
nienses (1760) and the first two parts of bis Den
danske Adas (1763-67), of which the last five vol-
umes were edited posthumously. He was also
active as a political economist, being the editor of
Danmarks og Korges okonomiskc Magaein (8 vols.,
1757-64). (F. Nnuwt.)

Bihuiwbipbi: The Literature (In Danish) in indicated in
Hauck-Hanog, RE, jv. 651.

POOLE, MATTHEW: B. at York, Eng., 1624;
educated at Emmanuel College, in Cambridge; he

1S6

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Ponoe de Leon
Poor Men of Lyons

became minister of St. Michael-le-Quernes, Lon-
don, in 1648, and devoted himself to the Presby-
terian cause. In 1654 he published The Blasphemer
Sain with the Sword of the Spirit, against John
Bkkfle, the chief Unitarian of that time. In 1658
he published a Model for the Maintaining of Stur
faii, and raised a fund for their support at the
universities. In the same year he published Quo
warranto; or, a moderate Enquiry into the Warrant-
dknes* of the Preaching of unordained Persons. In
1062 he was ejected from his charge, for non-con-
formity, and devoted himself to Biblical studies.
The fruit of these was produced, in 1669, in the
Synopsis Criticorum (5 vols., folio), a monument of
Biblical learning which has served many genera-
tions of students, and will maintain its value for-
ever. Many subsequent editions have been pub-
lished at Frankfort, Utrecht, and elsewhere. He
was engaged, at his death, on English Annotations
on the Holy Bible, and proceeded as far as Isa.
Iviii. His friends completed the work; and it was
published (London, 1685, 2 vols., folio), and passed
through many editions. Poole also took part in
the Romish controversy, and published two very
effective works: The Nullity of the Romish Faith,
or, A Blew at the Root, etc. (London, 1666), and
Dialogues between a Popish Priest and an English
Protestant (1667). On this account he was greatly
hated by the Papists, and his name was on the list
of those condemned to death in the Popish Plot.
He retired to Amsterdam, and died in Oct., 1679.
Few names will stand so high as Poole's in the Bib-
lical scholarship of Great Britain.

C. A. Briggs.

Bibliography: A. & Wood, Athena Oxonienses, ed. P. Bliss,
iL 205, 4 vols., London, 1813-20. A sketch of his life
and writing* appears in the English Annotations, ut sup.,
vol. iv., Edinburgh, 1801; S. Palmer, Nonconformist's
Memorial, i. 167, London, 1802; DNB, zlvi. 09-100.

POOR CLARES. See Clare (Clara), Saint.

POOR LAWS, HEBREW: Poverty was un-
known in the earliest Hebraic age. The nomad has
few needs, and those are provided for by the tribe,
since pasture-land is common property. Even after
the conquest of Canaan there was at first no neces-
sity for legal provision in behalf of the poor. But
as soon as the people settled in the cities, the usual
results of urban development followed. As the old
simplicity disappeared, especially after Saul and |
David, national independence came in, politics be-
gan to have force, property became private, social
distinctions arose, and with them the need of pro-
tecting the weak from those having the advantage
in wealth.

The first efforts in that direction are found in the
ancient law known as the Book of the Covenant
(Ex. xx.-xxiii.). Very significant are the injunc-
tions regulating the relation between debtor and
creditor. To take usury from any of the people
was forbidden (Ex. xxn. 25). A garment taken as
pledge was to be returned before the sun set for
the debtor to use as a covering (Ex. xxii. 26-27).
The Hebrew slave was to be set free in the seventh
year together with his wife and children (Ex. xxi.
2 sqq.). Field, vineyard, and olive-grove were to

lie fallow the seventh year, and all that grew of
itself during that year belonged to the poor (Ex.
xxiii. 10-12). These enactments were no doubt
observed by the right-minded in Israel, but there
are reasons for believing that selfishness knew how
to evade them. But even where they were ob-
served, they did not suffice to check poverty. Under
Solomon Israel began to engage in commerce. The
riches which came into the country influenced all
conditions of life. Prophets like Hosea, Amos, and
Isaiah complained of the luxury of the rich, of their
greediness, and of their usurious oppression of the
poor. The rich land-owners joined house to house
and field to field, till there was no place for the
poor (Isa. v. 8, 22 sqq.; Mic. ii. 1 sqq.), and the
usurer was not afraid to sell the poor for a trifle
(Amos ii. 6-7, cf. iv. 1 sqq., v. 11, viii. 4). Natu-
rally under these circumstances the well-meaning
in Israel sought to find new means for the protec-
tion of the poor. So the law-book known as Deu-
teronomy came into existence during the later re-
gal period and its author belonged to the prophetic
school of thought. The legislation of Deuteronomy
is in part social. Humaneness to the weak, considera-
tion for widows, orphans, Levites, and strangers, are
fundamental in the book. Former protective enact-
ments are repealed, new ones are added (cf. Deut.
xiv. 28 sqq., xv. 2 sqq., 12 sqq., xxiii. 20, 25-26,
xxiv. 6, 10). The great priest^code, which obtained
canonical authority after the exile, continued this
effort to give protection and relief to the poor (Lev.
xix. 9, xxiii. 22, xxv.). But with the decline of
the monarchy, the executive authority to carry out
these and like regulations vanished, and it is no
wonder that they became a dead letter. Aside from
laws which were impracticable (Deut. xv. 2 sqq.,
Lev. xxv. 2 sqq.) other laws were ignored. Such a
law was the prohibition of usury, probably often
kept, but just as often neglected- Though the im-
mediate result of this legislation was not great, it
must not be overlooked that the ideals which it
expressed were not in vain. They produced their
effects and promoted the knowledge that poverty
and riches are differences which do not prevail be-
fore God but which as realities afford a field of
labor for the highest ethical forces. The declara-
tion of Jesus that the poor (in spirit) are blessed
had its root in this legislation, which propounded
the principle that the poor in spite of his poverty is
a member of the people of God, and on account of
it enjoys God's special protection.

(R. Kittel.)

Bibliography: D. Cassel, Die ArmenverwaUuna im alien
Israel. Berlin. 1887; F. E. KQbel, Die sotiale . . . Oe-
seboebuna des A. T., Stuttgart, 1891; W. Nowack, Die
sotialen Probleme in Israel, Strasburg, 1892; idem, Archa-
ologie, i. 350 sqq.; C. H. Comill, Das A. T. und die
Humanitdt, Leipsic, 1895; E. Schall, Die Staatsverfassung
der Juden auf Grand des A. T., ib. 1896; E. Day, Social
Life of the Hebrews, New York. 1901; C. F. Kent, Stu-
dents* O. T.. iv. 126-133, ib. 1907; DB, i. 579-580, iv.
19-20. 27-29. 323-326. Extra volume, pp. 357-359; EB,
iii. 3808-11; DCO. ii. 385-386; JE, iii. 667-671.

POOR MEN OF CHRIST: Name assumed by the
followers of Norbert (see Premonstratensians)
and by the Waldenses (q.v.)

POOR MEN OF LYONS. See Waldenses.

Poor Belief
Pope

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

186

POOR RELIEF. See Social Service of the
Church.

POPE, PAPACY, PAPAL SYSTEM.

I. Development of the Papacy.

Roman Catholic Theory of the Papacy (f 1).

Papacy in Pre-Carolingian Times (f 2).

In Merovingian and Carolingian Periods (f 3).

Tendency to Absolutism Checked (f 4).

Spiritual and Temporal Supremacy Claimed (f 5).

Primacy of Jurisdiction (ft 6).

Primacy of Honor (J 7).

II. Election of the Pope.
Development of Present Method (f 1).
The Conclave (( 2).

The Election (5 3).
Procedure after Election ((4).

I. Development of the Papacy : Pope (Gk., pappas,
" father ") designates the bishop of Rome in his
position as supreme head of the Roman Catholic
Church. According to the doctrine of that church,
when Christ founded the Church as a visible insti-
tution, he assigned to the Apostle
z. Roman Peter the precedency over the other
Catholic apostles — making Peter his vicar, and
Theory of constituting him center of the Church
the Papacy, in that he conveyed to him alike the
supreme priestly authority (see Keys,
Power op the), the supreme doctrinal authority,
and the supreme direction of the Church (Matt,
xvi. 18, 19; Luke xxii. 32; John xxi. 15-17). But
since the Church is a perpetual institution, Peter
must needs have a successor, and the ecclesiastical
succession is to be secured in that position for all
futurity. On account of Peter's connection with
the bishopric of Rome, which he is held to have
established, this succession, with its derivative
rights and titular primacy, is permanently attached
to the Roman see; though not, perforce, to its local
site in the city of Rome. The succession devolves
upon the actual bishop of Rome; and so Peter as
vicar of Christ lives on in the Roman bishops, the
popes. The doctrines thus outlined are dogmas of
the Roman Catholic Church; and therefore they
become immutable and fundamental principles of
its formal constitution.

But in the light of objective historical contem-
plation, the pope's primacy appears to be solely
the product of evolutionary centuries. It is not to
be denied that even from the second century and
in the third century the Roman con-
2. Papacy gregation and the Roman episcopal
in Pre- see enjoyed a significant and positive
Carolingian esteem in the West. The Roman
Times, church not only stood accepted as
founded by the Apostle Peter, but was
also the sole church in the West which could boast
of apostolic establishment, let alone the fact that
its site was the pivot of the ancient world, and thus
facilitated a vast range of communication with the
other churches and congregations. Yet though
even so early as in the third century the peculiar
distinction and the precedency of the Roman
church were based in Rome upon succession to the
rights of Peter; nevertheless, not even the Council
of Nicsea knows of a Roman primacy over the whole
Church. But what really proved of decisive influ-
ence in winning legal prerogatives for the Roman
bishop were the issues of the dogmatic controver-

sies that agitated the Church from the fourth
tury forward; since in these controversies the posi-
tion of the bishop of Rome was of determining
weight for the very reason of the high respect
joyed by his church, because Rome supported
due maintenance of orthodox doctrine. The Syno&
of Sardica (343) permitted a bishop who had
deposed by the metropolitan synod to appeal to
bishop of Rome. Just as this implied a right o4T
supreme jurisdiction on the part of that dignitary^
to uphold which appeal could soon be made to that
Council of Nicaea, because the decrees of Sardica.
became consolidated with the canons of that coun-
cil, so did Innocent I. (404) lay claim to a supreme
right of adjudication in all " the more grave and
momentous cases "; and about the same time, he
claimed the right of issuing obligatory regulations
for the several districts of the Church. At the out-
set, however, these were mere assumptions; nor
could the bishops of Rome bring them to practical
effect beyond Italy or in such countries as Illyria
and southern Gaul, where the local situation hap-
pened to be favorable, and where there happened
to be voluntary overtures in behalf of close connec-
tion with Rome. As a matter of fact, in the year
445, Leo I. obtained of Valentinian III. by an im-
perial law (Novella Valentiniani, iii.. til. 16), recog-
nition of primacy, in particular that of the su-
preme judicial and legislative right of the Roman
see. However, this law was binding only on the
West; and it involved neither a renunciation of
the emperor's right of exercising the imperial pre-
rogative to legislate in ecclesiastical affairs, nor any
abolishment of the rights of councils convened under
imperial authority. It was not by legislation, but
principally by interfering in this or that special,
important concern that, both before and after this
law, the Roman bishop was able to substantiate
his assumed supreme control of the Church, and
even in the fifth century to play a deciding hand in
affairs of the East. Still more significant becomes
the status of the Roman bishop from the close of
that century, when the Germans found separate
kingdoms in Italy. But, at the same time, his
local sphere of power became narrowed by the es-
tablishment of the Germans in Gaul, Spain, and
England; a condition that arrested the progress of
the centralizing process already started in those
countries.

Especially in the most notable of these new
states, in Merovingian " France," the direct con-
trol of ecclesiastical affairs through the Roman
bishop was legally debarred. Any-
3. In thing of that kind could come about
Merovingian only subject to royal approbation, al-
and though the pope was acknowledged to
Carolingian be the first bishop in Christendom,

Periods, and the preservation of communion in
the faith with him was accounted in-
dispensable. But the king alone possessed the de-
ciding authority respecting the law of the Church,
jointly with the royal or national synod by him
convened, the decrees of which could become bind-
ing on the state only by the king's approbation. A
change in this respect did not set in till in course of
the eighth century; when the Carolingian major-

127

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Poor Belief
Pope

domoe, closely allied as they were with Boniface,
endeavored to cooperate in his project of reorgan-
tiing and effectually reforming the secularized
rtankish church. The same situation persisted
under Charlemagne. In the universal Christian
commonwealth, such as his empire came to be re-
garded, he exercised not only the chief temporal
sovereignty but also the control of ecclesiastical
affairs, though he evinced even greater zeal than his
predecessors in assimilating the order of the Frank-
ish church to the Roman canons and praxis. For
Charlemagne, the pope ranks merely as the first
bishop of Christendom and of the emperor's domin-
ion, who possesses certain prerogatives above the
other bishops, and is especially called, in view of
ids station, to watch over the spiritual side of the
Church and over the proper maintenance of its
canons and doctrine; yet who may not assume, in-
dependently of the emperor, any right of control
over the church of the Frankish realm. Several
things conspired to bring about a transformation
of the earlier situation. These were the weakness
of Charlemagne's successors; the political compli-
cations provoked through the struggles in the fam-
ily of Louis the Frank; and the strifes among the
Frankish bishops. The imperial and royal power
was no longer in a position to preserve intact its
ecclesiastical leadership, while the essentially moral
influence exercised hitherto by the pope, merged
into an encroachment upon ecclesiastical and po-
litical ground in proportion as he became repeatedly
invoked by the wrangling parties themselves to
decide the issue, while they sought to strengthen
themselves through his authority. Above all, it
was Nicholas I. (858-867) who contrived to employ
all these conditions to the furtherance of his policy
of subordinating princely and temporal power to
the Church, of quashing autonomy of the ecclesias-
tical primary courts in the various countries, and
of vesting deciding control in the bishop of Rome.
Pope Nicholas I. found material support for his
efforts in the opportunely originated Pseudo-Isi-
dorian Decretals (q.v.) just then coming to the
front.

But the dissolution of the Carolingian empire and
the resulting confusion which involved even Italy,
together with the comparative decline of the pa-
pacy, soon hindered the prosecution of that policy.
To raise the papacy out of its degra-
4. Tend- dation, there needed nothing less than
ency to the renovation of the German empire
Absolutism under Otto I. Indeed, the empire,
Checked, even as late as the eleventh century,
did wield its own sovereignty over the
pope and the Church, and at the same time endeav-
ored to reform the Church internally, being
supported in this by the bishops whom it had inde-
pendently invested, who were therefore subservi-
ent to the imperial will. The dynasty of Otto did
not, indeed, reassert the maxim of the Carolingian
civil code, that the supreme authority or power in
ecclesiastical matters, especially in legislation, be-
longed exclusively to the emperor. On the con-
trary, the house of Otto took practical cognizance
of the theory then already established, that just as
the universal State had its apex in the German em-

peror, so the universal Church had its center in the
pope. In fine, the emperors disposed of momentous
measures in Church administration, such as the
creation of new bishoprics, the revival of earlier
canon laws, and the execution of reforms in accord
with the pope, largely through synods that were
held with the pope conjointly. By this policy the
emperors cooperated in speeding the way to the
general recognition of the pope's primacy in the
Church, and to that course of events which began
to prevail shortly after the middle of the eleventh
century.

About that time there loomed up in Rome the

domination of a party in the Church which sought

to free it from the influence hitherto exercised by

the temporal power; not only to place

5. Spiritual the guidance of the Church in the

and hands of the pope, but also to subject

Temporal the temporal rulers, above all, the Ger-

Supremacy man emperor, to the papacy as being
Claimed, the directive secular force, the defini-
tive world power. This party's princi-
pal exponent, Hildebrand (see Gregory VII.), as-
sumed as a privilege of the pope to be subject to no
judge, and even claimed the right to depose em-
perors, to bear the imperial insignia, to decree new
laws, to hold general councils, to erect new bishop-
rics, to divide and combine the same, to depose
bishops, translate them, consecrate clerics of all
churches, receive appeals in all cases, and to have
sole decision in all weighty matters of every Church.
Under Gregory's leadership of the Curia, and his
subsequent pontificate, the influence of the Roman
nobility and people upon the papal election became
debarred; the imperial right of nomination, with
attendant right of confirmation, was abolished;
while ecclesiastical reform was accomplished through
successive synods convened by the pope alone, and
composed of his own loyal supporters. These synods
acted as a papal senate, and did away with the im-
perial synods. Gregory also repeatedly decreed the
deposition of bishops, and ultimately annulled the
emperor's antecedent right of appointment or in-
vestiture to the episcopal sees, over which the con-
flict issued between the German empire and the
papacy (see Investiture), and this terminated in
the emancipation of the papacy from the imperial
overlordship. So the papacy became the court of
last resort in the concerns of the Church, and also
strove to win authoritative and leading power in
the contemporary civil fabric of Europe. This was
achieved under Innocent III.; though at the same
time and by the same process the independence or
autonomy of the local church tribunals, in particu-
lar the episcopal, was broken. Yet the bishops
themselves had, for the most part, promoted the
policy inaugurated by the Curia in the middle of
the eleventh century, although with the under-
mining of the imperial and princely power they
forfeited the essential support of their own freedom
in relation to the papacy. The pope, who there-
after was regarded as the vicar of God, or of Christ,
and from the time of Innocent III. designates
himself as such, laid claim to the supreme sover-
eignty over the Church and the world alike, though
the temporal rule is committed for practical execu-

Pope

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOO

128

tion to the emperor and other princes subject to
the pope's control. In the Church the pope alone
commands the supreme and summary power —
which exalts him above all accountability before
any human judge and above and before a general
council. This was claimed not in virtue of the an-
cient canons, but solely through the dogma of di-
vine right. The pope claimed a general right of
dispensation and absolution; he alone could trans-
late and remove bishops; whereas the archbishops
and such titular bishops as he consecrated were re-
quired to render an oath of obedience patterned
after the vassal's oath of allegiance. He heard
cases of appeal from all quarters of the Church,
and even decided primary cases. He reserved bene-
fices for his own disposal; he assessed particular
churches and the clergy for general ecclesiastical
objects; and he sent abroad his delegates to all
parts of the contemporary Roman Catholic world
to carry out his rightful behest, overruling the or-
dinary local church tribunals. These theories reach
their high tide at the beginning of the fourteenth
century, are collectively termed the " papal sys-
tem," and found their classic expression in the
much-quoted bull of Bonifacius VIII., Unam sane-
tarn ecclesiam (q.v.; text in Reich, Documents, pp.
193-195; Eng. transl. in Thatcher and McNeal,
Source Book, pp. 314-317). At the same period, and
primarily in France, the temporal power began to
react against the excessive stretch of papal power,
and its encroachments upon the temporal jurisdic-
tion, while toward the close of the same century,
evoked by the great schism (see Schism) which
began in 1378, there cropped out a new trend, the
so-called " episcopal " system, canceling or deny-
ing the " papal," which was dogmatically rejected
by the Vatican Council of 1869-70, and that deliver-
ance has been accepted by the Roman Catholic
Church as complete and final.

The present canon law doctrine distinguishes the
pope's rights under two heads, " primacy of juris-
diction " and " primacy of honor." In virtue of
the primacy of jurisdiction, there ac-
6. Primacy crues to him the supreme power over
of Juris- the Church in government and leader-
diction, ship; and in the execution of his charge
he is bound only by dogma and the
divine right. As touching any other law that has
force in the Church, he is to respect the same so
long as it exists. The most important rights in-
volved in the primacy are the supreme right of
legislation ; the supreme direction and final decision
of matters affecting ecclesiastical offices; the su-
preme judicial competency in cases of dispute,
correction, discipline; regulation of the various
religious institutions, particularly the orders and
congregations; the supreme control of the ecclesias-
tical exchequer and assets of property; the right to
uphold unity in the liturgy, as also in the adminis-
tration of the sacraments and use of sacramentals;
to direct the festivals in the Church at large; the
right of beatification and canonization; the right
of according indulgences and regulating fasts; and
that of reserving for himself the absolution from
sins pertaining to the sphere of conscience. Fur-
thermore, the primacy carries with it the supreme

doctrinal authority. And when the pope voices his
decisions in this respect, speaking or publishing ex
cathedra; when in virtue of his apostolic authority
as pastor and teacher of all Christians he defines a
proposition affecting faith or morals in the inter-
ests of the whole Church, his pronouncements are
then informed with infallibility by reason of divine
assistance, without need of any further assent on
the part of the Church, as in a general council (in
the ConstUuUo Vaticana of July 18, 1870, the bull
Pastor aternus, iv.). It is in virtue of this doctrinal
authority that he can issue spiritual decrees in the
cause of enlarging the dogma, and of defining ques-
tionable dogmatic subjects; that he can condemn
errors of doctrine, institute and direct missions,
found educational establishments, and watch over
the instruction therein dispensed. According to
this " Vatican Constitution " the pope is not only
empowered to exercise all these rights which his
primacy conveys, in the manner of a supreme court,
but he is also, by virtue of the same primacy, the
universal bishop in all the Church. That is, he has
an immediate, complete and canonical episcopal
power over all churches, dioceses, and believers.
For although it is an exaggerated statement to say,
as do the Old Catholics, that under this Vatican
dogma the bishops have become legally dwarfed
into mere vicars or attorneys of the pope, yet the
Ultramontanists may deny that any change what-
ever has been brought about in the status of the
bishops by force of the Vaticanum. While the Vat-
ican Council by no means put aside the episcopal
office as a distinct, or " independent " office, yet
the bishops are in fact reduced to the same position
as the vicars dependent on the pope directly. Ow-
ing to his supreme directive authority over the
Church, the pope also represents the Church abroad,
particularly in relation to civil governments, and
this with a standing recognized in international
law. But this is not to imply that, even in the
states where Roman Catholics are in the majority,
he enjoys a sovereignty over Roman Catholic citi-
zens on like terms with the civil power; nor that
his position in respect to civil governments is to be
deemed equivalent to that between two independ-
ent sovereigns and states.

The pope's " primacy of honor " finds expression
as follows: (1) In certain specified designations,

titles, and forms of address appertain-

7. Primacy ing to him alone: such as papa, ponti-

of Honor, fex maximus, or summus pontifex;

vicarius Petri, vicarius Dei or Christi;
serous servorum Dei; and in the forms of address,
SancUtas tuat or vestra, or sanctissime pater. (2) In
the insignia of the papal dignity: the tiara, a head-
dress evolved from the combination of miter and
crown, with three golden bands about the miter;
the pedum rectum (straight pastoral staff); and
the pallium, which, in distinction from the arch-
bishops, he wears at all times and places, when
officiating at mass. (3) The pope is entitled to tho
so-called adoratio, the homage due to him by the
faithful in genuflection and kissing the papal font,
now restricted solely to ceremonious audiences and
formal acts of homage; while with ruling princes,
it consists merely in kissing his hand. Apart from

139

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pope

his position as leader of all the Church, the pope is
eoinridently bishop of Rome, also archbishop of
the church province of Rome, primate of Italy, and
patriarch of the West. Finally, the pope was also
temporal sovereign of the Papal States (q.v.), while
they existed, and as such he occupied, in view of
international law, the highest rank among Roman
Catholic princes.

H Election of the Pope: In early times the
bishop of Rome, like the diocesan of any other see,
was chosen by the local clergy and people, assisted
by neighboring bishops. Later the Roman em-
perors and the Ostrogothic kings exercised an in-
fluence, particularly in deciding disputed elections.
After the fall of the Ostrogothic king-
i. Develop- dom in Italy, vacancy of the sec of
ment of Rome was formally announced to the
Present exarch at Ravenna, and a new pope
Method, was elected, usually on the third day
after the burial of the former pontiff,
by the clergy, the nobles, and the people of Rome.
The exarch, after receiving the official report of the
election, secured the approbation of the emperor,
whereupon the newly elected pope was duly con-
secrated. During the decline of Lombard power in
Italy, secular rulers exercised no supervision over
papal elections, and at the Lateran synod of 769
the laity were restricted to mere acclamation of an
election made by the clergy and to confirming the
protocol. While the story that Adrian I. con-
ferred on Charlemagne the privilege of filling the
papal throne is now acknowledged to be untrue, it
is still a moot question whether the Frankish kings
and emperors were merely informed by a new pon-
tiff of his election and consecration, or could con-
firm the election and require an oath of fealty. It
is certain, however, that after 824 a new pope was
usually consecrated only after taking the oath of
allegiance to the emperor, while the Roman council
of 898 enacted that a pontiff should be consecrated
only in the presence of imperial envoys.

With the restoration of the Holy Roman Empire
(q.v.) by Otto I. the Romans were obliged to prom-
ise that no pope should be elected or consecrated
without the approval of himself or his son, thus
giving the emperors an influence on papal elections
which was hitherto unprecedented. Though the
old forms were preserved, the election became a
mere form of choosing the candidate designated by
the emperor, this power being held, despite all ef-
forts of the Roman nobility, until the death of Henry
III. in 1056. At the Roman Synod of 1059, how-
ever, Nicholas II. issued a decree which placed the
election in the hands of the cardinal bishops, aided
by the other cardinals, while the remaining clergy
and the laity were allowed only the privilege of
acclamation. The king, on the other hand, received
from Nicholas the right of confirming subsequent
elections, or at least of vetoing undesirable candi-
dates before election. This arrangement proved
impracticable, however, and at the third Lateran
council, in 1179, Alexander III., tacitly presup-
posing in the abrogation of imperial prerogatives
the absence of any share of clergy and laity in
papal elections, enacted that the vote of two-thirds
of all the college of cardinals was necessary for the

IX.

lawful election of a pope. This forms the basis of
the present laws governing papal elections, the
principal supplements and modifications being
enactments of the second council of Lyons (1274)
and Clement V. (1311?), and the constitutions of
Clement VI. (1351), Julius II. (1505), Pius IV.
(1562), Gregory XV. (jEterni patris of 1621, and
the Cceremoniale in electione Romani pontifids ob-
8ervandum of the same year), Urban VIII. (1626),
and Clement XII. (1732).

Until the most recent regulations under Pius X.

(q.v.), after the pope's death, the next ten days are

devoted to preparations for the funeral ceremony

and to preliminaries of the election; especially to

the institution of the conclave. This

2. The interim serves at the same time to en-
Conclave, able cardinals at a distance to reach

Rome for participation in the election.
The conclave, an apartment in which the cardinals
must proceed with the election guarded and ex-
cluded from the outer world (which they are not
allowed to leave before the election is completed), is
made ready in the Vatican, and comprises a chapel
(for the elective transaction), together with a suite
of halls in which cells are fitted up for the cardinals1
and the conclavists' lodgings. The conclavists are
persons who have to attend the cardinals in the
conclave; such as their servants, two physicians, a
sacrist, two masons and carpenters, and others.
The cardinals and conclavists occupy this apartment
on the eleventh day, after a solemn high office.
Hereupon the constitutions on papal election arc
read forth, and sworn to by the cardinals, and the
conclavists are sworn in. At evening, all unauthor-
ized persons must leave the conclave; and now the
entrances are all walled shut except one, through
which food for the persons in the conclave is
daily introduced; and this one entrance is strictly
guarded.

For participation in the election, only those car-
dinals are of qualified authority who have received
consecration to the diaconate. Neither is such a

one debarred by excommunication,

3. The suspension, or interdict. Absentees
Election, can deliver their vote neither by letter

nor by substitute. Theoretically every
Catholic male Christian, even a layman, who has not
lapsed into heresy, is eligible. But since Urban VI.
(1378-89), previously archbishop of Bari, none but
a cardinal has been elected (cf. G. Berthelet, Muss
der Papst ein ItaLiener seint Leipsic, 1894). The
states of Austria, France, and Spain have the right,
for each state as affecting one candidate, of declar-
ing a cardinal passively ineligible; but the election
of an " excluded " candidate can not be challenged.
In regard to the election itself, it is forbidden, under
penalty of forfeited vote, to engage in " electioneer-
ing." Every cardinal present is bound, under pain
of excommunication, to take part in the business
of election, which is in order twice a day, forenoon
and afternoon, till the result be achieved. Where
voters are sick and unable to leave their cells, their
vote is of necessity sent for, and this by the hand
of cardinals expressly selected for the purpose by
lot. The only admissible kinds of election are (a),
the elecHo quasi per inspirationem, election by ac-

Pope

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

clamation; (b) the dectio per compromissum, in
which the cardinals, instead of electing the pope in
a body, unanimously transfer the elective preroga-
tive to a specified quorum of their colleagues (two
at least), and then instruct them in detail as to the
steps next to be observed in the matter: for in-
stance, whether unanimity or simply majority shall
be required; save that no unlawful forms, e.g.,
election by lot, are allowed to be adopted; (c) the
dectio per scrutinium, or by ballot. In this case all
the electors must write the name of their candidate
on one of the specially prepared voting tickets, con-
taining printed directions and to be folded; which
ballots they must deposit in order in a chalice upon
the altar, within view of the three appointed scru-
tineers. Next follows the counting of the ballots.
Should their number fail to tally with that of the
cardinals present, the balloting must be stopped,
and the votes are burned. Otherwise the result of
the voting is reckoned up, and the election is ended
— provided a candidate has received more than the
requisite two-thirds majority. Should it so happen,
however, that he has received only just that ma-
jority, it is ascertained by opening his ballot whether
he has not cast his vote for himself; which is against
the rules and nullifies the election. Ballots con-
taining the names of several candidates are void.
Where the balloting fails to yield the prescribed
majority for some one of the candidates, a special
procedure is still in order, the so-called accessus,
with the object of testing whether a contingent of
the voters will not surrender their candidates and
declare themselves for one of the others. This
amounts to a supplementary balloting to the first
ballot: in other words, the votes already cast stand
effectual, and the accessil votes are counted with
them. In order that a result may be reached by
this process, and yet that the vote of the individual
voter shall not be twice counted for his candidate,
the following regulations are in force with the ac-
cessit balloting. No one is allowed to repeat his
vote in the accessit, in favor of the candidate whom
he has already named in the ballot, but he can re-
tain his choice by writing on his ticket, Accedo
nemini. Nor can anv one receive a vote of accessit
who has not yet been nominated in the original
balloting. If the accessit yields no result, the whole
act of election stops, and the balloting must be
begun anew at the next elective session. More
than one accessit is inadmissible.

Pius X., who was elected in consequence of em-
ployment of the exdusiva (see Exclusion, Right of),
through the constitution Commissum nobis of Jan.
20, 1904, prohibited the cardinals, under penalty
of excommunication, to allow in the future the
veto of any government, even though expressed
merely in the form of a wish. Thus the exdusiva
is abolished. It is not yet known what attitude
the affected states will take in the matter. Through
the constitution Vacante sede apostolica of Dec.
25, 1904, this pope regulated the entire course of
papal election and at the same time introduced the
following innovations: the funeral rites for a de-
ceased pope are to last nine days, after which the
cardinals shall enter the conclave. But on the day
after the death of the pope the first session of the

Holy College is to be held, the rules for papal
tion in the conclave are to be read, and the oath
the cardinals and conclavists is taken. If the
loting leads to no result, there takes place no
cessory meeting, but a second balloting, under tbe
same conditions as the first. Simony no longer nulli-
fies election. Directions concerning the feeding of
conclavists are wanting, hence the rule of Leo XILT.
concerning the erection of kitchens within the con-
clave chambers remains unchanged. Secrecy after
the end of the conclave in respect to official affaire
is specially enjoined.

The elected candidate, upon confirmation of the
result of the election, is solemnly asked by the sub-
dean whether he accepts the election. With the
acceptance, he receives the papal office.
4. Proce- At the same time, and in accordance
dure after with a custom constantly in effect
Election, since the eleventh century, he an-
nounces what name he will bear as pope.
Thereupon the elected candidate is robed with the
papal vestments, and now begins their first adora-
tion on the part of the cardinals. Meanwhile the
sealing of the conclave has been canceled, and the
first cardinal deacon forthwith proclaims to the
people the proper name and papal name of the new
pope. In the afternoon of the same day there en-
sues first in the Sistine Chapel and then in Saint
Peter's the second and third adoration on the cardi-
nals' part, this time in public. If the pope elect is
not as yet dignified with the episcopal consecration,
but only with one of the lower grades of consecra-
tion, he receives the orders which are still owing
to him inclusive of the priestly consecration, by
the office of one of the cardinal bishops. The epis-
copal consecration, which in former times was per-
formed coincidently with the coronation, is now
usually appointed on a Sunday or festival preced-
ing. It is consummated by the dean of the college
of cardinals. If the pope elect was of episcopal
rank already, then a benediction takes the place of
consecration. After the consecration or benediction,
there follows the coronation by the dean of the cardi-
nal deacons with the triple crown in Saint Peter's,
and on some subsequent day the formal occupancy
of the Vatican.

Incumbency of the papal chair by any other
process than that of election by the cardinals is not
recognized by the present positive canon of the Ro-
man Catholic Church; and in particular it is held
to be unlawful for the ruling pope to appoint his
own successor; although attempts of that kind re-
peatedly came about in former centuries, and al-
though the competency of the pope to alter the
prevalent law in this respect can hardly be doubted.

E. Sehling.

COMPLETE LIST OF THE POPES.
According to the claim of the Roman Catholic Church the
Apostle Peter was the first pope and reigned from 41 to 67.

(67-79?) Linus

(79-91?) Cletus, or Anacletus

(91-100?) Clemens I.

(101-109?) Evarestus

(109-119) Alexander I.

119-126 Sixtusl.

? 128-137 Telesphorua

? 138-142 Hyginua

? 142-156 Pius I.

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

704-707 John VII.

708-715

716-731 Gregory II.

731-741.. Oratory III.

741-758

i2 (3 di«:
753-757 ...
767-797 Paul I.

III.

757-788
788-773

773-795

796-819 Leo III.

815-817 Stephen V.

I . Peechell.

834-837

837(40deyi)

837-844 Gregory IV.

844-847 Serfiua II.

847-856 ... L» IV.

865-868 Benedict m.

884-885 Adrian III.

885-891 Stephen VI.

801-896 fbnnoeus

896 (15 <Uys Boniface VI.

895-897 Stephen Vn.

911-913
913-M.y. 914 .
914-929

a in.

John X. •

935-939 . . Leo VI.

929-931 Stephen VIII.

931-936 John XI.

939-939 Leo VII.

939-942 Stephen IX.

942-949 Mexinus II.

945-956 Acnpetua

956-994 John Xll.f

993-966 Leo VIII.

964-905 Benediet V.

906-872 . . . .. John XIII.

973-974 Benedict VI.

974-983 Benediot VII.

983-984 John XIV.

984-986.. Boniface VII.

985-W6 John XV.

996-999 Gregory V.

997-998 John XVI.
Silvester II.

003 JohnXVII.

009.. John XVIII.

Herfius IV.
Benediot VIII.

1013 Gregory VI.. Antipope

1034-1033 John XIX.

1046 Benedict IX. (deposed)

046 Silvester III.

040 Gregory VI.

-1064

oIX.

is II.

-1057 Victor II.

Stephen X. (deposed)
Benedict X.

t removed 993.

isa«.

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

iaa

1099-1118 ....

UrbuU.

Paaohal It.

(Celse-

ed)

uoet

409)

163+1549

IBM

Aibertus, Antipope

1118-11 19 ...

GelaeuisTJ.

Oratory VIII., Antipope

1668-1572

PruaV.

tine). Antipope

1124-1130 ...

1591

Innocent IX.

1805-1621

LueiusII.

Anastaaius IV

Adrian IV

Viator IV.. Antipope

1689-1691

Alexander VDI.

. . Cahxtus III.. Antipope

1721-1724

1724-1730

1730-1740

1740-1758

. Imiooeut XIII.
Benedict XIIL
Clement XIL

. Benedict XIV.

l:-.
M-: i:.i ...

, Gregory VIII.

Clement III.

1789-1774

1776-1799

. Pius VT.

1316 1227 .

. . . Honoriue III.

. Celestine IV.

1241 .

1823-1829

. Leo XII.

1831-1846

1846-1878

Gregory XVI.

Pim IX. (kingial reign)

1201-1204

Urban IV.

Clement IV.

Gregory X.

Innocent V.

Adrian V.

John XXI.

1278 .
1278
1276-1277

Bhhjoqhaphy: For the
papacy aa for a mass

attached. The chief i
saigas* treatise*, in v
when urn noted the I
tor. Cieiahton. Von t
Milman, and Mirbt: o

A. Potthu.il. H-J.-.J; ,
Berlin. 1873-7*; R.-i.
Kehr. vols., i.-iv.. Be.

245, and others are so

McNe»l. .S,)„r,.-floo*.

Book of Mrtt-rvil II,-
For (he history of
consult: F Mnassen,
find dw tlttrn /h.rfr/,:rr
wood. Cathalm fetri:
Patriarchal*, 6 vols..
Do* Papmhum in ah
1867-89: A. von Ret.
vols., Berlin. 1X07-7
Pop-it*. 2 vols., Elb.
PapauU, It* premier*

nington. Epoch* of tt
quain. La PapauU a

Giwelbrerht. <;,:vli»-l.
Brunswick. 1881 eqq
tchel Kirch*. 4 vols.

1886-90. Eim. tnuul.
Die PapttwahUn von ,
wick. 1888; II. Dopffc
dm Karolinetm. Frail
Pttriiu Claim*. Lond

detaik of the deralopment of taa*
of literature the reader ia leferasJ
■Asaa i-ihi>* and the bibUograplueesa"

12HS-12K7. .

HoooriusIV.

1294

St. Celestine V. (ebdieat

13O3-I304

1.1 ■ UH

1316-1334
1334-1342..

1342-1352

1352-1362 ,.
1382-1370 ...
1370 1378 .

Benedict XI.

John XXII.

... Benedict XII.
Clement VI.

Gregory XI.

nd Ui/ntAUomMfilnM. Theeouroce
tMsBK Jaffe, Rcgcla; J. M. TCmt-
Uificum Vila; 2 vols.. Leipsic, 1802;
tmlifirum ftamanorwn, parts i.-aii.,
«o PontifirwH romanorum, ed. P. F.
lit.. 1900-09; and the various coi-
ned in Reich. Document*, pp. 127-

ittered in other porta of tho work:

.f theae-are found in Thatcher and

.p. 83-250, .309-340; also, in Hon-

1494-14U6
1406-1415. . .

!>■ hi" . .
1410 Ml ■ ...
111. II .

1417

Innocent VII.

Alexander V.

John XXIII. (deposed)

Martin V.

Clement VIII.

267 aqq.; end in F A. On. Aran.
an,, pp. 78 sqq., 261 sqq., 380 eqq,
he papacy id its various nlatioaa
D<rr Prima* di* BUckof, son Bom

halkirchrn. Bonn. 18S3; T. Greeo-
o political Hi*tory of the gnat Latin

oii.lr...,, ]■.:.'. \ \\ eetermayer,

ii ■■ :ir. . .
1447-1455 . .
HSd 1458 . .
1458-1464 . ..

Felix V.

Nicholas V.

Calixtus III.

Pius II.

trxicn .1- J ■■■. Scheflhausen,
ntont. Qfchickli dcr Stadl ft.'-*. 3
; R. Baxmann. Die Pahtii dcr
rfeld, 1868-60; E. Duroont. La
rmprrvur* r-/ir*fi™ tt It* premier.

1471-1484

Sixtus IV.

, 1877; P. Lanfrey. Hi*t. politvpt*
ris, 18S0; B. Jungmaim, DittrHa-

Paparv, London. I8S1; F. Hoc-

mojfvn Aqc. Paris, 1881; W. ran

1511-1521

Leo X.

* drr deuttchm Kaitmdt, 0 ml.'.,
J. Langen, OttchichU dcr r"-f

1534 1532 .

Clement VII.

Bonn, 1881-93; F. Gregorovhia,
m im AfiXetalier, 8 vols.. Stuttgart.

■ Clement V. moved the papal see to Avignon u
and his sue Bass, org continued to reside there for
yean, till Gregory XI. After that data ansa a f ort>
eohiani between the Roman popes and the Avignon

i 1309;
pope*.

mifa* VIII. bio Urban VI.. Bruns-
, Kaitettum und Pa p*ttr*ch*d unlit
urg, 1880; R. F. LittledsJe. Tht
la. 1889; J. J. I. von DoUingar,

133

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pope
Pordaffe

Tu.

Du PapsUhum, new ed., Munich, 1892; H. Wilfrid, Die
Qtxhkhte der Papste, Basel. 1894; O. Goyau, Le Vatican,
la papa d la civilisation, Brussels, 1895; W. Bright, The
Roman See in the Early Church, and Other Studies, London,
1896; C. Locke, Age of the Great Western Schism, New
York, 1896; M. R. Vincent, The Age of HUdebrand, New
York, 1896; L. Duchesne, Lea Premiers Temps de Vttot
pontifical, 764-1073, Paris, 1898; Eng. transl.. The Be-
ginnings of the Temporal Sovereignty of the Popes, 764~
1073, London, 1908; L. Rivington, The Roman Primacy,
A.D. W-461, London, 1899; T. F. Tout, The Empire
and the Papacy, 918-1278, London, 1899, new ed., ib.
1901; F. Foumier, Le PapauU devant Vhistoire, 2 vols.,
Paris, 1899-1900; F. Nippold, Papacy in the 19th Century,
Sew York, 1900; F. W. Pullen, The Primitive Saints and
the See of Rome, London, 1900; K. D. Beste, The Victories
of Heme and the Temporal Monarchy of the Church, Lon-
don. 1901; H. Bouvier, Le Oovemement de Viglise de Rome
d* la fin du premiere siecle jusqu'au milieu du troisiime,
fcootfbeliard, 1901; W. Miller, Mediaval Rome, 1078-
l&Oo, London. 1901; F. von Bach, Geschichte der Papste
■£■*». Beginne . . . bis tu Qregor XVI., Bamberg, 1902;
2^ . Barry, The Papal Monarchy from Gregory the Great to
Boniface VIU., 690-1803, London. 1902; A. D. Green-
|***Qd, Empire and Papacy in the Middle Ages, London,
_jfQB; J. Maitre, Les Popes et la papauU dfapres la proph-
attribuSe a Saint Malachie, Paris, 1902; Cambridge
**Um History, vol. 1. vi. 6S6sqq., Cambridge, 1902-09;
- Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz, Berlin, 1903; F. von
^udichum, Papsttum und Reformation im Mittelalter,
^fj»-1617, Leipaic, 1903; B. Labanca, II Papato. Sua
^^Vtne, sue lotte e vicende, suo awenire, Turin, 1905; G.
~*Vjtiger, Das Papsttum. Seine Idee und ihre Trager, Tubin-
SSjao, 1907. Eng. transl., The Papacy, London, 1909; J.
funnel, Histoire du dogme de la papauU des origines a la fin
**v qpatrieme siecle, Paris, 1908; J. J. Walsh, The Popes
**nd Science; the History of the Papal Relations to Science
during the Middle Ages and down to our Time, New York,
1903; G. Bartoli. The Primitive Church and the Primacy
«/ Rome, London, 1909; T. 8. Dolan, The Papacy and
the First Councils of the Church, St. Louis, 1910; A. C.
Jennings, The Mediaval Church and the Papacy, London,
1909; W. J. Simpson, Papal Infallibility and its Roman
Catholic Opponents, London, 1909; G. F. Young, The
Medici, 2 vols.. New York, 1910; W. E. Beet, The Rise
of the Papacy, A.D. 886-461, London, 1910; H. Koch,
Cyprian und der rOmische Primat, Leipsic, 1910; J.
Schnitser, Hat Jesus da* Papsttum gestiftet, Augsburg,
1910; J. S. Vaughan, The Purpose of the Papacy, London,
1910; and the works on church history, e.g., Schaff, Chris-
tian Church, ii. 154 sqq., iii. 299 sqq., iv. 203 sqq., v.
passim, vi. 252 sqq.

On elections consult: W. C. Cartwright, On Papal Con-
claves, Edinburgh, 1868; R. Zopffell, Die Papstrcahlen und
die mit ihnen im nachsten Zusammenhange stehenden Cere-
momeninikrer Entwickelung, Gdttingen, 1872; O. Lorenz,
Papstwahl und Kaiserthum, Berlin, 1874; M. Heimbucher,
Die Papstwahlen unter den Karolingem, Augsburg, 1889;
A. R. Pennington, The Papal Conclaves, London, 1897;
H. J. Wurm, Die Papstwahl. Ihre Geschichte und Ge-
brauche, Cologne, 1902; G. Berthelet, Conclavi pontefici
e cardinali nel secolo, Turin, 1903; P. Herre, Papsttum und
PapstwahU im Zeitalter Philippe II., Leipsic, 1907 (im-
portant).

POPE, WILLIAM BURT: Methodist; b. at
Horton, N. S., Feb. 19, 1822; d. at Hendon, Lon-
don, July 5, 1903. He studied theology at Rich-
mond College, England; was a Methodist pastor
(1841-67); and professor of theology in Didsbury
College, Manchester, from 1867. He published The
Words of the Lord Jesus, a translation from the Ger-
man of R. £. Stier (10 vols.; Edinburgh, 1855, and
later); Discourses on the Kingdom and Reign of
Christ (London, 1869) ; The Person of Christ (Fern-
ley Lecture, 1875; later ed., 1899); A Compendium
of Christian Theology (3 vols.; 1875-76); Discourses,
chiefly on the Lordship of the Incarnate Redeemer
(1880); Sermons, Addresses, and Charges of a
Year (1878); and A Higher Catechism of Theology
(1883).

PORDAGE, JOHN: English mystic; b. at
London 1607; d. there Dec., 1681. He studied
theology and medicine at Oxford, probably with-
out taking a degree, at least in course. In 1644 he
became curate of St. Lawrence, Reading, and in
1647 was made rector of Bradfield, Berkshire, be-
ing apparently recommended chiefly by his knowl-
edge of astrology. He soon began to examine Eng-
lish translations of Jakob Bbhme, and on the night
of Jan. 3, 1651, received a number of visions, to the
reality of which his wife testified. A band of about
twenty quickly gathered around the two vision-
aries, and for some three weeks there was no ces-
sation of apparitions. Under the Commonwealth,
Pordage was accused of heresy, the charges involv-
ing a sort of mystical pantheism, but he was ac-
quitted on Mar. 27, 1651. The accusations were re-
newed, however, by the Presbyterians John Tickel
and Christopher Fowler, and on Dec. 8, 1654, Pord-
age was ejected as " ignorant and very insufficient
for the work of the ministry." He was reinstated
in 1663, but about 1670 seems to have retired to
London, where he spent the remainder of his life.

About 1652 Pordage became acquainted with
Jane Lead (q.v.), introducing her to Bohme's mys-
ticism, and being won in turn as her adherent by
her own visions. In Dec, 1671, he received new
revelations, in which his spirit, detached from
sense and reason, was translated to the mountain
of eternity; and this experience evidently formed
the basis of his system of mysticism. Though deeply
influenced by astrology and alchemy, Pordage, like
Bohme, sought to make room in his speculative
system for everything essential in Biblical revela-
tion. In God he recognizes the being of all beings,
and the primal cause of all causes. The Father is
the generator of the Son, or Word, who constitutes
the center, or heart, of the Trinity. The Holy Ghost
is the life and force which executes the will of the
Father through the Son. Next comes the cosmic
sphere of eternity with three distinct categories of
space: outer court, sanctuary, and holy of holies.
In the center of this sphere, God's residence proper,
dwells the eye that represents God himself; in the
outer court it is closed; in the sanctuary, open; in
the holy of holies, revealed with full splendor. The
body of God, moreover, is eternal cloud, and its
outline that of Noah's ark.

An important place is assigned in Pordage's
scheme to a kind of intermediate being termed
Sophia, or heavenly wisdom, which he regarded as
the radiance from the eye of eternity, and as the
consort and attendant of the Trinity. He likewise
affirmed a series of emanations or spirits possessed
of the same substance as the Godhead. A lower
sphere is occupied by the eternal spirits of angels
and men; but while Adam's eternal spirit bore the
spirits of his sons, the souls and bodies of angels
and men are not immediately from God, but cre-
ated from the essence of eternal nature. This eter-
nal nature was not born of God, as was the eternal
world, but was created by him from the divine chaos
which concealed within itself the forces of the worlds.
He also taught a coalescence of the inner man with
the transfigured person of Christ, and had no sym-
pathy with conditions in the Church of his time.

THE NEW 8CHAFF-HERZOG

The principal works of Pordage were as follows:
Truth appearing through the Cloud* of undeserved
ficandal (London, 1655); Iniutrency appearing
through the dark Mats of pretended Guilt (1655); A
just Narrative of the Proceeding* of the Commission-
er* of Berk* . . . against John Pordoge (1655); and
the posthumous Theologia Myttica. or the Mystic
Divinitie of the Mternal Indivisible (anonymous;
1083). From his manuscripts was translated Vier
TractStlein . . . Von der Aeusseren Gebuhrt und
Fleischwerdung Jesit ChrisK . . , Von der My%-
tischen und innern Gebuhrt . . . Vom Getste de*
Glaubens . . . Experimental* Entdeckungcn von
Vereinigung der Naturtn, Essenzen, Tinduren, Lei-
her (Amsterdam, 1704). A number of other works
never published in English are mentioned in an ad-
vertisement appended to Jane Lead's Fountain of
Gardens (London, J697; cf. DNB, xlvi. 151).

A. RrKoa.

Bibuoqiufbt: The prima] sources for a biography are

meridionals. Btino a . . . Relation of the I'roceidina'

rami Aninadteriiont . . . upon a Book of ... J. Por-
aage. Lundon, 1655. Consult further; Q, Arnold. F nv
ttviiche KiitKrn- und KetterMitorie. iv. BIB. FtuJtSi

171* P. Poiret, BiWiofAsra «a|
1708;

17-1.

PORETE, MARGARETA. See Fres , Spirit,

BttETHBJEN Or THE, J 3.

PORPHYRY: Bishop of Gasa; b. at Thessalonica
ft 347; d. at Gaza. Feb. 26, 420. After spending
five years in the Scetic desert in Egypt, he passed
nn equal period in Palestine under privations which
impaired his health, visiting the sacred sites and
living in Jerusalem, where Bishop Praylius nnLiined
liiru pri'Nliytor and made him custodian of the wood
of the cross. Early in 305 he was consecrated bishop
of Gaza, where he increased the scanty number of
Christians, but at the same time met with bitter
pagan opposition, bo that he twice appealed to the
court to close and destroy the heathen temples:
Snt £398} through his deacon Marcus, and second
(401-402) in person together with the archbishop
of Cmuea, The temple of the god Mamas was es-
ju'eiilly offeri-ivi- to the Christians, and on his sec-
ond appeal the intervention of the Empress Eudoxia
secured the destruction of the shrine. On the site
was erected a magnificent church, the Euduxiurui.

(E. Hknnkcke.)
BnuaalMR! Thn YOa, by the draeon Hanoi. »ns edited
Willi comiiientnrv by M. Hiuipt for the Ilerlin Academy,
in the AMandtunaen, 187*. pp. 171-215, and published
separately. 1S75; it is also in AUB. Feb.. iii. 843-661:
in MPil. mv. WimV.M; ami e,I. by [he Bonn sociely for
philology, Leipaie. IH05; the dissertation of A. Nulh, De
Mam diaconl rilo Porphiirii. Bonn. 1897, Is important,
cf. Draseke, in ZWT. mi (lSsK), 352-374. Consult
further: Tillemont. Mtmoini, x. 703-7)6; Ceilher.
Auteuri taerft, vi. 329-330; DNB. iv. 444-445.
PORPHYRY THE HEOPLATOWIST. See Neo-

FLATONI8M, III., $ 1.

PORST, JOHArTlt: German Pietist and hym-
nolonist; b. at Oberkotzau (28 m. n.e. of Bayreuth),
Dec. 11. 1668; d. at Berlin Jan. 10, 1728. After
completing his education at the University of Leip-

aie, he became private tutor at Neustadt-on-the —
Aisch in 1602. Becoming; deeply interested in thses
writings of Spener (q.v.), three years later he n —
moved to Berlin, where he attended the lectures*
of the distinguished Pietist. In 1608 he was called
to be paster of Maichow and Hohen-Schonhausem
near Berlin, and six years later he became second,
preacher at the Friedericb-Werdersche und Doro—
tbeenst&dttsche Kirehe, in both positions remain-
ing true to the principles of Spener, and being a.
forerunner of certain later tendencies of the Ianere
Mission. In 1700 he became the chaplain of Sophie
Louise, the second wife of Frederick 1., and the
king invited him in 1713 to become provost of Ber-
lin. After some hesitation, Porst accepted, and be-
came at the same time senior of the Berlin clergy
und inspector of the Gray Friars Gymnasium.

Porst's independent literary work was inferior in
value to his practical activity as preacher and pas-
tor. Although twenty-four books of his have been
enumerated, many of these were only sermons, and
others excerpts from larger works written by him-
self. He devoted much energy to the collecting
ami editing of edicts and enactments in the inter-
ests of church government At the same time, be
wrote several larger works, especially the Theo-
logia practice regenitorum (Halle, 1743), and Theo-
logia viaiorum practica (1755), both ascetic treatises
conspicuously Pietistic in tendency. Porst is best
known, however, for the hymnal, prepared orig-
inally for Berlin but later used throughout Bran-
denburg, which is one of the chief repositories of
hymns breathing the Pietism of Spener and the
earlier Halle school. The hymnal first appeared
anonymously with the title Geisiliche liebtiche Lie-
der (Berlin, 1708), containing 420 hymns. A sec-
ond edition, with 840 hymns, including a special
rubric " on the hope of Zion," pertaining to hymns
of Chiliastic import, was issued as the Nun vermehr-
tex geintrdrhes Gcmngtruch (1711).. The third edi-
tion, Geistlichc und tieUiche Lieder (1713), Porst
issued in his own name. It contained 906 hymns.
The latest revision was that of J. F. Bachmann, of
the edition of 1728 (1855; last edition, 1901)
from which sixty-two hymns of a false subjectivity
were dropped, and an appendix containing 210
earlier or later good hymns was affixed.

(E. Idi

R.)

liehe Fahrung dtr Sttlen. Stuttgart, 1SSI. Consult fur-
ther: J. F. BachmMiQ. Zur OeneSichlr itrr Berliner Gt-
tangbarlitT. Berlin. ISM: idem. Die CnanabOrhrr Ber-
lin, ib. 1857; E. E. Koch, Otucliiehu da rftuVulHaJl.
voL iv.. Stuttgart, 1863.

PORT-ROYAL: One of the most famous of
French nunneries, noted for the influence which it
exercised in the seventeenth century on the Ro-
man Catholic Church and society of France during
the struggle against the Jesuits. It
Found*- was founded for the Cistercian order
tion: in 1304 by Mathilde de Garlande in a
Angflique. swampy unhealthy valley of the Yvette
about eight miles southwest of Ver-
nailles. Through the favor of the popes it was
made exempt from the jurisdiction of the arch-

186

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Porete
Port-Boyal

bishop of Paris, and in 1223 Honorius III. gave it
the privilege of the Eucharist even if the whole
country might be under the interdict, and the privi-
lege of asylum for such of the laity as might wish,
without taking the vows, to retire from the world
md practise penance. Though the nunnery early
became popular and wealthy, while its abbesses in-
cluded members of the most distinguished families
of France, it did not become important in the his-
tory of the Church until Jacqueline Marie Arnauld
was made its abbess. She was the daughter of
Antoine Arnauld (adopted name, Angelique de Ste.
Madeleine) and from a distinguished family bit-
terly opposed to the Jesuits (see Arnauld). Be-
coming abbess in 1602 at the age of eleven, she pro-
ceeded with a rigorous reformation and set on foot
a movement of far-reaching effect on the Roman
Catholic Church of France. At Port-Royal fast-
ing, mortification of the flesh, rigid seclusion, and
renunciation of all property were required; and
the practical works of love, such as the care of the
fl'ck, as well as exercises of self-sanctification and.
devotions, were cultivated with equal fervor. She
succeeded in winning her distinguished family to
iier position, nineteen members of which entered
Port-Royal. In 1618 Angglique went, at the re-
quest of the abbot of Clairvaux, to Montbuisson
to reform the decayed nunnery there. Five years
later she returned to Port-Royal accompanied by
thirty nuns. On account of the unhealthful situa-
tion Angelique in 1625 purchased the building
which is now the Hospice de la maternite* near the
Luxembourg, Paris, calling it Port-Royal de Paris
to which she transplanted the nunnery. In 1627
the joint nunnery passed from the jurisdiction of
the abbot of Citeaux to that of the archbishop of
Paris, and the abbesses were now chosen only for
periods of three years. In 1630 Angelique resigned,
thus meeting the wishes of Sebastian Zamet, bishop
of Langres, who (1626-33) was the spiritual direc-
tor of Port Royal, giving to it an entirely different
trend by substituting magnificence for simplicity.

In 1633 Zamet opened a nunnery near the Louvre
for the perpetual adoration of the blessed sacra-
ment, of which the archbishop of
St Cyran Paris made Angelique mother superior.
and The Shortly afterward Jean du Vergier de
Male Com- Hauranne became chaplain and con-
munity. feasor; he had been abbot of St. Cyran
since 1620, and was accordingly known
as St. Cyran (see Du Vergier, Jean). A close
friend of Jansen since his student days, an equally
uncompromising foe of the Jesuits and admirably
adapted to be a confessor, he was a man of com-
manding personal influence. In 1633 a small book
of Agnes, the sister of Angelique, the Chapelet se-
cret du St. Sacrement, discussing eighteen virtues of
Christ, was condemned by the Sorbonne. Zamet,
however, approved it, as did Saint Cyran and
Jansen. In gratitude for his aid, Zamet introduced
St. Cyran into the nunnery of the Blessed Sacra-
ment, whose inmates had been much offended by
the book; and through his influence the seculari-
sing tendencies of Zamet vanished more and more
until, May 16, 1638, this nunnery was abandoned
and its property and privileges were transferred to

Port-Royal. In 1636 Angelique returned to Port-
Royal, where her sister Agnes was chosen abbess.
St. Cyran became here, too, the spiritual guide.
Under his influence not only was there a marked
renewal of the deepest Roman Catholic piety in
the nunnery of Port-Royal, but a community of
male ascetics was formed, among whom were the
three brothers, Antoine Lemaistre, Louis Isaac
Lemaistre de Sacy (q.v.), and Simon de S6ricourt,
and also Robert Arnauld d'Audilly (see Arnauld).
The last was the eldest brother and the three broth-
ers were nephews of Angelique. The community
numbered only twelve in 1646, when it was at its
height. These new anchorites, who did not sever
themselves utterly from the world, alternated be-
tween their annual duties and diligent study of
the Bible and Church Fathers (especially Augus-
tine) together with meditations and conversations
on religious themes. Great attention was devoted
to the education of the young; and in 1646 regu-
lar schools were opened in Paris, and in 1653 in the
country. The entire number of pupils can not have
been more than 1,000. In 1660, however, the
schools were suppressed, and from 1670 to 1678
only young girls could be educated. The method
was characterized by individual training with
moral and religious emphasis, leading to the hap-
piest results. The aim was to awaken and promote
the minor powers and to conquer evil propensities.
The discipline was marked by vigilance, untiring
patience, gentleness, and prayer. The divine image
and the human fallibility of the pupil were to be
constantly kept in view. Racine was the most dis-
tinguished pupil and the " Petites £coles " made
a famous contribution to pedagogical history.

The prominence of Port-Royal could not fail to
expose it to opposition. A book on virginity, which
exhibited independence of thought, caused Riche-
lieu to imprison St. Cyran on May 14, 1638, in
the tower of Vincennes; where, directing his fol-
lowers uninterruptedly in his correspondence, he
remained until his release on Feb. 6, 1643, two
months after Richelieu's death. His great achieve-
ment during this period was his con-
Conflict version of Angelique's youngest broth-
er, Antoine Arnauld (1612-94; q.v.),
the greatest theologian of Port-Royal. In 1643
Arnauld's De la frequente communion (Paris, 1643),
with its protest against careless communing, its in-
sistence on repentance, and its warning against the
opus operatum, was a practical application of Jan-
senistic principles and the manifesto with which
Port-Royal openly declared war on the Jesuits.
Arnauld was cited to appear at Rome, but he did
not go, remaining for several years in concealment.
The period of 1648-56 was that of the greatest pros-
perity for Port-Royal. During the warfare of the
Fronde, the monastery was on the royal side; but
when, in his bull of May 31, 1653, Innocent X. con-
demned five theses of Jansen (see Jansen, Cor-
nelius, Jansenism) the war on Port-Royal as
the French citadel of Jansenism broke out. Arnauld,
expelled from the Sorbonne, Sacy, Fontaine, and
Nicole sought hiding in Paris. The community
obeyed the command to retire from Port-Royal,
but the threatened blow was averted by Pascal's

Port-Royal
Porteus

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

186

defense of Jansenism in his Lettree provinciates
(see Pascal, Blaise) and by the miracle of the
holy thorn, four days after the retirement, which
was the alleged cure of an ulcer in the eye of Mar-
guerite Perier, Pascal's niece, effected by touching
the holy thorn, and which was exalted by Port-
Royalists as a confirmation of their faith and by
the wonder-struck Jesuits as a new divine respite
for the Jansenists. The following years formed a
period of peace; but upon his accession in 1660,
Louis XIV. determined to annihilate both Jansen-
ism and Protestantism in France, and in April of
the following year both monasteries were com-
pelled to dismiss their pensioners, postulants, and
novices. Antoine Singlin, superior of the nuns,
barely escaped the Bastile and again sought hiding
with Arnauld in Paris. On June 8, 1661, the first
pastoral letter that by equivocations was to make
subscription possible appeared; which, not with-
out severe inner struggles, the nuns signed. On
Aug. 6 Angglique died at Paris. Port-Royal was
obliged to accept the Molinist Louis Bail as su-
perior, and neither Arnauld, Pascal, nor Singlin
dared to return. Bail's rigid examination of the
nuns one after another in both convents from
July 11 to Sept. 2, 1661, resulted in finding no sup-
port for the allegations against them. Neverthe-
less, on Nov. 28, 1661, they were forced to sign the
formula unreservedly. The controversies of Louis
XIV. with the Curia now gave a brief respite to
Port-Royal, but an attempt to reach a peaceable
understanding was thwarted by the stubbornness of
Arnauld. With the enthronement of H. de Pe*r6-
fixe as archbishop of Paris in 1664, the persecu-
tions were reopened, and on Aug. 21 he denied the
nuns the reception of the Eucharist. Twelve of the
nuns were then scattered in other nunneries and
nuns were brought from these convents to Port-
Royal in Paris. On Nov. 29 more nuns were re-
moved; and a few days after the archbishop ex-
communicated the entire monastery of Port-Royal
des Champs. Sacraments were denied; no novices
could be received; the sound of bells and common
worship ceased; and there was forced seclusion
from outside friends, until, early in 1669, Pope
Clement IX., by permitting an apparent ambiguity
in the subscription, enabled most of the Jansenist
party, including Arnauld, De Sacy, and Pierre
Nicole (q.v.), to sign the formula. The nuns were
finally persuaded to sign a petition of surrender
repudiating the five theses, to the archbishop of
Paris, and, Mar. 3, 1669, the interdict was formally
raised. Thus ended the long controversy in the
humiliation of Port-Royal, and its financial ruin
soon followed. Port-Royal de Paris and Port-
Royal des Champs were separated, the former se-
curing two-thirds of the properties.

Until 1679 Port-Royal enjoyed tolerable peace,
and the polemics of the leaders of the party were
now directed against Protestantism. Arnauld and
Nicole published their La PerpetuiU de la foi de

Vfylise catholique touchant VEuchar-
Decline. istie (Paris, 1669), and Arnauld also

thoroughly approved the revocation
of the Edict of Nantes. During this period of
peace the nunnery again increased in numbers; the

hermits returned; Pascal wrote his Peneiet, and
Nicole his Eseaie de Morale (25 vols., Paris, 1741,
1755). When, however, in 1677 Nicole implored
Innocent XI. to condemn the lax teachings of the
casuists, the king regarded his act as a violation of
the truce; and in the bitter controversy over the
regalia he was offended that the Jansenists sided
with the pope. Arnauld and Nicole were forced
again to flee from France, and on June 17, 1679,
Archbishop Harlay brought the royal mandate to
dismiss the pupils and the hermits and to admit
no more nuns until the number had fallen to fifty.
When this took place, the privilege was, however,
denied; the monastery began to die out; and in
1706 the last abbess of Port-Royal des Champs,
Elisabeth de Ste. Anne Boulard, died. The bull
Vineam Domini of Clement XI. (July 15, 1705),
with its summary condemnation of Jansenism,
hastened the catastrophe. The nuns signed it only
with a reservation. They were forbidden to re-
ceive novices or to elect a new abbess. On Nov. 22,
1707, the convent was again excommunicated, and
the king secured the issuance of a papal bull on
Mar. 27, 1708, which permitted the dispersion of
the nuns. On July 11 of the following year a de-
cree of the archbishop of Paris declared the con-
vent of Port-Royal des Champs suppressed and
gave its estates to Port-Royal de Paris. On Oct.
29 the remaining twenty-two nuns, ranging in age
from fifty to upward of eighty, were expelled by
military force; and, being thus dispersed, all sub-
scribed to the bull except two. The royal disap-
proval extended even to the buildings of Port-
Royal; and by a mandate of Jan. 22, 1710, the
convent and church were destroyed and even the
dead were removed and interred in a neighboring
cemetery. (Euqen Lachenmann.)

Bibliography: C. A. Sainte-Beuve, Port Royal, 5 voU..
Paris, 1840-60, new ed., 7 vols., 1908 (the best work,
though unsympathetic); Fontaine, Mhnoiree . . . de
Port Royal, 2 vols., Utrecht, 1736; Du Fosse. Mimoirts
. . . de Port-Royal, Utrecht, 1739; P. LeClerc. Vies in-
Ureseantee ... des reHgieuses de Port Royal, 4 vob.,
Utrecht, 1750; idem, Vies intereeeantee ... des ami* de
Port-Royal, ib. 1751; J. Besoigne, Hiet. de tabbaye de
Port-Royal, 6 vols., Cologne, 1754-53; P. Guflbert, MS-
moiree historiquee . . . extr Vabbaye de Port-Royal, vols,
i., iii., Utrecht, 1752-69; H. Qregoire, Lee Ruinee de Port-
Royal, Paris, 1809; H. Reuchlin, Geeehiehte von Port-
Royal, 2 vols., Hamburg, 1839-44; J. M. Neale, Hiet.
o/ the eo-called Janeeniet Church of Holland, Oxford, 1858;
Mrs. M. A. Schimmelpenninck, Select Memoir e of Port
Royal, 5th ed., London, 1858; J. Stephen, Eeeaye in
Ecclesiastical Biography, pp. 279-336, 4th ed., London,
1860; C. Beard, Port Royal, 2 vols., London, 1861; C.
Clemencet, Hist. litUraire de Port-Royal, vol. i.. Para,
1867; A. Ricard, Lee Premiere Jansenistee et Port-Royal,
Paris, 1883; E. Fenot, Port-Royal et Moony, Paris, 1888;
L. Seche, Lee Demiere Jansenistee (1710-18*0), 3 vols.,
Paris, 1891; R. AUier, La Cabale dee divots 1627-1666.
pp. 159-192, Paris, 1902; W. R. Clark, Pascal and the
Port-Royalists, London, 1902; A. Malvault, Repertoire
alphabUique dee pereonnee et choeee de Port-Royal, Paris,
1902; Ethel Romanes, The Story of Port Royal, London,
1907; A. Oasier, Abregi de Vhistoire de Port Royal cfapree
un manuscrit prepare" pour C impression par Jean-Bap-
tiste Racine, Paris. 1908; M. E. Lowndes, The Nuns of
Port Royal ae eeen in their own Narratives, New York,
1909; the literature under Pascal, Blaisb.

PORTAIIOVA, GENNARO: Cardinal; b. at
Naples Oct. 11, 1845; d. at Rome Apr. 25, 1908.
He was educated at the Jesuit College in his native

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

| oly, and nt the archiepiBOopal lyceum of Naples,
J itare be was professor of theology, 1877-83, be
' Ida being professor of philosophy in various Noa-
1 pcftu institutions 1875-83. In 1883 he was con-
' Mated titular bishop of Rosea and appointed
"'$ coadjutor of Ischia, to which see he suc-
ed on the death of his diocesan two years later.
Id [888 be was translated to the metropolitan see
d Btggio di Calabria, of which he was archbishop
ti3 his death. He was likewise apostolic adminis-
trator of the diocese of Bova from 1889 to 1895 and
ofOppdo in 1898-99. In 1899 he was created
anWl-priest of San Clemente in Rome. He
wrote Srrori r. deliri del Danninismo (Naples, 1872);
St la distinsione delta paralogia daUa Jisiolofia e su
lr nubie loro attinenze (1875); Oil Kvoluzionitti e
Is hn morale (Rome, 1881) ; Evolusione e miraculo
(%les, 1882); and La Filotofia tpeculativa

PORTER, EBErTEZER: Congregationalist ; b.
li Cornwall, Conn., Oct. 5, 1772; d. at Andover
Apr. 8, 1834. He was graduated at Dartmouth
College, 1792; ordained 1796, pastor in Washing-
ton, Conn.; Bartlett professor of sacred rhetoric
in the Andover Theological Seminary, 1812-32,
and president, 1827-34. He was the author of
Young Preacher'* Manual (Boston, 1819); An
Analysis of the Principle* of Rhetorical Delivery
(1827; 8th ed., by A. H. Weld, Boston, 1839);
Rhetorical Reader (Andover, 1831; 300th ed., New
York, 1858); Lecture* on Homiletics, Preaching,
and on Public Prayer (Andover, 1834); and Lec-
tures on Eloquence and Style (Andover, 1836).

Bnuosunr: W. B. Spncue, Amaii of the American
Pulpit, ii. 351-381, Now York, 1856; L, Woods. Hit. of
Ike Antlorrr TlmoiogKai Seminary, lb. ISM.

PORTER, FRANK CHAMBERLAIN; Congre-
gationalist; b. at Beloit, Wis., Jan. 5, 1859. He
was educated at Beloit College (A.B., 1880) and
the theological seminaries at Chicago (1881-82),
Hartford (1884-85), and Yale (B.D., 1886; Ph.D.,
1889). He was teacher of mathematics and Greek
in the Chicago High School (1882-84), and instruc-
tor in Biblical theology in Yale Divinity School
(1889-61), while since 1891 he has been Winkley
professor of Biblical theology in the same institu-
tion. In Biblical study he " advocates a strictly
historical method (in contrast to a dogmatic),"
while in theological position he is a liberal Evan-
gelical. He has written The Yecer Hara: A Study
in the Jewish Doctrine of Sin, in the Biblical and
Semitic Studies of the Yale Bicentennial Series (New
York, 1903) and The Messages of the Apocalyptic
Writers (1905).

PORTER, JOSTAS LESLIE: English Presby-
terian; b. at Burt, County Donegal, Ireland, Oct.
4, 1823; d. at Belfast Mar. 16, 1889. He graduated
at Glasgow (B.A., 1841; H.A., 1842); was or-
dained, 1846; studied theology at the Free Church
College and University, both Edinburgh, 1842-44;
pastor at Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1846-49; missionary
of the Presbyterian Church of Ireland in Damascus,
1849-59; professor of Biblical criticism in the Pres-
byterian College, Belfast, Ireland, 1860-77. He
was especially prominent by reason of his connection

with Irish educational institutions and interests.
He was the author of Five Years in Damascus (2
vols., London, 1855; 2d ed., 1870); Hand-book for
Syria and Palestine (2 vols., 1858; 3d ed., 1875);
The Pentateuch and the Gospels (1864); The Giant
Cities of Bashan, and Holy Places of Syria (1865);
The Life and Times of Henry Cooke, D.D., LL.D.
(London, 1871); The Pew and Study Bible (1876);
Jerusalem, Bethany and Bethlehem ( 1887) ; and
Through Samaria to Galilee and the Jordan (1888).
He edited J. Kitto's Daily Bible Illustrations (Edin-
burgh, 1867) and J. Brown's Self-Interpreting BibU
(1871).
Bivlioobafht: DNB, ilvi. IS7-18S.

PORTER, H0AH: Congregationalist; b. at
Farmington, Conn., Dec. 14, 1811; d. at New
Haven, Conn., Mar. 4, 1892. He graduated at Yale
College (1831), was master of Hopkins Grammar
School, New Haven (1831-33); tutor at Yale (1833-
1835); pastor at New Milford, Conn. (1836-43);
at Springfield, Moss. (1843-46); Clark professor of
metaphysics and moral philosophy at Yale College
(1846-71); and president of Yale College (1871-
1886). TTii presidency was a period of great ex-
pansion and progress, and bis wide fame as a scholar
was equalled by bis popularity and influence at
home. He was the author of Historical Discourse
at Farmington, Nov. 4, 1840, commemorating the
two-hundredth anniversary of its settlement (Hart-
ford, 1841); The Educational Systems of the Puri-
tans and Jesuits compared (New York, 1851); The
Human Intellect (1868, and many others); Books
and Reading (1870; 6th ed., 1881); American Col-
leges and the American Public (1870); Elements of
Intellectual Science (1871); Sciences of Nature ver-
sue the Science of Man (1S7 1); Evangeline: thePlace,
the Story, and the Poem (1882); The Elements of
Moral Science, Theoretical and Practical (1885);
Bishop Berkeley (1885); Kant's Ethics, a Critical
Exposition (Chicago, 1886); and Fifteen Years in
the Chapel of Yale College (Sermons, 1871-86;
New York, 1887). He wsa the principal editor of
the revised editions of Webster's Unabridged Dic-
tionary (Springfield, 1864, 1880).

Bibtjoorapht: O. S. Merrism. Noah Porter: a Memorial by
Priendt, Now York, 1303 (contains bibliography); W.
Walker. Creeds and Platform* of ConorBBationalitm, pp.
B50-M1, ib. 1893.

PORTETJS, BEILBY: Church of England

bishop; b. at York May 8, 1731; d. at Fulham (6
m. s.w. of St. Paul's, London) May 8, 1808. He
received his preliminary education at York and at
Ripon, and then entered Christ's College, Cam-
bridge (B. A. and fellow, 1752; D.D., 1767); he was
made deacon and priest, 1757, and in 1759 won the
Seatonian prize for a poem on death; he became
domestic chaplain to the archbishop of Canterbury
(Thomas Seeker, q.v.) in 1762, from whom in 1765
he received the livings of Rucking and Wittersham,
Kent, soon after exchanging them for Hunton, of
which he became rector; he received a prebend in
Peterborough, 1767, in 1769 became chaplain to
the king, and in 1776 bishop of Chester, being trans-
lated in 1787 to the see of London. As preacher
he was noted for marked ability and directness; as
bishop his excellencies were many. ~

Portlunoul* Indulgence
Portugal

rvt

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

the rising evangelicalism of the times, took great
interest in fostering the comfort of the poorer clergy
of his dioceses by securing funds for the increase of
their emoluments and also by procuring the abolish-
ment of the evil practise of making them sign bonds
to resign when requested; he was deeply interested
in the question of slavery and the welfare of negroes;
he promoted the cause of the British and Foreign
Bible Society, acting as its vice-president; and
was efficient in preventing the abuse of religious
holidays. He opposed the spread of the principles
of the French Revolution and equally the doctrines
of Paine's Age of Reason. He was himself possessed
of ample means, and these he used generously in
support of various of the interests noted above.

He was the author of many occasional sermons,
as well as of volumes of sermons, e.g., Sermons on
Several Subjects (London, 1784; 14th ed., 1813);
also of Review of the Life and Character of Archbishop
Seeker (1770; twelve editions); The Beneficial Effects
of Christianity on the Temporal Concerns of Man-
kind Proved from History and Facts (1804; 9th ed.,
1836) ; Summary of the Principal Evidences for the
Truth and Divine Origin of the Christian Revelation
(1800; 15th ed., 1835); and Lectures on the Gospel
of St. Matthew (2 vols., 1802; 17th ed., 1823). His
Complete Works were often published (best ed., 6
vols., 1816; really not " complete ").

Bibliography: His Life, by R. Hodgson, is prefixed to
vol. i. of his Works. Consult: C. J. Abbey, The English
Church and iU Bishops, 2 vols., London, 1887; J. H.
Overton, English Church in the 10th Century, ib. 1894; J.
H. Overton and F. Helton, The English Church {1714-
1800), ib. 1906; DNB, xlvi. 195-196.

PORTIUNCULA INDULGENCE: The title of a
plenary indulgence granted to all who should de-
voutly visit the Portiuncula Church (St Mary of
the Angels; see Francis, Saint, of Assisi, I., § 1),
near Assisi, at the request of Saint Francis of Assisi
by Honorius III. in 1223. This pope confined it to
Aug. 2; Gregory XV. in 1622 made it good for all
churches of the Observantist Franciscans on that
day; Innocent XI. in 1678 made its benefits ap-
plicable to souls in purgatory. In 1847 the Congre-
gation of Indulgences made it applicable to every
Franciscan church.

PORTO RICO. See West Indies.

PORTUGAL.

I. History and Statistics.
II. Evangelical Work.
The Conditions (f 1).
Anti-Roman Tendencies (f 2).
Evangelical Activities (§ 3).
Agencies Employed (§ 4).
Results and Prospects (f 5).

I. History and Statistics: Since October, 1910,
Portugal has been a republic. It is situated in
southwestern Europe, between Spain on the north
and east and the Atlantic Ocean on the south and
west; area, including the Azores and Madeira, 35,491
square miles; population, 5,423,132. The present
boundaries were established in 1255. At that time
began the struggles between the royal sovereignty
and the clergy, owing to the clergy's opposition to
royal taxation, or following measures against par-
ticular bishops. The Jesuits very early gained in-
fluence at court, became a ruling force in the edu-

cational establishments of the country, and through
them the Inquisition (q.v.) was introduced. This
development prevailed so that, in the first half of the
eighteenth century, the aggregate of the clergy and
nuns amounted to ten per cent of the population.
Under John V. (1706-50), with very great pomp,
the archdiocese of Lisbon was exalted to the rank
of a patriarchate, and the king of Portugal ob-
tained the title of rex fiddissimus. The property
of the Church increased more and more through
the donations of real estate, so that from the twelfth
century the cathedral churches have received one-
third of the parish church tithe. King Joseph
Manuel (1750-77), however, indorsed his minister
PombaTs demand for the expulsion of the Jesuits,
1759, and the secularization of a great part of the
church estates. The clergy grew very powerful
again under the next king and continued so by vir-
tue of the repeal of the constitution of 1821. But
a strong reaction set in again in the period 1834-
1836. The Jesuits, who had been recalled, were
again expelled; the tribunal of the papal nuncio
was abolished; not a few bishops and cloister clergy
were dismissed from their positions, and the assign-
ment of parishes was defined to be a function of
the civil government. All the monasteries for men
and their educational establishments were declared
abolished. This, however, was not practically en-
forced, and a concordat in the year 1842, failing
only in receiving the final state acknowledgment,
gave evidence of a new reaction. It obtained a
lease of existence both by the extension of orders
and congregations and by the multiplication of fra-
ternal organizations. These brotherhoods are sup-
ported largely by gifts; because they serve to es-
tablish orphanages and the like. In 1862, indeed,
most of the church estates were sold; but the pro-
ceeds were turned over to the clergy, and a consid-
erable yearly provision for the entire spiritual body
(700,000 milreis; $752,500), on the part of the
State, was fixed by statute. Though, in 1878, the
civil class-list was introduced on account of the
marriage of non-Roman Catholics, yet every other
innovation undesired by the clergy was omitted.
The hierarchy consists of the three ecclesiastical
provinces of Lisbon, Braga, and Evora, under which,
on the mainland, there are nine bishoprics cover-
ing twelve diocesan districts and upward of 3,800
parishes. The constitution of 1821, which long
since recovered its validity, declares the Roman
Catholic to be the only authorized church. No
building of worship may be erected by those of an-
other faith. [On the proclamation of the republic
action was taken looking to the elimination of the
religious orders.]

Education is retarded; only about one-fifth of
the population can write. Of the forty-one colleges,
eighteen belong to the clergy. There are German
Evangelical congregations at Oporto, Lisbon, and
on Fayal Island. Congregations of the Church of
England and of the Free Church of Scotland are at
Corunna, Oporto, Lisbon, and Porta-Legre.

WlLHBLM GOETZ.

n. Evangelical Work: Of all European coun-
tries Portugal is the only one that was never touched
by the Reformation. At the beginning of the six-

189

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Porttanoula Indulgence
Portugal

tenth century Portugal was enjoying the most
brilliant period of her whole history, and by reason
of her maritime and colonial enterprises
x. The was rapidly advancing to the front
Cwdftimw. ranks of European powers. Neverthe-
less, in the sphere of religion, she seems
to have escaped the stimulus which came to all other
European countries! during this or the following
centuries, from the Protestant Reformation. Sev-
en! reasons may be offered in explanation: (1) The
relative isolation of Portugal and her remoteness
torn the centers of the religious movement, to-
gether with the lack of easy means of communica-
tion in that period, precluded the possibility of the
Portuguese coming in contact with the followers or
the literature of the Reformers. (2) The absence
of that preliminary preparation which came to other
countries through the preaching of such early Re-
formers as Wyclif in England, Huss in Bohemia,
Savonarola in Italy, and Lefevre in France, had
left untilled the seed-plot in which the seeds of the
Reformation might have taken root. (3) The most
important factor, perhaps, in closing Portugal
Against the influences of the Reformation was the
political despotism, united with that of the Church,
which prevailed in Portugal at that time. This
union was further strengthened in 1536 by the
formal establishment of the Inquisition, and still
more firmly cemented in 1540 by the admission of
the Jesuits, into whose hands were committed the
destinies of the nation for the two centuries that
followed. Whatever the reasons may be, it is to be
remarked that Portugal has continued down to
modern times the most exclusively, if not the most
intensely, Roman Catholic of all the Latin nations;
and until to-day there has been no serious effort at
religious reform.

Through all the stormy history of the little king-
dom, Roman Catholicism has remained the State
religion, and but few crises have arisen in which
the voice of the Roman Catholic
Church has not determined the policy
of the nation. The only considerable
defection from that church so far may
be traced either to educational or po-
litical movements, rather than to the desire for re-
ligious reform. Toward the close of the eighteenth
century the gradual infiltration of the ideas of the
French philosophers inaugurated a " liberal "
tendency among the cultured classes, which has
steadily grown until to-day about fifty per cent of
the educated Portuguese, if not professedly infidel,
are in open opposition to the clergy. This move-
ment away from the Church has been limited some-
what by the dense ignorance of the great mass of the
people and the scant attention paid to education.
In 1878 the illiterates were 82 per cent of the popu-
lation and in 1909 they still comprised 78.6 per
cent. In 1900 there were only 240,000 pupils in the
elementary schools of Portugal, though education
has been declared compulsory since 1844. Like-
wise in the political affairs of Portugal the nine-
teenth century marked a persistent struggle by
certain elements of the population for " liberal "
principles. The pernicious interference by the Ro-
man Catholic clergy to defeat the aims of this move-

2. Anti-
Roman

ment attracted a constantly increasing hatred from
the working classes and has developed a strong anti-
clerical party among the masses themselves. In-
deed, the overthrow of the monarchy in October,
1910, with the flight of young King Manuel, seems
to indicate that liberal principles have now won to
their support the majority of the people. And
Senor Sebastiano Magalhaes Lima, one of the lead-
ers in the new republic, has announced that " the
program of reform will include the separation of
Church and State." On the other hand, the most
recent statistics indicate that the secular clergy in
Portugal numbers 93,979 parish priests in a total
population of 5,423,132, an average of one priest
to every fifty-seven inhabitants.

The foregoing facts would lead to the anticipa-
tion that the history of Evangelical Protestantism
in Portugal does not begin until the

3. Evan- nineteenth century, and that it owes
gelical its origin not to any stimulus received

Activities, from the Reformation of the sixteenth
century, but to the missionary activ-
ity of Protestant denominations during the last
century. As far as can be learned, it was not be-
fore 1845 that the Gospel was for the first time per-
sistently proclaimed in Portugal. Meetings were
commenced almost simultaneously in Lisbon and
in Oporto. In Lisbon it was Mrs. Helen Rough-
ton, wife of an English merchant, who first, with
her husband's assistance, held private meetings in
her house and established a school for Protestant
instruction. The Roughtons belonged to the Church
of England, and their humble efforts resulted in the
establishment of the Anglican Church of the Taipas,
Lisbon. Mrs. Roughton lived until 1885, but a few
years before her death adopted the views of the
Plymouth Brethren (q.v.). At Oporto the first
Evangelical worker was Miss Frederica Smith, who
began work privately in 1845. She was born of
English parents in Oporto and was subsequently
married to James Cooley Fletcher, United States
consul at Oporto. At Oporto there labored also
about this time, Rev. A. de Mattos, one of the con-
verts of a mission in Madeira, a naturalized Ameri-
can and probably the first Portuguese Protestant to
preach in Portugal. Since these early beginnings
several British societies have opened stations at
Lisbon and Oporto, as well as at several other of the
principal cities of Portugal. The Plymouth Breth-
ren have considerable strength, especially in Lisbon.
The Scotch Presbyterians also have a mission there.
The Wesleyan Methodists have an important work
in Oporto, under charge of Robert H. Moreton, who
has spent thirty-seven years at this post. The
strongest Evangelical church in Portugal is the
Anglican. It has several stations in both Lisbon
and Oporto. Besides this there are independent
Protestant churches at Oporto and Porta-Legre,
supporting their own pastors, while all over Portu-
gal there are little bands of believers, without or-
ganisation or a pastor, which are centers of influence
thoroughly Protestant in spirit.

It has been remarked that the first Evangelical
work in Portugal was done in connection with the
school. It is hardly necessary to state that this
method has been largely adhered to by the foreign

Portugal
Positivism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

140

societies. In connection with almost every station,
schools have been organized as the basis of opera-
tion, there being at least a dozen Prot-

4. Agencies estant schools in the two cities Lisbon
Employed, and Oporto. Scarcely less important

than the work of the missions and
schools has been that of the great Bible and Tract
societies. Says a writer from the field: " Represent-
atives of the union of Protestantism, the British and
Foreign Bible Society, and the Religious Tract So-
ciety have done and are doing the widest and deep-
est, though the least apparent, Gospel work. Their
general agent, Rev. Robert Stewart, with head-
quarters in Lisbon, keeps constantly employed six
or eight colporteurs, canvassing the different prov-
inces in Portugal and distributing Scriptures, tracts,
and Christian literature." Of the Portuguese ver-
sions of the Scriptures, only two have become gen-
erally known: a Roman Catholic version by Anto-
nio Pereira de Figueiredo in twenty-three volumes
(1778; see Bible Versions, B, XIV.; reedited in
seven volumes and greatly improved in 1804), and
a Protestant version by Joa6 Ferreira d'Almeida
(1693, for use in the Portuguese colonies; revised
and republished in Lisbon in 1874, and again in
1877). Besides, the American Bible Society pub-
lished a version of the New Testament in 1859, and
more recently the committee representing the Epis-
copalian, Presbyterian, Baptist, and Wesleyan
churches, has prepared, under the superintendence
of Rev. Robert Stewart, a complete new version of
the Bible. In connection with the mission and
Bible agencies there have been established at Lis-
bon and Oporto several Protestant papers, which
have a relatively wide circulation and have proved
valuable adjuncts in spreading the word of truth.

The latest official census of Portugal credits the
Protestants with something less than 500 members,
including foreigners. But this is obviously inac-
curate; no complete statistics are available from
the several societies, but conservative estimates
place the number of communicants at over 1,000,
with possibly 3,000 adherents.

It will be seen that the record of evangelistic
work in Portugal is brief, uneventful, and to the un-
sympathetic student uninspiring; in-

5. Results deed, measured in terms of adherents
and won, churches built, and schools or

Prospects, colleges opened, it must be admitted
that the results have hardly justified
the expenditure of money and toil and the sacrifice
of life at which they have been secured. Neverthe-
less, to the intelligent student of missions, who has
an adequate grasp of conditions in Portugal, the
Protestant propaganda conducted there does not
appear so fruitless, nor the outlook so hopeless as
the bare statistics seem to indicate. So far, the
work in Portugal has been preparatory merely, and
it has encountered those obstacles which are inci-
dent to pioneer efforts at evangelism in all Roman
Catholic countries, namely, the ignorance, irrelig-
ion, and intolerance of the people. It may be that
in Portugal these conditions have been more acute
than in other Latin countries. The large percent-
age of illiteracy has already been noted, and when
it is considered that the uneducated classes are the

only portion of the population that are Accessible,
ordinarily, to evangelistic effort, it will be seen that
the growth of Protestantism must depend almost
entirely upon the educational facilities which tfcw
missions can offer. In particular the ignorance o(
the Portuguese concerning Protestantism is am£*
zing. Both the peasant and the educated, the law-
man and ecclesiastic are wholly ignorant of £"to
nature. The peasant and the layman confound
Protestants with Jews, Moors, and unbelievers, aa*3,
taught by their priests, they have associated wifcA
Protestantism everything that is despicable aim^
immoral. As for skepticism, it is not confined t>^>
the educated but, as in other nominally Romav^Ei
Catholic countries, practical infidelity prevails fc^3
a distressing extent among the priests and peopl^^=»
and gives rise to the most appalling vices and inm- —
moralities in all walks of life. The Portuguese peopU^^
know nothing of tolerance as Protestants under*—-
stand it. A clause providing for religious tok
ance has long been in the national constitution, but
it has no reference to Protestantism. To the peoples
the only representative of Christianity is the Ro-
man Catholic Church, and tolerance means noth-
ing more than the right to oppose the Roman
Catholic clergy. It has not infrequently happened
that the people incited by the Jesuits and priests
have indulged in violent persecutions of Protes-
tants. In addition to all this the missionary ac-
tivities of Protestants have been projected in a
haphazard fashion and on a scale wholly inade-
quate to the measure of the need. Despite these
untoward circumstances enough has already been
accomplished to constitute a solid and necessary
foundation for the great work that yet remains to
be done. Moreover, when account is taken of what
has already been done in the face of such obstacles,
and of its significance in the light of the new era
that is even now dawning for Portugal, there is
room for the assertion that Protestantism has a
great mission to this priest-ridden people. The
missionaries are on the ground. They have occu-
pied the strategic points of vantage. They have
entrenched themselves in various directions, reach-
ing out from these centers. They have established
a few schools and churches and gathered at many
points the nuclei of Protestant communities. They
have sown the seed of truth broadcast by the printed
and preached Word, and are now ready for the
harvest. Meanwhile recent years have brought
about a vast change in the attitude of the people
toward education and the progressive ideas that
have brought prosperity to other nations. There is
a noticeable and increasing respect for literary at-
tainments, and recent writers display literary abil-
ity of no mean value. There is a general desire
among all classes of people to give their children
the benefits of education. There is a wide-spread
clamor for industrial and commercial reform; and
the almost peaceful establishment of the new re-
public with its liberal program of reform demon-
strates the unanimity with which the people are
awaking to the need of radical change in national
policies. Along with this there comes from the
bosom of the Church itself, in a communication
from the Franciscan monks to the hierarchy, an

141

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Portugal
Positivism

urgent demand for religious reform. In other words,
Portugal is approaching her renaissance, political
revolution, and Reformation all at once, and there
is no reason why the Reformation should not be
cast in the mold which Protestant evangelism has
provided. Juan Orto Gonzalez.

Bibliography: H. Sch&fer, Geschichte von Portugal, 5 vols. ,
Hamburg. 1836-54; E. MacMurdo, Hist, of Portugal, 2
vols., London, 1888-89; H. M. Stephens, Portugal, ib.
1891; W. A. Salisbury, Portugal and its People, ib. 1803;
H. E. Noyes, Church Reform in Portugal, ib. 1897; L.
Higgin, Portuguese Life in Town and Country, ib. 1902;
H. C. Lea, Hist, of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, new
ed., 3 vols.. New York, 1906; idem. Hist, of the Inquisition
of Spain, new ed., 4 vols., ib. 1906-07; F. E. and H. A.
Clark, The Gospel in Latin Lands, ib. 1909; J. MeCabe,
The Decay of the Church of Rome, ib. 1909.

POSITIVISM: The name applied to the teachings
of Auguste Comte (q.v.), which, since the middle
of the nineteenth century, have been accepted in
the stricter sense by what is practically a sect, and
more loosely by a large school of admirers of his
44 Positive Philosophy." The latter, by far the
more numerous, have usually regarded his later
political teaching, if not as the product of distinct
mental aberration, at best as a sentimental illusion,
or as analogous to Plato's " Republic " and " Laws,"
to be admired theoretically but incapable of prac-
tical realization. The system taught by Comte in
his first great book was essentially atheistic and
anti-theological; the only sciences there considered
as the main branches of human knowledge were
mathematics, mechanics (including astronomy),
physics, chemistry, physiology, and sociology.
Even psychology, the connecting link between
physiology and sociology, was omitted — a defect
which the English adherents of Comte, under John
Stuart Mill's leadership, felt obliged to supply.
This fundamentally non-religious attitude was based
in one aspect on the English and French sensualist
philosophy of the eighteenth century, especially on
Etienne de Condillac, Thomas Reid, and Dugald
Stewart; in its socialistic speculation it was largely
dependent on Marie Jean Caritat de Condorcet, and
in the leading ideas of its philosophy of history on
the Italians Giovanni Battista Vico and Tommaso
Campanella. In fact, what has frequently been re-
garded as Comte's principal achievement — the def-
inition of the law of human progress through the
three stages of theology, metaphysics, and posi-
tivism, or pure empiricism in the exact sciences —
is really found in both the last-named, as well as
in the French physiocrat Anne Robert Jacques
Turgot. In like manner his doctrine of the transi-
tion of the process leading to social perfection from
belligerent conquest to defense by force, and from
that again to peaceful labor, is nothing more than
a simple development of what Condorcet had taught
in 1793; and his theory of Fetishism (q.v.) as the
primal form of religion goes back in its essence to
Charles de Brosses (1760).

In spite, however, of this lack of originality, and
in spite of the transformation which the system
has received at the hands of John Stuart Mill, Her-
bert Spencer, John Fiske, and others, the " hier-
archy of the sciences " and Comte's general line of
thought have maintained a considerable degree of

popularity among English-speaking and French
philosophers. Among the latter it influenced espe-
cially Emile Littre, Hippolyte Taine, Ernest Renan,
and Theodule Ribot, while Henry Thomas Buckle,
George Henry Lewes, Leslie Stephen, John Tyn-
dall, and Thomas Henry Huxley took their stand on
the same " positive " ground, and the modern
Scottish sensualism of such thinkers as Alexander
Bain shows no slight traces of its influence. In
America John William Draper followed practical-
ly the same path as Comte in his History of the
Conflict between Religion and Science (New York,
1874), and more recently Paul Cams (q.v.), editor
of The Monist and author of several works of like
tendency, has conducted a propaganda which has
much in common with Comte's. Italy has its think-
ers of the same school in Tito Vignoli, Roberto
Ardigd, Pietro Siciliani, and Andrea Angiulli, and
not a few chairs of philosophy in Spain and Portu-
gal are occupied by adherents of Comte. Among
German positivists in the narrower sense may be
named Ernst Laas, Adolf Steudel, Friedrich Jodl,
Alois Riehl, and Georg von Gizycki; and as less
thorough-going adherents of Comte mention may
be made of such philosophers as Wilhelm Wundt,
Theobald Ziegler, and Julius Baumann.

There has been, however, much misconception
in the attempt to connect certain modern non-
religious systems directly with Comte. The evo-
lutionism of Darwin and Spencer has really little
in common with his doctrine; he vigorously com-
bated Darwin's forerunner, Jean Baptiste Pierre
Antoine de Monet Lamarck; and Huxley and other
leaders of the evolutionist school have in their turn
sharply criticized him. His attitude toward relig-
ion, nevertheless, has had not a little to do with
that of some of the leading opponents of religious
systems in more recent times. It is now clear that
Karl Marx took some of his most important and
characteristic doctrines from Comte's sociology; and
Friedrich Nietzsche (q.v.), after a period of almost
exclusive devotion to Arthur Schopenhauer's pes-
simism, adopted several points of Comte's teaching.

The Positivist sect, based upon Comte's Systeme
de politique positive, possesses popular manuals of
teaching and practise in the Calendrier positiviste
(Paris, 1849) and CaUchisme positiviste (1853). It
teaches " the transformation of philosophy into
religion "; but the philosophy thus transformed is
the positivist philosophy, with no belief in God,
the soul, or immortality. The cult of humanity on
which it rests is a fantastic veneration of heroes,
men of genius, scientists, and women. The calendar
contains nine sacraments and eighty-four recurrent
festivals. The thirteen months, of twenty-eight
days each, take their designations from notable
benefactors of the human race. Moses, Homer,
Aristotle, Archimedes, Caesar, Paul, Charlemagne,
Dante, Gutenberg, Shakespeare, Descartes, Fred-
erick II., and Bichat (a famous Parisian physician
and anatomist, d. 1802). Each of the days of the
week is dedicated to a minor hero, as Sophocles.
Horace, Copernicus, Galileo, and Cuvier. For the
administration of the sacraments and the general
direction of the body a sort of hierarchy is postu-
lated. The sect in England was for a long time

THE NEW 8CHATF-HER20Q

under the direction of Frederic Harrison and Rich-
ard Congreve, and in France principally under that
of Pierre Laffitte in Paria. When the latter died
in 1903, it was felt by many that "orthodox"
Positivism was near its end; but although the sec-
tion of Corate's followers which still preserves a
certain type of religious feeling is yet in existence,
It can not be said that they adhere closely to his
prescriptions. Their formulas vary, in fact, be-
tween a weakly naturalistic deism and a radical
atheism. The group of positiviats which grew up
around Francis Biting wood Abbot in America about
1870 catted themselves the professors of a " Free
Heligion," and their views, as expressed in Abbot's
" Fifty Affirmation!'," were in many ways much
more radical than Comte'a. Of a similar nature are
Borne manifestations of free thought in France and
Belgium, as they appear in Eugfine Semerie's peri-
odical La Politique potitive (Paris and Versailles),
in Jean Francois Eugene Robinet's Le Radical, and
in Edgar MoDteil's Catechisms du Hbre-penttur
{Antwerp, 1877), in which atheism is partially con-
cealed by a few phrases which have a thcistic riii£.
and a corresponding scheme of morality is taught
which is in its essence mere Epicureanism. The
German free-thinking sects founded by Eduard
].ii\vriilli;il ;md Ivliiiinl id'ieh are really German
products, with no closely demonstrable connection
with Comti', though some things about them {such
as the title of the latter, the Church of Humanity)
are reminiscent of his teaching. For an English
analogy to Comic's Positivism under the leader-
ship of ( loorge Jacob Holyoake, Charles Brailtaugh,
etc., see Secularism. (O. ZficKLEnt.)

]*[)■!. iHjuF!M-iir: Besides the literature in and under the
article on Comte (q.v.l, whete tbe eouroee nre given in
ntento, oonaull: C. dp Blignieiw. Eipatition abrtgte de la
pailosopnic H de la religion potitive, Paria, 1867; idem. Le
Doclrine ratline, ib. 1867; idem, £tudei de moral potiHtt,
ib. 1868; I,. Pine!. Ettai de philomipkie positive, H set, ib.
1857; C. Pellarin, Eaai critv/ue tar la phit-rophic potitive,
ib. 1804; J. H. Bridges, Unity of ComptSt Life and Doc-
trine, London. 1806; F. B. Barton, .to Oullinr of the Poti-
"w Religion, ib. 1807; J. Lade vi- Roc he^'-e Potiti '

tribunal de It

I, Paris, 1887; J.

Douboul. Le Poti-

™. Paris', isesi

1867; L- Andre-Nuyta, LePasitii

A. Angiulli, La Filotofia e la Ricerra potUii'a. Naples, 1808;
R. Ardig.i. Oprre filntafiche. 7 vol... Padua, 18o9-94; A.
d' Assist, Eeeni de philoeophie potitive on xit. t&ele. Pari*.
1870; T. H. Huxley. Lav Sermon*, London, 1870; P. Alex,
Dm droit et du patiiicitme, Paris. 187S; L. Adrian. Euait
cur ouelouet poinU de philotophie pontile. il>. IS77; M Ch»-
teauneuf, Le Fotitivitme et la malerialitme devant la loi
du projres. ib. 1877; E. Liltro. Aug. Comtr el la phitaio-
phit potitive, 3d <*{., ib. 1877; C, Baraellolti. La Morale
cjsfle Filotofie potitice. New York, 1878; R. Flint. Ami
Theifir Theorist, Edinburgh. 1879; idem. Philotophy of
Bittoru. ib. 1874; idem. AgnoMicvm, ib, 1903; L. Lianl.
La Science potitive et la metaphyeique, Paris. 1879; E.
Laaa. IdealUmut und Poeitiviemue. 3 vols.. Berlin. 1879-
1884: E. H. Beealy. Comte at a Moral Tm>'. London,
1880; J, H. Bridges, Comle't General Vine of Poticivitm,
ib. 1880; J. Ksinea. Seven Lectori* on the Doctrine 0/
Potitvritm, ib. 1880; J. F. E. Robinst. Le Poritivitme,
Paris. 1881; P. de Broglie. Le Fotitivitmte et la science sc-
pcnmrnfn.fr, 2 vol-., ib 1882; li. Allievo. Del PotiliviMmo,
Turin. IMS; J. H. Bridges. Comtr, Ike Successor of Arie-
Uitt'. London. 1884; R. faro, Littrt et la potitivirme, Paria.
1883; E. Caird. The Social PhUotophy and Religion of
Comte. Glasgow, 1885; P. Vallet, Le Kanlitmc et la pot-
itivieme, Paris. 1887; A. J. Balfour. Religion of Humanity,
London. 1888. W. Bender, Das Il'e.mdrr Religion, Bonn,
1888; W. Cunningham, The Path tovardt Knowledge,
pp. 147-163, London, 1S01: H. D. Hutlon, Comic, the

Man and Founder. London. 1801: E. de Robert?, La
Philotophie du tiecle: criticitme, potitivirme, cWutwB-
ieme, Paris, 1891; H. D. Hutton. Comic's Lift ami
Work Biceptional, hid finally Normal, LondDO. Jvjj;
E. de Roberty, Aug. Comic tt E. Spencer, Puis,
1894: L. U. Bilks, La Criti del Potitiriemo, Parma,
18SS; J. Halleux. Let Principet du poeiHntme, Pans,
ISM; C. Hillemand. La Vie et famerc (TAasiuas
Comic, ib. 189S; J. Watson. Comic, Mill and Speaeer,
2d ed,. London, 1898; C. Qilardoni. Le PotMtitma.
Vitry-larFrsacois, 1899; G. de Greet, PraMenw* ett
phUotophie patUae, Paris, 1900; L. Levy-Bruhl. LA
Philotophie fAvguete Comte, ib. 1900; P. BatiBol. X'ladaS
cfAuatoin et de Iheatogit potitive, ib. 1902 ; E. Risjnano, LA
Sodalogie dant le court de la philotophie potitive. ib. 1QQ3»
A. Banmann, La Religion potitive, ib. 1903: E. Com, Zr>
Philotophie potititt, ib. 1904; P. Grimanelli. La CrasM
morale et le potilivieme, ib. 1904; W. richmidl. Dcr KawijrJ
dee Wellantchauungen, Berlin. 1904; J. H. Bridges, /Itusr-
trationt of Potitivitm, London. 1907; F. Harrison, THm
Creed of a Layman: Apologia pro fide mea, London ind
New York, 1907; end cf. list or magaaine literatara i«>
Riobardaon. Encyclopedia, pp. 860-887.

POSSESSION, DEMONIACAL. See D/.moni.v.:-

P0S3EVIH0, pda"ae-vt'no, ANTONIO; ItaliaO
Jesuit, diplomat, and scholar; b. at Mantua 1531 ;
d. at Ferrara Feb. 26, 1611. He was a «ealous op-
ponent of Protestantism, first in the Waldenaiar»
valleys, and later in France, and especially afc
Avignon and Lyons. In 1577 Gregory XIII. com-
missioned him to labor in the cause ci recovering
the Swedish court and people to the Roman Catho-
lic Church, and as an imperial envoy he made good
use of the friendly ties that subsisted, through mar-
riage, with the royal family of Poland. His enter-
prise failed, however, for the pope would hava
nothing to do with the ecclesiastical compromises
UrirodoMd by King John III. Possevino then
labored in Poland and Russia until he was recalled
to Italy in 15S6. Here ho devoted himself to liter-
ary work, the results including Apparalua mctr ad
scriptures Veterit el Son Tettamenti (3 vols., Venice,
1603-06); Moacorta (Wilna, 1586); and Bibliotheca
seUcta ttadiorum (2 vols., Rome, 1593).

K. Benkath.

BtBUOOtupHr: J. d'Origoy, La Vie du Ptre A. Posscn'a,
Paris, 1713; Liohtenbersjer, x. 097-099; KL. x. 336-238.
An answer to hia Apparatus was made by T. James, A
Treatitt of the Corruption of Scripture . . . together with
a tuffidtnt Anemer unto ... A. Powefinc. London, 1811.

POSSIDIUS, SAINT: Biographer of Augustine;
d, after 437. Nothing is known of his life until
390 or 391, except that he was from northern
Africa and was a pupil of Augustine and his inti-
mate friend for forty years. In 397 he seems to
have been consecrated bishop of Calama in Nu-
midia. and he continually cooperated with Augus-
tine in the struggle against paganism and in the
war upon the heretics of the period, Arians, Mani-
cheans, Dooatists, Priscillianists, and Pelagians
(see Aogcstise, Smnt, of Hippo). The extirpa-
tion of the heretica, especially the Pelagians, was
doubtless due to the synodal activity of Augustine
and Possidetis- Between 394 and 424 Augustine
summoned twenty synods mostly at Carthage; and
while the signature of the bishop of Calama can
scarcely be proved, his energy at one of the Cartha-
ginian synods against the Pelagians won the praise
of Innocent I. in his Inter catera* Romano' of Jan.
27, 417 (MPL, jonriii. 783). In 429 northern Africa

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

was ravaged by the vandals of Getserich, and on
the destruction of CaJama Possidiue fled to Hippo,
where be was present at the death of Augustine
mi Aug. 28, 430. According to Prosper of Aqui-
tane, Poesidius and other bishops were expelled
from Africa in 437 by Cleiserich. Henceforth Pos-
sidius vanishes from history, and neither the place
nor the date of his death is known, though appar-
ently he lived to an advanced age. In the Roman
Catholic calendar hiB day is May 17.

Shortly after 430 Posaidius wrote his Vila Augut-
tini (ed. J. Salinas. Augsburg, 1764; MPL, xxxii.
33-66), a work at one.! enthusiastic, modest, and
reliable. He also made the first collection of the
numerous writings of Augustine under the title
inditvlus libromm, tractatuum et epistolarum sanrti
Augustini Hipponengit epUcopi (MPL, xlvi. 5 sqq.),
thus doing a valuable service for the earliest textual
transmission of his teacher's works.

(Fkans Gorhes.)
ftnuiKiimi; The boutoo Is hia own Vila Avawtini. ut
nip. Couult: ASB. May. Iv. 27-34; J. Salinas. De vita
n rtirui aatit wncti Ponidii, Borne. 1731; Tillrmont,
Mbnairu. vol. xui.; KL, x. 238; DCB, iv. 445-446;
Collier. A&turi ncrts, vii. 187, S2I-S22. £62, be. 22.
Some ilhiauatire nmltriil will lie found in A. Schwins,
AfrieanUchc Kirthe. pp. S3. US, 164. Gottiiigen, 1802;
F. Gomsi, in Dn&cht ZaUxArift far OucA^Uiic^ucm-
•diafl, i {18931, 14-70; L. Schmidt, GachichU dtr Wan-
oVn. Lciipac, 1901 <cf, F. G6ma in G(IA, 1B02, no. 10,
pp. 816-626).

POST, GEORGE EDWARD: Presbyterian; b.
in New York City Dec. 17, 1838; d. at Beirut,
Syria, Oct. 1, 1909. He was educated at the New
York Free Academy (now the College of the City
of New York; A.B., 1854). New York Univcrsity
(M.D., 1860), and Union Theological Seminary
(1861). He was then a chaplain in the United
States Army (1861-63), after which he was a mis-
sionary at Tripoli, Syria (1863-67). After 1867 he
was professor of Btirgery at the Syrian Protestant
College, Beirut, Syria. He was also surgeon to
the Johanniter Hospital, Beirut. In addition to a
number of text-books and other works in Arabic,
and besides many articles on natural history En
leading theological encyclopedias, he wrote Flora of
Syria, Palestine, and Syria from the Tauru* to Ras
Muhammad, nnd from the Mediterranean Sea to the.
Syrian Desert (Beirut, 1896).

POSTH,: A medieval Latin term for a marginal
Cote or a Biblical commentary affixed to a text,
being an abbreviation of the phrase post ilia verba
kxtus. The word first occurs in the chronicle (with
reference to examples of 1238 and 1238) of Nicolas
Trivetus. but later it came to'mean only homiletic
exposition, and thus became synonymous with
homily in distinction from tlie thematic sermon.
Finally, after the middle of the fourteenth cen-
tury, it was applied to un annunl cycle of homilies.
From the time of Luther, who published the first
part of his postil under the title Enarrationes epi»-
totarum et evangrJiorum qvat potttHat meant (Wit-
tenberg, 1521), every annual cycle of sermons on
the lessons, whether consist inn of homilies or formal
sermons, is termed a postil. A few of the most
famous Lutheran postils are those of SI. Luther
{KirehenpottiUe, Wittenberg, 1527; HauepodiUe,

1542, 1549), P. Melanchthon (Evangelien-PosHUe,
Germ., Nuremberg, 1549; Lat., Hanover, 1594),
M. Chemnitz (Evangdien-Po&tffle, Magdeburg,
1594), L. Osiander (Bauen-Postilte , Tubingen, 1597),
and J. Arndt (Evangelien-PostiUe, Leipsic, 1616).

The term postil fell into disuse during the period
of Pietism and the Enlightenment (qq.v.), but was
revived by Claus Harms (Winter-Poalille, Kiel, 181L?;
Sommer-Postille, 1815); and has again become
common through W. Lobe iEvangelien-Pottille,
Frommel 1848; EpieteJ-PostUle, 1858), and M.
Stuttgart (HerzpostUle, Bremen, 1882, 1890; Haua-
postiUe, 1887-88; PilgerpostiUe, 1890).

The Reformed Church, disregarding a regular
scries of lessons, has no postils; but in the Roman
dtholic Church the term has been kept especially
through L. Coffind (fland-Postill oder chrut-catholir
»ehe Unlerrichtvngen von aBen Sonn- und Feyr-
Tagen des ganUen Jahrs (Mainz, IC90; popular,
illustrated ed., reissued twenty-one times by H.
Herder, Freiburg- im-Breisgau, 1875-1908; Eng.
transl., T. Noethen, New York, n.d.).

(W. HotacHEB.)

POSTREDEMPTIONISM. See Calvinism, } 9.

POSTULATIOH: In canon law a legalized pro-
cedure of choosing a higher ecclesiastical official
where the candidate may be debarred by lacking
some of the canonical qualifications or by holding
another office which would hinder the legal accept-
ance of the one to be filled. Through postulation
(pottvlo), petition is made for the availability of
the person in question for election. Postulation
may be simple where it refers to dismission on ac-
count of some official impediment; or it may be
ceremonial and more real where it refers to canon-
ical defects (of which only minor ones are admissi-
ble) or when, for instance, the candidate is the con-
liimril bi.-liop of ii diocese. The proceeding in the
case of the simple postulation is like that of elec-
tion. In the case of the ceremonial an absolute
majority is necessary, unless there is competition
with a wholly qualified candidate, in which case
there is required a majority of two-thirds. After
the ceremonial postulation, the candidate made
eligible must seek admusio just as confirmatio after
an election. In the case of the rejection of the
pWitnlittinn the power of appointment reverts to
(he pope. With reference to the Prussian bishop-
rics ns circumscribed in 1821 the distinction be-
tween postulation and election was removed.

POTAMLENA: Christian slave and martyr at
Alexandria. The only two sources of value con-
cerning her, Eusebius (Hist, eccl., VI., v.; Eng.
transl., NPNF, 2 ser,, i. 253) and Palladius (fft#-
toria Lausiaea, iii.; MPG, xxxiv. 1009, 1014), re-
port that Potamirena belonged to the metropolitan
district of Egypt and was a martyr to modesty and
chastity rather than to religion. According to Euse-
bius, she was plunged into a kettle filled with boil-
ing pitch during the reign of Septimius SeveruH
(202-211), a certain Aquila then being president of
Alexandria, or according to Palladius in the reign

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

of Maximinus II. (about 306-310). The account of

iCusebiuH has been subjected to sharp criticism,
partly on account of a general resemblance of his
d am ription to many forged acts of martyra. It
t-liould iw in it i'il, moreover, that, according to Euse-
bius himself, legend early clustered round Pots-
ininma's name. It seems probable that Potamiiena
was really martyred, as Palladium states, during the
|w'r~i-..i[!iiiii of Maximinus, especially as particularly
barbarous modes of execution were employed by
bim; Palladius adds that he heard of her martyr-
dom, at least indirectly, from St. Anthony, the
father of hermits. (Franz Gorres.)

iinii :i,i.[-.ipnr: The aouroea are indicated in the text; dia-

ciiuioua of tb«M arc: B. AuW, Let Chr&itm dam tem-

l>ire rornoin, pp. 133-137, Paris, ltWI; P. Allanl. r/iaf.

dri pmtrulioni, H. 7S. 76. it). 1SS6; TillernQnt, Memoirex,

iii. 267-273, 611-512; DCB. iv. 447.

POTAMIUS: Biahop of Oltsipo (Liabon), c. 357.
According to Hilary, Dc aynodis, xi., the so-called
■second Sinnian formula of 357 ml drawn up by
llosius and Poturaius, while Phcebadius {Contra
Arianot, iii.) attributes it to Ursacius, Vulens, and
PotsmiUA- The Luciferiun (of San Lucur de Bar-
lamedj, Spain) presbyters l-'austiiiiisiiiid Mil reel ]i mis
iJ.i.Ih-IIkh prvcum) report that Potumi us merely Higned
tin1 formula. This latter work implies, moreover,
that Hoaius was cited to appear at Sirmium by
Potamius, whom llosius had denounced to the
churches of Spain as a heretic. The Luciferian
presbyters jusl. mentioned also say that I'olamius
originally held the Catholic faith but denied it
through greed for a piece of land, and that he died
while on his way to this pro|>erty. Catholic ortho-
doxy is shown in a letter of I'utamius to Athaiins.ius
(written before 357), and he is mentioned, together
with Epietetua of Ccntumcelhe, as an opponent of
Liberius at Rimini in 359 (MPL, x. 081). In the
previous year Phiebadius had seen in him an op-
ponent who would endeavor to tarry thrmich the
formula, and records a letter by him of Patripas-
n&n tendency. Potnmius was the author of two
brief treatises in barbarous Latin, preserved by
Zeno of Verona {MPL, viii. 1411-15), Dc Lazaro
and De martyrio Isaim propheta.

(EnflAR Hbnnecke.)
IShii-K-kiiupht: H. Florea, P.rpafta Swtrada, xiv. 178 aqq.,
Madrid. 1754 aqq.: P. B. Otxm. Kirrhmeetrhiihu nn
Spanien. ii- 1. Pl>. 234-21'5. 2i\ aqq.. ;1I5 nqq., Ren«u-
burji, 1*04; Oillier. Auieurt tacrU. iv. 549, v. 152. vi.
274; 0('B,iv.448.

POTHINUS (PHOTIHUS): Bishop of Lyons; b.
87; d. 177. According to Gallic tradition, he was
the first bishop of the see, predecessor of Iremeus,
and he may well have been consecrated before 150.
The account of his martyrdom, as given in the
letter of the church at Lyons on the perseeuli'ii
miller Marcus Aurelius (F.usebius. Hint, ted., V.,
i. 29-31], re ve;i Is I he intensity of feeling which pre-
vailed among both Christians and pagans.

(A. Hadck.)
Bi a i.i on ha en v: The " {Trillin tradition " appear* in (IrHsory

of Totim. ffi'tnria Fnimwini, i. !*), In ataria marlurum,

llviii.-xlix. Con-ult: Si-m.Jer, f'hrittia* Churih, i. 112.

677; DCH, iv. 449; Schaff. CJtnattM Church, ii. 65.

POTTER, ALOBZO: Protestant Episcopal
bishop; b. at Lu Grange, Dutchess County, N. Y.,

July 6, 1800; d. at San Francisco July 4, 1865. He
graduated at Union College, Schenectady, 1618;
studied theology in Philadelphia; was chosenpro-
fessor of mathematics and natural philosophy in
Union College, about 1821; ordained in 1S22; id
rector of St. Paul's, Boston, 1820-31; was mailed
to the professorship of moral and intellectual phi-
losophy and political economy at Union College in
1832, and was vice-president, 1838-45; and bishop
of Pennsylvania, 1846-65. He possessed remark-
able executive ability and genius for adniinittntua,
and by his command of men and means estab-
lished the Episcopal hospital at Philadelphia, re-
organised the Episcopal academy and founded the
Philadelphia Divinity School, as well as young 1
men's lyceums and working-men's institutes. Thir- 1
ty-five new churches in Philadelphia alone during ]
his bishopric attest his energy. He delivered » |
course of lectures before the Lowell institute in
Boston, 1845-49, on Natural Theology and Chr*
tian Evidences, without notes, which attracted
much attention. He was author of Discount',
Charges, Addresses, Pastoral Letters (Philadelphia,
1858); and Religious Philosophy (1872).
Bibuoobafht: M. A. d« W. Howe, Memoir* of the Lifc&i

Servian of Alamo Potter, Philadelphia, 1871.

POTTER, HEHRY C0DMAH: Protestant Epb-
copal bishop of New York; b. at Schenectady,
N. Y., May, 25, 1835; d. at Cooperstown, N. Y-,
July 21, 1908. He was the son of the preceding,
and was educated at the Koiscojeil Academy, Phila-
delphia, and the Theological Seminary in Virginia,
from which he was graduated in 1857. He was
ordered deacon in tbe same year and priesied in
1858. After being curate of Christ Church, Greens-
burg, Pa. (1857-58), he was rector of St. John's,
Troy, N. Y. (1858-66), when he became assistant
at Trinity, Boston. Two years later (1888), he ac-
cepted a call to New York City as rector of Grace
Church, a position which he held until 18S;;. I>, ing
also secretary to the House of Bishops from 1863
to ISS3, when he was consecrated b i * ho j>- coadjutor
of New York, assisting his uncle, Bishop Horatio
Potter. In 1887 he succeeded to the full adminis-
tration of the dioeese, over which he presided un-
aided until 1903, when D. H. Greer (q.v.) was eon-
secraled bishop-coadjutor. He was a brand mi ruled
man and cultivated the friendliest relations with
those outside of his own church. He also had a
[imminent p;irt in movements for civic reform. He
was justly honored and beloved, and will be enrolled
among the foremost of American citizens. Among
his numerous writings, special mention may be
made of his Sisterhoods and Deaconesses at Home and
Abroad (New York, 1871); The Gates of the East, a
Winter in Egypt and Syria (1877); SfTmons of the
City (18S1); II'n.vm-irt-.<< (1802); The Scholar and
the State (1897); Addresses to Women engaged in
Church Work (1898); The East of To-day and To-
Morrow (1902); The Citizen in his Relation to In-
dustrial Situation (1902); Law and Loyally (1903);
Modern Man and his Fellow Man (1903); and
Rtminiscenees of Bishops and Archbishops (1006),
Binuor.HiFIrT; lTillMlii A. Kcyaer. Bishop Patter, tkt

P/opte'i Friend, New York. 1910; W. S. Perry. The Epu-

eapatr in America, p. 277, ib. 1395.

146

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Potamta*
Power

POTTER, HORATIO: Protestant Episcopal
bishop of New York; b. at Beekman, N. Y., Feb.
9, 1802; d. at .New York City Jan. 2, 1887. He
ns educated at Union College (B. A., 1826) ; be-
cuae deacon 1827, and priest 1828; was pastor at
8mo, Me., 1827-28; professor of mathematics and
ufeml philosophy at Washington (now Trinity)
GoDege, 1828-33; rector of St. Peter's, Albany,
1835-54; provisional bishop of New York, 1854-
1861, and diocesan bishop after 1861. His admin-
ifotioo as rector and as bishop was marked by
eoogjr and success, while literary activity took
bigdy the form of sermons.

POTTS, GEORGE: Presbyterian; b. in Phila-
delphia Mar. 15, 1802; d. in New York Sept.
15, 1864. He was graduated from the University
of Pennsylvania, 1819; and studied at Princeton
Theological Seminary, 1819-21; was pastor in
Natcnes, Miss., 1823-36; of Duane Street Church,
flew York, 1836-44; and of University Place
Church, same city, 1845-64. He was an eminent
preacher, a leader in religion and philanthropy, a
beloved pastor and friend. He had a memorable
controversy with Bishop Jonathan Mayhew Wain-
wright on the claims of the episcopacy upon which
he published No Church without a Bishop (New
York, 1844).

POULSEN, ALFRED SVBISTRUP: Danish
bishop; b. in Roskilde (18 m. w. of Copenhagen)
Jan. 14, 1854. He was educated at Roskilde School
(B.A., 1871) and at the University of Copenhagen
(candidate in theology, 1878); after traveling
abroad he was appointed minister at St. Hans Hos-
pital and assistant to the provost of the cathedral
of Roskilde; was made court preacher in Copen-
hagen (1883); provost of the cathedral of Roskilde
(1896); bishop in Viborg (1901). For several years
he was privat-docent in the university of Copen-
hagen; was made secretary of the Danish Bible
Society (1885); president of the Danish mission
to the Jews (1890). In collaboration with Professor
Ussing he published a revised translation of the
New Testament (1895; 2d ed., 1897). Some of his
works are Fra Gethsemane til Emmaus, Faste- og
Festprddikener (1889); Fra Kampen om Mose-
bdgerne (1890); Philip Melanchthon i Aaret 1521
(1897); Del nye Testaments Opfattdse of den chris-
tdige Fuldkommenhed (1899); Prddikener holdte i
Roskilde Domkirke (1901); Prddikener holdte i
Christiansborg Slotskirke (1896); Moses. Udldg-
ningsbetragtninger (1903). John O. Evjen.

POURING. See Baptism, IV., 1, 3,

POVERTY, SUFFERING, AND THE CHURCH.
See Social Service or the Church.

POWELL, BADEN: English mathematician
and theological writer; b. at Stamford Hill, London,
Aug. 22, 1796; d. in London June 11, 1860. He
studied at Oriel College, Oxford (B.A., 1817; M.A.,
1820); was curate of Midhurst, 1820, and vicar of
Plumstead, Kent, 1821-27. From 1827 till his
death he was Savilian professor of geometry at Ox-
ford. He opposed the Tractarians, worked for uni-
versity reform, and was a member of the committee
of 1851. In 1860 he contributed to the famous
IX.— 10

Essays and Reviews (q.v.) an essay On the Study
of the Evidences of Christianity. His position was,
in the main, rationalistic. He rejected miracles as
being out of harmony with the methods of God's
government. His works of theological interest are,
The Connexion of Natural and Divine Truth (Lon-
don, 1838); Tradition Unveiled (1839; Supple-
mentt 1840) ; Essays on the Spirit of the Inductive
Philosophy, the Unity of Worlds, arid the Philosophy
of Creation (1855; 2d ed., 1856); The Study of the
Evidences of Natural Theology (in Oxford Essays,
1856); Christianity without Judaism (1857); and
The Order of Nature Considered in Reference to the
Claims of Revelation (1859).

Bibliography: DNB, xlvi. 237-238, where other literature
is cited. Consult also works cited under Essay and Re-
view; and of. the list of works called out by Powell's
essay in that volume, given in British Museum Catalogue
under " Powell, Baden."

POWELL, LYMAN PIERSON: Protestant Epis-
copalian; b. at Farmington, Del., Sept. 21, 1866.
He was educated at Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa.,
Johns Hopkins University (A.B., 1890), Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania (fellow in history, 1893-95),
and the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School, Phila-
delphia (1897). He was staff lecturer in history in
the extension department of the University of Wis-
consin (1892-93) and in the American University
Extension Society (1893-95). Since ordination he
has been rector of Trinity, Ambler, Pa. (1897-98),
St. John's, Lansdowne, Pa. (1898-1903), and St.
John's, Northampton, Mass. (since 1903). Theo-
logically he is a liberal conservative, and has writ-
ten: History of Education in Delaware (Washing-
ton, 1893); Six Sermons on Sin (Lansdowne, Pa.,
1903); Family Prayers (Philadelphia, 1905); The
Anarchy of Christian Science (Northampton, Mass.,
1906); Christian Science: The Faith and its Founder
(New York, 1907); and Heavenly Heretics (1909);
besides editing the series American Historic Towns
(4 vols., New York, 1898-1901).

POWELL, VAVASOR. See Fifth Monarchy
Men.

POWER, FREDERICK DUNGLISON: Disciple
of Christ; b. at Yorktown, Va., Jan. 23, 1851. He
was educated at Bethany College, Bethany, W. Va.
(A.B., 1871), where he was adjunct professor of
ancient languages in 1874-75, after having held
various pastorates in his denomination from 1871
to 1874. Since 1875 he has been pastor of the Ver-
mont Avenue Christian Church, Washington, D.C.,
and in this capacity was pastor of President James
A. Garfield. He was also chaplain of Congress from
1881 to 1883, and since 1898 has been president of
the American Christian Missionary Society. He
was assistant editor of the Christian Evangelist,
St. Louis, from 1902 to 1906. Among his writings,
special mention may be made of his Sketches of our
Pioneers (New York, 1898); Bible Doctrine for
Young People (1899); The Story of a Twenty-Three
Years' Pastorate (Cincinnati, 1899) ; Life of Presi-
dent W. K. Pendleton of Bethany College (St. Louis,
1902); The Spirit of our Movement (1902); History
and Doctrine of the Disciples of Christ (1904); and
Thoughts of Thirty Years (Boston, 1906).

Practical Theology

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

145

I. History of the Development of the
Science.
Biblical Indications (§ 1).
Early and Medieval Church (| 2).
In the Reformation and After (f 3).

PRACTICAL THEOLOGY.

Protestant Development (| 4).
II. Theoretical Discussion.
Basal Concepts (| 1).
Subdivisions (f 2).
Bouleutios (f 3).

flJniwifimtiTTn (f 4).
Relation to Non-theologieai

and Arte (ft 5).
Final Testa (ft 6).

L History of the Development of the Science:
The Christian Church engages in multifarious ac-
tivities connected with its belief in Christ and char-
acteristic of its life, these including missions, the
edification of its members, the per-
i. Biblical formance of public worship, and the
Indications, care of the poor and needy. All this,
as at present discharged, is but a con-
tinuation of what the Church has done from the
first. Immediately after the ascension, the disci-
ples began to preach in order to win new believers
(Acts ii. 36 sqq.) ; and those so won were baptized
(Acts ii. 41) and " continued steadfastly in the
apostles' doctrine and fellowship, and in breaking
of bread, and in prayers " (Acts ii. 42). Similar de-
velopment took place elsewhere (Rom. vi. 3; I Cor.
xi. 20, xii. 13, 28; Gal. iii. 27); the gentile Chris-
tians received specific rules of conduct (Acts xv.
20); the sick were the objects of special religious
rites (James v. 14-15) ; and the imposition of hands
was used in ordination (Acts vi. 6, xiii. 3; I Tim.
iv. 14, v. 22). The discharge of all these duties led
to the emergence of special persons to perform
them. Christ himself had chosen certain ones to
continue his work (Matt, xxviii. 18-20), and the
title of apostle, which he had given them (Luke
vi. 13), could be conferred by the Christian com-
munity (Gal. i. 1), and might even be assumed
falsely (II Cor. xi. 13; Rev. ii. 2). Other designa-
tions were also used; ruler (cf. Rom. xii. 8; Heb.
xiii. 7, 17, 24), elder (Acts xi. 30, xiv. 23; James
v. 14), bishop (Phil. i. 1), prophet (Acts xi. 27),
teacher (Acts xiii. 1), evangelist (Acts xxi. 8), serv-
ant (Phil. i. 1). See Organization of the Early
Church.

Before long, as may be seen from the Didache
(q.v.), a system of regulation was evolved, both in
ritual and legislation, although preaching, in par-
ticular, could not so strictly be out-

2. Early lined. The germs of practical theology
and lay in all these things. From this came

Medieval Liturgies, Symbolics (qq.v.), Cateche-

Church. tics (see Catechesis, Catechetics),
Homiletics (q.v.), and the rules gov-
erning the various orders of clergy, as well as eccle-
siastical functions themselves; and to this same
early period belong such efforts at practical theology
as Chrysostom's De sacerdotio, Augustine's De doc-
trina Christiana, Ambrose's De officii*, and Gregory's
Regula pastor alts. Medieval theology devoted most
attention to liturgies, next to canon law, of those
branches now considered parts of practical theology.
This fact was due to problems arising in the life of
the Church. Thus the need of instructing the clergy
in their duties gave rise to the De ecdesiasticis officii*
of Isidore of Seville, the De exordiis of Walafrid
Strabo, and the De institutione clericorum of Ra-
banus Maurus. These and similar writings dis-

cussed, from the medieval point of view, themn
which would now be regarded as parts of litarpa
and pastoral theology, with an attempt to pin a
historical foundation and explanation for the nb-
jects treated. Homiletics, on the other hand, re-
ceived comparatively scant attention, as con-
trasted with the discussions of liturgies by Rupert
of Deuts, Honorius of Autun, Sicardus, and Do-
rand; while the development of catechetics was
prevented by the fact that medieval catechising
was restricted to the hearing of texts and the read-
ing of authorised interpretations.

The fathers of the Reformation churches sought
to establish and regulate, so far as possible, wor-
ship, feasts, administration, and the duties of clergy
and congregation, this being exempB-
3. In the fied in such agenda as those of Bugen-
Reforma- hagen, Brandenburg-Nuremberg, Posi-
tion and erania, and Electoral Palatinate (see
After. Agenda). While the pastor, though
not the only person concerned in the
church, was yet the chief figure, his activity in its
various aspects was the main theme of the agenda,
and pastoral activity accordingly formed the cen-
ter of practical theology. But it was not enough
merely to lay down rules; the pastor must know
what he did and why. Directions and theoretical
bases must, therefore, be included, and these are
found in the Brandenburg-Nuremberg agenda and
similar early Reformation documents, which com-
mingle subjects belonging to dogmatic, exegetical,
historical, and practical theology, though all in-
tended was to subserve correct ecclesiastical pro-
cedure. One side required still more profound dis-
cussion— preaching; and the agendas accordingly
gave models for the preacher or referred him to
recognised authorities. Side by side with the offi-
cial agendas arose compends of all that the pastor
must know, do, and claim, these being Protestant
analogues to the Roman Institutio of Rabanus and
the Manuale curalorum of Surgantius. Since in
Luther the Lutherans saw the model of a pastor,
and since he had devoted no special treatise to this
matter, Porta, shortly after the Reformer's death,
compiled from his writings a Pastorale Lutheri, sim-
ilar productions being the Hirienbuch of E. Sarcerius
(1559), the Potior of N. Hemming (1566), the Hirt
of Zwingli (1525), the Pastorale of Lorich (1537),
and the De cura animarum of Butser (1538). All
these authors seek their basis in the Bible, and a
similar course was pursued with rigidity by Andreas
Hyperius (q.v.), who held that before practical the-
ology can be put in force, it must be made a part of
scientific theological study, and must be taught
systematically, not fragmentarily. Demanding an
immense amount of preliminary reading on the part
of the student, covering all practical theology ex-
cept missions, he held that such reading would in-

147

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pr&otical Theolog?

tolve preparation for the practical work of the min-
istry. All must be squared with the Bible, or, where
the Bible did not contain specific data, with the
commandments of love for God and one's neigh-
bor. In addition, he urged the preparation of a
work on church government, including the data of
the New Testament, relevant portions of church
Judory, excerpts from the councils, papal decrees,
Church Fathers, and works on dogmatics, liturgies,
and the like. Both Reformed and Lutheran theo-
logians were influenced by Hyperius, but they lim-
ited themselves to parts of practical theology, de-
clining to erect the massive structure he desired.
Protestant tenets required that the clergyman be
above all things primarily a preacher, while medi-
eval writers had deemed him rather a liturgist.
Practical theology, though not under that name
and not in all its parts, gained its place in the meth-
odology of theological study mainly as a system of
homiletics.

All theology being, either immediately or me-
diately, practical, the name practical theology
must be deemed a restriction of the designation of
the whole to a part. The wide exten-
4. Protes- ability of the word " practical " led
t&ntDevel- to its application to Christian ethics
opment and to church activities, for which the
study of theology both in general and
in its parts, as homiletics or ethics, formed the prep-
aration. It is remarkable that in all early discus-
sions of practical theology, as by Alsted, Gisbert
Voetius, and J. Forster, catechetics is lacking,
though the second-named divides the theme into
moral (or casuistic), ascetic, politico-ecclesiastical,
and homiletic theology. There was, indeed, a
catechetic theology, but this was construed as the
knowledge of the chief tenets of Christianity which
the theologian roust have for himself, not as a the-
ory of church instruction. It was not until the rise
of Pietism that catechetics became an integral part
of practical theology. It was in the transition from
the eighteenth to the nineteenth century that the
several parts of practical theology were recognised
as an organic whole, which was designated " prac-
tical theology." J. E. C. Schmid, in his Theologische
Bncyklop&die (1810), and G. J. Planck (q.v.) in his
Grundriss (1813), adopted this terminology, both
speaking of it as the one customarily used. It is
thus impossible to regard Schleiermacher as the
founder of practical theology, even in the sense that
it owed to him its scientific existence. At the same
time, he essentially furthered it by his Kurze Dar-
itdlung (1811, 1830) and by his lectures, and gave
it systematic development. While positing the mu-
tual interdependence of scientific and practical the-
ology, the latter is regarded as the crown of theo-
logical study, since it presupposes all the other
branches and prepares for their realization. Schlei-
ennacher's construction of the subdivisions of
practical theology was conditioned by his theory of
the Church, which he held to be the community of
Christian life for the independent exercise of Chris-
tianity. Since this presupposes organization, church
administration rests on a distinct formulation of
the original antithesis between leaders and led.
This administration is in the hands of the leaders,

or theologians, and Christian theology is the con-
tent of knowledge and regulation without which
the harmonious administration of the Church is
impossible. The community may connote either
individual congregation or denomination, and from
the religious life of the former Schleiermacher con-
structed homiletics, liturgies, catechetics, missions,
and pastoral care. From this point of view, prac-
tical theology includes the traditional subdivisions
with the addition of missions. The administration
of the denomination as a whole Schleiermacher
sought in ecclesiastical authority and in the free
power of the spirit, both having ultimately the same
end, but the former enacting or restraining, while
the latter inspires and admonishes, so that the
excellence of religious condition is directly propor-
tionate to the living interaction of these two
factors. The interest of the nexus between the
individual congregation and the denomination is sub-
served by church legislation, which affects liturgy
and usage, the membership of individuals in the
Church, and discipline and the building of churches.
It thus preserves both free development and unity,
besides guarding the relations of Church and State,
and to it is also assigned, especially to the theolog-
ical teacher and author, the task of pointing out
the norm which he must follow if his activity is to
benefit the entire body of his communion. In all
this Schleiermacher's importance lies in the fact
that he gave these elements systematic discussion
on the basis of church government. The historical
treatment, on the other hand, was less emphasized,
and both this side and the systematic aspect re-
ceived elaboration and development from Schleier-
macher's successors, the most important being Karl
Immanuel Nitzsch (q.v.).

II. Theoretical Discussion: The derivation of
practical theology from the essence of the Church
and the concept of the Church itself as the subject
and object of that theology have been maintained,

with various modifications, from the

1. Basal time of Schleiermacher. Mention may

Concepts, be made of such theologians as P. K.

Marheineke, A. Schweizer, Nitzsch,
and F. A. E. Ehrenfeuchter (qq.v.). Ehrenfeuchter
however, seems to exclude missions from practical
theology. But this difficulty is solved when it is
remembered that in its missionary activity the
Church follows the impulse to recover what really
appertains to it. The problem recurs more co-
gently in the case of home missions, and in so far
as such missions depart from their original charac-
ter and are devoted to charitable and humanitarian
ends, they come under the category of ethics rather
than of practical theology. The means for accom-
plishing that church activity with which practical
theology is concerned are generally agreed to be
prayer, preaching, and the sacraments, the congre-
gation being the agent in the first, and God in the
two latter. Since the object of this activity is the
congregation itself, practical theology must dis-
tinguish between the congregation as united with
the risen Christ in faith and as living in this world.
A distinction is accordingly drawn between the con-
gregation as existent (in possession of the means of
communion and of the spirit necessary to such com-

Practical Theology
Pr&destinatru

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

148

munion) and as nascent (subject to the in-
fluences of earthly life); and all this church
activity ultimately leads to the great distinction
between persons who act and persons who are
acted upon.

Turning to the traditional and generally recog-
nized subdivisions of practical theology, it is clear
that homiletics and catcchetics belong together in

so far as both are concerned with the

2. Sub- Word for the congregation, the differ-

divisions. ence being that homiletics deals with

the trained and catechetics with the
untrained. The object of liturgies is less clear, but
some light may be gained by reckoning under it the
theory of the prayer of the congregation. It may
then include hymnology and music, as well as con-
firmation, confession, marriage, and burial. It is
true that all these belong in part to the theory of
the Word, but their specific content appertains to
the theory of the prayer of the congregation. Here,
too, belong the dedication of objects, which God
is besought to give to the right people, and to endow
with his spirit. The theory of the administration
of the sacraments is meager if only the ceremonies
be described; but this administration depends upon
other problems, such as the justification of infant
baptism. The position of pastoral theology is pecu-
liar. Formerly, as still among Roman Catholic
theologians, it included all practical theology; and
traces of this excess still survive even among Prot-
estants, so that it involves both pastoral duties in
general and individual pastoral care. It is best,
however, to restrict pastoral duties in general to the
functions of the personage entrusted with the dis-
charge of the major part of that with which prac-
tical theology is concerned, and to confine pastoral
care to the special needs of individual cases (see
Pastoral Theology). If this be done, the two
subdivisions can not be combined, a fact which is
to the advantage of both. Home missions are a
special extension of individual pastoral care, so that
it is unnecessary for practical theology to treat it
as a special subdivision. Since, however, home mis-
sions do not employ pastors, pastoral theology
should no longer be restricted to pastors, but should
be extended to deacons and deaconesses. It must,
accordingly, be transformed into a theory of the
officials of the congregation, and thus of the entire
organization of the Church. In this way pastoral
theology becomes the last of the subdivisions of
practical theology; after the activities of the Church
have been set forth, the theory of the persons per-
forming them forms the conclusion. The theory of
the church year and of the Pericopes (q.v.) forms
part of Homiletics (q.v.), shading over into litur-
gies (q.v.)- The position of foreign missions (see
Missions to the Heathen) in practical theology is
uncertain, but E. C. Achelis is probably right in plac-
ing them immediately before the theory of church
government, for activity directed toward an already
existing Church must first be treated, and then that
directed toward the non-Christian world. The mis-
sionary theory of practical theology must not in-
vade church history or the training of missionaries,
but must be restricted to the position to be main-
tained by the Church in missionary activity and to

the means for rousing missionary enthusiasm within
the congregation.

J. C. K. von Hoffmann (q.v.) has added to the

functions of theological and ecclesiastical activity

the learned representation and counsel of the

Church, these being discharged by the theologian

in his ex-officio capacity as a member

3. Bou- of the religious community. From

leutics. this point of view apologetics and po-
lemics would fall within the scope of
practical theology, though these would still have to
be furnished by the exegete, historian, and dog-
matician, practical theology requiring them amply
in the interests of the present-day Church. For
this learned counsel von Hoffmann coins the word
" bouleutics," which, though without theoretical
development, is furthered not only by theological
thought, but also by periodicals and pamphleta-
Such voluntary counsel, however, can be beneficial
only when based on a solid foundation, and white
practical theology must indeed afford counsel, thia
must be accomplished through the theoretical de-
velopment of the duties of the Church, not through
a special system of bouleutics. Practical theology
itself must perform the office of bouleutics for all
ecclesiastical tasks and duties, and from its con-
centration on the present life and activity of the
community it follows that it must be denomina-
tional in character.

In the light of the foregoing, the means of the
life of the religious community may be classified as
follows: the theory of the prayer of the congrega-
tion (liturgies), of the Word for the
4. Classi- trained and untrained (homiletics and

fication. catechetics), the administration of the
sacraments, care for those members of
the congregation who are cut off from its life (pas-
toral care) and for the non-Christian world (foreign
missions), and the theory of the officiants and their
duties (theory of the officials of the congregation).
More important than this classification is the prob-
lem whether practical theology has its own field,
whether it is separate from exegetical, systematic,
and historical theology, or whether it is to be re-
ferred to them. In the first place, practical theol-
ogy is concerned with the establishment of an actual
state of things, all other theology with the knowl-
edge of such a state. Again, practical theology is
the theory of the technic of the right adminis-
tration of the ecclesiastical means of community,
prayer, preaching, and the sacraments. It is un-
deniable that practical theology needs the aid of
other departments of theology, but since these are
often inadequate for its requirements, it is obliged
to supplement them in all their capacities. But it
remains throughout essentially " applied theol-
ogy," and it accordingly treats all the material sup-
plied by the other departments of theology in a
distinctly characteristic fashion, developing the
practical application of such material in church
life and the theoretical basis of such application.
Between the theory of the nature of any theolog-
ical activity (e.g., baptism) and the performance of
such activity lies the theory of its performance, and
this theory is the specialty of practical theology.
Practical theology also sustains a close relation to

149

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Practical Theology
Pr»de«tinatu»

certain nun-theological sciences and arts in conse-
quence of the training of theologians and the pecu-
liar nature of Christian worship, and modern con-
ditions demand that the theologian
5. Relation engaged in practical work have more
to Hon- than has been included in his profes-
theofogkal sional education. It is not, however,
Sciences the function of practical theology to
and Arts, supply this need, any more than it is
the duty of exegesis or church history
to do so. Despite the fortuitous combination (for
example) of homiletics with rhetoric, or of cate-
chetics with pedagogics, practical theology can and
should, in reality, supply its own needs in these re-
spects from within itself. This division of theology
also bears a relation to the fine arts, for though these
sustain no essential connection with practical the-
ology, yet the construction and adornment of a
church edifice appertains to architecture, sculpture,
and painting, sacramental vessels may be artis-
tically embellished, and parts of the service may be
rendered in poetic or musical setting. In so far as
art furthers religious ends, it may be employed by
practical theology; when it passes beyond these
limits, it must be rejected.

A far more difficult problem is the proof of the
correctness of the theory of practical theology. On
Protestant principles this must be accomplished
by the Bible, a task which is not easy. While many
details can not be proved from indis-
6. Final putable Bible passages, the attempt
Tests. must be made to gain from the New
Testament such a general view of
church life as shall include all the vital functions of
the congregation, all the powers conferred upon it,
all its activities and experiences, all its personages,
all its relations to the non-Christian world, and the
consequent position of its Lord and the leaders of
its life. This reconstruction must run through the
entire New Testament, and from it will be gained
a picture of the Christian Church in all its aspects,
as well as a survey of the agencies to serve for its
guidance and a basis for the procedure to be adopted
by it at the present day. For all this a thorough
knowledge of church history is essential, and mod-
ern practical theology is, fortunately, seeking to
gain this knowledge. Since, moreover, church ac-
tivity is always directed toward the Church at the
present time, a complete knowledge of that present
is essential to practical theology, and it must also
furnish the ways and means whereby those engaged
in practical church work can acquire this knowl-
edge. This can not be attained, however, by mere
references to books. Practical theology must con-
cern itself, besides all else, with the relations be-
tween congregations, the correct questioning of the
laity, and the proper mode of pastoral visiting.
In this way it aids in finding the way for the cor-
rect performance of what has been ascertained to
be the right mode of church activity.

(W. Caspari.)

Bibliography: G. J. Planck, Einieiiuruj in die theologische
Wissenschaft, Gdtttn«en, 1794; F. Schleiermacher, Kune
DarsteUung dee theologischen Studiuma, pp. 257-338. Berlin.
1830; idem. Die praktische Theologie, ed. Frericha, ib.
1850; A. Schweiser, Ueber Begriff und Eintheilung der
Theologie, Leipsic, 1830; C. Schmidt, De \

Vobjet de la theologie pratique, Strasburg, 1844; C. B. Moll,
Das System der praktischen Theologie, Halle, 1853; A.
Vinet, Theologie pastorale, Paris, 1854, Eng. transl., Edin-
burgh, 1855; F. A. E. Ehrenfeuchter, Die praktische The-
ologie, Gottingen, 1859; C. I. Nitzsch, Praktische The-
ologie, 3 vols., Bonn, 1859-68; J. H. Blunt, Directorium
Pastorale, London, 1864; W. Otto, Evangelische prak-
tische Theologie, 2 vols., Gotha, 1869-70; F. L. Stein-
meyer, Beitrage tur praktischen Theologie, 5 vols., Berlin,
1874-79; T. Harnack, Praktische Theologie, 2 vols., Er-
langen, 1877-78; K. Harms, Pastoral theologie, 3 vols.,
Kiel, 1878; J. J. van Oostersee, Practical Theology, New
York, 1878; G. von Zesschwits, System der praktischen
Theologie, Leipsic, 1879 (orderly and complete); W. G.
Blaikie, For the Work of the Ministry; a Manual of homi-
letical and pastoral Theology, London, 1878; E. Vaucher,
De la theologie pratique, Paris, 1893 (clear and able);
G. R. Crooks and J. F. Hurst, Theological Encyclopedia
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Introduction to Theology, pp. 565 sqq., Edinburgh, 1896;
K. Knoke, Orundriss der praktischen Theologie, Gdttingen,
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Leipsic, 1898 (satisfactory); idem, Grundriss der prak-
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Modern Practical Theology, New York, 1903; L. Emery,
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222, Paris, 1904; F. C. Monfort, Applied Theology, Cin-
cinnati, 1905; J. Haase, Der praktische Geistliche, Ham-
burg, 1905; W. Faber, in KuUur der Gegenwart, I., 4,
Berlin, 1906; D. D. Cullen, Problems of Pulpit and Plat-
form, Elgin, 111., 1907; A. Poiiok, Studies in Practical
Theology, London, 1907; J. C. Wright. Thoughts on Mod-
ern Church Life and Work, New York, 1909; C. Clemen,
QueUenbuch zur praktischen Theologie, 1, Quellen tur Lehre
vom GotUsdienst (Liturgik), 2, Quellen xur Lehre vom Re-
ligionsunterricht, Giessen, 1910; II. Jeffs, Modem Minor
Prophets. With a Chapter on Lay- Preaching and its By-
products, London, 1910. Series of works are: Handbibli-
othek der praktischen Theologie, ed. F. Zimmer, 17 vols.,
Gotha, 1890-93; and Sammlung von Lehrbuchern der prak-
tischen Theologie, ed. H. Hering, Berlin, 1895 sqq. (still
in progi ess). Consult also the literature under Pastoral
Theology.

PRffiDESTINATUS, LIBER: A work of the first
half of the fifth century by an unknown author, so
called because the list of heresies in the first book
closes with the hecrexis yrcedestinat&rum. The trea-
tise is in three parts: the first being a brief descrip-
tion of ninety heresies, plagiarized from the similar
list by Augustine, the notes by the author being
without value. The second and third books con-
tain a detailed refutation of the heresy stigmatized
as predestinational, this being presented in the sec-
ond book as a treatise of the opponents, and as-
sailed section by section in the third book. The
second book is alleged by the author of the Liber
praedestinatus to be a forged work of Augustine, de-
signed to propagate dangerous errors concerning
predestination and to lead to moral laxity. While
this portion might have been written by some ad-
herent of Augustine, it seems rather a figment of
the author of the Prcedestinatus, who skilfully availed
himself of Augustinian concepts and methods to
present those points of the doctrine of predestina-
tion which were most vulnerable to the Pelagians.
Whether, or to what extent, the author made use
of earlier Pelagian compositions of similar tendency
can not be determined. In the third book the
Augustinian doctrines are boldly assailed. Free
will precedes grace, nor is the greater power of the
latter effectual without the antecedence of the
former. The fall did not destroy the freedom of the
will, but first revealed it; and the end of man is
voluntary obedience to God after the pattern of

Pnadlnl

.tin Sanction

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

Christ. Tlie book, though ostensibly orthodox, is
Pelagian; and the formal condemnation of Pelag-
ian i.-in is prill i; slily a clever effort to Hind i I l ■ _■ simple
reader. The Liber praiksliiwlii& can not have beta
written by Arnobius. the Younger (t|-v.), and it may
be the work of several hands, its purpose perhaps
being to induce the pope to intervene in favor of
the Pelagians. Such a proceeding would not have
Iwen at variance with the metbodB of Julian of
Eclanum (q.v.). (Erwin" Prel-sches.)

Bihuoobiphy: Ths nditio prince

pAuwl Folia, 164.J, reprint wills

b«t od. by La Bsum in Optra i

sqq., ib. 1699; it is in IUPL. Uii. !

Centura . .

, 1645;

o der Httretiker
a, 1003.

ci. A, Fauns, Die Wider
uch da Pradatinttfui, Got

PR£DINIUS, REGHERUS: Dutch Roman
■Cii thiilir.-; b. at Winsum, province of Groningen, in
1510; d. at Groningen Apr. 18, 1559. At an early
age he went to Groningen, where he studied in tho
houae of the Brethren of the Common Life, where
Jie wu the room-mate of Albert Harrlcnberg (q.v.),
who, with other litieral-iiiiinied men, formed the
sphere of Prawlinius' development. He studied
theology of the Erasmian type at I.ouvain until
about 1529, and was appointed rector of St. Mar-
lin'.-i school, (ironiiip'u, some time before 1546, and
Jield 'liis jni-.il inti until his death, lie lectured on
theology, appealing constantly to the authority of
the Bible ami predicting that the Church would be
reformed under the guidance of learning. Though
in sympathy with the two principled of the Refor-
mation, the free study of the Bible and justifica-
tion by faith alone, and though studying the wri-
tings of the Reformers, he was, tinder the spiritual
influence of his masters Weasel and Erasmus. I< -ss
drawn to the freiiueutly violent Luther and, being
a prudent anil imp ass inn ate spirit, preferred to re-
main in the background and teach quietly. Many
of his pupils, however, who came from Germany,
Italy, Spain, France, and Poland, actively pro-
moted the cause of the Reformation, among them
David Chy trams (q.v.), and Joannes Acronius, who
edited hid Otirrti (Ha-el. I5HU}. As an outcome of
his influence, some of his pupils in the ministry dis-
pensed the Eucharist in both kinds, preached in the
vernacular, and laid no value on processions and

Though long permitted to spread hia views un-
molested, I'ni'diiiuis was at lasl accused of heresy
and condemned to banishment, but died lief ore tlie
sentence couid be carried into effect. Soon after
his death his writings were placed on the Index.
In one of these, " The Invocation of the Paints,"
he rejects the practise as inefficacious and contrary
to Scripture. (S. D. van Veen.)

BiBLimmpiir: J. J Dirat Lorcion, Krone™* Pradiniut.
Gn>tiin«en. 18B2; Bffiair.i " n'«r i>T,;f.-»:;,r„n, Acidemia
Grtminvv. Jip. rifl nqq., Groningen. IBM: fliiffridiiJi Petnw,
De tcriptoribua Frvtia. pp. 164 sqq., Frsineker. Pi'jse
D. Gerd«, Miliaria Ei/ormaliomt. vol. ill., GroningrTj,

1742.

PR-EMTJHIRE: A term of English canon and
common law including in its signification a certain
offense, the writ granted upon it, and its punish-

ment. The term ia the first word of the writ, and
means "to protect, secure, warn." This writ was
originally used by Eduard III. in 1353 to check
the arrogant encroachments of the papal power.
He forbade (27 st. 1, o. 1), under certain penalties,
any of his subjects, particularly the clergy, to go to
Rome there to answer to things properly within the
king's j uriadiction ; and also the reception from the
pope of English ecclesiastical preferments. By these
statutes Edward endeavored in vain to remove a
crying evil. Richard II. issued similar statutes
in 1.193, particularly one called thenceforth the
" Statute of Praemunire," assigning as the punish-
ment (or the offense that the offenders be imprisoned
during life, and lose their lands and other property.
Henry IV. anil Liter sovereigns have given the
same name and penalty (known as a Praemunire) to
different offenses which have only this in common,
that they involve more or less insubordination to
royal authority.

BiHuunKAFHY: The fim statute is given in English Lmrn,
27 Edward III.. Stat. 1. En«. tran.il,, (Jee and Hardy,
Document*, pp. 103-104; cf. KL, vi. 48-60.
PRETORIUS, ABDIAS (GOTTSCHALK
SCHTJLZE): German Lutheran; b. at Ssb.wedcl
(54 m. n.n.w. of Magdeburg) Mar. 28, 1524; d. at
Wittenberg Jan. 9, 1573. He was educated at
Fninkfnrt-on-tlie-i Mer and Wittenberg, coming
under the influence of Mclanchthon and remaining
an ardent I'lsili]ipist (see Phiupwsts) throughout
his Jife. After being tcafher (1544^8) and rector
(154N ">-!) in his native city, he was called to be
rector of the Altstiidtisches (iymnasium at Magde-
burg, f. ■aching Greek and Hebrew, preparing a new
system of government for the school (ISO), and
holding public disputations, especially oti theolog-
ical topics; until, in 1558 or 1557, he went to Frank-
fort-on-the-Oder as professor of Hebrew. Here be
soon became the theological protagonist of the Me-
l.ni'lii lifiiiari faction in the controversy between
the Lutherans and Philippista (q.v.; and see Mus-
eums, Andrkas), but with the triumph of Luther-
auism iiver i'hilippism in 1 Til'iH, I'nelorius' posilion
to the university became untenable. Previous to
this, however, he had been rejieatedly employed by
the elector. Joachim II., in affairs of Church and
State, attending the three disputations held in
Joachim's presence at Berlin with the papal legato
( 'nm I nen done and a Jesuit in Feb.. lotil, as well as
disputing on the Eucharist at Frankfort in Novem-
ber of the same year with envoys of the king of
Hungary. In June of the following year he was
sent to Warsaw as the elector's ambassador, and
early in September, in a like capacity, signed the
protocol of the convention held at Fulda, while in
October Joachim took him and his opponent Agric-
ola to the Diet of Frankfort. In 1563, with the
fall of Philippisia in Frankfort. Pra: tori us removed
to Wittenberg, though he still remained on terms of
personal friendship with the elector. He was a
member of the philosophical faculty, and became
dean in 1571. (P. WoUWfO

Hini.ioiiHAPHi: References In parly literature irs given la
Hm.rk-Heraog. RE, iv. 812. Consult ADB, jntvi. B13-
6H; KL. *. 27fi; <!. ItolMcin. D.i. nli-i.,,li;.rh. r,Vn«.i«'!i>n
iu Mood/burg, ia Jahrbueh far Philolooie urul P,:.,',i (cnO,
exxx (1881). 08 sqq.

151

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Prsedinlus
Pragmatio Sanction

PIUBTORIUS, STEPHAN: German Lutheran;
b. at Salzwedel (54 m. n.n.w. of Magdeburg), prob-
ably May 3, 1536; d. at Neustadt May 5, 1603. He
was educated at the University of Rostock, where
he also taught in the local schools; was ordained by
Agricola at Berlin in 1565; became preacher in the
same year at the monastery of the Holy Ghost at
Salxwedel, and soon after deacon of the Church of
St. Mary's; and from 1569 until his death pastor
at Neustadt. A great admirer of Luther, and an
opponent of Jesuitism and Calvinism alike, Pra>
tonus laid great stress on the sacraments, though
not in the Roman Catholic sense, and held to jus-
tification by faith, though he also insisted on pur-
ity of life. He was a precursor of J. Arndt and P.
Spener (qq.v.), though not Pietist in the narrow
sense. His lack of caution brought upon him the
charges of antinomianism and perfectionism, the
latter theory later even being called Praetorianism.
Through his tracts, which he or his friends published
after 1570, Prsetorius exercised an influence far be-
yond his own congregation; these were collected
and published by J. Arndt under the title Acht-und-
fanfzig schtine, au&erlesene, geist- und trostreiche
Traktdilein (Luneburg, 1622), containing also four-
teen hymns with their melodies, one of them being
" Was hat gethan der heilige Christ ?"

Prsetorius' tracts were later arranged in the form
of dialogues, with certain moderations, by M. Sta-
tius in his Geistliche Schalzkammer der Gldubigen
(Luneburg, 1636, and often). There arose over his
writings the Praetorian controversy, Abraham
Calovius (q.v.) assailing the view of Prsetorius and
Stattus that the faithful possess salvation not only
in prospect but in reality. Spener's antagonist,
G. C. Dilfeld, considered Prsetorius akin to Esaias
Stiefel (q.v.)» and the general superintendent of
Greifswald, Tiburtius Rango, secured the prohibi-
tion of the Schalzkammer in Swedish Pomerania.
Despite all this, Prsetorius' writings were continu-
ally read, and in the second quarter of the seven-
teenth century they influenced a circle of converts
in Kottbus and vicinity. Spener frequently alludes
to him admiringly, and the Schatzkammer has been
revised by the Kornthal pastor J. H. Stoudt (Stutt-
gart, 1869). (P. WoLFFt)

Biblioorapht: J. F. Danneil, Kirchengeschichte der Stadt
Salxwedel, Halle, 1842; C. J. Coeack, Zur Oeschichle der
evangelischen aeketiachen Litteratur in Deulschland, pp. 1
sqq., Basel, 1875; H. Beck, Die ErbauungaliUeratur der
evangdiachen Kirehe Deulschlands, pp. 222 sqq., Erlangen,
1883; C. Grose, Die alien Truster, p. 97, Herznannsburg,
1900. Earlier and less accessible literature is named
in Hauck-Henog, RE, xv. 615.

PRAGMATIC SANCTION: In the period of the
later Roman Empire, a solemn rescript of the em-
peror, especially one issued on matters of public
law upon motion of a city, province, or church. It
is called " pragmatic " because issued after consul-
tation and negotiation concerning the matter (prag-
ma). Of enactments affecting the Church three are
to be mentioned:

I. The sandio pragmatica referred to Louis the
Pious of France, of 1268 (1269), if genuine, would be
one of the earliest edicts of the thirteenth century
to check the excessive extension of the papal power
and the abuses of the Curia; particularly with ref-

erence to the inordinate demand for revenue and
the enlargement of the papal reservation with ref-
erence to appointments. Of the six articles included,
the first guarantees to all prelates, patrons, and
ordinary collators of benefices their plenary rights
and the unrestricted maintenance of their jurisdic-
tion; and art. 4 complements the former by pro-
viding that all promotions, bestowals, fiefs, and
dispositions must conform with the provisions of
the common law and of the earlier councils, and
the early institution of the Fathers. Art. 3 secures
to cathedrals and other churches freedom of elec-
tions, promotions, and collatures, without, however,
infringing upon the privileges of the king with refer-
ence to the appointment of prelates, the granting
of the permission for an election, the right of the
Regale (q.v.), and the royal investiture. Art. 4
also prohibits simony. Art. 5 permits papal rev-
enues and other obligations only on justifiable,
pious, and urgent grounds and only with the ap-
proval of the king. Art. 6 guarantees the liberties,
prerogatives, and privileges granted by the French
kings to churches, monasteries, and sacred institu-
tions as well as to the clergy of the realms. The op-
ponents of Gallicanism (q.v.), however, have earn-
estly disputed the genuineness of the law, so that in
France there remains scarcely a doubt of its forgery.
In Germany opinion was divided until P. Scheffer-
Boichorst (Gesammelte Schriften, i. 255, Berlin,
1904) established the forgery beyond a doubt. He
placed its origin in the year 1438; others, in 1452.
II. The pragmatic sanction of Bourges by Charles
VII. of France was issued July 7, 1438, in conse-
quence of a national synod at Bourges (May, 1438),
which indorsed the greater number of the reform
edicts of the Council of Basel (q.v.) but proposed
certain modifications as affecting the French Church.
The edict consisted of twenty-three articles. The
decrees which were accepted were incorporated
bodily. Above all, the French church and the law
of the State affecting the Church thereby adopted
unchanged the decrees of the superiority of the
council to the pope, the regular convening of ecu-
menical councils, and the restrictions of papal res-
ervations and revenues. The modifications cov-
ered the maintenance of the right of nomination for
the king and princes of fit candidates, the extension
of the rights of the qualified in the awarding of bene-
fices, the preservation of ordinary jurisdiction over
against the conduct of processes by general coun-
cils; compensation to the pope for the abolition
of annate and the preservation of special customs,
observances, and statutes of the French Church.
Internal ecclesiastical affairs thus became subject
for secular enactment. The modifications intended
for the acceptance of the Council of Basel were put
in power by the royal edict, though the council
could no longer resolve upon their acceptance or
rejection. The sanction was naturally opposed by
the popes in their effort to regain prestige. Pius
II., in 1453, pronounced it to be an infringement
upon the papal prerogatives and ordered the French
bishops to effect its repeal. When Louis IX. re-
pealed the sanction in 1461, the parliament of
Paris, under the protection of which it had been
placed, refused; and it has remained essentially

Prayer

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

159

unchanged. See Concohdatb and Delouting
Bulls, III., 2.

III. The so-called German pragmatic sanction
of Mar. 26, 1439, never became a law and the term
is misleading. At the Diet of Mainz the electoral
princes and the representatives of the Roman king
and of the absent princes, after the example of the
French, adopted a series of the decrees of the Coun-
cil of Basel, and demanded certain modifications,
and considered certain other proposed alterations
to be submitted to the council. The act was, how-
ever, never approved or proclaimed by royal re-
script and has been pointed out as merely a pro-
visional union of the individual German princes
concerning their attitude toward the conflict be-
tween the pope and the council.

(E. Friedberg.)
Pragmatic sanction is the name given also to the
document by which Emperor Charles VI. attempted
to secure his Austrian possessions to his daughter
Maria Theresa (cf. J. H. Robinson and C. A. Beard,
Development of Modem Europe, i. 61 sqq., 68, Bos-
ton, 1907; Cambridge Modern History, vi. 201, New
York, 1909).

Bibliography: I. The document is printed in Mann, Con-
cilia, xxiii. 1269; M. de Lauriere, Ordonnances des roys de
France, i. 97, Paris, 1723; and Durand de Maillane, Dic-
tionnaire du droit canoniqtie, iv. 767, Lyons, 1770. Con-
sult: R. Thomassy, De la pragmatique sanction attribute
a Saint Louis, Paris, 1844; C. Gerin, La Pragmatique Sanc-
tion de Saint Louie, ib. 1870; J. Holler, Papsttum und
Kirchenreform, i. 202, Berlin, 1903. II. Reprints are in
Durand de Maillane, ut sup., p. 768; M. de VQevault,
Ordonnances dee roie de France, xiii. 267 sqq.; a reprint
with notes is dated Paris, 1514, and another, 1666. Con-
sult: H. Dansin, Hist, du gouvemement de la r&gne de
Charles VII., pp. 216 sqq., Paris, 1858; Hefele, Con-
cUiengeschichte, vii. 762; W. Sch&ffner, Geschichte der
Rechtsverfassung Frankreichs, ii. 630 sqq., 4 vols., Frank-
fort, 1845-50; E. Friedberg, Grenzen zwischen Stoat und
Kirche, pp. 488 sqq., Tubingen, 1872. III. J. Horix,
Concordata nalionis Oermanicat integra, Frankfort, 1765
sqq.; G. Koch, Sanctio pragmatica Oermanorum illustrata,
Strasburg, 1789.

PRAGMATISM: The word in its technical use
originated with C. S. Pierce in 1878 (" How to
Make Our Ideas Clear," in Popular Science Monthly,
xii. 286-302), who defines the meaning of an idea
or an object in terms of its practical bearings. An
object is known so far as it is conceived in its effects.
In 1898 Prof. William James broadened the term
to include particular future consequences in expe-
rience whether active or passive (Journal of Philoso-
phy, i. 674). Hence the truth or meaning of a
conception is exhausted in the results of it in an ex-
perience which is either recommended or expected.
If the consequences of one idea are not conceivably
different from those of another idea, the two ideas
are essentially the same. Pragmatism deals neither
with the abstract nor with the pure metaphysical
absolute but wholly with the concrete. It turns
away from first causes to contemplate final results.
It is a theory for unifying experience through its
consequences, and so arriving at truth. The chief
representatives of this doctrine, while in general
agreement, emphasize somewhat different aspects
of the subject. Professor James, e.g., keeps close
to everyday experience — pragmatism; Ferdinand
Canning Scott Schiller accentuates the place of feel-
ing in relation to religious faith — humanism, per-

sonalism; Professor John Dewey Is interested more
in the scientific inductive approach to knowledge—
instrumentalism or immediate empiricalism, i.e,,
theories are instrumental as derived from and lead-
ing to conduct in which we can rest — things an
what they are experienced to be and are valid so
far as they are workable. Truth is some claim which
has been tested and confirmed by the worth of Ha
consequences or at least by the verifiability of these.
It is, therefore, not static but progressive, not ab-
solute but a continuous compromise in which wax-
ring interests are held in check until wider values
emerge in experience wherein they are adjusted and
harmonised. Accordingly, authority is not fixed
and final but developmental and transitive, in
which external coercion gives place to rational self-
direction. The bearings of this doctrine on ethics
and religion are of great significance. If the entire
world is what we make it, human life itself must
share this potentiality. That becomes real which
we realise and so far as we realise it; our willing is
the condition of its existence. Both our ideals and
our character are created by us. Monotheism is not
the inevitable and exclusive postulate of religion,
but so far as this hypothesis works satisfactorily, it
may be held as true. Thus is indicated a place for
the " will to believe." The Absolute if accepted at
all must be conceived not as static and changeless
perfection, but as functional, with infinite poten-
tialities of change, real not beyond but in experi-
ence. Pluralism as an interpretation of the universe
may not be excluded. If there is anything personal
at the heart of things, our bearing toward it will
naturally condition its effect upon us. To act as if
there were a God may therefore be the sole path to
the knowledge and realization of God in the con-
sciousness. The future life may likewise be condi-
tioned on our behavior toward it as a possibility.
At the very least meliorism may be the creed and
endeavor of the individual. The relation of prag-
matism to the movement introduced by Kant (q.v.)
is not to be overlooked. C. A. Beck with.

Bibliography: W. James, Pragmatism: a new Name far
some old Ways of Thinking, London and New York, 1007;
idem, in Philosophical Review, xvii (1908), 1-17; F. C. S.
Schiller, Humanism, New York, 1003; idem, Studies in
Humanism, ib. 1007; H. H. Bawden, The Principles of
Pragmatism, ib. 1910; £. W. Lyman, Theology and Human
Problems; a comparative Study of absolute Idealism and
Pragmatism as Interpreters of Religion, ib. 1010. For list
of the numerous magasine and review articles on the sub-
ject the reader should consult W. I. Fletcher's Annual
Library Index, New York.

PRAGUE, ARCHBISHOPRIC OF: The city of
Prague, situated in the central part of Bohemia!
was founded in the eighth century near the site of
the ancient ducal castle; and first gained a position
of importance in history with the establishment of
Christianity in the interior of Bohemia. The Chris-
tianization of this was accomplished in connection
with that of Moravia under the Eastern missionary
brothers Cyril and Methodius (see Cyril and Me-
thodius), but after Bohemia had withdrawn from
the Moravian kingdom and placed itself under
German protection Bohemia became a part of the
diocese of Regensburg in 895. Boleslaw II., the
Pious, sent his sister Milada to the pope to appeal
for the establishment of a separate bishopric, and

158

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pragmatism
Prayer

in 971 this was granted by John XIII. Half a cen-
' buy earlier Duke Wenzel had erected the Church
of St. Yeit, and this, as the church of the martyrs
St. Veit and St. Wenzel, the pope designated as the
cathedral. However, the step was opposed by the
bishop of Regensburg and his chapter and not until
973, upon a compact with the Emperor Otto I.,
was the bishopric of Prague established. The act
of creation was ratified by Benedict VI. and the
emperor, and the new bishopric was attached to the
archdiocese of Mainz. The new diocese was an ex-
tensive one, embracing Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia,
southern Poland, Galicia as far as Lemberg, and
Slavic Hungary. The first bishop, proposed by the
duke and unanimously chosen by the clergy and
the people, was the Benedictine Dietmar (973-982);
he was a Saxon who had lived in Bohemia for many
years and was familiar with the Slavic language.
His successor was Adalbert (see Adalbert of
Prague), the first native bishop, who introduced
the Benedictine order and became the apostle of
the Prussians, suffering martyrdom in 997. After
999 the erection of the dioceses of Cracow and
Breslau diminished the area of that of Prague. In
1063 Moravia was separated. In 1212, after the
elevation of the dukes to the kingship, the investi-
ture of the bishop was conferred from the emperor
upon the king of Bohemia. In 1344, through the
efforts of Emperor Charles IV., Prague was made
an archbishopric by Clement VI., and the bishopric
of OlmQtz and the recently formed bishopric of
Leitomischl were subordinated to it. The first arch-
bishop, Ernest of Pardubitz (1343-64), won great
fame by his character and his wisdom and zeal in
organization and administration. He proceeded to
build the archcathedral and under him the univer-
sity was founded in 1348. With the apostasy of
Conrad and the rise of the Hussites the jurisdiction
*m inhibited and the foundations were destroyed
and there followed a period (1431-1561) during
which the archbishopric was in charge of adminis-
trators elected by the chapter. Emperor Ferdinand
introduced the Jesuits to replace the orders whose
foundations had been destroyed or taken, and for
"fe privilege of naming the archbishop undertook
*k restoration of the despoiled archbishopric,
^ith the " compacts " of the Council of Basel (1434)
gating the use of the cup in the communion, a
Privilege not conceded until 1564 by Pope Pius IV.,
*}* return and ordination of the Utraquists (see
***JB8, John, Hussites, II., §§ 4-7) were provided,
?n the conditions later of accepting the articles of
Tr*nt; and thus under the legate of the council,
**iilibert (1433-39), who performed the episcopal
'Unctions, and his successors, and, with the resto-
**tion of Ferdinand I., under Archbishop Antonio
fcrus (1561-80), Martin Medek (1581-90), and
5>ynek (1592-1606), progress was made in the re-
habilitation of the archbishopric, the reestablish-
taent of a Roman Catholic clergy, and the return of
the orders, so that by 1603 the laws of Trent were
publicly proclaimed at a provincial synod and
Zbynek resumed the rank of a prince of the realm.
Ferdinand ordered a restoration of Roman Cathol-
icism under penalty of confiscation of land property
and by military coercion, the result of which was

that Protestantism was stamped out. Adalbert
now reorganized the archdiocese and established
the bishopric of Leitmeritz in 1655 and of Konig-
gratz in 1664. In 1777 OlmQtz was made an arch-
bishopric, in 1785 the new bishopric of Budweis was
withdrawn and the bishoprics of Leitmeritz and
Koniggratz were enlarged, so that the archbishopric
of Prague was reduced to one-third of its former
extent. At present the ecclesiastical province is
composed of the archdiocese of Prague and the
suffragan bishoprics of Leitmeritz, Kdniggratz, and
Budweis. Leitomischl became extinct after 1474.

Bibliography: Sources are: Regesta . . . Bohemia et
Moravia, ed. K. J. Erben and J. Emler, 5 parts, Prague,
1855-02; Q. Dobner, Monumenta historica Boemia, 6
vols., Prague, 1764-85; Scriptores rerum Bohemicarum,
ed. F. M. Pelsel, J. Dobrowsky, and F. Palacky, 3 vols.,
Prague, 1783-1829; Forties rerum Bohemicarum, 5 vols.,
Prague, 1873-82. Consult: C. A. Pescheok, Geschichte
der Q eg enre formation in Bdhmen, 2 vols., Dresden, 1844;
W. W. Tomek, Geschichte der Stadt Prog, Prague, 1856;
C. Eckhardt, Geschichte der deutschen evangelischen Ge-
meinde in Prog, Prague, 1891; J. Neuwirth, Prog, Leip-
sic, 1901; F. LQtzow, The Story of Prague, London, 1902;
8. Binder, Die Hegemonic der Prager im Husitenkriege,
Prague, 1903; KL, x. 280-303.

PRAGUE, COMPACT AT A OF: FOUR ARTICLES
OF. See Huss, John, Hussites.

PRARTHANA SAMAJ OF BOMBAY. See In-
dia, III., 2.

PRATT, WALDO SELDEN: Congregational
layman; b. at Philadelphia Nov. 10, 1857. He was
educated at Williams College (A.B., 1878) and
Johns Hopkins University (1878-80). He was as-
sistant director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art
(1880-82), and since 1882 has been professor of
music and hymnology at Hartford Theological Sem-
inary, where he was also registrar in 1888-95. He
was instructor in elocution in Trinity College, Hart-
ford, in 1891-1905, and has been lecturer in musical
history and science at Smith College since 1895 and
at Mount Holyoke College in 1896-99, while since
1905 he has held a similar position at the Institute of
Musical Art, New York City. From 1882 to 1891
he was organist of Asylum Hill Congregational
Church, Hartford, and conductor of the Hosmer
Hall Choral Union in the same city, and in 1884-
1888 he was conductor of the St. Cecilia Club. He
has written Musical Ministries in the Church (Chi-
cago, 1901) and edited St. Nicholas Songs (New
York, 1885) and Songs of Worship (1887), besides
being musical editor of Aids to Common Worship
(New York, 1887) and of the Century Dictionary.

PRAXEAS. See Monarchianism, V., 2.

PRAYER.

I. In the Old Testament. Definition ($1).

II. In the New Testament. The Element of Experience

Source and Characteristics (§2).

(§ 1). Self-seeking Excluded

James and Paul (§ 2). (§ 3).

Christocentric (§ 3). Modem Difficulties (5 4).

HI. In the Church. Solution (§ 5).

I. In the Old Testament: The Old Testament
places prayer in connection with other religious
acts, such as sacrifices, vows, fasts, and mourning
ceremonies. " To pray " is expressed in Hebrew
by 'athar or he'ethir, a verb which in Arabic means

Prayer

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

104

" to sacrifice/' and thus had a cultic meaning from
the beginning. This word is found in the older
sources of the Pentateuch and in Judges xiii. 8;
Job xxii. 27, xxxiii. 26. More frequently kUh-
pallet is used, from a root palal to which Wellhausen,
with reference to I Kings xviii. 28, assigns the orig-
inal meaning " to make incisions." Like the cor-
responding noun tephillah, it is found in older and
later books of the Old Testament.

The Old Testament prescribes no such external
ceremonies or postures in prayer as occur among
the later Jews and the Mohammedans. The peti-
tioner stood or prostrated himself as did the sub-
ject before the king. The hands were extended to
express purity, and were lifted up to heaven or
toward the sanctuary in intercession. Prayer as
the freest expression of religious life could be per-
formed in any place, although the sanctuary was
considered the most appropriate. In early times
prayer accompanied the offer of sacrifice; later it is
mentioned expressly as an integral part of daily
service, partly as a function of the Levites in which
the people joined.

It is nowhere directed in the Old Testament be-
cause it was regarded as the natural expression of
religious life. No definite form is prescribed; the
mode of expression was left to the inspiration of the
moment; but the prayers contained in the Psalter
naturally gained lasting importance as hymns of
the congregation. Prayer was called forth by the
most varying sentiments; it was an expression of
gratitude for gifts, but more frequently it expressed
supplication for external well-being, for deliver-
ance from distress, for forgiveness of sins, or for
wisdom. It had reference at times to the salva-
tion of the whole people, at other times to purely
personal relations. Great importance was attached
to the prayer of a prophet if it had reference to the
fulfilment of the divine word and the manifesta-
tions of the true God. In this respect, Jeremiah
was the great example and was imitated by the
psalmists; for the Psalms are mostly entreaties for
a decisive self-manifestation of God. There occurs
frequently in the Old Testament also the interces-
sory prayer of men who stood in nearer relation to
God and were especially heard. It was only in post-
Exilic times that prayer was regarded as a meri-
torious service and practise, a conception which
further developed under Pharisaism (see Pharisees

AND SADDUCEE8). (F. BUHL.)

II. In the New Testament: The reader of the
New Testament, in the course of a rapid reading,
might receive a very strong impression that as com-
pared with other sacred books, including the Old
Testament, there is an almost com-
i. Source plete absence of the sacerdotal and
and Char- sacrificial elements. The main cause
acteristics. is the revival of prophetism, begun by
John the Baptist, embodied in Christ
and giving distinctive quality to the Christianity
of the Apostolic Age. A secondary cause is found
in the history of Judaism. The bankruptcy of the
Jewish state, the development of the Jewish Church,
the shifting of the center of gravity from the na-
tion to the individual, the irresistible though un-
conscious forces whereby the synagogal system

ousted the Temple from the center of consciousness,
— it was along this road that prayer came to take
the place of sacrifice. The immense outflow of
spiritual power and moral energy that founded the
Christian Church made prayer its spring and soul.
Necessarily Christian prayer was strongly corporate.
Such was the tendency in Jewish prayer. Even
stronger was the tendency in Christian prayer.
And this because of the psychology of prayer. For
prayer is yearning and desire fed on hope and
grounded in faith. The reason for the Apostolic
Church's existence was her belief in the kingdom of
God. The power that grouped chosen individuals
together and built them into congregational units
was an impassioned confidence in the reality and
immanence of that divine order. Consequently,
prayer was the soul of the Christian community,
and this prayer, by its constitution, was intensely
corporate. The Lord's Prayer clearly shows this.
Jesus put it forth not to serve as a specific prayer
but to manifest the perspective and the proportion
of prayer. It gives the framework and the constitu-
tion of prayer as Christians learned it from their
master. The heart of it is a profound sense of sol-
idarity between the followers of Jesus. Its fun-
damental quality is a corporate desire and will bent
upon the kingdom of God.

Healing in the Apostolic Church was inseparable
from prayer. The only deliberate testimony on this
point is found in the epistle of James (v. 14-15).
But the necessity of the connection is
2. James everywhere taken for granted. The
and Paul, personal practise of the Savior is clear.
The incidental allusions of the New
Testament are conclusive. There is no present
need of arguing for the healing value of prayer
when prayer, rightly framed, has control of con-
sciousness both personal and corporate. Its thera-
peutic power can not be doubted; the question is
how to use it wisely. The deep consciousness of
salvation that pervades the New Testament makes
joy the keynote of prayer as of life. In Paul, the
supreme individual of the Apostolic Age, and at the
same time its master-worker, this is strikingly true.
Prayer is the atmosphere of life. It should be un-
ceasing (I Thess. v. 17). It is the voice of the
creative spirit in the soul of redeemed people (Rom.
viii. 15). And because it is the deepest reach of
experience, it is the final mystery. The redeemed
man learns that his prayers by themselves are in-
competent (Rom. viii. 26-27), but within the spirit
of prayer in his breast he finds the Holy Spirit
yearning. It is this discovery that gives him in-
destructible confidence.

The nature of prayer in the New Testament ac-
counts for and explains the relation of prayer to
the person of Christ. The fact that prayer is essen-
tially corporate being clearly in mind, it follows
forthwith that prayer must be in the
3. Christo- name of the Savior. The new com-
centric. munity was inseparable from its foun-
der and head. Baptism, the rite of
entrance into Christian fellowship, was in his name
(Acts ii. 38). The working creed was the convic-
tion that he was master of the world's fortunes, this
conviction taking the form of an impassioned be-

155

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Prayer

lief in his speedy second coming. The deepening
thought of the Church was Christologic (e.g., II Cor.,
as a model of pastoral theology). The miracles of
healing were wrought in his name (Acts iii. 6). His
name was taken to be the only name given under
heaven among men whereby they must be saved
(Acts iv. 12). Hence the person of Christ becomes
inseparable from the idea of God (John xiv. 9).
Consequently prayer is necessarily related to Christ.
In Paul this is particularly clear. The mystical
immanence of the risen Savior is the center of the
inner life (Gal. ii. 20) ; all things which it becomes a
Christian to do must be done in his name (Col. iii.
17). Therefore it follows that thanksgiving and
prayer, the upgoing and outgoing of the soul to the
source of life, while it goes direct to God, may, with-
out detriment to the vital strength of monotheism,
pass through the mind and person of Christ. In the
ripest form of New-Testament thought, the Jo-
hannine theology, this becomes even clearer than
in Paul. The mature Christian is to ask all things
of God in his son's name (John xv. 16, xvi. 23).

The necessary recasting of trinitarian doctrine
in the light of historical knowledge of the New Tes-
tament, the more vital pressure of the divine unity
upon Christian consciousness brought about by the
social problem, the deepening sense of the divine
immanence — these forces in course of time will en-
able Christians to put aside those imperfect con-
ceptions of the mediatorhood of Christ which led
the Church to underweigh the humanity of the Sa-
vior. While praying to Jesus they will not forget
that Jesus prayed. Henry S. Nash.

IIL In the Church: Prayer purports to be
communication with God. Friends as well as op-
ponents of prayer regard it as an attempt to gain
in time of need the aid of a power supramundane.
On this ground prayer might be de-
i. Defini- fended as an expression of human
tion. impotence. Prayer in its essence,
however, is quite other than a cry of
distress to an indefinite power or object ; it is com-
munion with God. Necessity is a stimulus to
prayer, but the capacity for real prayer does not
originate in need.

Prayer, as an address to God, implies that God is
near to man, it involves certainty of the reality of
God. One who had received no revelation of God
would not be able to pray, while con-
2. The sciousness of such an experience brings
Element of ability to pray aright and inspires
Experience, devotion. Such devotion expands spir-
itual power, and at the same time
continues the experience through which is realized
consciousness of God's interposition in life. Absorp-
tion in such consciousness affords confidence that
God is present to us. None can pray if by his own
fault the recollection that God once called him is
obscured. However urgently Jesus enjoined prayer,
he surely did not believe that man should pray
without regard to his present condition; he did not
desire prayer in which the heart is removed from
God. Each individual must feel the revelation of
God to be his personal experience. God is found
in that life in which he reveals himself as personal
life in Jesus Christ, so that in addressing him man

addresses the Father. The ability to commune
with God is for man an introduction into a new real-
ity and a foreglimpse of an infinite future. Noth-
ing can give deeper joy than these drafts of
breath in a new life. Consequently Luther asserted
correctly that the Lord's Prayer, and indeed every
right Christian prayer, begins with thanksgiving
and praise. But after the address to God has un-
folded as an invocation of the Father in heaven,
prayer becomes necessarily an entreaty. With the
Christian supplication originates in God's revela-
tion of himself. To possess God means to seek God.
He who does not find the desire for God repressing
every other desire has not found the God who re-
veals himself in Christ. This desire should be the
starting-point of the Christian's unceasing prayer.
This thought is expressed in the opening petitions
of the Lord's Prayer. They are not a declaration
that the Christian wishes to consider God's affairs
more important than his own; they express rather
the most urgent concern of the Christian himself.
Those men are not children of God who do not de-
sire above all to be near the Father; and for this
knowledge of God is necessary.

While Jesus directed to urgent and trustful
prayer, without reservation and limitation, his di-
rections presupposed that independence which was
to grow up under his influence; they imply a dis-
position consciously ready to utter such petitions.
They might be interpreted as though
3. Self- God would grant every self-indulgent
Seeking and selfish wish of his children. In-
Excluded, deed, they must be so understood if
followed by one who knows no desire
for God. One whose heart is filled with earthly
care can utter only this in his prayer. Such a man,
therefore, dares not pray as others pray, but is in-
tent upon his own needs. This was doubtless the
meaning of Jesus. He must have hated supremely
insincere prayer. But is that prayer sincere which
expresses only burning desire for some worldly con-
cern under the idea, upheld by an energetic will,
that a power exists which by continual supplica-
tion may be moved to grant some definite petition?
It is evident that such a prayer is only seeming; for
while the petitioner pretends to address God, his
representation of God is only an amplification of
his wish. That prayer is not real in which effort is
needed to follow7 the words of Jesus in which he
limits the confidence of supplication. One not in
the proper inner condition can not understand how
a man can pray in earnest realizing that the Father
in heaven knows and considers his needs without
his asking or expressing with his supplication the
willingness to renounce it. He who takes these
words of Jesus as precepts that may be followed, is
left without a motive; he can not realize that they
are the expression of experiences gained in the ex-
ercise of prayer. All these difficulties disappear for
those to whom Jesus spoke these words. If the eye
has been opened to the fact that the efficient cause
in all reality is a personal life that surrounds man
with fatherly love, longing for God results. This
longing is real life, and to develop it is the one in-
exhaustible task. Only when God is known from
personal experience will it be possible to discern

Prayer
Prayer-Gage Debate

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

156

the relation of other forms of prayer. It can then
be understood how a petition for external things,
permeated by full assurance of being heard, may
harmonize with a willingness to renounce it.

In modern times the question has been raised
whether God for the sake of prayer causes to occur
what otherwise would not have come to pass. In
the last three centuries a clearer consciousness of
the demonstrable reality in which men exist has
severely shaken faith in the possibility of such a
prayer receiving its answer. The two men who in
the nineteenth century in their sermons represented

Christian life in its fullest content,
4. Modern Schleiermacher and F. W. Robertson
Difficulties, (qq.v.), always clung to the belief that

reality was conditioned by the laws of
nature, and that the course of the world could not
be changed simply because a man was not resigned
to his lot. What they say concerning the possibil-
ity of answer to prayer shows how difficult it has
become for Christian faith to hold its own in the
spiritual conditions produced by the progress of
science. If it is held that prayer might change the
petitioner while all else continues its course, the
energy of faith in prayer must necessarily be para-
lyzed. Faith has the power to elevate to a higher
stage of life only when it develops the confidence
that communication with the God of the other world
is a power over against that reality which is to be
experienced. If a personal life which has revealed
itself has brought about a trust and confidence that
it possesses power over all, there has been produced a
personal conviction of a reality distinct from nature.
Expectation is raised of finding an entrance to this
reality. Access is had to it in a moral activity and
a spirit of prayer which seeks God himself. But
this very idea in which the life of faith progresses,
the conception that God opens to those who knock,
is destroyed if it is considered impossible for God to
grant a prayer that will change a situation in order
to remove a barrier between man and God; in that
case God is no more the personal spirit who answers,
but the unchangeable power of order. Many be-
lieve that God shows himself as personal life only in
the inner development while the course of life is the
unchangeable result of natural law. But it is not
right to place psychical events in such contrast with
nature, and that result of prayer which is limited to
the inner life will not appear as a work of God
through which he answers supplication, but as the
direct effect of prayer in connection with inner
conditions.

The conception of nature will always be able to
shake confidence in that petition which is a mere
expression of human desires; but it can have no
power over prayer which is the outgrowth of personal
acquaintance with God and of longing for him.

For in such prayer there is always room
5. Solution, for the thought of cause and effect in

empirical nature. It must be empha-
sized that this thought does not represent the whole
reality, but only that part of it grasped by the senses.
Moreover, nature, as unlimited in space and time, is
the creation of a God whose reality can not be proved
but is experienced by those to whom he reveals
himself. It need not be proved that he who stands

on such a basis can believe in answer to prayer, and
that in full recognition of the conception of nature.
Such faith is possible since man, on the basis of the
revelation which he has personally experienced,
may be convinced that God is inclined toward him
in fatherly love; for then he must say to himself that
the environment in which he exists is for him a step-
ping-stone to a more intimate union with God, whom
yet it lies within his power to deny. Then the
thought becomes possible for him that events in the
world of sense may happen in virtue of his supplica-
tion, as God's answer of his prayer. In this confi-
dence disturbance need not follow the recollection of
the limitless conditionality of all empirical events,
since that points rather to the fact that God as the
Almighty performs each of his miracles through the
world which for him is a totality while to man it is
a limitless entity. Science can therefore not re-
strain from prayer. Man can pray when the God of
heaven has revealed himself in individual experi-
ence. He really prays who addresses God in order
to come nearer to him. To this real prayer, in
which is expressed the tendency of all moral striving,
God has given the power to shape the future for
man and the world. The prayer of power is never
the desire to accomplish material changes, but is a
longing after God. If such longing is sincere, sup-
plications concerning earthly matters will always
be interwoven with it; for the more man be-
comes self-conscious in the thought of God, the more
evident will it be that many cares so claim him that
he feels momentarily separated from God.

(W. Herrmann.)

Bibliography: On prayer in the Bible consult: C. A*
Goodrich, Bible History of Prayer, Andover, 1861; P.
Wattera, The Prayers of the Bible, New York, 1883; P.
Christ, Die Lehre votn Oebet nach dem Neuen Testament,
Leyden, 1886; R. Smend, Lehrbuch der alttestamentliche
ReligionsgeschicfUe, p. 351, Freiburg, 1893; A. Juncker,
Dae Oebet bet Paulus, Berlin, 1905; J. E. McFadyen, The
Prayers of the Bible, London, 1906; M. Kegel, Das Gebet
im Alien Testament, Gutersloh, 1908; Nowack, Archa-
ologie, pp. ii., 259 sqq.; Bensinger, Archaologie, pp. 386
sqq.; DB, iv. 38-45; KB, iii. 3823-32; 2X7(7, ii. 390-393;
JE, x. 164-171.

On prayer in the Church consult: S. I. Prime, The
Power of Prayer Illustrated . . . at the Fulton Street . . .
Meetings, New York, 1873; J. F. Clarke, The Christian
Doctrine of Prayer, Boston, 1874; I. S. Hartley, Prayer
and its Relation to Modern Thought and Criticism, New
York, 1875; The Prayer-Gauge Debate, by Prof. Tyndal,
Francis Galton, and others against Dr. Littledale. Presi-
dent McCosh, . . . , Boston, 1876; H. R. Reynolds, The
Philosophy of Prayer, London, 1881; H. L. Hastings,
Ebenezer; or. Records of prevailing Prayer, London, 1882;
J. C. Ryle, Thoughts on Prayer, London, 1886; D. W.
Faunce, Prayer as a Theory and as a Fact, New York,
1890; H. C. G. Moule, Secret Prayer, London, 1890; R.
Leroy, La Priere chrttienne, Lausanne, 1894; A. Murray,
The Ministry of Intercession; a Plea for more Prayer,
London, 1898; F. Cabrol, he Livre de la priere antique,
Paris, 1900; P. L. P. Gueranger, The Spiritual Life and
Prayer according to Holy Scriptures and Monastic Tradi-
tion, London, 1900; R. A. Torrey, How to Pray, London,
1900; A. F. Douglas, Prayer. A practical Treatise, Edin-
burgh, 1901; E. F. von der Golst, Das Gebet der altesten
Christenheit, Leipsic, 1901 (comprehensive; contains a
collection of early Christian prayers); W. H. M. H. Ait-
ken, The Divine Ordinance of Prayer, London, 1902; A. W.
Robinson, Prayer in Relation to the Idea of Law, in H. B.
Swete, Essays on Some Theological Questions, London,
1905; M. P. Tailing, Extempore Prayer, Manchester, 1905;
W. E. Biederwolf, How can God answer Prayer - . . the
Nature, Conditions and Difficulties of Prayer, Chicago,
1907; F. R. M. Hitchcock, The Present Controversy in

157

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Prayer-Gage Debate

Prayer, London, 1909; Ann Louise Strong, The Psychology
of Prayer, Chicago, 1909; Dora Green well and P. T.
Forsyth, The Power of Prayer, London, 1910; W. A.
Coraaby, Let us Pray/ Home Circle Papers on the Science
and Art of Supplication, ib. 1910; Vigouroux, Diction-
autre, faaes. xxxii. 663-xxxiii.

Among anthologies may be named: C. H. von Bogatsky,
Golden Treasury of Prayer (a classic, latest ed., London,
1904); C. Wolfsgruber, Hortutus anima, Augsburg, 1884;
J. F. France, Preces veterum ex operSbus sanctorum excerpt a,
London. 1887; E. H odder, A Book of Uncommon Prayers,
London, 1898; M. W. Tilleston, Great Souls at Prayer; four-
teen Centuries of Prayer, London, 1898; Annie de Pene, Les
BeUem Prieres, Paris, 1909 (anthology of prayers from Chris-
tian, Moslem, Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu, and Shinto sources).

PRATER BOOK, ENGLISH. See Common
Prater, Book of.

PRATER FOR THE DEAD: A custom which,
springing from natural and laudable affection, is
found among very diverse peoples. It has a con-
nection, in thought at least and often in fact, with
that variety of sacrifice called vicarious, in which
intercession is believed to be potential for the re-
lease of another from the consequences of that
other's misdeeds. Its existence among the Jews
in the second century before Christ is proved by
II Mace. xii. 43-45, in which passage it is stated
that not only prayer but sacrifice for the dead was
offered by Judas, and the manner of statement
shows that the deed was not unusual and was reck-
oned praiseworthy. But no Old-Testament passage
can be quoted in favor of the custom.

There can be little question that from Judaism
the practise passed over to the Christian Church.
Attempts have been made to justify the custom
by reference to the teaching of Jesus in such pas-
sages as Matt. xii. 32, but such inferences are re-
garded as strained. A more secure scriptural basis
is afforded by the famous passage I Pet. iii. 10-20,
cf . iv. 6, which is, however, sometimes brought into
a forced connection with Zach. ix. 11. Combined
with the vogue given by Jewish custom and the
affection and hope which reached beyond the grave,
this passage gave sanction to the practise in the early
Christian Church. Tertullian is the earliest Christian
writer who makes reference to prayers for the dead
as customary (De exhorkUione castitatis, xi.; De
anima, lviii.; De monogamia, x.; De corona, iii.;
Eng. transls. in ANF, vols, iii.— iv.). Similar tes-
timony is given by Arnobius (Adv. gentes, iv. 36),
Cyprian (Ep. i. of Oxford ed., lxv. in ANF, v. 367),
Cyril of Jerusalem (Mystagogikai catecheseis, v. § 7),
Augustine ("City of God," xxi. 13; De cura pro
martuis, i. and iv.), Chrysostom (Commentary on
Phil., horn. 3), Dionysius the Areopagite (Hierarchia
ecdesiastica, last chap.), and Apostolic Constitu-
tions, VIII., ii. 12, iv. 41 (where the liturgical form
is given). By some of these Fathers the custom
was regarded as of apostolic institution. That the
practise was strengthened by the idea of the soli-
darity of the Church as including the living and the
dead is not unlikely, and a lingering influence of the
classical Hades (q.v.) as a sort of middle state may
have had its influence. The general practise of the
early .Church is further evinced by mortuary inscrip-
tions. In view of all this it is not surprising that
the prayer for the dead entered the liturgies, ap-
pearing in those of St. Mark, St. James, the Nes-

torian, Ambrosian, and Gregorian, and the Gallican.
The development of the doctrine of Purgatory (q.v.),
which in order of time followed the custom, fixed
more firmly, if possible, the custom, and there de-
veloped in the West the Office (or Mass) for the
Dead and the Missa de Sanctis, the former at least
as early as the sixth century. The offering of these
prayers was from the earliest times particularly
connected with the Eucharist. At the Reformation
the practise fell into disrepute among Protestants,
largely on the initiative of Calvin, and practically
the entire Protestant Church rejects the custom.
The Book of Common Prayer retains traces of the
practise, which has not been expressly prohibited
in the Anglican Church, and is indeed followed in
certain parts. Geo. W. Gilmore.

Bibliography: Hierurgia Anglicana, pp. 320-324, London,
1848 (gives examples of mortuary inscriptions containing
prayers for the dead); J. H. Blunt, Dictionary of Doc-
trinal and Historical Theology, pp. 585-586, ib. 1870;
F. Q. Lee, The Christian Doctrine of Prayer for the De-
parted, ib. 1875; H. M. Luckock, After Death, ib. 1881;
E. H. Plumptre, Spirits in Prison, New York, 1885; A. J.
Anderson, Is it Right to Pray for the Dead t London, 1889;
H. T. D.f The Faithful Dead. Shall we pray for them t ib.
1896; E. T. d'E. Jesse, Prayers for the Departed, ib. 1900;
C. H. H. Wright, The Intermediate State and Prayers for
the Dead, ib. 1900; H. Falloon, The Blessed Dead: do they
need our Prayers t ib. 1905; D. Stone, The Invocation o
Saints, new ed., ib. 1910 (favors the practise); DC A,
i. 267-274, ii. 1202-03, 1437-38.

PRAYER-GAGE DEBATE, THE: A contro-
versy evoked by an unsigned communication by
Prof. John Tyndall in the Contemporary Review,
July, 1872 (" The ' Prayer for the Sick.' Hints to-
ward a Serious Attempt to Estimate its Value,"
vol. xx. 205-210). The article proposed that " one
single ward or hospital, under the care of first-rate
physicians and surgeons, containing certain num-
bers of patients afflicted with diseases which have
been best studied, and of which the mortality rates
are the best known, whether the diseases are
those which are treated by medical or surgical
remedies, should be, during a period of not less,
say, than three or five years, made the object of
special prayers by the whole body of the faith-
ful, and that, at the end of this time, the
mortality rates should be compared with those of
other leading hospitals, similarly well managed,
during the same period. Granting that time is
given and numbers are sufficiently large, so as to
insure a minimum of error from accidental dis-
turbing causes the experiment will be exhaustive
and complete." This was replied to by Richard
Frederick Littledale (ib., pp. 430-454) who, while
acknowledging the probability that prayer belongs to
a region of law which permits inquiry concerning its
practical operations, objected to the scheme, that it
was impracticable, and that we can not quantify
prayer. Professor Tyndall (ib., pp. 763-766), in a re-
joinder, asks for restoration of prayer to its rightful
domain and for verification. The author of the
proposal (ib., pp. 766-777) cites as reasons why his
suggestion was not complied with, inadequate con-
ceptions respecting prayer and God's relations
with his creatures. The discussion was continued
by James McCosh, William Knight, the duke of
Argyll (ib., pp. 777-782, vol. XXI., pp. 183-198,

Prayer. Hours of
Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

158

464-473), and Canon Iiddon. Francis Galton
(" Statistical Inquiry into the Efficacy of Prayer/'
Fortnightly Review, new series, vol. xii., 1872,
pp. 125-135) drew attention to the longevity of sov-
ereigns and clergymen, suggested inquiries con-
cerning missionaries and comparison of the death
rate at birth of children of praying and non-praying
parents, and maintained that insurance companies
take no account of prayer as an asset in assuming
risks. The interest quickened by this proposal
bore fruit in many sermons and in many articles
in periodicals in Great Britain and America, some
of which were gathered and published in The Prayer
Gauge Debate (Boston, 1876). C. A. Beckwith.

BmiOGJurar: The more important articles educed k lbs
dimnfifin are indexed under " Prayer/' " Prayer Cue,"
and " Prayer Teat " in Poole* • Index to Periodical biter*
hire, i. 2, pp. 1041-42, Boston. 1893. Note should be
taken of John Tyndall'e Addrems Delivered before the Bntitk
A-ociabion A—mbled at Betjcut, London, 1874, New Yoifc
1876, and of Mark Hopkina' Prayer and the Pray Goa*
New York, 1874.

PRAYER, HOURS OF. See Brbviaby; Canon-
ical Houbs; Vesper.

PRAYER, WEEK OF. See Evangelical Air

LIANCE, § 3.

PREACHING FRIARS. See Dominic, Saint,
and the Dominican Order.

I. In the Early Church.

Apoetolio and Poet-Apoatolio

Preaching (| 1).
The Period 200-300 a.d. (| 2).
Greco-Syrian Preaching, 300-450

a.d. (f 3).
Individual Preachers (f 4).
Zeno, Ambrose, Augustine (f 5).
The Greek Church, Continued (f 6).
The Poet-Auguetinian Latin Church

(§7).

II. In the Middle Age*.

1. To the Twelfth Century.
Characteristics of the Sermon (I 1).
Individual Preachers (f 2).
German and French Pulpit (f 3).

2. Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century.
Influences Leading to Improvement

(ID.
Characteristics of the Sermon (| 2).
Preaching of the Mystics (| 3).
Reformers Before the Reformation

(I 4).

3. Close of the Middle Ages.
Frequency and Worth of the Ser-
mon (f 1).

Individual Preachers (| 2).
III. The Continental Pulpit in Modern
Times.

1. The Period of the Reformation.
The Controlling Factors (f 1).
Luther (f 2).

His Sermons Characterised (f 3).
Other Lutheran Reformers (f 4).
Zwingli and the Early Reformed

Preachers (f 5).
The Roman Catholic Pulpit (f 6).

2. Protestant Orthodox Pulpit, 1580-

1700.

PREACHING, HISTORY OP.

The New Scholasticism (f 1).
Style and Content of the Sermon

(§2).
Individual Names (I 3).
The Reformed Pulpit (I 4).
The Roman Catholic Pulpit (f 5).

3. Transformation of the Protestant

Pulpit, 1700-1810.
Pietism (I 1).

Spener and His Followers (I 2).
Various School* (| 3).
The Moravian Pulpit (f 4).

4. Reform of the German Pulpit and

the Preaching of Rationalism.
The Conflicting Influences (f 1).
Mosheim and His School (f 2).
Entrance of Rationalism (f 3).
The Reaction (f 4).
The Mediating Pulpit (f 5).
Preaching Outside Germany (f 6).

5. The Evangelical Pulpit of the

Nineteenth Century.

Basal Influences (f 1).

Schleiermacher (| 2).

His School (f 3).

Reminders of Rationalism (f 4).

A New Trend (I 6).

The Confessional Type (f 6).

Emphasis on the Practical (f 7).

Pietistic Antirationalistio Preach-
ing (f 8).

Individualism Dominant (f 9).

Modernistic Group (| 10).

6. The Recent German Pulpit.
Emphasis on the Practical (f 1).
A Composite Group (f 2).

7. The Continental Pulpit Outside

Germany.
In Scandinavia (f 1).

The German-Swiss Pulpit (| 2).
In France and Holland (I 3).
8. The Roman Catholic Pulpit
Early Characteristics (f 1).
Later Tendencies (f 2).
IV. Preaching in the TCngl«A Tongue.

1. Before the Reformation.
The Anglo-Saxon Period (f 1).
The Norman Period (f 2).

The Pre-Reformation Period (i 3).

2. The Reformation.
General Account (f 1).
English Preachers (| 2).
The Scotch Preachers (f 3).

3. The Seventeenth Century.
Character of Preaching (f 1).
Leading Preachers (f 2).

4. The Eighteenth Century in tht

British Islands.
Survey (§ 1).
Leading Preachers (f 2).

5. The Eighteenth Century in North

America.

6. The Nineteenth Century in the

British Islands.
The First Third of the Century,

1801-1833 (f 1).
Middle of the Century, 1833-1869

(§2).
Close of the Century, 1809-1900

(§3).

7. The Nineteenth Century in Greater

Britain.

8. The Nineteenth Century in the

United States.
Before the Civil War (f 1).
The Civil War and After (} 2).

9. Twentieth-Century Outlook.

I. In the Early Church: It has occurred not
infrequently that those who would give a history of
preaching point to the apostolic letters in the New
Testament as examples of apostolic homiletics.
While these epistles undoubtedly give the form in
which the apostles set forth the founda-

ImdPort.0 ti0nS °f Christian faith» Jt can not be
Apoetolio *°° strongly emphasized that they are
Preaching-. no* sermons. The epistolary style
governs throughout. This position
must be maintained in spite of the newest hypothe-
sis advanced by Wrede and others to the effect that,
particularly in the epistle to the Hebrews, and also
in other New-Testament writings original addresses
to Christian congregations are to be suspected.
While this hypothesis has much in its favor, the
proof of the existence of oral discourses therein has

not been conclusively advanced. While, then, this
idea has largely been given up, the more strongly
do expounders of the history of preaching rest upon
the discourses of Peter and Paul as reported in the
Acts of the Apostles. Yet here difficulties arise,
some maintaining that the speeches there reported
are to a greater or less degree the product of the
author of that book, while others decide that they
are a working over of the actual discourses. Even
conservative critics, however, agree with the others
that the discourses were not exactly taken from
the mouth of the speaker and are not exact repro-
ductions of the speeches actually delivered, related
as they are in style to other parts of the same book.
On the other hand it is to be noted that the dis-
courses have the character of sermons in that they
have a direct relation to the concrete situation in

109

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Prayer. Hours of
Preaching*

fiieh they are given. Peter's discourses in Acts
§, U sqq., and iii. 12 sqq., deal with Pentecost and
tte heating of the lame man, while that in x. 34 sqq.
g controlled by the vision of the context regarding
ckin and unclean. Paul's discourse in xiii. 16 sqq.
In the character of a missionary address, the speech
it Athens is exactly suited to a disputatious body
rf philosophers; but the address reported in xx. 17
sqq. is almost entirely personal, and is therefore
aot strictly a sermon. In all these examples, what-
ever partakes of the general character of the sermon
is missionary in type. At any rate, these discourses
afford little or nothing bearing on the history of
preaching. Yet they may suggest the direction
which preaching took in those times in the conflict
with heathenism, the use of resources supplied by
heathenism itself, the exposition of what had come
through Christ, and the appeal to the ethical con-
sciousness of the hearer. Acts U. 42-43 indicates
farther the practise of the apostles in giving in-
struction to the community (cf. I Cor. xii.-xiv.;
Bom. xii. 6-8; I Pet. iv. 10) ; but neither rules nor
settled custom limited the brotherly communications.
If a general term be needed to apply to the religious
speeches of that period, it can take only the form
of " free brotherly utterance." For the post-apos-
tolic period the testimony of Justin Martyr is of
special value (/ Apol. lxvii.; Eng. transl., ANF,
L 186), showing the reading of Scripture and exhor-
tation of a practical character based on the passage
read. Tertullian (Apol. xxxix; Eng. transl., ANF,
iL 46) further illustrates the character of the dis-
courses of that period (cf. De animo, ix.; ANF, iii.
188) when he says: " With the sacred words we
nourish our faith, animate our hope, make our con-
fidence more steadfast, and by inculcations of God's
precepts confirm good habits." The one sermon
from those times, the so-called II Epistle of Clement,
is practical in character: it shows the reading of
Scripture, the address only loosely connected there-
with, read not spoken (chap, xix.), inculcating
■rvice of Christ with works and not with the mouth,
and urging to repentance and charity and with
pure heart to the service of God. A. Harnack has
c*Hed attention (Der Presbyter-Prediger des Irenccus,
in PhiloUna, Paid Kleinert gevridmet, Berlin, 1907)
to the fact that in the received remains of the liter-
ary work of Irenseus fragments from sermons of a
"ftesbyter-preacher " are extant which furnish
examples of the earliest Christian exegetical-polemic
homilies in existence.

Origen (q.v.), the great thinker and scholar of the
Greek Church, is the father of the sermon as a fixed
ecclesiastical custom, to whom can be traced the
theological-practical exposition of a definite text as
well as the homily. It is noteworthy that, at that
period of the separation of divine
^?*?r? service into a homiletical-didactic part
gOQ . j." and a mystical part, the sermon was
missionary and apologetic in type and
suited to instruct the catechumens. It took the
form of explication and application of the text,
using particularly the method of allegory, which
from that time on became prevalent and controlled
the homiletical use of Scripture until the Reforma-
tion. Origen in his preaching followed the passage

verse by verse, expounding it grammatically and
historically, but dwelt most upon the deeper mys-
tical or allegorical meaning, but he never forgot that
the true purpose of the sermon is to develop the
moral sense. Equipped with fine memory, mar-
vellous knowledge of Scripture, and great learning, he
knew how to apply the little things spiritually, prac-
tically, and often in a broad and general sense. He
usually closed with the doxology. His appeal was
rather to the perception than to the will. Of further
development of the sermon in the school of Origen
little is known. The homilies ascribed to Gregory
Thaumaturgus (q.v.) are probably of later origin and
recall the style of the Persian sage Aphraates (q.v.).
The celebration of saints' days influenced the homily
through the practise of pronouncing panegyrics,
and this goes back into the third century. From
the West there are remains of the sermons of the
schismatic Roman bishop, Hippolytus (q.v.), but
these are too fragmentary to guide to a decision
regarding his style of preaching, and the longer
addresses ascribed to him are probably not genuine.
The sermon thus ascribed, which is entitled " On
the Holy Theophany " and deals with the baptism
of Jesus (Matt, iii.), follows closely the scriptural
basis, yet has not the form of the exegetical homily;
it appears more like a vibrating, picturesque hymn,
and is the transition from the simple homily to the
artistic synthetic sermon to the congregation.
Since the writing Adversus aleatores, ascribed by
Harnack to the second century (see Cyprian, § 5),
is probably of later date, examples of Latin elo-
quence are to be sought first in Tertullian. Yet
even from him no samples of the sermon have come
down, though his primitive, fresh, spiritual, granu-
lous, and always sententious style long remained
the pattern for the eloquence of the Latin Church.
Cyprian took Tertullian as his model in the devel-
opment of dialectical yet practical, warm, and
piercing persuasiveness. Lactantius mentions the
celebrity of Cyprian's sermons, of which none are
certainly extant.

With the victory of Christianity and the devel-
opment of the service came a soaring of the sermon.
Preaching became more frequent, being employed
even during the week and during fast seasons in some
places daily. As the Church during that period
assimilated more and more Greco-

3. Greco- Roman culture, the sermon developed
®^*™* pari passu. The most noted Christian

SO^iOO* preachers had not seldom been edu-
A.D. cated in the rhetorical schools of the
heathen, and employed in their sermons
the rules of rhetoric and the artistic effects taught
there, and polish became almost an end, often giving
more brilliancy than warmth. The hearers came to
look for esthetic satisfaction rather than for edi-
fication, leaving after the sermon and before the
Eucharist. Especially did the eulogy lead to a
strained ostentation which showed no middle way
between the purpose of the sermon and classical
oratory. The homily retained its method of ana-
lytical explanation and application. The modern
structural sermon had not yet been born. The
sermon began with a rhetorical statement of the
object and continued with salutation or invocation

Preaohlnff

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

160

of blessing. The different currents of the life of
the Church are exhibited in the discourses. Along-
side of the Alexandrian allegorical method was the
Antiochian grammatical-historical plan; doctrinal
controversy was reflected; as were the tendencies
toward sacrificialism and ceremonialism and the
increasing practise of veneration of the saints and of
the Virgin and toward asceticism. Polemics were not
absent. In the East the sermon was often imagi-
native, poetic, even bombastic and wordy; in the
West the rhetoric was more sober, and the sermon
practical, simple, and clear. The function came
to be confined to the bishops and the presbyters,
the deacon requiring the authorization of the bishop
before he could officiate. The bishop preached
sitting; the audience stood in North Africa but
sat in Italy and the East. The sermon came in the
first part of the service after singing and reading
of Scripture; its length varied, and in the Greek
Church all the audience did not always await the
conclusion.

The Greco-Syrian sermon divides into the prac-
tical-rhetorical, the dogmatic-didactic, and the
ascetic-mystical. Eusebius of Csesarea (q.v.) forms
the transition to this period, and already shows
the style of the Byzantine court in a tendency to
bombast and flattery after the pat-

*v ?ndJ" tern furnished in the Greek schools of
Preacher* rnetoric' But the leader in establish-
ing the practical-rhetorical school of
preaching was Basil the Great (q.v.), who gained
his title by his preaching. He was bold, brilliant
without aiming at brilliance, looking rather for
force than elegance of diction, earnest, possessing
a lively imagination, clearness, orderliness, and solid-
ity of thought. All this made him, next to Chrys-
ostom, the pattern of the Greek Church. Gregory
of Nyssa (q.v.) stood near Basil in eminence in
power of exposition and fluency, and excelled him
as a thinker. His skill was less the product of
nature than of art, and his turn of mind was specu-
lative, philosophical, theological, with a strong
trend to the allegorical. He was at his best in
addresses commemorating persons of high estate,
martyrs, and saints. Gregory Nazianzen possessed
a solicitous soul with a tender spirit, in whom the
wish for seclusion fought with the desire to use his
splendid gifts for the community. A born orator
of great versatility, he had, as compared with Basil,
a feminine and receptive nature. His theological
ideas were clear, his dialectic nimble, his imagi-
nation lively; his diction was elegant and his style
deeply affected with irony often tempered with
pathos, while he could flash out with invective.
A defender of the doctrine of the Trinity and fond
of dogmatic discussion, especially of the problems
then alive in the Church, he did not lose sight of
practical needs. His sermon followed a single
thought and purpose, yet not without digressions.
Greek preaching reached its eminence in the An-
tiochian school, which employed classical norms,
alongside of exegetical, rhetorical, and popularly
practical elements. Of this school Chrysostom
(q.v.) was the chief exponent, combining in himself
the exegete and the grammarian. Among those
who employed the dogmatic-didactic style Euse-

bius of Emeea (q.v.) is probably to be numbered,
though his homilies are lost. The same is to be arid
of Cyril of Jerusalem (q.v.). The homilies of Cyril
of Alexandria (q.v.) have a dogmatic-polemic cast.
The Antiochian Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus (q.v.),
was peculiarly a homilist, as is shown in hia ten
addresses on divine providence, in which he preaches
a sort of natural religion. Keen insight, orderly ex-
position, concise and luminous diction characterae
his work. Examples of ascetic-mystical sermon-
izing come from the recluses of the desert The
twenty-nine addresses of the Egyptian monk
Isaiah partake of the character of primitive Chris-
tianity, dealing partly with practical and common
Christianity, in part with matter for the monks.
Fifty homilies of the elder Macarius (see Macabito,
1) survive; they are textlees, answer questions put
by the monks, are full of noble pictures, deeply
ethical, and emphasise the corruption of soul and
body and the mystical union with Christ. Ephraem
Syrus (q.v.), while belonging with this group, was
eminently original. His was a native, not an ac-
quired, homiletical genius, and his inspiration was a
holy seal for the orthodox faith and for the monas-
tic ideal. Poetic brilliancy and the might of hia
exposition make of him one of the great preachers
of the early Church. The swing of his thought i*
united with a metrical silveriness of diction, while
the stream of his emotions combining with a ful-
ness of imagination compel him to the use of ex-
clamation, question, apostrophe, and other varieties
of rhetorical expression. He is a mighty preacher
of repentance.

The sermon bloomed out near the end of this
period in independent form through Augustine and
Leo (q.v), who were long the best fruits of homiletic
study in the West. During the fourth century the
West did not simply imitate the East, it copied it.
Bishop Zeno of Verona (q.v.) has left

5. Zeno, ninety-three genuine sermons or tracts.

Atumatine ***8 ^eflt examples deal with patience,
* humility, modesty, covetousness, and
he was largely dependent upon Basil . In strong con-
trast with these earlier preachers of the West stood
Augustine (q.v.), who was distinguished for his
energy and tirelessness as a preacher. The sermons
of Augustine are strong in the elements of experi-
ence, witness-bearing, dialectic, and practical appli-
cation; they are less affected by secular training
and more infused with the Gospel; they give the
impression of being by a man who had triumphed
over the flesh, false philosophy, heathendom, and
heresy, who spoke from the depths of his own living
experience. They show the gifts of keen under-
standing, a power of deep speculation, precise ex-
pression, wide powers of illustration, and a deep
sense of what salvation means. Augustine employs
allegory less than the Greeks, stresses more the his-
torical narratives of the Old Testament, and sup-
presses polemics more. His speeches show unity,
coordination, and plan; the ethical elements are
deeply Christian, the dialectic is keen, the antithe-
ses are pregnant, and the thought is spiritual.
His sermons on festal days, in rimed prose, deserve
especial mention.

In the Greek Church of the period from the fifth

•

161

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching'

century the decadence of preaching is visible in the
excessive pomposity of verbiage in pulpit oratory,
which concerned itself largely with the cultus of the
saints and of Mary, with dogmatic hair-splitting,
with asceticism, and with the value
^_~* of works of piety. The development
Church °* *^e "tua^ m tne brilliant unfolding
Continued. °^ "^urgy made the place of the sermon
ever narrower and lessened its impor-
tance. After the great figures of the fourth century,
Greek preaching seems to have exhausted itself,
while to the people the sermon was purely sec-
ondary as compared with the liturgy. Its contents,
dealing with legends of the saints, veneration of
Mary, polemics against heresy, and with declamatory
exposition of the cultus, justify this estimate. The
three sermons of Proclus on the theotokos and twenty
homilies on festal days are dogmatic-polemic in
character. For Basil of Seleucia, Jacob of Sarug,
and Andrew of Crete see the articles. Of the later
sermonizing in the Greek Church little need be said.
The genuineness of the sermons ascribed to John
of Damascus (q.v.) is still under discussion. These
exemplify the failings of the period — search of the
Old Testament for types, allegorizing, mystical
juggling with numbers, legendary handling of the
Gospel history, and the like. A lesser star is Theo-
dore the Studite (q.v.), whose 135 Sermanes paraen-
etid are extempore addresses to monks, often con-
taining fiery exhortations and well-rounded figures.
His other sermons exhibit the taste of the times for
the pompous and the superstitious. Where the
sermon continues in the Greek Church, it occurs
either before or after the mass. Of preachers of a
later time may be noted Theophanes Kerameus,
archbishop of Taormina (c. 1050), sixty-two homi-
lies on the Gospel for the day, simple, popular, ex-
pository; Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica
(c. 1194), who declaimed against hypocrisy, monk-
ish love of ostentation, ascetic externalism, super-
stition, and frivolity; Germanus, patriarch of Con-
stantinople (c. 1240); John Caleca (1330); Gregory
Palamas, archbishop of Thessalonica; Gennadius
II., of Constantinople (q.v.) ; and from the modern
Russian Church Malow, archpriest in St. Peters-
burg, Philaretus, metropolitan in Moscow, and es-
pecially Innokenti, bishop of Charkow.

In the West the post- Augustinian sermon stood on
a lower plane than that of Augustine himself. The
chief sign of decadence is found in the lack of origi-
nality; Augustine remains the model, though
adornment and elaboration have their
7. The part. The use of pericopes had its
Po*T^°*[a*" influence upon the sermon, which was
Tt+tfr* employed to explain the Scripture
Church, selections. Preaching was also cen-
tered about the particular occasion
and less bound to the text. For Gaudentius of
Brescia, Peter Chrysologus, and Maximus of Turin
see the articles. Leo I. (q.v.) is the first Roman
bishop to leave behind Latin sermons (ninety-six
on feast and fast days, etc.). While he is inferior
to Augustine in fulness and depth of thought, he
excels him in elegance, in piquant pregnancy of
style, and in the rhythm of his sentences. While
he employs sermons on festal occasions for dealing
IX.— 11

with the controversies of the period, he preaches
no monkish morality, though there is little of expo-
sition of Scripture in his preaching. It is greatly
to the honor of Gregory the Great (q.v.) that he
used the sermon to good effect and stimulated
others; yet his sermons are best characterized by
the word " practical." They are intelligible, simple,
suited to the capacity of his hearers. Fulgentius
of Ruspe in North Africa (q.v.) imitates in speech
and method Augustine and Leo, employing antith-
esis and pregnant brevity without polish yet with
success. Among the preachers of Gaul mention
may be made of Hilary of Aries, and Faustus of
Riez (qq.v.). Caasarius of Aries (q.v.) is of high
importance in the history of preaching. He did
not disdain the application of the finest art, but to
gain polish did not sacrifice contents. To enchain
his hearers he used especially parable and dialogue,
and was not altogether free from allegorizing.
Yet through all there was the background of a
strong religious personality, employing forceful
ethical truths.

IL In the Middle Ages. — 1. To the Twelfth
Century: The Christianizing of the lands to which
the Latin tongue was foreign furnished new occasion
for the sermon of the Western Church. While the
service was in Latin, the sermon required the use

of the vernacular of the region. Ire-

of the nssua a^ Lyons preached to the Celtic

Sermon, natives in their own language, though

with the Latinizing of Gaul, the Latin
sermon came in. So in Germany, Gallus knew the
speech of the Allemanni, Boniface preached to the
Frieslanders in their own tongue, and in Carolingian
times there were directions so to preach that the peo-
ple might understand. In spite of these facts, from
the early part of the Middle Ages there are few re-
mains of sermons in the vernacular, yet numerous
works of the kind in Latin. But behind German ver-
nacular lurked Latin conceptions and thinking. Be-
fore the clergy, Latin retained its rights. The ser-
mons of this period show little originality; many of
them were either translations or imitations of the
homilies of the Fathers, especially of Augustine, Leo,
or Gregory. The collections of sermons fostered this, *
e.g., the Homiliarium of Paul the Deacon (q.v.), and
they became the resource of preachers, smothering
independent work. The duty of preaching was prin-
cipally assigned to the bishops; the priests in the
rural parishes shared in this work, though but little
of the product of the latter has survived (the period
900-1100 has been called " the period of the
bishop's sermon"). The "rule" of Chrodegang
(q.v.) required preaching once a fortnight at least;
the Carolingian synods provided for preaching every
Sunday and feast day. The sermon generally
centered about the Gospel for the day, which it
immediately followed; though sermons were also
built on the Epistle. The extent of the sermons
meant for the people is generally small ; those meant
for use in the cloisters were longer. The former
show a fondness for legendary material, the latter
are allegorical-mystical. The foregoing pictures
the condition of things for a long period, though
ecclesiastical fostering of the sermon is abundantly
evident. Thus Bishop Theodolf of Orleans, in his

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

capitular of 797, may be quoted: " We exhort you
(the priests) to be ready to teach the people; who-
ever knows the Scripture, let him preach Scripture;
and whoever knows not Scripture, let him teach, at
least, that which is surely known, so that the people
may refuse the evil and do what is good, inquire
after peace and follow it." In a capitular of 801
the same prelate ordered that: " the priests are to
be urged on the Lord's Days, each in accord with
his ability, to preach to the people." To like effect
might be quoted the Capilulare episcoporum of 801,
the Synod of Tours (canon 17; 813), the Council
of Reims (canon 15; 813), the capitular of Charle-
magne of the year 789 (chap, lxxxii. deals with
" the preaching of bishops and presbyters "). This
last goes further and prescribes the subjects to be
dealt with in the sermon, covering the great topics of
theological consideration and the Christian virtues.
From what has already been said it may be in-
ferred that what has come down is not the actual
sermon as delivered, but in part the preparatory
notes or later reports written down, and in part
collections of model sermons. Most noted of these
. is the Homiliarium of Paul the Deacon

nal Preach- ((lv*» an<^ 8ee Homiliarium). These
er, collections make much use of patristic
homiletic literature, few bearing the
marks of individuality. Thus Rabanus Maurus
(q.v.) used Caesarius of Aries, though he impressed
upon his collection a distinct moralizing character-
istic. The personality of Haimo of Halberstadt
(q.v.) is also recognizable in his collection; the
homilies are longer and deal with geographical, his-
torical, and exegetical questions, and stick closely
to the text. There is a scries of Latin sermons
which, though ascribed to well-known men, are
not surely genuine. Thus thirteen Inxtructiones,
which appear to have been delivered before monks,
go under the name of St. Columban (q.v.) ; a Latin
sermon ascribed to Callus, a pupil of Columban,
belongs to a later date. If the homilies ascribed
to St. Elegius (q.v.) be genuine, they show him to
have been a man who aimed at the principal matters.
The sermons ascribed to Boniface (q.v.) are not
genuine. Similarly from the twelfth century col-
lections of sermons have come down. Thus a homi-
letical help known as the Speculum ecclesice, which
used to be ascribed to Honorius of Autun (q.v.) but
probably came from the hermit Honorius, is of Latin
origin, is practically identical with the DefloratUmes
of which Abbot Werner was the reputed author. It
is of great significance for the history of preaching
in Germany. Another book of the kind is the so-
called Physiologus, which goes back to Greek preach-
ing, but brings legends of animals into allegorical
connection with Christian verities. It appears in
various forms, both Latin and German. Of Latin
origin are the sermons of Abbot Gottfried of Ad-
mont, meant for instruction in the monastery, exe-
getical in character. The twenty-nine homilies of
the monk Boto are instructive, while the five
sermons of Berengoz (q.v.) were intended for
monks, and have at their basis a Biblical passage.
The thirteen sermons of Eckbert of Schonau are
controversial and directed against the Cathari (see
New Manicheans, II.).

The oldest remains of early German
are in manuscripts at Munich and Vienna dating
from the eleventh century. These sermons are tin

8 Herman re8U^ °* *k® wo**^ over °f delrner-
and Frwioh anoes <* Augustine and Gregory.
Pulpit. From the twelfth century a greater
number of sermon collections hsive
come down. The most important of these is that
containing the sermons of the Priest Conrad. The
absence of a name from most of these collections
would lead one rightly to infer that they display
little originality; and this dependence upon earlier
work continues, for the later German collections
use those which preceded them. In method these
German sermons are not to be differentiated from
the Latin. The Biblical passage is briefly explained
at the beginning, then the passage is followed in the
order of its verses, while allegory is employed and
all sorts of meanings are discovered. Introduction,
discussion, and exordium are all brief. The book
of sermons of Conrad gives sufficient for a full year.
For Sundays the epistle is first briefly discussed,
and then the Gospel, somewhat more at length.
For the festivals a number of selections are given,
and a series of sermons on the saints completes the
whole. Preachers among the bishops of this period
who deserve mention are Solomon of Constance
(d. 920), who often preached to the people; Arch-
bishop Bruno of Cologne (q.v.) ; Conrad of Constance
(d. 976); Wolfgang of Regensburg (d. 994); Arch-
bishop Heribert of Cologne (998-1011), whose
preaching is described by Rupert of Deutz; Arch-
bishop Anno of Cologne (q.v.); Archbishop Bardo
of Mainz (d. 1051), the Chrysostom of his times;
Gotthard of Hildesheim (q.v.); and the preaching
hermit Guenther. The German sermon of the
period prior to 1200 exhibits a popular and practical
character. The preaching in France of this period
ran parallel with that in Germany. Homiliaria
existed there as well as in Germany, and from the
twelfth century there are rich remains in manuscript
form. Maurice de Sully, archbishop' of Paris (d.
1196), was greatly celebrated as a preacher.

8. Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century: A
complete change came over the spirit of the sermon
in the period from the twelfth to the fifteenth cen-
tury. The development of theology in France, the
influence of Scholasticism and Mys-
*• ?I*5?n" ticism, of the crusades and the begging
oeBLeadinsf frfa^ reformatory movements, and

mentT6" the development of a higher culture
gave a new impulse to preaching and
in part a new content, and affected even the form
in favor of a more artistic and finished product. In
the sermon of the eleventh and twelfth centuries
there were signs of betterment. Fulbert of Char-
tres (q.v.) exhibits the beginnings of scholastic
preaching in a learned, dogmatic-polemic, allegori-
cal, dialectic, and demonstrative style. The ser-
mons of Peter Damian (q.v.) exhibit an extravagant
bent for the cult of the Virgin, as do those of Bishop
Amadeus of Lausanne (d. 1158); Anselm (q.v.)
is not to be overlooked. Other preachers of note
were Gottfried of Vendome, Hildebert of Tours,
and Abelard (qq.v.). The beginnings of popular
preaching appear in the predecessors of the begging

168

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching

monks, and a fresh, stirring spirit marks the age of
the crusades as the champions mingle with the
high and low and urge the freeing of the Holy Land.
The monk Radulph preached the crusade and also
hatred of the Jews; Norbert of Xante, archbishop
of Magdeburg, was a second John the Baptist in
Ids preaching of repentance, while in France were
Robert of Arbrissel and Fulco of Neuilly (q.v.).
The preaching of the mystics took deep hold of the
people, especially that of Hugo of St. Victor,
fiemhard of Clairvaux, the greatest preacher of his
age, and Hildegard of Bingen. The Latin and Ger-
man pleaching of the scholastics reflects the char-
acteristics of their philosophical discussions — defi-
nitions, distinctions, questions, arguments, and the
tike. The style varies, but a definite unity now be-
gins to rule, whether the sermon is textual or the-
matic. Noted names are Csesarius of Heisterbach
and Anthony of Padua (qq.v). Albertus Magnus
(q.v.) was known for his series of sermons on a
single text (Pro v. ix. 5), the first of the kind, while
the sermons of his pupil Thomas Aquinas (q.v.)
show a dry formalism and dialectic arrangement,
as do those of Hugo of St. Cher (q.v.), and Petrus
de Palude, patriarch of Jerusalem. German ser-
mons scholastic in character were those of Nicholas
of Landau (c. 1340), and Henry of Frimar (d. about
1340), of whose work little but skeleton appears.
Jordan of Quedlinburg (middle of the fourteenth
century) preached against the sects and against
mysticism. Henry of Langenstein (q.v.), in his
Sermones de tempore per annum, handles the Gospel
pericope8 in scholastic fashion. In this period
belong the sermons wrongly ascribed to Albertus
Magnus, which, while Evangelical and practical
in interest, are yet scholastic in type.

The popular preaching of the begging friars in the
thirteenth century was a reaction against the stiff
dogmatism of scholasticism. The members of the
orders were allowed to preach without special per-
mission from the bishops, and the results were im-
portant, going as they did to the masses in a fresh,
natural, concrete, and often dramatic
•^^™rmo^ style. While sometimes the addresses

the Sermon. DOr(^ere^ on *ne grotesque, yet a deep
" and broad comprehension of the essen-
tials of the Gospel was present, and the sermons
were ethical in content and urged to repentance.
Distinguished names are the Dominican John of
Vicensa, the noted preacher of crusades and prose-
cutor of heretics Conrad of Marburg (q.v.), the
Augustinian Eberhard (c. 1285), and especially the
Franciscan Berthold of Regensburg (q.v.). In a
strain not concordant with Berthold was the anony-
mous " Schwarzwald preacher," the author of a series
of sermons preached to laymen and then collected as
a homiletical volume. His sermons for Sundays
give a Latin introduction, a German exordium which
covers the entire Gospel for the day, discusses the
theme in a popular, naive, and often striking man-
ner, with incisive application and suggestion of the
dogmatic in content. During the tenth and elev-
enth centuries there had been little ecclesiastical
official concern about preaching. But a synod of
Treves (1227) directed the clergy to instruct the
people in faith and morals, forbade the ignorant to

preach, but laid it as a duty upon the preaching
friars. From the fourteenth century on bishops
urged this duty on the parish clergy. Homiletical
material was found in the " Legends of the Saints "
of Jacob of Voragine (q.v.). Other homiletic
sources were the Gesta Romanorum, the Apiarus of
Thomas of Brabant, the Summa prosdicaiorum of
Bromyard of Oxford, the Biblia pauperum (q.v.),
the Repertorium aureum of Anthony Rampigollis,
and the Sermones amid. Toward the end of this
period short addresses without exordiums became
common. A special variety of sermons were the
Collationes, used in cloisters and other places of
communal life at midday, somewhat free in form
and based on the Gospel for the day. Of historical
value are the German " Plenaries," collections of
house sermons, short, based on Gospel or epistle
for the day, with summary of parts of the mass.
Mention may be made of the sermons of German
Alsatia, which partake of the qualities of the
Schwarzwald preacher; they belong to the end of
the thirteenth century. They are picturesque and
instructive, simple, earnest, and edifying.

As the entire theology of the mystics seeks to

obtain subjective certainty in religious matters

through personal experience, so their preaching

appeals to the inner perception. So

T* r?f C" completely was this method in control

Mystics. ^^ ^ne even*s °f Biblical history were
used allegorically and applied to the
purpose of edification. One effect was emphasis
upon Christ, and the scholastic preaching was
changed to a deeper, warmer, more searching and
edifying appeal. The sermons of Cardinal Bona-
ventura (q.v.) display a mingling of the scholastic
and mystical. Mysticism controls the sermons of
Eckhart (q.v.). Since the doubt has once more
been raised by the Teutonic scholar O. Behaghel
(Beitrage zur Geschichte der deuUchen Spracke und
Literatur, xxxiv. 530 sqq.) whether there are extant
any considerable numbers of Eckhart's discourses,
the decision respecting his position as a preacher
must be reserved. John Tauler (q.v.), the most
edifying preacher of the Middle Ages, surpassed
Eckhart as a preacher, though not as a thinker,
combining lucidity with religious strength. Henry
Suso (q.v.) excelled as an exponent of emotional
mysticism. Other names of note among the mys-
tics are Eckhart the younger (see Mysticism),
Henry of Nordlingen, Herrmann of Fritzlar, Henry
Huysbroek, the canonist Geert Groote, and Johann
Charlier Gerson (qq.v.).

Constituting a class by themselves were the " Re-
formers before the Reformation." The influence of
John Wyclif (q.v.) was not confined to England,
since through John Huss (q.v.) his activities affected
the Continent. Wyclif preached both
4. Reform- m Latin and English, but the style in
era before eacn .g difjerenk j^e Latin sermons

mation. were delivered before young theologi-
ans; Scripture is the unvarying basis,
and the character is expository, but in a thoroughly
Catholic-scholastic sense, and not without the use
of allegory. Conrad of Waldhausen (d. 1369)
preached in Prague against the sins of the period,
and also against the begging friars. His own

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

164

preaching was correctly ecclesiastical. His sermons
in German have perished, and there is extant only a
collection of Latin sermons, the Postilla studentiurh ,
homilies upon the pericopes from the Gospels,
allegorical and scholastic in character. Like Con-
rad, devoted to ethical reform, was Militsch of
Kremsier (q.v.); his pupil Mathias of Janow (d.
1394) left a collection of homilies. John Huss is in
a not unworthy sense dependent upon Wyclif . He
was noted for his activities as preacher before
synods as for his popular sermons in the fields and
woods, in the large centers of population and in the
little villages. His synodal sermons in Latin are
extant, preached before the clergy. What is stri-
king is the courage with which he attacked the vices
of the pastoral clergy. His sermons to the people
often contain patristic citations, and the Biblical
exegesis is not free from arbitrariness. To be
named with Huss is his friend Jerome of Prague
(q.v.). In this class must be placed Savonarola
(q.v.), whose work was done chiefly through preach-
ing, at first outside and then in Florence. He
himself issued only his sermons on Ps. lxxiii.; but
others in Italian exist in the reports of his friends,
those on I John in the Latin. These sermons differ
both in occasion and method. Those on I John are
exegetical with practical application, while others
have little relation to the text and are more exactly
practical. Formally his sermons are based on the
Bible, really they are made the basis of the expres-
sion of his weighty thought. He was a mighty
preacher of repentance, a scourge of the vices of
the times, especially of the priests, possessed of a
warmth of sentiment, keen perceptions, command
of his mother speech, dramatic gestures, and a me-
lodious voice.

3. Close of the Middle Ages : It is not easy to
pronounce upon the preaching at the end of the
Middle Ages. Its practise was often enjoined, and
it appears to have been frequent in the cities, but
the villages were almost bereft of it.
1. Frequen- jn 1511 m ^e diocese of Mainz many

w^rtlT f Pr*est's were pronounced completely
the Sermon, disqualified for preaching, while to-
ward the end of the fifteenth century
in the South German states it cost a considerable
sum to secure a preacher for certain festivals. In
Breslau the bishop limited the preaching on Sundays
to a single sermon, during the rest of the year only
on Friday except in the fasting and advent sea-
sons, when there was preaching also on Wednesday.
In some parts the secular clergy had only a small
part in the function of preaching; thus in Halle
there were preachers from the Augustinians, Domi-
nicans, Franciscans, and Servites, but only one
secular preacher is named ; in Nuremberg the preach-
ers were all monks. Yet the general practise was
to have preaching on Sundays and festivals, and on
many other occasions, such as New Year's day.
In the cloisters sermons from abroad were read at
mealtimes; in the churches such sermons were
practically worked over; there is a varying degree
of independence shown in different cases. The
general worth of these sermons was small. A
special class of addresses were the indulgence-ser-
mons. The preachers of these spared no pains to

ual Preaoh-

make them attractive and effectual. The assailant*
of the indulgence were pictured as sent by Satan;
and the indulgence was urged by reference to the
sufferings of Jesus Christ, by praise of Mary, by
appeals to the hearers' affection and sympathy.
The structure of the sermon was still under the in-
fluence of scholasticism; a formula of greeting, the
text or theme, the exordium and divisions, the
Lord's prayer or Ave Maria, the discussion, a short
conclusion, and the Amen or dud (4< I have spoken")
or both, was the usual order. The whole period is
one of decline in homiletical power. This opinion
has been controverted by Pfleger (Zvr Geschidde
des Predigitoesens in Strossburg vor OeUer von Kay-
sersberg, Strasburg, 1907), who has in mind the
orthodoxy and religious earnestness of a series of
less prominent preachers of Strasburg in the first
half of the fifteenth century. But his own work
affords no data for the second half of that century,
and does not require a withdrawing of the state-
ment.

Preachers of this period who belong to the Broth-
ers of the Common Life (see Common Life, Breth-
ren op the) were Johann Veghe (q.v.) and Thomas
a Kempis (q.v.). Notable too were the festival
sermons (Qnadragesimale) of the Franciscan Johann
Gritsch of Basel, delivered in German
2. Individ- and then translated into Latin with

learned scholastic discussions and many
citations from the classics, fables, an-
ecdotes, and moral applications; the Sermones aura
of the Dominican Johann Nider; the sermons of
Johann Herolt, popular because of their practicality
and concreteness; the Dormi secure (" sleep in
safety") of Johann von Werden (c. 1450); the
Hortidus regime of the beloved Meffreth of Meissen,
all which passed through many editions. The ser-
mons of Jakob Juterbock (d. 1465) reveal the van-
ishing of the hope for a general reformation of the
Church. The sermons of Nicholas of Cusa (q.v.)
are humanistic, logical, rhetorical, and rational;
Gabriel Biel (q.v.) was diligent and keen, but had a
clumsy, detailed style. A type of the preacher of
indulgences is found in Johann Jenser von Palts
(q.v.), whose Himmliche Fundgrube includes a num-
ber of sermons published in response to the desires
of several princes. He published also a Latin col-
lection, Cadifodina, and in 1502 a Supplementum
Ccdifodince as a pattern for indulgence sermons.
The Hungarian Franciscan Pelbart of Temesvar
(c. 1500) shows how to dissect a text into its minut-
est parts in his Sermones pomarii de tempore et
Sanctis. Ulrich Krafft of Ulm (d. 1516) was in-
structive, earnest, thorough, and popular; Johann
Meder of Basel (1494) used extensively the dialogue;
Johann Trithemius (q.v.) was simple, practical,
and Biblical in his Sermones et exhortationes ad mon-
achos; Johannes Hegelin de Lapide was an earnest
wisher of reform in the Church; Silvester Prierias
(q.v.) exhibited a lingering scholasticism in his
Rosa aurea (1503). Danish preachers were Martin
Petri (d. 1515) and Christiern Pederaen; in Spain
there was Vincent Ferrar (q.v.), the Franciscan
Bernhardin of Sienna with his Sermones de evangdio
aterno, Giovanni di Capistrano (see Capistrano,
Giovanni di); in Italy there were Leonhard of

165

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching

Utino (d. 1400), Bernhardin of Busti (d. after 1500),
and Roberto Caracciolo, who was celebrated as a
second Paul. In Germany the decline of preaching
showed itself in the serene Augustinian Gottschalk
Hollen in Osnabruck (d. after 1481). In France
the Minorite Olivier Maillard exhibited the declen-
sion in style which included the profane and the
burlesque as characteristics, while his fellow Minor-
ite Michel Menot presents what partakes of the
comic and laughable. The sermons of the period
contain much that is foreign to Christian edification,
and indicate a demand for the renewing of Christian
life.

HL The Continental Pulpit in Modern Times —
1. The Period of the Reformation; The age of
the Reformation marks a new stage in the his-
tory of preaching. The central truths of salvation
being drawn anew from Scripture, the sermon en-
gendered a new Church with a service

_ !_/«? the central point of which was the
GontroUinsr t . i . .*_

FaetoraT^ s©011011! and this was again the means
of a new activity in pulpit oratory.
Yet this new development was confined almost
entirely to the Protestant Church. In this period
various streams of ecclesiastical life make their
contribution to the river of sermons. The age of
the Reformation forms the first period in this new
age, the sermon developing in the Lutheran and
then in the Reformed Church; the period of Spener
and the coming of Pietism marked a new stage.
A second period is noted by the sermon of Protestant
orthodoxy, in Germany especially by polemic and
confessional dogmatism. There is to be consid-
ered the Roman Catholic preaching of the period
from the beginning of the seventeenth to the middle
of the eighteenth century, especially the brilliant
French product. Pietism, orthodoxy, and super-
naturalism fought with rationalism on this ground
during the eighteenth and part of the nineteenth
century. The nineteenth century makes in itself
a period of note. The new start of pulpit oratory
took its rise in the deep thirst of the soul for a cer-
tainty in the experience of grace and of righteousness.
There was a general demand for the bettering of
ecclesiastical conditions, but leaders of impressive
personality were needed to bring about the change,
men who drew inspiration from the Scriptures and
from their own experience of salvation. When
these came forward, the Reformation could owe its
success largely to preaching. The keynote of this
was the Bible, by which the Reformers satisfied the
longing of their own hearts, and its message of sal-
vation in Christ. The preachers broke through
the scholastic method and returned to the Biblical
homily. The protest against Rome led to a devel-
opment of the vernacular as against the Latin
ecclesiastical tongue, and this played a great part
in the unfolding of the sermon. From the work
of Luther's Bible the vernacular sprang from the
position of a dialect to that of a great speech, and
became indeed the speech of the Protestants. The
new constitution and basis of the clergy had also
its effect, combined with the new order of service,
which was no more prevailingly liturgical, while
the sermon became indispensable.

Luther probably preached to the monks in the

Erfurt period before 1508, and by 1509 he had

preached in the monastery churches at Wittenberg

and at Erfurt. After 1514 he assumed also the

duty of preaching in the Wittenberg

2. Luther, parish church; about 1517 he was
preaching twice a day regularly on
Sundays and feast days; after 1522 he preached to
the monks early and afterward in the parish church,
and after Bugenhagen became city pastor in 1523,
Luther often took his place. There are extant
Latin sermons going back to 1515 or perhaps 1514;
a series of sermons in Latin dating from 1514-17,
preached in the parish church, the former and some
of the latter still scholastic in type, though the pub-
lic sermons are practical. His sermons of 1516-17
on the Commandments are in his " Latin Remains " ;
those on the Lord's Prayer (1517) he worked over and
published in 1519. Steady progress toward prac-
ticality is discernible as the time goes on. After
1516 he shows the influence of Mysticism, which
came to mean much for him, and grace and faith
are already significant for him. In 1521 appeared
at the direction of the elector the first part of a col-
lection; and the same year he wrote at the Wartburg a
series in German on the pericopes, and these with the
first part just mentioned, worked over (1522), make
the first beginning of German collections, intended
for the use of preachers as yet unfitted or inexperi-
enced. Their form is simple, and the aim is to bring
out the truth of the Word. From 1522 till 1543
there appeared, either issued by himself or by others
(Aurifaber, Andreas Poach, and others), various
collections on different subjects and preached on
different occasions. The sermons of 1528 on the
Catechism formed the basis for the Deutsche Kate-
chismus which appeared April, 1529, which served
as a pattern for catechetical preaching. His ser-
mons on the Sermon on the Mount appeared 1532.
From his sermons at home in the bosom of his family
was made up the so-called Hauspostille, in which
polemics retreats and simple practical exposition
controls. The Weimar edition of his works repro-
duces many other of Luther's sermons than those
here noted.

Surely if the preaching of any Reformer deserves
the title of heroic, Luther's does, being the work of
a man who was an orator by nature. As in ordinary
life so in the pulpit he was unshakably convinced
of the verity and righteousness of his
m* ■ Q^ar- cause, while his talents, tempered in

aeterlzed. ^ne n^"e °* G°ds word, enabled him to
be a fearless path-breaker in his preach-
ing. He had a firm faith in the Gospel which makes
free, a hold upon his own certainty of salvation and
joy in testifying to it, aptness in reaching the popu-
lar heart, an eye open to the facts of life, command
of dialectic and oratorical means, and a union of
life and doctrine which made an array of force not
equalled since apostolic times. He dealt little
with history, much with doctrine. In his exposition
he freed himself gradually from the use of allegory,
choosing the literal sense. Withal, he gave an ethi-
cal turn to his preaching, having in mind not the
learned but the common people. The form of his
sermons is simple, and they contained ever a funda-
mental and governing ground thought. For dec-

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

166

ades his spirit ruled the German pulpit, his preach-
ing furnishing the model for that of many others.
His published sermons served also for the private
edification of many who were not reached through
the pulpit. Not less valuable were the catechetical
sermons, while the sermons to children served es-
pecially a need of the times. Yet Luther's method
did not become the only one in use. A middle path
was struck out between Luther's homily and the
thematic sermon. Preachers selected in their dis-
cussion of the pericopes a single main thought and
discussed the context seriatim, while orderly struc-
ture was rare. Scripture as such was central in
the Protestant pulpit.

After Luther preachers to be named are Melanch-

thon, Justus Jonas, Bugenhagen (qq.v.), whose

Indices in evangelicas dominicas was a handbook for

inexperienced preachers; his cate-

*' t?ther chetical sermons of 1525 and 1535 were

Reformers. **rst Pubusne<i m Ldpsic in 1909, being
* edited, with introduction by G. Buch-
wald; note further Veit Dietrich (q.v.), mild, sim-
ple, clear, warm, and unpolemical, Urbanus Rhegius
(q.v.), whose sermons were long, carefully com-
posed, restful, clear in dogmatics, and forceful.
Wenceslaus Linck is to be named ; so Kaspar Aquila
(q.v.), a mighty opponent of the pope; while Johann
Spangenberg (d. 1550) had a childlike spirit, full of
ripe Evangelical experience. Johann Brenz (q.v.)
was one of those who preached whole books through,
delivering also many short sermons with theme and
subdivisions; Erhard Schnepf (d. 1558) was cele-
brated for a native eloquence; Anton Corvinus
(q.v.) preached briefly on the Gospel and epistle
for the day; Michael Colius (d. 1559) was remarkable
for clear arrangement; Andreas Osiander (q.v.) was
doctrinal, warm, edifying, and not excessively
polemic; Sebastian Froschel (q.v.) left some cate-
chetical sermons; Nikolaus Amsdorf (q.v.) left some
exceedingly polemic yet much admired pulpit ad-
dresses; Georg Major (q.v.) in his long but well
articulated sermons showed no polemic bitterness,
but a marked clarity and mildness. Johann Mathe-
sius (q.v.) was uncommonly fruitful in his pulpit
work, and Erasmus Sarcerius (d. 1559) issued a
number of collections which were noted for their
catechetical value as well as for their exposition of
the Lutheran doctrine. Joachim Moerlin (q.v.)
left sermons on the Psalms and another collection;
he was somewhat marked for polemical ability.
Belonging to the Lutheran pulpit was Hans Tausen
(d. 1561 as bishop of Ripen), who left a noteworthy
collection which, while less polemic than Luther's
sermons, yet smacks of the controversy over the
Lord's Supper; and Peter Palladius, bishop of
Zealand (d. 1560), was a celebrated preacher in the
vernacular of his country. From Sweden (see
Sweden, Reformation in) are to be noted Olaf
and Lars Petri, whose style was that of the simple
homily, M. Elof, and A. A. Angermanus. who was the
champion of the Protestants against the Roman
Catholic movement under John III. Hungary
produced the noted MAtyas Biro De*vay (q.v.), and
Austria, Primus Truber (q.v.) and the later Hans
Steinberger (c 1580).
As preachers neither Zwingli nor Calvin was so

significant for the Reformed Church as was Luther

for the Lutheran. Zwingli (q.v.) began as early

as 1516 in Einsiedeln to explain the mass Biblically.

His celebrated sermons against Mari-

6. Zwingli olatry ^d the ]^e date from 1523.

and the In Zurich he preached from 1519 series

Reformed °* 8ermons on ^e New Testament and
Freaohers. expounded the Psalms for the country
people. Evangelical teaching con-
cerning Christ and his salvation, attempts at a
bettering of the ethical conditions, uncovering of
the causes of national demoralization, the duty of
protecting the confederation, and the social needs of
the times were treated by him. His preaching was
marked by great clearness, and he took seriously
his office as a preacher. While he lacked the mys-
tical depth, the creative imagination, the geniality of
discussion and control of language shown by Luther,
he was endowed with a power of testifying to the
truth and of popular exposition with a unity of
thought by no means inferior to the German leader's.
He set himself free from the traditional use of the
pericopes as the basis for his preaching, and the
preachers of Switzerland and of Upper Germany
followed him. There is a fundamental difference
between the preaclung of the Reformed and the
Lutheran Churches; the former took to expounding
whole books of the Bible, and there was less dis-
tinction made between the Old and the New Testa-
ment; in the Lutheran Church use was prevailingly
made of the pericopes, and only secondarily was
exposition of whole books given. The Lutheran
Church was more conservative in the observance of
church festivals, through which the church year
ran its round. Belonging to this school are Kaspar
Megander, Heinrich Bullinger (qq.v.), Louis Lava-
ter of Zurich (d. 1586), who handled well the Old
Testament, Rudolf Gualther (d. 1586), pastor in
Zurich, who also preached on the Old Testament,
and Johann Wolf (d. 1571), pastor and professor in
Zurich. (Ecolampadius and Calvin encouraged by
their habit preaching on entire books of Scripture.
Thus Calvin dealt with I Samuel, Job, the twelve
Minor Prophets, and with detached chapters, while
over 2,000 sermons, mostly imprinted, show his
extreme diligence. He appealed rather to the cul-
tivated than to the masses. His method was exe-
getical, typological (not allegorical), doctrinal,
somewhat lengthy, and without reference to the
church year. The reformatory activity of Guillaume
Farel (q.v.) was much helped by his preaching,
though none of his sermons are extant. Theodore
Beza (q.v.) is not particularly noted for his pulpit
oratory, but his sermons were directed during his
public life in Geneva to efficient purpose. Still to
be mentioned are Berthold Haller, Martin Butzer,
and Wolfgang Capito (qq.v.). Of significance as a
preacher is Ambrosius Blaurcr (q.v.). whose earlier
sermons were richly allegorical, while those of a
later period were illustrated from practical life;
they are, however, simple, earnest, and deeply relig-
ious. His contemporary in Constance, Jean Zwick
(q.v.), was a keen but kindly preacher. Of the
sermons of Johannes a Lasco (q.v.) no examples
have come down. In the Netherlands worked Pet-
rus Dathenus (q.v.); Herman Modet of Oudenard,

167

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preachings

6. The

who after 1566 spoke to many thousands in the

intrenched camps near Ghent; and Huib. Duifhuis

oi Utrecht (d. 1575). In France there was the

Minorite Francois Lambert (q.v.), whose sermons on

repentance had a Scriptural foundation, and Augus-

tin Marlorat du Pasquier, an exegetical preacher.

For Italy it is sufficient to cite the names and

refer to the articles on Ochino, Paleario, Valdez,

Vergerio, and Vermigli. Spain produced Juan de

A vila (q.v.).

The preaching of the Roman Catholic Church of
the sixteenth century was ruled by the spirit of
polemic against the Reformation, so that the decla-
mation against heresy was its prevailing motif.
Yet the homiletic activity of Protes-
tantism drove the Roman Catholic
Catholic ^nurcn *° renewed activity, as is shown
Pulpit. kv the pronouncement at the Council
of Trent, session V., chap. 2. Without
significance were the exposition of the Gospels
(1532) by Johann Eck (q.v.) and the PostiUa Cath-
olica of Martin Eisengrein (1576) ; more important
were the German collections, homilies on the festi-
vals, and repentance-sermons of the Dominican
Johann Wild of Mainz (d. 1554). Georg Wicel
(q.v.) holds a middle position between the two.
Stanislaus Hosius (q.v.) is also to be named here,
while among the prelates at Trent is Bishop Musso
of Vitonto. Carlo Borromeo (q.v.) was himself a
diligent preacher, and he worked for a better effect
from the preaching of his clergy through his own
pastoral and homiletical instructions. One of the
last stars in the Spanish firmament was Luis of
Granada (d. 1588), lively, even fiery, and full of
psychological strength. In France the extremities
of hatred of heresy found expression during the
Huguenot wars. Particular instances of preachers
here are Bishop Vigor of Narbonne, Edmund Angier,
Jean Boucher, Aubry, Rose, and others. The rise
of new orders in the Roman Catholic Church had
its effect upon that church's preaching. Among
these may be named the Thea tines and the Capuch-
ins (qq.v.), whose work was directed to pastoral
ends as well as against the Reformation. But still
more influential than these were the Jesuits, whose
purpose was the spread of Catholicism throughout
the earth, largely through the means of the sermon.
Noteworthy here is the name of Cardinal Bellarmine

(q.v.).

8. Protestant Orthodox Pulpit, 1680-1700:
This was of a confessional character. In place of
the fresh and spirited witness-bearing of the Ref-
ormation, an insipid dogmatism, combined with a
harsh polemic engendered by the controversies of
the times, characterized the sermon.

•-j^-JJ^A new scholasticism arose, which in-
tidsm. creasingly infected the sermon as the
seventeenth century advanced. The
simple analytical style disappeared; in its place
came the method which developed a number of
loci, u heads," which were then unfolded. Preach-
ing attached itself rather to Melanchthon than to
Luther, it took the way of formal rhetorical devel-
opment, and so the freedom of movement gained
in the Reformation was lost. Textual considera-
tion was given, the aim was to make the sermon a

unit; the method of development was not always
that of rhetorical norma — of exordium, development,
application, and peroration — yet some such arrange-
ment as this, with permutations of placing of the
different parts, governed the machinery or frame-
work, while a scheme for the sermon was thoroughly
worked out on scholastic lines. Especially favored
was the fivefold division, so that the sermon was
regarded as imperfect which did not treat its matter
in this way. Modifications of the scheme of the
sermon came to have names of their own — the
Leipsic method, the Jena method, the Helmstedt
method, etc., according to the place where special
types of treatment were in vogue. Alongside of
this formalism, great influence upon the sermon was
exerted by the restraint imposed by the use of the
pericopes as the basis of preaching. The way this
worked out is illustrated by the case of the elder
Carpzov (q.v.), who in a ministry of fifty years had
to preach from the same text fifty times. There was
a difference between the preaching in town and in
country, though most of the examples which have
survived are from the town. Upon the country
pastors was urged the duty of simple paraphrastic
exposition. The degeneration of the sermon shows
itself at the end of the seventeenth century in the
work of such men as Christian Weise of Zittau
(d. 1708) and Christian Weidling (d. 1731), who
developed the " emblematic " sermon and were fol-
lowed by many preachers who carried the style to
extremes. Thus a preacher in 1642 used Ps. cxxxiv.
2, with the theme " The spiritual thankful hand,"
and described (1) the little ear-finger which keeps
our ears clean; (2) the gold finger of faith; (3) the
middle finger of many virtues; (4) the index-finger
of John the Baptist; and (5) the strong thumb of
sure confidence. The younger Carpzov preached
for a year upon Christ as a workman; thus upon
the basis of Matt. vi. 25 he dealt with Christ as the
best clothmaker, and so on. Still this rage for the
emblematic sermon was not universal, and a fine
series of practical and edifying discourses were de-
livered in this period. Besides the pericopes, which
were usual as texts in the sixteenth century and ob-
ligatory in the seventeenth, the catechism, here and
there a confessional writing, hymns and proverbs
were used as the basis of the sermon. The length
of the discourse increased from three-quarters of an
hour to two hours, funeral sermons were still longer
in proportion to the dignity of the deceased. In
most communities there were three discourses on
Sunday, and sermons on the feast and fast days.

A general characteristic of this period was a ,
polemic confessional dogmatism. " Pure doctrine "
was a catchword of the times, which was sought by

discourses in dry scholastic form with
8. Style and theological learning and vexatious dis-
content of pUtations, while Evangelical suste-
the Sermon. r ' , ... ° , - . , •

nance of the spint was not furnished.

Among the names of this period are Tilemann Hess-
husen (q.v.), Andreas Pancratius (d. 1576; noted
for his dialectic and closely woven reasoning), Jakob
Andrea (q.v.) and Nikolaus Selnecker (q.v.), a fellow
worker in the field of confessional construction.
Polemical in type are the sermons of Artomades in
Konigsberg and Johann Pratorius (who preached on

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

168

the three-headed Antichrist — pope, Turk, and
Calvinist). Lukas Osiander (q.v.) was one of the
most passionate polemists of the period. The two
preachers named Johann Benedikt/ Carpzov (q.v.)
were scholastic in type; Philipp Nicolai (q.v.) was
reserved in polemics and better known for his hymns.
Deserving of mention are Hoe von Hoenegg and
Konrad Dannhauer (qq.v.), while Hermann Samson
of Riga, who could not pass over a point of contro-
versy, yet built up excellent illustrations and com-
parisons. Alongside of this dry scholastic method
there was found a practical, edifying preaching,
with a mystical coloring; besides the merely intel-
lectual, the polemically keen and the didactical-
dogmatic there was a living, warm, and popular
style of discourse, taking thought for the religious
and ethical needs of life. Orthodoxy had, however,
so strong a hold on the times that sermons were
written, e.g., upon the greetings, the titles and sig-
natures of the epistles. How minute were the de-
tails noticed may be seen by the fact that G.
Strigenitz (d. 1603) preached in Meissen 122 sermons
on the Book of Jonah 1 Examples of the better
style of preachers are Johann Gigas in Freystadt
(d. 1581), Johann Habermann (q.v.), Hieronymus
Mencel in Eisleben (d. 1690), Martin Minis, court
preacher in Dresden (d. 1593), iEgidius Hunnius
(q>v.), Jacob Heerbrand and Martin Chemnitz
(qq.v), the eloquent Georg Mylius of Wittenberg,
his colleague Polykarp Leyser (q.v.), a foe of all
affectation, practical and fearless in application
of the truth. Zealous for the coming of the kingdom
of Christ was the diligent Stephan Prfttorius of
Salzwedel (q.v.). Worthy of notice is the practical
and Biblically based work of Lukas Osiander (q.v.;
d. 1604), whose products were illumined by touches
of humor. His Bauernpostille (1597 sqq.) is well
known, in which he insisted that for the poor peas-
antry citations and disputations should be omitted,
for whom short sermons were the more suitable.

Out of the sorrowful period of the Thirty Years'
War, with its desolation of schools and universities,
and the consequent lowering of educational tone,
comes Johann Arndt (q.v.), with whom may be
named the earnest and practical preachers of Dan-

3. Individ- Zig' Dilger (d* 1645)' Blanck (d" 1637)'
ual Names' a Rathmann (d. 1628) ; the earnest

" and strong Paul Egard of Nottorp in
Holstein (c. 1620) preached without learned osten-
tation. Comparable to Arndt in spirituality and
depth of feeling is Valerius Herberger (q.v.), while
Johann Matthaus Meyfart (q.v.) opposed scholastic
and errant Christianity and was particularly Bibli-
cal in his preaching. Akin in spirit to Arndt was
Martin Geier of Leipsic (d. 1680). Seldom men-
tioned yet worthy of notice is the practical, learned,
and Biblical Konrad Dieterich of Ulm (d. 1639),
who left several volumes of sermons remarkable for
learning, sound conclusions, fresh illustrations, and
irenic spirit. Less significant was the Witten-
berg professor Balthasar Meisner (q.v.). Johann
Heermann (q.v.) preached the splendor of the
Gospel with lively effect and soul-saving earnestness,
leaving several volumes of discourses, especially
worthy of mention among which is his NupHalia
(Nuremberg, 1657). Johann Gerhard (q.v.) is not

to be passed by. Among faithful shepherds of
their flocks must be named Justus Gesenius (q.v.),
whose sermons on the Gospels and epistles are
thorough; but as a preacher he was excelled by
Johann Valentin Andrea (q.v.), who promoted a
deeper comprehension of Scripture. A preacher
full of wit and humor was Johann Balthasar Schup-
pius (q.v.), original, spiritual, fresh, satirical but
earnest. Free from all false rhetoric was Joachim
Latkemann (q.v.), whose sermons treat of the
Gospels and epistles. Worthy also was Heinrich
MQller (q.v.), as was Christian Scriver. The great
exegete of the seventeenth century, Sebastian
Schmidt (d. 1606) left over 100 sermons on Biblical
and confessional topics. Others who displayed
somewhat of the spirit of Arndt were: Johann Las-
senius of Bernstadt and Copenhagen (d. 1692), who
left numerous volumes of sermons which display
Biblical learning and concise thoughtfulness; LGt-
kens of Cologne-on-the-Spree (d. 1712), who helped
transplant the spirit of Spener into Scandinavia;
the Scriptural and practical H&berlin of Stutt-
gart (d. 1699), and the learned Caspar Neumann
(q.v.), whose sermons were exegetical. Dilherr of
Nuremberg, who was both a poet and an educator,
left two volumes of sermons; Arnold Mengerinf£
(d. in Halle 1646) was a preacher of repentance J
Joachim Schroder of Rostock (d. 1677) was espe-
cially severe against the vices of the times; Gottlob*
Cober (d. 1717) was the author of widely celebrated
and circulated volumes of discourses. Eccentric
in type were Jobst Sackmann (d. 1718), humorous,
naive, yet true to life in his delineations, and the
South German preacher Sporrer of Rechenberg
(c. 1720). Heterodox in style was Valentin Weigd
of Zschopau (d. 1588), preaching an intellectualism
and a mystical spiritualism in opposition to the
scholastic dogmatism of the period. In Denmark
Niels Hemmingsen (q.v.) was noted for the finished
style of his discourse, while Jesper Kasmussen
Brockmand (q.v.), whose Sabbaii sanctificatio went
through fourteen editions, was Scriptural and
thorough; Dinesin Jersin (d. 1634) was a fore-
runner of Pietism and one of the most influential
preachers of Denmark. In Sweden the pulpit
lagged a full generation behind Germany. From
about 1600 the Christian faith was handled as sheer
knowledge, though orthodoxism was not so much in
the foreground as in Germany. Prominent and
strong in the exposition of Christian verities were
Bishop Rudbeck in Westeras (d. 1646), and J.
Botvidi, court preacher to Gustavus Adolphus II.
J. Matthia (d. 1670) appealed more to the emotions;
J. E. Terser, bishop of Linkoping (d. 1678), was a
representative of syncretism. Johannes Gezelius
the elder (q.v.), the eloquent Archbishop Hagain
Spegel (end of the seventeenth century), and Jesper
Svedberg (d. 1735) were among the greatest preach-
ers of Sweden, uniting warmth of faith, clarity, and
oratorical brilliance with artistic construction.

In the Reformed Church the sermon presented
much the same features as in the Lutheran, working
along emblematic and allegorical lines, though the
tendency was toward a simpler style with less
adornment, perhaps due to the influence of Andreas
Hyperius (q.v.). A good representative of the

169

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaohinr

Pulpit.

German Reformed preachers is Abraham Scultetus
(q.v.), and others are Johann Muller, Felix Wyss
of Zurich (d. 1666), Bernhard Meier of
4 • The Bremen (d. 1681), and Samuel Eyen of
Bern (d. 1700). Friedrich Adam Lampe
(q.v.) led the Cocceian Biblical-
practical reaction against scholastic orthodoxy.
Here is to be mentioned also Johannes Amos Come-
nius (q.v.), the most significant preacher of the
Bohemian Brethren, whose discourses were charac-
terised by quiet exposition, thoroughgoing exegesis
of prophecy and fulfilment, and careful arrange-
ment and articulation. In the Reformed Church
outside Germany arose a real eloquence, responding
more quickly to national conditions. This was
especially the case in France, where the political
conditions were favorable. The polemic was prin-
cipally anti-Roman. The more forward condition
of the national tongue made easy the productions
of pulpit orators after classical models. A stimulus
was found in the French literature of the period
before and under Louis XIV. and in the brilliant
oratory of the Roman Catholic Church. Pierre Du
Moulin (q.v.), the most popular Protestant preacher
of France, showed less of the oratorical than of a
simplicity of illustration, thought, and direction
expressed in frank, emphatic, terse, and lively lan-
guage. Michel de Faucheur of Montpellier and
Paris used little of art in his work, which was essen-
tially exegetical and anti-Roman. Molse Amyraut
(q.v.) displayed a native oratorical talent, but was
dogmatic in tone and synthetic in construction.
Rather didactic in type were Jean Daille (q.v.), who
left twenty volumes of sermons, and Samuel Bochart
(q.v.) . While thus far the analytic and polemic had
prevailed, the synthetic style began with Jean
Claude (q.v.). But with the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes began an exodus of the best French
preachers. Claude, whose eloquence in controversy
made even a Bossuet tremble for his hearers, by
the firmness of his character, his manly earnestness,
his majestic calm, his precision, and clarity earned
the position of one of the foremost preachers of his
time. Such preachers as Ancillon, Abbadie, Len-
fant, and Beausobre (qq.v.) were surpassed by
Daniel de Super ville of Rotterdam (d. 1728), who in
lovable disposition, speculative might, and philo-
sophical endowment surpassed his predecessors.
Jacques Saurin (q.v.) attained the high point of
French Reformed preaching for the eighteenth cen-
tury; of less significance were Jacob Basnage (q.v.)
and Henri Chatelain (d. 1743). In Holland the
pulpits echoed with the dogmatic wrangling of Re-
monstrants (q.v.) and Counter-remonstrants. The
school of Gysbert Voetius was influenced by scho-
lasticism and the analytical method, devoted to
the justification of dogma. For a year the whole
church of Holland was moved by a sermon of
Conrad Vorst (q.v.) on long hair (I Cor. xi. 14),
and Smijtegeld (d. 1739) preached 145 sermons on
•' the bruised reed." Of a better class were Hellen-
broek of Rotterdam (d. 1731) and the more practical
W. a Brakel (d. 1711). When the homiletic practise
through the Cocceian school broke away from its
scholastic bonds, the prophetic-typical style entered,
though remaining drily philological. But gradually

fife invigorated the dead orthodoxy of the pulpit
in the discourses of David Flud van Giffen (d.
1701), Jan d'Outrein (d. in Amsterdam 1722), and
H. Groenewegen. Antischolastic preaching was
heard from J. Uytenbogaert (q.v.) of the Re-
monstrants, and Philip van Limborch (q.v.) of the
Arminians.

Apart from the brilliant flight of Roman Catholic
pulpit oratory in France, mission preaching and
compact addresses to the peasantry ruled inside that
Church. In Italy in the seventeenth century in the

missions of Jesuits and other orders,

*• T"e sejrmons on penitence and confession

Oatholio were *°e orc*er °f the day. The Jesuit

Pulpit. Paolo Segneri (q.v.) traversed Italy

for twenty years preaching, and with
him should be named his nephew of the same name
(d. 1713). A continuator of the homely discourse
to the peasantry was the Augustinian Andre* of
France (d. 1675) ; a preacher of note was the Augus-
tinian Abraham a Sancta Clara (q.v.). The direct
opposite of this folk-sermon was exhibited in the dis-
course of the brilliantly oratorical pulpit of France
in the period of Louis XIV., the basis of which was
less in the church itself than in the circumstances
of the times and in the general literature of the
nation; the pulpit strove for a revival of the elo-
quence of the early Church. The result was an
oratory only for the cultured, to the embellishment
of which the graces of rhetoric were skilfully lent.
The substance dealt with morality, the fear of God,
inculcation of virtues, meditation upon death and
its meaning, lessons from history and life. And
the results came, with just pride in their finished
form, to be included in the classical literature of
the nation, and to be regarded as models of style
to be employed in the Church both in France and
elsewhere. A pathbreaker was the general of the
Oratorians, J. F. Senault (d. 1670); the brightest
star in this constellation was Jacques Benigne
Bossuet (q.v.), whose eloquence flamed; his flow
of thought was full and genial, and his imagination
creative. Of special celebrity were his funeral
sermons, and not a few of these belong to the mas-
terpieces of French style. Among these may be
mentioned his oration over Henriette Marie, that
at the death of the duke of Orleans, and that over
the bier of the Prince of Conde", from which cultured
Frenchmen make quotations as from classics. One
of the faults which somewhat repels, however, is
the flattery directed to court circles; unworthy of
the house of God are the epithets constantly applied
to the king, and the unfortunate impression made
is sometimes that of a man-serving courtier. But
even more than was accomplished by Bossuet for
the uplift of the French pulpit came about through
Louis Bourdaloue (q.v.), especially by his passion
sermons and those with the title Dei virtutem. After
him is to* be named Esprit Flechier (q.v.), whose
sermon on Turenne is his masterpiece, on whom J.
Mascaron of Versailles (d. 1703) also delivered a
celebrated discourse. Another star in this con-
stellation was the Oratorian Jean Baptist Massillon
(q.v.), among whose celebrated sermons are that
on the Prodigal Son, that on Matt. v. 3 sqq., on Luke
iv. 27, that on the deity of Christ — a model dog-

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

170

matic sermon — the ten little sermons of 1718 which
were intended as exhortations for the young king,
which were so marked by terseness yet grace of
diction that they were regarded as patterns. Mas-
sillon is distinguished for high ethical earnestness,
remarkable frankness, and a sympathetic tone, and
the totality of excellent qualities found in his work
gained for him the title of " the Racine of the pul-
pit." Fenelon (q.v.) is sharply distinguished from
the brilliant Bossuet by the fact that his discourses
owe their strength to the element of prayerf ulness,
meditation on the divine, instructive spirituality,
and use of Christian experience. With Massillon
closed the classic period of the French pulpit. The
Jesuit Segaud (d. 1748), Paulle, and especially the
miasioner J. Bridaine (d. 1767) are representatives
of the post-classical period.

8. Transformation of the Protestant Pulpit,
170O-1810. The next period shows the battle of
Pietism and ecclesiastical orthodoxy, of supernat-
uralism and the Enlightenment (q.v.). With Spener
began a pulpit service which had a practical aim
of upbuilding upon the basis of faith
1. Pietism, and a consecrated life. The means
was a faithful and diligent exposition
of Scripture. Mechanical confessions of salvation in
Christ alone became experienced salvation, external
ecclesia8ticism became a living attachment to the
true body of Christ. The form of the sermon became
simpler, the structure more distinct, the expression
plainer. The development was gradual, the move-
ments in theology having their influence as the rela-
tions of Pietism and orthodoxy changed, and as the
new philosophy and the Enlightenment and super-
naturalism contributed to the unfoldings of the
period.

Philipp Jakob Spener (see Pietism, I.) gave in
his Pia desideria, chap, vi., and in his Theologische
Bedenken, vols, iii.-iv., worthful hints for the reform
of the sermon. The discourse was to have as its aim
the renewing of man by faith and the production of
the fruits thereof in life. Yet Spener
^P^er accomplished more through his per-

FoUowers. sonau^y ^nan by ^e ^°° leaned and
dry method of his preaching. Spener
sought with painstaking endeavor to exhaust the
dogmatic and ethical content of the text by an exact
and extended exegesis. His discourses were often
lacking in unity, the cause being a sort of prelude
to the sermon used in order to attain comprehen-
siveness. Yet by his clear reference to Scripture,
his simple and practical-fruitful application, and
by the employment of ethical themes and a strongly
ethical trend of the dogmatic material he drew
crowds to his church and became the introducer of
a strong stimulus for the Lutheran Church and its
pulpit. His principal collections are those upon
the Gospels for the year 1688, Evangdische Leben*-
pflichten (1693), Evangdischer Glaubenstrost (1694),
sixty-six sermons on the article dealing with regen-
eration (1695), and a considerable number of
volumes on various subjects and occasions. The
Halle school of preaching soon gained great celebrity
and preeminence. Its characteristic was a greater
simplicity in form, while the application was a
matter of more concern than the development of

doctrine. August Hermann Francke (q.v.), who
left several volumes of discourses, showed a simpler
structure than Spener, followed the course of the
text rather than a theme, though his handling of
the material was somewhat mechanical, and the
treatment verbose. In content his sermons were
practical, and what he produced was individual in
character, free in its method, and essentially quick
in substance. Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen
(q.v.) employed, as did Spener, a prelude, and his
theme and division are inartistic. Joachim Justus
Breithaupt (q.v.) was less influential as a preacher
than as an instructor and furtherer of the new
tendency in learning. Joachim Lange (q.v.) was
more a teacher of homiletic theology than a preach-
er. Gottfried Arnold (q.v.) took high rank by his
pulpit work. The Gotha superintendent, Georg
Nitsch (d. 1729), was a man of great freshness of
spirit, exact knowledge of Scripture, possessed of
humor, able to appeal to the popular ear, keen in his
denunciation of sin, and sturdy in his appeals for
the realization of the Christian virtues in life.

The later Halle school failed in that it too fre-
quently spoke over the heads of the congregation in
its effort for the didactic and the intellectual; it
stressed emotion, producing warmth rather than
s Vari %ht. The great teacher and exegete
Schools. ^s set*00! was Johann Jakob Ram-
bach (q.v.), a man of fine grain and
irenic spirit, whose Pracepta HomUetica aimed at a
simpler, more lucid and natural, practical yet text-
true development of theme and exposition in the
year's round of sermons. He united intelligible
clarity with Christian heartiness and warmth, a po-
etic and lively imagination with a strong depth of
thought. He used a short introduction, simple
arrangement based on the text, logical order, a clear
and living development on the basis of the best of
North German Pietism. Nevertheless he exhibited
that schematic stiffness in the arrangement of his
sermons which was a heritage from the seventeenth
century, as well as a wearying uniformity, which
grew out of pietistic leanings, in the practical appli-
cation of his sermons to converted and unconverted
(new matter is to be found concerning him in M.
Schian's J. J. Rambach als Prediger und Predigthe-
oretiker, in Beitrdge zur hessischen KirchengeschichU,
vol. iv., Darmstadt, 1909). Among his imitators are
Johann Philipp Fresenius (q.v.), Johann F. Starck
(d. 1756), author of a Hausgebelsbuch (new ed. by
Heim, 1845), and Abbot Steinmetz of Bergen (d.
1762). Wurttemberg produced a series of preach-
ers who developed a fresh, healthy, and many-sided
method which has lasted till the present. The char-
acteristics of this school are a firm, realistic, in part
mystic Bible faith, with a broad conception of the
organism of revelation, real churchmanship, a free
and scientific development, and unconstrained con-
struction of the doctrinal basis, especially on the
eschatological side. The forerunners were Heinrich
Haberlin, named above, Johann Andreas and Johann
Friedrich Hochstetter (both d. 1720), Johann Rein-
hard Hedinger (q.v.), and the best preacher of them
all, Georg Konrad Rieger (q.v.). Johann Albrecht
Bengel (q.v.) is less famous as a preacher than as an
exegete, though his sermons show a classical repose

171

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching

and penetration, and a method of exposition almost
catechetical in type. Friedrich Christian Oetinger
(q.v.) by his singular mystic-speculative art won
a special place in the history of preaching. Now
be interwove great thoughts in apothegmatic
method, again he dealt with daily life in naive yet
popular fashion, once more soared high above the
mental range of his hearers, or, again, he spoke from
a lower level of thought and conception. His ser-
mons were collected by K. C. E. Ehmann (5 vols.,
Reutlingen, 1852-57). The speculative branch of
the school of Bengel was represented further by
Philipp Matthaeus Hahn (q.v.) and J. L. Flicker
of Dettingen (d. 1766). The practical branch is
naturally represented by a series of preachers Bibli-
cal-Evangelical in type rather than specifically
Pietistic. Among them may be named Friedrich
Christoph Steinhofer and the less known Immanuel
Gottlob Brastberger (qq.v.). A special gift of
originality was possessed by Philipp David Burk
of Kirchheim (d. 1770), in whose Sammlungen zur
PasLorcdtheologie (new ed. by Oehler, Stuttgart,
1867) are found excellent counsels on homiletic
subjects. Similarly, Christian Samuel Ulber of
Hamburg (d. 1776) left a rich material in his
Erbaidiche DenkzeUeln (new ed., Kiel, 1847). Karl
Heinrich Rieger, son of the Georg Konrad Rieger
already named, surpassed his father in his appre-
ciation of the essential points of the Gospel. In
this company belong the noted exegete, apologete,
and author Magnus Friedrich Roos, Jeremias Fried-
rich Reuss of Tubingen, and the exceedingly original
pedagog Johann Friedrich Flattich (qq.v.). From
the Reformed Church should be reckoned here the
pious mystic and poet Gerhard Tersteegen (q.v.).
A sort of acme of the Halle method, though not
without elements of disagreement, was achieved
by the preaching of the Moravian Brethren. There
were certain ideas which received such emphasis in
the pulpit of the latter that other points of the
Christian faith were, so to speak, lost to view.
Some of these ideas were faith in the
4. Turn merits of Christ and his atoning blood,
Pnlnit a ch*ldlike trust in the grace of the
Lord, an assurance of confidence in
the wounds of the Lamb, and the consciousness of
possession of the Savior and his bride-like love.
With this went a disregard of arrangement, a too
frequent use of certain catchwords, together with
appeals to the emotions. The founder, Count von
Zinzendorf (q.v.), was the most significant and origi-
nal of their pulpit orators, as well as one of the most
diligent. He had many of the qualities of a great
speaker — an intense passion for Christ, an excellent
education, geniality, lively emotions, rich imagina-
tion and flow of thought, and great strength of
language. His discourses were largely expressions
of the affections which stirred his soul, and his con-
stant endeavor was to exalt Christ. He was espe-
cially eloquent at ordination and consecration
services, in which he often carried his congregation
into heights of emotion. It is fortunate that the
first extravagant period of the Herrnhut community
(1743-50), with its creations of religious fantasy
and its insipid and effeminate trifling, was only an
episode in the history of the church, with no last-

ing effects. Bishop August Gottlieb Spangenburg
(q.v.) was an example of the clear, sober, and worthy
sermonizer. One needs only to mention such names
as Bartholomew Ziegenbalg, Benjamin Schultze,
Christian Friedrich Schwarz, David Zeisberger,
Hans Egede, and Thomas von Westen (qq.v.).

Exponents of ecclesiastical orthodoxy made their
appearance especially in Saxony, where the battle
with Pietism was especially sharp, and among
the number were such pious and practical preachers
as Johannes and Gottfried Olearius (qq.v.) . Among
their opponents were Johann Friedrich Mayer,
Samuel Schelwig, Johannes Fecht, and Valentin
Ernst Loscher (qq.v.). These diligent and gladly
heard men, to whom the work of the pulpit was not
a first concern, were not from the old scholasticism.
Learned investigations, allegories, mystical com-
parisons, broke into the instructive formation,
though there were present warmth and inspiration.
Polemics against the court, which had become
Roman Catholic, was a part of the substance. The
sermons of Johann August Ernesti were full of
conception and illumined by Biblical orientalism,
as well as packed with thought. From South
Germany mention should be made of the military
chaplain Johann Friedrich Flattich, a polemist,
fresh and able, against atheism and free thinking.
From the Reformed Church in Germany may be
named the Berlin court preacher Daniel Ernst
Jablonski (q.v.), the Zurich president Johann Jakob
Ulrich, and Daniel Stapfer of Bern (q.v.).

4. Beform of the German Pulpit and the
Preaching* of nationalism: In consequence of
the influence of the stimulus from England and from
France the Germans after Mosheim began to lay
new emphasis upon pleasing form. As the En-
lightenment (q.v.) made way, the striving became
great to use' logical arrangement and
*• *neO°n- method in the pulpit. But the in-

meting fluence of the Enlightenment covered
Influence*. , ., . . ^ ,.

also the content. Dogmatic proposi-
tions, not consonant with " rational " thinking,
fell into the background, and the truths of rational
verities were put in the front. .While the Enlighten-
ment at first combated the ruling supernaturalism
(to about 1775), there followed a period when ration-
alism was in the ascendency (to c. 1810), when a
period of emphasis upon Evangelical truths was
reached in a reaction partly esthetic and partly
Biblical-Evangelical. The period of ruling super-
naturalism and germinating rationalism (1740-80)
reveals as the starting-point of a better pulpit style
Mosheim's translation of selected sermons of Tiilot-
son in 1728. Frederick the Great read to his
soldiers his own renderings of the sermons of
Bourdaloue, Flechier, Massillon, and Saurin. To
Flechier and Saurin Mosheim did homage. A
prophecy of what was coming was furnished by
the Basel preaching professor Samuel Werenfels
(q.v.), who was estranged from false pathos, elegant,
intelligible, and edifying. He and the sensitive
Pierre Roques in Basel (d. 1748) and the fiery court
preacher of Berlin, Jaquelot, show how soon the
better form of sermon of foreign Reformed theolo-
gians could domesticate itself in Germany. Yet the
movement was not merely imitative. There was a

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179

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' s ^x.T^»> Wsthclm III. and IV.

v^ ^.,wx* .^ * ** as influential more

' V..» *«■*» ^•,^*>'i,« si ficry pathos»

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s . ,,",^^(MI,i oxivllent choice of
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*"s *N xvv o twihrtio coloring. Among

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X X"Vs \v *w ^ ,h* ^wtAnt,y growing in-

i: oh Treaching of this period from that of
rtftiNKiA-r izd Pietism. The orthodox pulpit
maintained the integrity of what it
held to be the confirmed verities of
faith. The Enlightenment was con-
cerned also with preaching " the pure
.c a Christians/' and naturally there was a con-
nruim with Evangelical church teaching. But the
L-aaat; of the rationalistic preaclung stressed the
.ovtztnes of God, virtue, and immortality; ethics was
iiacnctly in the foreground. This ethical strain
% as a reaction from the unfruitful and scholastic
uscourse of orthodoxism, and it led to a handling
of the Christian virtues. This turn of work in the
pulpit does not suffer when compared with the Piet-
istic pulpit, though it was in some respects shallower.
It protested against the one-sided appeal to the
emotions, it called to earnest action and practical
activity. It is therefore not to be condemned out
of hand, any more than the preaching of orthodox-
ism is to be considered a sort of bankruptcy. Of
course the handling of Scripture in the pulpit of this
type corresponded to the method in which the En-
lightenment dealt with the Bible, which ruled the
preaching of this time somewhat as it did that of
orthodoxism and Pietism, though the thought-
world of the Bible retreated in favor of that of the
philosophic-moralistic, while Biblical diction made
way for the buoyant-poetic or ethical-learned.
The chief weakness of the rationalistic pulpit lay
in its content; its Christianity was diluted. Its
commendation is that it advocated a fundamental
and practical religion. Particulars to be noted are
first the homilctic journals to which this period
gave birth, such as the Journal fur Prediger at Halle
(1770 sqq.), Beyer's Allcgemeines Magazin fur
Prediger (1789 sqq.). and Teller's Ncuex Magazin
fur Prediger (1792 sqq.). In the front rank of the
individual preachers of the times stand Wilhelm
Abraham Teller and Georg Joachim Zollikofer
(qq. v.). A commanding personality was that of Au-
gust Hermann Niemeyer (q.v.). There were also such
pedants as Kindervater, Soldan, Snell, and Schud-
eroff, who preached on the basis of Kantian learning
in a manner unintelligible to their congregations.
Numerous preachers of the following of Teller turned
to dry didactics; so Stols in Bremen, Loffler in
Gotha, Ribbeck in Magdeburg, and the productive
Klefecker in Hamburg. Others employed more of
pathos; so Hanstein, and Ehrenburg in Berlin.
After the French Revolution the history of the
church and of the times furnished much material
for sermons. This was the case with the Swiss
Johann Kaspar H&feli (d. 1811) of Dessau, Bremen,
and Bernburg. In his early career an opponent of
the Enlightenment, later he came strongly under the
influence of Kant; yet his talented control of lan-
guage and masterful style revealed the born orator.
Stolz, named above, preached on Frederick II., the
freedom of the press, Zinzcndorf, and the like; the
pious supernaturalist Rosenmuller in Leipsic, on the
noteworthy events of the eighteenth century. When
Tollner proposed to preach on the revelation of
God in nature, Koppen, the advocate of the Bible,
protested. Such preachers abounded in city and
hamlet. J. L. Ewald (d. 1822) issued sermons upon

173

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaohln?

nature (1781) and Predigten fiber Natwriexte (without
a Biblical text; 1789 sqq.).

The result was a reaction against the dominant
tendency from either an esthetic or a more Biblical
standpoint. This reaction was the result of a
deeper and stronger piety which had lived on among

4 Th ^e P^Pk' *° wh*ch were added the
Be^Jtion> influences of a surviving supernatural-
ism. To this other factors contributed,
such as the deeply grounded spiritual labors of a
Johann Georg Hamann (q.v.), or the earnest piety,
the dainty humor, and biting wit of Matthias
Gaudius (q.v.), or the power in prayer of a Johann
Heinrich Jung Stilling (q.v.). Not to be overlooked
in this movement were the results of the elevation
and enriching due to the bloom of literature of the
period, while the political conditions of the country
made in the same direction. Of unusual signifi-
cance, too, ^as Johann Gottfried Herder (q.v.), who
is best compared with Baumgarten as an example
of the classically instructed. The culture ideal of
the humanists and the life ideal of Christianity were
combined in his sermons. A large figure was that of
Franz Volkmar Reinhard (q.v.); and related to
him as exponent of supernaturalistic rationalism in
carefully arranged and smoothly expressed sermons
was Henry Gottlieb Tzschirner (q.v.), patriotic
chaplain in the field, historian, and apologete. In
German Switzerland this reaction was carried on
from the Biblical standpoint by a series of original
minds. Johann Tobler of Zurich (d. 1808) showed
naivete" and originality in expression, and Evan-
gelical earnestness. Especially noteworthy is
Johann Caspar Lavater (q.v.), in his sermons as in
his poetry preeminently appealing to the feelings.
The text and its fundamental thought came to their
own in his discourses, though somewhat overladen
with emotion. Another Swiss, Johann Jakob Hess
(q.v.), while in warmth, liveliness, and richness of
thought behind Lavater, surpassed him in keenness
of understanding, possession of historical sense,
knowledge of Scripture, clearness of collocation of
thought, and aptness of application. David Muslin
of Bern (d. 1821) also strove against the tide of the
Enlightenment, leaving eight volumes of sermons.
A pious Evangelical sense, correct valuation of
Scripture, surrender to the leading of the text,
earnestness, clarity, and utility are the character-
istics of his pulpit work. Karl Ulrich Stuckel-
berger (d. 1816) of Basel stimulated the study of the
Bible in sermons which showed a clear compre-
hension expressed didactically and leading to a
surer knowledge.

The effects of the earlier homiletic methods still
continued to be felt throughout this period, and
were followed by preachers who took a middle po-
sition between orthodoxy and Pietism. Thus in
Basel worked the ardent Andreas

Xrtiattxur Battier W- 1793)> who devoted himself
Pulxrtt* *° *^e Evangelical doctrine of salvation,
and Nikolaus von Brunn, who labored
with a fresh message for twenty years. In W urttem-
berg preached Gottlieb Christian Storr (q.v.). Bib-
lical but not fluent in type. Karl Friedrich Hartt-
mann of Neuffen and Lauffen (d. 1815) ministered
out of a rich fund of Evangelical instruction and

religious experience. From Nuremberg came Jo-
hann Gottfried Schoner (d. 1822), poet and defender
of the Bible, holding to the essential truths of the
Gospel. His belief was that preaching would be
effective if trust and salvation expressed externally
the inward experience of the speaker. He was
simple and clear in his arrangement of material and
fluent in language. Not to be passed by is the un-
usually fertile work of G. E. Hartog in Lohne and
Herford, Westphalia, marked by great clearness,
comprehensiveness and intelligibility, strong and
precise expression, intense earnestness, and rich
practical application. The county of Tecklen-
burg produced such men as Johann Gerhard (q.v.),
Friedrich Arnold, and Johann Heinrich Hasenkamp
(q.v.). Original in force was the Lutheran founder
of missions, Johann Janicke (d. 1827), preacher at
the Brethren's Church in Berlin.

In this period the waves which rolled on the Ger-
man sea of thought beat also throughout Continen-
tal Europe. In Denmark Pietism found no advo-
_ _ cate of first rank in the pulpit: it was

i *^t_rvy represented only by translations from
*£,£££• the German and found a stern oppo-
nent in Bishop Hersleb in Zealand,
whose mighty eloquence contemporaries could not
praise too highly. The sermons of Christian Bast-
holm (q.v.), distinguished for clear arrangement and
brilliant diction and much admired by the cultured,
revealed the principle that in theory and practise
eloquence was a sumptuous dress to conceal
poverty of thought. The foremost representative
in Denmark of the rationalistic spirit was H. G.
Clausen of Copenhagen (d. 1840), whose sermons
are lucid and free from trivialities. Among Nor-
wegians to be mentioned are Johan Nordahl Brun
(d. 1816), bishop in Bergen, fiery in eloquence and
poetic in gifts; he was an advocate of supernatural-
ism against rationalism, though not profound in
thought; more friendly to rationalism were the
discourses of Niels Stockfleth Schultz, preacher in
Drontheim; and still more rationalistic was Clans
Pavels (d. 1822), bishop in Bergen. Hans Nielsen
Hauge (q.v.) had the Pietistic bent with a nomistic
slant. In Sweden from 1700 to 1770 the prevailing
preaching was a blend of the old orthodoxy with
Pietism, but with a national coloring. The strong
orthodox sermons of court preacher Andreas Nohr-
berg (d. 1767), though in form somewhat scholastic,
are still used with great satisfaction by orthodox
Pietists. Erik Tollstadius was a noble representa-
tive of the more mystic Pietism, and the few sermons
which were printed are still much used. Peter
Murbeck of Bleking (d. 1768) introduced more of
the logical element, while the spirit of Herrnhut
was exemplified in Carl Blutstrom (d. 1772) and
Peter Hamburg. Among the bishops of the first
half of the century worthy of mention as preachers
were G. A. Humble of Wexio, a high-churchman;
the second archbishop of Upsala S. Troilius, and
Bishop J. Seranius of Strengn&s, both statesmen
and men who introduced the State-Churchly
idea into their sermons, as later did O. Wall-
qvist (d. 1800), and J. M. Fant (d. 1813). G.
Enebom (d. 1796). belonging to the Enlightenment,
introduced a period of Utilitarian moralism. From

Preaching1

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

17a

general attempt at the purification and development
of the German tongue, as witness the establishment
of a professorship of German oratory in Halle before
1730, and a search for a national literature which
had its bearing upon the pulpit. This movement
dealt also with the matter of the sermon. People
were weary alike of the theological quarrels and of
Pietistic verbosity. Interest was more and more
philosophical, due in part to the influence of the
foreign pulpit • and the Enlightenment outside
Germany, in part to the growing taste at home
cultivated by the demonstrative, mathematical-
philosophical work of Leibnitz and Wolff.
Preachers learned the value of conception, arrange-
ment, solidity, definition, and demonstration.
Natural religion as the essential content of the
Christian, and morals as the essential of natural
religion were emphasized. So Mosheim found a
contrast not merely between Pietist and orthodox,
but between philosophical and Biblical. The
mediation between theology and philosophy was
begun by Johann Gustav Reinbeck (d. 1741), who
showed careful arrangement, solid application, a
correct development of the conception, and union
of Biblical and philosophical elements.

Johann Lorenz von Mosheim (q.v.), the German
Tillotson or Saurin, revealed an elegant style, an
apologetic tendency, a convincing force of proof,
strong and sure as it was fine, flowing, and pleasing.
In spite of a certain breadth of view, the basis is the
Evangelical fundamental doctrines;
2. Xosheixn tne g^ js ^ bring to realization the

2*? J8 working-out of the verity of Christian
00 * doctrine. To this end Mosheim uses
historical illustrations, descriptions of the events
of the times, all this with fine psychological solidity.
His argumentation is thought through and the expo-
sition is wrought out, revealing the divine active
force of the Gospel, the divine origin of Christian
ethics. The employment of the text is careful, the
themes are practical, the discussion is broad and full.
Peters (Der Bahnbrecher der modernen Predigt J. L.
Mosheim in seinen homiletischen AnscJtauungen,
1910) is undoubtedly right in seeing in Mosheim's
preaching and homiletics modern traits. While
Mosheim was thus influencing the Lutheran pul-
pit, Tillotson of England (see below) was doing
the same for the German Reformed Church through
August Friedrich Wilhelm Sack (q.v.) of Berlin, the
religious teacher of Friedrich Wilhelm III. and IV.
Johann Andreas Cramer (q.v.) was influential more
upon the oratorical side, employing a fiery pathos,
a wealth of rhetorical figures which sometimes
seemed to overload the discourse, but a fullness of
thought, clear arrangement, excellent choice of
doctrinal and ethical circumstances. Related to
him in style was Gottfried Less (q.v.), while Chris-
toph Christian Sturm of Magdeburg and Hamburg
(d. 1786) infused a stronger rationalistic strain
together with a poetic-esthetic coloring. Among
those who followed the new trend of the times were
Johann Friedrich Wilhelm Jerusalem and Johann
Joachim Spalding (qq.v.).

The period of ruling rationalism (1780-1810)
had been prepared for by the constantly growing in-
fluence of the Enlightenment. There was a decided

break in the preaching of this period from that of
orthodoxy and Pietism. The orthodox pulpit
maintained the integrity of what it
8,#^?t!fn06held to t*5 the confirmed verities of
iSam!*" faith* The Ea^tenment was con-
cerned also with preaching " the pure
faith of Christians, " and naturally there was a con-
nection with Evangelical church teaching. But the
content of the rationalistic preaching stressed the
doctrines of God, virtue, and immortality; ethics was
distinctly in the foreground. This ethical strain
was a reaction from the unfruitful and scholastic
discourse of orthodoxism, and it led to a handling
of the Christian virtues. This turn of work in the
pulpit does not suffer when compared with the Piet-
istic pulpit, though it was in some respects shallower.
It protested against the one-sided appeal to the
emotions, it called to earnest action and practical
activity. It is therefore not to be condemned out
of hand, any more than the preaching of orthodox-
ism is to be considered a sort of bankruptcy. Of
course the handling of Scripture in the pulpit of this
type corresponded to the method in which the En-
lightenment dealt with the Bible, which ruled the
preaching of this time somewhat as it did that of
orthodoxism and Pietism, though the thought-
world of the Bible retreated in favor of that of the
philosophic-moralistic, while Biblical diction made
way for the buoyant-poetic or ethical-learned.
The chief weakness of the rationalistic pulpit lay
in its content; its Christianity was diluted. Its
commendation is that it advocated a fundamental
and practical religion. Particulars to be noted are
first the homiletic journals to which this period
gave birth, such as the Journal fur Prediger at Halle
(1770 sqq.), Beyer's AUegemeines Magarin far
Prediger (1789 sqq.), and Teller's Neues Magazin
fur Prediger (1792 sqq.). In the front rank of the
individual preachers of the times stand Wilhelm
Abraham Teller and Georg Joachim Zollikofer
(qq.v.). A commanding personality was that of Au-
gust Hermann Niemeyer (q.v.). There were also such
pedants as Kindervater, Soldan, Snell, and Schud-
eroff, who preached on the basis of Kantian learning
in a manner unintelligible to their congregations.
Numerous preachers of the following of Teller turned
to dry didactics; so Stolz in Bremen, Loffler in
Gotha, Ribbeck in Magdeburg, and the productive
Klefecker in Hamburg. Others employed more of
pathos; so Hanstein, and Ehrenburg in Berlin.
After the French Revolution the history of the
church and of the times furnished much material
for sermons. This was the case with the Swiss
Johann Kaspar Hftfeli (d. 1811) of Dessau, Bremen,
and Bernburg. In his early career an opponent of
the Enlightenment, later he came strongly under the
influence of Kant; yet his talented control of lan-
guage and masterful style revealed the born orator.
Stolz, named above, preached on Frederick II., the
freedom of the press, Zinzendorf, and the like; the
pious supernaturalist Rosenm tiller in Leipsic, on the
noteworthy events of the eighteenth century. When
Tollner proposed to preach on the revelation of
God in nature, Koppen, the advocate of the Bible,
protested. Such preachers abounded in city and
hamlet. J. L. Ewald (d. 1822) issued sermons upon

176

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching

Hofacker (q.v.); and J. E. F. Sander (q.v.), care-
ful in the exegesis of his text, rather learned than
forceful. Also Biblical in his basis
5\5? but concentrating his thought upon
sin and grace was Ludwig Hofacker
(q.v.). Preachers of another type were equally
Biblical in their sphere of thought, but more con-
fessional in their development. Such a man was
Claus Harms (q.v.), a man of kindly, serene, and
poetic sensibilities and fresh humor which made
him acceptable to all classes. His originality lay
in the plasticity of his diction and in richness and
weight of thought. Pathos was sometimes un-
pleasantly abundant. His subjects were suggestive
and catchy; while his arrangement is philosophical,
it is not determined always by the text. He had
numerous followers, of whom may be named here
Martin Stephan and A. G. Rudelbach (qq.v.).
Biblical and confessional in type were the two
Erummachers, Gottfried Daniel and Friedrich
WQhelm (qq.v.). Of the latter it may be said that
he was an artist in the use of words, supported by
a tangible realism and an uncommonly lively power
of construction, by which he was able to make real
the characters of the Bible story. Yet in his word
pictures he did not always adhere to the historically
true, The New Testament was frequently read
back into the Old, while his use of the typical and
allegorical was rather excessive. In this group
belong also Hermann Friedrich Kohlbrugge and
the Reformed preacher Friedrich Ludwig Mallet
(qq.v.) . While between Claus Harms and Bernhard
Draeseke (q.v.) certain connections existed, in
general they are of different types. The latter's
sermons can not be characterized accurately as
prevailingly either Biblical or confessional; they
were more general in type. Related to him in style
was the important Bishop Ruhlemann Friedrich
Eylert (q.v.), in whom buoyancy became extrava-
gance and freshness unction. Other preachers, while
supernatural in trend, were not of the narrow super-
natural school; such were the Konigsberg preacher
Ludwig August K&hler (q.v.), and Heinrich Leon-
hard Heubner of Wittenberg (q.v.). Franz There-
min (q.v.) was akin to this group in the expression
which he gave to his piety.

Another group may be designated as the strag-
glers of rationalistic preaching. Belonging here is
the celebrated Christoph Friedrich von Ammon
(q.v.). In his earlier sermons he appears as a
KmnfiftT) moralist; in a later period he devoted him-
self to the exposition of ecclesiastical
*• Benuiin- doctrine. Finally, in his third period
tar* he returned to practically his first

position. Gifted in the matter of form,
diplomatically clever in expression, of
courtly fluency, and often of lofty and witty flow
of thought, his sermons were especially adapted to
the educated. The most important representative
of the popular rationalism in these times was Johann
Friedrich Rohr (q.v.). In clarity and logical co-
ordination he followed Reinhard. In general his
•ermons escape many of the inherent weaknesses
of the rationalistic discourse, though the basis is
thoroughly rationalistic. Here belongs also Morits
Ferdinand Sehmala (d. I860), who served pastorates

in Vienna, Dresden, and Hamburg; prolific and
lively in thought, he recalled Reinhard in the careful
and often comprehensive disposition of his material.
Of like prominence were the Hamburg pastors J. K.
W. Alt and C. U. A. Krause.

The decades after the wars for freedom, in which
on one side rationalism was one of the forces and
on the other the influence of Schleiermacher and
of the awakening was potent, constitute a period
of ferment for the pulpit. Strong indi-
Trend W dualists ^e those already described
broke away from the rationalistic,
emotional-judicious, stirring-pathetic method, and
a type gained the ascendency corresponding to the
new influences. The result was not unlike that pro-
duced by Schleiermacher, though the resemblance
was not due to dialectic trenchancy nor to depth of
thought. The new preaching became often a preach-
ing of repentance under the stimulus of the empha-
sis upon the significance of Christ for salvation.
But the fine lines of Schleiermacher's dialectic, due
to his dogmatic system, were hidden behind the
grosser outlines of ecclesiastical confessions. In
sum the new preaching was a return to Christ
and the Bible. Hence the relation of the sermon
to the text was recast. Rationalism formally al-
lowed the authority of the Bible, but interpreted as
it chose. The new understanding of Christianity
caused the employment of the text in its original
meaning as the guiding principle of the sermon.
Of course traces of the earlier usage remained here
and there, and the Word was sometimes miscon-
strued, especially the Old Testament, into which
the New Testament was read. But the pulpit was
essentially Biblical, the pericopes retained their
importance, although the use of fiee texts was
not unknown, while sometimes whole books of the
Bible were the occasion of courses of sermons. The
diction of the sermon was also influenced by that of
the Bible, sometimes so strongly as to have an
archaic sound. Similarly, the content of the ser-
mon underwent change. Rationalism had chosen
ethical themes, and these fell into discredit. Re-
ligious or religious-dogmatic themes were the rule,
with a polemic against rationalism, the Friends of
Light, liberalism, the new theology, and especially
against the unchristian spirit of the times. Stand-
ard themes, of course with infinite variation, were
repentance, grace, judgment, the person of Christ,
the atonement. Consequently there was danger
of the sermon becoming stereotyped. The way in
which text and sermon contents were bound to-
gether was controlled by the ruling analytic-syn-
thetic method. The text furnished the chief
suggestions or themes; the thoughts furnished by
the analysis of the text were united in a theme and
then put in order according to the divisions, and
these latter were prevailingly threefold — more than
four divisions are rare. The length of the sermon
gradually became shorter, from thirty to forty
minutes. Here and there other than a Biblical
text was chosen, while catechetical sermons were
not unknown, as were those on the Apostles'
Creed.

A considerable proportion of pulpit orators laid
upon Christ and Scripture, after the forms

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

174

1770 to 1809 virtue as the most serviceable thing
was the theme of the sermons of J. Moller, B. von
Gotland (d. 1805), C. Kullberg (d. 1808), and the
neologian Bishop Lehnberg of Linkoping (d. 1808).
P. Fredell was an advocate of Swedenborgianism in
opposition to the Enlightenment. In Holland in the
second quarter of the nineteenth century no names
of prominence stand out, and where the French lan-
guage was spoken the same state of affairs existed.
F. J. Durand left L' Annie evangelique in seven vol-
umes (2d ed., Bern, 1780). Jean Frederic Oberlin
(q.v.) stands out as a true witness to the Gospel
in an evil time, earnest and popular in his applica-
tion of Scripture and life, illustrating his thoughts
with instructing fulness. Antoine Court and Paul
Rabaut (qq.v.) should be mentioned here, and J.
Roget (q.v.) . In Holland the sermon was influenced
by the English school, and the style changed slowly
from the older detailed exposition of the text to the
synthetic method. The road in this country was
broken by E. Hollebeek of Ley den, and P. Che-
valier of Groningen followed in discourses that were
ethical and rationalistic in tone, as were those of
E. Kist (d. 1822) in Dort. G. Bonnet of Utrecht
(d. 1805) united the methods of the old and the new
schools; the pic us Jakob Hinlopen (d. 1803) for half
a century protested by his method against all
scholasticism, while L. Egeling in Ley den (d. 1835)
was fruitful in his ministry. At the end of the eight-
eenth century examples of bombastic rhetoric
appear in the sermons of J. Bosch and J. van Loo,
while the reading of sermons began to be practised
after the English model by the middle of that cen-
tury.

5. The Evangelical Pulpit of the Nineteenth
Century; The revival of church life which took
place at the beginning of the nineteenth century
found its reflection in preaching, which received
new blood and quickening and in turn stimulated
the common life. Among the influ-
ences which worked in this direction
were the political conditions. The
necessities of Germany during the Napoleonic
period and its rebirth during the wars for freedom,
resulting in a feeling of united life among the people,
gave to the pulpit an aim and a definite direction.
The two men most influential in this extended
crisis were Schleiermacher and Draeseke, though
they were supported by a host of preachers who with
earnestness and courage and in noble spirit led the
way. A further influence was the growing con-
sciousness of a concrete Christianity in the piety of
the times. While some preachers held to the old
ways, the general trend was in the new direction, led
by men like Draeseke and Theremin into a new form
and to contents which attempted to realize a histori-
cal Christianity. Above all was the guidance of
Schleiermacher, who made the person of Christ
and the redemption central in his preaching. Im-
mediately there developed a style of sermon suited
to the movement of awakening, and the use of the
Bible was no small part of the method employed,
while a confessional interest was powerfully re-
vived. As a whole the preaching of the first dec-
ades of the nineteenth century was essentially
Christological. The general truths of reason are

1. Basal
Influences.

no longer in control, the Gospel rules. Meanwhile
the text has come to its own as the constitutive
element, while the dogmatic and confessional are hi
the foreground ; the merely moral sermon has lost
its reputation, the Evangelical takes its place.

Special importance attaches to Daniel Friedrioh
Schleiermacher (q.v.), who stands in the front
rank of pulpit orators, as is attested by his ten
volumes of sermons. His importance rests not
alone in the fact that he influenced a generation of
preachers and their sermons as did no other theo-
logian of his century; but still mote

^^t" fundamental was his theological and
homiletical starting-point in the imme*
diateness of the emotions, to his steady retreat to
the innermost Christian consciousness against the
old supernaturalism, and also against the ruling
rationalism and Kantianism. For him, the living
sense of community with God is the center of Chris-
tian piety, and the stimulation of this is the purpose
of all Christian preaching. His idea was to speak
ever as to brethren and develop their Christian
consciousness. Hence the chief content of his
sermons is a clear exposition of his own inner life
for believing Christians. The ethical was not neg-
lected, but its sources were found in the religious
consciousness. Characteristic was the way in
which sin was treated by him, emphasising the
necessity of the new birth; he believed in a lifting
above the situation where the flesh ruled rather than
in a continuous conflict with a sinful inclination.
In his earlier period he was closely tied to his text,
which was generally short; as might be expected
of so sturdy a thinker, the disposition of the thought
was less formal than material. His preaching was
wholly free from pathos, was classically tranquil in
its thought development, closely logical in its articu-
lation. Popular in the widest sense his sermons are
not, adapted as they are for the cultured; but their
clarity and logicalness make easy the understanding
of them. He spoke often not simply as a Protestant
preacher, but as a pious, experienced sage and moral
philosopher. He did not write his sermons, but pre-
pared them by most careful and painstaking medi-
tation. The fact that one so learned in classical
antiquity and in philosophy yet made Christ the
central point and gave to ethical conceptions the
cast of the New-Testament methods of viewing them
was to many, tired of the old rationalistic preach-
ing, not merely attractive but positively grateful.
And long afterward the influence of his method was
found among preachers who still regarded him as
their model. New light has been cast in this di-
rection by the publication by J. Bauer of Schleier-
macher's Ungedruckie Predigten au» . . . 1820-&8
(Leipsic, 1909), and Bauer's Schleiermacher ale
patriotutcher Prediger (Giessen, 1908).

His services were supported by a number of
preachers of significant homiletical power. As
advocates of a faith based on a Biblical revelation
may be mentioned Gottfried Menken, Johann Bap-
tist Albertini, and Johann Christian Gottlob Krafft
(qq.v.), Theodore Lehmus of Ansbach (d. 1837),
a victorious combatant of rationalism; Christian
Adam Dann (q.v.), a preacher with suggestive
themes and a diction juicy and forceful; Wilhelm

176

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching

Hofacker (q.v.); and J. E. F. Sander (q.v.), care-
ful in the exegesis of his text, rather learned than
forceful. Also Biblical in his basis
~\TT? but concentrating his thought upon
sin and grace was Ludwig Hofacker
(q.v.). Preachers of another type were equally
Biblical in their sphere of thought, but more con-
fessional in their development. Such a man was
Glaus Harms (q.v.), a man of kindly, serene, and
poetic sensibilities and fresh humor which made
him acceptable to all classes. His originality lay
in the plasticity of his diction and in richness and
weight of thought. Pathos was sometimes un-
pleasantly abundant. His subjects were suggestive
and catchy; while his arrangement is philosophical,
it is not determined always by the text. He had
numerous followers, of whom may be named here
Martin Stephan and A. G. Rudelbach (qq.v.).
Biblical and confessional in type were the two
Erummachers, Gottfried Daniel and Friedrich
Wilhehn (qq.v.). Of the latter it may be said that
he was an artist in the use of words, supported by
a tangible realism and an uncommonly lively power
of construction, by which he was able to make real
the characters of the Bible story. Yet in his word
pictures he did not always adhere to the historically
true. The New Testament was frequently read
back into the Old, while his use of the typical and
allegorical was rather excessive. In this group
belong also Hermann Friedrich Kohlbrugge and
the Reformed preacher Friedrich Ludwig Mallet
(qq.v.) . While between Claus Harms and Bernhard
Draeseke (q.v.) certain connections existed, in
general they are of different types. The latter's
sermons can not be characterized accurately as
prevailingly either Biblical or confessional; they
were more general in type. Related to him in style
was the important Bishop Ruhlemann Friedrich
Eylert (q.v.), in whom buoyancy became extrava-
gance and freshness unction. Other preachers, while
supernatural in trend, were not of the narrow super-
natural school; such were the Konigsberg preacher
Ludwig August Kahler (q.v.), and Heinrich Leon-
hard Heubner of Wittenberg (q.v.). Franz There-
min (q.v.) was akin to this group in the expression
which he gave to his piety.

Another group may be designated as the strag-
glers of rationalistic preacliing. Belonging here is
the celebrated Christoph Friedrich von Ammon
(q.v.). In his earlier sermons he appears as a
Kantian moralist; in a later period he devoted him-
self to the exposition of ecclesiastical
*" ^^fi11" doctrine. Finally, in his third period
he returned to practically his first
position. Gifted in the matter of form,
diplomatically clever in expression, of
courtly fluency, and often of lofty and witty flow
of thought, his sermons were especially adapted to
the educated. The most important representative
of the popular rationalism in these times was Johann
Friedrich Rohr (q.v.). In clarity and logical co-
ordination he followed Reinhard. In general his
termons escape many of the inherent weaknesses
of the rationalistic discourse, though the basis is
thoroughly rationalistic. Here belongs also Moritz
Ferdinand Schmalz (d. 1860), who served pastorates

ders of
Bation-

The decades after the wars for freedom, in which
on one side rationalism was one of the forces and
on the other the influence of Schleiermacher and
of the awakening was potent, constitute a period
of ferment for the pulpit. Strong indi-
Tr ~? w vidualists like those already described
broke away from the rationalistic,
emotional- judicious, stirring-pathetic method, and
a type gained the ascendency corresponding to the
new influences. The result was not unlike that pro-
duced by Schleiermacher, though the resemblance
was not due to dialectic trenchancy nor to depth of
thought. The new preaching became often a preach-
ing of repentance under the stimulus of the empha-
sis upon the significance of Christ for salvation.
But the fine lines of Schleiermacher's dialectic, due
to his dogmatic system, were hidden behind the
grosser outlines of ecclesiastical confessions. In
sum the new preaching was a return to Christ
and the Bible. Hence the relation of the sermon
to the text was recast. Rationalism formally al-
lowed the authority of the Bible, but interpreted as
it chose. The new understanding of Christianity
caused the employment of the text in its original
meaning as the guiding principle of the sermon.
Of course traces of the earlier usage remained here
and there, and the Word was sometimes miscon-
strued, especially the Old Testament, into which
the New Testament was read. But the pulpit was
essentially Biblical, the pericopes retained their
importance, although the use of fiee texts was
not unknown, while sometimes whole books of the
Bible were the occasion of courses of sermons. The
diction of the sermon was also influenced by that of
the Bible, sometimes so strongly as to have an
archaic sound. Similarly, the content of the ser-
mon underwent change. Rationalism had chosen
ethical themes, and these fell into discredit. Re-
ligious or religious-dogmatic themes were the rule,
with a polemic against rationalism, the Friends of
Light, liberalism, the new theology, and especially
against the unchristian spirit of the times. Stand-
ard themes, of course with infinite variation, were
repentance, grace, judgment, the person of Christ,
the atonement. Consequently there was danger
of the sermon becoming stereotyped. The way in
which text and sermon contents were bound to-
gether was controlled by the ruling analytic-syn-
thetic method. The text furnished the chief
suggestions or themes; the thoughts furnished by
the analysis of the text were united in a theme and
then put in order according to the divisions, and
these latter were prevailingly threefold — more than
four divisions are rare. The length of the sermon
gradually became shorter, from thirty to forty
minutes. Here and there other than a Biblical
text was chosen, while catechetical sermons were
not unknown, as were those on the Apostles'
Creed.

A considerable proportion of pulpit orators laid
emphasis upon Christ and Scripture, after the forms

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

176

of the Lutheran confessions, and were at no pains to
disguise this spirit of confessional energy and dog-
matic stress. The cardinal doctrines of the person
of Christ, of sin and grace, and of the
6. The atonement ruled the sermon; and along
Confess- ^^ ^e pQgftjye exposition of these
tonal Type. ,, ..* r , . .

themes there was a polemic against

errant tendencies of the period. The endeavor was
to have the sermon practical with reference to the
center of the Gospel. Among the exponents of this
spirit of the pulpit may be named from South
Germany Johann Konrad Wilhelm Lone, Gottlieb
Christian Adolf von Harless, and Gottfried
Thoinasius (qq. v.) ; from North Germany especially
Ludwig Harms (q.v.), Ludwig Adolf Petri, and
K. K. Munkel (qq.v.). Petri's sermons were
simple in construction, but so deep and rich in
their thought that they were adapted rather for
the educated. The text governed in the working-
out of his discourses, and was often exegetically
treated. He emphasized doctrine without ob-
scuring the Gospel, and revealed an earnest, keen,
thoroughly trained personality of the Lutheran-
confeasional type. Munkel, while stressing less
the form, exercised a like care in the working-
out of his discourses and in their clearness.
He preached to the church of a village, and that
influenced his diction and his illustrations; the
result is that his sermons may be designated as
popular. He avoids all that is coarse; he is learned,
the church standards define his exposition, and his
exegesis is unadorned. In this connection Bernhard
Adolph Langbein of Saxony should be mentioned.
From Christian Ernst Luthardt's pen have come
down a number of volumes of sermons which unite
a full utilization of the text with determination of
its religious testimony. Simple and forceful re-
pose combines with a great active ethical strength
and rich theological content. Gerard Uhlhorn (q.v.)
had a remarkable gift of exposition, and vigorous
material found a corresponding form of expression,
while a mighty ethical earnestness was combined
with the energy of the Lutheran proclamation. Of
Lutherans outside of Germany mention may be
made of A. F. Huhn, preacher at Reval, prolific in
production.

From this group of distinctively confessional
preachers a second group may be distinguished by
a closer grip of the confessional element and a
sharper emphasis upon practical, communal, and in-
dividual matters. To be named here are Karl Hein-
rich Caspari of Munich and J. F. Ahl-

7# ^™^ari8 feW (<!• v-) in Leipsic. The sermons of
the former in their simplicity appeal

on the
Practical.

more to the ordinary man than to the
educated; but they show a rich experience, a deep
knowledge of men, special aptitude in individuali-
zation, concrete illustrations, and a plastic exposi-
tion. Johann Friedrich Ahlfeld was too practically
disposed to be a mere partizan. In the many vol-
umes of sermons from his pen there are shown an
engaging warmth, a religious-ethical earnestness,
and an extraordinary power of presentation com-
bined with popular homeliness. The Wurttemberg
Church produced Wilhelm Hoffmann (q.v.), a
preacher whose discourses lead clearly and surely

into the Scriptures and their plan of salvation and
illuminate the practical life. Another man of note
is B. B. Bruckner (q.v.), preacher in Berlin and
professor in Leipsic, a man of gentle orthodoxy,
pleasing speech, fine employment of the text, and
correct in his methods of arrangement. Of Carl
Gerok (q.v.) it may be said that he possessed a great
power of pleasing, a gentle mildness, a pronounced
clarity, a poetic beauty, none of which lessened the
earnest depth of his Christian thought and compre-
hension of the text. He was, however, more of a
practical man than thinker, partaking of the quali-
ties of Ahlfeld as a saver of souls. Also to be named
are the brothers Max and Emil Frommel, the former
of whom belonged to the group of practical sermoni-
zers who based their work on the Bible. Max's
sermons may be said to be more forceful and earnest
than his brother's, and carry a tinge of Pietism
with a joyous and certain faith in God. They are
artistically complete. Emil, court preacher and
military chaplain at Berlin, especially in his sermons
on festival days took great delight in leading his
congregation into the world of Biblical thought;
he also was practical in type, polished to a degree.
Events, history, application, interpretation, illus-
tration, followed each other throughout his dis-
courses. He was a preacher for all ranks of society,
though the fineness of his discourse made him appre-
ciated most by the cultured. Two preachers of
recent date are Rudolph Kdgel and Heinrich Hoff-
mann (qq.v.). The former, in dogmatics stronger
than Frommel, did not strive for dogmatic pro-
fundity; his forte was a rhetorical art which made
all else serviceable. Hoffmann's strength lay in his
fine, searching, saving, and keen psychology, in the
energetic compactness with which he brought to
expression his rich and deep thinking, in the force-
fulness of the testimony which he brought to the
Gospel, and finally in the holy earnestness with
which he appealed to the conscience. T. J. R.
Kdgel (q.v.), preacher at the cathedral in Berlin,
was the foremost Evangelical clergyman in Prussia,
possessed of great national and courtly opportuni-
ties, a prince in the pulpit, the rhetorician of sacred
oratory, a master of style; on the other side was
Heinrich Hoffmann, restricted to the narrow sphere
of the Neumarktkirche in Halle, without notoriety,
yet a herald of earnest and philosophical thought, a
real shepherd of souls. Both of them were preach-
ers to the educated; for simple people the genius of
Kttgel was too lofty, the compressed thought of
Hoffmann too difficult of comprehension. Neither
had the fine, light touch of Emil Frommel, the grip-
ping power of narration of Ahlfeld; or the gentle art
of Gerok. Only briefly to be mentioned here are
Johann Friedrich Wilhelm Arndt (q.v.), the Berlin
preacher Strauss, whose sermons are distinguished
by devoutness and feeling, and Karl BQchsel (q.v.),
whose rough, formless, knotty, but uncommonly
earnest and practical sermons had wide influence.
The sermons of F. L. Steinmeyer (q.v.) might be
called essays toward the understanding of Scripture.
The material for them he derived from the text,
while the exegesis was almost too broad and artistic;
but the thoughts were ever deep and original, the
structure well thought through, the form beautiful

177

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching

audcoonected, and the aim was to produce religion,
act theology.

A third group show either Pietistic or Scriptural-
jfltie influences. They are pronouncedly anti-
ntionalistic, and reveal the sharp ecclesiastical
teadmcy. They are preachers of repentance, or
salvation, or awakening, or conscience,
J^*^*° but never, in the pulpit, theologians.
"jJJ^JJ^They have little to do with exegesis

Troncinlnr anc^ °^er ^heUr own witness. They
* seldom speak as the mouth of the con-
gregation, though they are the more successful as
Evangelists. They regard little the arrangement of
thediscourse, at any rate the formal carrying-out of a
plan and the formulation of subject and divisions. A
peculiar position in this group was gained by Johann
Tobias Beck (q.v.), who was Scripturalistic. Other
men of Wurttemberg to be named are Sixt Karl
Kapff and Johann Christoph Blumhardt (qq. v.) . The
latter was mighty as a preacher, and often opened
wide the treasure of knowledge and experience
hidden in the Scriptures. His sermons rang true,
and he was smooth yet popular in his diction. Here
should be named a German Swiss who belonged to
the speculative division of the school of Bengel and
Oetinger, the original and spirited David Spleiss
of Sehaffhausen (d. 1854), who traced the inner
unity of nature and Scripture. In his earnestness
he used mouth, hand, and foot in the pulpit in order
to give expression to the press of thought, was im-
prasive, fiery, clear, suggestive, yet always popular.
His discourses were uncommonly full and connected.
From the Prussian rural church came August
Tholuck (q.v.), whose Pietistic coloring was toned
down by his academic activity. His idea of the
sermon was that it should not be a demonstration
of man's intelligence but a testimony of the divine
8pirit His discourses owe their force especially to
the masterful psychological development of a deep
and binding apologetics, sharpening the conscience.
Tbe noble, cultured, and impressive diction is in-
spired with the warmest feeling and the deepest
earnestness, while the exposition is lightened with
toe play of a lively but sanctified imagination. He
*w free in the matter of form, in the method of
handling his text, even in the choice of a text, not
^striding himself to Scripture but using, e.g.,
Passages from the Augsburg Confession. Purely a
Pietist was Gustav Knak (d. 1878), especially suc-
ce*sful in his appeal to the heart and emotions of
&e congregation, and possibly the most sensitive
*&<! appealing of all the preachers of the nineteenth
century.

A fourth group is composed of those who first

•^ forth Christian verity in an external garb drawn

n°ti so much from the Bible as from the individuality

°* the preacher; they also show a desire to rub off

*v _ many corners and edges of Biblical

• Individ- pronouncements, thus to present Chris-

Xfc^JS!^* tian doctrine in a milder form and one

more in accord with the characteristics

^* the times. Preachers of this type of academical

*«eologian8are especially numerous, and particularly

***oae who belong to the mediating theology. It is

*°t strange that among many of these the thought-

"*1 working-out of the verities of faith seemed more

IX.— 12

important than immediate influence upon heart and
conscience, and one might even assign Tholuck to
this group, though in him the pietistic-Biblical
element preponderated. This last was not the case
with Karl Immanuel Nitzsch (q.v.), whose sermons,
like Schleiermacher's, showed a complete blending
of the religious and the ethical; he also laid little
stress upon form and diction. The deep inner har-
mony of his being, grounded in a fully ripened com-
pletion of his philosophical, theological, and prac-
tical ecclesiastical views, the imperturbable peace,
and the conciliatory character of his mind were
mirrored forth in his preaching. Julius M tiller
(q.v.) showed in his preaching an argumentative
exposition of Scripture and a learned and dialectic
development which required sympathy of energy in
the hearer or reader. The sermons of Richard Rothe
(q.v.) were such as could spring only from his own
singularly deep and cultured nature; what he ut-
tered was wholly his own, in speech and in flow of
thought entirely individual. Externally his sermons
present a finished oratorical and artistic form . Karl
Theodor Albert Liebner and Friedrich August
Eduard Ehrenfeuchter (qq. v.) belong to this group,
as do Albrecht Wolters, remarkable for poetically
beautiful and thoughtfully fine testimony, and Wil-
libald Beyschlag (qq.v.), a brilliant preacher of fine
sensibilities, who employed a mild apologetics to the
reconciliation of Christianity and modern culture.
He was a witness for Evangelical Christianity with
great freedom of spirit and constraint of conscience,
a noted exegete, uniting the thought of the text
with individual comprehension and elaboration.
Here also must be placed Julius Mullensiefen (q.v.),
though his sermons reproduce more faithfully than
those just mentioned the Biblical coloring; he is
also much more popular, deeper mentally, and richer
in feeling than many of them.

The fifth group includes within its numbers
preachers with wide differences; they share with
the preceding independence in the form of thought
and of construction, and they speak not in the lan-
guage of the Bible but in that of the times. The
general attitude is that of Carl Schwarz :

10# ultfcern " Not onIy is the Present bom a«ain
Group through the spirit of Christianity, but

Christianity itself is born again through
the present." It is not the old rationalism which
comes out in this group, however; all in which that
form of thought failed, religion, in which lie the
depths of the soul's life, is that which these preachers
would supply on the basis of the incarnation of Christ,
real and effective, and no less on the basis of the
entire and complete humanizing of Christianity.
Of this group Carl Schwarz (q.v.), cited above, is the
leader and chief representative. His idea was to
make use of whatever had been critically established
by Lessing, Herder, Schleiermacher, and Hegel, and
to make it available to the congregation. He trans-
lated Christianity, formally as well as essentially,
into German in sermons which were religious-
ethical. Christ was not pushed into the back-
ground, though the presentation of him was of a
sort other than that of the Biblically based church
doctrine. His sermons might be described as highly
idealistic, rhetorically forceful, warmly religious,

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

174

1770 to 1809 virtue as the most serviceable thing
was the theme of the sermons of J. Moller, B. von
Gotland (d. 1805), C. Kullberg (d. 1808), and the
neologian Bishop Lehnberg of Linkdping (d. 1808).
P. Fredell was an advocate of Swedenborgianism in
opposition to the Enlightenment. In Holland in the
second quarter of the nineteenth century no names
of prominence stand out, and where the French lan-
guage was spoken the same state of affairs existed.
F. J. Durand left L' Annie evangelique in seven vol-
umes (2d ed., Bern, 1780). Jean Fr&le'ric Oberlin
(q.v.) stands out as a true witness to the Gospel
in an evil time, earnest and popular in his applica-
tion of Scripture and life, illustrating his thoughts
with instructing fulness. Antoine Court and Paul
Rabaut (qq.v.) should be mentioned here, and J.
Roget (q. v.) . In Holland the sermon was influenced
by the English school, and the style changed slowly
from the older detailed exposition of the text to the
synthetic method. The road in this country was
broken by E. Hollebcek of Lcyden, and P. Che-
valier of Groningen followed in discourses that were
ethical and rationalistic in tone, as were those of
E. Kist (d. 1822) in Dort. G. Bonnet of Utrecht
(d. 1805) united the methods of the old and the new
schools; the pic us Jakob Hinlopen (d. 1803) for half
a century protested by his method against all
scholasticism, while L. Egeling in Ijeyden (d. 1835)
was fruitful in his ministry. At the end of the eight-
eenth century examples of bombastic rhetoric
appear in the sermons of J. Bosch and J. van IiOO,
while the reading of sermons began to be practised
after the English model by the middle of that cen-
tury.

5. The Evangelical Pulpit of the Nineteenth
Century: The revival of church life which took
place at the beginning of the nineteenth century
found its reflection in preaching, which received
new blood and quickening and in turn stimulated

1 B&aai *ne common u*e. Among the influ-
Inflnencee cncC8 which worked in this direction
" were the political conditions. The
necessities of Germany during the Napoleonic
period and its rebirth during the wars for freedom,
resulting in a feeling of united life among the people,
gave to the pulpit an aim and a definite direction.
The two men most influential in this extended
crisis were Schleiermacher and Draeseke, though
they were supported by a host of preachers who with
earnestness and courage and in noble spirit led the
way. A further influence was the growing con-
sciousness of a concrete Christianity in the piety of
the times. While some preachers held to the old
ways, the general trend was in the new direction, led
by men like Draeseke and Theremin into a new form
and to contents which attempted to realize a histori-
cal Christianity. Above all was the guidance of
Schleiermacher, who made the person of Christ
and the redemption central in his preaching. Im-
mediately there developed a style of sermon suited
to the movement of awakening, and the use of the
Bible was no small part of the method employed,
while a confessional interest was powerfully re-
vived. As a whole the preaching of the first dec-
ades of the nineteenth century was essentially
Christological. The general truths of reason are

no longer in control, the Gospel rules. Meanwhile
the text has come to its own as the constitutive
element, while the dogmatic and confessional are in
the foreground ; the merely moral sermon has fat
its reputation, the Evangelical takes its place.

Special importance attaches to Daniel Friedrieh
Schleiermacher (q.v.), who stands in the front
rank of pulpit orators, as is attested by his ten
volumes of sermons. His importance rests not
alone in the fact that he influenced a generation of
preachers and their sermons as did no other theo-

logian of his century; but still more
8o™tor" fundamental was his theological and

nomiletical starting-point in the imme*
diatenes8 of the emotions, to his steady retreat to
the innermost Christian consciousness against the
old supernaturalism, and also against the ruling
rationalism and Kantianism. For him, the bring
sense of community with God is the center of Chris-
tian piety, and the stimulation of this is the purpose
of all Christian preaching. His idea was to speak
ever as to brethren and develop their Christian
consciousness. Hence the chief content of hi
sermons is a clear exposition of his own inner hie
for believing Christians. The ethical was not neg-
lected, but its sources were found in the religious
consciousness. Characteristic was the way in
which sin was treated by him, emphasizing the
necessity of the new birth; he believed in a lifting
above the situation where the flesh ruled rather than
in a continuous conflict with a sinful inclination.
In his earlier period he was closely tied to his text,
which was generally short; as might be expected
of so sturdy a thinker, the disposition of the thought
was less formal than material. His preaching mi
wholly free from pathos, was classically tranquil m
its thought development, closely logical in ite articu-
lation . Popular in the widest sense his sermons are
not, adapted as they are for the cultured; but their
clarity and logicalness make easy the understanding
of them . He spoke often not simply as a Protestant
preacher, but as a pious, experienced sage and moral
philosopher. He did not write his sermons, but pre-
pared them by most careful and painstaking medi-
tation. The fact that one so learned in classical
antiquity and in philosophy yet made Christ the
central point and gave to ethical conceptions the
cast of the New-Testament methods of viewing them
was to many, tired of the old rationalistic preach-
ing, not merely attractive but positively grateful.
And long afterward the influence of his method tias
found among preachers who still regarded him as
their model. New light has been cast in this di-
rection by the publication by J. Bauer of Schleier-
macher's Ungedruckte Predigten aus . . . 1830-&
(Leipsic, 1909), and Bauer's Schleiermacher d*
patriotUcher Prediger (Giessen, 1908).

His services were supported by a number of
preachers of significant homiletical power. As
advocates of a faith based on a Biblical revelation
may be mentioned Gottfried Menken, Johann Bap-
tist Albertini, and Johann Christian Gottlob Krafft
(qq.v.), Theodore Lehmus of Ansbach (d. 1837)i
a victorious combatant of rationalism; Christian
Adam Dann (q.v.), a preacher with suggestive
themes and a diction juicy and forceful; Wilhehn

179

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching

fariimental problems of the present, including
'ftose in the ethical and religious worlds. While
Mi solutions are perhaps never fully satisfying from
a theoretical standpoint, they show a marvelously
dear and practical piety. He conceives his mes-
age to be " to those who in the midst of the life
of the new age would find a personal relation to
Christianity," and to these he speaks in their own
tongue, starting with them as a sharer in their own
conception of things, yet by reason of the strength of
his faith is their leader. A preacher of the type of
Neumann is Bernhard Doerries; in his concreteness
and aptness of dealing with affairs of the congregation
tad individual he reproduces Naumann at his best.
Here belong also Geyer and Rittelmeyer of Nurem-
bag, with their excellent modern fresh and plastic
methods. Gustav Frenssen does not always preach
real village sermons; but he does not take fright at
any particular circumstances. Yet the thinking
auditor finds something lacking in his work ; he gives
religious conceptions without theological insight;
he is an apologete for Christianity, but above all as
a preacher he is a poet. Very concrete and suited
for a rural people are the discourses which H. Kaiser
has collected, as well as the addresses of Erwin
Gros. K. Hesselbacher, now at Carlsruhe, has es-
tablished a firm reputation as village preacher.
The descendants of the third group named above
have experienced also great changes. The Pietistic-
emotional sermon suits no longer the taste of the
Methodist-revivalistic hearer. The modern sermon
of Evangelization has many types, from the one-
sided and fanatical works of Karl Idel to the more
I restful ones of J. Stockmeyer, the psychologically
i fine and many-sided ones of Elias Schrenk, and the
| energetic, rousing, apologetic, and modern dis-
courses of Samuel Keller. But all these claim the
right to be distinguished from those who use the
stormy, impetuous, and nerve-racking methods so
largely dominant, even while they receive their im-
pulse toward the " Field-Mission " from the very
decided movement manifested among the different
congregations. Whether the Methodistic flavor of
these sermons is great, less, or very little, whether
they are prevailingly Biblical or modern and prac-
tical, their aim is conversion, their object is decision,
and their method is a rousing call to repentance.
The modern pulpit has certain well-marked charac-
teristics. It appeals to the soul life of the hearer
with firm grip and full understanding; it is religious
and practical and ill-disposed to dogmatics, realizes
the logic of necessity in requiring a solution of the
problems of the times.

?• the Continental Pulpit Outside Germany:

For Denmark the first name worthy of mention is

that of Jakob Peter Mynster (q.v.), bishop of Zea-

™d> simple but noble in diction and deep in

1 In a*, thought. Not simply a preacher but

dfaJX*1" dso a religious author, the prophet of

the inner life and the opponent of ec-

€*ea**stical Christianity was Soren Aabye Kierke-

JJttd (q.v.). Mynster's successor, Hans Lassen

'krtensen (q- v.), with all his versatility in the study

°\ the text and its application, yet many a time

jj^ssea a really enchaining style. Nikolai Frederik

Scterin Grundtvig (q.v.) was a preacher of really

original power. With the early strength of his po-
lemic against rationalism, somewhat decayed, there
remained the undauntedness of his living testimony,
resting upon his inner experience, against a declen-
sion of faith in the Father, the fire of his tempera-
ment, and above all his popular, poetic, blazing elo-
quence. His great influence was seen in such men
as W. Birkedal and C. Hostrup. D. G. Monrad had
a keen eye for the psychological approach and great
ability in delineation of character. N. G. Blaedel,
R. Frimodt, H. H. Paulli (d. 1865), Wilhelm Beck
(d. 1901), are names meriting mention. Living
Danish preachers of eminence are T. S. Roerdam
(q.v.), bishop of Zealand, a pupil of Grundtvig, J.
Paulli, son of H. H. Paulli, and H. B. Ussing (q.v.).
It may be said in passing that the prevailing usage
in Denmark is against the use of manuscript in
the pulpit. In Norway, Willem Andreas Wexels
won great renown both as an eminent preacher and
as a distinguished foe of rationalism. O. Andreas
Berg (d. 1861) was entirely orthodox in his short,
penetrating, clear and practical sermons, but after
the Norwegian method which combined Lutheran
orthodoxy with Pietism. Somewhat similar in
character was Honoratus Hailing, and the still
living G. Jensen of Christiania shows the influence
of Grundtvig and Lutheran orthodoxy. In the
most recent years a more " modern " spirit has in-
vaded, closely akin to that of Germany. It has
been recognized as a function of the pulpit to meet
the modern educated man with a warm-hearted
understanding and to win him for Christianity and
the Church. A noted exponent of this tendency
is T. Klaveness of Christiania. In Sweden also
there set in early in the nineteenth century a
current against rationalism, in the form of a strong
confessional Lutheranism combined with a strong
Pietistic movement among the laity. The ser-
mons are of the synthetic type, but for the chief
service of the day the pericopes furnish the text, for
other services the choice of text is free; the reading
of the sermon is more frequent than in Norway and
Denmark, at least in the established Church, indeed
many bishops expressly recommend that form. In
the antirationalistic campaign a leading influence
was that of Professor Samuel Oedmann of Upsala
(d. 1829) and C. P. Hagberg of Lund (d. 1837), who
led also in the changes in sermon form. In the
following period in the Established Church three
groups appeared. Those who were under the in-
fluence of romanticism opposed rationalism as an
empty religion of reason and approximated closely
to Lutheran doctrine as the expression of their con-
victions. This class was represented by a series of
poetically endowed men of very different qualities,
such as the celebrated poet of the Frithiofs Saga,
Esaias Tegner (d. 1846), the childlike and lovable
Bishop Franz Mikael Franzen (d. 1847), and Johann
Olof Wallin (d. 1839), who in catchy diction, round-
ness of expression, beauty of rhythm, and perspicu-
ity of arrangement was unexcelled in Sweden. In
a second group are to be placed C. G. Rogberg of
Upsala (d. 1842), whose sermons showed great beauty
of form, in the early period a liking for the Enlight-
enment, later a better agreement with Christian
doctrine; Johan Henrik Thomander (d. 1865), called

Preaohine

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

174

1770 to 1809 virtue as the most serviceable thing
was the theme of the sermons of J. Moller, B. von
Gotland (d. 1805), C. Kullberg (d. 1808), and the
neologian Bishop Lehnberg of Linkdping (d. 1808).
P. Fredell was an advocate of Swedenborgianism in
opposition to the Enlightenment. In Holland in the
second quarter of the nineteenth century no names
of prominence stand out, and where the French lan-
guage was spoken the same state of affairs existed.
F. J. Durand left L'Annde evangttique in seven vol-
umes (2d ed., Bern, 1780). Jean Freclenc Oberlin
(q.v.) stands out as a true witness to the Gospel
in an evil time, earnest and popular in his applica-
tion of Scripture and life, illustrating his thoughts
with instructing fulness. Antoine Court and Paul
Rabaut (qq.v.) should be mentioned here, and J.
Roget (q.v.) . In Holland the sermon was influenced
by the English school, and the style changed slowly
from the older detailed exposition of the text to the
synthetic method. The road in this country was
broken by E. Hollebeek of Leyden, and P. Che-
valier of Groningen followed in discourses that were
ethical and rationalistic in tone, as were those of
E. Kist (d. 1822) in Dort. G. Bonnet of Utrecht
(d. 1805) united the methods of the old and the new
schools; the pic us Jakob Hinlopen (d. 1803) for half
a century protested by his method against all
scholasticism, while L. Egeling in Leyden (d. 1835)
was fruitful in his ministry. At the end of the eight-
eenth century examples of bombastic rhetoric
appear in the sermons of J. Bosch and J. van Ixx>,
while the reading of sermons began to be practised
after the English model by the middle of that cen-
tury.

5. The Branffelioal Pulpit of the Nineteenth
Century: The revival of church life wliich took
place at the beginning of the nineteenth century
found its reflection in preaching, which received
new blood and quickening and in turn stimulated

- B ^ the common life. Among the influ-
Inflnenoea. ences which worked in this direction
" were the political conditions. The
necessities of Germany during the Napoleonic
period and its rebirth during the wars for freedom,
resulting in a feeling of united life among the people,
gave to the pulpit an aim and a definite direction.
The two men most influential in this extended
crisis were Schleiermacher and Draeseke, though
they were supported by a host of preachers who with
earnestness and courage and in noble spirit led the
way. A further influence was the growing con-
sciousness of a concrete Christianity in the piety of
the times. While some preachers held to the old
ways, the general trend was in the new direction, led
by men like Draeseke and Theremin into a new form
and to contents which attempted to realize a histori-
cal Christianity. Above all was the guidance of
Schleiermacher, who made the person of Christ
and the redemption central in his preaching. Im-
mediately there developed a style of sermon suited
to the movement of awakening, and the use of the
Bible was no small part of the method employed,
while a confessional interest was powerfully re-
vived. As a whole the preaching of the first dec-
ades of the nineteenth century was essentially
Christological. The general truths of reason are

no longer in control, the Gospel rules. Meanwhile
the text has come to its own as the constitute
element, while the dogmatic and confessional are ia
the foreground ; the merely moral sermon has lost
its reputation, the Evangelical takes its place.

Special importance attaches to Daniel Friedriea
Schleiermacher (q.v.), who stands in the front
rank of pulpit orators, as is attested by his ten
volumes of sermons. His importance rests not
alone in the fact that he influenced a generation of
preachers and their sermons as did no other tto-

logian of his century; but still mon
^,Te^r~ fundamental was his theological and

homiletical starting-point in the imme-
diateness of the emotions, to his steady retreat to
the innermost Christian consciousness against the
old supernaturalism, and also against the rainy
rationalism and Kantianism. For him, the living
sense of community with God is the center of Chris-
tian piety, and the stimulation of this is the purpose
of all Christian preaching. His idea was to speak
ever as to brethren and develop their Christian
consciousness. Hence the chief content of hit
sermons is a clear exposition of his own inner life
for believing Christians. The ethical was not Def-
lected, but its sources were found in the religkws
consciousness. Characteristic was the way in
which sin was treated by him, emphasising the
necessity of the new birth; he believed in a lifting
above the situation where the flesh ruled rather than
in a continuous conflict with a sinful inclination.
In his earlier period he was closely tied to his text,
which was generally short; as might be expected
of so sturdy a thinker, the disposition of the thought
was less formal than material. His preaching wat
wholly free from pathos, was classically tranquil m
its thought development^ closely logical in its articu-
lation. Popular in the widest sense his sermons are
not, adapted as they are for the cultured; but their
clarity and logicalness make easy the understanding
of them . He spoke often not simply as a Protestant
preacher, but as a pious, experienced sage and moral
philosopher. He did not write his sermons, but pie-
pared them by most careful and painstaking medi-
tation. The fact that one so learned in classical
antiquity and in philosophy yet made Christ the
central point and gave to ethical conceptions the
cast of the New-Testament methods of viewing them
was to many, tired of the old rationalistic preach-
ing, not merely attractive but positively grateful
And long afterward the influence of his method vss
found among preachers who still regarded him as
their model. New light has been cast in this di-
rection by the publication by J. Bauer of Schleief-
macher's Ungedruckie Predigten au» . . . 18M&
(Leipsic, 1909), and Bauer's Schleiermacher ob
patriotMcher Prediger (Giessen, 1908).

181

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching1

Angehis a St. Claudia, whose diction and figures
belong to the seventeenth century. Still there were
prophecies of better things to come as in the dis-
courses of Hermann Schlosser, who with approach
to better form united an uncommon knowledge of
Scripture. Anti-Protestant polemics characterized
the sermons of Franz Neumayr of Augsburg, and
of Alois Merx (d. 1792); a much finer diction was
employed by Ignaz Wurz of Vienna (d. 1784), as
well as an excellent style and material full of sub-
stance. The influence of the Enlightenment was
seen in B. Bolzano (d. 1848), B. M. von Werkmeister,
and the Franciscan Eulogius Schneider (d . 1 794) . A .
Selmar represented a utilitarian tendency. One of
the noblest figures of the Roman Catholic pulpit was
Jobann Michael von Sailer (q.v.), pious, gentle, and
broad, whose theory of preaching was that it was
not the duty of the preacher merely to stimulate to
performance of duty, but he was to furnish suste-
nance to the hungry soul. He displayed great clear-
ness, versatile exposition, a wealth of deep and often
flashing thought, a deep veneration of God, warm
love for man, and a corresponding charitable peace
of soul. With Sailer stood a group of men who
might be called his school, in some of whom the
universality of Christianity was emphasized against
the Roman Catholicism of others. Of these may
be mentioned Michael Nathanael Feneberg (q.v.),
who preached a faith made fruitful in good works;
Xavier Bayr, and the highly endowed Langenmayr
of Augsburg; and the praiseworthy Christoph von
Schmid (d. 1854), the writer for young people. In
the bishopric of Augsburg alone were sixty priests
with this tendency. Much assailed because of his
preaching of righteousness through faith was
Martin Boos (q.v.); Ignaz Lindl was one of the
most popular preachers of his day, and was called
to St. Petersburg, where he preached long in bril-
liant and inspired style, sermons somewhat ecstatic
in method and content, as well as chiliastic in tone,
which brought finally his separation and building
of an independent congregation. Johannes Evan-
gelists Gossner (q.v.) preached in Munich the Gospel
of " Christ in us and for us," a really Evangelical
preacher in the fold of the Roman Catholic Church,
from which he finally went out, and numerous
collections of his sermons attest the real value of his
pulpit work. Aloys Henhofer and Charles Paschal
Tdesphore Chiniquy (qq.v.) are to be named here,
as well as J. H. Wichern (q.v.).

Apart from this Evangelical movement are to be

remembered such pulpit orators as G. A. Dietl of

Landshut (d. 1809), savory in illustration and

expression; and the independent and suggestive

T. A. Dereser (d. 1827), court preacher at Carlsruhe

and professor in Lucerne and Breslau. Still more

significant from the standpoint of the pulpit was

the convert from Judaism Johann Emil Veith,

author of works on medical science and in belles let-

tre8 as well as in homiletics. His ser-

ny*. ^ mons are rhetorical in style, natural,

clear, richly illustrated from history,

picturesque, with an infusion of versatile polemics,

and normal in arrangement. With him are to be

recalled men like Melchior Freiherr von Diepenbrock

(q.v.), Johannes von Geissel (d. 1864), Joseph Oth-

mar von Raucher (d. 1875), archbishop of Vienna,
Prince-bishop Heinrich von Forster of Breslau (d.
1881), Franz Xaver Dieringer (d. 1876), professor at
Bonn. In France about the middle of the nine-
teenth century a brilliant figure was Jean Baptiste
Henri Lacordaire (q.v.), while P&re Hyacinthe (Loy-
son, q.v.) later left the Roman Catholic fold. The
Roman Catholic pulpit of the present has an essen-
tially ecclesiastical-missionary character, emphasiz-
ing not the doctrines of sin and the free grace of
God, but the Church as an institution of salvation,
and obedience to her commands. Scripture as fur-
nishing the text has a much looser connection with
the sermon than in the Evangelical pulpit, and the
sermon itself is shallower. Of course there are not
wanting sermons which fathom deeply Christian
verity, but this type is rather exceptional. The
general method is practical and popular, stressing
the ecclesiastical, not avoiding reference to the
saints and their legends. This has its advantages
from the standpoint of people to whom thinking is
unusual, but it reveals the general weakness of the
Roman Catholic pulpit. (M. Schian.)

IV. Preaching in the English Tongue. — 1. Before
the Beformation: Traces of the beginnings of
preaching in Anglo-Saxon are found in Bede's
Historia ecclesiastica. Through the preaching of
Paulinus in the year 625 " the nation of the North-
umbrians, that is, the nation of the Angles," re-
ceived Christianity. Further, Pauli-
An«i a nus °* ^ork (q.v.) labored " to con-
on Period.' ver* 8ome °f ^°e pagans to a state
of grace by his preaching." Thus it
would appear that he addressed them either directly
or through an interpreter in their own tongue.
This work was not enduring, but later (in 633)
King Oswald wished to bring the Northumbrian
Angles back to the faith, and sent to the Scots for a
preacher. Aidan (q.v.) was dispatched from Iona,
and his ministry was highly successful. He preached
through interpreters. One charming story relates
that " when the bishop, who was not skillful in the
English tongue, preached the gospel, it was most de-
lightful to see the king himself interpreting the word
of God to his commanders and ministers." Others
of the Saxon kingdoms received the word through
preaching. Among the preachers to the common
people was Saint Cuthbert (q.v.), who is described
as a " skilful orator," who delighted to go to obscure
places for weeks at a time and " allure that rustic
people by his preaching and example to heavenly
employments." Bede himself reports in Latin a
number of monkish sermons, of more or less doubt-
ful authenticity. Bede also preached to the people
in their own tongue, and tradition reports that his
word was with power. From the eighth century
on there was much preaching by English monks in
the vernacular, and there are a number of Saxon
homilies dating from both before and after the
Norman Conquest in 1066. One of the homilists
was Wulfstan (q.v.), archbishop of York (d. 1023).
Of him Professor Earle says (English Prose, p. 383,
London, 1890), " Of all the writers before the Con-
quest whose names are known to us, Wulfstan is
the one whose diction has the most marked physi-
ognomy." There is also a collection of translations

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

182

from the Latin into Saxon wbifth bears the name of
Aclfric (see Alfric) and dates from early in the
eleventh century.

After the Norman Conquest there are no traces of
preaching to the invaders in their own language;
though there are Latin sermons from this period.
To the English people themselves, however, there
g _. „ was preaching in their own tongue.
^^ pgrfo^ Many Anglo-Saxon homilies from this
time are extant. From the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries comes the highly valuable
collection of Morris, Old English Homilies, which
contains many interesting specimens of the English
preaching of that epoch. During this period at
least four notable prelates are also entitled to notice
as preachers. These are: Ailred of Revesby (q.v.),
Peter of Blois (q.v.), who, though a Frenchman,
learned the English tongue and preached in it;
Stephen Langton (q.v.), the celebrated archbishop
of York, in his earlier years a preacher of distinction ;
and the famous bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grosse-
teste (q.v.), a preacher of force as well as a polemical
prelate. In the early fourteenth century William
of Macclesfield and Walter of Winterbourne were
prominent preachers of the Dominican order in
England.

The leading name here is that of John Wyclif
(q.v.). His great work as Bible translator and re-
former does not obscure that of his preaching.
Some of his homilies have come down
and give good evidence of his earnest-

8. The
Pre-Befor-

mation ne88, ^earn*n8» acuteness, and popular
Period, power* He trained and sent out many

preachers to instruct the common
people in Bible truth and give them a purer Gos-
pel than they received at the hands of monks
or parish clergy. Among the churchly clergy of
this age none appear to have reached distinction
as preachers.

2. The Reformation: In Great Britain, as on
the continent, the religious upheaval of the sixteenth
century was vitally and powerfully related to preach-
ing. (1) The worth of preaching as a religious force
l Oa i came t° b® more highly esteemed both
Account. kv *ne pra^hcre themselves and their

hearers, and this naturally improved
its tone. (2) Preaching was more Biblical. It
now not only more clearly recognized the authority
of the Bible, but it adopted a far more accurate and
serious interpretation of Scripture. (3) Unavoid-
ably the preaching was controversial and often
hotly so. (4) The contents of sermons were
thus quite theological and Biblical; but there
was also much reasoning and illustration. (5)
Preaching sought the people more than ever; less
and less was it mere instruction of the clergy.
Hence also the vernacular became now the rule
and Latin the exception in the pulpit. This was
not due solely to the Reformation, but it was ac-
cepted and fixed by that movement. (6) Preach-
ing did not wholly escape the scholastic forms
and the allegorizing methods of the Middle Ages,
but there was improvement and progress toward
better methods. (7) Modern preaching in the
English tongue is the product of the Reforma-
tion. Before that time English preaching was

comparatively undistinguished. Since then there
has been none greater in history.

John Colet (q.v.), professor at Oxford and dean
of St. Paul's, though Erasmian rather than Lutheran,
was a preacher of power. His striking lectures on
Paul's Epistles at Oxford, and his popular preaching
fi Emu h m ^°n^on gave great impulse to the
Preacher*. new ideas. The Bible translators —
especially Tyndale and Coverdale
(qq.v.) — were also preachers of influence. Chief
among the preachers was Hugh Latimer (q.v.).
His earnestness, boldness, acuteness, his knowledge
of Scripture, his shrewd humor and tact, his racy
English, all make Latimer one of the great preachers
of history. Three other victims of the Marian
reaction and persecution in 1555 are also notable
as preachers: John Hooper (q.v.), bishop of Glouces-
ter, who was diligent in and out of the pulpit, and
from whom a few sermons of grasp, strength, and
pungency have come down; Nicholas Ridley (q.v.),
bishop of London, who was perhaps the deepest
theologian of them all, but from whom no sermons
are extant, though his preaching is highly praised
by Foxe and others; and good John Bradford (q.v.),
perhaps the most spiritual and edifying of the
group, from whom remain a few excellent sermons.
In the early years of Elizabeth there was something
of a dearth of preachers and preaching. This was
in part due to the preceding persecution, but also
in part to the queen's cautious policy and her dislike
or fear of the political influence of the pulpit.
Worthy of mention are: Thomas Lever, whose ser-
mons are said to have resembled Latimer's in bold-
ness and spirit; Bernard Gilpin (q.v.), " the apostle
of the north,'1 whose eloquence and devotion are
warmly praised by contemporaries; and the arch-
bishops Edmund Grindal and Edwin Sandys (qq.v.).
But the best preacher among the Elizabethan prel-
ates was John Jewel (q.v.), bishop of Salisbury,
who made his mark in the pulpit by his learning,
eloquence, and devoutness.

The Reformation in Scotland was perhaps more

directly promoted by preaching than was the case

anywhere else, and yet the literary remains of that

preaching are very scanty. Such accounts and

specimens as are extant exhibit the

a^'toh *nree essentials of reformatory elo-

Prober.. V™™. SffliP*"™! basis depth of
conviction and corresponding fervor

in appeal, and popular power. Before Knox the
two preachers most often mentioned as preparing
the way for him are Patrick Hamilton and George
Wishart (qq.v.), both of whom were noted for earn-
estness and persuasiveness, and died as martyrs to
their convictions. Nor must John Rough (d. 1557)
be forgotten, the first minister to the reforming
refugees at St. Andrews, who introduced Knox to
the ministry there. Of John Knox himself (q.v.),
maker and writer of history, patriot and statesman,
theologian and reformer, the main thing to say is
that he was all these by virtue of being in and above
them all a preacher. One sermon only, with slight
accounts of others, is all that remains from his pen;
but the notices and results of his preaching give him
a place of first rank among the great. Among his
contemporaries and followers were: John Willock

188

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

(d. 1585), who ranks next to Knox in power and
influence; Christopher Goodman (d. 1603), an
Englishman by birth and education, but a faithful
preacher of reform in Scotland; and James Lawson
(d. 1584), the successor of Knox at St. Giles in
Edinburgh.

8. The Seventeenth Century: This is well called
" the classic age of the English pulpit." The
momentous events of the age profoundly affected
its preaching; and the pulpit was no small factor
in shaping thought and action in all departments of
the national life.

Seventeenth-century preaching generally, but
leas in England than elsewhere, exhibited some
reaction from the freshness and force of the Refor-
mation, yet manifested and continued both the sub-
stantial gains and much of the spirit
V2~£ of that revolution. Doctrine and con-
Ttw riling teovemy on the basis of Scripture
* continued to be a large element of the
sermon, but there was also much appeal to the
more spiritual and devotional sides of religious life.
In English preaching marked diversities appear.
The differences between Anglicans, Puritans, and
Non-conformists, with a multitude of individual
peculiarities, led to a rich and interesting variety
in pulpit work. In Scotland, owing to the influence
of Knox and the dominance of Presbyterianism,
there was a greater uniformity of type. Yet there
were certain common characteristics which distin-
guish the great preaching of this age. The more
glaring faults may be reduced to three : (a) The gen-
eral prevalence — perhaps inevitable, yet carried too
far— of the dogmatic and polemical spirit; (b) the
tendency to minute analysis and tedious prolixity;
(c) the affectation of both pedantry and fancy,
which mar much of the best pulpit work of the time.
On the other hand the admirable virtues of that
" classic " preaching may also be set down under
three general statements: (a) the Protestant prin-
ciple of appeal to the Bible as authority led to
power in the grasp and application of Scriptural
truth, though with some polemical forcing and use
of allegorical fancies; (b) the place and effect of
preaching as a recognized and practical force in life
and affairs gave to the preachers a sense of mastery
and power in their work; (c) the varied and splen-
did use of the English language fixed its rank as
one of the noblest instruments of religious utterance
ever known.

(1) English. These fall into the two well-defined
groups of Anglican as against Puritan and Non-
conformist. The Anglicans divide into an earlier
and a later group. Among the earlier
may be named: Bishop Lancelot
M Andrewes (q.v.), somewhat heavy and
pedantic, but strong with a tendency to mysticism;
John Donne (q.v.), in early life courtier and poet
but later a devout and earnest preacher somewhat
given to poetic conceits and fancies; Joseph Hall
(q.v.), bishop of Exeter and Norwich, pure and
sweet of spirit, winsome in speech with a slight ex-
cess of ornament; and the eloquent defender of
Protestantism, William Chillingworth (q.v.). The
later group falls within the troublous times of the
Commonwealth, Restoration, and Revolution, and

chief among the mighty are: Jeremy Taylor (q.v.),
marvelously gifted in fancy and diction, erudite
and pious; Isaac Barrow (q.v.), mathematician,
scholar, theologian, profound and exhaustive
thinker, with a richness and strength of diction well
suited to his mental methods; Robert South (q.v.),
sharp and pugnacious in spirit and speech, but
clear, forcible, and interesting; and John Tillotson
(q.v.), moderate in temper and thought, strong
without being powerful, clear without much beauty,
a model of common sense. Of the Puritans proper
there are: Thomas Adams (q.v.), weighty in thought
and vigorous in style, called the " Shakespeare of
the Puritans "; Thomas Goodwin (q.v.), devout,
fanciful, strong; and the ever memorable pastor and
earnest preacher at Kidderminster, Richard Baxter
(q.v.). Among the Independents are the great
theologian John Owen (q.v.) and the powerful
thinker John Howe (q.v.). One English Presby-
terian of first importance is Edmund Calamy (q.v.),
popular preacher in London. The Baptists have
the worthy names of John Bunyan (q.v.), Vavasor
Powell (see Fifth Monarchy Men), a mighty
Welsh preacher, and Benjamin Keach (q.v.), a
scholarly and able pastor in London. (2) Sootoh.
Presbyterianism was the established religion of re-
formed Scotland, and among the faithful preachers
of the time are: Alexander Hamilton (d. 1646),
well trained, calm, able pastor at Edinburgh; David
Dickson (q.v.), pastor, preacher, professor; Samuel
Rutherford (q.v.), author of the well-known devo-
tional Letter 8, a queer compound of devout preacher
and sharp controversialist. (3) American. A
number of Oxford and Cambridge men came over
to New England, both Puritans and Independents,
and brought the characteristic English preaching
of the age to found that which was soon to become
really American. A few of these early New England
divines are: Francis Higginson, John Eliot, Thomas
Hooker, John Cotton, Richard Mather, John Daven-
port, Roger Williams (qq.v.). The son and grand-
son of Richard Mather — Increase (1639) and Cotton
(qq.v.) — were born in Boston and are the first
notable American preachers of native growth. But
distinctively American preaching is of the eight-
eenth century and after.

4. The Eighteenth Century in the British
Islands: In this period a low tone of religion
prevailed, so that the time has been called " the
dark night of Protestantism." The effect of the
age was to produce a lower vitality in morals in
the ministry, rationalism in the pulpit,
and much tame and lifeless preaching
even among the orthodox. But it was not all dark;
there was among Christians a good leaven of faith
and devotion, and in this century came the great
revival under Whitefield and Wesley. Considerable
diversity appeared in types of doctrine, in methods
and spirit of individuals and groups. Morals re-
ceived great emphasis. In theology relaxed views
found expression in Unitarianism; Arminianism
had a mighty uplift through Wesley; but Calvinism
had able exponents among the evangelicals and the
followers of Whitefield. Methods of preaching and
style naturally varied with individuals. As com-
pared with the former age there was less artificiality

1. Survey.

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

184

and pedantry, but some loss of life, beauty, and
power. English preachers had never given as much
attention to expository preaching as the Reformers
on the continent, and sermons of the topical sort
are more frequent in England. Some traces of the
stiff and severe analysis of scholasticism remain;
but the tendency is toward a more popular and
simple presentation of truth. In general the
eighteenth-century style is stately and solemn,
sometimes heavy and pompous.

(1) Soman Catholic. In England the Roman

Church had a distinguished pulpit representative

in John Milner (d. 1826). In Ireland Bishop Doyle

fi L.eadl was aXL ac^n"re^ pulpit orator, and is

Preachers ^^ to nave Deen tne ^^ ^^ C^0"
lie preacher of distinction to use the

English tongue. Walter Blake Kirwan (q.v.) began
as a Roman Catholic but became Protestant. He
was a man of remarkable eloquence. (2) Church
of England. The lax and worldly group is repre-
sented in Jonathan Swift (d. 1745) of Dublin, and
Lawrence Sterne (q.v.), rector of Sutton; both were
more distinguished in literature than in the pulpit.
The churchly orthodox include Francis Atterbury
(q.v.), bishop of Rochester, who was more showy
than profound; Joseph Butler (q.v.), bishop of
Durham, author of the Analogy and of a series of
sermons on Christian ethics; Samuel Horsley (q.v.),
bishop of St. Asaph's, the powerful opponent of
Unitarianism, and a vigorous preacher. The Evan-
gelical group includes George Home (q.v.), bishop
of Norwich, a pleasing and popular preacher;
William Grimshawe (d. 1763), rector at Ha worth;
William Romaine (q.v.), a much loved pastor
chiefly in London; John Newton (q.v.), rector of
Olney and later of St. Mary Woolnoth in London,
friend of Cowper, writer of hymns and useful pastor
and preacher. Above all were the two famous re-
vivalists. George Whitefield (q.v.) came of humble
origin but took a degree at Oxford and was ordained.
He had a wondrous faculty of popular eloquence,
and led thousands to Christ. John Wesley (q.v.
and see Methodists) was of good birth and breed-
ing, very thoroughly educated at Oxford . Calm and
logical, but determined and masterful as preacher
and organizer, he did work unsurpassed in the his-
tory of preaching. (3) Presbyterian. In England
no distinguished preachers are found among the
Presbyterians, but it is otherwise in Scotland where
Presbyterianism was the established church. The
" moderates " included John Logan (d. 1788) and
Hugh Blair (q.v.), author of the Rhetoric. The
Evangelical group contained John MacLaurin (d.
1754) and John Erskine (q.v.), both highly regarded
as pastors and preachers. The " secessionists "
were led out of the lax establishment by the pious
Thomas Boston (q.v.) and the brothers Ebenezer
and Ralph Erskine (d. 1756, 1754), three devoted
and influential preachers. (4) Non-conformist.
The famous scientist Joseph Priestley (q.v.) was also
famed as a theologian of Unitarian opinions, and
was a preacher of ability. Among the orthodox
Independents the two best-known names are those
of Isaac Watts (q.v.), better remembered as a
hymnist than preacher, and Philip Doddridge (q.v.),
teacher, hymnist, writer, pastor — a man of noble

character and abundant usefulness. Among Bap-
tists were the brilliant and scholarly Robert Robin-
son (q.v.), the judicious and solid Andrew Fuller
(q.v.), theologian and missionary leader; and the
fervent William Carey (q.v.), whose historic sermon
before the Northampton Association in 1792 gave
mighty impulse to the modern missionary move-
ment.

6. The Eighteenth Century in North America:
The Puritan preaching of New England, with
its Biblical authority, its Calvinistic theology, its
intellectual and ethical elevation, its ponderous
scholasticism, and its solemn earnestness, forms the
basis of American preaching in general. But the
conditions of life — social, political, and religious —
in the New World soon began to work important
modifications in the developments from this original
impulse, though without destroying its force.
Among the more obvious distinctive qualities of
American preaching may be noted: (1) Its remark-
able variety — which makes any accurate general
characterization impossible. The great medley of
Christian denominations is reflected in the pulpit.
Social life also— pioneer, rural, urban — produced
different types of ministry. Nor has the intense
political life of Americans been without influence
upon their preaching. This suggests (2) the freedom
which has characterized the American pulpit in all
its history. " Liberty of prophesying " has found
its goal in America. (3) An element of the first
importance in American preaching has been its
emphasis on evangelism. American preachers
have not conceived their mission as a teaching func-
tion only, but also as proclamation of the Gospel.
The labors and influence of George Whitefield (q.v.)
in America entitle him to mention here also. Jona-
than Edwards (q.v.) is the most eminent American
preacher of this age. Philosopher and college
president, he was also a preacher of admirable gifts
of mind and heart. After him came his son, Jona-
than Edwards, Jr. (q.v.), and his grandson, Tim-
othy Dwight (q.v.), both of them distinguished
theologians and preachers. Other Congregation-
alists are: Joseph Bellamy (q.v.); and Ezra Stiles
(q.v.), brilliant scholar and president of Yale. The
Presbyterians have the honored names of David
Brainerd (q.v.), missionary to the Indians; Samuel
Davies (q.v.), pastor of a rural charge in Virginia,
then president of Princeton, who died at the age
of thirty-six, a noble and admirable preacher, whose
published sermons were long recognized as models;
the remarkable Tennent family, of whom Gil-
bert (q.v.) was the most important, a " terrible
preacher/' austere but strong. Of the Baptists
were such men as James Manning (q.v.), Daniel
Marshall, Oliver Hart, John Gano, John Leland
(q.v.), Samuel Stillman, who did their work about
the middle and end of the century. The Method-
ists had the high-minded, self-sacrificing Francis
Asbury (q.v.), who was chief among the founders
of American Methodism and a preacher of consid-
erable power.

6. The Nineteenth Century in the British
Islands: All elements of the national life responded
to the vigorous movements of this great epoch.
The pulpit felt the touch of the time, and there is

185

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching-

no greater preaching in modern history than that of
the British Islands during the nineteenth century.
Movements in the political, social, and literary

spheres all influenced the pulpit. And

ww^lT Vf? there was the more direct touch of the

Century benevolent and religious activities of

1801 -3d! tne a8e> among which missionary and

philanthropic organization and ef-
fort are of special moment. In religious thought
the three church parties, later distinguished as
** low," " broad," and " high," began to appear
in this period. The " Evangelical " view of Chris-
tianity was dominant in pulpit and pew. But under
the lead of Unitarians and a few thinkers in the
Church of England, aided by other influences, there
was a decided trend toward " liberal " views. A
few strong men in the establishment also were pre-
paring the way for the coming sacramentarian
movement. In respect of style, generally speaking,
the eighteenth-century vogue; — stilted, formal, dig-
nified— was yet prevalent. In respect of influence
the pulpit was able and esteemed. The Church of
England Evangelical group was led by Charles
Simeon (q.v.), beloved pastor at Cambridge for
fifty years; not a deep- thinker, but a preacher of
spiritual power and a skilled homilist. Of the
churchly school was Henry John Rose (q.v.), an
impressive preacher. Among the beginners of the
" Broad-church " tendency were Richard Whately
(q.v.), archbishop of Dublin, a notable author and
man; and the famous teacher at Rugby, Thomas
Arnold (q.v.), whose sermons to boys exhibit his
greatness of nature and mind. The Presbyterians
of various schools had some distinguished men.
The Unitarian element in England was headed
by Thomas Belsham (q.v.). The Moderates in
Scotland had a few leaders, while the Evangelical
party was well represented by Andrew Thomson
(q.v.). The brilliant but erratic Edward Irving
(q.v.) attracted crowded congregations during his
brief career in London. But the greatest Presby-
terian preacher of this period was Thomas Chalmers
(q.v.) notable for thoroughness and height of
thought, sweeping and grand style, elevated and
commanding character. It is hard to place the
eccentric Rowland Hill (q.v.), who was ordained a
deacon in the Established Church, sympathized in
theology with the Calvinistic Methodists, and was
pastor of the famous Surrey (Independent) Chapel
in London; odd, but true and sincere, a preacher
of freshness and power. The Independents pos-
sessed the pious and useful William Jay (q.v.), long
pastor at Bath; not profound but an excellent
preacher of strong Evangelical views, and writer on
devotional topics. The most important Methodist
preacher of the time was the eminent theologian
and secretary of missions, Richard Watson (q.v.).
Among the Baptists the admirable and once popu-
lar essayist John Foster (q.v.) preached with some
success, and the wonderful Welshman, Christmas
Evans (q.v.), was a preacher of powerful imagina-
tion and fervor; but first rank easily belongs to the
gifted Robert Hall (q.v.), philosophical in intellect,
highly cultured, elevated in style, commanding in
eloquence, devout in spirit — one of the great mas-
ters of English pulpit discourse.

Literary and scientific work of a high order is
characteristic of the age, and a powerful stimulus to
preaching. There was also much thought and
movement in religion, and these nat-
fth ura^v Sin(^ profoundly influenced
Century Preacnmg- Movements toward fuller
1833-69.' hberty in religion must not be over-
looked. The influence of philosoph-
ical, scientific, and critical speculation is strongly
felt in modifying religious views. There was better
exegesis of Scripture, but less regard for its author-
ity. Social reforms encouraged and went along
with evangelistic and missionary activities and
found advocacy in the pulpit. There was a great
variety of thought and method in groups and indi-
viduals, but the general trend of pulpit utterance
was in the direction of freedom from convention-
alisms, more adaptability to the people, without
loss of either intellectual vigor or strength of con-
viction. Among Roman Catholics Cardinals Wise-
man, Manning, and Newman were eminent prel-
ates, but only Newman was specially distinguished
as a preacher, and that was before he entered the
Roman Catholic communion. In Ireland, however,
there were not a few able preachers, such as:
Thomas N. Burke, Archbishop Walsh (q.v.), Father
Mathew (q.v.) — the great temperance orator, Father
Boyle, Thomas J. Potter. In the Church of Eng-
land the Evangelical group contains the rhetorical,
popular, and earnest canon of St. Paul's, Henry
Melvill (q.v.); and Hugh McNeile (d. 1879), Irish
by birth and training, moving and tender in speech,
beloved as rector in Liverpool and dean of Ripon.
" High-church " views were strongly advocated by
the unconventional but highly esteemed Walter F.
Hook (q.v.), attractive preacher in Coventry and
Leeds, and dean of Chichester. Here also belong
the Oxford leaders, John Keble, E. B. Pusey, and
J. H. Newman (qq.v.), of whom Newman was
greatest in the pulpit. As a preacher he was deep-
toned, intense, magnetic, with appealing personality
and utterance, and a master of expression. Three
quite different but influential men must be reckoned
to the Broad-church party: Julius Hare (q.v.),
devout, cultured, and sweet; F. D. Maurice (q.v.),
thoughtful and independent in theology but a very
influential mind; and the sensitive, high-strung,
courageous F. W. Robertson (q.v.), whose posthu-
mous and briefly reported sermons are choice read-
ing still and have had wide influence. Of the
Independents there were: John Angell James (q.v.)
of Birmingham, good pastor, and pleasing though
not profound preacher; James Parsons of York
(d. 1877), a clear and intense thinker with forceful
utterance, and much in demand as preacher on
occasions; Thomas Binney (q.v.), a powerful,
practical leader and thinker of weight and strength
in the pulpit. Two well-known men among the
Methodists were Jabez Bunting (q.v.), a strong
leader and preacher; and W. M. Punshon (q.v.),
oratorical and popular and a widely useful man.
The Presbyterians had John Cumming (q.v.) of
London, whose eloquence drew crowds to hear his
famous sermons on prophecy; Henry Cooke (q.v.),
of Belfast, Ireland, a vigorous professor and
preacher; and the several branches of Presbyteri-

Preaching

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOO

186

anism in Scotland had such famous preachers as
Thomas Guthrie, R. S. Candlish, John Caird,
Norman McLeod (qq.v), and John Ker. Of the
Baptists F. A. Cox, B. W. Noel (q.v.), and William
Brock deserve mention; but the preeminent name
is that of the young but already celebrated Charles
H. Spurgeon (q.v.), who sprang at one bound into
a world-wide and lasting fame as a preacher of won-
derful power and built up a remarkable congregation
and working church in London.

A general view of British preaching in this period
reveals the continued influence of most of those
forces which have already been described. If
anything, the pressure of scientific and critical

views was greater. Social questions

ftt6 an<^ movements were more than ever

Century characteristic of the age and the pulpit.

1869-1900. Theological thinking was infinitely

various, and no one school could claim
dominance. A group of influential mystical preach-
ers arose in the Keswick movement (see Keswick
Convention); and there was much evangelistic
preaching with earnest endeavor to reach " the
masses." In the Church of England the older
Evangelical views were fairly represented by
J. C. Ryle (q.v.), bishop of Liverpool. A
greater preacher than he was the witty and
eloquent W. C. Magee (q.v.), bishop of Peter-
borough and archbishop of York. To the High-
church group belongs the leading Anglican preacher
of the age, H. P. Liddon (q.v.). Elevated in char-
acter, thought, and style, learned, fair to opponents,
with pleasing presence and voice, he was a master in
the pulpit. Perhaps to this school must be assigned
the thoughtful and profound preacher on difficult
subjects, J. B. Mozley of Oxford (q.v.). To the
Broad-church group belong the cultured dean A. P.
Stanley of Westminster (q.v.) and the brilliant and
versatile F. W. Farrar (q.v.). The great scholars
J. B. Lightfoot and B. F. Westcott (qq.v.), both
bishops of Durham, are also to be enrolled among
the effective preachers of the age. The Roman
Catholics had several preachers of ability and in-
fluence, chief among whom are perhaps Bernard
Vaughan, who severely arraigned popular society
in London, and Father Harper, who preached with
effect a series of rather philosophical discourses.
The Baptists of this period are ably represented
by William Landels (q.v.); Alexander Maclaren
(q.v.), the long active and beloved pastor at Man-
chester, whose published discourses have been an
inspiration to thousands, with their clear, accu-
rate, and spiritual exposition and application of
Bible truth; John Clifford (q.v.), of London, the still
active pastor and champion of religious freedom;
John Turner Marshall, Hugh Stowell Brown (qq.v.),
Richard Glover, and Charles Brown. Presbyte-
rians of note are John Watson (q.v.), of Liver-
pool; Alexander Whyte (q.v.), of Free St. George's,
Edinburgh, devout and mystical with special suc-
cess in character studies; George Matheson (q.v.),
the blind poetic and philosophic preacher and devo-
tional writer; and George Adam Smith (q.v.), who
with the " advanced " views of a modern critic
combines fervor and power in the pulpit. The
leading Methodist was Hugh Price Hughes (q.v.),

active in social reforms as well as a preacher of
great acceptance and success. With him should
also be named M. G. Pearse, a man of talent and
vigor, and the elevated, clear-thoughted, impressive
W. L. Watkinson. The Independents have not
been behind others in the number and worth of their
ministers, among whom were the eminent theolo-
gian and pastor R. W. Dale of Birmingham (q.v.);
the world-famous Joseph Parker of London (q.v.),
a man of rare personality and conviction; George
Campbell Morgan, Reginald John Campbell (qq.v.),
and Charles Sylvester Home. Besides the eminent
leaders who have been named, there were many
others in all the churches who helped to render the
closing years of the nineteenth century illustrious
in the annals of the British pulpit.

7. The Nineteenth Century in Greater Britain:
In Canada, Australia, British India, and South
Africa — making necessary allowance for differences
of environments and conditions — preaching in
English has exhibited very much the same char-
acter as in the mother country. The different
churches and opinions have had their representative
men. There has not been a numerous native
ministry, except in Canada: the supply has been
kept up mostly from the home lands. The move-
ments of modern thought in regard to both social
and religious affairs have been keenly felt, but there
has been on the whole perhaps a closer adherence
to the Evangelical traditions. In India the earlier
missionaries, William Carey, Alexander Duff, and
Bishops Heber and Wilson (qq.v.), preached with
acceptance to their fellow countrymen as well as
conducted missionary operations; nor have there
been wanting excellent preachers in later days, such
as Bishop J. E. C. Welldon (q.v.). In Australia and
New Zealand preaching has been more independent
of the missionaries than in India. A few notable
names are those of Dr. Gittos, Methodist, and Dr.
North, Baptist, of New Zealand, whose work has
counted for much in that dominion. In Australia
the Roman Catholics had Cardinal Moran, and the
Anglicans Bishop Moorhouse among their leading
preachers. Presbyterians have taken a high stand
in pulpit work, with such men as Principal Harper
of Sydney, Dr. Marshall of Melbourne, and others.
Of Methodists leading names arc those of " Father "
Watsford, a successful evangelist, and Dr. Fitchett,
editor and author. Canada has naturally had the
advantage of the other British possessions in the
nativity, number, and independence of her preachers.
Some of the better-known are Canon Cody among
Episcopalians, Dr. Wilkes of Montreal among Con-
gregationalists, Drs. McDowell, Herridge, Johnston,
Milligan, and Gordon (q.v.; "Ralph Connor"),
among Presbyterians; Douglas and Potts of the
Methodists; and Cameron, Wallace, Trotter,
McNeill, Farmer, Thomas, and others among the
Baptists. Some of these — as well as others not
mentioned — have published sermons and other wri-
tings, but the literature of preaching for Canada
is not large.

8. The Nineteenth Century in the United States :
The war between the States marks a deep cleft
in the national life and gives a dividing line
for the history of all subjects; religion and preaching

187

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaching

no leas than others. A general survey of preaching
in the earlier period shows that the main lines of
1 Before the ^e an<^ progress which began in the
Civil War. eighteenth century had their natural
" development. Variety, freedom, prac-
tical adaptation and directness, evangelistic
power continue to characterize the American pulpit.
It responded to the demands of a progressive age
and kept pace with the growth of culture and relig-
ion. The traditions, history, and sermons of the
period indicate that the views of Christian truth
which are usually called " orthodox," and " Evan-
gelical," were in the ascendant, though " liberal "
opinions did not lack free and able utterance.
Preachers as a class were held in high esteem and
had a strong influence. The pulpit was conscious
of power, able and efficient. It is probable that the
two decades from 1840 to 1860 witnessed on the
whole the highest point of American preaching.
Among the Roman Catholics may be named Bishop
England (d. 1842) of Charleston, Archbishop Spald-
ing (q.v.), and Archbishop Kenrick (q.v.). The
Episcopalians had such men as G. T. Bedell (d.
1854), Stephen H. Tyng (q.v.), and his sons;
Bishop Alonzo Potter of Pennsylvania (q.v.), and
Bishop C. P. Mcllvaine of Ohio (q.v.). Foremost
among the Unitarians was W. E. Channing (q.v.),
pastor in Boston, highly gifted in thought and style.
Others of this body were Kirkland, Norton, H. W.
Bellows (q.v.), and the agitator and reformer, rather
than preacher, Theodore Parker (q.v.). TheCon-
gregationalists had many great men. Nathaniel
Emmons (q.v.) had already achieved fame as
a preacher and theologian in the preceding cen-
tury, but his remarkable work and influence went
on well into the nineteenth. Lyman Beecher
(q.v.), the father of distinguished children, was
himself a man of might and influence in the
pulpit. Charles Grandison Finney (q.v.) with
his strain of mysticism was also a cogent reasoner,
a theologian and college president (Oberlin),
but is best remembered as a remarkably suc-
cessful evangelist. Horace Bushnell (q.v.), pastor
at Hartford, was a man of powerful and in-
dependent mind, whose thoughtful sermons have
had lasting influence. In the middle stage of his
remarkable career Henry Ward Beecher (q.v.) was
perhaps the most famous of all American preachers;
a man of acute and versatile intellect, broad sympa-
thies, splendid imagination, impressive personality,
and so an orator of the first rank. To the Presby-
terians likewise this was an age of pulpit excellence.
Some of their best representatives are: Archibald
Alexander (q.v.), and his son, James W. (q.v.),
professor at Princeton and pastor in New York;
Albert Barnes (q.v.), the commentator, pastor in
Philadelphia; and James H. Thornwell (q.v.), of
South Carolina, educator, theologian, preacher.
To the Dutch Reformed Church belongs the beloved
and eloquent George W. Bethune (q.v.), pastor in
New York. Of notable Methodists were: the young
Irishman John Summerfield (q.v.), called " sera-
phic " for his moving eloquence; William McKen-
dree (d. 1835), one of the early Methodist bishops,
a man of large mind and labors; Stephen Olin (q.v.),
a strong and logical preacher; John P. Durbin

(q.v.), -original and striking; and the exuberant and
rhetorical Henry B. Bascom (q.v.), one of the first
bishops of the Southern Methodist Church. The
Baptists also had not a few notable preachers,
among whom were: William Staughton (d. 1829), of
English birth, a very impressive speaker; Andrew
Broaddus (d. 1848) of Virginia, preferring rural
pastorates, a man of noble eloquence and great
influence; Spencer H. Cone (d. 1855), pastor in New
York, strong preacher and trusted leader; Francis
Wayland (q.v.), for a short time pastor in Boston
but better known as president of Brown University,
a great preacher of solid thought and balanced
judgment; and, now just at the height of his great
powers and influence, Richard Fuller (q.v.), of
South Carolina and Baltimore, a preacher of striking
personality, broad culture, deep piety, and sweeping
eloquence.

Most of the characteristics and tendencies noticed
in the preceding section went on with developed
force during the wonderful era of expansion and
growth in the country since the war. But some
additional matters require notice. The
G~\ . z? differences between the North and the
and After South — social, political, religious, tem-
" peramental — naturally were more or
less reflected in the pulpit. The North was more
commercial and progressive, the South more rural
and conservative. There was more of political and
reformatory preaching in the North, but the South
had the balance in favor of a devout adherence to
the evangelical traditions. In the armies on both
sides there was excellent preaching by chaplains
with much resultant good. After the war the North
prospered and entered on an age of rapid accumu-
lation of wealth ; the impoverished South recovered
very slowly, and only toward the close of the century
began to regain its place in the national life. The
North was more hospitable to new ideas in science,
philosophy, and religion. There the struggle with
scientific and critical unbelief, with the influx of
various foreign peoples, and other modifying in-
fluences upon religious thought and custom, were
more keenly felt; and the pulpit reflected all these
things. Modern modes of thought have profoundly
influenced preaching at the end of the nineteenth
and beginning of the twentieth century, and have
greatly changed the aspect of American preaching
on the whole. The pulpit has been less dignified,
more inclined to sensation and opportunism, and has
had less hold upon popular respect than formerly.
Yet such loss has not been total, and some advan-
tages have accrued. American preaching has been
modern, popular in style, aggressive, evangelistic,
successful. The Episcopalians have had such ex-
cellent preachers as Bishops Huntington, Doane,
Potter, Dudley, Gailor, together with Drs. Newton,
Rainsford, Greer, and others; but the preeminent
name in the Episcopal pulpit of America is that of
Phillips Brooks (q.v.), pastor in Philadelphia and
Boston, and bishop of Massachusetts, a man of
large mold, devout, sympathetic, cultured, refined,
spiritual, with rapid and forcible address. The
Congregationalists still had Beecher in his closing
years and declining influence; but along with him
were: R. S. Storrs of Brooklyn, W. M. Tavl™ ^

Preaching
Precious Stones

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

188

New York, N. J. Burton of Hartford; and later
Lyman Abbott, Newman Smyth, George A. Gordon
of Boston, F. W. Gunsaulus (who began as Metho-
dist) of Chicago, Newell D. Hillis of Plymouth
Church, Brooklyn (qq.v.), and the widely known and
useful evangelist, D. L. Moody (q.v.), a man of direct
and forceful ways, no great thinker, but deeply in
earnest, and a master of assemblies. The Presby-
terians had not a few great men, such as John Hall
(q.v.), Irish born, but pastor in New York; T.
DeWitt Talmage (q.v.), of Brooklyn, sensational
and flowery, but popular and effective; the erratic
but moving David Swing (q.v.), of Chicago; the
venerable and beloved Theodore L. Cuyler; A. T.
Pierson, C. H. Parkhurst, D. J. Burrell, M. D. Bab-
cock, G. T. Purves (qq.v.), and others in the North;
and in the South Moses D. Hoge (q.v.), of Rich-
mond, and B. M. Palmer (q.v.), of New Orleans,
both of them cultured, beloved, and eloquent. The
northern Methodists are represented by Bishops
Matthew Simpson, J. P. Newman, C. H. Fowler, F.
T. Bristol, and the Rev. L. A. Banks (qq.v.).
Southern Methodists also had some names of strong
preachers to their credit, such as Bishops E. M. Mar-
vin, Geo. F. Pierce, A. G. Haygood, A. W. Wilson,
J. C. Granberry, J. J. Tigert, C. B. Galloway. Here
also belongs the sensational and often rude popular
lecturer and preacher, Samuel P. Jones (q.v.), whose
fame and work were achieved partly because and
partly in spite of his extraordinary pulpit methods.
The Baptists had a number of excellent preachers
during the period. George C. Lorimer (q.v.), born
in Scotland, but active in Boston, Chicago, and New
York, was a preacher of commanding abilities of
thought and expression; P. S. Henson (q.v.), of
Philadelphia, Chicago, and Boston, has had a long
and brilliant ministry; other notable names of
living and dead are those of A. J. Gordon, R. S.
MacArthur, T. G. Jones, J. L. Burrows, J. R. Graves,
B. H. Carroll, J. B. Hawthorne. But preeminence
was cheerfully accorded by his brethren to the de-
vout and scholarly John A. Broad us (q.v.), for a
short time pastor at Charlottesville, Virginia, but
best known as professor and president of the South-
ern Baptist Theological Seminary, at Louisville,
scholar, author, teacher, leader, but above all a
tender, simple and persuasive preacher of the gospel.
9. Twentieth- Century Outlook: It is too early
in the century to do more than point out that in
all English-speaking lands the main elements and
forces which ruled the pulpit at the close of the nine-
teenth century are operative and powerful at the
beginning of the twentieth. Social and ethical
preaching abounds. The turn of speculative phi-
losophy toward spiritual idealism, instead of the
materialism of the preceding age, has been accom-
panied by a mystical tendency in preaching, both
among conservative Evangelicals and advanced
critics. Some of the men already named are still
active, and there are many others in all the churches
to illustrate the varied spirit, aims, and methods
of modern preaching in all countries where the Eng-
lish language prevails. E. C. Dargan.

Bibliography: Much of the literature under Hoiuxjbticb
wfll be found pertinent, as manual* on the subject often
contain a brief history of the pulpit. The works on the

history of the church contain hints of value, and the litera-
ture under the articles on the great preachers named in the
text is pertinent for details into which this bibliography
can not enter. On the history of preaching in general
consult: E. C. Dargan, A History of Preaching . . . 70-
1572, New York, 1905 (with a bibliography, which, how-
ever, does not give places or dates of publication) ; John
M. Neale, Mediaeval Preachers and Mediaeval Preaching,
London, 1856; H. C. Fish, History and Repository of Pulpit
Eloquence, 2 vols., New York, 1856-57; J. A. Broadus,
Lectures on the History of Preaching, ib., 1876; A. Nebe,
Zur Oeschichte der Predigt. Charakterbilder der bedeutend-
sten Kanzdredner, 3 vols., Wiesbaden, 1879; R. Rothe,
Geschichte der Predigt von Anfangen bis auf Schleiermacher,
Bremen, 1881; G. J. Da vies, Successful Preachers. Being
Biographical and Critical Sketches of Eminent Preachers,
New York, 1884; E. P. Hood, The Throne of Eloquence:
Great Preachers, London, 1885; F. H. Wallace, Witnesses
for Christ; or, a Sketch of the History of Preaching, Toronto,
1885; F. W. Farrar, Hist of Interpretation, New York,
1886; J. Ker, Lectures on the History of Preaching, London,
1888; Q. Longhaye, La Predication. Grandes maitres,
Paris, 1888; E. Boucher. V Eloquence de la chaire. His-
toire litteraire, Lille, 1894; J. Telford, A History of Lay
Preaching, London, 1897; F. James, The Message and the
Messengers; Lessons from the History of Preaching, ib.,
1898; T. H. Pattison, The History of Christian Preaching,
Philadelphia, 1903.

On the pulpit in different countries — Germany: J. N.
Brischar, Die katholischen Kanxelredner Deutschlands in
den drei letzten Jahrhunderts, 5 vols., Schaffhausen, 1867—
71 ; C. G. Schmidt, Geschichte der Predigt in der evangelischen
Kirche Deutschlands von Luther bis Spener, Gotha, 1872;
L. Stiebrits, Zur Geschichte der Predigt in der evangelischen
Kirche von Mosheim bis auf die Gegenwart, Gotha, 1876;
R. Cruel, Geschichte der deutschen Predigt im Mittelalter,
Detmold, 1879; G. Renoux, Les PrSdicateurs cUeores de
VAUemagne, leur vie, leurs antvres, Paris, 1881 ; H. Rinn,
KuUurgeschichtliches aus deutschen Predigten des Mittelal-
ters, Hamburg, 1883; W. Beste, Die bedeutendsUn Kanzel-
redner der altera luther. Kirche von Luther bis zu Spener,
3 vols., Dresden, 1886; A. Linsenmayer, Geschichte der
Predigt in Deutschland von Karl dem Grossen sum Anfang
des 14. Jahrhunderts, Munich, 1886; K. H. Sack, Ge-
schichte der Predigt in der deutschen evangelischen Kirche
von Mosheim bis auf die letzten Jahre von Schleiermacher
und Menken, Heidelberg, 1886; F. R. Albert, Die Ge-
schichte der Predigt in Deutschland bis Luther, Gutersloh,
1892-96; A. E. Schoenbach, Studien zur Geschichte der
aUdeutschen Predigt, Vienna, 1896.

On France: R. Tumbull, The Pulpit Orators of France
and Switzerland, New York, 1848; A. Vincent, Hist, de la
predication en langue francaise auXIX. siecle {1800-1866),
Geneva, 1871 ; A. Hurel, Les Orateurs sacres a la cour de
Louis XIV., 2 vols., Paris, 1874; L. Bourgain, La Chaire
francaise au XII. siecle d'apres les manuscrits, ib., 1880; P.
Jacquinet, Les PrSdicateurs du XVII. siecle avant Bossuet,
ib., 1885; A. Lecoy de la Marche, La Chaire francaise au
moyen age, ib., 1886; J. Fontaine, La Chaire et Vapologt-
tique au XIX. siecle; etudes critiques et portraits contempo-
rains, ib., 1887; A. Samouillan, Etude sur la chaire et la
sociiti francaise au quinzieme siecle, Toulouse, 1891; P.
Stapfer, La Grande Pridication chrUienne en France, Paris,
1898; A. Bernard, Le Sermon au XVIII. siecle. Etude
hist, et critique sur la pridication en France de 1716 a 1789,
ib., 1901 ; A. de Coulanges, La Chaire francaise au dix-
huizieme siecle, ib., 1901; C. H. Brooke, Great French
Preachers, 2 vols., London, 1904.

On Great Britain: J. C. Ryle, Christian Leaders of the
Last Century, Edinburgh, 1869; J. E. Kempe, Classic
Preachers of the English Church, 2 series, London, 1877-78;
E. J. Evans, and W. F. Humdall, Pulpit Memorials, ib.,
1878; J. H. Bloom, Pulpit Oratory in the Time of James the
First Considered and beautifully Illustrated by Original Ex-
amples, A.D., 1620-21-62, ib., 1831 ; O. Jones, Preachers of
Wales, ib., 1885; J. C. Jones. The Welsh Pulpit of To-Day,
ib., 1885; W. M. Taylor. The Scottish Pulpit from the Ref-
ormation, ib., 1887; W. G. Blaikie, Preachers of Scotland,
6th to 19th Century, Edinburgh, 1888; H. Rashdall.
The Friars Preachers of the University, Oxford, 1890;
E. L. Cutts, Parish Priests and their People in the Middle
Ages in England, London, 1898; J. Brown, Puritan Preach-
ing in England, ib., 1900; Liber exemplorum ad usum
praxKcantium, ed. A. G. Little, Aberdeen, 1908 (a work

180

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaohini
Precious Stones

ipOed between 1270 and 1279 by an English Franciscan
in Ireland).

On the United States: H. Fowler, The American Pulpit:
Sketch**, Biographical and Descriptive, of living American
Preacher*, New York, 1866; W. B. Sprague, Annal* of the
American Pulpit, 9 vols.. New York, 1857 sqq.; J. W.
Thornton, The Pulpit of the American Revolution; or, the
Political Sermon* of the Period of 1776, Boston, 1860; H.
Haupt, Die Eigenart der amerikaniachen Predigt, Giessen,
1907.

On other countries: J. Hartog, Oeachiedeni* van der Pre-
dikkundein de Kerkvan Nederland, Utrecht, 1887; V. L.
Nannestad, Portraiter fra Kirken. Bidrag til en Karakte-
ristxk of dan*k Praediken i det niUende Aarhundrede* aidate
HobodeU Copenhagen, 1899; F. Zanotto, Storia delta Predi-
cation* nei eecoli deUa letteratura xtaliana, Modena, 1899;
L. Marenco' VOratoria sacra italiana net medio evo, Sa-
vona, 1900.

On the modern pulpit: H. C. Fish, Pulpit Eloquence of
the Nineteenth Century, New York, 1857; E. A. Park,
Pulpit Eloquence of the Nineteenth Century . . . with an
Introductory Essay, Boston, 1874; A. M. Lit tie John, The
Christian Ministry at the Close of the Nineteenth Century,
New York, 1884; Camera Obscura, Modern Anglican
Preachers, London, 1892; Preachers of To-day, ib., 1899;
J . Edwards, Nineteenth Century Preachers and their
Methods, ib., 1902; L. O. Brastow, Representative Modern
Preacher*, Hew York, 1904; idem, The Modern Pulpit,
HomHetic Sources and Characteristics, ib., 1906; W. C.
Wilkinson, Modern Masters of Pulpit Discourse, ib.,
1905; C. L. 81attery, Present Day Preaching, ib., 1909.

PREBEND: The term applied originally to the
food given to monks or clergy at their common
table; later it was made to include the Benefice
(q.v.), when, in consequence of the breaking-up of
community life, the revenues of the corporate
foundations were divided and fixed incomes were
assigned to individual members of such foundations.
Although this process did not everywhere lead to
the creation of prebends, wherever they were thus
established a portion of the revenues was still re-
served for daily distribution so that the term " pre-
bend " sometimes retained its original application.
As a rule, however, a distinction is drawn between
prebends and daily allotments. To the prebend
belong fixed and definite revenues, including tithes,
usufruct of certain real estate, and especially a resi-
dence for each prebendary. There are also various
distributions from endowments, although these as a
rule apply only to actual residents. E. Sehling.

In English ecclesiastical law, which here as every-
where is closely connected with common usage, the
term prebend is used for any endowment given to a
cathedral or collegiate church for the maintenance
of a clergyman. A canonry is a right to a place in
the cathedral chapter and stall in the choir, a pre-
bend is the income for the support of the canon.
Hence prebendary and canon are commonly used
ad equivalent. In strictness prebend and pre-
bendary are more inclusive terms, as some in receipts
of prebends are not members of the chapter and
therefore are not canons. It is not necessary that
a prebendary be resident; he may have a benefice
elsewhere with cure of souls, where he must live
except when at the cathedral for his term of service.

PRECIOUS STONES.

I. General Description and Uses.
II. Names and Varieties.

L General Description and Uses: Under the
term " precious stones " the Hebrew included not
only the " noble " stones but the less valuable gems.

These were obtained not in Palestine but from the
outside world, according to tradition from Ophir
(I Kings x. 11), and the queen of Sheba presented
such to Solomon (I Kings x. 2). Ezek. xxvii. 22,
cf. xxxvii. 13, seems to show that the people of
Sheba and neighboring tribes were the merchants
who supplied the markets of Tyre with these arti-
cles (see Arabia), while the Phenicians supplied the
Hebrews. The art of mounting and engraving
gems, along with the knowledge of industrial arts,
came to the Hebrews from Phenicia, though just
when this took place is not known. According to
the priestly writer (Ex. xxviii. 11), the art of seal
engraving was practised by the Hebrews in the
wilderness. Under these circumstances it is not
surprising that the seals which have survived resem-
ble those of the Phenicians in form, writing, and
ornamentation, so that discrimination between
Hebrew and Phenician gems is not always possible.
The only certain criteria are the place of discovery,
or the style of the design, or the name in case that
contains a divine name as an element (as in the
seals of Obadyahu, Shebhanyahu, Abhiyahu, cf. cuts
in Benzinger, Arch&ologie, pp. 225 sqq., Freiburg,
1907). But wherever these seals were made, they
betray the influence of Assyrian-Babylonian art; the
lion on the seal embodying the design from Megiddo
(Mitteilungen und Nachrichten des deutschen Palds-
tina Vereins, ii., 1904) is the same as on Babylonian
sculptures. One may therefore speak of a conven-
tional manner of representation; this is further con-
firmed by the use of such ornaments as the winged
disc of the sun, the steinbok, hare, tree of life, etc.
Precious stones were employed principally for seals
and signets. The latter were at all times important
in the East, furnishing as they did a substitute for
the signature. Gems may have served also as
ornaments in earrings, nose-rings, frontlets, and
bracelets (Cant. v. 14). II Sam. xii. 30 may refer
to the crown of Moloch (q.v.); precious garments
were no doubt adorned with gems (Ezek. xxviii. 13;
Judith x. 21); golden vessels also were decorated
with them (Ecclus. 1. 9). This luxury, however,
belongs to a late period, being foreign to the sim-
plicity of ancient custom. Precious stones consti-
tuted a considerable part of the treasures of Heze-
kiah, according to the Chronicler (II., xxxii. 27),
while the same writer enhances the splendor of
Solomon's Temple by describing its walls as adorned
with them (I., xxix. 4; II., iii., 6), though the earlier
record does not involve this (I Kings iv.) and it
seems to be precluded by I Kings xiv. 26; II Kings
xiv.14, xvi. 17, xviii. 16, where the removal of every
thing that was valuable in the Temple is recorded.
The later high-priestly dress, as described in the
priest code, shows a lavish use of precious stones
(Ex. xxviii. 9 sqq.). The custom of describing
precious possessions in terms of gems (Job xxviii.
15 sqq.; Prov. xvii. 8, xxvi. 8, vii. 9) led to the
practise of using the names of precious stones in
describing the glories of the future city of God
(Isa. liv. 11-12; Rev. xxi. 18 sqq.), even of the very
glory of God (Ezek. i. 26; Dan. x. 6; Rev. iv. 3).
IL Names and Varieties: The following list of
precious stones mentioned in the Bible is arranged
according to the Hebrew or Greek alphabet. The

Preoious StonM
Predestination

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

190

explanation of the Hebrew names can not always
be given with certainty, nor can the correspondence
of certain stones with the Greek names be always
certified (cf. Josephus, Ant., III., vii. 5; War, V.,
vii.; Pliny, Hist, not., xxxvii. for treatment of
gems known to the ancients). (1) Odhem, Septua-
gint sardion, Vulgate sardius, is the carnelian, a
stone popular in antiquity and often used for signets
(a seal from Jerusalem is of this material; Revue
biblique, xii. 605). The best specimens come from
the vicinity of Babylon (Pliny, xxxvii. 106-106).
The Hebrew name is derived from its reddish-brown
color, the Greek name from the city of Sardis, where
Pliny asserts that it was found. (2) 'Ahlamah
(Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12) is according to the Sep-
tuagint and Vulgate the amethyst (Rev. xxi. 20), a
comparatively common transparent, violet, wine-
colored, gray-white, or brownish crystalline quartz
found according to Pliny (xxxvii. 121 sqq.) espe-
cially near Jerusalem, but also in Egypt, Arabia, and
Armenia. (3) Ekdah, " the sparkling " (Isa. liv. 12),
probably the carbuncle (see no. 10), unless the Sep-
tuagint reading " crystal " be followed (see no. 13).
(4) Bareketh (Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxix. 10; Ezek. xxviii.
13), Septuagint, Josephus, and Vulgate smaragd,
A.V. "carbuncle" (Judith x. 21; Tobit xiii. 17;
Ecclus. xxxii. 8; Rev. iv. 3, xxi. 19), A.V. " eme-
rald," Sanscrit markata (P. de Lagarde, Gesammdte
Abhandlungen, Hi. 44, Gottingen, 1896). It is found
on the confines of Upper Egypt and Nubia, was
highly valued among the ancients, and was used
for medical purposes, being regarded as good for
the eyes. Herodotus, Pliny, and Theophrastus
speak of smaragds of colossal size in certain sanc-
tuaries; they also comprised under that name less
valuable green stones like dioptase and green jas-
per. (5) Gabhish (Job xxvii. 18) is the crystal
(Rev. iv. 6, xxii. 1), properly " ice," " the frozen "
(P. de Lagarde, Reliquiae juris, xxii., Leipsic, 1856);
the ancients regarded the rock-crystal as ice hard-
ened by vehement cold (Pliny, Hist. nat.t xxxviii. 9;
cf. Diodorus, ii. 52; see no. 13). (6) Yahalam
(Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11; Ezek. xxviii. 13), always
yaspis in the Septuagint and Vulgate, A.V. " dia-
mond," mentioned also Rev. iv. 3, xxi. 11, 18, 19,
an opaque quartz of diverse coloring (red, brown,
yellow, greenish, gray, dark), was much used by
the ancients for seals. So the lion seal from Me-
giddo is " jasper." The common opal and semi-
opal may have been included in this category by
Pliny (xxxvii. 217). (7) Yashpe (Ex. xxviii. 20,
xxxix. 13; Ezek. xxviii. 13) on account of the
similarity of the sound of the name is identified
with the jasper, though no etymological connection
is traceable. The Septuagint and Josephus render
it " onyx," the Vulgate " beryl "; an interchange
of (6) and (7) may be assumed in the Septuagint.
(8) Kadhkodh (Isa. liv. 12, Septuagint yaspis,
Symmachus karchedonion; Ezek. xxvii. 16, Sep-
tuagint chorctios) ; Hebrew r and d are interchanged
or misread in the Versions, so that karchedon is the
chalcedony of the ancients (De Lagarde, Reliquiot
juris, x.), a red stone of glittering splendor (Pliny,
" Carthaginian carbuncle "), not the common blue
flint. It was used for gems and seals (cf. Rev.
xxi. 19). (9) Leshem (Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12),

Septuagint Ugurion, Vulgate Ugurius; according to
Pliny (viii. 137, xxxvii. 54) a fire-colored stone fib
the carbuncle, considered by the ancients a kind
of amber (xxxvii. 34-35) . (10) Nophek (Ex. xxvi.
18, xxxix. 11; Ezek. xxvii. 16, xxviii. 13), 8eptua»
gint anthrax, Vulgate carbunculus, a red stone, the
ruby. On account of its hardness it was not cut
by the ancients. It is better to identify it with the
lappaka of the A mama Tablets and the Egyptian
mphkt, green malachite, obtained by the Egyptians
in the mines of Sinai. (1 1) Sappir, often mentioned
(Ex. xxiv. 10; Ezek. xxviii. 13; Job xxviii. 6, 16;
Isa. liv. 11; Rev. xxi. 19); when the precious sap-
phire is mentioned, the blue variety is doubtless
meant. Pliny (xxxvii. 120 sqq.) and Theophrastui
call the lapis lazuli " sapphire," which is the stone
probably meant in the Old Testament. (12]
Pifedhah (Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxi. 10; Ezek. xxviii. 13
Job xxviii. 19), Sanscrit pita, " the yellow," accord
ing to Job, coming from Ethiopia (see Cush), answer
to topaz (Rev. xxi. 20), a transparent stone de
scribed by Strabo (xvi. 770) and Diodorus (iii. 38
as " golden " (Pliny, " greenish yellow "), said b;
the last-named to have come from the topaz islan<
supposed to be in the Red Sea. (13) Kerah (Esei
i. 22), properly " ice," see no. 5. (14)' Shebh
(Ex. xxviii. 19), according to early tradition th
agate, highly appreciated in antiquity, though nc
in the time of Pliny; there are many varieties, an
it is abundant in Syria. (15) Shoham, often name
(see below) ; the Hebrew tradition places its origi
in Havilah (q.v.). Two large stones of this variety
each having the names of six tribes of Israel ii
scribed, were on the shoulders of the high pries
Tradition regarding it vacillates: the Septuagir
(Ex. xxviii. 20, xxxix. 13), the Targum, and th
Peshito call it " beryl," with which corresponds th
Septuagint of Gen. ii. 12, prasinos, " leek-gem,
since the leek-green chrysoprase was classed az
ciently among the beryls (so Pliny, xxxvii. 77, 113'
In fix. xxviii. 9, xxxv. 27, xxxix. 6 the Septuagir
renders smaragd, " emerald," in Job xxviii. 1
" onyx," and once sardius. The Vulgate read
sardonyx. The last-named, sardius, and ony
belong to the same species, the chalcedony (c
Dillmann on Gen. ii. 12). (16) Shamir (Jer. xvii. 1
Ezek. iii. 9; Zech. vii. 12), the diamond, is nc
numbered among the precious stones; the Hebrew
could not polish it, but knew its use as a point an
its insuperable hardness (Jer. xvii. 1; Ezek. iii. f
Zech. vii. 12). (17) Tarshish (Ex. xxviii. 2(
xxxix. 13; Ezek. i. 16, x. 9, xxviii. 13; Cant. v. 14
Dan. x. 6), generally rendered " chrysolite " by th
versions, but the Septuagint retains tharsis in Ezel
i. 16; Cant. v. 14, anthrax in Ezek. x. 9 (see no. 10]
the Vulgate renders " hyacinth " in Cant. v. 14
There is no consistent tradition.

The Apocalypse in describing the foundatio
stones of the New Jerusalem (xxi. 19 sqq.) name
twelve precious stones, seven of which can wit
probability be referred to Old-Testament name
(see nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 11, 12 above). In all likeli
hood these twelve stones are identical with thos
on the breast-plate of the high priest, so that th
other five have a place among those enumerated, bu
can not be certainly identified. They are : (18) th

191

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Precious Stones
Predestination

beryl (Rev. xzi. 20), perhaps identical with no 15, a
nriety of the emerald of smaller value; the sea-green
stone most valued by the ancients came from India.
(19) Chrysolite (xxi. 20), often identified in tradi-
tion with no. 17 above; the stone so called in
modem times is a light green, but that a gold-col-
ored stone exists is stated by Fraas (cf. E. C. A.
Riebm, Handwdrterbuch, p. 334 note, Bielefeld,
18H-W); Pliny (xxxvii. 90-91, 126-127) also
describes it as gold-colored. (20) Chrysoprasus
(xxi. 20) may perhaps be identified with no. 15, a
gray transparent chalcedony. (21) Hyacinth, A.V.
"jacinth" (xxi. 20), came from Ethiopia (Pliny,
xxxvii. 125-126), and answers to the stone known
to mineralogists as zircon, a changeable red or
yellow stone. (22) Sardonyx (xxi. 20) is partly
identified by tradition with no. 15 above.

I. Benzinobr.

Bibliography: A. Furtw&ngler, Antike Oemmen, 3 vols.,
Leipne, 1900; A. T. Hartmann, DieHebraerin am PuUtiech
ndaUBraut, i. 278 sqq., iii. 27 sqq.( Amsterdam, 1809;
K.E.m\ige,HandbuchderBdel*teinkunde, Leipsic, 1860; G.
W. Enf , Natural Hist, of Precious Stones: Antique Gems,

London, 1866; J. Menant, Lee Pierree gravies, 2 parts,
Paris, 1883-85; J. H. Middleton, Engraved Gems of Classi-
cal Times, Cambridge, 1891; H. Lewy, Die semitischen
FremdwOrter im Griechischen, pp. 53-62, Berlin, 1895;
Nowaek, Archaologie, i. 130 sqq.; DB, iv. 619-621; EB,
iv. 4799-4812; JE, v. 593-596; and the commentaries
on the passages of Scripture cited in the text.

•

PRECIST: One who has the expectation of a
benefice, this expectation being granted him by the
possessor of the " right of first requests." Since
this right involves the duty of issuing formal re-
8cripta de providendo, which the pope may issue in
certain cases, those for whom papal provision is thus
made are also termed precists until they receive
the benefices in question. (H. F. JACOBSONf)

PRECONIZATION: A term derived from the me-
dieval Latin prctconizare, prceconisare, "to proclaim
publicly," and denoting t^e act whereby the pope,
in the college of cardinals, proclaims as bishops
those prelates who have been found on examination
to be properly qualified for the episcopal office, and
assigns them their sees. (H. F. Jacobson*|\)

*• Scriptural Doctrine,
^e Old Testament (| 1).
Jhe Gospels (f 2).
H* Pauline Epistles (§ 3).
Other New-Testament Writings (f 4).

PREDESTINATION.

II. Church Doctrine.

The Eastern Church (f 1).
The Western Church (f 2).
Augustine (f 3).
Post-Augustinian Views (f 4).

Scholastic Theology (f 5).
Later Roman Catholic View (J 6).
The Reformers (f 7).
Post-Reformation History (f 8).

Predestination in the wider sense is the eternal
^determination of God's universal design or spe-
cie ends; and, in the most restricted sense, the
5°reorcIination in the inscrutable counsels of God
Y an eternal unchangeable decree of a certain
number to eternal salvation, which is called election,
. ** * certain number to eternal destruction, which
18 called reprobation. The doctrine, historically,
^J^Ite from the search for the certainty of salvation,
^lc*i resolves itself in a conscious faith in the
^fe^ting foundations of grace in God.
rp *- Scriptural Doctrine: Fundamental in the Old
est^tnent is the belief in the election of Israel as
^^* ^ own people, revealed first to the patriarchs

and finally illustrated in the covenant.

*~*£*lie Old God is the source of blessing and a safe

**«fceiiient refuge: Israel is the elect, the bearer

of salvation (Isa. xlv. 4). Every

Ve**t; is determined in the divine will. God leads

T1**^ inclines men, even hardens their hearts to bring

?J ¥*«iss his higher purposes (Gen. xxv. 23; Ex. iv.

l» "Vii. 3, ix. 16; Josh. xi. 20); but his activity is

j5*\ Irresistible. The election of Israel rests upon

^'"i*16 grace and is the act of unqualified love. Not

^^^il the time of Ezekiel was this election regarded

as applied to individuals, and then it was regarded

as ** *» act before time.

., ^ the New Testament, Israel, by the rejection of
^ ^ Messiah, has forfeited its distinction, and election
7?*^ passed to the believers in Christ. According to
p*^ Synoptic Gospels, Jesus is sent to all that were
°^fc. He, as the risen one, sends forth his disciples
r***i offers salvation to all the nations (Matt, xxviii.
^~*20). Salvation is based solely on God's loving
*****pose conceived before the foundation of the
*>rid (Matt. xi. 26, xxv. 34). God does not coerce

but leaves the acceptance of salvation to the free
will of man (Matt, xxiii. 37). Meanwhile the idea
of free will makes place for that of divine election,

especially in Matthew. Many are

2. The called but few chosen (Matt. xx. 16,

Gospels, xxii. 14); for the elects' sake the days

of tribulation shall be shortened (Matt,
xxi v. 22; Mark xiii. 20). But the elect are those
found worthy among the called and embrace all
the community of the New-Testament believers.
Condemnation falls on those only who reject Christ.
In the Fourth Gospel the Evangelist has in mind
a certain metaphysical predisposition determining
the receptivity of Christ's influence and accordingly
dividing men into those who are "of the truth "
and those who are children of evil (John vi. 44-45,
x. 29, xvii. 2, 6, 9, xviii. 37). But the saving pur-
pose of God's love embraces all men (John iii. 16),
and whosoever comes will be accepted (vi. 37, vii.
37). The attainment of salvation is based on the
inworking of God. Man may accept or reject
Christ and is responsible. For all those who have
attained salvation the work has been wrought en-
tirely by God and they are proved to be "of the
truth "; for those who are lost, the divine activity
consists in punishment for the rejection of salvation.
The doctrine of election received a closer defi-
nition by the Apostle Paul. The Gentiles are also
elected, in spite of the Jews having been the chosen
race, and the Jews shall nevertheless be saved in
spite of their apparent rejection and hardening of
heart; for man is justified by faith, not works.
In other words, the ultimate ground of salvation
is not in man's effort, but in God the source of
all good, and he chooses by his sovereign freedom
as he will, out of love, the gift of which is his grace

Predestination

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

102

(cf. Rom. ix.-xi.). To make certain of the gift of
grace through conscious faith and of eternal salva-
tion in God, assurance is given by reference to di-
vine election. Paul sets forth, prin-
3. Pauline cipally in the Epistle to the Ephesians,
Epistles, that man, though involved in sin, yet
remains an object of divine love. God
has provided salvation in Christ and offers pardon
and reconciliation. That which is realized in time
was determined in the ever-existing, immutable
divine counsel; namely, to send Christ and save
all those joined by faith in him. This eternal pur-
pose is that upon which the conscious salvation of
those in Christ rests; as the self-determination of
God to benevolence, it also appears as grace. This
purpose recognized through grace involves the selec-
tion of those to be redeemed, the elect. Correlates
of this are election and calling which are inseparable.
Calling is, for Paul, the entrance into Christian
unity; election, however, is a transcendental act
in which the universal design is to be distinguished
from a predetermination to a specific end. The word
election in II Thess. ii. 13, refers to the primordial
choosing; in I Cor. i. 27-28, to an election by which
believers are to enter into a certain relation with
the world. Election fulfils itself in the act of faith.
If the calling makes certain who is chosen, the gift
of salvation to the elect results on the ground of
faith. In the consciousness of faith the individual
is certain of his election, for the fact of his believing
is a result of his election. But the negative deduc-
tion, that unbelief is likewise grounded in an act of
the divine will, is not drawn by Paul. How the
election of individual believers reconciles itself with
the universal will of grace is to be made clear by the
condition of the fulfilment of that will in time.
How the experience of salvation conditioned upon
human self-determination is reconciled with the
fact that God while working faith fulfils election
remains to be explained. Acts of self-determina-
tion are acts of obedience to God, the source of all ♦
good (Phil. ii. 12-13; Col. iii. 12-13). Of special
importance is the question whether salvation is
absolutely assured to the elect, or whether they
may fall from grace. In this connection those
passages are relevant which are supposed to support
the doctrine of particular predestination. In Eph.
i. 4-6, election is foreordained; but a pretemporal
division of mankind is not expressed. In Rom.
viii. 28-30, the phrase " the called according to his
purpose " seems to justify particularism. The
sense of the passage turns upon the term " fore-
known," which may mean not an effective fore-
knowledge but a recognition beforehand of individ-
ual believers and their predetermination to become
Christlike. In Rom. ix.-xi., Israel is to be saved
in time in spite of its resistance, and in ix. 22-24
there seems to be present the idea of a predetermi-
nation to destruction as well as to glory. Different
constructions have been made of the passage: (a)
In Rom. ix. the absoluteness of God's will is as-
sumed but later supplemented (Meyer); (b) Paul,
in this discussion, has in mind God's part which has
its causes as well as its effects in the historical de-
velopment (Beyschlag); (c) there is an antinomy
between a benevolent God and a hostile God, and

Rom. ix. teaches a determinism which leaves in
doubt whether a particular or a universal predes-
tination is meant (Holtzmann, Pfleiderer); (d) in
Rom. ix. election no less than reprobation presup-
poses belief no less than unbelief, which does not
occur without free self-determination. The attitude
of man somehow conditions the divine act, and
there is no double counsel of election. Ripe for
destruction are those who through their own guilt
have brought it down upon themselves (Hofmann;
B. Weiss). Paul has in mind the historical fate of
a people, not the consideration of salvation and
destruction. Again, when God hardens the hearts,
this is a primitive judgment; necessity to sin is the
penalty for yielding to sin. Free self-determination
is emphasized as well as divine omnipotence. The
Pastoral Epistles continue the same conception.

The writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews starts

with the postulate that the believer may fall from

grace, and holds that God does no violence to the

free will of man; but on the other

4. Other hand, the impossibility of repentance

New- on the part of those who have lapsed

Testament from their faith is represented as the

Writings, consequence of the divine judgment.
Self-hardening is suggested (iii. 7-8,
xii. 17), and the passages indicate but a single
period of probation for everyone. In Revelation
the chosen are those who have accepted their elec-
tion by faith (xvii. 14). The counsel of salvation
is universal. Even the last judgment is intended
to call the world to repentance (cf. ix. 20-21, xvi.
9, 11). The elect are those who partake of salva-
tion (cf. I Peter ii. 9). Election pertains to the
choosing of the individuals fulfilled in time and is
synonymous with calling. The passage I Peter ii. 8
implies a predestinarian historical point of view,
but does not teach a predetermination of unbe-
lievers to reprobation. Christians owe their state
to regeneration (James i. 18) and to election (ii. 5).
In the Acts election of grace is implied (ix. 15, xiii.
48, vii. 42), which presupposes the free self-determi-
nation of individuals. (G. Hoennicke.)

n. Church Doctrine: Previous to Augustine
there was no serious development in Christianity
of a theory of predestination. Until then the rich
materials of the New Testament, especially of the
writings of Paul, remained unutilized
z. The East- or were subject to exegetical discur-
ern Church, siveness. That the Greek Fathers
stopped short with merely superficial
historical revelation and free personality is due to
the necessity of asserting over against pagan and
Gnostic naturalistic determinism the autonomy of
man; and over against the evolutionary primal
power, the transcendent personality of God. To
them this autonomy was the distinguishing charac-
teristic of human personality, the basis of moral
responsibility, a divine gift whereby man might
choose that which was well-pleasing to God (Justin,
/ Apol., x. 63, xliii. 10, II., vii. 3; Eng. transl.,
ANF, i. 165-66, 216, 177). Sin could not destroy
this autonomy, could at most only weaken it and
lead it intellectually astray (Origen, Contra CcUum,
iii. 66-69; Eng. transl., ANF, iv. 490-492); and
Irenseus (Hcer., IV., xxxvii. 3; Eng. transl., ANF, i.

108

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Predestination

519) could place side by side " the autonomy of
man and the counsel of God who constraineth not."
None of the Greek Fathers conceived a revelation
by the Spirit to the individual soul transcending a
historical and intellectual presentment of the truth;
and though there are vague allusions to the " syner-
gism " of God in the mysteries , with the man of
moral endeavor the human will always selects from
those operations. God gives the power, man must
furnish the will (Clement, Quis dives, xxi.; Strom.,
VI., xti. 37, VII., vii. 82; Chrysostom on Phil. ii. 13;
Origen, De principiis, III., ii. 3; Eng. transl., ANF,
iv. 331; and on Rom. iii. 19). There gradually
arose, however, a concept of divine foreknowledge
which prepared the way for the formal recognition,
but also actual rejection, of the doctrine of predes-
tination, based on such passages as II Tim. ii. 25
(cf. Justin, ApoL, I, xxviii. 56; Eng. transl., ANF,
i. 172; Trypho, xlii. 78; Eng. transl., i. 216; Irenseus,
Ear., IV., xxix. 2; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 502); and
similar meanings were attributed even to Biblical
passages of directly opposite tendency. According
to Justin (/ ApoL, lxi. 71; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 183)
birth differs from regeneration in that the former
is a thing done to man, while the latter he volun-
tarily chooses. John of Damascus, first formulat-
ing the doctrine of predestination (Defide orthodoxa,
II., xxix. 95; MPG, xciv. 968-969), distinguished
the divine " will preceding," which conditionally
aims at the salvation of all men, from the " will fol-
lowing," which restricts the number of the elect in
particular to those whom foreknowledge perceives
to be worthy. This is yet the orthodox doctrine
of the Eastern Church. The Russian Catechism
(L 3) accordingly declares: " Since God foresaw
that some would choose the good and others the
evil, he predestined the former to glory and re-
jected the latter."

In the Western Church, up to the time of Augus-
tine, the fixed principles of free will (Tertullian,
Adv. Marcionem, ii. 6; Eng. transl., ANF, iii. 301-
303; Ambrose, De Jacobo, i. 1) and of divine fore-
knowledge (Tertullian, ut sup., ii. 23;
a. The West- Eng. transl., iii. 315; Ambrosiaster on
era Church. Bom. viii. 29) underwent no essential
revision, though so deep was the feeling
of the working of grace on the individual that the
statements of the Latin Fathers are far more in
harmony with the Bible than those of the Greek
Fathers. The development of the doctrine of
original sin after Tertullian, and the emphasis which
Cyprian laid on the Church and her means of grace
deepened the concept of the operations of grace,
transcending mere illumination of intellect. Cyp-
rian ascribes all good to God (Epist., i. 4; Eng.
transl., ANF, v. 276; De oraiione Domini, xiv.; Eng.
transl., ANF, v. 451) ; Tertullian, on the other hand,
teaches a power of grace which modifies free will
(Deanima, xxi. 39; Eng. transl., ANF, iii. 202);
and Ambrose in passages expresses himself syner-
gisticaHy (In Lucam, i. 10, ii. 84), and also almost in
terms of predestination (vii. 27).

The deeper Western doctrine of grace was carried
to its logical conclusions by Augustine (see Augus-
tine, Saint, of Hippo), both as a result of personal
experience and in consequence of his study of the

IX.— 13

Bible, especially of the writings of Paul. At first
he wavered between the conviction that feeling
and experience yielded to the working of grace but

that reason clung to free will (cf . Soli-
3. Augustine, loquia, I., i. 5) . Even then his religious

interest led him to distinguish clearly
faith as the root from works as the fruit, thinking to
have found the point, in the origin of faith, where
free will is alone operative; election was based on
the foreseeing of faith (Rom. ix. 11). In 397, how-
ever, he came to the conviction that faith itself is
a divine gift, and henceforth this belief in a grace
that is the source of all good in man underlies Augus-
tine's entire theological system. This attitude of
Augustine evoked the opposition of Pelagius (see
Pelagius, Pelagian ism), who sought to lead souls
to a better life by reminding them of their innate,
inalienable power. Man shall acknowledge to him-
self powers of will and " spiritual riches," " which
he shall then be able to employ well when he shall
have learned that he has them.1' The motive force
in Augustine's development of the doctrine was not
the theory or the practise of the Church, but his
personal experience of sin and grace. According
to his system, the decisive and inalienable charac-
teristic of man is not abstract freedom of choice
but loving union with God (Expositio Psalmorum,
v.; Eng. transl., NPNF, 1 ser., viii. 11-15; Conf.,
I., i. 1, VII., x. 16; Eng. transl., viii. 45, 109-110).
Without divine aid (enabling power, adfutorium),
transcending natural moral powers, even Adam could
not remain good, though this aid gives only the pos-
sibility, not the realization, of fellowship with God
(De natwra et gratia, xlviii. 56; Eng. transl., v. 140;
De correptione et gratia, xi. 32; cf. x. 27; xii. 34, 38;
Eng. transl., v. 482-487). God gave first a good will
to man, in which, however, he could not continue
without the gift of enabling power; and that man
should be willing to continue God left to his free will.
This free will is inherent in human personality, nor
can man, from the point of view of love, be consid-
ered as acting under compulsion, so that the guilt
of sin falls on him alone (De gratia et libero arbitrio,
ii. 4, xviii. 37; Eng. transl., v. 445, 459). This deliv-
ers his idea of free will from pantheistic naturalism;
on the other hand, his religious interest will not
permit him to emancipate free will from God.
Hence, initial will is rather a divine content for its
further development, by which it wins its freedom
in a higher sense as an autonomous agent in the
sphere of life. The lower form of freedom was but a
transition point to true freedom (xi. 32, xii. 33;
cf. x. 28; Eng. transl., v. 484-485; De prasdestina-
Hone sanctorum, xv. 30; Eng. transl., v. 505-506).
From the sin of Adam, in virtue of the unity of the
human race, arose the necessity for the condemna-
tion of all mankind (" mass of perdition "), salvation
being possible only through the second Adam, Christ,
for all united with him (Contra duos epistolas Pcla-
gianorum, IV., iv. 7; Eng. transl., v. 419; De correp-
tione et gratia, x. 26, 28; Eng. transl., v. 183; De
natura et gratia, v. 5; Eng. transl., v. 123). This
historic dispensation of salvation is carried out so
rigidly that even the patriarchs were saved only by
the sight of the risen Christ on whom they believed
(De peccato originali, xxvi. 30-31; Eng. transl., v.

Predestination

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

194

248). The Church of all ages, historically founded
on Christ, hides the elect within itself, unlike the
lost world (De civitate Dei, xv. 1; Eng. transl., ii.
284). In the empiric admission to " the body of
Christ," set forth already in the reception of infant
baptism (De natura et gratia, viii. 9; Eng. transl.,
v. 124), God's free dispensation to his elect discloses
itself (De correptiane et gratia, viii. 42; Eng. transl.,
v. 489). In his writings on predestination Augus-
tine considers, for the most part, only those whom
the grace of God leads to his kingdom of their own
free will; and even the Church is the body of the
elect only in a general sense, since it contains
" vessels to honor " and " vessels to dishonor," the
latter not belonging fully to the Church (De baptismo,
VII., Ii. 99). The basis of the idea that election is
not accomplished merely by external incorporation
into the Church, but fulfils itself finally by the per-
sonal operation of grace, was afforded by the ex-
perience of " grace free but not freed " (De correp-
tione et gratia, xiii. 41-42; Eng. transl., v. 488-489),
and the formally free will must, therefore, be filled
with good (De gratia et libero arbitrio, xv. 31 ; Eng.
transl., v. 456-457). By his experience of conver-
sion Augustine found his free will instantly, whereby
he submitted absolutely in divine service (Conf.,
ix. 1; Eng. transl., i. 129). From which the con-
clusion follows that " the human will does not attain
grace by freedom, but rather freedom by grace "
(De correptione et gratia, viii. 17; Eng. transl., v.
478). Faith is especially, from first to last, the
work of God in man, so that " the elect are not
elected because they believe, but they are elected
that they may believe " (De prcedestinatione sanc-
torum, viii. 16, xvii. 34; cf. ii. 3-4, xx. 40; Eng.
transl., v. 506, 514-515, 499, 517-518). God chose
a " certain number " from the " mass of perdition "
(De correptione et gratia, x. 26, xiii. 39; cf. vii. 12;
Eng. transl., v. 482, 487-488, 476; De dono persever-
antice, xiv. 35; Eng. transl., v. 539; De prcedestina-
tione sanctorum, xii. 23; Eng. transl., v. 509). For
Augustine there is thus a division only on the whole,
never with reference to individual persons. The
former sense of foreknowledge continues, but now
comes to be applied to God's own operations of
grace, not to human resolves (xiv. 31, xix. 38), and,
so far as the elect are concerned, foreknowledge is
thus identical with predestination (De done perse-
verantioe, xix. 47-48; Eng. transl., v. 545). As to
the others, emphasis on the elect relieved the ne-
cessity of mentioning the non-elect. " Predestina-
tion can not exist without foreknowledge, although
foreknowledge may exist without predestination "
(De prcedestinatione sanctorum, x. 19; Eng. transl.,
v. 507). This distinction steers clear of supralap-
sarianism even as to the fall; for God foreknew the
fall of Adam, but did not compel it (De correptione
et gratia, xii. 37; Eng. transl., v. 487). After the
fall, the non-elect were simply left in the " mass of
perdition," from which no one had any claim to be
saved (De gratia et libero arbitrio, xxi. 42-43, xxiii.
45; cf . De correptione et gratia, xiii. 42 ; De dono perse-
verantioe, xiii. 33; Eng. transl., v. 462-463, 489, 538).
These variants of emphasis spring from Augustine's
fundamental postulate that all good is of God and all
evil of free will, a view aided by his Platonic notion

that evil is essentially a defect, the " not-being "
(De libero arbitrio, II., xx. 54) . Later in the develop-
ment of Augustine's thought he was able to postu-
late predestination to destruction, even if not to sin
(Enchiridion, cr, Eng. transl., iii. 269; ci.DecivitaU \
Dei, XXII., xxiv. 5; Eng. transl., ii. 504). I Tim.
ii. 4 means that God does not will that every man be
saved, but that no man is saved apart from his will,
and " all men " refers to the whole race in its varie-
ties (Enchiridion, ciii.; Eng. transl., iii. 269). The
carrying-out of the counsel of grace to the elect is
secured by admonitory preaching (De correptione &
gratia, vii. 13; Eng. transl., v. 477). This entire
treatise aims to prove that the general historical and
the individual operations of grace are not mutually
exclusive (xiv. 43; Eng. transl., v. 489); hence
room is left for free moral activity to such an extexit
that Augustine repeatedly speaks of " merits,
though these rest, in the last analysis, on divLxie
activity (e.g., De gratia et libero arbitrio, vi. 15;
transl., v. 450). The " grace " of Augustine is.
divine power to which man owes moral " vivifii
tion " or " infusion of love," of which remission of
sins appears to be a natural concomitant (cf. De
gratia et libero arbitrio, xi. 23-24; Eng. transl., v.
453-454). Behind human preaching God's secret
instruction works on the elect (De prcedestinatione
sanctorum, viii. 13; Eng. transl., v. 504-505). In
view of the guidance in experience of the elect,
Augustine distinguishes various degrees of grace
(De gratia et libero arbitrio, xvii. 33; Eng. transl.,
v. 457-458) ; the aid to those in divine communion
exceeds the first enabling power as actuality sur-
passes possibility. Not only can human will resist
the divine will (De correptione et gratia, xiv. 45; Eng.
transl., v. 489-490), but God alone grants the gift of
perseverance to his elect (De dono perseverantia,
i. 1; Eng. transl., v. 526), who, without this gift, are
not truly elect (De correptione et gratia, vii. 14, ix.
20-21, xii. 36; De prcedestinatione sanctorum, xvi. 32;
Eng. transl., v. 477, 479-480, 486, 513) .

While the authority of Augustine, combined with
the deeper character of the Western doctrine of
grace, easily overthrew Pelagianism, so that even
the Semipelagians (see Semipelagianism) dis-
owned the anathematized heresies of Pelagius,

Augustine's doctrine of predestina-

4. Post- tion fell far short of acceptance.

Augustinian Jerome, Hilary, and Faustus of Riex

Views. (qqv.) adhered to free will, nor did the

Semi-Pelagians make it clear that
admission to Christianity through baptism, re-
garded as necessary to salvation, signified predes-
tination. Later followers of Augustine seem to
have reduced the operation of grace as based on
divine election to this point, for the Synod of
Orange (q.v.) in 529 (Mansi, Concilia, viii. 735 sqq.),
in effect, denied a predestined reprobation in con-
nection with its commitment on the grace of bap-
tism, affirming that the divine election had designed
no division among the baptized. Although an
essential thought of Augustine was thus sacrificed,
yet the way was opened to reunite on the middle
ground represented by the old theory of foreknowl-
edge which was facilitated for the followers of
Augustine in that he had never formally assailed

195

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Predestination

the traditional teaching of foreknowledge. The
new content he had given the older doctrine was
by no means firmly established, so that later it
could be affirmed much more emphatically than by
Augustine himself that foreknowledge of evil was
not a predestination " imposed by necessity upon
toe human will " (Fulgentius of Ruspe, Ad Monv-
mm, i. 7; MPL, lxv. 157). Except for a number
of obscure deviations, no new concepts were de-
veloped during the succeeding centuries. On the
Augustinian side the only event of interest was the
attempt of the unknown author of the fifth century
DeweaHone omnium gentium (cf. MPL, li. 664 sqq.)
to reconcile the particularism of election with a
serious universalism of the will to save, and by faith
be rose superior to the paradox that God alone works
salvation and gives it to all men, though all are
not saved. On the opposing side certain passages
of Liber prcedestinatus (iii. 1; MPL, liii. 629-632;
see P&EDE8TINATUS, Liber) mark the first attempt
to refer predestination from human persons to the
general plan of salvation. A new factor first en-
tered into the controversy in the ninth century with
Gottschalk (see Gottschalk, 1). His formula of a
twofold predestination applying equally to those
who bad thus far been distinguished as " foreor-
dained " and " foreknown," however disturbing
to theologians who officially recognized Augustine
but were far from sharing his views, was, neverthe-
less, a reproduction of Augustine's own theory.
Even for his supralapsarianism he could appeal not
only to Augustine (ut sup.) but also to Fulgentius
(De veritate pradestinationis, iii. 5) and to the dec-
laration of Isidore of Seville (Sent. II., vi. 1;
MPL, lxxxiii. 606): " there is a twofold predesti-
nation, of the elect to blessedness, and of the
reprobate to death." Gottschalk's theological
views, however, would scarcely have brought con-
demnation upon him had he not employed the doc-
trine of predestination, in connection with his own
experience, to assert the independence of the inner
man from the Church. The numerous followers
of Augustine who gave Gottschalk literary support
did not accept the doctrine of the assurance of sal-
vation, bo that Ratramnus (q.v.), like Augustine,
maintained that no man might presume to consider
himself one of the elect (De prcsdestinatione, ii.).
In the mass of writings produced at this period the
sole new element is the multiplication of ambiguous
formulas with which each one sought to make his
own divergent opinions pass as Augustinian. A
master of this type was Hincmar of Reims (q.v.),
who emphasized, in the theses of the Synod of
Chiersey (853), the universality of salvation, but
as regards free will and predestination advanced
Semipelagian views in Augustinian terminology,
affirming that " God elects from the mass of per-
dition after his foreknowledge those whom through
grace he predestined to life; others, moreover,
whom he abandons in the mass of perdition, by a
just judgment, he foreknew would perish but did
not predestine that they should perish " (cf.
Hefele, Concilienge8chichte, iv., 217-218). Raba-
nus Maurus (q.v.) declared that " God does not
predestine all that he foreknows; for he only fore-'
knows evil, he does not predestine it; but good he

both foreknows and predestines " (Epist. ad Notin-
gum, MPL, cxii. 1532-33). At the same time he
openly expressed Semipelagian views on free will
(ut sup., pp. 1541, 1553; Epist. ad Hincmarum, p.
1524). In the controversy only resolute Augus-
tinians spoke in unmistakable terms, although the
most of them had changed the Augustinian point
of view. The interest is no longer in the anthropo-
morphic problem, admitting of various irreconcila-
ble views, but in the construction of a simple,
speculative formula of God. Gottschalk manifests
a decided tendency to determinism, wishing to
avoid foreknowledge in the formulation of a con-
ception of God immutable, a trend found in milder
form in Ratramnus (De prcedestinatione, ii.), who
applies the twofold predestination of God simply to
his all-embracing government of the world. On this
scheme, which now appeared to receive a panthe-
istic application, Scotus Erigena (q.v.) based his
De prcedestinatione, though in fact he agreed far
more with Gottschalk's determinism than with the
current Semipelagianism.

The Gottschalk controversy ended with the trans-
formation of a vital problem into a scholastic theory,
a character which was retained throughout the
Middle Ages. During the following
5. Scholastic centuries the prevailing doctrine,
Theology, while carefully avoiding both Semi-
pelagian terms and the extreme de-
ductions of Augustinianism (irresistible grace and
perseverance), exalted the operation of grace alone
and constantly repeated the formulas of Augustine
on foreknowledge and predestination to good, but
mere foreknowledge of evil (Anselm, De concordia
prcBScienticB prcedestinaHonis cum liber o arbitrio, i. 7;
MPL, clviii. 517; Peter Lombard, Sent. I., xl. 1, 4;
MPL, excii. 631; Thomas Aquinas, Summa, I.,
xxiii. 5). At the same time it was held, with Au-
gustine, that the will of fallen man remained free,
but was made and maintained good only by grace,
the gift of God (Anselm, ut sup., iii. 3-4; Bernard of
Clairvaux, De gratia et libero arbitrio, xiv. 46-47,
MPL, clxxxii. 1026-27; Peter Lombard, ut sup.,
II., xxviii. 4; Thomas Aquinas, ut sup., I., cv. 4).
This would indicate thoroughgoing predestinarian-
ism, were it not for a sentence of Bernard (ut sup.,
x. 35) according to which those fallen in this life by
their free will may be saved by divine aid, but not
after the resurrection. Since, however, persever-
ance was now placed in the future life, it became
possible not only for Adam but for the elect
even to fall from grace; and the Augustinian
doctrine of two forms of divine aid (possibility
and actuality ; ut sup.) was disregarded. From
this view only Thomas Aquinas is to be excepted,
and his more deterministic position (cf . Summa,
I., xxiii. 7) henceforth was the pillar of genuine
Augustinianism. A complete change was inaugu-
rated by Duns Scotus (q.v.) whose widely divergent
expressions on predestination can be explained only
on the assumption of an equally justifiable two-
fold point of view. The will is by nature the sole
cause of its own acts, so that even God does not work
immediately on the human will (Sent., II., xxv. 2,
xxxvii. 2, 8, III., iii. 21); therefore, the will of God,
being determined by nothing beyond itself, is the

Predestination

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

196

ultimate cause of everything that happens in the
universe and of human fortunes. Duns Scotus gave
the first impulse to the undisguised " Pelagianism "
of the late Middle Ages with his doctrines of " merit
of the fit " and " act of love/' which would tend to
shift all back to foreknowledge. By his emphasis
on the absolute freedom of the divine will he fur-
nished weapons for the uncompromising opponents
of this entire development. During the centuries
immediately preceding the Reformation the status
of the doctrine of grace was but superficial, except
where the profounder view was guarded by the
Augustinian friars. Early in the fourteenth cen-
tury, the Thomist Thomas Bradwardine (q.v.) as-
sailed Pelagianism, and was followed by John
Wyclif (q.v.), an Augustinian of the most deter-
ministic type, who identified the " true Church "
with the " number of the predestined " (De ecclesia,
i.) and denied that the pope could be the head of
such a body since " without special revelation " he
could not even know whether he was a member
of it.

The teaching of the Roman Catholic Church on

predestination was unchanged by the Reformation.

In its doctrine of grace the Council of Trent returned

to the position of earlier scholasticism (vi. 5, 16),

but as regards predestination contented

6. Later itself with warding off deductions

Roman perilous to the Church (vi. 9 sqq.).

Catholic The doctrine itself remained funda-
View. mentally undecided, so that toward
the end of the sixteenth century a
controversy could break out between the Thomis-
tic Dominicans and the Semipelagian Jesuits. A
Congregatio de auxiliis gratia? sat for nine years
without being able to condemn either party as
heretical. When, however, in the following cen-
tury Jansenism renewed the unabridged teachings
of Augustine, the papal condemnations of Jansen
(see Jansen, Cornelius, Jansenism) and Pasquier
Quesnel (q.v.) not only rejected the doctrine of
possible salvation independent of the Church, but
also a series of genuine Augustinian concepts, such
as irresistible grace. In recent years there has been
an unmistakable tendency toward the Semipela-
gian Jesuit positiou. It is held, with tacit recom-
mendation of the theory of foreknowledge, that
" the Church never wishes to resolve that contro-
versy; each one, therefore, may without impairing
the faith hold that opinion which appears more
probable and seems to aid the better in resolving
the difficulties of unbelievers and heretics " (G.
Perrone, Prcdectiones theologicce, 47th ed., Turin,
1896.)

In the early days of Protestantism, predestina-
tion, as the expression of the power of grace from
personal experience, opposed individual certainty
of salvation to the claims of the Church, and formed
the one central dogma common to all the Reform-
ers. Before beginning his career as a
7. The Re- Reformer, Luther had expressed an

formers. Augustinianism which theoretically

opposed the rigid deductions of the

system; but later he passed far beyond the position

of Augustine to an actual supralapsarianism which

regarded even the fall of Adam as divinely decreed.

He included in the nature of man, or the enabling
grace of Augustine, not only possible but actual
union with God. For the theoretic maintenance of
this position there was at hand the doctrine of the
absoluteness of the divine will, as posited not only
by Duns Scotus and the nominalists who followed
him, but also by Laurentius Valla and (for Zwingli)
by the mystic pantheist Pico della Mirandola (see
Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni). The argu-
ment was, accordingly, carried not only from the
empirical servitude of the sinful will to the all-
efficient grace of God, but also from the all-com-
prehending activity of God to the inconceivability
of free will. All the Reformers proceeded from the
assumption that this doctrine alone was in harmony
with a truly living faith. Luther was led to make a
systematic presentation of his doctrine of predes-
tination by the De liber o arbitrio of Erasmus (Basel,
1524), to which he replied in his De servo arbitrio
(Wittenberg, 1525). Without these predecessors,
Zwingli would scarcely have advanced extreme
views in his Anamnema de providentia Dei (1530).
Starting from the postulates that God, as the un-
changeable good and infinite power, reigns by his
providence throughout all that transpires in the
universe, he affirmed that man is not different from
nature by having an undetermined will, but by a
capability of knowing God and entering into fellow-
ship with him. Such knowledge is realized in the
irrevocable law which is the expression of the divine
will. The law, however, can not overcome the
conflict of spirit and flesh, because of which man
had to fall, but only discloses it. It follows that the
fall was necessary to the complete divine revelation.
God did not merely foresee but caused it. This act
was not revolting to God's ethical being; for he is
above law. God's goodness manifested itself first
in the fall but especially in salvation. Should
election be based on foreknowledge (which is ex-
cluded) God would be degraded into man. Lu-
ther's later views display the fact that the newly
acquired faith did not explain the qualities of the
regenerate by the almighty working of divine grace
but realized the grace of God, through the preaching
of the words of promise. As a matter of fact,
however, Luther's type of faith, based on the Scrip-
tures and the sacraments, often emphasized the
objective efficiency of the means of grace in such
a way as would ultimately undermine the dogma of
predestination. Zwingli, on the other hand, de-
rived the assurance of salvation not merely through
the preaching of the Word, but also through the
efficacious Word; that is, through the personal life
of faith awakened by God. Though he was thus
led to depreciate the means of grace, the doctrine
of predestination with him and his successors re-
mained more permanently associated with the con-
sciousness of faith. The divergent estimate at-
tached to the external means of grace, moreover,
caused Zwingli to weaken the bounds of the Church,
so that he could teach the salvation of certain
heathen and of unbaptized children dying in in-
fancy; while the identification of the "invisible
Church " with the elect, only occasionally made by
Luther, formed an important element of his theol-
ogy. Luther's doctrine of predestination underlies

197

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Predestination

his Catechism (ii. 3) and the Augsburg Confession
(arts, v., xix.); but the Confessio variata of 1540
effaced these traces, and after 1532 Melanchthon
taught a synergistic and universalistic system, with
special endeavor to save the seriousness of preaching
unto salvation. Of the more important theolo-
gians of the century, however, he was followed only
by the Reformed Johannes a Lasco (q.v.)f who,
however, adopted Zwingli's views on the salvation
of unbaptized children. Meanwhile the man had
appeared who was to make predestination the nec-
essary basis of belief for those who should follow
him. The teachings of John Calvin (q.v.) on elec-
tion are only what may be found scattered in Martin
Butier's commentaries, but his systematic ability
enabled him to weave these elements into a doc-
trine, and to connect them indissolubly with the
foundations of Protestantism. His very avoidance
of paradoxical speculation and his rigid determi-
nation to adhere strictly to the Bible made his
doctrine an immovable pillar of the system. Pre-
sented skilfully as a support of the doctrine of
justification, yet it rests securely in his fundamental
premise of the divine glory. Calvin is far removed
fromZwingli who, somewhat close to the pantheists,
postulates an a priori necessity to sin for the glory
of God; but he finds that to set forth God's glory
rejection must follow no less than election. Though
nearer to Augustine than Luther on the original
state, yet he maintains supralapsarianism (Insti-
tute*, I., xv. 8, III., xxiii. 8). The absolute decree,
irresistible grace, and the gift of perseverance are
prominent (III., xxi. 5). He shares with Zwingli
the need of the certainty of salvation in the personal
life which dispenses with an objectivity of the means
of grace in the Lutheran sense of the term. God
operates through them " in an orderly way," their
efficacy being due to the working of the divine
spirit, with the resulting formula that the means
of salvation are efficacious only to the elect. The
Christian who would be assured of his salvation
must, therefore, test the operation of the Word in
himself (III., xxiv. 4), so that both practically and
theoretically belief in election serves to awaken
living faith and to elevate the moral nature (III.,
xxiii. 12, xxiv. 5) The actual members of the
Qmrch are, of course, only the elect.

In the Reformed confessions of the sixteenth
century the doctrine of election was set forth both
in harsh {Confession defoi, 1550) and in mild form
(H. BuDmger'8 Confessio Helvetica posterior, art.
x, 1508), or presupposed in their practical conse-
quences (Heidelberg Catechism, 53-54, 86). For
moral decades there were no con-
&&>** troversies with the Lutherans, nor
****** * **■ H until the struggle between
^■HirtOTyJohann Marbach and Hieronymus
Zanchi (qq.v.) at Strasburg in 1561
In tfci Omio Lutherans were found to have

r. Two yean later the Formula

(^t.) was drawn up, positing the uni-

dhrine promisee, the necessity of

•■d election as the foundation

■ty by a single word that the

of the elect had been

Ihmrtinnii is constructed

the eleventh article of the Formula of Concord,
which, aiming to set limits to various tendencies,
declares that election is not based on the fore-
knowledge of faith, and, on the other side, that
the earnestness of the " universal promise " admits
of no hidden will of God at variance with his re-
vealed will. At the same time no universal purpose
of salvation to include every individual is implied;
the heathen are doomed to just judgment, and only
where God causes his Word to be preached is it
intended for all. The elect are all those placed by
baptism in the state of grace, though it is possible
afterward to lapse. Real predestination doctrine
vanishes and the objectivity of the means of grace
only serves to cloak a refined synergism. In the
Reformed Church, the synergism of the Arminians
(q.v.) led to a reaffirmation of the doctrine at the
Synod of Dort (q.v.), where it also became evident
how indissolubly the historical Reformed mode of
faith had become one with this fundamental element.
The harshness of its deductions, however, called for
modifications, not only in Germany, but also on
genuinely Calvinistic soil. While Theodore Beza
(q.v.) had far overleaped Calvin by declaring
{Quastiones theologicce, i. 108, 1580) that " predesti-
nation is an eternal and immutable decree whereby
he [God] determined to be glorified by saving some
in Christ by mere grace, and by damning others in
Adam and by his own just judgment," the school of
Saumur, on the other hand, began to develop the
ethical side of Calvinism, the " hypothetical univer-
salism " of Molse Amyraut (q.v.; see also Pajon,
Claude), which had absolutely no connection with
the theory of foreknowledge, at least leaving the
foundations of religious experience entirely unas-
sailed. The harsh antithesis of the Helvetic Con-
sensus Formula (q.v.) in 1675 was shortlived. In
England the Thirty-Nine Articles (q.v.) set forth
the doctrine of election clearly and mildly, without
allusion to reprobation ; nor was the attempt to give
official sanction to the harsh Calvinism of the Lam-
beth Articles (q.v.) of 1595 successful. The latter,
however, were practically incorporated in the West-
minster Confession of 1647; but even in Calvinistic
circles the logical deductions of the system have been
felt oppressive, so that in 1903 the Presbyterians
of the United States introduced certain modifica-
tions of statement into the Westminster Confession,
which left that document essentially unaltered, yet
declared the faith of the Church in the all-em-
bracing love of God, the election of children dying
in infancy, and the duty of missionary activity (cf.
Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian
Church in the U. S. A., 1903, pp. 124 sqq., where
the changes and additions are given in official
form). See Calvinism. (E. F. Karl MCller.)

Bibuoorapht: Material on the Biblical side of the subject
is to be sought in the commentaries on the passages cited,
especially that of Meyer, and in the works named in and
under Biblical Theoloot, particularly those of Dillmann,
Schults, Bennett, Smend, and Davidson on the O. T.v
and Beyschlag, Weiss, Adeney, Stevens, and Gould on
the N. T. Consult further: B. Weiss, in JahrbUcher far
devUche Theolooie, 1857; O. Pfleiderer, Der Paulinismtu,
Leipsic, 1873, Eng. transl., London, 1877; E. Menegos,
La Predestination dan* la thiologie paulinienne, Paris,
1884; V. Weber, Kritiache OeachichU der Ezeaese dea . . .
R&merbriefea, Wureburg, 1888; K. M Oiler, Die gittlichs

Predestination
Premonstratenaiana

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

108

Zuvorersehung und Erwahlung nach dem Bvanoelium
den Paulus, Halle, 1892; J. Dalmer, Die Erwahlung Israels
nach der HeUsverkundigung dea . . . Paulus, Gutersloh,
1894; F. L. Stcinnieycr, Studien uber den Brief dea Paulus
an die IlOmer, vol. i., Berlin, 1894; O. K. A. Holtzmann,
Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, Freiburg. 1895; W.
Beyschlag, Die pauliniaehe Theodicee, Rom. 9-11, 2ded.,
Halle, 1896; E. Kuhl, Zur pauliniachen Theodicee, Gdtt-
ingen, 1897.

For the history of the doctrine consult the works under
Doctrine, History of, especially those of Shedd, Sheldon,
Thomasius, Hagenbach, Ilarnack, Seeberg, and Fisher.
Also the literature under Augustine, Saint, of Hippo;
Calvin, John; Pblaoianism; and Zwingli, Huldrkicb.
Consult further: J. G. Walch, Miscellanea aacra, pp. 575
sqq., Amsterdam, 1744; G. F. Wiggero, Pragmatiache
Darstellung dea A ugustinismus und Pelogianismus, 2 parts,
Hamburg, 1833; F. Worter, Die chriatlichc Lehre von
Qnode und Dreiheit . . . bis auf Augustinus, Freiburg,
1856; idem, Der Pelogianiamua, 2d ed., ib., 1874; idem,
Zur Dogmengeschichte dea Semipelagianiamua, Paderborn,
1898; F. Kattenbusch, Luthera Lehre von unfreien Willen,
Gdttingen, 1875; J. B. Mozley, A Treatise on the Augus-
tinian Doctrine of Predestination, 2d ed., London, 1878;
F. Klasen, Die innere Entwickelung dea Pelogianiamua,
Freiburg. 1882; K. Werner, Die Scholoatik dea spateren Mit-
teloltera, Vienna, 1883 sqq.; Dieckhoff, Der missourische
Prddestinotionismus, Rostock, 1885; H. Reuter, Augus-
tinische Studien, Gotha, 1887; M. Staub, Das VerhOltni*
der menachlichen Willensfreiheit zur Ootteslehre bei Luther
und Zwingli, Zurich, 1894; M. Scheibe, Colvins Pr&destina-
tionslehre, Halle, 1897; A. Lang, Der Evangelienkommentar
M. Butzera, Leipsic, 1900; R. Seeberg, Die Theologie dea
. . . Duns Scotus, ib., 1900; F. H. Foster, in S. M. Jack-
son, Huldreich Zwingli, pp. 382 sqq., New York, 1903;
K. Mailer, Die Bekenntniaachriften der reformierten Kirche,
Leipsic, 1903; H. von Schubert, Der aogenannte Pradesti-
natua, ib., 1903; W. Walker, John Calvin, New York, 1906.

The doctrine is discussed on the dogmatic side in the
manuals of theology (cf. Calvinism; Doctrine, History
of; and Dogma, Dogmatics, where the authors, titles,
and dates are given), especially the works by Kuyper,
Warfield, Hodge, Shedd, Beck with, Stearns, Sheldon,
Martensen, Geierman, Wilhelm, and Scannell (the last
two are Roman Catholic). Consult further: D. Whitby,
A Discourse on the Five Pointa: Election .... London,
1817; J. Kelly, The Eternal Purpose of God in Chriat Jesus
Our Lord, London, 1840; N. L. Rice, God Sovereign and
Man Free; or, the Doctrine of Divine Foreordination,
Philadelphia, 1850; S. D. Clarke, The Utility and Glory
of God's Immutable Purposes, Boston, 1860; A. Schweizer,
Die proteetantiachen Centroldogmen, Zurich, 1854-56;
J. Forbes, Predestination and Free Will and The West-
minster Confession of Faith, Edinburgh, 1878; J. L. Girar-
deau, Calvinism and Evangelical Arminianism; compared
as to Election, Reprobation . . . and Related Doctrines,
Columbia. 1890; S. Cox, The Hebrew Twins: A Vindica-
tion of God's Ways with Jacob and Esau, London, 1894;
J. S. Dodge, The Purpose of God, Boston, 1894; E. F.
Wyneken, Das Naturgesetz der Seele und die menschliche
Frcihcit, Heidelberg, 1906.

PREGER, pre'ger, JOHANN WILHELM: Ger-
man Lutheran; b. at Schweinfurt (70 ra. e. of
Frankfort) Aug. 25, 1827; d. at Munich Jan. 30,
1896. He studied at Erlangen 1845-49, and at
Berlin 1850; and in 1851 he was called as city vicar
and professor of Protestant religious instruction
and history in the student institutions at Munich,
becoming gymnasial professor in 1868. For seven-
teen years he gave instruction in religion in the
commercial schools there, his duties being modified
when there was a change made in the direction of
the school curriculum. During forty-five years of
service at Munich, he developed a many-sided
activity and yet found time for important literary
labors. His Geschichte der Lehre vom geistlichen
Amte (Nordlingen, 1857) was evoked by W. Lbhe's
Kirclie mid Amt (Erlangen, 1851) and T. Kliefoth's
Acht Bucher von der Kirche (Halle, 1857), and devel-

ops the thought that the doctrine of the ministerial
office depends upon the doctrine of justificatioo.
His next work was M. Flacius lUyricus und seine
Zeit (2 vols., Erlangen, 1859-61), historical and
impartial in aim. The following years were occu-
pied with preliminary studies for the great work of
his life, Geschichte der deutschen Myetik im Mitid-
alter (3 vols., Leipsic, 1874-93). The chief per-
sonages dealt with are Eckhart, Suso, and Tauler,
but the study embraces the lesser lights. A fourth
volume was projected but did not appear. In
preparation of this work a large number of prelimi-
nary studies found entrance into various journals
and reviews (list in Hauck-Herzog, RE, xvi. 2).
He wrote also, among other works, a Lehrbuch der
bayrischen Geschichte (Erlangen, 1864) which passed
through many editions; Luther s Tieehreden aus dew*
Jahren 1581-82 (1888); and Ueber die Verfama^Q
der franzdsiechen Waldesier in der alien Zeit (1890) .

He was a man of wide knowledge and interests,
receptive and courteous toward the opinions of
others, a clear-minded teacher who won the regard
of his pupils, and a helpful worker in ecclesiastical
circles. (W. Caspabi.)

Bibliography: The memorial addresses at the grave
by Kelber and Von Stahlin, Munich, 1896; a memoir bjr
Cornelius is in 8MA, 1896; and T. Kolde's tribute is in
Bextrage zur bayerischen Kirchengeschichte, 1896.

PREGIZERIANS: A German religious sect taking
its name from Christian Gottlob Pregizer (b. at
Stuttgart Mar. 18, 1751; d. at Haiterbach, 30 m.
s.w. of Stuttgart, Oct. 30, 1824). At first rigidly
ascetic, he became known as a powerful revivalist
while preacher in the Schlosskirche in Tubingen.
In his first pastorate at Grafenberg (1783-95) he
seems to have been under the influence of theo-
sophical pietism and was coolly received by his con-
gregation. When, however, he became pastor at
Haiterbach in 1795, he inaugurated a profound
movement among the congregations of the vicinity.
Conventicles arose here and there, several of them
under his own leadership. After 1801 he became
associated with the so-called " Blessed Ones " who
arose in the last decade of the eighteenth century in
the valley of the Rems and the Schwarzwald, and
who, rejecting the new hymnal of 1791, sang the old
hymns to merry popular tunes with appropriate in-
strumental music. In opposition both to the moral-
ism of the Enlightenment (q.v.) and to the doctrine
of sanctification taught by Johann Michael Hahn
(q.v.), they laid an exaggerated stress on justifica-
tion by faith. The excesses of his followers caused
Pregizer to be summoned before the consistory in
1808, but although his somewhat ambiguous ex-
planations were not wholly satisfactory, no ground
could be found for proceeding against him. His
conduct and mode of life were blameless; he
did not teach the sinlessness of those who had
found grace; and he so strenuously opposed the
anti-ecclesiastical and antinomian tendencies of his
followers that the extremists among them turned
away from him.

The sect expanded after Pregizer's death, but
there was a distinct lack of leaders. The moral
excesses of the Pregizerians became so great that
police interference was necessary. Gradually, how-

190

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Predestination
Premonstra tensions

ever, a small body of nobler type broke off from the
main sect, rejected all vagaries, and evolved views
on justification and baptism along the lines marked
out by Luther. The cardinal tenet of Pregizerian-
ism centers in justification, which occurs once and
for all in each individual, and which is essentially
connected with baptism. The Christian must ever
be joyful because of the grace which he has experi-
enced, and the Pregizerians were, accordingly, often
called " Hurrah Christians " (Juchhe-Christen),
or, because of their belief in ictic conversion,
"Galloping Christians " (Gcdopp-Christen). They
also taught that there is no sin and that confession
and penance are unnecessary; they disregarded
the Sabbath and manifested other antinomian
tendencies; and they practically rejected the Lu-
theran Church. They were chiliasts and restora-
tionists, but refused to take any part in either for-
eign or domestic missions. The only official source
for a knowledge of the doctrines of the sect is the
Sammlung getitlicher Lieder zum Gebrauch fur
tfdubige Kinder Gottes, to which is appended Pregi-
ler's confession of faith.

There are still about eighty Pregizerian communi-
ties in Wurttemberg and Baden, though their num-
ber is steadily diminishing. Extravagances have
been abandoned, but they retain their joyous
characteristics. They are marked by Lutheran
piety and use Luther's writings along with the
Bible. They are for the most part faithful to the
Lutheran Church, and are united by a conference
held thrice annually at various places in Wurttem-
berg. (C. Kolb.)

Btbuogrxpht: Grfineiaen, in ZHT, 1841; C. Palmer, Die
GemeinschafUn und Sekten WUrUembergs, Tflbingen, 1877;
C. Dietrich and F. Brookes, Die PriwU-Erbauungsoemein-
aehaften innerhalb der evangdUchen Kirche DeuUchland;
Stuttgart, 1903.

PRELATE: The title of certain ecclesiastical
dignitaries. Canon law classifies church offices as
" major and minor benefices." To the former be-
long those which carry power of administration, and
the occupants are termed prelates. Strictly, this
category covers only the pope, patriarchs, primates,
archbishops, and bishops. Among prelates of the
second order are reckoned cardinals, legates, and
nuncios; prelates of the Curia, exempt or privileged
abbots, provosts, and deans of chapters.

Of particular importance are the prelates of the
Curia, ecclesiastics who exercise functions of the
pontifical government proper. These also enjoy a
peculiarly honorable precedence, have the title
" Monsignore," and may wear violet apparel, exer-
cising these privileges as honorary prelates, but
taking no part in actual jurisdiction (cf. J. H.
Bangen, Die r&mische Kurie, Munich, 1854). Ad-
mission to the prelacy, which is viewed as a first
step to the cardinalate, is attended with certain
conditions, such as a stated age of twenty-five
years, five years of legal study at a university, pos-
session of the degree of doctor utriuzque jurU, two
years of legal practise at a spiritual tribunal, and
formal examination before the Signatura justitiae.
In behalf of special training for the prelacy, Bene-
dict XIV. founded the Academia ecclesiastica. See
Prelature. E. Sehling.

PRELATURE: A name originally and strictly
applied to an ecclesiastical office carrying with it
jurisdiction exercised in the name of the incumbent.
These dignities are divided into three classes: (1)
those possessed by all diocesan bishops, but not
by coadjutor or titular bishops; (2) those to which
the dignity was later attached by a special act,
including cardinals, papal legates and nuncios, the
medieval archdeacons and archpriests, and the
heads of collegiate foundations, abbeys, and
knightly orders in the cases when they were exempt
from episcopal jurisdiction and endowed with a
quasi-episcopal jurisdiction of their own; (3) the
provosts and deans of chapters in so far as during
the Middle Ages, as archdeacons, they had acquired
a certain jurisdiction of their own, after the loss of
which they still claimed the rank and title. Now-
adays both rank and title are given by the pope to
a large number of actual or nominal officials of the
Curia who possess no jurisdiction. Prelates are
distinguished by special titles and dress, and by
the right of being received with incense on their
formal entrance into a church. See Prelate.

(O. MsJERf.)

PREMILLENARIANISM. See Millennium, Mil-

LENARIAKISM, §§ 10-11.

PREMONSTRATENSIANS (NORBERTINES,
WHITE CANONS): An order of regular canons,
combining as their object personal holiness, preach-
ing, and living according to the so-called rule of
Augustine. Their founder was St. Norbert (b. at
Xanten, 15 m. s.e. of Cleves, 1080-82;
The d. at Magdeburg June 6, 1134). Be-

Founder. ing the second son of Count Herbert of
Lennep, according to contemporary
custom in a noble family he was destined from
birth for the spiritual career and obtained a canonry
in the chapter of St. Victor, at Xanten. Being
transferred to the archiepiscopal see of Cologne, he
passed thence into the chancery of Emperor Henry
V. to whom he was related on the paternal side.
He accompanied the emperor on his expedition to
Rome in 1111, and witnessed the arrest of Pope
Paschal II. Having been struck by lightning near
Wreden in Westphalia, he resolved to renounce
worldly enjoyment and to apply himself to the
earnest preaching of penance. After a brief sojourn
in the cloister of Siegburg near Bonn he was or-
dained priest, in 1115, by Archbishop Frederick I.
of Cologne. Utterly failing in his attempt to reform
the canons of St. Victor, Norbert seems to have
traveled about the vicinity of Xanten as a preacher
of penance and was accused before the papal legate,
Cuno of Praeneste, at the synod of Fritzlar, in July,
1118, of preaching without a commission and call.
This hostility opened his eyes to the necessity of
seeking another scene for his activity, and of secur-
ing papal sanction. He now cast himself in de-
pendence upon the pope, laid down his benefices,
and entered upon his mendicant journeys. In
Nov., 1118, he met Pope Gelasius II. at St. Gilles
in the diocese of Ntmes, who authorized him to
preach. He now traversed France as a proclaimer
of penance, and arrived at Valenciennes in the

Premonstrafn rtan ■
Presbyter

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

200

spring of 1119, where he won his most faithful com-
panion, Hugo de Fosses.

At the Synod of Reims, in 1119, Norbert had a
conference with Pope Caliztus II., but the papal
assent to his preaching was not renewed. He now
conceived the idea of a model school for the training

of clericals according to strict ascetic

Founding rule, which, in 1120, he founded in

of the the forest of Coucy, in the diocese of

Order. Laon, department of Aisne, and called

it Premonstratum (" foreshown "),
for he believed that God had shown him the
vision of a new monastery. In that year he and
Hugo received the white habit from his friend
the bishop, and soon after he gave his followers,
increased to thirteen, the rule of Augustine and
established them as regular canons. In Germany
he induced Count Godfrey of Kappenberg, in
1122, to convert his opulent ancestral castle into
a cloister of Norbertines. In 1124, Norbert was
called to Antwerp, where, by founding a cloister,
he was able to withdraw the people from the in-
fluence of the heretic Tanchelm (q. v.) ; and on Feb.
16, 1 126, at Rome he obtained of Pope Honorius II.
the confirmation of his order. In 1126 he was
elected archbishop of Magdeburg. Barefoot, a
preacher whom the multitude admired as a saint
by reason of his austerity, Norbert made his en-
trance and was consecrated and enthroned on July
25, 1126. An ecclesiastical zealot and stern ascetic,
he began to rule with strictness; and exerted him-
self with encroaching zeal to replace the former in-
cumbents of the best foundations with Premonstra-
tensians, arousing particular displeasure in the
instance of the Church of St. Mary at Magdeburg
in 1129. He was canonized by Gregory XIII. in
1582.

The Congregation founded by Norbert was a
closed order after the plan of organization of the
Cistercians; but differing from them by following

the rule of Augustine, together with
Organization statutes largely borrowed by Norbert
and Charac- from the articles of the Parisian Con-
fer of the gregation of St. Victor. From these
Order. institutions of the Premonstratensians

were later taken literally the provisions
of the Dominican rule (see Dominic, Saint, and the
Dominican Order). Its innovation consisted in
the appointment of the regular canons to the preach-
er's office, the confessional and pastoral charges.
The constitution of the order developed similarly to
that of the Cistercians, since, in like contrast with
the older orders, it, too, attained an international
character. At the head of the whole order stood
the abbot of Premontr£, as abbot-general upon
whom the Premonstratensian constitution conferred
a strict monarchical power. There is nothing dis-
tinctive in the liturgical regulations of the Premon-
stratensians. Flesh food for those in health is
strictly forbidden; fasts occur frequently, and the
scourge is used for mortification of the flesh as well
as for chastisement. Penitential exercises are to
be observed daily. Sins are classified as venial,
intermediate, grave, graver, gravest; being subject
to varieties of penance according to the class in
question. The lightest penalties are to recite cer-

tain prayers and supplications in the convent, the
severest involve lifelong incarceration and expulsion
from the order.

The order spread very rapidly. The bull of

ratification, in 1126, enumerated eight foundations.

Both prior to the Cistercian order and collaterally

the Premonstratensians especially spread through

eastern Germany, and to it the district

Later on the right bank of the Elbe owes its

Growth. Christianisation. Significant were the
creation of model colonies among the
new Dutch and Saxon settlers and the training of
the Wends in agriculture, from Magdeburg as a
center. Not until the firm grasp of Henry the Lion
and Albert the Bear held the heathen in check did
Premonstrant settlements flourish on Slavic soil,
east of the Elbe. The cathedral chapters at Bran-
denburg, Havelberg, and Ratzeburg were supplied
with Premonstrants; and as time passed, the episco-
pal sees in these bishoprics became occupied almost
continually by them. The order spread among all
countries of Roman Catholic Christendom: Hun-
gary, Denmark, England, Sweden, Norway, Livonia,
Portugal, Spain, Italy; likewise in the Holy Land.
A century after its founding there were no less than
1,000 foundations of canons, 500 abbeys of Pre-
monstrant nuns, 300 provostships, and 100 priories
in thirty precincts. Their chief services were the
training of native populations to make their land
productive, missionary labors, reformation of the
clergy, and the promotion of preaching, learning,
and schools. As with the monastic orders generally,
so here ensue in time certain mitigations of the
original rule of reforms, and the creation of new
congregations. After Innocent IV. had emphasized
the prohibition of flesh food (1245), Nicholas IV.
(1288) allowed the Premonstratensians the same
when on journeys, and Pius II. (1460) made further
concessions, limiting the prohibition of meat to
Friday and Saturday, Advent, and Lent. Most
of the foundations utilized this latitude, and the
order became divided between foundations of " the
major or common observance," and those of " the
small and strict observance." The vast extent of
the order was first reduced by the Reformation,
which deprived it of its numerous foundations in
the northern countries of Europe. Sundry Austrian
foundations were abrogated by Joseph II.; the
French abbeys were suspended by the French Revo-
lution; and the foundations in Bavaria and Wurt-
temberg fell a sacrifice to secularization. Only
a few establishments in Austria, Hungary, and
Russian Poland are maintained on the older footing.
Women were admitted within the order by Norbert.
At the present time there are houses of Premonstra-
tensian nuns in Austria, Russian Poland, Belgium,
Holland, France, Spain, and Switzerland. The
order embraces five districts, seventeen abbeys or
canonries, and five priories, and also eight nunneries
of the second and third orders, including 997 male
and 258 female members; and it supplies, among
other positions, 119 incorporated pastorates, five
colleges, seven gymnasia, thirteen missions, and
nine theological institutions. There are also terti-
aries to whom Benedict XIV. accorded rich privi-
leges in 1752; the adherents of this rank are

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preabytsr

Sauosunn: Bourn for tbe life of the founder are the
tan lives with additions produced in MOH, Script,, rii
tl&Sl). 663-706. end in part in ASB. June, i. 81W-8A8,
sod MPL. -'— ■ 1253-1344. Germ, tnuul. by G. Hertel in
GmcJachtttchreibtr der dntochm Vomit. Isstpste, IS.SI l
Herimann*ai?j->iurncu/u.S. lions I*«J««™., la MliH.
Script., ui 663 -Ad": the Vila Godt/ridi. in the same, pp.
513-630: the O uta archie piacoporurn Maadeburgmiivm, En
itGH. Script.. xi\ (1883), 412; and IheCundalia monasfeni
ffrofiot 0«. in MCff, Strip!., m (1888). 683-601. On the
earfy lives consult R. Kosemnuod, Die allcMen Hiooranlurn
da itriliirn Norbtrt. Berlin 1H74. A rich literature is indi-
taud in PottJumt. Wtoftutr. pp. 1494-1496, givius; mater-
ial! for an exhaustive study; cf. Wattenbach, DQQ. ii
I1S86). 233-236. ii (ISM), 263-269. Consult further:
t. Tenkhoff. tier heitige Norbert, Hanstor. 1865; W.
BembardJ, in ADB. vol. miv.; idem. Lnthar von Supplin-
6anj. Leipaic. 1875; M. Geuden, The Life of St. Norbert,
London, 1886; G. Madelaine, Ritt. dt S. Norbert, 2il ec„
Lule. 1837.

On the order: The rules, etc., may be found in E. Mar-
sene. Dt nhtui ealtria ritOtut. iii. 229 sqq.. Antwerp.
1764: L. Holsteuiua. Codex reguiarum. v. 162 aqq., Aufa-
bnnj. 17S0; M. Do Pre, ^nnolu tenet ordinit Prvmon-
* od.. I. van Spilbeeck, Nainur, 1S86; J. de Paige,

. f>rj,-i

d hat of literature); Helyot, On
1S6 *qq.; Leuckfeld. Antiquitata
Uscdeburc. 1721; F. Winter, /Ks P<

It. JakrhienderU lend ihrt Bedtidung fQr dot nard<\*tlicht
OratscAfcnd. Berlin. 1865; C. Tojee. PrimorUrt, 2 vols..
Laon. 1872; I. Coldefy. fiaiimr fordrc inert de Prfmon-
trt. Pericueux, 1679; M. Oetidens. A Sketch of the P.-as
- •ian Order in Ureal Britain and Ireland. London,
., Notour, SnmnnirfiiBD rod Zondv dcr Orrfsr
verbods. ISM; idem. Annut oeteticue
s nee ■unite tpvtluafici . . . exctrpta, Buckley
: F. Dannor, Catalogue loliue ardinii Praman-
' uck. 1804; F. A. Oasqnot. The English
ns. in Tranoartioiiso/ Mo floyoftf iotortcoJ
Society, vol. xviL. London. 1003; J. von Walter. Die mien
Wanderpredioer Frankrricht, ii. 110-120. Leipaic, 10<>6;
SchalT, CAriofwn Church, v. 1, pp. 360-361; A'/.. I.
267 sqq.

PRENTISS, ELIZABETH PAYSOH: American
author; b. at Portland, Me., Oct. 26, 1818; d. at
Dorset, Vt., Aug. 13, 1878. While a young girl she
began to mite ftir The youth's Companion. In 184S
she was married to George Lewis Prentiss (q.v.),
then just ordained as a pastor io New Bedford, WlTI
She published more than twenty volumes, among
which were the LtHie Susy Library (New York. 1854) :
The Flower of the Family (1854); Only a Dande-
lion and other Stories (1854); Fred, Maria, and
We (1867); The Little Preacher (1867); The Percys
(1870); The Home at Greyloek (1876); Pemturuid
(1877); Avis Benson and Other Sketches ^879); and
her most famous work, Stepping Heavenward (1869):
these works had an enormous sale in America.
Many of them were republished in Great Britain, and
had a wide circulation there. The. Flower of the
Family, Stopping Heavenward, and several others,
were translated into French and German. The
Litter made the strongest impression; it is estimated
that more than 100.000 copies have been sold in
America. She was the author also of the hymn.
" More love to thee, O Christ."

B>BU'«mrnT. Q. L. Prentiss. Lift and Letter! of Eliiabeth
Pmtitm, New York. 1S82. new ed„ 1886; S. W. DufJicld.
XiutuA Hymnm. p. 358, ib. 1886; Julian, Hl/mnoum. P

PREHTISS, GE0HGE LEWIS: Presbyterian; b.
at Gorham. Me., May 12, 1816; d. at New York
Mar. 10, 1903. He graduated at Bowdoin College,
Brunswick, Me., 1835; was assistant in Gorham
Academy, 18:16-37; studied theology at the univer-
sities of Halle and Berlin (1839-41); and became
pastor of the South Trinitarian Church, New Bed-
ford, Mass., 1845. In April, 1851, he was installed
pastor of the Mercer Street Presbyterian Church,
New York; resigned on account of ill-health in the
spring of 1858, and sought rest in Europe for the
next two years. On his return he organized tha
Church of the Covenant. New York, unci was pastor,
1862-73; and professor of pastoral theology, church
polity, and mission work, in Union Theologteal
Seminary, New York, 1873-07. He published A
Memoir af Seargent S. Prentiss (2 vols., New York,
1855; later ed., 1879); The Life and LeUere of
Elizabeth Prentiss (1882); The Union Theological
Seminary in the Ctti/ of.Xiir York (3 vols., New York,
1889-99); and The Bright Side of Life (autobio-
graphic, 2 vols., 1901).

PRESBYTER, PRESBYTERATE.

I. In the Early Church.
Biblical Views (1 1).
Origin of Church Orgsnisntion ([ 2).
II. PresbyteriaJ Government from the Reformatio*.
Lutheran and Zwinghsn {( 1).

In Great Britain and
The Reformed Chun
Modem Europe (J 5!

e United Statea {, 3.
a (I 4).

I. In the Early Church: The researches of C. F.
G. Heinrici. Edwin Hatch, and A. HiTinirk have
r.- form I Tin.1 tern is pii'stiiter :imi liinhiip to dist in ft
offices. The presbyters were the elder members
of the congregation, of which they later formed a
separate body acting essentially in
i. Biblical judicial function*. The bishops, aided
Views. by the deacons, were the administra-
ting heads of the community, especially
in directing divine service and in financial affaire.
With reference to the latter function the term was
used also in non-Christian circles. Presbyters and
bishops (with deacons) would thus represent a
diversified organization, patriarchal and adminis-
trative respectively, the government of the congre-
gation arising from the amalgamation of the two.
In the course of time the bishops would lie included
in the body of presbyters, and finally the presiding
officer of the preebytery would become the head of
the entire community as the one bishop. This
would seem to controvert the old Protestant thesis
that bishops and presbyters were originally identi-
cal, but it was soon observed that many objections
might be urged against the new hypothesis. Thus
in Acts xa. 17, 28; Titus i. 5, 7; and I Clement
xliv. 4-5 (Eng.tranBL.AWF, i. 17), the terms pres-
byter and bishop seem to be used indiscriminately.
On the other hand the presbvlcrs, and indeed
(Didache iv. 1; Eng. trans!., vii. 381) the bishops
and deacons are described as conducting divine
service (cf. I Tim. v. 17; II Clement mm. 3-5;
Hennas, I'l'sion, II., iv. 2-3; Eng. transl., ii. 12).
The strongest objection to the theory is that it
presupposes a complicated system of administration

Presbyter

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

208

at a period characterized by a lack of clearly defined
functions. The term presbyter, moreover, shows
a variety of meanings. Primarily it denotes the
older men in the community (I Tim. v. 1 ; I Clement
i. 3, xxi. 6, Eng. transl., ANF, i. 5, 11); and then
the chosen heads of the community (Acts xi. 30, xiv.
23, xv. 2, 4, 6, 22-23, xvi. 4, xx. 17, xxi. 18; I Clem-
ent xliv. 5, xlvii. 6, liv. 2, lvii. 1, Eng. transl., i.
17-19; II Clement xvii. 3, 5). To distinguish the
presbyters from the elders such phrases as " the
elders that rule well " (I Tim. v. 17; cf. I Clement
liv. 2; Eng. transl., i. 19; Hennas, Vision, II., iv.
3; Eng. transl., ut sup.) were employed. Presby-
ter, in Christian as in pagan societies, was an official
designation developing from the standing of the
older members, but none the less denoting also
spirit-filled men; and in Asia, at least, the presby-
ter was an apostolic personage (II John i. 1; III
John 1; I Peter v. 1).

The growth of the organization of the early
Church may have been somewhat as follows: the
churches were founded by itinerant apostles who
believed themselves called of God to this highest
honor (Gal. i. 1 sqq.). They left be-
2. Origin of hind them, as a rule, certain trust-
Church Or- worthy members of the community
ganization. who were empowered to conduct the
affairs of the churches (Acts vi. 5).
There was, however, no definite method of proce-
dure, for sometimes the apostles appointed the
heads of the communities (Acts xiv. 23; Titus i.
5; I Clement xlii. 4, Eng. transl., ANF, i. 16),
and sometimes they were chosen by the churches
(Didache, xv. 1; I Clement xliv. 3; Eng. transl.,
ANF, vii. 381, i. 17), the latter procedure steadily
increasing in frequency. There were, therefore, al-
most from the beginning, two principles of authority
in the Church; the preachers of the Word called by
the Spirit and the officials appointed by the con-
gregation. A strict demarcation between the two
classes seems to have arisen only gradually, though
little by little the official type gained in importance.
The latter represented the principles of order and
tradition; they were the most noteworthy members
of the community. Though they lacked a specific
designation as late as 53 a.d. (I Thess. v. 12; cf. Acts
vi. 1 sqq.), they later acquired the general appella-
tion of presbyter. The elders of the community
soon formed two groups, the ruling and the execu-
ting officials, called respectively bishops and deacons
(Phil. i. 1). At the same time the term presbyter
remained in use for the bishops alone and for the
bishops and deacons together. Liter bishops and
presbyters were identified, and deacon became the
title for the lowest grade of the officers of the com-
munity. The congregation was always admonished
to show proper respect to the presbyters (I Thess.
v. 12 sqq.; Heb. xiii. 7, 17, 24; Didache, iv. 1, xv.
2; Eng. transl., ANF, vii. 378, 382). At the same
time, as the presbyters became more united, their
antithesis to the prophets increased (cf. I Thess. v.
19 sqq.), over whom they ultimately triumphed.
Simultaneously the names bishop and presbyter
became titles of distinct officers. The board of ex-
ecutive officers were now called presbyters and were
superior to the deacons, while at the head of the

entire congregation was the bishop, a development
which had been completed by the time of Ignatius.
The number of presbyters was in proportion to the
size of the community. There were forty-aix in
Rome in 251, and four in Cirta in 303. Originally
they were chosen by the community, but later by
the clergy. The duties of the presbyters consisted
in preaching, baptizing, and reading the liturgy;
they took part as a body in church discipline; and
they had their seats in the synod. They thus pos-
sessed the same rights as the bishop with the ex-
ception of ordination, which was reserved for him
alone. The close connection between bishop and
presbyter was often emphasized; both were desig-
nated priests, and sat together at worship. Where
a large congregation had several churches the pres-
byters officiated independently in one of them; but
if a community had only one church the presbyters
retired to the background. In later time the bishop
was generally chosen from their number, the oldest
or most efficient presbyter being selected, according
to the principle that a clerical should pass through
all the official stages. At an early period the pres-
byter, whose canonical age was gradually reduced
from thirty-five to twenty-five, was forbidden to
marry twice or to marry after ordination. This
has remained the usage of the Eastern Church,
while with the beginning of the fourth century
absolute prohibition to marry appeared in the
West. The right to engage in secular occupations
was also forbidden only gradually. See Organiza-
tion op the Early Church; Bishop; Clergy;
Episcopacy; Polity; Presbyterians, X.

(H. Achelis.)
LL Presbyterial Government Since the Reforma-
tion: Neither the early Lutherans nor the Zwing-
lians knew of a presbyterian system of government,
even the ideal scheme of the former containing no
presbyterian elements. Nevertheless, Luther was

not opposed to such a system of or-

i. Lutheran ganization, for he occasionally advised

and pastors not to act on their own respon-

Zwinglian. sibility, but to consult suitable persons

in their churches. These suitable per-
sons were termed seniors or presbyters (cf . Melanch-
thon, CR, iii. 965; Johann Brenz's agenda of 1526;
A. L. Richter, Lehrbuch des Kirchenrechts, i. 45;
and the Hessian discipline of 1539, Richter, ut sup.,
i. 291). These ideas, however, meant little in prac-
tise since final authority in government rested in
the hands of the consistories of the territorial rulers.
When elders or " church fathers " are mentioned
in somewhat later Lutheran agenda (the general
visitation article of Elector-Saxony of 1557 or the
agenda of Naumburg-Zeitz of 1545; and see
Agenda) the term implies the treasurers, or trustees
of the property interests. However, the instance,
according to Matt, xviii. 16, of admonition in the
presence of several persons or the investigation of
the conduct of the pastor by the elders of the con-
gregation obtained no permanent foothold. How
little the like entered Luther's mind is shown by
his rendering of the Biblical term, presbyter. While
Brenz drew up a Scriptural order of church-govern-
ment, at the center of which was the instructing
bishop, surrounded by a board of presbyters, Luther

203

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyter

identified the two orders (according to Acts xx. 28;
Titus i. 5, 7); though he availed himself of this
identification only to assail the superior jurisdiction
of the bishops. For the corresponding develop-
ment of the Zwinglians, see Church Discipline,
IV., § 1.

The real presbyterial idea was worked out by
John Calvin (q.v.). His earliest utterances show
that he ascribed comprehensive powers to the
Church as such, the Word of God standing in the
center; not only to be preached but also to be
made fruitful in the community by
2. Calvin- corresponding organization. More than
istic this, he demanded special organs for ex-
communication, besides the preacher;
and, without any doctrinaire principles, he could
accordingly bring the Church more or less into union
with the State. These ideas were carried through
somewhat in Calvin's sense after 1541 (for fuller
presentation, see Church Discipline, IV., §§ 2-3).
At the same time, the Church had a spiritual power
of its own, and therefore needed " a certain peculiar
spiritual polity, yet one quite distinct from the civil
government, neither hindering nor diminishing it in
any respect, but rather aiding and promoting it
much" (Institutes, IV., xi. 1; cf. viii. 1, xx. 1).
This ecclesiastical organization was not based by
Calvin on the theory of general priesthood or on a
right of the congregation to self-government, but
simply on the need of discipline to prepare the way
for the Word of God which, unlike civil justice,
should influence the individual from within. For
the execution of its penalties Christ had given his
Church the proper officials through whom he him-
self reigned (IV., iii. 1, 4, 8). The apostles, proph-
ets, and evangelists of Eph. iv. 11 being excluded
as possessing extraordinary gifts, pastors and teach-
ers remained as essential to the Church. Excepting
offices, in like manner, peculiar to Apostolic times
from Rom. xii. 7 and I Cor. xii. 28, two other func-
tions remain; government and care of the poor.
Calvin thus derived four offices, of which the teach-
ers (chiefly professors of theology) are mentioned
only in specifically Calvinistic ordinances. The
pastors and elders are comprised in one category of
presbyters, of whom there were two divisions, one
for teaching and the other for discipline (IV., xi.
6). The system thus constituted did not perform
its functions by virtue of legal installation as in
Roman Catholicism, but by virtue of the presence
of the living Christ in the Spirit (IV., ix. 1). The
principles of Calvinistic Presbyterianism could log-
ically be carried out only in churches in which the
protection of the State could not become an alien
predomination. On such a soil the need of inde-
pendent organization was more urgently felt, and
the rules of the Scriptures were more strongly em-
phasized. The lack of sympathy with democratic
representation on the part of the Huguenot com-
munities was shown by the unfavorable replies of
several national synods to the proposition that the
united community should have the right to vote.
On the other hand, independency was sharply op-
posed, and it was insisted that no regulation of an
individual congregation could conflict with the gen-
eral articles of the Church, and that the installation

and discipline of pastors and elders should be done
by provincial synods.

The Calvinistic system was maintained most con-
sistently in Scotland and the Puritan Presbyterian-
ism which proceeded from that country. Even in
questions of organization the Scriptures alone were
taken as the basis, and the sole lord and king of the
Church was Christ, in whose name all

3. In Great ecclesiastical authority should be ex-
Britain and ercised through the three offices of
the United ministers, ruling elders, and deacons,

States, whose functions were judicial rather
than legislative. As among the French
Reformed, the system of government comprised the
session, presbytery, provincial synod, and general
synod. The members of the presbytery were dele-
gated by the sessions, and the members of the two
higher bodies by the presbyteries, the pastors and
laity generally being represented equally. The pre-
siding officer of all these bodies is usually termed
the " moderator," the desire being to avoid any
title indicating permanent control, in view of the
equality of all pastors and congregations. The
moderator of the session is the pastor, and the pre-
siding officer of the higher bodies may also be a
ruling elder. The office of elders is held for life,
and the old law of cooptation is found only sporad-
ically, its place being taken by the election of rep-
resentatives by the congregations. Early Presby-
terian principles have been retained in the British
and American churches more closely than any-
where else, and since 1875 their adherents have
formed the Alliance of Reformed Churches holding
the Presbyterian System (q.v.), whose general coun-
cils are held quadrennially. The entire group of
Presbyterian churches maintains its position care-
fully against both episcopacy and independency,
and holds that its system is divinely lawful, though
not necessary to salvation.

The penetration of Calvinism into Holland from
the south after 1555 gave the congregations unity
and strength. The organization was influenced both
by the French system and by Johannes a Lasco
(q.v.), and the basal principles, which vary in dif-
ferent provinces, were established by the Wesel
Conference (1568), the Synod of Bedburg (1570),
the Synod of Emden (1571), and the national Synods
of Dort (1578, 1618-19), Middelburg

4. The Re- (1581), and The Hague (1586). The
formed governing bodies arc the session (ker-

Churches. kenraad), classis, and provincial and
national synods; and the officers are
" ministers of the Word of God," elders, and dea-
cons (theologians generally being added). New
elders are usually chosen by the session and the
board of deacons, but with the peculiar feature that
in Holland they are elected for terms of two years
each, so that half their number are chosen annually.
Along the Lower Rhine, on the other hand, the
presbyteries are self-perpetuating bodies without
reference to the deacons. In the German Reformed
regions the ecclesiastical presbyterian elements
blended with the civil consistorial factors. In the
Palatinate the church council of the elector had
long been the established form when presbyteries
were introduced, which, however, failed to obtain a

Presbyter
Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

204

permanent footing in many other districts of the
Church. In all the German Reformed districts, as
in the Lutheran, the supervision of the churches
was essentially in the hands of the official consis-
tories and superintendents.

With the break in the course of development in
the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,
except in British and American Presbyterianism
and in various smaller bodies, presbyterian govern-
ment was introduced, though in a
5. Modern widely divergent form, in the great
Europe, majority of Reformed, u monistic, and
even Lutheran church-districts. In
the new system of organization the disciplinary
features of the early presbyteries retire to the back-
ground to make place for the principle of self-gov-
ernment of the congregations, especially in matters
of property. The model was no longer apostolic,
but parliamentary. The first reorganization of this
type was made in France in 1802, with the provi-
sion that the members of the " consistory " should
be chosen from the most heavily taxed residents of
the district. This requirement was discarded in
1852 when a " presbyterial council " was erected
for each parish. The elders were elected for six
years, and in Holland for four. The formation of
the Swiss Confederation in 1874 gave the impulse
for legislation on church organization in several
cantons, the laws in question being colored by the
current popular political views. Great importance
is attached almost everywhere to the congregational
assembly, to which only those members of the
church belong who are qualified to vote in the
State, religious qualifications nowhere being re-
quired. These assemblies have not only to choose
the pastors (mostly for six years) and the members
of the congregational council, but also exercise wide
influence on local legislation and administration.
The presiding officer of the council is usually the
pastor, though in Bern (from 1874) and Zurich
(from 1895) he may be elected to the council, to
which he does not belong in virtue of his office. In
1900 Zurich enacted that a pastor not chosen a
member should still have a voice and vote, but that
no pastor should be the presiding officer. The duties
are mostly administrative, though in a few cantons
(Aargau, 1868, 1894; Thurgau, 1870) police regu-
lations prevail whereby the ecclesiastical adminis-
tration, empowered with extensive control of morals,
may lay requirements on its members and invoke
civil authority to enforce them. Over the church-
council is the synod, whose members are directly
elected (in Zurich one for each 2,000 Protestants).
This, in its turn, is subject to the higher church-
council; either a purely synodal product for the
stated administration, or supplemented by depu-
ties from the civil council of the canton. The small
free Swiss churches of Vaud (1847), Geneva (1848),
and Neuenburg (1874) have restored the Calvinistic
offices, though the elders are elected by the congre-
gations for terms of six years. In Germany the
Rhenish- Westphalian agenda of 1835 (revised in
1853) marked the transition from the older Re-
formed system to the modern methods. A relic of
the older conditions is the distinction between clergy
and laity. The government is by a presbytery con-

sisting of the pastor or pastors, elders, and " church
masters " (such as treasurers or building-official*
and deacons) . The elders are chosen for four yean,
and are required to be upright in life and regular
communicants. In contrast with the earlier system,
all qualified members constitute the presbytery in
churches of less than two hundred. Over the pres-
byteries are the district synods which elect their
own presiding officers, the superintendent and as-
sessor being confirmed by the supreme ecclesiastical
council. The provincial synods consist of all the
superintendents and of one clerical and one lay
deputy from each of the district synods. The Aus-
trian system of 1866 corresponds very closely with
that of Rhenish-Westphalia, except that the con-
gregation elects only representatives and these
form the presbytery. The order of 1873 for the
six eastern provinces of Prussia resembles also
the Rhenish-Westphalian. The chief deviations
are as follows: The patron of the church may be a
member or may be represented in the presbytery,
of which the first clergyman is the presiding officer.
Any one may be elected elder except those notori-
ously indifferent to religion. The pastor is explicitly
declared to be independent of the presbytery in his
official functions, and in cases of ecclesiastical dis-
cipline may appeal to the district synod. The su-
perintendents, being civil officers, are not elected.
Members of the provincial synod, not exceeding a
sixth of the representatives to be elected by the dis-
trict synods, are also appointed by the ruler; likewise
for the general synod of the eight older provinces.
In several states the older Prussian system prevails,
while the Rhenish-Westphalian principle of enlarged
representation has not been followed, although the
modern presbyterial form prevails, in the churches
of Brunswick (since 1851), Oldenburg (1853), Wal-
deck (1857), Hanover (1864), Saxony (1878), Ham-
burg (1883), Schaumburg-Lippe (1893), the united
church of the Bavarian Rhine palatinate (1876),
the reformed church of Lippe-Detmold (1876), and
the Thuringian churches. In the last-named
(e.g., Meiningen since 1876; Saxon grand duchy,
1895) the teachers are included in the governing
body, while in Schwarzburg the control of church
and school is vested in a single body. The earlier
double representation still exists in the Lutheran
Church of part of Bavaria. The qualifications which
fit one to become a candidate for the office of elder
are in the newer stipulations prevailingly negative,
but are formulated with exceedingly great care; the
Lutheran Church of the kingdom of Saxony changed
in 1896 the earlier negative statement of 1868 into
positive form : ' ' Only those are eligible who are legal
members of the organization in good standing, of tried
Christian integrity, and possessed of ecclesiastical
insight and experience." (£. F. Karl MOller.)

Bibuoorapht: The literature is fully given under Organi-
zation or the Early Church; Polity, Ecclesiastical;
and Presbyterians. Of especial value are the works of
Bingham, Augusta, Hatch, and Harnack. The major
works on church history (Neander, Schaff, Kurts, etc.)
are of course to be consulted, and especially those on the
Apostolic Age by Weissacker and McGiffert.

PRESBYTERIAN ALLIANCE. See Alliance of
the Reformed Churches.

905

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyter
Presbyterians

I. Scotland.

1. The Church of Scotland.
Early Christianity in Scotland

(ID.

The Reformation (f 2).

Presbytery Dominant (f 3).

Lay Patronage and the "Dis-
ruption" (§4).

Worthies of the Church (§ 5).

Statistics, Constitution, and
Government (f 6).

Agencies of the Church (f 7).

8ocaal and Colonial Work

(18).
Missionary and Other Agencies

(§9).

2. United Free Church.

Early Constitution and Ideals

(II).
Early Secessions (| 2).
The United Presbyterian Church

(§3).
Free Church; Origin (f 4).
Free Church; Development;

Theological Controversies (f 5).
Movements Toward Union (f 6).
Union of 1900 (f 7).
Free Church Minority; Legal

Proceedings; Settlement (f 8).
Results; Present Position (§ 9).
Statistics and Missions (f 10).
Doctrine and Constitution (f 11).

3. The Free Church of Scotland.

4. Free Presbyterian Church of Scot-

land.

5. Reformed Presbyterian Church.

6. United Original Secession Church.
Origin (f 1).

Unions; Statistics (f 2).
II. Presbyterian Church of England.
Presbyterian Principles Infor-
mally Established (§1).
Royal and Parliamentary Op-
position (| 2).
Infusion of Scotch Elements

(*3).
The Present Church in England
(§4).
HI. Ireland.
1. Presbyterian Church in Ireland.

PRESBYTERIANS.

2. Reformed Presbyterian or Cove-

nanting Church of Ireland.

3. Secession Church in Ireland.
IV. Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Con-
nection.

Origin (f 1).

Contributory Movements (| 2).
Organisation, Activities, and Sta-
tistics (f 3).
V. South, Central, and West Africa.
VI. Australia.

1. New South Wales.

2. Queensland.

3. Victoria (formerly Australia

Felix).

4. South Australia.

5. Western Australia.

0. Tasmania.
VII. New Zealand.

Beginnings of Presbyterianism

(I 1).
Era of Settlements (f 2).
Union of the Presbyteries (f 3).
Missions and Statistics (f 4).
VIII. In the United States and Canada.

1. Presbyterian Church in the

United States of America.
Sources and Varieties of American

Presbyterianism (f 1).
Period of Isolated Churches

(§2).
Colonial Presbyterian Church

(J 3).
Constitution of 1788 (§ 4).
Period of the Plan of Union

(8 5).
Period of Division (f 0).
Period of Reunion (§ 7).
Standards (f 8).
Church Agencies (f 9).

2. Presbyterian Church in the

United States.

Background and Origin (| 1).

Period of the War and Accre-
tions (f 2).

Evangelisation; Home and For-
eign Missions (f 3).

Other Agencies; Prospects (f 4).
3a. Cumberland Presbyterian Church
Before the Union of 1906.

Origin (| 1).

Theology and Principles (| 2).

Educational Institutions and

Missions (| 3).
The Union of 1906 (f 4).
3b. Cumberland Presbyterian Church

Since the Union of 1906.

4. Synod of the Reformed Presby-

terian Church of North
America.

5. Associate Reformed Synod of the

South.

6. United Presbyterian Church of

North America.
Origins in Scotland and America

(8 1).
Formation, Work, and Statistics

(§2).
Its Agencies (f 3).

7. Reformed Presbyterian Church in

North America (General
Synod).

8. Calvinistic Methodist Church

(Welsh Presbyterian Church in

America).
Founding of Churches (§1).
Organisation of Presbyteries,

Synods, and General Assembly

(§2).
Doctrine, Polity, and Worship

(8 3).

9. Cumberland Presbyterian Church,

Colored.

10. Reformed Presbyterian Church

(Covenanted).

11. Reformed Presbyterian Church

in the United States and
Canada.

12. Presbyterian Church in Canada.
Origins (8 1).

Under British Rule (8 2).
Period of Unions (8 3).
Church Agencies (8 4).
IX. In Other Lands.
X. Presbyterian Church Polity.

1. Doctrine.

2. Polity.

Scriptural Basis (8 1).
Government (8 2).

3. Worship.

L Scotland. — 1. The Church of Scotland: The
first Christian church in Scotland is traditionally
said to have been built at Whithorn, Galloway,
about 402. The builder was St. Ninian (q.v.),
whose influence did not long survive his death in

432, and the country relapsed into

OhrU^ftTi- neatnei"sm- The continuous history

ity in " °* Christianity in Scotland begins

Sootland. with the landing of St. Columba (q.v.)

and his companions at Iona (q.v.) in
563 (see Celtic Church, I., § 3). It was centuries
after his death that the buildings which still stand on
the island were erected, but it was the memory of
Columba which made Dr. Johnson say that the
man was little to be envied whose piety would not
grow warmer among the ruins of Iona. The govern-
ment of the Columban Church was in some sense
a combination of presbytery and episcopacy;
though there were bishops among the missionaries,
all were subject to the rule of the Presbyter Colum-
ba. The great contemporary of Columba was St.
Kentigem (q.v.), whose memory is preserved in
the beautiful cathedral of Glasgow. The govern-

ment of the Columban Church was destined to be
superseded. For the change from the Irish system
to the Roman see Celtic Church in Britain and
Ireland, II.-III. It was not till 716 that the monks
of Iona altogether abandoned their traditional
practises. It is unfortunate that the period of the
Culdees is wrapt in such obscurity; for all evidence
seems to indicate that it was a period of exceptional
righteousness and godliness. The last lingering
traces of distinctively Celtic modes of belief and
worship disappeared in the reign of Queen Margaret,
who was a devotee of Rome. In succeeding cen-
turies, considerable irritation was caused by the
attempts of English prelates to establish supremacy
over the Church of Scotland. And, occasionally,
ft Th B. f Scotland was excommunicated by the
ormation." P0^- By degrees the need of a refor-
mation began to be proclaimed, and a
long and deadly struggle ensued. The efforts to put
down by force the growing spirit of inquiry and the
return to a more primitive Christianity were utterly
ineffectual. "The reek of Maister Patrick Hamil-
ton " (q.v.), protomartyr of the Scottish Reforma-

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

206

tion, "infected as many as it blew upon." The
martyrdom of George Wishart (q.v.) was terribly
avenged by the murder of Cardinal Beaton (q.v.).
The assassination caused a certain reaction in favor
of Rome, for the cardinal had been an ardent patriot.
The Romanist party sought help from France, and
the Protestants sought help from England. The
assassins of the cardinal and many who had no
sympathy with the assassination were driven to take
refuge in the castle of St. Andrews, which, after a
protracted siege, surrendered to the attacks of the
Royal army and of a French fleet. The defenders
were carried to France, among them being John Knox
(q.v.), who for nineteen months toiled as a galley
slave. After his release, on the intercession of King
Edward VI., Knox became one of the king's chap-
lains and took part in the preparation of the English
Prayer Book of 1 552. The accession of Queen Mary
to the throne of Scotland drove him to the continent
where, amid other vicissitudes, he ministered at
Geneva and at Frankfort. During his absence the
Reformation continued to make progress, but his
return to Scotland in 1559 gave new life to the
movement and insured its triumph. The year 1560
witnessed the consolidation, national recognition,
and establishment of the Reformed Church. The
first general assembly was held and the Scotch
Confession of Faith (q.v.) and the First Book of
Discipline were issued. The government of the
church was vested in superintendents, ministers,
doctors, elders, and deacons. The Lord's Supper
was to be celebrated four times a year. In towns
there was to be daily service. Marriages were to be
performed " in open face and public audience of the
Kirk." The Book of Common Order, often called
"John Knox's Liturgy," originally prepared by
the English congregation at Geneva and for
its own use, was recommended in 1564 and was gen-
erally, though not exclusively, used in public worship
for eighty years. The Reformation in Scotland took
a form different from that of the Reformation in
England, partly because in England the monarch
and the bishops were in favor of the Reformation,
while in Scotland they were against it. It was by
presbyters that the change was effected, and the
government of the church naturally became Presby-
terian. The Reformers did not look upon them-
selves as setting up a" new church." Their aim
was to purify the temple, to strengthen it by clear-
ing away excrescences and corruptions. Much
attention was paid by the Reformers to education,
and a system was introduced which, though altered
toward the close of last century, must ever be re-
membered with gratitude.

The organization of the reformed church as it
now exists in Scotland was not achieved without a
weary and protracted conflict. Sometimes presby-
tery, sometimes episcopacy, in dif-
t* y" ferent forms, occupied the field; some-
Dominant. ^mes they existed together. The
" National Covenant, signed in Grey-
friars Churchyard, Edinburgh, in 1638, and the
Solemn League and Covenant, signed at St. Mar-
garet's, Westminster, in 1643, left a deep impress on
the national life (see Covenanters, §§ 3-4); and
the names of those who, either on the field of battle

or by execution, sealed their convictions with their
blood, are, especially in the southern counties of
Scotland, held to this hour in peculiar veneration
and affection. The general assembly of 1638, which
met in the cathedral of Glasgow, deposed or sus-
pended all the bishops. The Westminster Assembly
(q.v.) issued the Confession of Faith (see Westmin-
ster Standards), which for ten years was accepted
from John o' Groats to Land's End, and still remains
the official standard of the Scottish church and of
the churches which have sprung from her. The
strife was practically ended by the revolution of
1688, when presbytery was finally ratified, though
the Covenants were set aside. The king's message,
which was read to the general assembly of 1690,
contained the significant counsel " We expect that
your management shall be such as we shall have
no reason to repent of what we have done. We
never could be of the mind that violence was suited
to the advancing of true religion, nor do we intend
that our authority shall ever be a tool to the ir-
regular passions of any party. Moderation is what
religion requires, neighboring Churches expect
from, and we recommend to, you." It is in accord-
ance with this counsel that the Church of Scotland
has, with occasional unhappy exceptions, en-
deavored to act.

A source of trouble was in 1712 introduced by the

revival of lay patronage. This was the main cause

of the formation of the Associate Presbytery in

1733, its chief leader being Ebenezer Erskine

(q.v.), and of the Relief Synod in 1752,

4. Lay j^ chief leader being Thomas Gilles-

dTh*6 *"e ((l*v^- T*1*8 cause bad also much
"Dis- ^° ^° ^^ ^e (^v^on °f the church
rap tion." m^° the ^w0 great parties of Moderates
and Evangelicals. Among the leaders
of the Moderates were Principal William Robertson
the historian, Principal George Campbell (q.v.),
Hugh Blair (q.v.), and Principal George Hill, whose
Lectures in Divinity (3 vols., Edinburgh, 1821, 5th
ed., 1850) formed for several generations the ac-
cepted code of sound doctrine. Among the leaders
of the Evangelicals were John Erksine (q.v.), Sir
Henry Moncreiff-Wellwood of St. Cuthbert's, An-
drew Thomson (q.v.) of St. George's, Edinburgh;
and, greatest of all, Thomas Chalmers (q.v.). By
some strange misunderstanding, Moderates and
Evangelicals concurred in the deposition of John
McLeod Campbell (q.v.) for teaching the doctrine
of " universal atonement and pardon through the
death of Christ"; and of Edward Irving (q.v.) for
teaching the " sinfulness of Christ's human nature."
But concurring in doctrinal matters, the Moderates
and Evangelicals became in ecclesiastical matters
more irreconcilable. The occasional forcing into
parishes of nominees of patrons against the declared
wish and vehement protests of the parishioners
embittered the controversy and hastened on the
"disruption." A "Ten Years' Conflict" ended
in May, 1843, by the withdrawal of 451 ministers
who, under the moderatorship of Dr. Chalmers,
constituted the Free Church of Scotland (see
below, 3).

On those who remained was imposed the task
of supplying the places left vacant, and when the

907

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

immediate effect of the stunning blow had passed,
they set themselves to meet the new conditions.

A few typical examples of the many clergymen
to whom the revival of the church is largely due
my be cited. A notable influence in the work of
mtoration was James Robertson (q.v., 1), founder
rf the "Endowment Scheme" (see below), a man
of fervid piety and pure disinterestedness, of wisdom
and of tolerance. The introduction of instrumental
music into public worship, and the
*• ^vf^0* desire to make the house of God more
Chnroh esthetically worthy of its sacred pur-
pose, were in great measure owing to
the efforts of Dr. Robert Lee, minister of Old
Greyfriars, and professor of Biblical criticism in
the University of Edinburgh. An extraordinary
personal influence was wielded by Norman Mac-
leod (q.v.), whose width of sympathy, untiring
efforts on behalf of working people, consuming zeal
for foreign missions, and eloquence in pulpit or on
platform, won for him the admiration and affec-
tion of all classes of society. John Tulloch (q.v.) was
a man of kindred spirit, " large of heart, full of
sympathy, friendly with the lowest and the highest,"
devout but open-minded, tenaciously holding the
catholic faith as embodied in the Niccne Creed but
contending for a liberal interpretation of the West-
minster formularies. In some respects John Caird
(q.v.) was the greatest orator who ever adorned the
Scottish pulpit. In the combination of profound
thought with impassioned earnestness and dramatic
force he stood unrivalled. The writings of William
liOligan (q.v.) were highly appreciated in Scotland
and even more cordially received in England.
The same might be said of Andrew Kennedy Hutch-
ison Boyd (q.v.). A preacher, poet, and religious
genius who occupied a unique position was George
Matheson (q.v.), who with marvellous cheerfulness
and unflagging perseverance achieved, despite his
blindness, a work surpassed by few. The life and
labors of Dr. John Macleod in the large parish of
Goran, and the eloquence and earnestness with
which he enforced certain neglected aspects of the
church, made a deep impression on many even of
those to whom his views were not wholly accept-
■We. Probably no man in modern times has left
* more indelible mark on the practical life of the
church than Archibald Hamilton Charteris (q.v.) to
whom was due the inception of the Christian Life
*nd Work Committee with its manifold develop-
ro^te. Robert Herbert Story (q.v.) was a man of
P^t force and loftiness of character, and singular
tenderness of heart, a matchless debater, and the
fearless and untiring champion of the church of
& fathers.

The church reports 1,433 parish churches, 80
n°Q-parochial churches, 170 mission charges, 702,-
OT5 communicants, 2,223 Sunday-schools, 20,887
jokers, 235,974 scholars, and total benevo-
^^8 for home work £520,997 (an increase in
thirty-four years of over £242,000). The sums
^ntributed for church purposes since 1872 have
^^ounted to between fifteen and sixteen millions
8j*rih)g. Patronage was abolished in 1874, and
Selection of ministers is vested in communicants
*^ adherents. The system of church courts is

very efficient. There is in every parish a kirk
session, consisting of the minister as moderator or
president, and of " elders," the number of whom
varies according to circumstances. The
6. Statis- wnoie country is mapped out into
tuti n* ™f eighty-four presbyteries, varying in
Govern- ex^ien* and in the number of parishes
ment. included. The members of a pres-
bytery consist of the minister of each
parish, along with an elder; certain theological pro-
fessors have also a right to sit in the court. The
moderators of the presbyteries are at present almost
universally appointed by rotation and their term of
office is, as a rule, half a year. There are sixteen
synods, the moderators of which are elected some-
times by a committee, sometimes by the votes of the
synod. The supreme court is the general assembly,
which consists of representatives, lay as well as
clerical, from the presbyteries, universities, and
royal burghs. It meets yearly in Edinburgh in
May, and the opening is one of the picturesque
events of the year, being in some respects unique
among ecclesiastical gatherings. The king is repre-
sented by a nobleman, the lord high commissioner,
who takes up his abode at the palace of Holyrood.
After a levee at the palace, the commissioner goes
in procession to St. Giles Cathedral, where divine
service is conducted, the sermon being preached by
the retiring moderator. After service, there is a
procession to the General Assembly Hall where the
court is constituted and the new moderator is in-
stalled. The lord high commissioner occupies a
seat called the throne, but he has no voice in the
discussions. There is an interchange of courtesies
between him and the assembly. He conveys the
good wishes of the king to the church and receives
from the moderator the assurance of the loyalty
of the church to the king. The duties of the
moderator, who is chosen by the assembly, are to
preside at the assembly and to take part in all sorts
of meetings all over the country. The general
assembly, as the supreme court, revises the pro-
ceedings of the synods, and finally disposes of such
cases and questions as have arisen elsewhere.
But, by the provision of the " Barrier Act," no new
legislation is binding upon the whole church until
it has received the sanction of the majority of the
presbyteries.

The practical work of the church is carried on by
committees, of which a few may be mentioned. The
Home Mission had its origin in the church-extension
labors of Dr. Chalmers. The growth of the popula-
tion had far outstripped the church accommoda-
tion provided for them. Appeals to the govern-
_ A . ment for means to build new churches

tfth^e"faUed' and Chalmers determined that
Chnroh. the work should be done by voluntary
effort, and by the extension of the
parochial or territorial system. To advance this
project of church extension, Chalmers labored with
extraordinary assiduity and success; and when
he retired from the management it was united with
some other minor schemes and became known as the
Home Mission, which is now doing a vast amount of
good work. It supplies in fluctuating populations,
in remote districts, and in overcrowded lanes

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

208

services in school-rooms, in public halls, and in
dwelling-houses, helps to support unendowed
churches in poor localities, gives grants for building
new churches or for enlarging those which have
become too small for the congregations, appoints
lecturers on pastoral theology in the four univer-
sities of Scotland, and provides chaplains for hospi-
tals and for lodging-houses. The Women's Associa-
tion for Home Missions, inaugurated in 1893, has,
especially by means of parish sisters, proved a
valuable auxiliary. The Home Mission finds its
continuation and completion in the Endowment
Scheme. Dr. James Robertson (q.v.) had taken the
deepest interest in Dr. Chalmers's efforts for church
extension, but wished to carry the matter a step
farther. He resolved that the churches which had
been built by voluntary effort should also by volun-
tary effort be endowed; and in 1846 he was ap-
pointed convener of a committee which had that
end in view. In 1860, he was able to report to the
general assembly that £400,000 had been sub-
scribed, that sixty new parishes, technically known
as quoad sacra parishes, had been erected. By the
end of 1908, new parishes added to the church by
the instrumentality of the Endowment Scheme
numbered 452. " The total amount subscribed to
secure the endowment alone of these parishes is
about £1,673,330, apart from the cost of the fabrics.
The population of these new parishes, as ascertained
at the census of 1901, amounts to 2,150,000, the
number of communicants on the roll being over
250,000." The Christian Life and Work Committee,
appointed by the general assembly of 1869, was
originated by Dr. Charteris. Its object as originally
denned was " to inquire as to the progress of Chris-
tian work in this country and to consider and report
as to the best means of promoting evangelistic ef-
forts." The work of the committee is now divided
into three main sections, evangelistic enterprise,
development of Christian work, publications.
Evangelistic enterprise includes mission weeks and
conferences, deputations to fisher-folks in Orkney,
Shetland, the Hebrides, also to those who go in the
season to Lowestoft and Yarmouth; and deputa-
tions to rural parishes. The development of Chris-
tian work includes an institute of missionary
training, where women are qualified to serve the
church as deaconesses, parish sisters, missionaries,
or missionary nurses, and men are qualified to serve
as evangelists or home missionaries. The Woman's
Guild, which now counts more than 700 branches,
with a membership of 50,000, has had a successful
career in fostering every kind of religious and philan-
thropic effort. The order of deaconesses was re-
vived in 1 889, and there are now fifty-one at work,
their fields being singularly varied. The Deaconess
Hospital in Edinburgh and the orphanage at
Musselburgh have been widely beneficial. The
Young Men's Guild, numbering 640 branches and
29,000 members, has been the means of enrolling
many young lives in the service of the church.
An outcome of the Woman's Guild and the Young
Men's Guild may be seen in the Guild Text-Books
and Guild Library, works prepared primarily for the
use of members, though in circulation extending far
beyond that circle.

The Church of Scotland has, of late years, taken
a special interest in social work, and nowhere has
there been more noticeable progress. The assembly
of 1903 appointed a committee to consider " whether
the institution of central agencies such as an in-
ebriate home, labor colony, and rescue home for
women would support and develop the social work
of the church in the parishes." The committee
reported that the institution of such agencies ought
to be adopted and furthered. The development
has been exceedingly rapid. In Edin-

8. 8ooial burgh, Glasgow, Dundee, Peebles,
aJ"Jw k Ayr, and Perth there are now labor
n or " homes in which are received men who,

either from misfortune or from fault, have fallen
upon evil days and are anxious to retrieve them-
selves, and suitable ex-prisoners are also received
into some of the homes. There are also homes for
boys in Glasgow and Aberdeen, where employment
is found for them in various trades, and at Humbie,
Upper Keith, where they are prepared for farm
work or for emigration. At Cornton Vale, near
Stirling, there is a market-garden colony at which
men are " employed at garden work and trained for
a country life at home or in the colonies." Much
is done for the protection or reclamation of women
by means of homes both in town and country.
In the police courts of both Edinburgh and Glasgow,
cases are not infrequently handed over to the care
of accredited agents of the committee, thereby
not only preventing the stigma of conviction, but
opening up the way to a better life. The Colonial
Committee, formed in 1836, seeks to minister to
the spiritual necessities of parts of the colonies
where as yet congregations can not be self-sup-
porting. Help is sent to many new settlements in
Canada, Australia, and South Africa. By the aid
of this committee Scottish services are maintained
at various stations in India, Ceylon, Egypt, the
West Indies, and East Africa. A sub-committee
provides permanent chaplaincies at Paris, Dresden,
Venice, Brussels, and summer chaplaincies at Gene-
va and Homburg. Another sub-committee is oc-
cupied with the spiritual oversight of Presbyterians
in the army and navy; and the statement is justified
that " no committee of the church, with an income
which has never exceeded £600 a year, has ever
accomplished a larger amount of good work."

For the support of foreign missions the increase
in contributions during the last thirty years has
been astonishing. The average number of bap-
tisms is about a thousand a year.
0. Mission- t^^ are 160 European missionaries

ary and an(j ^qq n^ive missionaries, including
Agencies, n^^ters, evangelists, and teachers.
In Calcutta the work of the Church of
Scotland and of the United Free Church has been
amalgamated since 1908 and is carried on with
renewed activity. The missions at Madras, Ar-
konam, and Poona, and in the Punjab, have an
honorable record of devotion and faithful service.
In the Eastern Himalayas there are three missions,
in which at the close of 1907 there were more than
4,500 baptised native Christians. In Africa the
Nyasaland Mission, including Blantyre, Domasi,
Zomba, Mlanje, and the British East Africa mission

209

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

in the Kikuyu highlands have effected such results
as to call forth enthusiastic approval. The "mar-
tyrs of Blantyre" have earned a place for them-
selves in missionary annals. The late Dr. Ruffelle-
Scott ranks among the greatest of those who have
carried the light of Christ to the dark places of the
earth, a man most mystical yet most practical, a
constant student yet sympathetic with the ignorant,
inspired with burning zeal yet gifted with mar-
vellous administrative skill. The Chinese mission
at Ichang has now 852 baptized Christians, of whom
480 are communicants. Special commendation
must be given to the work of the Women's Associa-
tion for Foreign Missions, whose spheres of labor are
virtually identical with those of the Foreign Mis-
sions Committee. "The staff abroad includes 62
European missionaries, four from New South Wales,
and three from New Zealand. With the assistance
of over 200 Eurasian and native teachers "and
Bible-women they carry on educational, evangelis-
tic, industrial, and medical work in schools, zenanas,
hospitals, and city and village dispensaries for
women and children." Other committees are those
on Education, the Conversion of the Jews, Small
Livings, Aged and Infirm Ministers, Church In-
terests, Temperance, Sunday-schools, Highlands
and Islands, Correspondence with other Reformed
Churches, Psalmody and Hymns, Aids to Devotion,
Benefice Registers, and Church Records. All of
them, it may honestly be said, are under wise and
capable management. The relation of the Church
to the Westminster Confession has been receiving
much attention in recent years; and the General
Assembly of 1910, in the exercise of a right rati-
fied by a recent Act of Parliament, has adopted a
formula of subscription less rigid than that hitherto
enjoined upon the clergy. In 1910 meetings were
held between representatives of the Church of Scot-
land and of the United Free Church looking to the
union of those bodies. Pearson M'Adam Muir.

2. United Free Church: If the essence of
the United Free Church be the soul in it that is
marching on, it was born at the Reformation.
The ideal of a Scottish National Church which
then arose was of a church free from the State, self-
constituted and self-governing. Scot-

1. Early ^^ j^^ ajwayS been by a vast ma-

♦f^tT -«i" Jorfty Presbyterian, and her disputes
have seldom been doctrinal. Divisions
have been caused mainly by differences
in the interpretation of the claim of the church to
spiritual freedom, and by questions, often more
theoretical than practical, regarding the relation
of Church to State. The history of the religious
forces now gathered up in the United Free Church
is the history of successive stands made by men
for their own ideal of a free church, and of the
gradual aggregation of the various independent
churches thus formed. Time and again the start-
ing-point was, not dissent from a theological
doctrine, but a differing interpretation of the ap-
plication of the principle of spiritual independence,
and a new assertion of the rights of the church.
The United Free Church claims continuity through
all its branches with the original reformed Church
in Scotland, and maintains, as against decisions of
IX.— 14

tion and
Ideals.

the law courts, (particularly in the period preceding
the Disruption of 1843 and in 1904), its own in-
terpretation of the rights and powers of that church.
In 1560 the church constituted itself and adopted
Knox's Confession. It existed without sanction of
any Act of Parliament until 1567. In 1647, without
consulting Parliament, it displaced Knox's by the
Westminster Confession. These and other acts are
claimed as instances of the exercise of that spiritual
freedom, between which and the advantages of the
Establishment as interpreted by civil courts various
parties considered in later times that they had to
make their choice. This legislative power of alter-
ing doctrine, discipline, and government was, it was
claimed by the United Free Church in the litiga-
tion following the union of 1900, recognized in the
Barrier Act of 1697, which provided that no alter-
ation should be made without being sent down to
Presbyteries.

The first formal division arose in 1688. Intransi-
geant Oameronians (see Cameron, Richard,
Cameronians), in dissatisfaction with its com-
promising spirit, refused to concur in the Revolu-
tion Settlement and remained an iso-

Sece.^on. lated body untU 1876 when they
'joined the Free Church. Next came

the two secessions which eventually coalesced in
the United Presbyterian Church. The first, the
Associate Synod, originated through the deposition
in 1733 of Ebenezer Erskine (q.v.), along with three
supporters, for preaching a sermon claiming for
Christ the headship of the Church and declaring the
church " the freest society in the world." This was
a ned especially at an Act of Assembly (1732)
placing the election of ministers in the bands not of
the congregation, but of the majority of elders and
heritors. These four declined reinstatement a
year later, disliking the hostility of the " Moderate "
majority to their " Marrow " theology (see Marrow
Controversy). They had forty-five congregations
in 1747 when the great " Breach " took place on the
question of the lawfulness of taking a certain
burgess oath (see Erskine, Ebenezer). The
breach was healed in 1820 when the United Seces-
sion Ohnroh was formed, but not before both Anti-
Burghers and Burghers had thrown off small min-
orities of Old Lights, the main bodies or New
Lights having developed more modern views as to
the limitations of the duty of the civil magistrate
in the ecclesiastical sphere (see below, 6, § 1).
The " Old Light Burghers " found their way back
to the Establishment just in time to come out at
the Disruption. The "Old Light Antiburghers "
(afterwards called Original Seceders) joined the
Free Church in 1852, with the exception of a
minute remnant who still remain separate. The
United Secession Church was distinguished for its
foreign missionary enthusiasm, and grew and
prospered until the Union of 1847.

The second secession, going later to form the
United Presbyterian Church, was the Belief Ohnroh,
and originated with Thomas Gillespie (q.v.), who
stood almost alone till 1761 when a presbytery was
formed " for the relief of Christians oppressed in
their Christian privileges." This church rapidly
grew and was distinguished for its liberal spirit.

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

210

Unlike the Secession it invited all Christians to
its ordinances, and in 1794 it sanctioned a hymn-
book. The Union of the Secession and Relief
Churches was accomplished in 1847,
8. TJnited when the United Secession contributed
VJ^JrJ" about 400 congregations and the
Church R^tef H* to the resulting United
Presbyterian Church (for the docu-
mentary Basis of Union see below). To this last-
named church and to its spiritual ancestors must be
largely ascribed the fact that the cause of evangeli-
cal religion was maintained in Scotland. The career
of the United Presbyterian Church was eminently
prosperous. Always democratic, and possibly
containing tendencies toward Congregationalism,
it showed a vigorous and progressive activity.
Missions have always been enthusiastically sup-
ported and in populous districts at home new con-
gregations were planted. In ecclesiastical matters
it was conspicuous for the clear and consistent as-
sertion of the principle of " voluntaryism," i.e.,
" the obligation of members to support and ex-
tend by voluntary contribution the ordinances of the
Gospel," and it frequently passed resolutions
calling for the disestablishment of the State Church.
It was the first Presbyterian body to modify in a
liberal and evangelical direction the terms of sub-
scription to the Westminster Confession, which was
done in the Declaratory Act of 1879. For the
assistance of poorer congregations an Augmenta-
tion Fund was contributed by those able to do more
than support their own minister, and this was
divided among those unable to reach a minimum
standard of stipend with a view to a uniform
minimum for ministers of all congregations con-
tributing at a certain rate per member to minis-
teral support. The church maintained a theological
hall in Edinburgh, in connection with which the
name of Principal John Cairns (q.v.) is famous.
The organization of the church had this peculiarity
that there were no provincial synods. The whole
of the presbyteries met annually as one synod which
was thus the supreme court of the church cor-
responding to the general assemblies of the others.
At the Union of 1900 the United Presbyterian
Church had 599 congregations, 199,089 members,
and an average income of £403,736.

Latest in origin, but largest and most influential,
came the Pree Church in 1843. Unlike previous
secessions which began with days of small things
the Free Church sprang into being on a national
. _ scale, and men spoke not of another

Church- secession but of the " Disruption "
Origin.' °f *ne Established Church. Those
who " came out " claimed to be the
true Church of Scotland, and at once set about
making its whole organization independent of the
State. In every parish congregations were divided
and over large areas of the Highlands all but a
fractional remnant left the Establishment. The
contention of the Free Church party was that the
spiritual liberties of the church were being chal-
lenged by the State, and that the whole principle
of spiritual independence was involved, although
the immediate issue was the exercise of patronage.
An act of parliament restoring patronage had been

passed in 1712 in violation of the " Treaty of
Union," and had been acquiesced in during the at
of moderatism in the church. As the evangelical
party grew in strength in the first part of the
nineteenth century, its members began to resent
the intrusion by indifferent patrons of " moderate"
and often incompetent ministers upon unwilling
congregations. But instead of agitating for the
repeal of the act the assembly asserted powers of
regulating the filling of vacant charges by the Veto
Act of 1834, and of altering the constitution of church
courts by admitting to them ministers of new
extension {quoad sacra) parishes (i.e., ecclesiastical
parishes defined by the Assembly, not old historic
parishes recognized by law; see above, 1, \ 7).
These exercises of power were declared illegal by
the court of session, which proceeded to give orders
to presbyteries to ignore the Veto Act and to
ordain certain presentees and not ordain certain
others and to reject the votes of ministers of
the new parishes. The issue thus became in the
eyes of the Free Church party not the special griev-
ance of patronage but the whole question of the
rights of the church to maintain its own jurisdiction
within the sphere claimed as ecclesiastical. Thi»
was the ground of the " Ten Years' Conflict "
(1833-1843). Government refused to move. Ther^
was disbelief in the serious intentions of the evai*-~
gelical party up to the last, even though they wer0
making every preparation for the final step. Thi^
was taken at the opening meeting of the Assembly
of 1843, and forms one of the most dramatic episodes:
in church history. Instead of constituting the
Assembly the moderator read the " Protest " and
" Claim of Right," laid them on the table and with-
drew, followed by the entire evangelical party;
the march in procession to Tanfield Hall was
watched by cheering crowds, and there the first
Free Church assembly was constituted with Thomas
Chalmers as moderator, by whose side were Robert
Smith Candlish, Thomas Guthrie (qq.v.), and the
lawyer Alexander Murray Dunlop. Out of some
1 ,200 ministers, 474 joined the Free Church, together
with every foreign missionary. The Free Church
undertook the whole burden of the foreign mission-
ary enterprise, sustained in every direction by the
enthusiasm and generosity of the people. A central
Sustentation Fund out of which each minister
drew an equal dividend solved the problem of
ministerial support. New College, Edinburgh,
was founded for the training of the ministry, and
the colleges at Glasgow and Aberdeen were founded
a few years later. The work of building churches
and manses rapidly proceeded in spite of obstacles
presented in country districts. Elementary edu-
cation had been in the hands of the church, and this
responsibility, too, was faced by the Free Church.
The Free Church schools were, along with those of
the Established Church, merged in a national
system in 1872, and the training-colleges for
teachers were also handed over in 1907, subject
to certain provisions for religious instruction.

The later history of the Free Church down to the
union of 1900 is one of growth and advance. Within
a few years of the Disruption the Home Mission
problem of the city slums was attacked and many

911

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

90V churches were organised in poorer districts.
Liter on the movement of population made
necessary the systematic planting of
*•**•• new churches in growing suburban
^SjJj^Jr districts. In 1869 and 1874 the de-
ZtJJJJJJJq partment of Home Missions received
Controver- a great impetus from the revival move-
giet. ments following the visits of Dwight
Lyman Moody (q.v.). The growth of
foreign missions may be read in the list of missions
brought by the Free Church into the Union. Assist-
ance was also given to colonial churches, and preach-
ing-stations were maintained at some continental
resorts. The last twenty years before the Union
nw several controversies in the Free Church over
the attitude of the church toward the new historical
methods of Bible study, especially as seen in the
writings of its own professors. Scholarship of the
highest order had found a home in its colleges.
The more studious students and ministers went to
Germany or read German books, and dark rumors
went abroad of what was taught there. Then came
the bold proclamation of the Gospel from a Dar-
winian platform by Henry Drummond (q.v.).
Conservative minds were offended and scared, in
spite of the fact that those they attacked were
among the most zealous and evangelical teachers
the church possessed. The first storm arose over
the articles of William Robertson Smith (q.v. ; then
professor of Hebrew in Aberdeen College, after-
ward of Arabic in Cambridge) in the new Enqjdopa-
dia Brikmnica. After fierce debates it was made
dear that since the Westminster Confession fur-
nished no dicta on such subjects as the date and
authorship of the Pentateuch, and since in theology
Smith was in hearty agreement with Evangelical
Calvinism, no charge of heresy could be established.
Eventually, however, in 1881, a majority, angry
at his persistence and frightened at his teaching
which they could not get condemned, relieved him
of his functions, not as a disciplinary measure,
involving church censure, but merely in exercise of
its discretionary control over the colleges, and with
a careful disclaimer of decision upon the matters
of scholarship involved. Ten years later the As-
sembly was again violently divided on the cases
of Professors Marcus Pods, and Alexander Balmain
Bruce (qq.v.). Dr. Dods had attacked the anti-
quated theory of verbal inspiration, had met with
encouraging words inquirers unable to accept the full
doctrine of the church especially in regard to the
resurrection, and had spoken of the possibility of
truth lying in more than one theory of the Atone-
ment. Dr. Bruce in his Kingdom of God (Edin-
burgh, 1889) had touched on the problems pre-
sented by the existence of four different and some-
times differing Gospel records. After long and
heated discussion the assembly passed motions
declaring its adherence to certain specified doctrines
which no one had attacked and admonishing the
professors in words meant more to reassure the
Highlands than to edify the professors then under
fire. These controversies in one way played a use-
ful part by awakening general interest in the ad-
vance of Biblical scholarship. An attempt to re-
new the controversy by an attack upon Professor

George Adam Smith in 1902 hopelessly collapsed.
On the other hand, the passing of the Declaratory
Act in 1892 offended an ultra-conservative Highland
section which broke off to form the Free Presby-
terian Church (see below, 4).

The year 1900 is another historic date in Scottish
church history. Immediately after the Disruption
vague hopes for a union of the Free Church and
existing " voluntary " churches were
" Move- expressed; the feeling in favor of
toward *kk grow* and in 1863 committees of
Union. both churches were appointed. In
regard to doctrine, worship, and or-
ganization no obstacles were discovered, but in re-
gard to the almost purely theoretical question of
relation of the civil magistrate to the church sharp
differences became clear. The great majority of the
Free Church were in favor of leaving this an open
question in the proposed united church and the
standards of the United Presbyterian Church con-
tained no pronouncement on the point in dispute.
A determined minority of the Free Church, however,
held that the question of the duty of the civil
magistrate to spend public money on the main-
tenance of an Established Church was an essential
part of the doctrine of the Free Church and in 1873
the majority yielded. A Mutual Eligibility Act,
however, was passed, providing for the passage of
ministers from one church to the other. The Free
Church had been joined in 1854 by most of the
Original Seceders (see above, 1, § 2). The Reformed
Presbyterians (Cameronians, see above, § 2) had
been invited in 1864 to share in the proposed Union.
Their views regarding the civil magistrate were
satisfactory even to the constitutionalist minority
in the Free Church and, after the collapse of the
negotiations with the United Presbyterian Church,
conferences were reopened with them and a union
between them and the Free Church was consum-
mated in 1876. The action of the minority in
thwarting the Union was partly stimulated by the
movement in the Established Church toward the
abolition of patronage. It was felt by some that a
wider union on the basis of a reformed establish-
ment was within sight. Such hopes were disap-
pointed, since approaches by the Established
Church (see above, 1) in 1878 were met in 1886
on the part of the Free Church by propositions in
favor of disestablishment and disendowment.
The Established Church refused to negotiate except
on the understanding that the Establishment basis
would be preserved. The Free Church demanded
an open conference without reservation.

This failure concentrated hopes the more def-
initely upon a union of Free and United Presbyter-
ian churches. In 1896 union committees were ap-
pointed. The negotiations took four years, the
7 _. chief problems being the conciliation

of 1000 an<^ reassurance of the constitutional-
ist party in the Free Church which
suspected the liberal tendencies at work, and the
settlement of details personal and financial regard-
ing the consolidation of offices, colleges, and other
agencies. Everything was harmoniously arranged,
and it seemed up to the last as if the small con-
servative section of the Free Church would give

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

912

Ohuroh

way. The Union was consummated in Edinburgh
in October, 1900, amid a scene of great enthusiasm
and the congratulations conveyed by deputies
from sister churches all over the world.

A small minority, however, including twenty-
seven ministers, declined to enter the United Free
Church, and began legal proceedings in the courts,
claiming as the true Free Church (see below, 3) to
retain her whole property both central
and congregational. In the Scottish
Kin ritv- cour*s ^e decisions were in favor of the
Leffal Pro- umte<^ church, but upon appeal the dis-
oeedinrs- 8enting minority were declared by the
Settlement. House of I/ords in August, 1904, to be
the true representatives of the Free
Church, and to them the trustees were ordered to
convey the whole property. The main ground of
the decision was that the Church of Scotland before
the disruption had no power of altering her creed
or standards and that the Free Church in separating
in 1843 claimed no new rights in that respect;
and that, in particular, Dr. Chalmers the Moderator,
having in 1843 repudiated voluntaryism and made
clear that the Free Church adhered to the sections
of the Westminster Confession of Faith regarding
the duty of the civil magistrate, the Free Church of
1900 had no power to carry over its property into a
church which left open in its constitution the ques-
tion of the right of an Establishment. The conten-
tion of the United Free Church, that the church as
a church had an inherent right to modify her subor-
dinate standards, was rejected by five to two, the
majority of the Lords denning the church in its
relation to property, as a trust constituted for
once and all by its original constitution as a trust
deed. The scope of the decision was staggering.
The whole funds and buildings of the Free Church
at home and abroad were to be handed over to the
inhabitants of the remoter northern districts. In
the United Free Church indignation ran high, both
at the grounds of the judgment and at the prospect
of having their whole work crippled by the loss of
property and funds. An emergency fund was at
once raised which eventually reached nearly £200,-
000 and an advisory committee was formed to guide
matters during the crisis. It was obvious that the
victorious Free Church had neither capacity nor
resources in men or money to administer the huge
foreign missionary organization, and it is to their
credit that they did not attempt to enforce the
judgment abroad. At home, however, they set
about the business of organization with energy.
In some cases where congregations were formed
United Free Churchmen were ejected from churches
and manses. They prohibited the use of hymns and
organs, which latter they announced their intention
of destroying in churches of which they took
possession. Public opinion demanded parliamen-
tary action, and an Act was passed suspending
all further legal proceedings and appointing a
commission of inquiry. On its report that the Free
Church was not in a position to administer the
property in terms of the trusts, an act was passed
in 1904 appointing an executive commission to
dispose of the whole property so as best to secure its
proper use. In cases of congregational property

Present
Position.

the Frees were to get the churches where they
could show that they had one-third of the mernbea
and adherents at the time of the Union in 1900.
Tho result has been for the most part to set aside
the legal judgment. All the missions have been
entrusted to the United Church. The Assembly
Hall and all the colleges have been assigned to
them and most congregations confirmed in their
use of their churches. Nevertheless the United
Church had to suffer heavy loss. The valuable
offices in Edinburgh were assigned to the Free
Church for use as a college. Some large churches
in the south and over a hundred in the Highlands
went to the Free Church, and the United Free
Church was faced by the need for immediate ex*
penditure on building to the extent of about £150,*
000. Out of college incomes an annual charge of
£3,000 is set aside for the Free Church college,
and other heavy charges for their benefit made on
the funded capital.

One good effect of the judgment was to call forth
expression of the loyalty of the church. The
former United Presbyterian and Free branches were
welded by the shock as years of tranquil existence
might not have effected. Then the misgivings
inevitably arising regarding past his-
^HHUJlJJ"' tory and procedure produced criticism
that will be fruitful. There is a de-
sire that laymen, who have to pay the
cost, should have more to say in church councils.
The financial stress stimulates desire for economy
and business methods, and many small adjacent
churches have been united. The disastrous spec-
tacle of ecclesiastical strife has produced a revulsion
in favor of still larger reunion, and an era of hearty
cooperation is surely in sight, while especially
among the laity there is a strong desire for a union
of all Presbyterians in Scotland. The future posi-
tion of the church in regard to its right to alter
its standards was made clear by an act of Assembly
in 1005 (see below, J 11) which was presented to
Parliament. In certain directions tie work of
the church, especially in expansion, has been
hampered by lie crisis, but on the whole the
home activity and foreign enterprises and the work
of the colleges have been carried on without slacken-
ing. The adjustments of organization left incom-
plete at the Union have now been completed and
especially in 1907 the final merging of Sustentation
and Augmentation Funds into one " Central
Fund " for the support of the ministry has been
accomplished. In regard to theological scholarship
the leaders of the church are now in full sympathy
with free and fearless inquiry, and scholarship has
been amply proved to go along with hearty evan-
gelical zeal. The home-mission problem is being ap-
proached in new ways. Suburban church extension
proceeds; in Glasgow and Aberdeen large institu-
tional churches have been started in slum districts,
and the extension of this feature in other large
towns in the near future is probable. The organi-
zation is, of course, Presbyterian, the series of ec-
clesiastical bodies proceeding in order from the
kirk-session through the presbytery and synod to
the general assembly. Local financial affairs are
managed either by a court of deacons ordained for

213

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

fife, with whom are associated ex officio the ses-
aon, or by a committee of managers elected for a
term, meeting apart from the session. The salary
of the minister is guaranteed by the Central Fund
up to a fixed minimum, at present £160, which
is often supplemented by the congregation. The
affaire of the church are managed from large central
offices by permanent secretaries and representative
committees of Assembly. There are three colleges
in Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Aberdeen, with 133
regular students and 42 visitors largely graduates
of American colleges.

The United Free Church reports 1,631 congrega-
tions with 27 Congregational missions, 506,088
members, 35,199 elders and deacons, 2,369 Sunday-
schools with 25,385 teachers and 241,160 scholars, a
total income of £1,044,093, with a home missionary
income of about £130,000, and from native and
foreign sources about £85,000. Apart from native
agents there are at work 118 ordained missionaries,
35 medical missionaries, most of whom
« 4 are ak° ordained, 103 women mission-

KiMions. a"es» *>2 teachers, artizans, etc.,
besides 135 missionaries' wives. In
India since 1904 all Presbyterian missions have been
united in the Presbyterian Church in India with
372 elders and 14,830 communicants, under six
mission councils, viz., Bengal, Santalia, Western
India, Nagpur, Madras, and Rajputana. In China
the Manchurian council works in nine district cir-
cuits, among other places at Mukden and Hiaoyang,
and is rapidly training up a native ministry. The
native church showed heroic steadfastness during
the Boxer troubles and is now rapidly growing.
In Africa are the Kaffraria council with over a
dozen stations and the Lovedale institution with a
roll of 715 pupils; the Transkei council, with Blyths-
wood, and nearly twenty stations; the Natal
council; the Old Calabar Mission begun in 1846,
now having 754 members and 50 native agents;
and the extraordinarily successful Livingstonia
Mission, which has founded a Christian civilization
round the shores of Lake Nyassa. In the New
Hebrides there is now a strong native church, some
islands being entirely Christian. In the West Indies
the Jamaica mission council controls an organiza-
tion which is partly organized as a church, partly as
a system of mission stations, and the Trinidad
Mission Council works similarly in connection with
the Presbyterian Church of Canada among English-
speaking Creoles and the coolie population.

The doctrinal position of Scottish Presbyterian-
ism has never been denned de nonyo since the West-
minster Confession approved it in 1646. The state-
ment of the present position of the

U,IdCc^6United Free Church is contained m
rtitutlon'. ^e ^c*8 °* ^®& regarding spiritual
independence, and of 1900 effecting
the Union, which makes approving references to the
historic documents of the various branches of the
church and sanctions the declarations which had
been made from time to time regarding the terms
of adhesion to the Westminster Confession.

The act of 1905 of the United Free Church as to
doctrine was passed with a view to making clear the
conditions on which the church took back the

property alienated by the decision of 1904 and is
designed to put beyond all doubt for all time the
power of the church to define her own creed and
discipline. It contains these words: " That this
church continues to claim that the church of Christ
has under him as her only Head independent and
exclusive jurisdiction and power of legislating in all
matters of doctrine, worship, discipline, and govern-
ment of the church, including therein the right from
time to time to alter, change, add to or modify her
constitution and laws, subordinate standards and
church formulas and to determine and declare what
these are." This is further declared to be a funda-
mental principle and rule of the United Free Church,
the power of uniting with other churches being ex-
plicitly mentioned and the words added " always in
conformity uith the Word of God and also with the
safeguards for deliberate action and legislation in
such cases provided by the church herself, of which
conformity the church herself acting through her
courts shall be the sole judge." The Act of Union
prescribes the formula for signature upon ordina-
tion. The Bible is in the first question given its
place as supreme standard as being the word of God,
and the only rule of faith and life. The second
question, relating to acceptance of the doctrine of
the church as set forth in the Confession of Faith is
construed with relation to (1) the Act of Free
Church, 1846, disclaiming " intolerant or persecuting
principles " and repudiating any such interpreta-
tion of the confession; (2) the Declaratory Act of the
Ignited Presbyterian Church of 1879, which also
disdains intolerant principles, asserts in connection
with the confessional doctrine of election the free
offer of salvation to all, and the responsibility of
each for its rejection, and that the former doctrine
is held in harmony with the truth that God is not
willing that any should perish and with human
responsibility; (3) The Declaratory Act of the Free
Church in 1892, which as regards predestination
says the church does not hold the confession as
teaching the preordination of men to death irrespec-
tive of their own sin. Other references are (4) to the
Disruption Protest and Claim of Right which
assert spiritual independence on matters now cov-
ered by the Act of 1905; (5) to the Basis of Union
of 1847 which adopts the Westminster Confession
with reservation of persecuting principles, lays
stress on the missionary duty of the Church and the
obligation of free-will offerings for that end and
for the support of the ministry. Another declara-
tion of the 1900 Assembly sanctions the Larger and
Shorter Catechisms as " manuals of religious in-
struction long approved and held in honor by the
people of both churches." With the exception and
modifications thus summarized the theology of the
United Free Church is the Calvinistic doctrine of
the Westminister Confession.

Robert Willi.vm Stewart.
8. Free Church of Scotland: The Free Church
of Scotland began its separate existence at the
disruption of the Church of Scotland in 1843
(see above, 1, § 4), under the leadership of Dr.
Thomas Chalmers. In October, 1900, a large
majority of its ministers, elders, and members
united with the United Presbyterian Church and

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

214

formed the United Free Church (see above, 2). A
minority remained apart from the union because of
dissatisfaction with the basis on which it was ef-
fected, and claimed to be the true successors of the
disruption fathers. They also raised a claim to the
funds and property of the Church. The matter was
referred to the law courts. In the Outer and Inner
Houses of the Court of Session in Scotland judg-
ment was given unanimously in favor of the present
United Free Church. On an appeal being taken to
the House of Lords, a decision was obtained in
August, 1904, by five to two, in favor of the Free
Church. On the ground of the inability of the Free
Church to execute all the trusts, parliament in-
tervened. A royal commission was appointed to
inquire and to report. In 1904, the Churches
(Scotland) Act was passed, and by a commission
appointed under said Act, the property in question
was allocated between the Free and United Free
Churches.

Like the other Presbyterian churches, the Free
Church is governed by church sessions, presbyter-
ies, synods, and general assembly. The general as-
sembly— the supreme court of the church — meets
annually in Edinburgh in the month of May. There
are, at home, five synods, twelve presbyteries,
160 congregations, and about thirty mission
stations. In Africa, there is one presbytery with
one European and two native pastors, and ten
catechists.

The majority of the home congregations are
located in the counties of Caithness, Sutherland,
Ross, Inverness, Argyle, and Bute. Students for the
ministry are required to attend a full undergraduate
course of study at one of the universities, and a full
course of four years in divinity in the church's
own Theological College in Edinburgh, which has a
staff of a principal and five professors. In Edin-
burgh are also located the offices of the church.
The endowments of the church are: For the main-
tenance of the Theological College, including
bursaries, £92,000; for undergraduate bursaries,
£11,000; for foreign missions, £25,000; for aged
and infirm ministers and retired professors, £35,000;
for the support of the ministry and lay agents,
£210,000; for the general purposes of administra-
tion and management, £40,000; for the education
of sons and daughters of ministers and missionaries,
£6,000; for the widows and orphans of ministers
and missionaries, a fund of over £500,000 is ad-
ministered by trustees for the benefit of both the
Free and United Free Churches and the annuity
payable to widows is £44, to each child while under
eighteen years of age £24, with £12 additional when
the mother is also dead. The interest of these
endowments is supplemented by free-will offerings
from the people amounting in all, for the various
schemes of the church, to about £12,000 annually.
These contributions are apart from local congrega-
tional funds which are used locally and do not pass
through the books of the general treasurer of the
church in Edinburgh. J. K Cameron.

4. Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland:
In 1892 a Declaratory Act was passed by the
general assembly of the Free Church of Scotland.
Strong opposition had been offered to this measure

by the constitutionalist party, and hopes were en-
tertained that this dissatisfaction would lead to its
repeal. But these hopes were doomed to disap-
pointment. At the following assembly (1893) a
protest was entered against the Act. This action
was a virtual denial of the jurisdiction of the
supreme court and the result was that two minis-
ters were deprived of their churches and manses.
These were subsequently joined by a number of stu-
dents who were dissatisfied with the advanced
teaching from the professorial chairs of the Free
Church. In August, 1893, Donald MacFarlane,
and Donald MacDonald, ministers, with Alexander
MacFarlane, elder, met at Portree, Isle of Skye,
and constituted themselves a presbytery, under
the name of the Free Church Presbytery of Scotland;
(" Free Church " was afterwards abandoned for
" Free Presbyterian " to avoid legal complications).
At this meeting a Deed of Separation was drawn up
with reasons. These were, that the Free Church
(1) had passed resolutions having as their object
the abandonment of the national recognition of
religion; (2) it had sanctioned the use of unin-
spired hymns and instrumental music in divine
worship; (3) it tolerated office-bearers who did
not hold the whole doctrine of the Confession of
Faith especially in regard to the entire perfection of
Holy Scripture; (4) by passing the Declaratory
Act of 1892, it destroyed the integrity of the Con-
fession as understood by the Disruption fathers; and
(5) the majority of her office-bearers had become
voluntaries. While renouncing the jurisdiction of
the Free Church of 1893, the signatories solemnly
promised to abide by the constitution and standards
of the Free Church as settled in 1843. Briefly
stated it may be said, the Free Presbyterian Church
stands for the doctrine of the infallibility of Holy
Scripture, the national recognition of religion,
purity of worship (the exclusive use of the Psalms
in divine worship without the aid of instrumental
music), and, generally speaking, for the whole doc-
trine of the Confession of Faith. The church's
office-bearers subscribe to the Free Church docu-
ments of 1843 and the Deed of Separation referred
to above. There are three presbyteries; the
supreme court being the synod which meets twice
a year; in July at Inverness and in November at
Glasgow. The congregations and preaching-sta-
tions number about seventy. These are supplied
by thirteen ordained ministers with the help of
students and lay missionaries and catechists. The
church's sphere of labor is confined chiefly to the
Highlands, though there are congregations in Edin-
burgh, Glasgow (two), and London. There is a
colonial mission in Ontario and Manitoba, Canada,
with an ordained missionary, and a foreign mission
station near Bembesi, Matabeleland, South Africa,
presided over by an ordained native missionary.
The students of the church are expected to undergo
a four-years' university course, and a four-years*
theological course. The Rev. John R. MacKay,
M. A., Inverness, and Rev. D. Beaton, Wick, act as
theological tutors. The ministry are entirely de-
pendent upon the voluntary contributions of the
people for support; the ministerial salary being
£140 ($700) per annum. D. Beaton.

S15

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

6. Beftxrmed Presbyterian Church : This Church
is the legitimate descendant and representa-
tive of the Covenanted Church of Scotland
in its period of greatest purity, the period of the
eecond Reformation (163S-1649). Holding the
continuing obligation of the national Covenants
(see Covenantees) it maintains the doctrine of
the universal supremacy of Christ and the authority
of his Word both in Church and State. In doc-
trinal belief it adheres to the theology of the West-
minster Confession; in worship it uses exclusively
the Psalms of Scripture, without instrumental
muse. It objects to all secret oathbound societies.
Its members decline to swear allegiance to any
civil constitution that disowns or dishonors Christ:
this is its historic position of political dissent both
in Britain and America. The Covenanters suffered
cruel persecutions under the Stuarts, and welcomed
the Revolution of 1688; but as in Scotland under
the Revolution Settlement the national Church
Was substantially a creature of the State, and prel-
acy in England and Ireland was registered in the
national constitution, they never joined the Revo-
lution Church. For sixteen years, as " the United
Societies," they were without a minister. In 1706
f*y were joined by the Rev. John McMillan from
*be Established Church, and the first presbytery
*^8 constituted in 1743. They continued to in-
cr£ase till 1863, when there were six presbyteries and
a synod, with about forty ministers, a theological
^tninary, a prosperous mission in the New Hebrides,
***d a Jewish mission in London. In 1863 a dis-
ruption took place, the majority resolving to
^■bide no longer by the historic position of the
^hurch. That majority joined the Free Church
thirteen years after. The minority, adhering to
the recognized testimony of the church, consti-
tuted themselves the Reformed Presbyterian Synod,
and were acknowledged in the civil courts as the
legitimate representatives of the Reformed Presby-
terian Church. It has now nine ministers, and it
conducts, along with the Reformed Presbyterian
Synod in Ireland, prosperous missions in Antioch
and Alexandretta. It is in ecclesiastical fellowship
with the Reformed Presbyterian Church in America
(see below, VIII., 7). John McDonald.

6. United Original Secession Church: This

church dates from 1733, when four ministers of the

National Church, Ebenezer Erskine, William

Wilson, Alexander Moncrieff, and James Fisher felt

in conscience constrained to withdraw

1. Origin from ^he courts of that church (see

Divisions. ab°ve, 1, § 4, 2, § 2). The reasons for
their withdrawal were found both in
the administrative and the doctrinal sides of the
church's life. The exercise of lay patronage, forc-
ing ministers upon churches even with the aid of
the military, and the defects in the teaching and
preaching of some professors and ministers, lacking,
as it did, the Evangelical note which they judged
vital to the interest of true religion, seemed to re-
quire this action. They sought not only to main-
tain this Evangelical note in their own teaching, but
to lift up a public testimony against the departures
from it in the Church. Ebenezer Erskine (q.v.) did
this in a sermon preached at a meeting of a synod,

and he and those who openly sympathized with him
were suspended from their office as ministers. They
formed themselves into a presbytery at Gairney
Bridge in Fifeshire (where a monument commemo-
rating the event has been erected), but a presbytery
of the Church of Scotland, which, because of unto-
ward circumstances, was in a condition of secession
from its courts. Hence, the name Secession. The
movement was popular, and other presbyteries were
formed, which were linked together by a synod,
which met annually. The name " Church " was
purposely avoided because the Seceders regarded
themselves as a part of the Church of Scotland,
though compelled for the sake of conscience to carry
on their work in a state of secession. The history
of this movement is marked by many divisions.
The first cause of division was an oath which was
exacted from the burgesses of certain cities in the
country, in which they promised support to the
religion established in the realm. Some thought
that this oath could be taken in consistency with the
position which they had taken, the religion to which
approval was given being that sanctioned in the
constitution of the country. Others thought that
the taking of it meant approval of the things that
the church had recently tolerated and so involved
unfaithfulness to the protest which they had made
against these things. The contention resulted in a
separation in 1747 into different camps, — the
Burgher and the Anti-Burgher. After this, the
question between Church and State began to be
agitated in both these churches. The result was
difference of view, some taking the secular stand-
point in relation to the State, and others bitterly
opposing it. They who thought that the State
should confine its attention to secular affairs and
leave the church alone, were called New Lights,
and the others received the name Old Lights.

This line of cleavage in the opinion regarding the

State formed in the two" branches of the church led to

the different parties in them which held

Statistics 8^m^ar views drawing toward one an-
* other, and finally to a union on the
New Light Basis, known as the " voluntary basis,1'
in 1820, leaving sections that adhered to the prin-
ciple of State-churchism, in separate ecclesiastical
organizations. In this union is found the beginning
of the United Presbyterian Church (see above, 2).
The history of the sturdy fragments left outside this
union of 1820, is one of gradual amalgamation,
with occasional fragments of the fragments finding
their way into larger ecclesiastical bodies. There
was a union between those who stood on the ground
of State-churchism, and later of those who had long
maintained different views about the Burgess oath.
It is the result of these unions that is found in
the United Original Secession Church, the half of
which united with the Free Church in 1852, and
the other half still maintains a separate organiza-
tion. Its platform is the position identified with the
second Reformation, with the ideal of a nation and
a church in covenant with God to promote his
cause. It is a small body consisting of twenty-
five congregations, grouped in five presbyteries,
with a synod as the supreme court meeting an-
nually. It has 19 ministers, one probationer, and

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

916

about 3,600 members. Its theological hall in Glas-
gow is under the care of two professors and one
lecturer. Its annual income is between two and
three thousand pounds sterling. The total income
of congregations from all sources amounted last
year to £5,863, an average contribution from each
member of £1,12, 6d. It supports a vigorous, well-
equipped mission at Sconi in the central province
of India, an ordained male missionary, a fully
qualified female missionary, a trained zenana
visitor, and a large number of native catechists and
Christian workers. R. Morton.

II. Presbyterian Church of England: Presbyteri-
anism, with its popular government, is at the oppo-
site pole of church life from the absolutism of Home.
Hence at the Reformation its principles were much
favored in England though but imper-
i. Presby- fectly understood, while the episcopacy
terian of Edward VI. was so mild that in
Principles his reign no man suffered for dissent-
Informally ing from the newly established church.
Established. Under Mary every form of Protestant-
ism was suppressed, when Episcopa-
lians and Presbyterians alike fled to the continent for
safety. On the accession of Elizabeth, the exiles
returned to find themselves but little better off than
they had been under Mary, for the queen was of
too despotic a nature to allow any to differ from her
views. The Puritan or Presbyterian section of the
church, which desired government by elders, was
now called on to suffer, yet Presbyterian principles
spread so widely that, in 1570, Bishop Sandys
writing to Bullinger at Zurich gave him, in a sum-
mary of the views which were spreading among the
ministers and members of the Episcopal Church,
an excellent epitome of Presbytery, closely resem-
bling what it is to-day. The Presbyterians at that
date numbered, it is said, one hundred thousand.
As the result of the queen's oppression, a consider-
able number of persons " separated " themselves
in 1556 from the Established Church, and main-
tained religious services according to the Presbyter-
ian order, and against these the queen's anger
blazed fiercely. Their sufferings did not deter
others who still remained in the Church from
going still farther and holding conferences or " min-
isters' meetings," one of which in London deputed
in 1572 two of its members to visit Wandsworth,
a little village near that city, who there, with the
assistance of the lecturer of the parish and a num-
ber of leading Puritan church members, formally
organized a " Particular Church " in accordance
with Presbyterian order. This was the first open
formation in England of a church different from
that which had been established. In a surprisingly
short time hundreds of similar churches were or-
ganized throughout the country, generally, as eo-
clesiolce in ecclesia, revealing the hold Presbyterian
principles had taken of the people, and that a new
chapter in the history of England was about to
open.

James recognized the situation and, determining
to crush it, held immediately after his accession the
Hampton Court Conference (q.v.), ostensibly to
harmonize the views of both parties, but really
to give himself an opportunity of saying that he

would " harry " out of the land the members of

the church in which he had been brought up. Led

by Bancroft, the episcopal church now

a. Royal gathered itself together, separated from

and Parlia- the continental Reformers, and became
mentary identified with the sacramental system

Opposition. Under Charles I. Laud, who said he
regarded Presbytery as worse than
Romanism and whose watchword was " thorough,"
promoted those Star Chamber prosecutions of the
Non-conformists which form a black page in Eng-
lish history. The king's own conduct drove the
great mass of the Presbyterian members of the •
church into the ranks of the Parliamentarians,
while the subsequent alliance of the parliament
with the Scottish army, the adoption of the
Solemn League and Covenant, together uith
the decisions of the Westminster Assembly in
1647 a.d., resulted in the overthrow of the epis-
copal church and its replacement in the Establish-
ment by that of presbytery. That assembly was the
latest of tHe great councils of the Christian Church,
and by it the Calvinistic system of doctrine was
expressed in a Confession of Faith, and its system
of polity in a Directory of Church Government. The
Establishment being now Presbyterian, the parish
churches were occupied by Presbyterian ministers,
yet after all, the Presbyterian polity was accepted
largely only in London and Lancashire. In the
former, indeed, a provincial synod embracing
presbyteries with their constituent church sessions
had been formed, but before long all had come to
an end. Presbytery had no leaders competent to
resist Cromwell and the army, and by means of
this, or at its dictation, Cromwell replaced presby-
tery by independency. Shortly afterward came
the Restoration when, under the reign of a king
who on two occasions had sworn the Solemn
League and Covenant, the Presbyterians expected
some improvement in their condition, a change
which Charles had no intention of granting. In
1662 he therefore sanctioned the Act of Uniformity,
(see Uniformity, Acts of), enjoining reordina-
tion of every minister not episcopally ordained,—
adherence to everything in the Book of Common
Prayer, obedience to the ordinary (bishop), ab-
juration of the Solemn League and Covenant,
with an additional oath declaring that it was not
lawful under any circumstances to take up arms
against the king. More than 2,000 parish ministers
refused obedience to the Act and, on August 24th
(St. Bartholomew's Day), resigning their congre-
gations, walked out of their manses, leaving their
pulpits empty. By the subsequent Conventicle
Act (q.v.), these men were forbidden to preach to
their former congregations, and by the Five Mile
Act (q.v.), could not live within five miles of their
former parishes. Under these conditions, Presby-
terianism ceased to be a visible religious force in
English national life, with a result that was in-
evitable. Never having had any central organiza-
tion like a general assembly to bring its members
together and to keep them in connection with one
another, these drifted into fragments and the
vitality of the system was lost. In 1688 came the
Revolution, when, the aim of all being to secure in

217

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

addition to their civil liberties the "Protestant
religion." no special effort was made by the non-
Anglicans to obtain relief from their disabilities.
All branches of non-conformity now acted as prac-
tically & single community, under the "Happy
Union " arrangement of 1691, and as no authority
existed to enforce the Westminster Confession or
the Directory of Church Government, Presby-
trrianism, with its polity and doctrine at loose ends,
came within a few decades to be, in many cases, but
another name for Unitarianism, a misrepresenta-
tion now happily removed.

Not & few of the congregations that left the parish
churches in 1662 had provided themselves with
small chapels for their religious services. A dosen
of these still exist, while under the Indulgence of
1672, nearly an equal number were
3. T«ifw«i«« built before the close of the century.
of Scotch As separate congregations these would
Elements, probably have survived, but another
element has come into England, by
means of which nearly all these old Presbyterians
have become constituent members of an organised
and Evangelical Presbyterian Church. Scottish
Presbyterians found their way to London probably
as early as the days of Elizabeth, and, by the close of
the Commonwealth period, must have been numer-
ous in London. A congregation of such was formed
in that city, in the reign of Charles II., while others
soon followed in the same city and elsewhere.
These, however, owed their existence entirely to the
action of the individuals composing them, and were
based on nationality and Presbyterianism, having
no official connection with the Scottish general
assembly. By 1772 the London congregations of
this character numbered seven, by which time
their ministers had formed themselves into "The
Scots Presbytery of London." The " Presbytery,"
however, while claiming " communion " with the
Church of Scotland, had no ecclesiastical connec-
tion with it, and wras really little more than a
" ministers' meeting," admitting occasionally into
its fellowship ministers of Old English Presbyterian
and of Secession congregations. In 1836, this
presbytery changed its title to that of " The London
Presbytery in Communion with the Church of Scot-
land," while in 1839 the Scottish Assembly coun-
seled its members to organize themselves as
"The Presbyterian Synod in England." In 1742,
the Scottish Associate Synod had organized con-
gregations at Newcastle and other places and as
the number of these increased not a few of the Old
F.ngliah Presbyterians joined with them. These
were formed into presbyteries in connection with
the United Secession Church of Scotland (see above,
I., 2). In 1843 came the fateful Disruption of
the Scottish Establishment, when the " Presby-
terian Synod in England " divided. The majority
cast in its lot with the Scottish Free Church and
retained the name of " The Presbyterian Synod in
England," while the minority remained in connec-
tion with the Scottish National Church, and formed
itself into " The Scottish Presbytery in London in
connection with the Church of Scotland." In 1850
this presbytery, along with two others that had been
formed, was organised as "The Synod of the

Church of Scotland in England " and consists to-
day of some 3,500 communicants, forming three
presbyteries, and meeting annually in a general
svnod.

The Free Church " Presbyterian Synod in Eng-
land " promoted evangelistic work up and down
the country, and was in fricndlv relations with the
Old Presbyterian and the United Secession con-
gregations, so that, in 1803. the United Presby-
terian Church in Scotland formed its congregations
in England into the " English Synod."

4. The The way was thus left open for a
Present union between this and the " Preshy-

Church in terian Synod in England." Such union

England, took place in 1876, when the uniting
churches took the name of the " Pres-
byterian Church of England," and this has since
then continued its Christian activities and numeri-
cal growth. In 1910, this church consisted of
85,774 communicants, organised into 350 congre-
gations, forming 12 presbyteries, which meet an-
nually in a general synod. Its contributions in
1908 amounted to £300,958. It has in Cam-
bridge for its theological students a handsome
residential college which is partly affiliated with
the university, while it sustains an extensive
foreign mission in South China and on Formosa,
with a smaller one in India, and one to the Jews at
Aleppo. 0. D. Mathkwh.

III. Ireland. — 1. The Presbyterian Ohureh in
Ireland: Presbyterians did not obtain nny con-
siderable footing in Ireland until tho time of the
Ulster Plantation under James I. (1003-25).
The settlers, most of whom were Scottish Presby-
terians, began to arrive in 10 10; Presbyterian
ministers began to come from Scotland in 1013, and
for a time they were appointed without reordi na-
tion to vacant charges in the Established Church,
but this period of toleration was followed by a time
of persecution which was subsequently renewed
at various times. In 1041 there was a rebel-
lion in Ireland, in the course of which thousands
of Protestants were massacred. In 1042 a Scot-
tish army was sent over to quell tho rebellion.
Each Scottish regiment had a chaplain and a
regular kirk session selected from tho officers. Thir
first presbytery consisting of five chaplains and
four elders was formed at Carrickfergus on Juno
10, 1642. Ministers were went over from Scotland;
other presbyteries were formed; and in the time of
Cromwell there was a general synod with eighty
congregations and seventy ministers. In 1001
sixty-four ministers were ejected from their livings
for refusing to conform to the Established Church,
and many Presbyterians went to America to escapo
persecution, among them Francis Makcrnic (q.v.).

King William III. authorized the payment of
£1,200 per annum to the Presbyterian ministers
of Ireland in recognition of the loyal support of
Presbyterians on his arrival in Ireland in 1090,
This may be taken as the beginning of the ftegium
donum which was subsequently increase/! and con-
tinued to be given to ministers till 1809, In the
face of many difficulties the church grew an/1 pros-
pered, but toward the end of the first half of the
eighteenth century some of the minister* came under

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

218

the influence of moderatism (aee above, I., 2). A
congregation of Seceders was formed in 1741 and
in time there came to be a Secession Synod as well
as a Synod of Ulster (see below, tf). The ministers
of Secession congregations also received a Regium
donum grant from the government. About 1825
some of the ministers of the Synod of Ulster were
known to hold Arian views and there was apprehen-
sion of the spread of these views. The Rev. Henry
Cooke championed the cause of orthodoxy and
under his leadership the Synod of Ulster, by an
overwhelming majority, declared in favor of the doc-
trine of the Trinity. In 1829 seventeen ministers
withdrew from the synod and subsequently formed
The Remonstrant Synod of Ulster. This paved
the way for the union of the two orthodox synods.
The Synod of Ulster with 292 congregations and
the Secession Synod with 141 congregations united
in 1840 and formed the General Assembly of the
Presbyterian Church in Ireland.

It is worthy of note that there were Presbyter-
ians in the south of Ireland before the time of the
Ulster Plantation. The Rev. Walter Travers, first
provost of Trinity College, Dublin, appointed in
1594, was a Presbyterian minister. Its first two
elected fellows — James Hamilton, afterward I.ord
Claneboy, and James Fullerton — were also Presby-
terians. The Presbyterians in the south of Ireland
outside the Synod of Ulster and the Secession Synod
belonged to the Southern Association which in
1809 became the Synod of Munster. In 1840 the
orthodox members of this synod withdrew and
formed themselves into the Presbytery of Munster,
and this presbytery joined the general assembly
in 1854.

Since the formation of the general assembly the
church has made continuous progress, notwithstand-
ing the heavy drain which emigration has made
on its membership. In 1869 the Regium donum
which amounted to £69. 4s. 8d. per annum for each
minister was abolished by the Irish Church Act,
but vested interests were respected and the minis-
ters of that time commuted in the interests of the
church with the result that a sum of almost £600,-
000 was received into the church treasury for
•investment, and the annual income arising there-
from together with the Sustentation-Fund con-
tributions of the people is sufficient to give every
minister of a congregation a sum of about £80 per
annum. The church reports 657 ministers, 568
congregations, about 106,000 communicants, 1,048
Sunday-schools with 8,240 teachers and 94,735
scholars; two colleges (Belfast and Londonderry)
with 15 professors; 26 ministerial, 6 medical,
22 zenana, and 5 lay missionaries in the foreign
field; 3 ministerial and 3 female missionaries in
connection with the Jewish mission in Hamburg
and Damascus; and one ministerial missionary
in Spain. The Presbyterian Orphan Society has
invested funds amounting to £114,000 and an
annual income of over £17,000. The Ministers'
Orphan Society has invested funds amounting
to more than £18,000 and an annual income of
over £900. The Aged and Infirm Ministers' Fund
has invested funds amounting to £25,000 and an
annual income of about £1,000. An Old Age

Fund has been established and its yearly income is
about £6,000. There are three funds for widows
of ministers — the Secession Widows' Fund paying
an annuity of £62, the Southern Association
Widows' Fund paying an annuity of £60, and the
Synod of Ulster Widows' Fund paying an annuity
of £44. The total income of the church from all
sources for the year 1907-1908 was £266,000.

W. J. Lowe.

2. Reformed Presbyterian or Covenanting-
Church of Ireland: This ch lurch traces its origin
to the Covenanters (q.v.) of Scotland. Some of
these who had fled from persecution in Scotland
settled in the northeast part of the island, and
were the founders of the Covenanting Church in
Ireland. They had occasional visits from ministers
of their native land; but these were few and far
between. For fully forty years a separate existence
was maintained by the " Society people," as the
Covenanters were called, without the aid of a min-
ister, by means of fellowship meetings. A presby-
tery was organized in 1792, and a synod, with
twelve ministers, in 1811. The year 1840 witnessed
the withdrawal of a number of congregations and
ministers through a controversy regarding the power
of the civil ruler. Recently some of these con-
gregations have returned, and some have joined
the Presbyterian Church of Ireland. At present
there are thirty-six congregations in four presby-
teries, thirty-two ministers, and over 3,900 mem-
bers connected with the synod. With the exception
of one in Liverpool, these congregations are all in
the province of Ulster. The Standards of the
church are the Westminster Confession and Cate-
chisms, together with the Testimony, in which the
church's distinctive position is clearly defined. In
this latter is set forth the duty of covenanting; with
the continuing obligations of the National Covenant
and Solemn League and Covenant (see Covenan-
ters). The Reformed l*rcsbyterian Church uses
only the book of Psalms without any instrumental
accompaniment in the service of praise; and the
office-bearers and members refuse to take the par-
liamentary oath, or to vote at parliamentary elec-
tions. No one engaged in the manufacture or sale of
intoxicating drink is admitted to her communion,
nor are members of secret oathbound societies.

There are two foreign mission stations — Antioch
and Alexandretta — in Syria, with two ordained
and three female missionaries and fifteen native
helpers; a colonial mission in Geelong, Australia;
and an Irish mission with two colporteurs dis-
seminating the Scripture and other religious books
chiefly among Roman Catholics. There is a
Theological Hall in Belfast with three professors,
where students are trained for the ministry. The
course consists of three sessions of five months
each. Students are required to have a degree in
arts before being admitted to the Hall. The
church has a Congregational Aid Fund, the object
of which is to assist weaker congregations; an
Aged and Infirm Ministers' Fund, from which re-
tired ministers have been receiving £75 per annum;
a Ministers' Widows' and Orphans' Fund, and a
recently inaugurated General Widows' and Orphans'
Fund. None of the congregations are large, and

819

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

ministers' salaries range from £100 to £250 yearly;
nearly every congregation has a manse, of which
the minister has the use free of rent. The synod
has nearly £20,000 of invested funds, most of which
hag been left as legacies by members of the church.
From this and from congregational contributions
for different purposes the yearly income is about
£6,500. John Lynd.

8. Secession Church in Ireland: The Seces-
sion movement in Scotland spread to Ireland and
established itself widely in the north of that country.
The divisions and unions of Scotland had their
counterparts in Ireland, with modifications caused
by the different environment. The present " Pres-
byterian Church in Ireland " is the fruit of the
union of 1840 (see above, 1). Some did not enter
this united body because they did not think that
in the basis of union there was a sufficient guaranty
for purity of doctrine, and because in it the plat-
form of the covenanted Reformation had been
abandoned. They are few in number, but they
ezist as a separate organization under the name of
&e Associate Synod of Ireland or the Presbyterian
Synod of Ireland Distinguished by the Name
feeder. There are six congregations, and five
^^Uiisters, grouped into two presbyteries, with a
$Fxiod which meets annually. A fraternal union
k^tween this church and the Secession Church in
Gotland (see above, I., G) was established in 1872.

R. Morton.
IV. Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Connection:
^**his body, frequently called The Presbyterian
Church of Wales, and generally known in Wales
*Xs Y Corff, " The Body," came formally into being
Ht a small synod — the first quarterly association,
as it came to be counted — held at
i. Origin. Watf jrd, near Cardiff, Jan. 5-6, 1743,
under the presidency of George White-
field, who had been specially invited to attend by
Howel Harris (q.v.), of Trevecca, near Brecon, the
leader of the religious re vi val in Wales and the founder
of Calvinistic Methodism. Howel Harris, who was
spiritually awakened in 1735 by one of Tillotson's
writings and by a solemn antecommunion ser-
mon in the church of Talgarth, was one of the
most remarkable men of his time; his indomitable
energy and unflinching courage are evinced by his
ceaseless itineraries over much of Wales and even
parts of England and his fearless preaching before
furious and hostile mobs. Owing to various doc-
trinal and personal disputes he was excluded from
the fellowship of his coworkers in 1750, the year of
the " Rupture"; in 1752 he established at his own
home at Trevecca a religious and industrial com-
munity consisting of families and individuals drawn
from many parts of Wales; here he showed remark-
able skill as a ruler, steward, and organizer. The
real birthplace of Calvinistic Methodism, however, is
properly the farmhouse of Gwernos, near Trevecca,
where Harris held the first private " Society," or
fellowship meeting, for the expression and discus-
sion of spiritual experiences. The " Societies," the
monthly association held at Trevecca and other
parts of Wales, together with the quarterly asso-
ciations, are the basis of the organization of the
Calvinistic Methodist Church.

Almost simultaneously with the revival inaugu-
rated in Mid- Wales by Harris, a movement wholly
independent of it, as both were independent of
the revivals in England under Whitefield and
Wesley, began in Cardiganshire under

2. Contrib- the powerful preaching of Daniel
utory Rowlands (q.v.), who had been greatly

Movements, influenced by the Rev. Griffith Jones,
of Llanddowror in Carmarthenshire,
the apostle of the Welsh circulating schools. The
other clergymen who joined the movement included
William Williams (q.v.), of Pantyceiyn, in Car-
marthenshire, who had been converted by the
preaching of Harris himself and became the most
inspired of all Welsh hymn-writers; Peter Williams,
of Carmarthen (1722-96) one of Whitefield's con-
verts, best known for his editions of the Welsh Bible
and his annotations thereon; also Howell Da vies, of
Haverfordwest (1717-70), who with George White-
field, in Woodstock, Pembrokeshire, in 1754 was the
first clergyman to administer the Lord's Supper
in a Methodist chapel in Wales. Between 1750
and 1769 Harris was estranged from the Methodists,
but in the latter year his reconciliation was brought
about at the first anniversary of the college for
young men preparing for the ministry which Harris
had induced his patroness Selina, Countess of
Huntingdon (see Huntingdon, Selina Hastings),
to establish not far from his house at Trevecca.
In 1792, the year after the death of the countess,
her college was removed to Chcshunt, but exactly
fifty years later, the Welsh Calvinistic Methodists
of South Wales, following the example of those of
North Wales, who had recently established a school
for candidates for the ministry under the Rev.
Lewis Edwards at Bala, opened a residential college
under the Rev. David Charles, in the old house of
Harris, the associations of Methodism with the
memory of Harris being thus perpetuated. In
1873, on the centenary of his death, a memorial
chapel was erected adjoining the college.

Not until 1811 did the Welsh Calvinistic Method-
ists take the grave step — on account of which a
number of the Methodist clergymen withdrew
from the body — of ordaining their own ministers,
thus severing their connection with

3. Organ- the Church of England. Yielding to a
ization, Ac- strong agitation and the pressure of cir-

tivities, and cumstances, the Rev. Thomas Charles,
Statistics, of Bala in Merionethshire (1755-1814),
himself an ejected curate, a convert
of Daniel Rowlands, and famous as one of the
founders of the British and Foreign Bible Society,
agreed to take the responsibility of the new depar-
ture in the two associations held that year at Bala
and at Llandilo in Carmarthenshire, where a score
of " exhorters," as the non-clerical preachers were
called, were set apart for the administration of the
sacraments. Of the twenty-two thus ordained at
least two deserve especial notice, viz., John Elias,
the prince of Welsh pulpit orators, and Thomas
Jones of Denbigh, the greatest theologian and
most versatile writer among the earlier Calvinistic
Methodists. Three years later the Home Mission
was founded, for the evangelization of, and the sup-
port of churches in, the neglected parts of Wales.

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

980

In 1823 was published the important document
entitled, The History, Constitution, Rules of Disci-
pline, together with the Confession of Faith, of the
Body of the Calvinistic Methodists of Wales, and in
1826 the Connectional Trust-Deed, securing the
legal status of the North and South Wales Associa-
tions and of the presbyteries or monthly meetings
of the churches in the various counties, was duly
registered in the court of chancery. In 1840 the
Foreign Missionary Society was established, and
the first missionary sent to Khassia Hills in north-
cast India, a mission being founded in Brittany
two years later. In 1864 was held the first general
assembly of the denomination for North and South
Wales. The body, which meets annually, though
not legally incorporated, takes cognizance of the
foreign missions, of the elaborate Sunday-school
organization of the denomination, and of the books
— especially aids to Sunday-school studies — pub-
lished under its imprimatur. The general assembly
is attended by missionaries from India and by
representatives from churches in America and Aus-
tralia. About twenty years ago, through the ex-
ertions of the late Rev. John Pugh, the Forward
Movement was established for the evangelization of
the masses of English-speaking people in the great
industrial centers of Wales. The two Calvinistic
Methodist theological colleges at Aberystwyth and
Bala are associated with the University of Wales,
for whose degrees in divinity candidates are pre-
pared.

The greatest name in connection with the
educational movement of the church in recent
years is that of the Rev. Thomas Charles Ed-
wards (son of the Rev. Lewis Edwards, founder
and first principal of Bala College), who after a
strenuous career as the first principal of the first
university college in Wales (that at Aberystwyth)
succeeded his father as principal of the reorganized
college at Bala. In 1906 the college founded in
1842 at Trevecca was removed to a handsome edifice
presented to the denomination by Mr. David
Davies, member of parliament for Montgomery-
shire. Preparatory schools are kept at Bala, and
at the old college building at Trevecca, in connec-
tion with the respective theological colleges. The
invested funds of the two colleges amount to £82,
000, and Bala college possesses an excellent theolo
logical library. The statistics for 1907 were as
follows: — 1,442 churches, 1,661 chapels and preach-
ing-stations, 1,294 ordained and unordained
preachers, 6,281 elders, 185,935 communicants,
849,123 children and candidates, 342,804 com-
municants and adherents, 1,737 Sunday-schools
(1906), and 210,639 Sunday-school teachers and
scholars. The total of contributions toward min-
istry, missions, building funds and other purposes
for 1907 was £301,762; the debt remaining on
chapels, halls, etc., w as £635,659; with total trust
funds of over £500,000. Six representatives of the
Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church and six repre-
sentatives of the Presbyterian Church of England
form a united committee of corresponding members
having a right to attend, but not to vote at, all
synods of the sister-church to which they are re-
spectively accredited. John Young Evans.

V. South, Central, and Wast Africa: Tat
Presbyterian Onuroh in South Africa. Dur-
ing the British occupation of South Africa, many
settlers found their way thither from Great Britain.
Ministers also went out, so that a considerable
number of Presbyterian congregations came into
existence. In 1897 these formed themselves into
'' The Presbyterian Church of South Africa," em-
bracing the whole territory of the union, receiving
both white and colored members into its fellowship.
This church is laying out its strength mainly in
church extension, yet it already sustains a mission
to the natives in Natal. It exists at present as a
general assembly, having 7 presbyteries and 68
congregations, with a communicant church-mem-
bership of 12,000.

The Scottish United Free Church has inherited
the work of several Scottish Mission Societies that
had been engaged in mission work among the natives
from about 1820. This church has thus extensive
missions chiefly in Kaffraria, with a large educa-
tional establishment at Lovedale, in Cape Colony.
At this institution there are generally about
800 boys being trained not only for the manual
industries, but for the native ministry. All these
boys, many of whom are the sons of native chiefs,
pay their own boarding charges. The mission has
some 40 congregations with 16,000 communicants.

The Swiss Romande Mission has its central
establishment at Lorenzo Marques, but carries on
a medical, educational, and evangelistic work
among the natives, partly in Portuguese, and partly
in South African territory, at several important
centers such as Delagoa Bay, Pretoria, EUm, and
Antioka. It reports about 2,000 communicant
church-members.

In Basutoland there is a yet larger native Presby-
terian church, where the Paris Missionary Society
about fifty years ago commenced a mission. This
mission has sixteen European ministers with 13 na-
tive ministers who have been carefully trained, and
18,000 communicant members, and is, so far as the
native ministers are concerned, entirely self-sup-
porting. The mission also sustains a large number
of schools, for which it receives a certain amount of
aid from the government.

In Central Africa there are the extensive mis-
sions of the Scottish Free Church known as Living-
stonia with a synod consisting of about 4,500 com-
municants, and the Blantyre Mission of the Church
of Scotland with its church and 2,000 communicants.

On the West Coast, there is the extensive mission
of the United Free Church at Old Calabar, where
there is also a presbytery having 2,000 communi-
cants. The French Mission at Congo has 1,500
members, and at Senegal there are also a number of
native communicants, while on the Mediterranean
coast the French church of Algiers forms organ-
ically a part of the Evangelical Reformed Church
of France. G. D. Mathews.

VI. Australia. — 1. New South Wales: The
island continent of Australia (q.v.) is nearly as large
as Europe. Early visited first by Portuguese and
Spanish explorers and then by Dutch traders from
Java who called it New Holland, it remained a
no-man's land until 1770 when Captain James Cook,

221

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

FrMbyterians

visiting its eastern shore, took possession in the
name of Britain and called it New South Wales,
giving to the place at which he landed the name of
Botany Bay. At first, the district was used as a
penal settlement.41 Free emigrants, however, also
landed, settling at Portland Head near the Hawkes-
bury River, about thirty miles from the present
Sydney. Some of these, being Presbyterians, built
a church as early as 1803, the services being con-
ducted by members of the settlement. In 1823
there arrived at Sidney Rev. John Dunmore Lang
(q.v.) to whom not only New South Wales but all
Australia is perhaps more indebted than to any
other of its numerous settlers. A man of rare gifts,
indomitable energy, and consecrated to the civil
and religious interests of Australia, he repeatedly
visited Great Britain to obtain ministers for the
new settlements with their increasing population.
In this he was so far successful that in 1832 there
was formed the Presbytery of New South Wales,
from which, however, he withdrew in 1837, and
formed, along with those adhering to him, the
Synod of New South Wales. In 1840 this breach
was apparently healed, and a union effected between
the two churches, the united church taking the title
of The Synod of Australia in Connection with the
Church of Scotland, only, however, to be again
divided in 1842 by the withdrawal of The Synod of
New South Wales, when the Australian synod
sought to strengthen its hands by forming the
Presbytery of Melbourne.

In 1843 the Disruption of the Scottish Establish-
ment (see above, I., 1, § 4) compelled the Synod of
Australia in connection with the Church of Scotland
to consider its position in reference to the two Scot-
tish churches. In 1844 it declared itself independ-
ent of either, but on finding at a subsequent meet-
ing in 1845 that it must choose between them,
eight members voted to delay action, eight voted in
favor of adhering to the Free Church, while six
urged continued neutrality. Both the Scottish
Churches resented this neutrality when, at a meet-
ing of the synod in 1846, sixteen of its members
voted to remain in connection with the Church of
Scotland, the remaining six protesting against this
action, and withdrawing from the synod. Of these
six, four favored the Free Church, three of whom
subsequently formed the Synod of Eastern Austra-
lia, the fourth going to Victoria and there founding
later on the Free Presbytery of Eastern Australia,
the other two remaining neutral. The Presbyter-
ianisra of the colony was thus divided into four
distinct sections — the Synod of Australia in con-
nection with the Church of Scotland, the Synod
of Eastern Australia, the Synod of New South
Wales or Dr. Lang's friends, and a representative

• The using of this country as a penal settlement was one
of the consequences of American independence. After 1619
convicted prisoners in England were either sent or allowed
to go to the United Provinces, but when the American Revo-
lution took place, Britain had to consider her future mode of
tf»mKng with such. Captain Cook's report of the country
suggested New South Wales as a penal settlement, for the
purpose of ridding England of its numerous criminals, as
furnishing a safe place of their detention, and as promising
a desirable home for time-expired and well-behaved prisoners,
giving them a chance of reputable living, and in 1787 the
first prisoners reached the colony.

of the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland.
Subsequently, the Synod of Eastern Australia
united with the Synod of New South Wales and then,
in 1865, the Synod of Australia joined this united
body, the doubly united church taking the name of
The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church
of New South Wales. A small section of the Synod
of Eastern Australia, however, stood aloof and took
the name of The Presbyterian Church of Eastern
Australia. The united church at once took active
measures for the establishing of a theological hall
for their divinity students, and thus St. Andrew's
College at Sydney came into existence which, while
altogether under the control of the church, was affili-
ated to the University of Syndey. A Sustentation
Fund was also instituted to provide suitable min-
isterial support, while home-mission work among
the aborigines and among the Chinese, and foreign
mission work in India and on the New Hebrides,
together with an Aged Ministers' Fund, soon be-
came regular schemes of the church. The popula-
tion of New South Wales is 1,591,673, of whom
156,000 are reported as Presbyterians. The church
is organized in 15 presbyteries, 166 congregations,
377 church-buildings with accommodation for
70,000 worshippers, and 18,000 communicant
members, with contributions of £75,000 annually.

2. Queensland: This state was originally a por-
tion of New South Wales and began its career in
1824, under the British flag, also as a penal settle-
ment. Free settlers were, however, permitted to
enter in 1844, while in 1859 the territory was
formed into a state under its present name. Its
great variety of soil and climate permit the growth
of very varied crops. Its grassy plains support
countless flocks of sheep, and with its mineral wealth
ever lead to new settlements. Presbyterian services
were first commenced at Brisbane, the present
capital, in 1847, a congregation being formally
organized in 1849. Ministers from different Presby-
terian churches in Great Britain having found their
way to the colony, they formed in 1863 the Presby-
tery, subsequently the Synod, of Queensland chan-
ging this title, in 1869, for that of the General Assem-
bly of the Presbyterian Church of Queensland.
Ijabor for the sugar plantations has been largely
obtained from China and the New Hebrides Islands
whose natives are known as Kanakas. Among
both classes of laborers the church has sustained
efficient evangelistic and educational missions.
The Kanakas have been lately removed back to their
native islands on the plea of making Australia a
white-man's land. The number of aborigines, who
live mainly in the north, has been estimated at
12,000, but the race is so nomadic that this is little
more than a guess. The painful fact in connection
with these people is their rapid and continuous de-
crease in number. The resources of the Queensland
church are too limited to allow of much foreign
mission work, so thut its strength is used in church
extension on the great territory on which it has been
located, and in engaging with special energy in
mission work among the aborigines.

In 1901, the population of Queensland amounted
to 552,345 of whom 64,000 reported themselves as
Presbyterians. The Presbyterian Church consists

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

923

of 5 presbyteries, 09 congregations, and 6,277
communicants, with contributions in 1909 of
£22,600.

8. Victoria, (formerly Australia Felix) : The
first Presbyterian minister in this colony was the
Rev. James Clow, who went there in 1837, for whom
a church was built in 1841. As the great distance
between Melbourne and Sydney and certain ec-
clesiastical differences kept the ministers in the two
cities apart, a portion of those at Melbourne formed
themselves in 1847 into The Free Presbyterian Syn-
od of Australia Felix, in sympathy with the Free
Church of Scotland. Several ministers from the
Church of Scotland had, however, landed in the
colony and were holding services at different places,
while others, from the churches that subsequently
formed the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland,
had also arrived. In 1850 these latter formed them-
selves into the United Presbyterian Church or Synod
of Australia Felix, and in 1851 organized the two
presbyteries of Melbourne and Portland. In 1851,
the British Government separated the district
known as Australia Felix from New South Wales,
making it an independent colony to be known
thereafter as Victoria. In 1853, discoveries of ex-
tensive gold-bearing lands led to an immediate rush
of population into the colony, when the Scottish
Free Church sent about a dozen additional ministers
to meet the need. The ministrations of these were
of great service among the Gaelic-speaking portions
of the new settlers, a large number of whom had
come from the Scottish Highlands. There were thus
three distinct bodies of Presbyterians in the colony:
the Presbytery of Melbourne, originally part of the
synod of Australia in connection with the Church
of Scotland; the United Presbyterian Synod of Aus-
tralia Felix; and the Free Church Synod of Austra-
lia Felix or Victoria. Proposals were made for
union between the latter two. After some nego-
tiation the churches declared themselves ready for
union on a basis which had been prepared, when, in
the mean time, the Presbytery of Melbourne ap-
proached the S3Tiod of the Free Church on the sub-
ject of union. After correspondence, here also a
basis of union was prepared, the Presbytery hav-
ing declared itself independent of the Synod of
Australia and taken the name of The Synod of
Victoria, when the two churches united assuming
the title of the Synod of the Free Church of Victoria.
Difference of opinion, however, emerged as to the
relation of the Free Church to its property should
the union be effected, while negotiations were be-
ing conducted with a view to inducing the United
Presbyterians also to enter the union. After con-
cessions on both sides, this object was gained, and
in 1859 a union was formed between the Synod of
Victoria, The Free Church Synod of Victoria, and
the United Presbyterian Synod of Victoria, the
united body becoming The General Assembly of
the Presbyterian Church of Victoria, consisting of
some fifty-five ministers and their congregations,
a few congregations connected with some of these
churches standing aloof. In 1867, a number of
these, however, entered into the general assembly,
while, in 1870, the few outstanding United Presby-
terian Churches also entered, the Victorian legisla-

ture having in that year ceased all payments from
state funds to religious communities in the colony.
All the congregations of this general assembly
were self-supporting, and had since 1871 em-
ployed the Sustentation-Fund system for providing
ministerial support. In addition to extensive
home-mission work, the church maintains or aids
missions in Korea, the New Hebrides, and among
the Chinese in Victoria and the aborigines. It pos-
sesses a fund for infirm ministers and one for the
widows and orphans of ministers. The population
of Victoria is 1,271,174, including 202,000 who re-
port themselves as Presbyterians. The church is
organized with 15 presbyteries, 207 congregations,
512 churches with seating-provision for 88,000 per-
sons, and a communicant membership of 29,000,
whose contributions are £122,700 annually.

4. South Australia: This district remained
part of New South Wales until 1837, when it was
formed into a separate colony having Adelaide for
its capital. Created a free colony, it was distin-
guished by the absence of any connection — financial
or otherwise — between the State government and
the various religious communities within its bor-
ders. The earliest Presbyterian services were held
in connection with the Scottish Associate Synod*
to which church application had been made for 4*
minister. One arrived in 1839, and was soon fol-
lowed by others from different churches. The first*
presbytery consisted of ministers of the Scottish
Free Church and was formed in 1854, assuming the
name of The Free Presbyterian Church of South
Australia. In 1865 the three churches represented
in the colony, the Church of Scotland, the Free
Church of Scotland, and the United Presbyterian
Church, united in forming the Presbyterian Church
of South Australia. In 1886 this title was changed
into that of the General Assembly of the Presbyter-
ian Church of South Australia. Besides home-mis-
sion work, the church sustains a mission to the
aborigines in North Queensland, and aids mis-
sion work on the New Hebrides. The popu-
lation of South Australia is 407,679, 21,000
of whom are Presbyterians; the church is organized
in 3 presbyteries, 16 congregations, and 32 church-
buildings with accommodation for 7,000 worship-
pers; communicant members number 2,000.

6. Western Australia: This province includes
the whole western shore of the great continent.
In 1829 a commercial company planned a settle-
ment on the banks of the Swan river, but when it
failed, the British government took over the terri-
tory and made it a crown colony. In 1867 it
ceased to be such, and in 1890 it received a con-
stitution with responsible government. Presby-
terian church services were commenced at Perth
in 1878, and shortly afterward at Swan river,
while in 1892 there was formed the Presbytery
of Western Australia, in connection with the Gen-
eral Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of Vic-
toria. Formed wrhen those ecclesiastical typhoons
which had so wasted the other Australian churches
had subsided, the career of this church has been
one of peaceful if slow development, and began with
simple pastoral settlements; about 1890 the dis-
coveries of gold, copper, and lead mines led to a peri-

223

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

lous addition to the previous population. Though
unable as yet to meet all the demands on her
resources, the church has energetically attempted
the evangelizing of the state, the different congre-
gations maintaining the closest connection with
one another. The great centrifugal storm which
had so affected Australian presbyterianism seems
to have subsided, and been replaced by one of equal
strength but centripetal in its character. This
church has numerous church-extension charges,
and aids in mission work among the aborigines.

The population is 268,000, of whom 22,000 claim
to be Presbyterians. The church reports 3 presby-
teries, 19 congregations with 1,400 communicant
members, and an income of £8,000 annually.

6. Tasmania: This island was called by its dis-
coverer Van Dicmen's Land in honor of the governor-
general of the eastern Dutch possessions, but in
1852, on the abolition of the penal system, it re-
ceived its present name from that of its discoverer
Tasman. It is about as large as Ireland. At first
it was under the jurisdiction of the authorities of
New South Wales, but became a British colony in
1803, and in 1825 was declared an independent
colony. Free settlers had, however, immigrated
thither previously, and in 1821 these had obtained
ministers from the United Associate Presbytery
of Edinburgh. The first presbytery, afterwards
the Synod of Tasmania, was formed in 1853. The
Scottish Disruption of 1843 had no disturbing effect
on the relations of the existent ministers, some
siding with the Church of Scotland, and others with
the newly formed Free Church, none regarding
themselves as required to identify themselves with
what they considered to be purely a Scottish ques-
tion and one which did not and could not, in any
way, affect Tasmania. This position, however,
was not to the liking of all the church-members,
nor to that of some of the ministers in the neigh-
boring colony of Victoria. Some of the latter,
therefore, crossed over Bass' Strait and in 1853
organized the Free Church Presbytery of Tasmania,
to be in close relations with the Scottish Free Church.
This action was condemned by the Free Church in
Scotland, which refused to enter into friendly re-
lations with this presbytery and urged union be-
tween it and the existing Synod of Tasmania. This
step, however, the local presbytery refused to take,
remaining a separate organization until 1896,
when it entered into union with the Synod, which is
now known as the General Assembly of the Presby-
terian Church of Tasmania. This church has not
increased as rapidly as have some of those of Austra-
lia. Since Tasmania has neither gold mines nor
sheep pastures to render its normal condition spe-
cially attractive, it has remained a purely agri-
cultural colony. Presbyterian students for the
ministry attend St. Andrew's College at Melbourne
or Ormond College at Sydney. Though neither
numerically large nor wealthy, it maintains a vig-
orous mission on the New Hebrides islands. The
population is 186,000, of whom 13,000 are Presby-
terians. The church has 3 presbyteries, 16 congre-
gations, and about 2,000 communicant members,
and an income of about £7,000 annually.

In 1885, a Federation of all the Australian

churches was created, with an annual meeting called
a Federal Assembly. This court had no legislative
authority, but had mainly advisory functions, the
general work of each separate provincial church be-
ing reported to it. This assembly drew the churches
into close relations with one another, and tended to
obliterate the differences which had so long kept
them apart. The political cry of " one country "
led in 1900 to the unifying of the different provinces
into the " Commonwealth." This cry had been
accompanied with the cry of " one church," and
resulted in the changing of the advisory federation
into an organic union, with a general assembly
having limited powers, but within these supreme.
This is, therefore, supreme in reference to the
mission work on the New Hebrides, to mission work
among the aborigines, to the theological training of
students for the ministry, and to the receiving of
ministers from other churches. All other forms
of church work are reserved to the state churches,
each of which retains its organization as an inde-
pendent church with its annual general assembly.
The Australian church has no synods, nor any
courts between its presbyteries and the general
assembly. This church has discussed the question
of union with some of the other denominations in
Australia, but as yet no decisive step has been
taken in that direction.

The total population of Australia at the last
census amounted to 3,773,801, of whom 455,110
reported themselves as Presbyterians. The church
reports 43 presbyteries, about 500 congregations
with about 60,000 communicant members.

G. D. Mathews.
VTI. New Zealand: The first white man who is
known to have seen these islands was Tasman,
the distinguished Dutch explorer, in 1642, who gave
them a name taken from his own country. After
his departure they seem to have re-
i. Begin- mained un visited till 1769, when
nings of Captain James Cook took possession
Presby- of them in the name of George III.
tcrianism. Shortly afterward a number of fugi-
tives from justice, deserters from whale
ships, and others began to squat along the shores in
all but constant conflict with the natives, mean-
while only deepening their degradation. Christian
mission work was begun in 1814 by agents of the
Church Missionary Society, who were followed in
1823 by others from the Wesleyan Methodist
Church. The organized occupation of these islands
by British settlers, however, did not take place till
1839, in which year three vessels left England with
emigrants sent out by the New Zealand Company,
which had been formed for the purpose of colonizing
the northern island and trading with its people.
In 1840, in which year the islands were created
a British colony, another band of settlers, including
the Rev. John Macfarlane, sent out by the Church
of Scotland, founded Wellington, the present capital
of the dominion, where a presbytery was formed in
1857. Nelson, on the extreme north of the south
island, was settled in 1841 and its presbytery was
formed in 1869, while in 1843 a large settlement
was made at Auckland, where a presbytery was
organized in 1856. Other presbyteries were soon

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

224

nucleated, from the union of which there came, in
1862, the General Assembly of the Presbyterian
Church of New Zealand, embracing not only all the
congregations and presbyteries on the north island,
but five presbyteries that had been formed in the
northern portion of the southern island. At some
distance south of Nelson there had been made in
1850, on land previously farmed by Presbyterians
from Ayrshire, a settlement consisting exclusively
of members of the Church of England, to which
had been given the name of Canterbury. So keen
were its founders to protect its distinctive charac-
ter as a Church-of-England settlement that it was
proposed that no person should be allowed to
reside within its limits unless he were connected with
that church. The proposal failed, and Canterbury,
in which a presbytery was formed in 186-1, is to-day
a most fruitful district for Presbyterianism, hav-
ing no fewer than thirty Presbyterian congrega-
tions within its limits.

Meanwhile, probably encouraged by the favor-
able report of the northern settlers, the New Zea-
land Land Company turned its attention to Scot-
land, and formed in 1847 the Glasgow and Edin-
bmrgh Company, which, however, was soon merged

in the Lay Association of the Church

2. Era of of Scotland, for the forming of a

Settlements. Scottish settlement in the south island.

Having purchased from the natives a
large tract of land to which was given the name of
Otago, portions of this were sold to selected emi-
grants, thus laying a good foundation for the coming
settlement, to the capital of which was given sub-
sequently the name of Dun-Edin. The first of
these emigrants, who as a rule were connected with
the newly formed Free Church of Scotland (see I,
2, above), sailed from Glasgow in 1847, accom-
panied by the Rev. Thomas Burns, a nephew
of Robert Burns. Band after band, generally ac-
companied by one or more Presbyterian minis-
ters, quickly followed, so that in 1855 the presby-
tery of Otago was formed. The Company had set
apart a valuable tract of land for the support of
the ministers, but as the rental was yet very trifling,
these adopted the principle of a sustentation fund,
a system since followed throughout the church. The
population of Dun-Edin was at this time perhaps as
Presbyterian as that of Edinburgh itself; but in
1861 there came the discovery of the gold mines
within a short distance of the city. Every man in
the colony that could go left house and home for
the diggings, while thousands flocked in from
Australia and elsewhere, so that the quiet and
settled life of the colonists was broken up. Urgent
appeals to Scotland for additional ministers were
willingly responded to, and in 1866 the early pres-
bytery of Otago was divided into three others,
united in the general title of the Synod of Otago
and Southland. Still the supply of ministers was
inadequate and in 1872 the project of a seminary
was mooted for the purpose of providing a New
Zealand ministry. This was fully realized in 1880
when a theological college was formally established,
since which time the church has possessed a ministry
largely colonial, though still occasionally aided by
ministers from Great Britain. With the material

advance of the country the rude buildings which
had served as churches in its early days were rapidly
replaced by structures that in architectural beauty,
sue, and costliness equal those of the mother land,
the congregations themselves being hardly less
large.

So soon as the presbytery of Otago was formed,
in 1854, it addressed a letter to the congregations
and presbyteries of the northern church, represent-
ing the importance of cooperation and union be-
tween those who had so much in common. Friendly
replies were at first the only response
3. Union of and the matter rested for a few years.

the Pres- Another effort was made in 1861 , and

byteriea. a basis for union was prepared by a
joint committee. Slight differences,
however, checked for the time any further progress.
Both churches had a common ancestry and were
agreed in doctrine, polity, and discipline, but while
the northern church had always been self-support-
ing, that of Otago had received a considerable
tract of valuable land as an endowment, the owner-
ship of which, in view of a probable union, occa-
sioned some concern to its ministers. Another
difficulty arose from the fact that the northern
brethren, owing to their dwelling amid a mixed
population, were somewhat tolerant on certain
matters, while those of Otago, consisting largely of
men who had not only taken part in the conflicts
of the Disruption but had even sought that none
but members of the Scottish Free Church should be
members of their community, had come to be of
a more conservative temperament. A large por-
tion of the southern church from the very beginning
desired union with those of the north, but an in-
fluential minority successfully resisted all practical
measures for securing that result. By degrees,
however, this party softened its attitude, so that
an organic union was formed between the two
churches in 1001, the united church taking the name
of The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church
of New Zealand. The synod of Otago provided
that it should continue its separate existence as
an independent church organization for the sake of
preserving its interest in and control of the en-
dowment it had received from the company.

Both these churches from an early period in their
history had given great attention to church ex-
tension, and to the religious needs of the native
population. Missions to the Maoris, of whom there
are about 50,000 on the islands, were consequently
soon formed by both. Then, as a large number of
Chinese had landed in Otago during
4. Missions the gold discoveries and had become
and permanent residents, a mission vas

Statistics, commenced by the Otago Church for
their benefit. But the main mission
fields of both churches are the New Hebrides islands,
where a number of missionary agents are supported
by each church, the church of Otago in addition
supporting more than one missionary in India

At the census in 1906 the total population of
the dominion was reported to be 936,309 souls, no
fewer than 203,597 of whom, or more than one-fifth
of the whole population, called themselves Presby-
terians. There are nearly 960 places in which

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

Presbyterian services are regularly held with seat-
fa^-tccommodation for 80,558 persons, while the
average attendance is only 52,103. As organized
the Presbyterian Church reports 16 presbyteries,
215 congregations, with a communicant church roll
of some 32,000 persons. The difference between
this figure and that of the census is largely due to
the fact that the church figure represents adults,
while that of the census includes children and all
young people as well as a considerable number
whose Pre8byterianism is ancestral rather than per-
sonal. The total church contributions amount to
•bout £120,000 a year. G. D. Mathews.

Vm. In the United States and Canada.— 1. The
Presbyterian Church in the United States of
America (Presbyterian Church North) : American
Presbyterianism as a whole is as diverse in its ori-
gin as are the peoples who have blended to form
the American nation. There are ten important
denominational churches in the United

1. Sources States, designated either as Presby-
and terian or Reformed, which stand for

rftoSri- I*"***"*" principles. Of these,
eanPretby- tDree are traceable to the influence of

tenanism. immigration from the continent of
Europe; the Reformed (Dutch) Church
and the Reformed Christian Church (qq.v.), both
of which originated in Holland; and the Reformed
(German) Church (q.v.) whose beginnings were in
Switzerland and Germany. Four churches are di-
rectly connected with the Secession and Relief
movements in the Church of Scotland during the
eighteenth century (see above, I., 2), viz.: the
United Presbyterian Church, the Synod of the
Reformed Presbyterian Church in North America,
Reformed Presbyterian Church in North America
(General Synod), and the Associate Reformed
Synod of the South (see below, 4-7). Whatever of
English and Welsh Presbyterianism there was in the
colonies, and in addition the few French Protestant
or Huguenot churches, combined at an early day
*ith Scotch and Scotch Irish elements to fonn the
Presbyterian Church in the United States of Amer-
ica. The Cumberland Presbyterian Church (see
below, 3a, 3b) and the Presbyterian Church in the
United States (South; sec below, 2) are branches
of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of
America; the first separating in 1810, and the
second in 1861, but the first was reunited with the
parent church in 1906. The youngest of the Amer-
ican Presbyterian Churches, the Welsh, originated
in the principality of Wales (see above, IV.).
These churches, however they may differ in
matters of practise and worship, are substantia
• *Hy one in government, and all maintain the
principles of the Presbyterian system ps con-
toed either in the Canons of the Synoi1 c\ Dort,
the Westminster Confession of Faith, or lae Heidel-
berg Catechism. The largest and, with one excep-
tor, the oldest of the American Presbyterian
churches is the Presbyterian Church in the United
States of America, and into it have been gathered
elements from all the others. Its history, concisely
dated, is as follows:

«™ earliest American Presbyterian churches
were established in New England, Maryland, Dela-

ware, and Virginia, and were in large part of Eng-
lish origin, their pastors being Church-of-England
ministers holding Presbyterian views,
f I feted ^onn Robinson (q.v.), the pastor of
Churohes tne *>lymout'h Pilgrims while in Hol-
land, left on record the following dec-
laration of church principles: " Touching the eccle-
siastical ministry, viz., of pastors for teaching,
elders for ruling, deacons for distributing the
church's contributions, we do wholly and in all
points agree with the French Reformed churches."
The Rev. Alexander Whitaker, who held Presby-
terian views, settled in Virginia in 1611, as pastor
of a Puritan congregation, and in 1630 the Rev.
Richard Denton located in Massachusetts with a
church which he had served in Yorkshire, England.
The Virginia Puritans in large part were driven out
of that colony by persecution, finding refuge in
Maryland and North Carolina between 1642 and
1649; and Denton and his associates found New
Amsterdam more friendly than New England. The
English Presbyterian element in Maryland and the
colonies to the northward was strengthened by the
advent, from 1670 to 1690, of a considerable num-
ber of Scotch colonists, the beginnings of a great
immigration. The earliest Presbyterians in New
York were the Dutch Calvinists, who founded a
church in 1628; English-speaking Presbyterians
were first found in New York City in 1 643, with the
Rev. Francis Doughty as their minister, though
no Presbyterian church was organized there until
1717. Presbyterian churches of English origin,
however, were established in Long Island, among
which are to be noted Southold (1640) and Jamaica
(1656). The founders of the earliest Presbyterian
churches in New Jersey, viz., Newark (1667), Eliza-
beth (1668), Woodbridge (1680), and Fairfield
(1680), were from Connecticut and Long Island.
The first Presbyterian church in Pennsylvania was
that founded by Welsh colonists at Great Valley
about 1685, the church in Philadelphia dates from
1698. In 1683, the presbytery of Laggan, Ireland,
in response to a letter from William Stevens, a
member of the council of the colony of Maryland,
sent to America the Rev. Francis Makemie (q.v.),
who became the apostle of American Presbyterian-
ism, gave himself unreservedly to the work of eccle-
siastical organization, and at last succeeded in
bringing into organic unity the scattered Presby-
terian churches in the middle colonies.

The first presbytery was organized in the spring
of the year 1706. The ministers of the judicatory
were seven in number, representing about twenty-
two congregations, not including the
8. Oolonial Prggbyterians of New England, Vir-
t]^Ja*" ginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia. The
Ohuroh. pl8108 °f meeting was Philadelphia, Pa.,
and the meeting was the first ecclesi-
astical gathering of an intercolonial and federal
character in the country. The growth of the col-
onies and especially the increasing number of im-
migrants so added to the membership of the churches
that in Sept., 1716, the general presbytery consti-
tuted itself into a synod with four presbyteries. A
great number of the emigrants at this period were
from Scotland and the north of Ireland, and their

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

226

settlement was productive of results of great and
permanent value to the church. To the Scotch-
Irish race, above all others, is American Presby-
terianism indebted for its vigor, tenacity, and pros-
perity. The English and Scotch-Irish Presbyte-
rians of New England, owing to local causes, were
not connected ecclesiastically with those of the
other colonies. There were fully 85 Presbyterian
congregations in that region in 1770, and in 1775
the synod of New England was erected, composed
of the presbyteries of Londonderry, Salem, and
Palmer. In 1782, this synod was dissolved, and
since that date until quite recently, the Presbyterian
Church has had comparatively few adherents in
the stronghold of the Congregationalists. The gen-
eral synod in 1729 passed what is called the Adopt-
ing Act, by which it was agreed that all the minis-
ters under its jurisdiction should declare " their
agreement in and approbation of the Confession of
Faith, with the Larger and Shorter Catechism of
the assembly of divines at Westminster/' and also
" adopt the said Confession as the confession of
their faith.' In the same year the synod denied
to the civil magistrate power over the church, and
also the power " to persecute any for their religion,"
and thus was first given definite ecclesiastical form
to the distinctive American doctrine of the inde-
pendence of the Church from control by the State.
In 1745 questions of policy as to revivals and min-
isterial education produced a division. The " Log
College," founded by William Tennent the Elder
(q.v.) for the training of ministers, was one of the
causes of the contention, and his son, Gilbert Ten-
nent (q.v.), with the celebrated evangelist, George
Whitefield (q.v.), were prominent in the contro-
versy. The parties were known as " Old Side "
and " New Side " (which terms are not in any man-
ner equivalent to the terms " Old School " and
" New School " in use a century later). In 1758
the divided bodies reunited upon the basis of the
Westminster Standards pure and simple, and at
the date of reunion the church consisted of 98
ministers, about 200 congregations, and 10,000
communicants. It was during the period of this
division that the " New Side " established the in-
stitution now known as Princeton University, for the
purpose of securing an educated ministry. In 1768,
John Witherspoon (q.v.) was called from Scotland
and installed as president of Princeton, and also as
professor of divinity. This remarkable man exer-
cised an increasing and powerful influence not only
in the Presbyterian Church, but throughout the
middle and southern colonies. He was one of the
leading persons in the joint movement of Presby-
terians and Congregationalists, from 1766 to 1775,
to secure religious liberty, and to resist the estab-
lishment of the English Church as the State Church
of the colonies. He was also a member of the Con-
tinental Congress, and the only clerical signer of the
Declaration of Independence. Religious forces were
among the most powerful influences operating to
secure the separation of the colonies from Great
Britain, and the opening of the Revolutionary
struggle found the Presbyterian churches on the
colonial side. No body of Christians has a more
honorable record in the development of American

institutions, or is more in sympathy with them, or
has been more devoted to the cause of liberty and
the rights of mankind than the Presbyterian.

With the restoration of peace in 1783, the Pres-
byterian Church gradually recovered from the evils
wrought by war, and the need of further organiza-
tion was deeply felt. The church had always been
independent, having no organic con-

tutio n t " nect*on ^tn European and British
1788. churches of like faith. The independ-
ence of the United States had created
new conditions for the Christian churches as well as
for the American people. Presbyterians were no
longer merely tolerated, they were entitled, equally
with Episcopalians and Congregationalists, in all the
states, to full civil and religious rights. In view,
therefore, of these new conditions, the synod in
May, 1788, adopted the Westminster Confession of
Faith, with the Larger and Shorter Catechisms, and
also a Form of Government, a Book of Discipline,
and a Directory for Worship, as the constitution
of the church. Certain changes were made in the
Confession, the Catechisms, and the Directory, in
the direction of liberty in worship, of freedom in
prayer, and above all of liberty from control by the
State. The Form of Government was altogether a
new document, and established the general assem-
bly as the governing body in the church. The first
general assembly met in 1789, at Philadelphia, Pa.

The first important movement in the church
after the adoption of the constitution was the for-
mation of the " Plan of Union " with the Congre-
gational associations of New England, which began
through correspondence in 1792, and
*+ «f!f t»iV« reached its consummation in the agree-
ments made from 1801 to 1810 between

of the Plan
of Union.

the general assembly and the associa-
tions of Connecticut and other states. This Plan
allowed Congregational ministers to serve Presby-
terian churches, and vice versa; and also permitted
the organization of mixed churches composed of
members of both denominations, with the right of
representation in presbytery. It remained in force
until 1837, and was useful to both denominations,
both in relation to the result flowing from the great
revivals of religion throughout the country, and
also in connection with the causes of home and
foreign missions. What is known as the Cumber-
land separation took place during this period (see
below, 3a). The presbytery of Cumberland or-
dained to the ministry persons. who, in the judg-
ment of the synod of Kentucky, were not qualified
for the office either by learning or by sound doc-
trine. The controversies between the two judica-
tories resulted in the dissolution of the presbytery
by the synod in 1806, and finally, in 1810, in the
initial steps for the establishment of the Cumber-
land Presbyterian Church.

The growth of the church during the period 1790
to 1837 was very decided, the membership increa-
sing from 18,000 to 220,557. This was due mainly
to the great revival of religion which swept over
the country from 1799 to 1820. Further, in this
period the first theological seminary of the churches
was founded at Princeton, N. J. (1811), the Boards
of Home Missions (1816) and of Education (1819)

227

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

were established, and at its close the Boards of For-
eign Missions (1837) and of Publication (1838)
came into existence.

About the year 1825 the peace of the church be-
gan to be disturbed by controversies respecting the
Plan of Union and the establishment of denomina-

6 P rlod ^otisA agencies for missionary and
of Division, ^^ge^st*0 work. The synod of
Pittsburg as early as 1831 founded the
Western Foreign Missionary Society as a distinctive
denominational agency. The foreign mission work
of the church had previously been conducted
mainly through the American Board of Commis-
sioners for Foreign Missions (see Conqreqational-
ists, I., 4, § 11), and much of the home-mission
work was done through the American Education
Society. The party standing for denominational
agencies and opposed to the Plan of Union was
known as the " Old School/1 and that favoring its
continuance as the " New School." Questions of
doctrine were also involved in the controversy,
though not to so large an extent as those of de-
nominational policy, and led to the trial for heresy
of Albert Barnes (q.v.). The " Old School " ma-
jority in the assembly of 1837 brought the matters
at issue to a head by abrogating the Plan of Union,
by resolutions against the interdenominational so-
cieties, by the excision of the synods of Utica,
Geneva, Genesee, and the Western Reserve, and by
the establishment of the Presbyterian Board of
Foreign Missions. When the assembly of 1838 met,
the " New School " commissioners protested against
the exclusion of the delegates from the four ex-
scinded synods, organised an assembly of their own
in the presence of the sitting assembly, and then
withdrew. From 1838 onward, both branches grew
slowly but steadily, and both made progress in the
organization of their benevolent and missionary
work. Their growth was checked, however, by dis-
ruption. The " New School " assembly of 1857 took
strong ground in opposition to slavery, with the
result that several southern presbyteries withdrew
and organized the United Synod of the Presbyterian
Church. In May, 1861, the Old School assembly
met at Philadelphia, Pa., with but thirteen com-
missioners present from the states which had se-
ceded from the Union. In the assembly resolutions
professing loyalty to the federal government were
passed by a decided majority. The minority of the
assembly, however, while in favor of the federal
union, were actuated by the feeling that an eccle-
siastical judicatory had no right to determine ques-
tions of civil allegiance (see below, 2, § 1). These
resolutions were the alleged reason for the organ-
ization of the Presbyterian Church in the Confed-
erate States of America, which met in general as-
sembly at Augusta, Ga., in Dec, 1861, was enlarged
by union in 1863 with the United Synod above re-
ferred to, and upon the cessation of hostilities in
1865 took the name of the Presbyterian Church in
the United States (see below, 2). Its membership
was increased in 1869 and 1874 by the adherence of
those portions of the synods of Kentucky and Mis-
souri which protested by " declaration and testi-
mony " against the action of the Old School assem-
bly in the matter of the Christian character of the

ministers and members of the Presbyterian Church
South.

The first step toward the reunion of the " Old
School " and " New School " was taken in 1862, by
the establishment of fraternal correspondence be-
tween the two general assemblies. A second step
was the organization by the " New School " in 1863
of its own home-mission work. In

7. Period jgg^ committees of conference with a

ofBeunion. , . . , ,

view to union were appointed, and

Nov. 12, 1869, at Pittsburg, Pa., reunion was con-
summated on " the basis of the standards pure and
simple." In connection with the movement, a
memorial fund was raised which amounted to
$7,883,983. Since the year 1870 the church has
made steady progress along all lines, and its har-
mony was seriously threatened only by controversy
(1891-94) as to the sources of authority in religion
and the authority and credibility of Holy Scripture,
a controversy which terminated in the adoption by
the general assembly at Minneapolis, Minn., in
1899, of a unanimous deliverance affirming the loy-
alty of the church to its historic views on these sub-
jects. Among the important events in the history
of the church since 1870, mention is made of the
following. In 1875 the general assembly entered
as a leading factor into the Alliance of the Reformed
Churches throughout the world holding the Pres-
byterian System (see Alliance op the Reformed
Chubches). In 1879 the Committee on Systematic
Beneficence was appointed, and in 1881 the impor-
tant work of temperance reform was entrusted to
the Permanent Committee on Temperance. The
establishment of the Board of Aid for Colleges and
Academies, in 1883, was caused by the demands of
the West, and the great and growing importance of
educational interests. In 1888 the centennial of
the general assembly was celebrated in Philadel-
phia, Pa., and a centenary fund of $600,000 was
raised, which was added to the endowment fund of
the Board of Ministerial Relief. Correspondence
between the general assemblies, north and south,
was first brought about in 1882. In 1883 fraternal
delegates were appointed, and appeared in the re-
spective bodies. In 1901 the Evangelistic Commit-
tee was established, through whose efforts a decided
uplift has been given to spiritual conditions, not
only within the Presbyterian Church, but also among
many other denominational churches. The Pres-
byterian Brotherhood also was organized in 1906,
for evangelistic and social purposes, and includes
fully 100,000 men in its membership. In 1903 the
general assembly appointed a Committee on Church
Cooperation and Union, as a result of whose work
terms of union were framed between the Presby-
terian Church in the United States of America and
the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. This union
was accomplished at the respective general assem-
blies at Des Moines, la., and Decatur, 111., in 1906.
There has been considerable litigation in connection
with this union; but in any event the addition
through it to the Presbyterian Church amounts to
about 1,200 ministers, 1,800 churches, and 90,000
communicants. The church is a member of " The
Council of Reformed Churches in the United States
holding the Presbyterian System," established in

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

1907, seeking to hring into c I user rub t ion' the several
I'l'iiiliytcrinii denominations in the country, and it
entered heartily into the organization in Dee., 1 908,
iit. PLiilzn iclphi.T, 1'ii .. of tin; Federal Council of the
Churches of Christ in America, composed of 34 de-
nominations, having ahout 18,000,000 communi-
cants, and representing a, majority of the people
of the United States.

The growth of the Presbyterian Church during
the nineteenth century is exhibited in the follow-
ing table:

v_„.

Chufch«.

CcimmuoicsnU.

1,321,380

While the population of the country ha< doubled
nlioul sixteen times since 1800, the membership of
tlie church has doubled about seventy linn's in the
same period, and the total additions on profession
of faith during the century ending with 1909 appear
to have been about 2,800,000. Of these there
have been received since 1900, 694,341.

£inee 1729 the Westminster Confession of Faith
and Catechisms have hern the doctrinal standards
of the church, with the exception that the chapters
dealing with tlie civil magistrate were modified in
1788 so as to conform to the American doctrine of
the absolute separation of the Church from control
by the State. The Confession was also amended in
1887 by the striking-out of the last
*r& ' c'aQBe °* section 4 of chapter 24, and
so removing any obstacle which may
have existed to a person's marrying his deceased
wife's sister. In 1903 the ( 'onfessinn of Faith was
amended in chapters 10, 1(1, 22, and 25, a declara-
tory statement was adopted as to chapters 3 and
10, ami chapters 34 and 35 were added, respec-
tively on "The Holy Spirit" and "The Love of
God and Missions." The revision accomplished in
1903 was for the expressed purpose of the disavowal
of pertain inferences drawn by persons outside the
church as to tin- ilni-t rincs of the church on God's
eternal decree, the love of God for all mankind, and
his readiness to bestow bis saving grace on all who
seek it. The church also officially declared that all
persons dying in infancy arc included in the elec-
tion of grace, and are regenerated and saved by
Christ through the Spirit, who works when and
when.' am] how he pleases. The administrative or
governmental standards were adopted by the Gen-
eral Synod in 17SS, and consist of a Form of Govern-
ment, Book of Discipline, arid Directory for Wor-
ship. These standards have been from time to
time amended and modified, though they are still
substantially as first adopted. [In 1906 The Book

of Common Worship was adopted by the General
Assembly " for voluntary use in the churches.")
Prior to 178S Stcuart of Pardovan'a Collection* of
the Laws of the Church of Scotland were accepted as

authoritative.

The missionary, evangelistic, and benevolent
work of the church is conducted by eight boards
and two committees, the names of which, with the
dates of organization, are as follows: Home Mission-.
1816; Education, 1819; Foreign Mis-
Agenda.. B'on8' 1837: Publication, IMS; Church
Erection, 1844; Ministerial Relief,
1855; Freedmcn, 1865; Colleges, 1883. Home-mis-
sion effort was begun aa early as 1719, and was
carried on by the general synod anil the general as-
sembly through committees until the Board of Mis-
sions was organized in 1816. This agency had in
its employ, in 1909, 1,435 missionaries, 447 mission-
ary teachers, and expended during the year ending
Mar. 31, 1909, SI, Ifl7,094. Foreign mission work
u as established among the American Indians (17-1 1).
Syria (1822), India (183*3, ^""* (1833) and also
at later dates in China, Siam. West Africa. Corisco.
Colombia, Brazil, Japan, Chile, Laos, Mexico, and
Korea, and among the Chinese in California. In
1009 the total number of missionaries, both lay and
clerical, men and women, was 910 American and
3,367 native. They were distributed in fifteen dif-
ferent countries, 1,781 principal stations, and 299
i'iil-s|atinns, having 9li,S01 communicants, and
101,756 Sunday-school scholars. There are in con-
nection with the foreign work two great printing-
establishments, one at Beirut, Syria, and the other
at Shanghai, China. These printing-eslablishuaaits
in the year 1909 issued 167,834,040 pages of printed
matter. There arc also in connection with the va-
ritius mis-ion stations 0] hospitals. 7(1 dispensaries,
and the number of patients treated in 1908 was
449,457. Concerning the other boards named above
tin' following statements are made: The Board of
I'Mueation stands for the fundamental principle
that an educated ministry is essential to the en-
during prosperity of the Christian Church. The
Board of Publication and Sunday-school work em-
phasizes the importance of Christian nurture and
of a proper Sunday-school literature. The Board <>i
Church Erection guarantees to congregations the
erection and completion of houses of worship and
of manses for pastors. Since its establishment this
board has aided 8,71)0 congregations. The Board
of Belief is the church's instrument for aiding dis-
abled and infirm ministers and the needy families
of deceased ministers. This agency is the most suc-
cessful of any of the agencies of a similar character
in the United States. The Board of Missions for
Freedmcn has as its sole duty the cvangclizati.m
and education of the colored people; and the Col-
lege Board is the earnest effort of the church to pro-
mute and conserve Christian education in colleges
and universities. There are at present fourteen
thcniogii'Lil institutions which report annually to
the general assembly. The first theological instruc-
tion given by the church was through the profes-
sorship of divinity in Princeton College, now Prince-
ton University, and the first theological professor
was John Witherspoon, beginning with the year

989

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

1768. The theological seminaries were established
as follows: Princeton (at Princeton, N. J.), 1812;
Auburn (at Auburn, N. Y.), 1819; Western (at Alle-
gheny, Pa.), 1827; Lane (at Cincinnati, O.), 1829;
McCormick (at Chicago, 111.), 1830; Lebanon (at
I^ebanon, Tenn.), 1852; Danville (at Danville,
Ky.), 1853; German (at Dubuque, la.), 1856;
Biddle (for colored students, at Charlotte, N. C),
1868; German (Bloomfield, N. J.), 1869; San Fran-
cisco (at San Francisco, Cal.), 1871; Lincoln (for
colored Btudents at Lincoln University, Pa.), 1871.
The Union Theological Seminary at Richmond, Va.,
established in 1824, and the Columbia Seminary,
Columbia, S. C, established in 1831, have been in
connection since 1861 with the Presbyterian Church.
[For the data respecting Union Theological Semi-
nary, New York City, founded 1836, see under
Theological Seminaries.] The statistics of the
seminaries for 1909 are as follows: professors, 89;
other teachers, 48; students, 709; books in the
libraries, 265,476; total endowments, $10,672,142.
The church reports, for 1909, 36 synods, 291 pres-
byteries, 9,023 ministers, 227 licentiates, 1,066
candidates for the ministry, 38,364 elders, 9,997
churches, 1,321,386 communicants, and contribu-
tions for all purposes, $21,664,756. General publi-
cations are the records of the general presbytery,
1706-16, of the general synod, 1717-88, and of the
general assembly 1789-1909, each in printed form.
They are the most complete ecclesiastical record in
America. The Minutes of the general assembly
and the Reports of the Missionary and Benevolent
Boards are issued annually. The home missions of
the church have been continuously upon the fron-
tier of the advancing civilization of the American
people. Its ministers and congregations have been
essential factors in securing the moral and spiritual
as well as the material welfare of the republic. Its
influence has been decided upon the political inter-
ests of the land, for both the church and the nation
are direct products of the same great reformation.
The church has furnished both Revolutionary lead-
ers, such as John Witherspoon, and also Presidents
of the United States, such as Andrew Jackson,
Abraham Lincoln, Benjamin Harrison, and Grover
Cleveland. In heathen lands the church has ex-
erted a quiet but mighty influence in elevating the
standards of morality, in sanctifying the family re-
lation, in introducing the element of fraternity into
social relations, and above all in bringing to bear
upon great masses of men and women the divine
power which accompanies the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
Whether at home or abroad, the church has been in
all the relations in which human beings stand each
to the other, and in all the aspirations of humanity,
both for this world and the world to come, a savor
of life unto life. W. H. Roberts.

2. Presbyterian Ohurch in the United States
(Southern Presbyterian Church): This church
roots itself in the work of Francis Makemie (q. v. ;
also see above, VIII., 1, § § 2-4) . In Makemie's time
there began a steady immigration of Presbyterians
from the north of Ireland. These immigrants, en-
tering the port of Philadelphia, spread in great
numbers southward, settling in Virginia, North
Carolina, and the upper portions of South Carolina.

They formed the principal element in the southern
section of the church which dates from Makemie.
Among them were some Scotch, Eng-
d° d ^b* anc^ Dutch Presbyterians, and, in
Origin, the lower part of South Carolina, a con-
siderable number of Huguenots. On
the division of the Presbyterian Church in 1837 (see
above, VIII., 1, § 6), nearly the whole of what is
now the Southern Presbyterian Church adhered to
the Old School branch. This connection continued
until 1861. When the Old School assembly met in
Philadelphia in May, 1861, several southern states
had already seceded from the Union. The majority
of the assembly, thinking that the duty of patriot-
ism demanded a profession of loyalty to the Fed-
eral government, by resolution pledged the whole
constituency of the church to the support of the
Federal sovereignty as against the seceded states.
Charles Hodge (q.v.), for himself and fifty-seven
others, protested against this action of the assem-
bly as unconstitutional in that it assumed " to de-
cide a political question, and to make that decision
a test of membership in the church." The Presby-
terians living in the South could not fulfil the pledge
of loyalty to the Federal government without prov-
ing traitors to the government under which they
were living at the time. The southern presbyteries
and synods regarded the deliverance of the assem-
bly as virtually an exscinding act, and at their
next meetings formally renounced all connection
with the Old School assembly. Commissioners from
forty-seven of these presbyteries met in Augusta,
Ga., Dec. 4, 1861, and organized a new assembly.

Thus the Southern Presbyterian Church began
its separate existence just when the greatest civil
war of history was getting well under way. During
the next four years the territory cov-
2* v8^* °* erec* ky the church was overrun by
d**' con^110^1^ armies, and the church was
Aooretiong< affected by the general effects of the
* war in the south in the destruction of
the industrial system, the impoverishment of the
people, and the general demoralization of society.
The work of the church was interrupted, its devel-
opment retarded, and its future overshadowed. It
maintained, however, in the midst of all discour-
agements, a vigorous life, furnishing chaplains for
the army, and caring for the congregations com-
mitted to its trust. It gave constant and earnest
attention to the religious instruction of the colored
people, devoting to this work some of its finest pul-
pit talent. It was also privileged to do some effect-
ive mission work among the Indians. The growth
of the church both during and immediately after
the war was chiefly by the absorption of other re-
ligious bodies. The Independent Presbyterian
Church, a small brotherhood in North and South
Carolina, was brought into the Southern Assembly
in 1863. The same year a union was effected with
the United Synod of the Presbyterian Church. This
synod had been organized in 1858 out of the south-
ern contingent of the New School church as a prac-
tical protest against the deliverances of the New
School Assembly on the subject of slavery. While
this synod went with the New School in the divi-
sion of 1837, this was not due to sympathy with

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

280

the laxity of doctrine charged against the New
School body, which was the ground of division, but
because the synod regarded as harsh and unconsti-
tutional the exscinding resolutions by which that
famous division was consummated. In the great
upheaval of 1861-65, the synod of Kentucky ad-
hered to the northern assembly. It expressed re-
gret, however, that the assembly had taken the
action which caused the withdrawal of the southern
presbyteries. This called forth a censure from the
next assembly, and this inaugurated a strife which
culminated in 1867 in the separation of the synod
from the northern assembly. The next year com-
missioners from the presbyteries of Kentucky
sought admission into the membership of the south-
ern assembly and were received. The synod of Mis-
souri went through an experience in all essential
respects similar to that of Kentucky. While re-
maining in connection with the northern assembly
during the exciting period of the war, it took ex-
ception to deliverances of the assembly touching
the political condition of the country. Antagonism
grew until separation resulted. For a few years the
synod maintained an independent existence; but
in 1874 a large part of it united with the southern
assembly. The Presbytery of Patapsco in Maryland
was received in 1867; the same year the Alabama
presbytery of the Associate Reformed Presby-
terian Church, and three years later the Associate
Reformed Presbytery of Kentucky were received.
The absorption of these various bodies brought in
about 282 ministers, 490 churches, and 35,600 com-
municants. As the union in every case was on the
basis of perfect doctrinal affinity, there has been
no resultant evil. The church stands to-day as a
living organism with no scars on its body to show
that any grafting has been done.

As soon as the melancholy conditions in which

the church was born had passed away, and the

dawn of a brighter era appeared, the church began

to " lengthen its cords and strengthen

8' 1^vanarel"its stakes." Promptly it recognized

lzatlon; . practical way its duty and privi-
Home and , f . , i • *u * i

Forei lege to take part m the great work

Missions. °f worldwide evangelization. Its first
mission on foreign soil was planted in
Brazil in 1869. Since that time the church has con-
stantly enlarged its work until now, in addition to
the mission in Brazil, it has missions in China, Japan,
Korea, Africa, Mexico, and Cuba. The church sup-
ports a missionary force of 280, not including na-
tive workers, and has a communicant roll in its
various missions aggregating more than 15,000.
Its extensive work in Japan is not represented on
this roll for the reason that the fruits of mission
work in that country are absorbed by the native
church (see Japan). In the year 1909, $412,156
was contributed to the support of the foreign work,
an average of about $1.60 per member. There is at
present a rising tide of missionary zeal sweeping
over the church which promises unprecedented
progress in the near future.

In the sphere of home missions, the church is
manifesting a growing earnestness, and is rapidly
enlarging its activities. Especially is it putting
forth commendable efforts to provide for the des-

titution in the border states of Arkansas, Texas, and
Oklahoma. The receipts for this cause for the year
1909 were much in advance of any previous year
and more than three times what they were only
eight years ago. As further indicating the expan-
sion of the work, it may be noted that within the
past twelve months a presbytery has been erected
for the Mexicans in Texas, and a new synod was
organized for Oklahoma. Home-mission work is
also carried on directly by presbyteries and synods
in the older sections of the church. As measured by
cost of support, the work done in this way is about
three times as great, but by no means three times
as fruitful, as that carried on in the border territory
through the assembly's executive committee. The
total contributions to home missions last year were
$322,288. Work for the negroes is prosecuted
through an executive committee located at Bir-
mingham, Ala. Stillman Institute, named in honor
of Rev. C. A. Stillman, D.D., and designed espe-
cially, though not exclusively, for the education of
colored ministers, is prospering at Tuscaloosa, Ala.
The choicest fruits of this school are seen in a num-
ber of consecrated missionaries who are laboring
with great success in the Congo Free State, Africa
Several Sunday-schools for colored people are con-
ducted by white churches. Two colored presby-
teries, one in Alabama and one in Mississippi, are in
connection with the southern assembly.

In 1897 a number of independent colored pres-
byteries were organized into a synod, the name of
which is the A fro- American Presbyterian Church.
This synod is in a vague sense under the guardian-
ship of the southern assembly, its ministers and
churches receiving financial aid from a fund con-
tributed for this purpose. This Afro-American
Presbyterian Church is a very frail and sickly child.
Its ministers are untrained and inefficient, wanting
in the spirit of aggressiveness and in administrative
gifts, apparently demonstrating the unwisdom of
committing to the negroes an independent over-
sight of their own religious interests.

The business of publication is conducted through

a publishing-house, owned by the church, in Rich-

mond, Va., and a book depository in

4. Other Texarkana, Tex. The volume of busi-
Affenoies: , ' ,, .

Prospeots. ness "^ vear was soniething over
$160,000, yielding a net income of
$14,000. In connection with the publication work
is a well-organized Sabbath-school department
which furnishes a splendid literature for use in the
Sabbath-schools, and also conducts a valuable mis-
sion work among the immigrant population of the
larger cities, and among the long-neglected dwellers
in the Appalachians. Ministerial education and
relief are combined under one executive agency
with headquarters at Louisville, Ky. The report
of this committee shows 422 candidates in course
of preparation for the ministry. For training its
candidates, the church has five theological schools,
viz., Union Seminary, Richmond, Va.; Columbia
Seminary, Columbia, S. C; the divinity depart-
ment of the Southwestern Presbyterian University,
Clarksville, Term.; the Texas Theological Semi-
nary, Austin, Tex., and the Louisville Seminary,
Louisville, Ky. This last is owned and controlled

231

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

jointly with the assembly of the northern church.
A decided step has recently been taken in the work
of ministerial relief. An endowment fund has been
raised for this cause, amounting to $274,429, and
the effort to increase this to half a million dollars
gives promise of early success. In 1906, the assem-
bly appointed an Executive Committee of Schools
and Colleges. This is the practical expression of a
more determined purpose to put the institutions of
the church on a better financial footing, and to
prosecute the work of Christian education with re-
newed zeal. A yet more recent development of the
church's life was the creation by the assembly of
1908 of a permanent Committee of Evangelism.
This was in response to an aroused and intensified
interest in the direct work of reaching the uncon-
verted. The church has expanded from 105,956
members in 1874 to 279,803; but there is a whole-
some discontent with the rate of progress in the
past, which prophesies a more aggressive and fruit-
ful future.

The specific causes which led to the organization
of the Southern Assembly have long since passed
away. The relations between this church and that
of which it once formed a part are close and fra-
ternal, enabling them to cooperate in many forms
of Christian service. There exist reasons, however,
which are thought to justify a continued separa-
tion. It is believed that by independent existence
the church can bear a more effective testimony to
certain principles which need emphasis — such prin-
ciples, for example, as strict construction in the use
of creeds; the exclusively spiritual mission of the
church; and the absolute authority of the Bible
as being the infallible Word of God from Genesis to
Revelation. In other words, the church believes
that it owes a duty to doctrinal conservatism which
it can best discharge by maintaining its autonomy.

R. C. Reed.
8a. Cumberland Presbyterian Church Before
the Union of 1906 : This church began its career
as a distinct organization Feb. 10, 1810, and ceased
to exist as such by an act of " union and reunion "
with the Presbyterian Church in the United States
of America (see above, VIII., 1) May 24, 1906. It
originated in the remarkable revival of religion
which in 1797 began to develop in what was then
known as " the Cumberland country " in south-
western Kentucky and Tennessee, under the min-
istry of the Rev. James McGready (q.v.; also see
Revivals op Religion). The revival rapidly grew
to such proportions as to create a de-
mand for ordained ministers greater
than could be supplied; the country had only re-
cently been settled, and in those days it was far
away from the sources of supply. The Cumberland
presbytery ordained certain men who in respect to
educational preparation fell somewhat below the
requirement of the standards to which that presby-
tery was amenable, and this produced dissension in
the synod of Kentucky, of which the Cumberland
presbytery wad a member, which culminated in
1806 in the dissolution of the presbytery. The synod
annexed to the adjoining Transylvania presbytery
the members who had not been placed under pro-
hibition to preach the Gospel and administer its or-

1. Origin.

dinances, by the committee appointed by the synod,
in 1805, to take charge of the matter. The Cumber-
land presbytery had taken the ground in the con-
troversy, that the proceedings of the committee ap-
pointed by the synod were unconstitutional, and,
of course, that the proscribing act was unconstitu-
tional and void. Nevertheless, from a general re-
spect to authority, and from a desire to procure r.
reconciliation and enjoy peace and quietude as far
as possible, both the proscribed members, and those
who had promoted their induction into the min-
istry and sympathized with them, constituting
a majority of the presbytery, organized them-
selves into what they called a " council," determin-
ing in this manner to carry forward the work of
the revival, to keep the congregations together, but
to abstain from all proper presbyterial proceedings,
and await what they thought would be a redress of
their grievances. This council continued its organ-
ization from Dec., 1805, to Feb., 1810. By that
time the members became satisfied that they had
nothing to hope, either from the synod or the gen-
eral assembly. As a last resort, and in order to save
what they represented to the general assembly as
" a very respectable congregation in Cumberland
and the Barrens of Kentucky," two of the proscribed
ministers, Finis Ewing and Samuel King, assisted
by Samuel McAdow, one of those who had been
placed under an interdict by the commission for
his participation in what they denominated the
irregularities of the presbytery, reorganized the
Cumberland presbytery at the house of McAdow,
in Dickson County, Tenn., on Feb. 4, 1810. It was
organized as an independent presbytery. It will
be observed that it was a reorganization of a pres-
bytery which had been dissolved, which had re-
ceived its name from its locality. The church which
grew from these beginnings naturally took the name
of its first presbytery as a prefix. It grew rapidly,
extending from Pennsylvania to the shores of the
Pacific, and from the Great Lakes to Louisiana and
Texas.

The new presbytery immediately set forth a
synopsis of its theology and of the principles of ac-
tion by which it proposed to be governed. Its the-
ology was Calvinistic, with the exception of the
offensive doctrine of predestination so expressed
as to seem to embody the dogma of necessity or

fatality. The construction which, in

d ^pri** opposition to the letter, or form, of the

ciples. " ^v"1*8^0 symbols, they put upon the

" idea of fatality," was: (1) that there
are no eternal reprobates; (2) that Christ died, not
for a part only, but for all mankind, and for all in
the same sense; (3) that persons dying in infancy
are saved through Christ and the sanctification of
the Spirit; (4) that the Spirit of God operates on
the world, as coextensively as Christ has made the
atonement, in such a manner as to leave all men in-
excusable. The exception of this one " idea of
fatality," corresponding to these four points, must
have meant and included only their antipodes:
(1) eternal reprobation; (2) an atonement limited
to the elect members; (3) the salvation of elect in-
fants only; (4) the limitation of the operations of
the Spirit to the elect. Aside from these points,

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

covered by the exception, the doctrine of the Cum-
berland Presbyterian Church, as set forth in its
Confession, was, according to the opinion of its
founders, identical with that of the Westminster
Confession. In the year 1813 the Cumberland Pres-
bytery had become so large that it divided itself
into three presbyteries, and constituted the Cum-
berland Synod. This synod, at its sessions in 1816,
adopted a confession of faith, catechism, and sys-
tem of church order, in conformity with the princi-
ples avowed upon the organization of the first pres-
bytery. The Confession of Faith was a slight modi-
fication and abridgment of the Confession of Faith
of the Presbyterian Church. The Larger Catechism
was omitted, and also some sections of the chapter
on " God's Eternal Decrees." A revised Confes-
sion was adopted in 1883.

In 1826 the first college was organized and lo-
cated at Princeton, Ky., under the supervision of
the church. In 1842 it was transferred to Lebanon,
Tenn., and the name changed to Cum-
3. Educa- berland University. It is composed of
ttonal Instl-four gchooig — preparatory, academic,

Missions. 'aw> an<^ ^ne°l°gica^> eac^ school hav-
ing its own corps of professors and lec-
turers. It is one of the oldest, and has long been
one of the most prominent and useful, educational
institutions in the southwest, notwithstanding the
great difficulties under which it has had to struggle.
There are nbw colleges at Waxahachie, Tex.; Lin-
coln, 111.; Waynesburg, Pa.; Marshall, Mo., and
Decatur, 111., besides a number of high schools and
academies under presbyterial and synodical super-
vision. The theological seminary in connection
with Cumberland University is the only theological
school. It employs seven regular professors, and
the course of study extends through three years.
A well-equipped publishing-house is located at
Nashville, Tenn. At the time of the reunion with
the Presbyterian Church the board of missions (at
St. Louis) was sustaining twenty-six foreign mis-
sionaries, besides doing an extensive mission work
at home. The Woman's Board of Missions was sus-
taining seventeen women as missionary workers in
foreign countries.

The revision of its Confession of Faith by the
Presbyterian Church in the United States of Amer-
ica (1903) immediately gave rise to the question of
union between that Church and the Cumberland
Presbyterian. The explanatory statements and
new chapters added to the Confession, and thus in-
corporated into the constitution of the church, were
regarded as an official repudiation by the highest
authority of the one-sided and fatalistic interpre-
tations to which the Confession had hitherto been
exposed. Accordingly, after prolonged
4. The ancj thorough canvass, of the question
l oor before the presbyteries and the assem-
blies, the " union and reunion " of the
two churches, formally declared to be " alike hon-
orable to both," was consummated by the two as-
semblies in May, 1906. The doctrinal and ecclesi-
astical standards of the Presbyterian Church, U. S.
A. (1903) are the bases of the union. At that time
the Cumberland Presbyterian Church was composed
of 114 presbyteries, aggregating about 200,000 mem- I

bers and about 1,600 ordained ministers, the value
of the church property being estimated at abort
seven millions of dollars.

Robert Vkbrell Foster.

3b. Cumberland Presbyterian Church Since tht
Union of 1906: The original Cumberland Presby-
terian Church (see above, 3a) maintained its in-
tegrity unimpaired through the Civil War, and re-
ceived its first rude shock from passions engendered
by the movement for union with the Presbyterian
Church in the United States of America which be-
gan in 1903 and culminated in May, 1906. A large
number of the prominent members and a majority
of the ministers went into the other church. Some-
thing like half the membership remained, scattered
over the territory formerly occupied by the whole
church. Many congregations divided, and this left
the working efficiency of the church much impaired.
Since the union those remaining have gone on as
before, holding the same creed and the same polity
as before, looking to the same literature as the
authoritative exposition of their creed, polity, and
aspirations, and holding a theology midway be-
tween that of St. Augustine and that of Pelagius,
between the systems of Calvin and Axminius. Thus,
while Calvinism declares that salvation is uncon-
ditional to sinners, certain to saints, and impossi-
ble to some, and Arniinianism holds that salvation
is conditional to sinners, uncertain to saints, possi-
ble to all, and certain to none, the Cumberland
church believes that salvation is conditional to sin-
ners, certain to saints, possible to all, and certain
to every one truly converted. Similarly Calvinism
teaches that election is unconditional and dates from
eternity; Arminianism, that no election is certain
in this life; the Cumberland church teaches that
election takes place when man is regenerated on
complying with the terms of the Gospel. Further,
Calvinism teaches that every man's destiny was
fixed before the world began; Arminianism, that no
man's destiny is fixed, but that it remains uncer-
tain in this life; the Cumberland church, that every
man's destiny is uncertain until he is regenerated,
when it becomes fixed and certain.

The Minutes of the general assembly of 1909 re-
ports: 90,000 communicants, 614 ministers, 81
candidates, 72 licentiates, 1,884 congregations, 97
presbyteries, 17 synods, congregational church prop-
erty to the value of $4,000,000, much of it now in
litigation. Several state supreme courts have held
the union (with the Presbyterian Church in the
United States of America) legal and that the prop-
erty of local congregations passed into the union,
while other like judicatories have held the union
illegal and that the property remained with the
Cumberland Presbyterian Church. The publishing-
house at Nashville, Tenn., is yet in litigation.
There is one school at McKenzie, Tenn. Home-
mission work is maintained, but foreign mission
work is hampered by lack of funds.

Fixis Homer Prkndergast.

4. Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church
of North America; The Reformed Presbyterian
Church of North America is the lineal representa-
tive of the Church of Scotland, holding forth the
same principles that were exhibited during the Sec-

233

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

ond Reformation (1638-49), the purest period in
its history. It is also known as the Covenanter
Church, because of its adherence to the principles
embodied in the National Covenant of Scotland,
and the Solemn League and Covenant (see Cove-
nanters, §§ 3-4). In 1661 the State demanded an
unqualified oath of allegiance, and all who sub-
scribed the covenants were dealt with as guilty of
treason from that date until the Revolution Settle-
ment in 1688 (see above, I., 1, § 3). A church that
had never been identified with the State Church
and had never come out of the church of Rome, its
members being loyal to the truth as it is in Jesus
during the papal ascendency in Europe, was sub-
jected to loss of property and its members were
compelled to endure imprisonment and death merely
because of loyalty to the crown of Christ. Owing to
the defection of some of its ministers in 1691 (see
Cameron, Richard, Cameronians), the Covenanter
Church was without any pastoral oversight for six-
teen years, and the truth was kept alive in the
hearts of its members by means of social gather-
ings for Christian conference and prayer, while the
members refused to wait on the ministry of any who
had been false to their ordination vows. In 1706
John Macmillan, a Presbyterian minister who had
been deposed by the general assembly of the State
Church for the advocacy of covenant obligations,
accepted the principles of the Reformed Presbyte-
rian Church, and for more than thirty years was its
only ordained minister, visiting the societies and
preaching to them a complete Christ, and with the
assistance of a licentiate who had been silenced by
the State Church for his loyalty to Reformation
truth, held them together. In the spring of 1743
Thomas Nairn, of the Associate Presbytery, a
secession from the State Church, joined the Cov-
enanters, and on Aug. 1 of that year he and John
Macmillan constituted the Reformed Presbytery at
Braehead, Scotland.

The persecution in Scotland led many to seek
refuge in the American colonies, and in many lo-
calities societies were formed on the basis of Refor-
mation principles. On Mar. 10, 1774, the first Re-
formed presbytery in America was constituted at
Paxtang, Pa. Its ministerial members were Mat-
thew linn and Alexander Dobbin, who had been
sent from Ireland the previous year, and John Cuth-
bertson, who came from Scotland in 1751 and had
been laboring alone for twenty-two years. During
the confusion and excitement of the revolutionary
war the views of many became unsettled, with the
result that in 1782 a union was formed with the
Associate Church. In response to an appeal from
scattered societies that had not gone into that
union, James Reid was appointed by the Reformed
Presbytery of Scotland in 1789 to inquire into their
condition, and on his report two ministers were
sent out in 1791 and 1792, who were afterward di-
rected to act as a committee of the home presby-
tery in the adjustment of all judicial matters.
Soon others arrived, and in May, 1798, William
King and James McKinney, already on the ground,
and William Gibson, who had come out in 1797,
with ruling elders, constituted the second Reformed
Presbytery of America at Philadelphia, Pa. And

at the same place, on May 24, 1809, was consti-
tuted the Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian
Church of America.

Nothing occurred to disturb the peace of this
church till 1832, when one of its leading ministers
began to advocate views that were subversive of
its distinctive principles. The result was a division
in 1833, in which a minority of its ministers and
about half of its members abandoned the historic
position of the Church (see below, 7). Since then
the synod has enjoyed a good measure of prosper-
ity, and at present is aggressive in its missionary
operations and in the influence for good that its
reform work is exerting. It reports for 1909, 10
presbyteries, 137 ministers, 114 congregations, 9,503
communicants, and $213,772 in contributions for
all purposes at home and abroad.

The Reformed Presbyterian Church is not an
offshoot from any other ecclesiastical organiza-
tion, but part of the stem of the original Church of
Scotland. Its distinctive testimony turns on the
supreme headship of Jesus Christ: It holds that he
is exclusive head of the Church, deciding as to man-
ner of worship, so that its congregations use only
Bible Psalms, and no instrumental music in the
service of song, on the principle that what he has
not required is forbidden, and also as to form of
government, which in all its leading principles is
Presbyterian — not leaving to human device mat-
ters so essential to the efficiency of the Gospel min-
istry and the edification of his people. It also holds
that he is the head of the State, and that every na-
tion, not only in its individual citizenship, but in
its corporate capacity, owes worship to Cod and
this worship can be rendered only through his me-
diation, so that its meml/ers refuse to swear alle-
giance to any civil constitution that fails to honor
him as head of the Church and prince of the kings
of the earth, and believe that it is the duty of all
Christians to have no dealings with the political
body that might be interpreted as an approval of
national disloyalty to the mediatorial king.

Robert Macciowan Sommerville.

5. Associate Keformed Synod of the South : In
a sense the Associate Reformed Church may be
said to have its origin in Scotland in 1733 at Gair-
ney Bridge when Ebenezer Erskine (q.v.), William
Wilson, Alex Moncrieff, and James Fisher left the
Established Church of Scotland and formed the As-
sociate Presbytery (see above, I., 1, § 1, 2, § 2).
The more immediate ancestors of the church came
from Scotland and the north of Ireland and settled
in New York, Pennsylvania, and the Carolinas.
Their first organization in the United States was
the Associate Presbytery of Pennsylvania in 1753.
In 1774 the Reformed Presbyterians organized a
Reformed Presbytery and in 1782 these were united
into the Associate Reformed Synod. This organ-
ization grew rapidly and by 1803 there were four
synods, those of New York, Pennsylvania, Scioto,
and the Carolinas. The last was organized at Eben-
ezer or Brick Church, Fairfield Co., S. C, May 9,
1803, there being present at the organization seven
ministers, two probationers, and six ruling elders.

In 1822 this synod withdrew from the Associate
Reformed Church, became independent, and as-

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

884

sumed its present name. This withdrawal came
about not because of slavery nor sectionalism but
because of the great distance and also on account
of some difference of opinion on the questions of
psalmody and close communion.

The church reports 9 presbyteries, 125 ministers,
158 congregations, and nearly 15,000 members,
who give annually over $100,000. The congrega-
tions are scattered from Virginia to Texas and mis-
sion work is done in Mexico and India.

This church stands for the whole body of truth
held by most branches of the Presbyterian Church:
for the acceptance of and adherence to the West-
minster standards, for the Cal vinistic system of the-
ology, for the fundamental principles of this the-
ology, beginning with the sovereignty of God and
embracing the remaining four points logically spring-
ing therefrom unto the assured salvation of the
elect, for the government of the Church by pastors
and elders having authority to act for Jesus Christ,
the king and head of the Church, for the plenary
inspiration of the Scriptures, and for the sole, su-
preme, and infallible authority of the Bible for all
rules of conduct and duty. It confines itself to the
exclusive use of the inspired songs of the Bible in
God 'b worship, the Book of Psalms having been
set to music, the last being the distinctive differ-
ence between Associate Reformed Presbyterians
and the Presbyterian Church South.

This church demands an educated ministry, and
encourages education among its members. Its the-
ological seminary is located at Due West, S. C, and
has a good faculty and a large endowment, and has
clone good work in training the ministers of the de-
nomination. Erskine College, also located at Due
West, was founded in 1839, was the first denomina-
tional college in the state, and is one of the leading
colleges in the state to-day. The Due West Female
College has a splendid equipment and is doing a
good work for the women of the church. The As-
sociate Reformed Presbyterian is the official organ
of the synod. W. K. Douglas.

6. United Presbyterian Church of North Amer-
ica. This church gathers into itself several branches
of the Scottish dissenting churches, one of which
was the Associate Presbyterian Church,
s ij1* founded Dv a secession from the Na-
and tional Church of Scotland led by Eben-

America. ezer Erekine (q.v.) in which he was
joined by three other ministers (see
above, I., 1, § 4, 2, § 2). Another was the Reformed
Presbyterian Church (see Covenanters; also see
above, I., 5, and VIII., 4-5). In 1706 Rev. John
Macmillan became the minister, and thirty-seven
years later a minister named McNair joined him, and
these two organized a presbytery, and thus origi-
nated the Reformed Presbyterian Church. From
these two churches descended a number of churches
in America. Many of the persecuted Presbyterians
who fled from Scotland and had taken refuge in
Ireland were in the stream of immigrants that
flowed into America in the early part of the eight-
eenth century. The Reformed Presbyterians
among these sent for the Rev. John Cuthbertson as
minister, who came from the newly formed presby-
tery of Scotland. The territory over which he ex-

tended his paternal rather than pastoral care (be
seems never to have been installed) comprised nearly
all of southeastern Pennsylvania. In the same cur-
rent that carried these Scotch and Scotch-Irish in
such large numbers to America were many who
were affiliated with the Associate Church of Scot-
land. So these two churches lived and thrived in
American soil, both of them perpetuating distinc-
tions which belonged to the country, in its govern-
ment, from which they came. The members of
these two churches were of the same blood, their
dissent from the national Church of Scotland had
been for substantially the same reason— dissatis-
faction with the power of the State over the Church,
and the increasing laxity of doctrine in the national
Church. Now they were in the same territory and
held the same standards of doctrine and govern-
ment, so the two churches became one in 1782, the
new church combining the names of the two churches
and becoming known as the Associate Reformed
Church. Every minister of the Reformed Church
came into the union, but a few of the congregations
refused to come. These congregations sent to Scot-
land for ministers and the church continued (see
above, VIII., 4), while some of the congregations
of the Associate Church followed their example.
Thus a third church was in the field.

The new Associate Reformed Church had con-
siderable strength and was scattered over a terri-
tory embracing Pennsylvania, New York, New
England, and Ohio. It grew rapidly and soon had
congregations in many of the states.

?' *'?j]?n^r *^ was divided into four synods with
d° a 8eneral synod meeting annually.

Statistics. *^le distances were so great and the
means of travel so poor, that brethren
could not attend, and the power was in the hands
of a few; consequently dissatisfaction arose, re-
sulting in divisions and the constituting of inde-
pendent tribunals. One of these was called the As-
sociate Reformed Synod of the West, another the
Associate Reformed Synod of the South (see above,
VIII., 5). The former united with the General Syn-
od in 1855. The territory of the church extended
to the Mississippi River. This consolidated church
together with the resuscitated Associate Church
held a common doctrine and occupied the same
field. There was general desire for union, especially
among the laity; for some time union was ob-
structed on theological grounds, but finally, in May,
1858, in Pittsburg, Pa., where both general synods
were in session, the union was formed amid great
enthusiasm, rejoicing, and thanksgiving, the new
church taking the title of the United Presbyterian
Church of North America. The church had early
recognized the need of ministers of the Gospel to
preach in this great home-mission territory. Both
branches had founded theological schools. The
Associate Seminary, established at Service, Pa., in
1794, is the oldest in continuous service in America,
and is now located at Xenia, Ohio. The church
also has a flourishing theological seminary in Pitts-
burg, Pa., it has several high-grade colleges and
many academies, and has always been zealous in
the cause of Christian education. Its standards are
the Westminister Confession of Faith and Cate-

285

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

chisra and a Declaration of Testimony. It adheres
to the exclusive use of the Psalms in the praise
service of the congregations. It early discarded
the old Scottish versions and prepared its own ver-
sion, frequently revising it until now it has a ver-
sion that clearly brings out the ideas of the old
Hebrew figures, and is one of great poetical beauty
and literary smoothness. The ban on instrumental
accompaniment was long ago removed and pipe-
organs and other instruments of music are now in
general use. It reports 1,098 ministers, 69 licen-
tiates, 98 students of theology, 4,314 ruling elders,
1,082 congregations, and 153,956 communicants,
who contribute annually $2,441,587, an average
per member of $18.64.

Its work is carried on through the agency of

seven chartered boards: (1) the Board of Foreign

Missions, Philadelphia. The foreign missionary

work is now concentrated in three

+ ZlSrt great missions, India, Egypt, and the
A**n Sudan. Since 1843 there have been

sent out 292 missionaries to foreign lands. The an-
nual outlay is about $250,000. (2) The Board of
Home Missions, Pittsburg, Pa., which gives aid to
churches and establishes missions in nearly every
state, except a few of the states in the South. The
Associate Reformed Church's work in Texas has re-
cently been turned over to the United Presbyterian
Church. This board spends about $150,000 per
year. It has recently undertaken foreign mission-
ary work on American soil. (3) The Board of Freed-
men's Mission, Pittsburg, Pa., carries on an exten-
sive work with its schools and colleges and mission
stations among the freedmen of the South, at an
expenditure of about $80,000 annually. (4) The
Board of Church Extension, Pittsburg, Pa., erects
church-buildings in the new missions established
by the Board of Home Missions. Its annual gifts
approximate $75,000. (5) The Board of Publica-
tion, Pittsburg, Pa., occupies its own large publi-
cation house and office-buildings, and from its quar-
ters a stream of Sabbath-school helps, Psalters,
Bible songs, anthem books, and other publications
is constantly flowing. (6) The Board of Ministerial
Relief, Philadelphia, cares for the aged and infirm
ministers or their widows or orphans, distributing
more than $16,000 annually. (7) The Board of
Education, Monmouth, 111., has all of the colleges
and academic schools under its care, and is doing
a large work in the interest of Christian education
in the denominational schools. In addition to these
seven boards there is also a Women's Board which
acts as an auxiliary to all the other boards. It re-
ceives and distributes annually about $100,000.

Such is the United Presbyterian Church in its
origin and history and work. It steadily holds its
place as a part of the visible body of Christ, sus-
tains the most friendly relation to the other
Evangelical churches, and, heartily and enthu-
siastically entering into the Federation of the
Churches of Christ in America, holds itself ready
to cooperate to the full extent of its ability in
any way that will advance the Master's kingdom.

J. C. Scouller.

7. Befonned Presbyterian Church in North
Am«rioa (General Synod): The origins of this

church in Scotland are told in the article Covenan-
tees, and above in I., 1, 2, 5, 6, cf. VIII., 4, 5. Its
immediate derivation was from the Reformed Pres-
byterian Church in Scotland (see above, I., 5),
through which body the Reformed Presbyterian
Churches of Ireland and America have received their
ministry. The Reformed Presbytery adopted as its
constitution the doctrinal standards and polity of
the church during the period of the Second Refor-
mation. From this it will be seen that the desig-
nation Reformed Presbyterian is rooted in and
grows out of ecclesiastical dissent and not from any
attempt to reform Presbyterianism, either in the
Old World or the New.

The Reformed Presbyterian Church began its
existence in America in 1774, through the organiza-
tion of a presbytery in that year by the Rev. John
Cuthberteon, William Lind, and Alexander Dobbin.
Through an abortive attempt to unite this presby-
tery with that of the Associate Church, in 1782, the
church was disorganized for a number of years.
In 1798, the presbytery was reconstituted by the
Rev. James McKinney and William Gibson, and in
1709 two other presbyteries were formed, and the
three were organized into a synod. In 1823, it was
thought desirable to give the supreme judicatory
a representative character, and the general synod
was formed.

About this time a lively discussion began con-
cerning the relation of the church to the civil gov-
ernment of the United States. Some held that the
constitution was infidel and immoral, and that the
members of the church could not be true to their
covenant engagements and take part in the govern-
ment. Others held that while the constitution was
defective in not formally recognizing the headship
of Jesus Christ, that it was not essentially infidel
and immoral, and that therefore Reformed Pres-
byterians would violate no oaths in exercising the
right of franchise. In the synod of 1831, the ques-
tion of civil relations was made a subject of " free
discussion." But in 1833 those who took the ex-
treme position of dissent withdrew, forming what
is known as the Synod of the Reformed Presbyte-
rian Church (see above, VIII., 4), as distinct from
the General Synod.

The doctrinal position of the church is stated in
the Westminster standards. The church has al-
ways declared in favor of simplicity of worship, ad-
hering to the exclusive use of the Psalms as the
medium of praise. Quite a number of ministers
and congregations left the denomination about
1870 as a result of the discussion of this question.
The church has recently become depleted as a re-
sult of the reaction against the conservatism of the
church in refusing instrumental aid in divine wor-
ship. In 1905, however, conditional permission
was granted to use instrumental music in the
churches. The church carries on foreign mission
work in India, and sustains mission stations in va-
rious parts of the United States. A flourishing col-
lege is maintained at Cedarville, Ohio, and a theo-
logical seminary in Philadelphia, Pa. There are at
present 19 ministers and 20 congregations with a
membership approximating 3,000, and 2 congrega-
tions in Canada, with a membership of 400, sup-

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

porting two missionaries, one at Hoorkee, India,
and one at Teeswater, Canada. C. A. Young.

8. CalvinUtic Methodist Church (Welsh Pres-
byterian Church in Amerioa) : The Welsh emigrants
who came to this country first settled in Merion,
Radnor, and Haverford Counties, Pennsylvania,
a few years before 1700. They bought 5,000 acres
of land from William Penn. Most of them were
Quakers, though Episcopalians and
1. Founding- Baptists were found among them. In
Ch ° . the year 1707 a petition was sent to
the bishop of London for a rector who
could preach in Welsh. A Welsh Baptist church
was organized in the Great Valley, Pa., in 1711 by
Rev. Hugh Davis, and in 1796 another in Ebens-
burg, Pa. In the years 1775-1825 many Welsh
churches were organized in New York, Ohio, and
Pennsylvania. These were Congregational in pol-
ity for two reasons: (1) the majority of the minis-
ters were Congregationalists, (2) that form of church
government seemed to be better adapted to the
conditions occasioned by the fact that the mem-
bers belonged to different denominations in Wales.
Soon the churches began to feel the need of closer
fellowship with one another and were ready for as-
sociations in which a number of churches could
unite in Christian fellowship and service. These
associations were held for several years by the
churches in the three states named. In 1805 a
Welsh church was organized in Steuben, Oneida
County, New York, as a union church with the
Congregational form of government. This church,
together with the other Welsh churches in Ohio
and Pennsylvania, increased numerically by the
arrival of Welsh immigrants, who brought with
them the doctrinal controversies that stirred Wales
in the first half of the last century. The result was
that members who were Calvinistic in their theol-
ogy gradually withdrew from the independent
churches and organized churches of their own by
adopting the Confession of Faith and the Book of
Discipline of the Methodist Calvinistic Church of
Wales. The first Welsh Presbyterian church in
America was organized at Pen-y-Carau, Remsen,
New York, in 1820, and this was followed in the
years 1828-34 by the organization of thirty-six
others in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and New York, and
the church extended later into Wisconsin. In this
way was laid the foundation of the Welsh Presby-
terian Church in America.

During this formative period the leaders saw the
need of creating presbyteries and synods, but this
was found almost impracticable on account of dis-
tance, expense, and mode of travel.
2. Organ- They succeeded, however, in forming
uation of one Synoc|| comprising all the Welsh

ies Isynods 1>rest)yterian churches in the states of
' ana ' New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania.
General Each church had the privilege of send-
Assembly. ing one or more delegates to this synod
as it convened from time to time in
the different states. Later the synod was
divided into two; the one comprising all the
Welsh Presbyterian churches in the states of
New York and Pennsylvania; the other compris-
ing the churches at Pittsburg and in the West.

In a few yean presbyteries were formed within
these synods.

The Synod of New York was formed at Pen-y-
Cierau, N. Y., May 10, 1828, and was the first heid
in America; the Synod of Ohio was formed at Cin-
cinnati June 12, 1833; the Synod of PenDsylvanii,
at Pottsville Apr. 5, 1845; the Synod of Wisconsin,
at Waukesha Dec. 31, 1843; the Western Synod, it
Bush Creek, Mo., in Oct., 1882; the Synod of Min-
nesota, at Sion (near Mankato) in 1858. The Welsh
Presbyterian Church in America organized its gen-
eral assembly at Columbus, Ohio, Sept. 22, 1801.
This body is composed of two ordained ministers
and two elders from each synod, together with the
ex-moderators, clerks of synods, the statistician,
the treasurer, and the chairman, secretary, and
treasurer of the board of missions; the editor of the
denominational organ, The Friend, and those ap-
pointed to read papers in the assembly. The pur-
pose of the assembly is to deliberate upon the sub-
jects that have to do with the welfare of the de-
nomination in America.

The church reports for 1909, 147 churches (oigan-
izations), 95 ministers, 13,695 communicants, 11,465
Sunday-school members, and contributions to the
amount of $136,348.

The Welsh Presbyterian Church in America cor-
dially agrees with the Presbyterians of the " Old
School " and with the Dutch Reformed of this coun-
try. The Confession of Faith harmon-
p u^1111? *** minutely ^th the Westminster

Worehip. Catechism. The form of church gov-
ernment is considered Presbyterian;
but, strictly, the polity of the church partakes partly
of the Congregational order as well as of the Pres-
byterian. The session of a Welsh Presbyterian
church has less power than the session of a Presby-
terian church. The local church receives and dis-
misses members, and exercises discipline; if it is
not able to reach a decision in any case of discipline,
an appeal may be made to the presbytery. The
church discipline is contained in thirty-nine rules,
published in connection with an outline of their
history and with the Confession of Faith. All the
services are very simple. R. T. Roberts.

9. Cumberland Presbyterian Church, Colored:
As the Cumberland Presbyterian Church (see 3a
above) began to extend in what was, 100 years ago,
the far southwest, it developed a colored constitu-
ency which became an integral part of its member-
ship. In every truly Christian family the personal
relation between master and slave was close and
appreciation was mutual. The slave was recog-
nized not merely as a chattel, but as a man and an
immortal. Hence religious instruction was pro-
vided and personal religious influence was exercised,
with a view to the negro's conversion and salvation.
Family worship was common in those days and the
servants from the near-by cabins who could con-
veniently come joined the family-gathering at
morning and evening worship. Those prepared for
church-membership gladly became members of
" Old master's church." They were accorded the
full enjoyment of the sacraments and other privi-
leges of the church, worshiping in the same house
at the same hour, with the same pastor, or, if the

237

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

colored constituency was sufficiently numerous, the
pastor sometimes gave them a special service. The
type of Christian negro this process produced was
the " good negro " of ante-bellum days, possessed
of a strong Christian character and intensely de-
voted to his church. These characteristics still ap-
pear in some degree among the second and third
generations. Out of such material the Cumberland
Presbyterian Church, Colored, was formed. A few
men among them had been ordained to the minis-
try. They constituted a presbytery to themselves
and sought representation in the general assembly
of 1870. This was denied and complete separation
was the result, the whites advising it and the blacks
accepting it as inevitable and as probably best for
their race.

In entering upon this separate and independent
ecclesiastical existence they had nothing except
their own simple childlike faith and their ardent
evangelistic spirit; they did not then receive and
have never had any substantial backing from any
board or benevolent fund. The White Cumberland
Presbyterians had lost almost everything by the
war and their struggle to rebuild was severe. En-
gaged in strictly mission work, they could render
but little missionary service to their brethren in
black. Without money, without schools, and with-
out a trained leadership, this young negro denom-
ination proceeded with its revival methods, making
much of its " ' whosoever will ' Gospel," boasting
of its doctrine of divine sovereignty and final per-
severance, and particularly appreciative of the
spirit of liberty which was seen in the Presbyterian
form of government. The efforts of individual con-
gregations have been supported by the liberal as-
sistance of their white friends in the locality. Hence
they are reasonably well provided with houses of
worship. They have also had some assistance in
their schools, but for education, even of the minis-
try, their chief reliance has been the common schools
provided by the State. At Bowling Green, Ky.,
they have a well-conducted academy which gives
training in the Bible and kindred subjects and pro-
vides special training for preachers and teachers.
Since the union of the Cumberland Church with the
Presbyterian Church in the United States of Amer-
ica (see above, 3a), the latter denomination is giv-
ing systematic assistance in educational work.

Conservatively estimated, the Cumberland Pres-
byterian Church, Colored, has a membership of
25,000, located principally in Kentucky, Tennessee,
Alabama, Texas, and southeast Missouri. They have
probably 200 churches, 160 ministers, and 150
Sabbath-schools, with an enrolment of about 8,000.
Their school property amounts to about $20,000
and their church property to about $100,000.
They are organized into 18 presbyteries, 5 synods
and a general assembly, and they have at least the
beginnings of the customary church machinery,
such as boards of education, missions, and minis-
terial relief. The field they occupy is quite distinct
from that of the negroes of other Presbyterian de-
nominations. It is large and inviting and is capa-
ble of practically unlimited development. Under
a trained leadership in pulpit and school, and with
ample facilities for handling its general work, this

independent Presbyterian denomination is capable
of becoming an important factor in the uplift of
the negro race. W. J. Darby.

10. Beformed Presbyterian Church (Cove-
nanted): A presbytery under this name was or-
ganized in 1840 by two ministers and three elders,
who withdrew from the Synod of the Reformed Pres-
byterian Church on the ground that it " fellow-
shiped and indorsed voluntary and irresponsible
associations of the day, composed of persons of all
religious professions or of no profession; and that
its ministers were chargeable with sins of omission
and commission in their ecclesiastical relations;
and that they refuse to confess and forsake these
sins." The presbytery met with varying fortunes,
being disorganized in 1845, reorganized in 1853, and
disorganized in 1887. In 1883 it contained 4 minis-
ters and 6 organizations in four states, but has since
diminished, until at the time of the census of 1906
there was but one small society at North Union,
Pa., with 17 members worshiping in a hall and hav-
ing one elder and a theological student as minister.

Edwin Munsell Bliss.

11. Beformed Preabyterlan Church in the United
States and Oanada: This body was organized in
1883 in consequence of dissatisfaction with the
treatment of a question of discipline by the Gen-
eral Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.
It holds with the General Synod that the republic
of the United States is essentially Christian, and
that Christian citizens may vote and be voted for.
According to the census of 1906 it had but one or-
ganization in the United States in Alleghany Co.,
Pa., owning one church edifice valued at $200,000,
and reporting 440 communicant members. It con-
tributed to missionary work in India the sum of
$325 in 1906, and maintains a Syrian missionary
among the Syrians of this country at an annual ex-
penditure of over $500.

Edwin Munsell Bliss.

12. The Presbyterian Church in Canada: There
is now but one Presbyterian Church in the Domin-
ion of Canada, comprising eight synods and sixty-
seven presbyteries. Before it became one it passed
through many changes.

France first owned the Canadian territory on the
Atlantic seaboard, and the first settlers were largely
Roman Catholic (see Canada). By the Treaty of
Utrecht in 1713 Nova Scotia came into the posses-

l Oriai 8*on °* Great Britain, and was later
. ungin . ^yjdgd j,^ Nova Scotia and New

Brunswick. In the ceded territory, the inhabitants,
being Roman Catholic, remained loyal to France.
Great Britain sought to change the political com-
plexion of the country by bringing in Protestant
colonists. The Acadians of Nova Scotia refused to
be assimilated by this means, and finally, in 1755,
were forcibly deported into the English colonies to
the south, now the United States. Settlers were in-
vited to take possession of the lands and homes thus
vacated, liberty of conscience being guaranteed.
Those who flocked in from Britain were largely
Protestants, and many of them were Presbyterians.
The Presbyterian settlers naturally applied to the
countries from which they came to send them min-
isters. Rev. James Lyon came in 1764 from New

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Jersey, while Rev. James Murdoch, who came from
Scotland in 1766, was the first permanent Presby-
terian minister in Nova Scotia. Some of the Prot-
estants who came from Europe belonged to the Re-
formed Church, and these persuaded Messrs. Lyon
and Murdoch in 1770 to ordain a Mr. Comingoe, a
fisherman of ability, piety, and influence, to be their
pastor. This was the first ordination and the first
meeting of presbytery held in the land. The many
divisions of the Presbyterian Church in Scotland
were maintained in the new country by the immi-
grants, who clung to their old affiliations. As Pres-
byterian congregations grew in numbers, new pres-
byteries were formed. The Burgher presbytery of
Truro was organized in 1786, the Anti-Burgher
presbytery of Pictou in 1795. In July, 1817, these
two bodies united to form the Presbyterian Church
of Nova Scotia, comprising three presbyteries. The
Presbyterians in that year numbered about 42,000,
with twenty-six ministers.

After the capture of Quebec in 1759 and the sur-
render of Montreal in 1760, Rev. George Henry be-
came the first Presbyterian minister of Quebec in
1765, and Rev. John Bethune of Mon-

British treal in 178rK Presbyte1™11 settlers
Bole pushed in farther and farther west.
The first systematic efforts to send
Presbyterian ministers to Upper Canada were made
by the Reformed (Dutch) Church of the United
States. Rev. Robert McDowall in 1798 crossed the
St. Lawrence, and organized congregations from
Brockville to Toronto, and the Rev. Daniel W.
Eastman itinerated in the Niagara Peninsula from
1801. In 1818 a number of Presbyterian ministers
issued a general invitation to the Presbyterian min-
isters west of Quebec to meet on July 9, 1818, with
the view of forming " The Presbytery of the Can-
adas " independent of the old lines of division in
Scotland. They met and organized uhat was the
first presbytery in Upper or Lower Canada, with
five ministers on their roll. The Presbyterian pop-
ulation in Upper Canada was then about 47,000,
ministered to by sixteen ministers. The Earl of
Selkirk brought out a colony of Highlanders from
Scotland to settle along the Red River, in what is
now Manitoba, which he had purchased for the pur-
pose in 1810, though it was not till 1817 that they
were allowed peaceable possession; the Earl of Sel-
kirk also gave sites for a church and school at Kil-
donan, but it was 1851 before they had a minister
of their own. The difficulty from the beginning was
to secure a sufficient number of suitable ministers
to supply Gospel ordinances to Presbyterians.
Scotland felt the burden of responsibility, and in
1825 the Glasgow Colonial Society was formed,
which sent out within ten years over forty men
(all ministers of the Established Church of Scot-
land), and gave a small grant to each to aid in his
support. Others who came helped to perpetuate the
differences of the mother country. While a spirit
of separation existed, there was at the same time a
strong feeling in all denominations that there was
no good reason for perpetuating the differences of
the old land in the new. But the leaven of union
worked very slowly.

In Upper Canada, in 1831, nineteen Presbyterian

ministers from various sections met in Kingta

and united to form the Synod of the Presbyterita

Church of Canada in Connection witk

of Unions the Church of Scotland. In the sum
n"* year the Presbytery of the Canadai,
which was now called the United Presbyter/,
changed its name once more to the United Synod
of Upper Canada. This synod united with the synod
in connection with the Church of Scotland, and the
name The Synod of the Presbyterian Church n
Canada in Connection with the Church of Scotland
was retained. On its roll were seventy-seven min-
isters. The Disruption in Scotland affected the
Presbyterians in the Maritime Provinces and West-
ern Canada, and resulted in a Free Church in Now
Scotia, which, in 1860, united with the Presby-
terian Synod of Nova Scotia, to form the Synod of
the Presbyterian Church of the Lower Provinces,
with eighty-two ministers. In Western Canada, in
1861, the United Presbyterian Synod, of fifty-nine
ministers, united with the Synod of the (Free) Pres-
byterian Church of 129 ministers, to form The
Canada Presbyterian Church. In 1866 the Synod
of the Presbyterian Church of the Lower Provineei
united with the Free Presbyterian Synod of New
Brunswick to form the Synod of the Iiower Prov-
inces, with 113 ministers. In 1868 the Synods of
Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island and New
Brunswick in the Maritime Provinces, in connec-
tion with the Church of Scotland, united to form
the Synod of the Presbyterian Church of the Mari-
time Provinces of British North America in con-
nection with the Church of Scotland, composed of
tliirty-three ministers. These several unions re-
sulted in there being four denominations of Pres-
byterians in 1870 in Canada, two in the Maritime
Provinces, and two in western Canada. Leaders in
all sections saw the necessity of union. Congrega-
tions were weak through division, and barely able
to support their pastors. Negotiations were opened
in 1870, and a union was effected in 1875, and The
Presbyterian Church in Canada was formed with
627 ministers, 706 congregations, 88,228 members,
176 missionaries in the home field and 16 in the
foreign, with a revenue of nearly one million dollars
for all purposes. Only a few ministers and congre-
gations then refused to enter, and one by one they,
too, have come in, till at the present time those still
holding aloof can almost be counted on the fingers
of one hand.

Since the union of 1875 the problem of keeping

pace with the immigrants coming into the country

has become yearly more difficult. For the past two

or three years Canada has added about

As-encieii *our ^^ cent annuauy to ner popula-
tion by immigration. To give Gospel

ordinances to these newcomers, so that no section
of the country shall be left spiritually desert, has
taxed the energies of all denominations of Christians.
The Presbyterian Church, striving to help all who
have called, finds its task complicated by the large
foreign element appealing for public-school teachers
as well as missionaries. The work of home missions
may be considered in three sections: (1) Home mis-
sions proper are carried on by two committees, one
for the Maritime Provinces, and one for western

239

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

Canada. In the two sections 668 missionaries are
employed, of whom 205 are ordained. The others
are students preparing for the ministry, or cate-
chists. They minister to 1,787 mission stations.
The amount expended for this work during 1908
was about $210,000. All the colleges have mission-
ary societies which furnish men and money to aid
in home-mission work. (2) Augmentation: This
scheme has for its object the granting of aid in set-
tled congregations to make the minister's salary at
least $800 and a manse. This required, in 1908,
nearly $50,000 to supplement the salaries of 204
ministers. A separate committee has this work in
charge. (3) French evangelization: The Presby-
terian Church has always taken a deep interest in
assisting the small numbers of its people scat-
tered among the Roman Catholic population in
Quebec, and in keeping up an aggressive work by
means of teachers and colporteurs, scattering litera-
ture and copies of the Scriptures among French
Canadians. The school at Pointe-aux-Trembles has
been a most effective institution in cultivating a
liberal and enlightened spirit among the people.
The cost of the French work in 1908 was $42,500,
and the work is under the management of a board.
In higher education generally Presbyterians have
given a percentage of teachers to the country con-
siderably in excess of their numerical strength. In
every great educational and university center this
church has established a theological college, and
has colleges in Halifax, Montreal, Kingston, To-
ronto, Winnipeg, and Vancouver. In 1908 there
were in these colleges 208 students taking the theo-
logical course. The maintenance of the colleges in
1908 cost nearly $40,000. The foreign mission work
of the church is in the hands of one committee.
Work is carried on in Japan, Korea, China, India,
the New Hebrides, West Indies, South America,
among the Indians and Chinese of the Northwest,
and the Jews. In 1908 the number of missionaries,
foreign and native, was 668, at a cost of $236,000.
Active Women's Societies give substantial aid to
both Home Mission and Foreign Mission Commit-
tees of the Church. Aged Ministers and Ministers'
Widows' and Orphans' Funds are maintained which
give annuities to aged ministers according to length
of service, $400 being the limit of annuity, and to
widows an annuity of $150, with an allowance for
each child under eighteen. The church reported for
1908 1,690 ministers, 9,167 elders, 2,192 congrega-
tions, 1,787 mission stations, 269,688 communicants,
and 210,248 Sabbath-school scholars. During the
same year it paid for stipends, $1,344,648; for mis-
sions, $690,000; by women's societies, $142,250;
for all purposes, $3,747,480.

In 1899 the Presbyterian Church undertook to
raise a special thank-offering to commemorate the
close of a century of blessing. The amount aimed
at was $1,000,000. $600,000 was to be given for
the missionary, educational, and benevolent work
of the church, and the balance was to be used lo-
cally in the removal of debt from church or manse.
The amount for the schemes of the church was
raised, and the debt fund far exceeded $1,000,000
instead of $400,000. An interesting movement has
been going on since 1903 with the view of forming

a union between the Methodist, Congregational, and
Presbyterian Churches of the Dominion. The joint
committee has concluded its work, and the basis
formulated has been sent down by the three nego-
tiating bodies (1910), to be considered and voted
on by the people. John Somebvtllb.

IX. In Other Lands: In addition to the organi-
zations in the countries named above, numerous
bodies of Presbyterians organized or unorganized
are foimd in many other countries. Thus in the
West India Islands, Jamaica has not only a native
Presbyterian church with a communicant member-
ship of 13,000 persons, but there are also three other
congregations with a membership largely white,
and connected with the Church of Scotland. The
same church has a presbytery in British Guiana
with about a dozen congregations, while on many
of the islands there are separate self-supporting
congregations. On Trinidad there is another large
Presbyterian community of 1,000 native and Hin-
du Christians. Mission work has been extensively
carried on in South America, and in addition to iso-
lated congregations, in almost every large town on
its eastern and western sea coast, there are large
organizations in Brazil, 10,000 members; Mexico,
5,000 members, with many more in Argentina, and
elsewhere, under the supervision of American and
European ministers. In lands distinctively non-
Christian, there are many native churches, the
fruit of the labors of Presbyterian missionaries, as
well as single congregations in large towns, for
European and American residents or visitors, min-
istered to, as a rule, by Presbyterian ministers from
Great Britain. In Japan (q.v.) the native " Church
of Christ," which is Presbyterian, has a communi-
cant membership of 18,000, that of Korea (q.v.)
has already more than 30,000, the number in China
(q.v.) is not easily ascertained, but may be esti-
mated at 60,000, including Manchuria and For-
mosa; in India (q.v.) the Presbyterian Church re-
ports 15,000 communicant members, with as many
more in the South India Church, exclusive of the
Presbyterian chaplaincies and separate congrega-
tions with European and American membership in
almost every important city in the great peninsula.
There is an organized Presbyterian church in Per-
sia (q.v.), consisting of seceders from the native
Syrian church, but altogether self-governing and
self-supporting. In Egypt (q.v.) there is the Synod
of the Nile, whose membership, drawn mainly from
the Coptic population, is large. Along the Syrian
coast and that of Asia Minor there are energetic
Presbyterian missions with congregations at Beirut,
Latakia, Alexandretta, Aleppo, Antioch, Tarsus,
Adana, Messina, Cyprus, and elsewhere (see Syria),
so that from a survey of the Presbyterian churches
of the world, it appears that about one hundred
millions of persons, young and old, should be as-
signed to the Presbyterian branch of the Christian
Church. G. D. Mathews.

X. Presbyterian Church Polity. — 1. Doctrine: It
is necessary to bear in mind in considering the
Presbyterian polity that the word " Presbyterian,"
while at one time designating the adherent of a
particular form of church government, has come to
have a doctrinal as well as an ecclesiastical suroifi-

Presbyterians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

240

cance. The churches holding to the Presbyterian
polity have developed in the course of their history
such a natural relation to one great type of Chris-
tian doctrine that the words CalvinLstic and Pres-
byterian arc to a large extent synonymous. It is,
therefore, proper to use the phrase *" Presbyterian
system " as designating the doctrinal, ethical, gov-
ernmental and liturgical principles and regulations
of the Presbyterian churches. The controlling idea
of the Presbyterian system of thought, both theo-
retically and practically, is the doctrine of the di-
vine sovereignty. By this sovereignty is meant the
absolute control of the universe in all that it con-
tains, whether visible or invisible things, by the one
supreme, eternal, omniscient, omnipresent, and om-
nipotent God for wise, just, holy, and loving ends,
known fully alone to himself. This divine sover-
eignty finds practical expression in the Presbyte-
rian system, through its organizing principle, the
sovereignty of the word of God as the supreme and
infallible rule of faith and practise. The Presby-
terian system accepts and incorporates, as a per-
petually binding obligation, only those principles
and regulations which can be proved to be of Scrip-
tural origin and warrant. It may be maintained
that while in other churches than the Presbvterian,
the sovereignty of God and the sovereignty of his
word are recognized, it is only in those churches
tvhich ail here closely to the Presbyterian system
that the logical outcome in faith, government,
and worship of these two great truths, finds definite,
general, and vital expression.

2. Polity: The Presbyterian polity, it is main-
tained, (inds clear warrant in the Holy Scriptures.
Divine in its origin, one of its chief lesser sources

was the Jewish ecclesiastical system of

1. Scriptu- the time of Christ, excluding the priest-

ral Basis, ly element. In that system the people

were associated together in synagogues
or congregations for worship and gaily living, and
wen* governed by bodies of men called elders (Acts
xiii. 15). In each congregation also, there was an
offiVer known as the chief ruler of the synagogue,
who was the president of the elders, and instruc-
tion was given either by the " legate " of the syna-
gogue or by the doctors of the law (see Synagogue).
The elders also constituted the bodies called the
local sanhedrins, which exercised judicial functions
within limited districts: while the control of the
affairs of the Church-State as a whole was vested in
a council composed of priests, elders, and scribes,
designated as the Great Sanhedrin. Under this
Jewish system our Ix)rd lived. One of the first
acts of his ministry was performed in the synagogue
at Xazareth (Luke iv. MX), and the authority of the
synagogue was recognized by him (Matt, xviii. 17)
in the command " Tell it unto the church." The
general features of the Jewish system were, it is
believed, adopted by the primitive Christian Church,
modified in matters of detail by apostolic author-
ity. The elders of the synagogue became the elders
of the Christian congregation v.\ot$ xiv. 2'Xi; the
chief ruler of the synagogue was probably repro-
duced in the cpiscofio* or parochial bishop; the
local sanhedrin was modified and established as the
presbytery; and the Great Sanhedrin was the pro-

totype of synods, general assemblies, and councils.
The Presbyterian polity, also, finds divine warrant
in and gives clear expression to the main principki
of ecclesiastical polity set forth in the New Tes-
tament. These principles are: (1) The supreme
headship of Jesus Christ, as both man and God,
involving submission to his law, contained in the
Christian Scriptures, as the only rule of faith and
practise. (2) The parity of the ministry as am-
bassadors or representatives of the Supreme Divine
Head of the Church. (3) Participation by the people,
as members of the household of God, in the gov-
ernment of the Church, through officers choeen by
them. (4) The unity of the Church, involving an
authoritative control not by individuals, but by
representative courts. (5) The right of private
judgment in all matters of religion, subject only to
the lordship of God over the conscience.

These principles were essential factors in the

government of the New Testament Church, and as

applied in Presbyterian government

n^IT" result in viewB of the Church» te afr
cere, and judicatories as follows:

(1) Of the Church: There is an invisible and there a
a visible Church. "The catholic or universal Church, which
is invisible, consists of the whole number of the elect that
have been, are. or shall be gathered into one, under Oust
the bead thereof." "The visible Church, which is abo
catholic or universal under the gospel (not confined to ow
nation as before under the law), consists of all those penottf
in every nation, together with their children, who make
profession of the holy religion of Christ, and of submission
to his laws'* (Westminster Confession, Chap. xxv.). The
name "catholic" or "universal" is therefore the exclusive
property of no one communion or denomination, and all
churches holding to the fundamentals of the Christian rehfion
are churches of Christ.

(2) Of Church Power: The power of the Church ■
simply ministerial, declarative, and spiritual. It is minis-
terial, in that the Church exercises power only by Christ's
authority. It is declarative, in that the Church is limited to
the interpretation of principles and laws already contained
in the won! of God. The Church can neither add to nor take
away from this divine law. It is spiritual, in that the Church
is to be concerned alone with ecclesiastical affairs. The
Church is not to exercise power in or over the State, neither is
the State to usurp authority in or over the Church.

(3) Of the Particular Church: The immense mul-
titude of those persons in every nation who make profession
of the Christian religion can not meet together in one place,
and therefore, "it is reasonable and warranted by Scripture
example that they should be divided into many particular
churches.** Presbyterians hold that without reference to the
form of government, "a number of professing Christians.
with their offspring, voluntarily associated together, for
divine worship and godly living, agreeably to the Holy
Scriptures." are a particular church. Every Christian con-
gregation has inherent rights for which it is not dependent
upon any alleged superior authority, except as it voluntarily
submits to a certain form of government. The only source
of authority is Jesus Christ, the great head of the Church.

(4> Of the Officers of the Church: (a) The Ministry:
There is but one order in the ministry, and all ministers are
peers each of the other. Denying an apostolical succession
of diocesan bishops with authority over ministers, Presby-
terians affirm an apostolic succession of apostolic men who
have been specially set apart "to prayer and to the ministry
of the Word," and who are ordained to their office by
minister? alone (Acts vi. 4; II Tim. ii. 2). The distinctive
mark of a true minister is not Apostolic Succession (q.v.;
al«o we Succession, Apostolic) in any sense, but the call of
Ciod to the work of preaching a pure Gospel. Further, the
diocese of the New Testament bishop was limited to his parish,
and every pastor is. therefore, at once both preacher awl
parochial bishop. " Pastors, not prelates " such are Presby-
terian ministers, (b) The Eldership: The New-Testa-
ment presbyter was a ruler in the local congregation, and was
chosen to office by the people (Acta xiv. 23). In each con-

241

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians

gregation a number of elders were associated together as a
court of control, and exercised authority, not as individuals,
but as an organised body (Acts xx. 17-28). Every Presby-
terian congregation is, therefore, governed by a session com-
posed of elders elected by the people, ordained by ministers,
and presided over by the bishop or pastor of the congregation.
See Presbytkr. (c) The Diaoonate: This office, in its
origin, was a provision for the distribution of the benevo-
lence of the Apostolic Church (Acts vi. 1-4; see Duacon, I.).
Presbyterian deacons, therefore, are officers charged with the
care of the poor, and also may be entrusted with the tempo-
ralities of the congregations. They are chosen by the people,
and ordained by ministers. In most Presbyterian churches
to-day, temporalities are in charge of secular officers known
as trustees.

(5) Of Church Membership: The terms of admission
to the communion of the visible church are the same as the
terms or conditions of salvation revealed in the Holy Scrip-
tures, vis., belief in one God, the Father, Son and Holy
Ghost, and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ as the divine and
all-sufficient savior, involving acceptance of the Bible as the
only infallible rule of faith and practise, and the declara-
tion of a sincere purpose to lead a life acceptable to God in
Jesus Christ. The Christian churches have no right either
to add to or to take from these terms or conditions, and all
who have accepted them are brethren in Christ. Church-
members, as to their conduct, are under the control of the
Church through the pastors and elders as guides in the Chris-
tian life, and subject to discipline by the session for offenses
(Matt, xviii. 17), provided, however, that every member
deeming himself injured by the action of a session may
appeal or complain to a higher court.

(6) Of Church Courts: The distinguishing feature of
Presbyterian government is the church court, the govern-
ment of representative bodies, and not of individuals. In-
deed it derives its distinctive name as a church polity from
the "presbytery" of the New Testament, an organisation
including both ministers and elders. The governing bodies
of the particular churches are known as sessions, consisting
each of a pastor and a number of elders, elected by the
people, and forming the first of the church courts. Fully
organised denominational churches have higher or superior
courts, known as presbyteries, synods, and general assemblies,
through which the four great principles of ecclesiastical polity
above mentioned find full expression. A presbytery is a
church court exercising authority, legislative, executive,
and judicial, over a number of congregations within a limited
geographical area, and is composed of all the ministers
within said area, with the addition of an elder from each
congregation. The presbytery thus exhibits the unity of
the church in a visible and tangible form; emphasises the
parity of the ministry, by concentrating the supervisory
authority in all its ministerial members; seta forth the rights
of the people by the presence of elders as their representa-
tives, ruling conjointly with ministers; and exalts the
headship of Christ by magnifying his law as the sole rule of
procedure, and the interests of his kingdom as the sole
sphere of Christian activity. Synods and general assemblies
are but larger presbyteries, necessitated by the extent and
numbers of any given denomination, and emphasising, in a
yet more marked manner, the unity of the church. The con-
stitutions of denominational Presbyterian churches pro-
vide for a general system of supervision by higher over
lower courts in administrative and judicial matters, the power
of final decision being vested in the general assembly. The
scriptural warrant for the presbytery is found in such pas-
sages as I Tim. iv. 14, and for the synod and general
assembly in Acts xv. 22-24, and xvi. 14. To this system
of government was added, in 1875, the General Council of the
"Alliance of the Reformed Churches throughout the World
holding tho Presbyterian System," which though a merely
advisory body, yet recognises the unity of the universal
Christian Church through its world-wide constituency.

3. Worship: Presbyterian worship is in part a
matter of polity. It is based as to its character on
the facts that a human priesthood is unknown to
the New Testament, and that the only priest of the
new dispensation is the Lord Jesus Christ. Minis-
ters are not priests, but preachers. Sacerdotalism,
therefore, whether in connection with the sacra-
ments, or enforced liturgies, or priestly vestments,
IX.— 16

has no place in the worship of the Presbyterian
churches. The sacraments are simply ordinances,
wherein by sensible signs Christ and his benefits
" are represented, sealed, and applied to believers."
Prayer is the free intercourse of the soul with God,
and ought not to be hindered by such human de-
vices as compulsory prayer-books. Ministers are
not mediators between God and man, possessed of
a delegated divine authority to forgive sins, but
simply leaders of the people in all that constitutes
the worship of and fellowship with the triune God.
True worshipers worship the Father neither in
Samaria nor in Jerusalem, but in spirit and in
truth.

By its doctrine the Presbyterian system honors
the divine sovereignty without denying human re-
sponsibility; by its polity it exalts the headship of
Christ while giving full development to the activities
of the Christian people; and in its worship it mag-
nifies God while it brings blessing to man, by in-
sisting upon the right of free access on the part of
every soul to him whose grace can not be fettered
in its ministrations by any human ordinances what-
soever. W. H. Roberts.

Bibliography: The Westminster Standards being accepted
by all the branches of the Presbyterian Church, nearly
all those branches issue these fundamental works through
their own boards of publication. For the history of the
standards see the article on the subject. The prime
sources for history, are, of course, the Minutes of the
various presbyteries, synods, and general assemblies,
which are also issued generally through the boards of
publication. Works of general character are R. C. Reed,
Hist, of the Presbyterian Churches of the World, Philadelphia,
1905; and J. V. Stephens, The Presbyterian Churches, Divi-
sions, and Unions in Scotland, Ireland, Canada, and Amer-
ica, ib., 1910. For the more general history of Presbyterian-
ism in Scotland consult: D. Calderwood, Hist, of the Kirk
of Scotland, ed. for Wodrow Society, 8 vols., Edinburgh,
1842-49; T. McCrie, Sketches of Scottish Church History
embracing the Period from the Reformation to the Revolu-
tion, 3d ed., ib., 1843; A. Stevenson, The History of the
Church and State of Scotland, from the Accession of King
Charles I to . . ..1626 . . . , 2d ed., ib. 1844; R. Keith,
Hist, of Affairs in Church and State in Scotland, 1627-68,
ed. for the Spottiswoode Society, 3 vols., ib. 1844-50;
F. Stephen, History of the Church of Scotland, from the
Reformation to the Present Time, 4 vols., London, 1848;
W. M. He the ring ton, History of the Church of Scotland, from
the Introduction of Christianity to the Disruption, May 18,
1843, 7th ed., Edinburgh, 1853; J. Anderson, Ladies of
the Reformation, 2 vols., Glasgow, 1856; J. Lee, Lectures
on the Hist, of the Church of Scotland, Edinburgh, I860;
idem, Ladies of the Covenant: Memoirs of Distinguished
Scottish Female Characters, Embracing the Period of the
Covenant and the Persecution, New York, 1880; G. Grub,
The Ecclesiastical Hist, of Scotland, 4 vols., ib. 1861;
Hew Scott, Fasti ecclcsue Scoticana, 6 vols., London,
1866-71; A. P. Stanley, Lectures on the Hist, of the Church
of Scotland, ib. 1879; A. H. Charteris. The Church of the
Nineteenth Century to 1843, in St. Giles Lectures, 1 ser.,
Edinburgh, 1881; J. Tulloch, The Church of the Eighteenth
Century, 1707-1800, in St. Giles Lectures, 1 ser. ib. 1881; J.
C. Moffat, The Church in Scotland. A History of its Antece-
dents, its Conflicts, and its Advocates . . . to the first Assem-
bly of the Reformed Church, Philadelphia, 1882; J.Cunning-
ham, Church Hist, of Scotland, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1883;
A. Edgar, Old Church Life in Scotland, London, 2 ser.,
1885-86; C. G. McCrie, Scotland's Place and Part in the
Revolution of 1688, Edinburgh, 1889; A. Williamson,
What has the Church done for Our Colonies t ib. 1890;
R. H. Story, The Church of Scotland, 5 vols., London,
1890-91 ; H. Cowan, Influence of the Scottish Church in
Christendom, ib. 1896; M. G. J. Kinloch, Studies in
Scottish Ecclesiastical History in the Seventeenth and
Eighteenth Centuries, ib. 1898; P. Hume Brown, Hist, of
Scotland, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1899-1902; W. R. Taylor,

Presbyterians
Presses**

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

243

Religion* Thought and Scottish Church Life in the Nine-
teenth Century, Edinburgh, 1000; C. G. McCrie, The
Church of Scotland; her Division* and her Reunion*,
London, 1901 ; J. Macphereon, History of the Church of
Scotland from the Earliest Times, ib. 1901; G. Macleod,
The Doctrine and Validity of the Ministry and Sacraments
of the Church of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1903; H. F. Hen-
derson, The Religious Controversies of Scotland, ib. 1905;
H. Macphereon, Scotland" * Battles for Spiritual Independ-
ence, London, 1905; Cambridge Modern History, v., 279
sqq.. New York, 1908.

On the United Free Church consult: J. A. Wyhe,
Disruption Worthies: a Memorial of 1843, Edinburgh,
1843; R. Buchanan, Ten Years' Conflict: History of the
Disruption of the Church of Scotland, 2 vols., Glasgow,
1849; A. Turner, The Secession of 1843, Edinburgh, 1869;
J. Bryce, Ten Yean of the Church of Scotland, {1833-43),
2 vols., ib. 1850; W. Cunningham, Discourses on Church
Principles, ib. 1863; N. L. Walker, Scottish Church History,
ib. 1882; H. W. Moncreiff, The Free Church Principle:
its Character and History, ib. 1883; W. Nicholson, The
Disruption, London, 1883; T. Brown, Annals of the Dis-
ruption: consisting chiefly of Extracts from the Autograph
Narratives of Minister* who left the Scottish Establishment
in 1843, new od., Edinburgh, 1884; J. C. Johnstone, The
Treasury of the Scottish Covenant, compiled by J. C. John-
stone, ib. 1887 (a series of extracts from important original
documents and productions of contemporaries, covering
Scottish Presbyterianism down to 1876, with an exhaust-
ive bibliography; a most useful book); P. Bayne, The
Free Church of Scotland; her Origin, Founders and Testi-
mony, ib. 1893, Now York, 1894; W. G. Blaikie, After
Fifty Year*, Letters of a Grandfather on the Jubilee of the
Free Church, London, 1893; T. Brown, Annals of the
Disruption, Edinburgh, 1893; D. A. Mackinnon, Some
Chapter* in the Scottish Church History: A Souvenir of
the Jubilee of the Free Church of Scotland, ib. 1893; G. B.
Ryley and J. M. McCandlish, Scotland's Free Church.
A Historical Retrospect and Memorial of the Disruption,
with a Summary of Free Church Progress and Finance,
1843-93, ib. and New York, 1893; The Free Church of
Scotland Appeals, ed. R. L. Orr, Edinburgh, 1904 (official
report of the whole proceedings in the house of lords
in the litigation following the union of 1900); A. M.
Stewart, The Origins of the United Free Church in Scotland,
London. 1905; The Highland Witness of the United Free
Church of Scotland, Glasgow, 1905; Practice and Procedure
in the United Free Church of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1905
(official guide to the forms of procedure recognized).

On other Scotch churches and branches consult: J.
Row, History of the Kirk of Scotland, 2 vols.. London, 1834;
J. MacGregor, The Church of the Present Day, and Dises-
tablishment and Dincndowment, contributions to the St.
Giles Lectures, 1 and 6 series. Edinburgh. 1881, 1886; A.
Scott, The Church from 1843 to 1881 A.D., in St. Giles
Lectures, 1 ser., ib. 1881; P. M. Muir. The Church of Scot-
land, London. 1891; J. A. MacClymont, The Church of
Scotland, Aberdeen, 1892; J. McKerrow, History of the
Secession Church, 2 vols.. Edinburgh and London, new ed.
1848; A. Thomson, Historical Sketch of the Origin of the
Secession Church and the History of the Rise of the Relief
Church, by G. Struthers. Edinburgh, 1848; D. Scott,
Annals and Statistics of the Original Secession Church, ib.
1886; W. Blair. The United Presby. Church, Edinburgh,
1888; A. R. MacEwen, The United Presby. Church. London.
1898: R. Small, History of the Congregations of the United
Presby. Church from 1733-1900, 2 vols.. Edinburgh, 1904;
R. Naismith. Reformed Presby. Church of Scotland, ib.
1877; M. Hutchinson. The Reformed Presby. Church, 1680-
1876. Paisley. 1893; J. Tait. Tvo Centuries of the Border
Church Life. Kebo. 1889; J. W. Brown. The Covenanters
of the Merte: their History and Sufferings as found in
the Recortls of that Time. London, 1893; D. H. Fleming,
Story of the Scottish Covenants in Outline. Edinburgh,
11MU; A. Smellie. Men of the Covenant. 7th ed.. London,
1909; and the works cited under Covenanters, together
with the Work* of John Knox.

On Scotch doctrine, worship, polity, and law consult:
Annuls of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland,
from the Final Secession in 17*9 to the Origin of the Relief
in 176*. Edinburgh. 1840; A. Peterkin. Records of the
Kirk of Scotland, containing the Acts and Proceedings of
the General A**emblies from . . . 1638 . . . with Notes
and historical Illustrations, ib. 1843; Acts of the General

Assembly of the Church of Scotland, 1638-184$. &V
printed from the original edition under the Superinteninct of
the Church Law Society, ib. 1863; A. Duncan, Tk*8c*mm
Sanctuary as it was and as it is. Recent Changes in Pwbe
Worship, ib. 1882; G. W. Sprott, The Worship of tkt
Church of Scotland, ib. 1882; Constitution and Lets of tkt
Church of Scotland, ib. 1884; Practice of the Fret Ckmh
in her Court*, ib. 1886; C. N. Johnston. Handbook of
Scottish Church Defense. Prepared at the Request of tluChvd
Interests Committee of the Church of Scotland, 3>. 1882;
C. G. McCrie, The Public Worship of Presbyterian Sostani
historically Treated, London, 1892; T. Cochrane, Hand-
book to the Principal Acts of the Free Church, Bdinbunjft,
1900; W. G. Black, The Parochial Ecclesiastical Lew of
Scotland, ib. 1901; A. T. Innes. The Law of Cmd* «
Scotland, ib. 1902; The Church Union Case. Judgment of
the Court of Session 4th July, 190$, ib. 1902; J. M. Duncan,
The Parochial Ecclesiastical Law of Scotland, So. 1903;
W. Mair. A Digest of Laws and Decisions, Bcdemutinl
and Civil, Relating to the Church of Scotland. 2b. 1904;
The Free Church Appeals, 1903-04* ed. R. L. Orr, ib.
1904; Free Church Union Case, Judgment of the Hew
of Lords, 1st August. 1904, ib. 1904; C. G. McCrie, Con-
fessions of the Church of Scotland, their Evolution in His-
tory, ib. 1907.

For Presbyterianism in Knglmul consult: D. Neal Hid.
of the Puritans, ed. J. Toulmin, 5 vols., Bath, 1793-1797;
W. Wilson, Hist, and Antiquities of Dissenting Ckwxkst
in London, 4 vols., London, 1806-14; T. McCrie, Jr.
Annals of the English Presbytery, ib. 1872; J. Black.
Presbyterianism in England in the 18th and 19th Certain,
ib. 1887; A. H. Diysdale, Hist, of the Presbyterian* n
England, ib. 1889; D. Fraser, Sound Doctrine. Com-
mentary on the Articles of Faith of the Presbyterian Chvrch
of England, ib. 1892; Provincial Assembly of Lancashm
and Cheshire. Record of the Provincial Assembly of tkt
Presby. Church, Manchester, 1896; G. B. Howard, Riot
and Progress of Presbyterianism, London, 1898; K. M.
Black, The Scots Churches in England, Edinburgh, 1901

On Presbyterianism in Ireland read: P. Adair, Rist
of the Presby. Church in Ireland, Edinburgh, 1866; J. S.
Retd and W. D. Killen, Hist, of the Presby. Church in
Ireland, new ed., Belfast, 1867; T. Witherow, Historical
and Literary Memorials of Irish Presbyterianism, 2 vols.,
ib. 1879; T. Hamilton. Hist, of the Irish Presby. Church,
Edinburgh. 1888; C. H. Irwin, History of Presbyterianism
in Dublin, London, 1890; idem. Hist, of Presbyterianism
in the South West of Ireland, ib. 1890; W. Cleland. Hi*,
of the Presby. Church in Ireland. Toronto, 1891; R. M.
Edgar, Progressive Presbyterianism, Belfast, 1894; 8.
Ferguson, Brief Sketches of some Irish Covenanting Minis-
ter* during the Eighteenth Century, Londonderry, 1897;
W. T. Latimer. A History of Irish Presbyterians, new ed.
Belfast. 1902.

For the general history of Presbyterianism in America
consult: C. Hodge. Constitutional Hist, of the Presby.
Church, 2 vols., Philadelphia. 1839-40; R. Webster, Hist
of the Presby. Church in America, ib. 1858; W. B. Sprague,
Annals of the American Pulpit, vols, iii.-iv., ix.. New York.
1859-69; A. Blaikie, History of Presbyterianism in New
England, 2 vols., Boston. 1881; C. A. Briggs, American
Presbyterianism, New York, 1885 (valuable for reprint
of documents); T. Murphy, The Presbytery of the Log
College: Cradle of the Presbyterian Church in America,
Philadelphia, 1890; J. W. Macllvain, Early Presbyterian-
ism in Maryland, Baltimore, 1890; G. P. Hays, Presby-
terians; . . . Origin, Progress, Doctrines, and Achieve-
ments, New York, 1892; Twentieth Century Addresses.
Philadelphia, 1902; A Short Hist, of American Presby-
terianism . . . to the Reunion of 1869, ib. 1903; C. L.
Thompson, The Presbyterians, New York, 1903.

Works on the history of the Northern and Southern
Churches are: E. H. Gillett, Hist, of the Presby. Church
in the U. S. A.. 2 vols., rev. ed., Philadelphia, 1873;
R. E. Thompson, in American Church History Series,
vol. vi.. New York, 1895; W. H. Foote, Sketches of Virginia,

2 series, Philadelphia, 1850-55; G. Howe, Hist, of the
Presbyterian Church in South Carolina, 2 vols., Columbia,
1870-83; W. A. Alexander, Digest of the Acts of the General
Assembly, Richmond, 1888; R. L. Dabney. Discussions,

3 vols., ib. 1890-92; T. C. Johnson, Hist, of the Southern
Presby. Church, in American Church History Series, voL
xi.. New York, 1894; E. D. Morris, The Presbyterian
Church New School, 1837-1869, Columbus, 1905.

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Presbyterians
Preasense

Ob the Cumberland Church, for history consult: J.
feftb* History of the Christian Church including a history
•/At Cumberland Presbyterian Church, Nashville, Tenn.,
1886; F. R. Oowtt, The Life and Times of the Rev. Finie

say, one of the Fathers and Founders of the Cumberland
Church, ib. 1863; R. Beard, Biographical
of the Early Ministers of the Cumberland Presby-
\ Church, 2 vols., ib. 1867; £. B. Crisman, Origin and
Doctrines of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, ib. 1876; T.
C Blake, Old Log House: History and Defense of the Cum-
Presbyterian Church, ib. 1878; Semi-Centennial
and Addresses, ib. 1880; B. W. McDonnold,
History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, ib. 1888
(much the fullest work published on this subject); R.
V. Foster, in American Church History Series, vol. xi., New
York, 1804. For the doctrine consult: Finis Ewing,
Lectures on Theological Subjects, Nashville, 1824; R.
OonneU, Thoughts on Various Theological Subjects, ib.
1852; R. Beard (formerly professor of systematic theology
ia the seminary at Lebanon), Lectures on Theology, 8
vols., ib. 1870; idem, Why am I a Cumberland Presby-
tenant ib. 1874; 8. O. Burney, The Doctrine of Election,
ib. 1879; idem. Baptismal Regeneration, ib. 1880; idem,
Atonement and Law Reviewed, ib. 1888; idem, Soteriology,
ft>. 1880; idem. Studies in Ethics and Psychology, ib. 1891 ;
T. C. Blake, Compend of Theology* ib. 1880; W. J. Darby,
Our Position, ib. 1889 (a pamphlet); R. V. Foster, A
Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, ib. 1891 ; idem,
Our Doctrines, ib. 1897; idem. Systematic Theology, ib.
1888; J. M. Howard, Creed and Constitution of the Cum-
berland Presbyterian Church, ib. 1892; A. B. Miller, Doc-
trine and Genius of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church,
ib. 1892; J. R. Collingsworth, Pseudo Church Doctrine,
1802.

On other Presbyterian churches in the United States
and for the brotherhood consult: W. M. Glasgow,
Hist, of the Reformed Presby. Church in America, Balti-
more, 1888; J. P. Miller, Biographical Sketches . . . of
. . . the First Ministers of the Associate Church in America,
Albany, 1829; R. Latham, Hist, of the Associate Re-
formed Synod of the South, Harrisburg, 1882; J. B. Scouller,
History of the United Presby. Church of North America,
in American Church History Series, vol. xi., New York,
1804; T. Hancock, Church Error: or, instrumental Music
condemned, Dallas, Texas, 1902; J. B. Scouller, Manual
of the United Presby. Church of N. A., Pittsburg. 1888;
idem, in American Church History Series, vol. xi., New
York, 1894; Presbyterian Brotherhood. Reports of the
First Convention, Indianapolis, Nov. 13-16, 1906, Phil-
adelphia, 1907, and Report of the Second Convention,
Nov. 12-14, 1907, ib. 1908, and of the third, ib. 1909.

On the Presbyterian Churches of Canada and Victo-
ria consult: O. Bryce, The Presbyterian Church in Canada,
Toronto, 1876; W. Gregg, Hist, of the Presbyterian Church
in Canada, ib. 1886; Canada Presbyterian Church. Rules
and Forms of Procedure in the Church Courts, ib. 1903;
R. Hamilton, History of the Presbyterian Church of Vic-
toria, Melbourne, 1888.

On Presbyterian Doctrine, Polity and Govern-
ment consult: R. Baxter, Five Disputations, London, 1669;
S. Miner, Presbyterianism, Philadelphia, 1836; D. King,
Defence of the Presby. Form of Church Government, Edin-
burgh, 1864; T. Witherow, Which u the Apostolic Church?
Belfast, 1856, Philadelphia, 1879; W. E. Moore, New
Digest of Vie Acts and Deliverances of the Presby. Church,
New School, Philadelphia, 1861; idem. The Presbyterian
Digest, United Church, ib. 1873; A. A. Hodge, Com
mentary on the Confession of Faith, Philadelphia, 1869
C. Hodge, Discussion* in Church Polity, New York, 1879
A. T. MeGill, Church Government, Philadelphia, 1889
J. A. Hodge, What is Presby. Law as defined by Church
Courts t ib. 1891; L. Sobkowski, Episkopat und Presby-
terat in den ersten christlichen Jahrhunderten, Wurzburg.
1803; D. D. Bannerman, Worship, Order and Polity of
the Presby. Church, Edinburgh, 1894; A. Wright. The
Presby. Church; its Worship, Functions and Orders, ib.
1805; J. N. Ogflvie, and A. C. Zenos, The Presby. Churches:
their Place in Modern Christendom, New York, 1896; R.
E. Prime, The Elder in his Ecclesiastical Relations, ib.
1806; A. King. The Ruling Elder, London, 1898; E. W.
Smith. The Creed of Presbyteries, Toronto, 1902; W.
Paterson, The Church of the New Testament, the Presby-
terate, London, 1903; Constitution of the Presby. Church in
the U. S. of America, Philadelphia, 1904; W. H. Roberts,

Manual for Ruling Elders and Other Church Officers, ib.
1905; J. V. Stephens, Presbyterian Government, Nashville,
1907; W. M. Macphail, The Presbyterian Church. A
Brief Account of its Doctrine, Worship, and Polity, London,
1908; Directory and Forms for Public Worship. Issued
by the Church Worship Association of the United Free
Church of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1909.

PRESBYTERIUM: A body of elders, Jewish
(Luke xxii. 66; Acts xxii. 5) or Christian (I Tim.
iv. 14).

PRESBYTERY: An ecclesiastical term having
two distinct uses. (1) The part of the church, be-
hind the altar, which contained seats for the bish-
ops and presbyters (priests), divided from the rest
by rails, so that none but clergy might enter it.
(2) An ecclesiastical court of Presbyterian churches,
next in rank above the session, composed of all the
ministers, and one elder from each church within
a certain radius, and having jurisdiction over the
ministers composing it, over the candidates for the
ministry and licentiates, and over the churches
within its bounds. See Polity, Ecclesiastical;
and Presbyterians, X.

PRESENCE AND PRESENCE FEES: The per-
sonal discharge of ecclesiastical duties by each
incumbent upon whom the duties in question de-
volve, and the emoluments connected with the per-
formance of such duties. Every incumbent of an
ecclesiastical position is required to administer it
in person, unless he may legally have a representa-
tive and leave of absence (see Residence). Per-
sonal presence is especially required of all those
who are bound to recite the canonical hours in
choir; and according to the Council of Vienne
(1311), this is the case in cathedral, monastic, and
collegiate churches, other churches being governed
by their own usage. Those who do not conform
to this regulation not only incur other penalties,
but also forfeit their presence fees and consolations.
The presence fees are those emoluments which are
daily earned by personal attendance, and are dis-
tributed either daily or weekly. The consolations
are emoluments in money or in kind (wine, poultry,
eggs, etc.) which are distributed at fixed intervals;
and they also include oblations, or revenues from
anniversary masses, masses for the dead, and the
like. Since, however, these presence fees and rev-
enues w ere not forthcoming in every religious foun-
dation, the Council of Trent enacted that a third
of all incomes and revenues should daily be dis-
tributed among such of the clergy as were actually
present. Otherwise the daily revenues should ac-
crue to the remaining clergy in residence, or should
be devoted to the improvement of the church
building or, at the discretion of the bishop, to some
other pious institution. E. Sehling.

PRESENTATION OF THE VIRGIN MARY,
FEAST OF THE. See Mary, Mother of Jesus
Christ, III.

PRESIDING ELDERS. See Methodists, IV., 1,
§8.

PRESSENSE, pre'san"^, EDMOND (DEHAULT)
DE: French Protestant; b. at Paris Jan. 7, 1824;
d. there Apr. 8, 1891. He was educated at the Col-

Price

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

lege Bourbon and the College Saintc Foy; and after
studying theology at Lausanne (1842-45), he be-
came, in 1847, assistant pastor of the Chapelle
Taitbout in Paris, becoming pastor two years later
and retaining this position until 1871. He was
elected to the National Assembly for the Depart-
ment of the Seine in 1871, where he joined the Re-
publican Left, and fought with Gambetta against
the monarchist and clerical restoration. On the
dissolution of the assembly he retired from political
life until 18S3, when he became a member of the
Senate for life, being president of the Left Center
after 18S8. Presscnse,,s political career did not in-
terfere with his religious duties. Though he had
resigned his pastorate in 1871 he preached con-
tinually t>oth in his old pulpit and throughout
France and French Switzerland, while he was long
the president of the Commission synodale de l'union
des eglises libres £vangdliques de France. An en-
thusiastic advocate of the free-church system, he
was as catholic in church relations as in theology.
Throughout his life he cultivated all forms of Prot-
estantism, and many Roman Catholics were among
his friends. Amid all his activities he found time
for authorship. He published, among other works,
eight Conferences sur le christianisme dans ses ap-
jdications aux questions sociales (Paris, 18-19); Du
cntholicismc en France (1851); Histoire des trois
premiers sticks de Veglise chrtiienne (4 vols., 1858-
1877; Eng. transl., The Early Years of Christian-
ity, London, 1809-78); Discours religieux (1859);
Vtcolc critique et JcSus-Christ (1863); L'tglise el
la revolution francaise (1S64, new ed., 1889; Eng.
transl., Religion and the Reign of Terror, New York,
18f>9); Jfsiis-Christ, son temps, sa vie, son centre
(1S65, new ed., 18S4; Eng. transl., Jesus Christ: His
Times, Life, and Work, 4th ed., London, 1871);
Etudes c'vange'liqucs (1867; Eng. transl., Mystery of
Suffering and Other Discourses, London, 1868);
Le Concile du Vatican, son histoire et ses conse-
quences politu/ucs et rdigieuses (1S72); La Libcrti
religieuse en Europe depuis 1S70 (1874); Le Devoir
(1S75); La Question ecdesiastigue en 1877 (1878);
Etudes cor.temporaincs (1S80; Eng. transl., Con-
temi>orary Portraits, New York, 1SS0); Les Ori-
giucs (LS83; Fng. transl., -1 Study of Origins, I/on-
don, 1883); Yarii'Us morales et politiqucs (18S6);
Les Eglines libres de France et la rtforme francaise
(18S7); and .1. Yinet, d'apres ses correspondances
ihtditcs ^IS90). He was also a prolific contributor
to the periodical press, and in 1S54 founded the
Rerue chritienne, of which he was editor at the time
of his death. (Efgex Lachenmanx.)

Rinijor.RAPiir: Hyacinthc Loyson. Edmond de Pre**ennf,
Paris, 1S1U; IJchtcnborRor. ESR, xiii. 164. A very full
list of the work* » foun.l in II. P. Thieme, Guide bihli-
*vr>iphique de la littirttfure franchise, pp. 324-325, Paris,
1907.

PRESSLY, JOHN TAYLOR: United Presby-
terian; b. in Abbeville District, S. C. Mar. 2S,
1795; d. at Allegheny. Pa.. Aug. 13. 1S70. He
was graduated at Transylvania University. Ky..
1812, and studied theology under John Mitchell
Mason tq.v.): he was ordained and installed. 1S16,
pastor of the Cedar Spring congregation, the one in
which he had been brought up; and was professor

of theology in the theological seminary, and pa*
tor at Allegheny, Pa.v after 1832. He took a lead-
ing part in organising the United Presbyterian
Church, which in 1858 was formed out of the As-
sociate and Associate Reformed Presbyterian
Churches; and the strength of this denomination in
Pittsburg and its neighborhood is larger/ due to
him. As preacher, pastor, and professor, be exerted
a lasting influence upon his denomination.

Bibuoorapht: F. Piper, Live* of the Leaden of our Ckmd
Universal, ed. H. M. MacCracken, pp. 778-783, Fhibdel-
phi*. 1879.

PRESTER JOHN: A legendary Christian long
of Asia, who in the twelfth century was supposed
to have conquered the Mohammedans in a bloody
battle and to have protected the crusaders. Bishop
Otto of Freising, followed by Alberic, in his chron-
icle for 1145, relates that a bishop of Gahulatold
Pope Eugene III. of a Nestorian king and priest
named Presbyter Johannes, who ruled "beyond
Persia and Armenia," the double office being due
to a confusion of ham (" priest ") with khan
(" prince "). In his chronicle on 1165, moreover,
Alberic states that Prester John, " the king of the
Indians," sent letters to various Christian rulers,
especially to Manuel of Constantinople and the Ro-
man Emperor Frederick. Influenced by rumors of
such a king, Alexander III. sent his physician in
ordinary in search of the monarch, directing his
letter, dated at Venice Sept. 27, 1177, " to the
king of the Indians, the most holy of priests," but
the messenger disappeared without leaving a trace.

A new epoch for the legend began with the Do-
minican and Franciscan missions to the East after
1245. The majority of reports agreed that Prester
John no longer lived, but had fallen in battle with
Genghis Khan, the chief authority for this form
of the legend being the Franciscan Wilhelmus Ru-
bruquis. On Jan 8, 1305, the archbishop of Peking,
John of Monte Corvino (q.v.), told of a King George
of the Nestorian sect, a descendant of the famous
Prester John of India. This monarch had ruled in
a land called Tcnduch, twenty days distant, had be-
come a convert to the Roman Catholic faith, and,
after receiving minor orders, had ministered in his
royal robes. This king, termed by Marco Polo the
sixth after Prester John, had died in 1299. The
fall of the Mongol dynasty in China in 1368 put an
end to the missions in the East, but the way was
already prepared for the third, or African, phase
of the legend by the vague use of the term " In-
dia " and the accounts of a Christian kingdom of
" Abascia '* in middle India. This transfer from
Asia to Africa was aided by the similarity of the
names of the Abchases in the Caucasus (also called
Abasi and Abassini) and the Abyssinians. The
Roman Catholic Jordanus, bishop of Quilon in
southern India, called the king of Ethiopia simply
John. Envoys of this monarch appeared in Europe
c. 1400, and when the Portuguese undertook to voy-
age to the East Indies, they were encouraged in great
part by the fame of the realm of Prester John, and
when they found the Christians of St. Thomas in
Malabar, they fancied that region a Christian
kingdom.

A careful study of medieval travels led to the

*45

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Preaaens6
Prloe

identification with Prester John of Unk Khan,
fdnm Rubruquis and others had declared to be
tbe brother of a Nestorian King John, who had
f. ruled over the Naymans, but had gained the throne
of the Catai or Caracatai after the death of Coir
Khan. Others saw in the Tibetan Lama an apos-
tate descendant of the mythical king, and still
others brought the so-called Christians of St. John
Btto the discussion. In 1839 M. A. P. Avezac-Macaya
instigated the legend of Prester John (Recueil de
toyoga et de memoires publie par la Socibtk de
Gtographie, IV., 547-654), and identified the Coir
Khan of Rubruquis with the Ghaur Khan, the
founder of the kingdom of Qara-Khithay, who was
a Buddhist, but apparently had many Nestorian
adjects. This prince, called Yeliu Tashe by the
Chinese, was succeeded in 1136 by his son Yeliu
Yliei, and in 1155 by his grandson Tchiluku. In
1208 the latter made the Nayman Prince Kushluk
his son-in-law, only to meet his death at the hands
of his thankless protege1, who in his turn was killed
in 1218 by Genghis Khan. Rubruquis took the
title Ghaur Khan as a proper name, fused the first
three princes into one, and finally gave ground to
the confusion with Unk Khan, who was killed by
Genghis Khan fifteen years before Kushluk.

According to Gustav Oppert Ghaur Khan or Kor

Khan was changed by phonetic laws to Yor Khan,

winch was corrupted through the Hebrew Yohan-

nan and the Syriac Yuhanan into Johannes. It is

a historic fact, moreover, that Kusliluk's wife, the

daughter of the last Ghaur Khan, was a Christian,

and that descendants of this royal family who later

ruled in Tenduch were also Christians and ruled

over a Christian population. (W. GermannI.)

Bibliography: F. Zarncke, in the Abhandlungen of the
Saxon Academy of Sciences, philological-historical class,
voL viL, 1879, vol. viii., 1883-86; G. Oppert, Der Pres-
byter Johannes in Sage und Oeschichte, 2d ed., Berlin, 1870;
G. Brunet, La LSgende du Prtore-Jean, Bordeaux, 1877; S.
Baring-Gould, Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, London,
1884; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 1, pp. 437-439.

PRESTON, JOHN: Puritan; b. at Upper Hey-
ford (6 m. w. of Northampton) in the latter half of
1587; d. at Preston-Capes (12 m. w.s.w. of North-
ampton) July 20, 1628. He was educated at King's
College (1604-06) and Queen's College, Cambridge
(1606-07), and became fellow at the latter, 1609.
He took orders and became dean and catecbist at
Queen's. On the nomination of the duke of Buck-
ingham, he was made chaplain to Prince Charles,
preacher at Lincoln's Inn, and master of Emanuel
College (1622). He was the chaplain-in- waiting at
the death of King James I. (1625). In his closing
years, his stanch Puritanism cost him the duke's
patronage. As a preacher, he attracted great at-
tention. He was also a vigorous defender of Cal-
vinism. His writings were very popular; a few of
which are: The New Covenant, or the Saints' Portion
(London, 1629); The Saint's Daily Exercise (1629);
and The Breastplate of Faith (1630).

Bibliography: The Life of the Renowned Doctor Preston,
written by Thomas Ball in 1628, was abridged by Samuel
Clarice and several times printed, e.g., in Lives of Thirtit-
two English Divines, pp. 75 sqq., London, 1677, and is
edited by E. W. Harcourt, Oxford. 1885. Consult fur-
ther: D. Neal, Hist, of the Puritans, ed. J. Toulmin, ii. 124
■qq., 5 vols., Bath. 1793-97; B. Brooke, Lives of the

Puritans, ii. 356 sqq., 3 vols., London, 1813; DNB, xlvi.
308-312 (gives a list of twenty-four works).

PRESTON, THOMAS SCOTT: Roman Catholic;
b. at Hartford, Conn., July 23, 1824; d. in New
York Nov. 4, 1891. He was brought up in the
Protestant Episcopal Church; was graduated from
Trinity College, Hartford, 1843, and from the Gen-
eral Theological Seminary, New York, 1846; was
ordained in 1846, and served as assistant rector at
the Church of the Annunciation and subsequently
at St. Luke's, both in New York City, till 1849,
when he entered the Roman Catholic Church; he
studied a year at St. Joseph's Seminary, Fordham,
and was ordained priest in 1850; served as assistant
at the cathedral in New York and at St. Mary's,
Yonkers; became chancellor of the diocese of New
York in 1853 and vicar-general in 1873, and was
also rector of St. Anne's, New York, after 1861.
Among his books are: Sermons for the Principal
Seasons of the Sacred Year (New York, 1864); Chris-
tian Unity (1867); Reason and Revelation (1868);
Christ and the Church (1870); Catholic View of the
Public School System (1870); The Vicar of Christ
(1871); Divine Paraclete: Sermons (1880); Protes-
tantism and the Bible (1880); and God and Reason
(1884).

PREUSCHEN, ERWIN FRIEDRICH WILHELM
FERDINAND: German Protestant; b. at Lissberg
(not far from Frankfort), Hesse, Jan. 8, 1867. He
was educated at the University of Giessen (lie.
theol., 1891), and after being an assistant to A.
Harnack at Berlin in the preparation of his Bestand
der altchristlichen LUeratur (1891-93); held vari-
ous pastorates in Hesse-Darmstadt until 1897;
was a teocher in a gymnasium at Darmstadt (1897-
1907), where he was appointed professor in 1907.
In theology he holds that " an investigation of the
original form of Christianity as an absolute religion
is the only justifiable foundation of theological ac-
tivity and Christian knowledge, such an investiga-
tion to be uninfluenced by philosophical categories
and ecclesiastical dogmas." He has written Ana-
lekla, kUrzere Tezte zur Geschichte der alien Kirche
und des Kanons (Freiburg, 1893); PaUadius und
Rufinus (Giessen, 1897); AntUegomena, die Rests
der ausserkanonischen Evangelien und urchrisUichen
Ueberlie/erungen (1901); Zwei gnostische Hymnen
(1904); Leiifaden der biblischen Geographic (1904);
Kirchengeschichte /Ur die deutsche Familie (Reut-
lingen, 1905); and VoUstdndiges griechisch-deutsches
Handworterbuch zu den Schriften des N. T. (Gies-
sen, 1908 sqq.). He has also edited Tertullian's
De pamitentia et de pudicitia (Freiburg, 1891) and
De prasscriptione hasreticorum (1892), as well as
Origen'8 commentary on St. John (Leipsic, 1903),
while in 1900 he founded the Zeitschrift fUr die
neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, of which he has
since been the editor. He has translated E. Hatch's
Greek Ideas and Usages, their Influence upon the
Christian Church (Tendon, 1890) under the title
Griechentnm und Christentum (Freiburg, 1892) and
the Armenian version of the sixth and seventh books
of the church history of Eusebius (Leipsic, 1902).

PRICE, HORACE MACCARTIE EYRE: Church
of England bishop; b. at Malvern (36 m. s.w. of

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

r,innmKham), England, Aug. 3. 1863. Ho received
Ki h education at Trinity College, Cambridge (B.A.,
1885; M.A., 1889); was ordained deacon, 1886,
and prieat, 1888; entered the service of the Church
V i --Hiiiary Society, in which he remained, except
for a year, till his consecration as bishop of Fuh-
Kien, China, in 1906. His appointments were:
missionary and vice-principal of the Fourah Bay
C.Ki'ir.'. Sierra Leone. ISSO-Sfl; curate of WingfieH
Suffolk. 188B-0O; principal of the society's boys'
school at Osaka. Japan. IMfHMlT; acting secretary
for the society at Osaka, 1897-98; principal of the
society's divinity school in the same city, 1900-03,
ami secretary for the society, 1890-1904; did rais-
siuiiarv wort there, till 1906, acting also as examin-
ing chaplain to the bishop of Osaka, 1899-1906, as
archdeacon of Osaka, 1901-06. and as secretary for
the society in central Japan, 1904-1906. These
posts he left to take up the duties of his bishopric.

PRICE, IRA MAURICE: Baptist; b. at Welsh
Hills, near Newark, O., Apr. 29, 1856. He was ed-
ucated at Denison University, Granville, O. (B.A.,
1ST1,"'), the Baptist Union Theological Seminary
[11.11, 1882), and the University of Leipsic (Ph.D.,
1886). He was professor of Greek and modern
laminates in nt.s Moines College, Des Moines, la.
(I.S71I-S0), instructor in French and German in
Morgan Park Military Academy (1880-83), in-
structor in Hebrew in Wheaton Theolopcal Sem-
inary (1882-83), and instructor in the Correspond-
ence School of Hebrew (1882-84). After his return
from Germany be was instructor (1886-88) and
professor (1888-92) of Hebrew in Baptist Union
Tlieelor.-ioal .Seminary, and in 1892 was appointed
associate professor of Semitic languages and litera-
tures in the University of Chicago, where he has
been full professor of the same subjects since 1900.
In 1902-03 he was a member of the International
Sunday School Lesson Committee, of which he was
made secretary in the latter year, and in 1906 he
was; Gay Lecturer in the Southern Baptist Theo-
logical Seminary. He has written Introduction to
the Inscriptions /Uncovered by Mons. E. de Sariac
(Munich, 1887); Syllabus of Old Testament History
(New York, 1891); The Great Cylinder Inscriptions
(A and B) of Cudca, part 1 (Leipsic, 1899); The
Mnnnmculs ami the Obi Testament (Chicago, 1899);
Some Literary Remains of Rim-Sin (Arioch) of Larsa
(1905); and The Ancestry of our English Bible
(Philadelphia, 1907).

PRIDE: An unwarranted feeling of self-suffi-
ciency, usually manifested by an arrogant bearing
anil i disregard of the worth of others. The word
is used both in a religious and in an ethical sense;
but the two forma of pride are closely related, since
pride toward God is also directed against society,
while arrogance toward one's fcllons becomes arro-
gance toward God. At present the word is em-
ployed chiefly in the ethical sense. In the Bible,
however, where pride is contrasted with humility,
it is the religious sense of the word that prevails.
God hates "a haughty look" (Prov. vi. 17), and
in his sight all manifestations of pride are an
" abomination " (Luke xvi. 15). In the New Tes-
tament the Old-Testament contrast between pride

and humility is made the basis of the diatinclion
between Pharisaical piety and true religion. WIA
humility is that feeling of dependence which uses'
sarily accompanies fatth and love toward God, piile
ia that self-assurance, or self-righteousness, whki
prevents one from feeling the need of the pared
God in Jesus Christ. Considered ethically, pride
consists in self -exaltation, with correlative dear
ciation of others. Aside from moral and religion)
pride there is social pride, which, when combiaJ
with benevolence, becomes condescension. In tie
religious field the worst form of pride is intellectual
pride, which carries with it the danger of hypoe-
risy (Luke xviii. 11-14). Since the normal relijpoui
consciousness includes absolute trust in God, shite
pride is characterized by trust in one's own poorta,
it is evident that pride is an obstacle to salvation.
The transition from the sinful state to the state at
grace is possible only in the experience of absolute
dependence upon God, and of utter powerlesne*
to save oneself. From its very nature, faith ex-
cludes pride. However, pride persists in Chrirtiaa
life as a blot and a sign of disease.

The conception of pride was completely shifted
by the rise and development of Roman Catholicism.
Through the authority of the Roman hierarchy
submission to the Church and its teaching; tm
substituted for submission to God by faith, and
any attempt to separate from the Church wai
looked upon as wanton arrogance and self-eialta-
tion. Hence, pride came to be regarded by tie
Church as the basal sin. Since in the monastic
orders obedience (i.e., humility and self-renundir
tion) was the chief requirement, any refractory in-
dependence was identified with pride. By this sup-
pression of personality, pride, or superbia, wu
shifted into tie category of the worst, or the very
root^sin. Augustine repeatedly characterizes nt-
perbia as the chief and basal sin, the source of all
other sins, and praises obedientia as the marts**
virtus. PrudentiuB calls superbia " the root of all
evil." This conception was introduced into scho-
lasticism by Peter Lombard in the " Sentences."
He makes superbia the first of the seven mortal sum
and deduces from it all other sins. It is made to
account for the fall of the first man, and even of
the devil. The fall of man is still too often ascribed
to pride (the wishing to " be as God "), which makes
the thing to be explained the explanation; for if
the origin of sin is to he explained, and pride i- -in, it
must be shown whence pride arose. If the essence
of sin is selfisliness, pride can not be regarded as a
special sin either toward "inn or toward God; in
both relations it is the evidence of a false and exag-
gerated estimate of one's own worth, wherein the
sin consists. (L. Lesoie.)

Bibuookai-ht: C. E. Liitbardt. Saving Trulhi of ChrHian.
Ul/. p. 89, Edinburgh, 1868: J. Uartinuu, Typri tf Eth-
ical Thtory, ii. 238, Oxford. 1889.

PRIDEADX, HUMPHREY: Orientalist; b. at

Pads tow (25 m. w.n.w. of Plymouth), Cornwall,
May 3, 1648; d. at Norwich Nov. 1, 1724. He was
educated at Christ Church. Oxford (B A 1672-
M.A., 1675; B.D., 1682); and published .War-
mora Oxoniawa (Oxford, 1676), a transcript of the
inscription on the Arundel Marbles (containing

947

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Prioe
Prierias

many typographical errors). In consequence of
this work, the lord-chancellor, Heneage Finch, gave
him the living of St. Clement's, near Oxford, 1670,
and a prebend in Norwich Cathedral, 1681. He
was appointed also, in 1670, Busby's Hebrew lec-
turer in Christ College, in 1683 rector of Bladon,
Oxfordshire, in 1688 archdeacon of Suffolk, and in
1702 dean of Norwich. He wrote two famous
works: The True Nature of Imposture Displayed in
the Life of Mahomet (London, 1607; 0th ed., Dub-
lin, 1730); and The Old and New Testament Con-
nected in the History of the Jews and Neighbouring
Nations (2 vols., London, 1716-18; best ed., the
25th, by J. T. Wheeler, 1858, reedited, 1876; com-
monly called "Prideaux's Connection"), this calling
forth several works animadverting upon Prideaux'
conclusions. The first of these works maintains
with great learning and prejudice the lowest view
of Mohammed's character; the second presents a
mass of erudition upon all relevant topics.

Bibliography: Hie Letter* . . . to John Ellis, Under Secre-
tary of State . . . 1674-17$$, £. M. Thompson edited for
the Camden Society, London, 1875. His Life appeared
anonymously, London, 1748. Consult further: A. a Wood,
Athena Oxonitnses, ed. P. Bliss, iv. 656, and the Fasti,
ii. 331. 348, 384, 400. 4 vols., London, 1813-20; J. Foster,
Alumni Oxonieneee, iii. 1212, ib. 1887.

PRIDEAUX, JOHN: Church of England bishop
of Worcester; b. at Stowford, near Ivybridge (10
m. e. of Plymouth), Sept. 17, 1758; d. at Bredon
(38 m. S.8.W. of Birmingham) July 29, 1650. He
matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford (B.A., 1600;
M.A., 1603; B.D., 1611; D.D., 1612); took orders
soon after receiving his master's degree; became
chaplain to Prince Henry; fellow of the college at
Chelsea in 1609; rector of Exeter College, 1612;
vicar of Bampton, 1614; regius professor of divin-
ity, 1615; canon of Christ Church, 1616; vicar of
Chalgrove and canon at Salisbury, 1620; rector of
Ewelme, 1629; was five times vice-chancellor of the
university; and was appointed bishop of Worces-
ter, 1641. He was a loyalist, and the surrender of
Worcester to the Parliamentary forces in 1646 ended
his episcopate; he spent his last years in poverty
with his son-in-law, rector of Bredon. He was a
diligent writer, mainly in Latin, his principal works
in English being The Doctrine of the Sabbath (Lon-
don, 1634), and Sacred Eloquence (1659); he also
wrote on devotional subjects.

Bibliography: DNB, xlvi. 354-356, where references to
scattering notices are given.

PRIERIAS, SILVESTER (SILVESTRO MAZ-
ZOLINI): Italian Dominican and opponent of
Luther; b. at Priero (40 m. w. of Genoa) about
1456; d. at Rome at the beginning of 1523. He
entered the Dominican monastery of Santa Maria
di Castello in Genoa at the age of fifteen, and eight
years later was ordained priest. From 1490 to
about the end of the century he was studying and
teaching at Bologna and Padua, and after being
prior of several monasteries was vicar general of
the province of Lombardy (1508-10), being at the
same time inquisitor in Brixen and vicinity. In
1511 he became inquisitor in the district of Milan,
and two years later was prior at Cremona. Mean-
while he had written a series of theological works
including his Compendium Capreoli (1497), Trac-

tatulus de diabolo (1502), Aurea rosa (1503), Trac-
tatus de expositione tnissa (1509), Malleus contra
Scotistas (1514), and especially his Summa sum-
marum qua SUvestrina dicitur (Bologna, 1515; re-
printed forty times), a work neither balanced nor
original but a comprehensive practical theology.
It brought him the fame of an erudite Thomist, and
about the middle of 1514, Pope Leo X. called him
to Rome to take the Dominican chair of Thomistic
theology at the Gymnasium Romanum; and in
the following year, through the influence of Cajetan
(q.v.), he was appointed master of the sacred pal-
ace. Thus he became a councilor of the pope in
matters of faith and inquisitor within the city, and
was also empowered to act as inquisitor and judge
in matters of faith affecting the entire Church. He
was influential in securing the condemnation of
Reuchlin. As censor he considered the theses of
Luther and within three days composed his Dia-
logue in prasumptuosas Martini Lutheri condu-
siones de potestate papa (1518). Without having
an inkling that it was a religious question with
Luther, Prierias, in order to draw out Luther's
fundamentals, set forth in four theses the most ex-
treme views on the infallibility of the Church, con-
cluding that any one asserting that the Church
could not do what she did (specifically regarding
indulgences) must be adjudged a heretic. Luther,
who received this trivial work in Aug., 1518, wrote
a reply in two days, while Prierias answered briefly
in his Replica (1519?) and the German reformer
scornfully advised Prierias in a letter now lost not
to make himself ridiculous. Prierias, who had
meanwhile been officially commissioned to exam-
ine Luther's utterances, published, in 1519, an
Epitoma responsionis ad Martinum Lutherum
(Perugia, 1519), which was, in short, an index of
the contents of a comprehensive work which he
had meanwhile begun and which appeared as Er-
rata et argumenta Martini Luteris recitata, detecta,
repulsa et copiosissime trita (Rome, 1519). This
was to prove that the papal decision in matters of
faith and doctrine was divinely inspired and could
be rejected only under penalty of eternal death.
Luther published this work, like its predecessors,
with a violent preface and appendix, and caustic
marginal comments. He could even be half doubt-
ful whether Prierias' statements really represented
true Roman doctrine; but. Leo X. declared, in a
brief of July 21, 1520, that Prierias had written
canonically against Luther, and threatened with
excommunication and heavy fine any unlicensed
reprinting of the work. It always remained
an important document for the Roman Catholic
doctrine of the period concerning the powers
of the pope. Such was the influence of Prierias
that Erasmus was forced, despite his hatred of
him, to take refuge with him from the Carmelites
of Louvain. Other works are Conflatum ex Sancto
Thoma (with a list of his own writings; Perugia,
1519) ; and De strigimagarum damumumque miran-
dis libri tree (Rome, 1521). (T. Kolde.)

Bibliography: J. Quetif and J. £chard, Scriptoree ordinie
projdicatorum, ii. 52 aqq.( Pane, 1721; F. Michalaki, De
Siivestri Prieriatis . . . vita et ecriptie, M tarter, 1802;
and the lives of Luther by Kfetlin, Kolde, and Jacobs
(see under Luthbb, Martoh).

Priest

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

248

In the OM Tcwtrimoiit.

Name :uid Conception.

History.

Origins CS 1).

To the Division of the Kingdom

(5 2).
The Kowil Period (5 :*>.
Kxile to Nfw-T«*tiiuii'iit Tiincw (5 4).

PRIEST, PRIESTHOOD.

3. Organization.

Hunks ami Grades (| 1).
Post-Exilic Arrangements (f 2).

4. Position and Duties.
Touching Functions (| 1).
Sarriticial and Other Functions (§2).

5. ( 'oiiMccrution, Manner of Life.
Coiwcoration ({1).

Apparel; Manner of Life (j 2).
6. Perquisites.
II. In the Christian Church.

Early and Patristic Conceptions

(I 1).
The Medieval Church (} 2).
The Roman Doctrine (J 3).
Anglican (Conception (j 4).

I. In the Old Testament: 1. Name and Con-
ception: The usual designation of u priest in the
OM Testament is kohnt which is reproduced in
Aramaic, Phenieian, and Ethiopian. The Arabic
kahin signifies " seer," " truth-teller," showing a
socialization of function. The etymology of the
word is yet in doubt. Tlie word kemarim, A. V.,
11 chemarim " (Hos. x. 5; Zeph. i. 4). is used only
of idolatrous priests (II Kings xxiii. 5), while
?W<jA", " messenger." is used of the priest only in
a figurative sense (Mai. ii. 7; Eecles. v. (i). The
( >ld Testament assumes a priesthood to l>c a uni-
versally established institution, making mention
of Melchizedek (q.v.) ami of an Egyptian priest-
hood (Gen. xli. 45, 50, etc.); Moses became the
son-in-law of Jcthro, a priest of Midian. The in-
ferences that have l>ecn drawn from the relation-
ship l>etwcen Moses and Jcthro (Ex. ii. 10, 21, iii.
1, iv. IS, xviii. 1-12) have not l>ccn entirely justi-
fied. While there may have Ixvn connections be-
tween the priesthood of Yahweh founded by Moses
and the Midianitic-Kenitic priesthood of Jethro,
these relationships were due to the long inter-
course! between the Israelites and the Midianitic-
Kenitic trilx's of the Sinai peninsula (see Moses).
The originality (if Moses as the founder of the
Israelitic priesthood and of the religion of Yahweh
remains unquestionable. The individuality of the
law for the priests delivered by Moses in the name
of Yahweh must be considered the outcome of his
own life's work; how many of the peculiarities
were borrowed by him from the wider Semitic field
is uncertain, es|x>eially since the age of various in-
scriptions bearing on the subject has not l>een fully
determined (see Hammi n.viu and his Code; Hexa-
tel'ch). The priest howl of the Phenieian Raal
threatened under Jezel>cl to become established in
Israel (I Kings xvi. 31-32). Priests of Baal existed
in the northern kingdom (II Kings x. 10), and a
priest of Baal in Jerusalem, named Matthan, is re-
ferred to in II Kings xi. 18. The opponents of
Elijah (q.v.) on Mt. Carmel are called prophets
(see Pkoimikts, Prophecy) although they were un-
doubtedly priests.

2. History: Priestly individuals are to be found
among the Israelitic tribes before the rise of the
national priesthood. They are mentioned prior
to the theophany on Sinai (Ex. xix. 22, 24). Aaron
is called " the Levite " (that is " the
priest ") as early as Ex. iv. 14. Ac-
cording to the most ancient tradition it was Moses
who, above all, promulgated in priestly fashion
from the oracular tent the decrees of God (Ex.
xxxiii. 7 sqq.) and the divine Wiahtion (Ex. xviii.
15 sqq.). He is M * *»»e

priesthood.

1. Origin.

come into notice during the period of tbe jude&
go back to the family of Moses (cf . for Dan, Judgw
xviii. 30; and for Shiloh, I Sam. ii. 27-28, acoord-
ing to which God revealed himself in Egypt to the
house of Eli and entrusted it with the priesthood).
The form of Aaron rises in the old tradition ami
can not be otherwise disposed of. It is a capri-
cious proceeding to interpret him as a mere per-
sonification of the ark of the covenant by a play
on the word aron " ark " (E. Renan, Hisloirc du
peuple d' Israel, i. 179, 5 vols., Paris. LSS7-94; Eng.
trunsl., Hist, of the People of Israel, London, 1SSS
sqq.)- It is conceivable that the house of Eli orig-
inated with Moses, while the Zadokites were de-
rived from Aaron. It is, however, more probable
that the house of Eli went back to Aaron, through
one of their ancestors, Phi ne has, and lost first place
in the genealogy when the legitimacy and higher
dignity of the " sons of Zadok " were established
as being of great antiquity.

The descendants of Eli retained their priestly
office despite the loss of the ark (I Sam. iv. 11 sqq.)
and the destruction of Shiloh that ensued prob-
ably at that time (Jer. vii. 12, 14). In the time of
Saul, Ahia-Ahimelech, grandson of
2i>ivi«ithe Phinehas, an(^ 80n °f Abitub, was
of the P^est, carried the ephod, and inquired
Kingdom. °* Yahweh for Saul (I Sam. xiv. 3
sqq.). Nob is mentioned as the home
of the sons of Eli who had increased to the number
of eighty-five. After the massacre by Saul, the only
survivor, Abiathar, fled to David and became his
priest (I Sam. xxii). The ark on its return was
placed in the house of Abinadab in Kirjath-Jcarim
and his son, Eleasar, was ordained its guardian
(I Sam. vii. 1). Uzza and Ahio are mentioned later
as sons of Abinadab (II Sam. vi. 3). The ark hav-
ing been placed in Jerusalem by David, the priestly
service in connection with it continued, and Abia-
thar and Zadok appear regularly as priests. The
sons of David and the Jairite Ira arc also referred
to as priests (II Sam. viii. 18, xx. 26). David him-
self on occasion wore the priestly ephod, presented
the sacrifice and blessed the people in the name
of Yahweh (II Sam. vi. 14, 18, xxiv. 25). The
partizanship of Abiathar for Adonijah led to his
banishment to Anathoth, and it is possible that
Jeremiah " the son of Hilkiah, of the priests of
Anathoth" (Jer. i. 1) belonged to this family.
Zadok's son Asariah is mentioned as the chief of the
royal officials (I Kings iv. 2).

Jeroboam, after the division of the kingdom, es-
tablished an official worship at Bethel and Dan for
the northern kingdom with priests who " did not
belong to the Levites" (I Kings xii. 31-32, xiii.
-13). Aa royal officials they shared the fate of tbe

249

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Priest

dynasty when it fell. After the deportations of
722, 720, and later, the replanted colony asked for

priests of Yahweh to conduct the serv-

l~e ice of the national religion (II Kings

p^^j xvii. 26 sqq.). Amos (vii. 10 sqq.) and

Hosea (iv. 4-14, vi. 9) give unflatter-
ing pictures of the priests of the north. In the
southern kingdom Jehoshaphat is said to have ap-
pointed priests as judges in Jerusalem and through-
out the country (II Chron. xvii. 8, xix. 8-11). The
priesthood supported the dynasty of David in the
time of Athaliah and defended the religion of Yah-
weh against the Phenician Baal worship. The de-
generacy of the Jewish priesthood is described by
Isaiah and Micah, but on the discovery of the book
of the law (622 B.C.; cf. E. Naville, The Discovery
of the Book of the Law, London, 1910) the priest-
hood cooperated with the king in carrying out its
provisions (II Kings xxii.-xxiii.). The reform of
Josiah abolished idolatry and the worship on the
high places, and raised the position of the priest-
hood of the capital. Jeremiah (viii. 8) has priests
in mind when, among other complaints, he declares
that the scribes turn the law into lies. The priests
were, next to the false prophets, Jeremiah's prin-
cipal opponents.

Many priests must have returned after the exile
(Ezra viii. 2, 24). In the first years after the exile
the priests seem to have sunk to a low spiritual

and moral level (Zeph. iii. 4; Mai. i.

to ir^6 ®~"' ^' ^^ were amon8 those who
Testament in*ermarrie<i with the heathen. Twen-
Ximee. ty-one of these, with the Levites and
heads of the people, signed the covenant
of Neh. ix. (Neh. x. 3-9). The incomes of the priests
and the order of the temple service were regulated at
that time. Nehemiah energetically suppressed,
during his second stay in Jerusalem, renewed at-
tempts of the priests to form alliances with the
surrounding peoples and to grant them rights in
the temple (Neh. xiii. 4-9, 28-31), a measure which
led to the establishment of the Samaritan congre-
gation (Neh. xiii. 28; Josephus, Ant., XI., vii. 2,
viii. 2 sqq.). The high priest and his house stead-
ily gained in importance, and the scribes, as inter-
preters of the law, acquired the real spiritual leader-
ship of the people (see High Priest; Pharisees
and Sadducees). Priests abandoned the service
of the altar during the Hellenistic period (see Hel-
lenism), to view the gymnastic exercises (II Mac.
iv. 14). On the other hand, the Maccabees (see
Habmoneans) came of a priestly family. As a
consequence of the Maccabean victory the old high-
priestly aristocracy was compelled to retire, but
found in the newly established temple of Leon-
topolis (q.v.) in Egypt an opportunity for priestly
activity. The high regard in which the priesthood
was held by the pious in this and the subsequent
period may be inferred from the Book of Jubilees
and the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (see
IteiTDBFiaRAPHA, IV., 33, III. 23) in their glorifi-
cation of Levi John the Baptist was the son of
a priest (Luke i. 5 sqq.), and Josephus came of a
priestly family.

8. Organisations The historical data concern-
ing the organisation of the priesthood are scanty.

*»»■

It is probable that there were higher and low
grades of temple attendants from the beginning.

The Canaanites were probably employed
^ Grades m mcma^ services about the sanctuary

(Josephus, Ant., IX., xxi. sqq.).
Foreigners served in the temple up to the time of
the exile, and formed racial associations and are
called nethinim, "gifts," in the lists of the returned
exiles. Toward the close of the regal period there
was at the head of the Jerusalem priesthood a " high
priest " and a " chief priest," and three doorkeepers
(II Kings xxiii. 4, xxv. 18). All this is independent
of the question of the relative rank of priests and
Levites, which had become acute under the reform
of Josiah. Deuteronomy distinguishes between
regular priests in service and the solitary Levite in
a country town, who occupied the position of a ger
("stranger," q.v.; see also Prosklyte) and depended
upon charity for his subsistence. The Levite had the
right to act as priest at the central sanctuary, but
it is uncertain what rank he would take there and
whether he might remain permanently or must re-
turn to his home. This was a question which did
not interest the Deutcronomist. During the exile,
Ezekiel drafted his proposals for the reorganization
of the temple service, among which was that the
priests who had served idols on the high places
were as a punishment to do the work formerly per-
formed by the foreigners in the temple (Ezek. xliv.
10 sqq.). His program did not create the distinc-
tion between superior and inferior temple attend-
ants, or between the aristocratic Zadokites and the
humbler Levites of the country; but he established
the terminology, and " Levites " was thencefor-
ward the designation of the subordinate temple
attendants. Developments, however, did not fol-
low Ezekiel's ideals. The lists of the returned exiles
show that those who could not give evidence of
priestly descent were excluded from the temple
service, that not a few must have attained the
priesthood from families outside Jerusalem, and
that the distinction between priests and Levites
had been established in Palestine as well as in Baby-
Ionia. In the priest code the Levites take a prom,
inent position, but are subordinate to the priests.
Theoretically they are the substitutes for the whole
community in place of the first-born that belonged
to Yahweh and as such are " given " to the priests
(Num. iii. 9, viii. 19, xviii. 6). The older opposi-
tion between the priestly tribe of Levi and the
other tribes appears in P, especially in Num. xvi.-
xvii. The proportion of priests and Levites given
in P, one to 11,000, at no time corresponded in the
remotest degree with the facts. P is the repre-
sentation of an ideal theocracy such as was sup-
posed actually to have existed in the time of Moses.
Ezra's reform sought to realize a holy community
in accordance with the ideas expressed in P.

A more elaborate distribution of the priests into
classes gradually arose out of the preexilic organ-
ization into families. There were four classes or
families on the return from the exile, those of
Joshua (the high-priestly family), Immer, Pashur,
and Harim (Ezra ii. 3G-39). There was an at-
tempt to connect the post-exilic with the preexilic
families. According to rabbinical tradition the

Priest

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

250

four classes were divided by lot into twenty-four.

The people, too, are said to have been divided into

twenty-four classes, each of which sent

2. Post- representatives for a week to assist at

Exilio thg sacrifices in Jerusalem. (Taanith,

rraitl*" *v* ^ sqq)- But how far these ar-
rangements were carried out is doubtful.
The size of some of the classes made subdivisions
necessary. The hierarchical order of the latest
period was essentially as follows: (1) The high
priest; (2) the captain of the temple (Acts iv. 1,
v. 24), subordinates of whom arc also mentioned.
(3) two katkolikin, probably overseers of the tem-
ple property; (4) several gizborim, " stewards ";
(5) a number of amarkdin, probably guardians of
the treasure. The twenty-four heads of courses and
of families are in a separate category. A merubheh
begadhim, or high priest ordained by investiture
instead of by anointment, is added in some places.

4. Position and Duties: The priesthood in Israel
was held in high respect, although it never had the
importance of the hierarchy in Egypt or Baby-

T Mil lon*a- *t was a sin to kill a priest even
functions a^ *ne ©xpress command of a king
(I Sam. xxii. 17; I Kings ii. 26). Bus
excepting perhaps the house of Eli at Shiloh in the
preexilic period the priests were in a state of de-
pendence on private individuals (Judges xvii. 10
sqq.), tribes (Jude xviii. 19), or especially on the
kings. Twice the Jerusalem priesthood interfered
in politics (I Kings i.; II Kings xi.), but never
dared to disregard the royal arrangements for the
temple. The position of priests in the community
is in no way to be compared with that of the proph-
ets. They lacked organization and after the exile
had little influence. Indeed, they were often op-
posed by the pious among the people, even before
the times when Hellenism was influential. The
law which gave them ah important place in the
post-exilic theocracy prevented their historical
development, since the ideal which the law was in-
tended to establish was past and fixed. The func-
tion of the priesthood according to the law was to
mediate between God and the people. It received
for God the sacrifices of the people; it imparted
God's blessing to the people. In the ancient period
the chief duty of the priests was to learn the divine
will or torah by means of the sacred lot (see Ephod;
Lot; and Urim and Thummim). The torah in-
cluded decisions on doubtful legal points, answers
to questions of a ritualistic and ceremonial nature
or those asked in important crises. The customary
law that arose from the priest code shows that the
old Israelitic torah was pervaded by an earnest
moral spirit.

In the more ancient period the assistance of the
priests at sacrifice was not required (see Sacrifice),
only later did the services of priests at the sacri-
fices become customary, and, finally,
2. S*01*- mercenary. The duties of the priest

Oth*11 a^ *ne 8ac"nce mav te learned from
Function*. *ne P^est code, where ancient custom
* and later practise are described to-
gether. The sacrificial animal was slaughtered by
him who brought the sacrifice, both in the early
period and according to P. Ezekiel would assign

the work to the Levites (Ezek. xliv. 11); accord-
ing to the Chronicles (II Chron. xxx. 16, xxx*. 11)
they took part only at great festivals as assistants
of the priests. The priests themselves ic later
times acted as slaughterers at ordinary sacrifices
(II Chron. xxix. 24, 34). The priests removed the
ashes, maintained the fire, took care of tabernacle,
temple f uraishings, and appurtenances (Lev. vL
2 sqq., xxiv. 8; Ex. xxvii. 21, xxx. 7-8; Num. iv.
8 sqq.). It was their duty to examine those who
were obliged to remove from the camp and to bring
the sacrifice of purification for them (Lev. xiii.-
xiv.), to deal with the woman suspected of adul-
tery, to reconsecrate the Nazarite whose oath had
been violated, and at the close of the consecration
period to bring the sacrifice (Num. vi. 9-20), to
present the ashes of purification of the red heifer
(Num. xix. 3 sqq.). They were to estimate the •
value of the redeemable forfeits to the sanctuary,
the value of the first-born, of inheritances, and of
everything under the ban (Lev. xxvii. 7 sqq.), to
pass upon ceremonial purity, to blow the holy trum-
pets, and finally to bless the people (Lev. x. 10-11;
Num. x. 8-10, vi. 23-27). The priest code does not
deal with the right of the priests to pronounce judg-
ment, whereas Ezekiel (xliv. 24) strongly empha-
sizes it, and Deuteronomy (in what is regarded as
an interpolation) mentions it explicitly several
times (Deut. xvii. 8 sqq., xix. 17). In post-exilic
times the judicial function was exercised generally
by the elders or the king. The priest issued only
the divine judgment as expressed through the lot.
In post-exilic times the judicial function was ex-
ercised by the aristocracy (Ezra vii. 25, x. 14). A
centralized high court was gradually formed in the
iSanhedrin (q.v.) in which priests sat. Deuteronomy
discusses the duties of the priesthood briefly.

6. Consecration, Manner of Life: The priest-
hood in ancient Israel passed, as a rule, by inheri-
tance, although sometimes those not of priestly
families were consecrated. Even those of priestly
family were obliged to pass through a
"H1*6" so^emn ordination ceremonial (Ex.

cra on* xxix. 1-37, xl. 12-15; Lev. viii.), con-
sisting of: (1) an act of purification and atonement
The priest was washed and a sin-offering was
brought for him. (2) An act of investiture and the
bringing of a burnt-offering. (3) An act of conse-
cration consisting of (a) anointing with oil, (b) the
application of the blood of the ram to the lobe of
the right ear, the right thumb, and right great-toe;
part of the rest being sprinkled around the altar,
and part of it left standing in a vessel upon the
altar; (c) the sprinkling with blood and oil, — the
remainder of the blood and oil being mixed and
sprinkled on the person and dress of the priest.
Following this threefold consecration came a third
sacrificial act, the offering of the ram of consecra-
tion, with the accompanying division of the flesh
among those whose perquisite it was. The entire
proceeding represents the transference to the priest
of the authority of presenting the sacrifice to God
and of receiving in its place the priestly portion.

The ordinary priest was required to wear during
the performance of his duties: (1) linen trousers
that reached from the hips to the ankles; (2) a

261

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Priest

Life.

hog tunic provided with arms of byssus in one
piece, woven probably in a checker pattern; (3) a

girdle also of byssus, inwoven with
^^J^~f threads of blue, purple, and scarlet.

According to Josephus (Ant., III., vii.

2) there were inwoven flowers, and
the ends of the girdle hung down to the ground,
being thrown over the left shoulder during the
service; (4) a sort of cap, also of byssus, of un-
certain form; a conical shape is usually assumed.
The color of the dress, excepting the girdle, was
white throughout, symbolizing purity. No shoes
were worn. The hereditary priests were under all
circumstances assured of support from the legally
provided income; but actual priestly service was
permitted only to the physically faultless. In Lev.
xxi. 17-20, are enumerated twelve blemishes that
disqualify a priest for officiating. Priestly ordina-
tion must therefore have been preceded by a thor-
ough examination. Those who passed it clothed
themselves in white; those who failed, in black
(Middoth v. 4). No age limits are given in the
codes, but traditionally the minimum age was
twenty.

The rules for purification laid down for the
people in general were more strict as applied to the
priests. They were not to arouse the suspicion of
adherence to other divinities by any peculiarities
in method of wearing the hair or by using heathen
rites of mourning, were to avoid defilement from
the dead, excepting for father, mother, son, daugh-
ter, brother, unmarried sister, and wife. The priest's
marriage was restricted in certain respects — he
might not marry a woman of immoral character, a
sickly or a divorced woman, or a widow, unless
perhaps her former husband had been a priest.
Adultery by a priest's daughter was punishable
with death by fire. Especial strictness in observ-
ing the rules of purification was required during
the period of actual service — perfect continence,
abstinence from wine, and washing before the be-
ginning of the service, and the sacred dress was not
to be worn at any other time (Lev. x.; Ezek. xliv.
17 sqq., xxiv. 44).

6. Perquisite*: The income of the priest con-
sisted of his portion from sacrifices, other religious
assessments, and income from private sources. The
priest who officiated at a sacrifice received a share
of the common sacrificial meal (I Sam. ii. 13 sqq.).
The consecrated bread usually fell to him (I Sam.
xxi. 5, 7); and to him, in general, everything fell
that had once been hallowed and excluded from
profane use, in so far as it was not eaten at the
common sacrificial meal, or, because of high sanc-
tity, destroyed. In the period of the kings the
priests received money given as trespass and sin-
offerings (II Kings xii. 16). According to D the
tribe of Levi received all the burnt-offerings of
Yahweh (Deut. xxiii. 1). The intensification of
ritualistic zeal, as witnessed by the prophets,
redounded to the advantage of the priests. Accord-
ing to P the priest received the hide from the burnt-
offering and all the sin and guilt offerings for indi-
vidual Israelites. The sin and guilt-offerings brought
for the people as a whole and for the high-priest
were burned outside the camp (Ex. xxix. 14; Lev.

iv. 21). Of all sacrifices such as peace offerings the
priest received the breast and the right thigh, and
a cake as a by-gift. Of the meat-offering he re-
ceived all that was not cast into the altar-fire as
heave-offering; as also the showbread, the meat
of lambs brought at Pentecost, and definite im-
post on the sacrifices of the Nazarites (Lev. vii.
31 sqq., ii. 3, 10; Num. vi. 20). All firstlings of
the flocks were brought as solemn sacrifices to God
and the priest received his share (Ex. xxii. 29).
All that was unclean and unserviceable was to be
redeemed, as also the first-born of men. Every-
thing under the ban fell to the priests (Lev. xxvii.
21, 28; Num. xviii. 14). The first-fruits of grain,
new wine, and oil belonged to Yahweh (Ex. xxiii.
19). The magnitude of the offering of first-fruits
is not stated. According to Deut. xiv. 22 sqq., the
custom seems to have been a tenth of the total
produce every third year. In P the first-fruits in-
cludes that of the tlireshing-floor and new flour
(dough; Num. xv. 17-21). In addition there were
firstlings of fruit which were brought in baskets in
solemn procession to the temple. According to
Neh. x. 37-39, these offerings were stored up in the
chambers of the temple. The priest received also
firstlings at the feasts of unleavened bread and of
Pentecost (Lev. xxiii. 10, 20).

The Tithe (q.v.), perhaps originally and even in
D identical with the first-fruits, was to be eaten as a
sacrificial meal at the central sanctuary (Deut. xiv.
22 sqq.). It might be converted into money but was
to be used only in the form of a sacrificial meal, at
which the Levite must not be forgotten. At the
end of three years the whole tithe was to be made
over to the poor of the locality, including again the
Levite. In P the tithe is a fixed tribute to the
Levites, who in turn have to give a tenth to the
priests (Num. xviii. 21, 25 sqq., 30). This legisla-
tion was never carried out in practise. The high-
priestly families, even under the regime of the law,
monopolized the tithe, while the lower priests suf-
fered privation (Josephus, Ant., XX., viii. 8, ix.
2). The prescriptions of P and D were so combined
by the pious Jew that he offered the tithe of Num.
xviii. 21 as a " first tithe," that of Deut. xiv. 22-
27 as a " second," and that of Deut. xiv. 2&-29 as
a " third " (Tob. i. 7-8; Josephus, Ant., IV., viii.
22). A considerable part of the income of the
priests was derived from ownership of real estate.
Instances of individual priests owning land may be
found in I Kings ii. 26; Jer. xxxii. 7 sqq., xxxvii.
12; Ezek. xiv. 1 sqq., xlviii. 10 sqq. Many priests
as well as Levites in the first years after the exile
must have supported themselves from the products
of the land near Jerusalem. In Josh. xxi. and
I Chron. vi. 39 sqq., thirteen of the forty-eight Le-
vite cities, all lying near Jerusalem, are appor-
tioned to the priests. The apportionment never
actually took place, but the texts indicate how the
subject was considered. (J. KflBERLEf.)

IL In the Christian Church: Offerings and
priests are essential factors in all pre-Christian re-
ligions, the one as means of securing the divine
favor, the other as mediators between suppliants
and the deity by presenting the offerings of the
former to the latter. It was a striking characteristic

Priest

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

352

of early Christianity that it had no offering, and
therefore no priests. All the faithful were con-
ceived as priests, and prayer as their
i. Early offering; but, if all were priests, there
and was no room for a professional priest-
Patristic hood, and prayer can not be conceived
Conceptions, as material. This idea of a congrega-
tion of priests (the universal priest-
hood, as it is called) was a favorite in the ancient
Church, and was regarded as part of the superiority
of Christianity (Justin Martyr, Trypho, cxvi.).
Ircnrcus (//or., IV., viii. 3) uses it to justify his
designation of the apostles as priests. Tertullian
(De exhortatione castitatis, vii.) grounds upon it the
right of all Christians to administer the sacraments
(cf. De baptismo, xvii.; De morwgamia, vii.). Origen
(e.g., "On Prayer," xxviii. 9) and Augustine (Civi-
tas Dei, xx. 10; Reuter in ZKG, vii. 209) know of
it and approve it, and even Leo the Great men-
tions it (e.g., Sermo, iv. 1) with approbation. In
time, however, another set of ideas supplanted that
of the universal priesthood, and it became custom-
ary to name bishops and presbyters " priests "
(sacerdotes). The designation was in use in Africa
in Tertullian's time (cf. De baptismo, xvii.; De ex-
hortatione castUati8, vii.) and it is found in Rome
and the East in the third century. Comparison
between the Christian officials and the Old-Testa-
ment priesthood was instituted as early as the end
of the first century (cf. I Clement xl. sqq.); this
may have led to giving the name of the latter to
the former, but it is more likely that this concep-
tion was introduced by that of a Christian offering.
As early as the Didache (cf. chap, xiv.) the elements
of the eucharist we/e called " offerings." The usage
at first was figurative, and the congregation, not
the officials, were thought of as making the offer-
ing (cf. Justin, Trypho, cxvii.; Apol., i. 67; Ire-
naeus, Har., IV., xvii. 5, xviii. 1). But, the phrase-
ology having come into use, it was inevitable that
thought should progress. The conception of a
Christian altar, the place of offering, grew up in the
time when Christians were still declaring " we have
no altar " (cf. Apostolic Constitutions, ii., vii.).
From all this it was not far to the thought that
bishops and presbyters are priests, not as Chris-
tians, because of the universal priesthood, but by
virtue of their office; and the language of Tertul-
lian (ut sup.) shows that the transition had been
made. Old-Testament notions doubtless added
their influence. In the third century the offerings
were made not by but for the faithful, and the
Christian priest had become the mediator between
God and his servants. The figurative sense was re-
membered for a time beside the new interpretations,
but ultimately was lost sight of. The letters of
Cyprian in many passages present bishops, presby-
ters, and even deacons as " priests," who offer sac-
rifice to God and fill a mediatory office; they and
not the congregation make the eucharistic offer-
ing, and it is assumed that Old-Testament passages
are applicable to the Christian priests. The de-
velopment of thought in the Greek Church was the
same (ct. Apostolic Constitutions, II., xxv. 12, IV.,
xv. 1; the third of the Apostolic Canons; canons
L and ii. of the Synod of Ancyra, Mansi, Collectio,

ii. 513; Synod of Laodicea, canon xix., Mansi, 567;
Chrysoetom, " On Priesthood," iii. 4, iv. 1, vi. 4,
11. Chrysostom's views of the priesthood are still
held unchanged in the Eastern Church).

The medieval Church accepted this conception
without question. From it or in connection with
it theologians (e.g., Peter Lombard; cf. the "Sen-
tences," iv. dist. 24J) developed the doctrine of
the sacrifice of the mass (see Mass, I).

2. The The authorities on church polity made
Medieval it the basis of the exclusive right of
Church, the hierarchy and especially of the

bishop of Rome to govern the Church.
Thomas Aquinas remembered the universal priest-
hood; but he drew from it only the conclusion that
all the faithful as priests bring spiritual offerings to
God, not the inference that they have no need of
human mediators (Summa, iii., quest. 82, art. 1;
cf. iii. quest. 26, art. 1, Sup. iii. quest. 37, art. 2).
If the mass was a sacrifice, the celebrant must be
regarded as a priest in the fullest sense. So the
universal priesthood was lost sight of until it was
revived by the Reformation. Then it appeared as
the necessary consequence of the very fact of Chris-
tianity. The entire conception of sacrifice was re-
jected, and with it went all danger of a return of
the thoughts which had grown from it.

The Roman Church adheres to the medieval
doctrine. To be sure its catechism (De ord. wcr.,
§§ 505-506, p. 613, ed. Danz) speaks of a twofold
priesthood — an " inner " and an " outer," the
former common to all, the latter the prerogative
of a class set apart for their appropri-

3. The ate service. But how strongly the
Roman emphasis falls on the latter appears

Doctrine, from the unreserved judgment of the
Council of Trent (session xxiii., De
sacr. ord., chap: iv.): " If any one affirm that all
Christians indiscriminately are priests of the New
Testament or that they are all mutually endowed
with an equal spiritual power, he clearly does noth-
ing but confound the ecclesiastical hierarchy, which
is an army set in array." The ecclesiastical priest-
hood follows from the New-Testament sacrifice, and
the Scriptures and church tradition agree that it
was instituted by the Lord and that its " power of
consecrating, offering, and administering his body
and blood, as also of forgiving and of retaining
sins," was delivered to the apostles and their suc-
cessors (I.e., chap, i.; cf. canon i.). The priestly
order was always entered by means of an *ict of
benediction, which was conceived as a sacrament
as early as Augustine (Contra epist. Parmcniani,
ii. 24, 28, 29). Peter Lombard (" Sentences," iv.,
dist. 24) repeats the thoughts of Augustine, and
Thomas Aquinas (Summa, hi., Sup. quest. 34-40)
develops them but slightly. The scholastic doc-
trine is summed up in the bull Exxdtate Deo of
Eugenius IV. On these old foundations the anti-
Protestant doctrine is built up in the authoritative
writings of the Roman Church. It is said: " As
Christ was sent by the Father and the apostles by
Christ, so to-day priests are sent, with the same
power which clothed Christ and the apostles, for
the perfection of the faithful and the upbuilding of
the body of Christ. No one can assume this honor

253

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Priest

of himself, but he must be called of God; and those
are called of God who are called by the " legitimate
ministers of the Church " (Roman catechism, De
ord. 8acr.t !., p. 603). Ordination can be imparted
only by the bishops. It is a sacrament, the effect
of which is the ineffaceable spiritual character by
virtue of which the priest has power to " make sac-
rifice to God and administer the sacraments of the
Church " (I.e. 5, p. 614), especially to " produce the
body and blood of our Lord." This character dis-
tinguishes the priest from other believers. The sec-
ondary effect is the reception of the " grace of jus-
tification," which enables the recipient to fill his
office rightly (I.e., p. 618). The ceremony of or-
dination is made to conform to these ideas. The
bishop and the priests present lay their hands on
the candidate, the bishop puts the stole over his
shoulders crossing it before his breast, anoints the
candidate's hands, and then gives him the full cup
and the paten with the host. The candidate there-
by becomes an " interpreter and mediator between
God and man, which is considered the chief func-
tion of the priest." Finally, there is another im-
position of hands with the words: " Receive the
Holy Spirit, whose soever sins ye remit," etc. (I.e.,
5, p. 614). The candidate must be baptized and
of the male sex, and is required to be morally sound.
He must have knowledge of the Scriptures and the
administration of the sacraments. Ordination is
forbidden to the married, those not yet twenty-five
years of age, slaves, all who have shed blood, those
with serious bodily defects, and all born out of wed-
lock. In the ancient Church it was not allowed
without induction at the same time into a suitable
benefice, and the Council of Trent renewed this pro-
vision. The Council opened the way, however, to
avoid the restriction by providing that, if the titulus
beneficii be lacking, ordination may take place on
ground of a titulus patrimonii, i.e., the possession
by the candidate of adequate personal means. The
titulus men*a>, i.e., assurance by another to provide
for the candidate's support, may be substituted for
the titulus patrimonii. (A. Hauck.)

It is to be noted as an evidence of the determina-
tion to continue the ministry as it had come down
through the ages from the primitive Church, that,
while throwing off corruptions and
4- Anglican exaggerations concerning the priestly
Conception, office, the reformed Church of Eng-
land deliberately refused to substitute
" presbyter " for " priest " in the Book of Common
Prayer, and retained sacerdotes as the designation
of the clergy in the authorized Latin version of the
Thirty-nine Articles (art. XXXII.). Controversy
concerning priesthood chiefly gathers round two
points: (1) the offering which priests present,
(2) the mediatorial position which they occupy.
(1) While repudiating any material sacrifice in the
Christian Church (save in the most subordinate
sense), or any renewal of our Lord's sacrificial death,
Anglican divines have maintained in the eucharist
a continual commemoration, according to Christ's
institution, of that one perfect oblation, and the
application of its virtue to us, as in the peace-offer-
ing, by partaking of the consecrated elements.
Showing Christ's obedience unto death (the essence

of his sacrifice), we are taught, according to St.
Paul, to offer likewise ourselves, as members of his
mystical body — our souls and bodies — a reasonable,
holy, and living sacrifice to God. This is the sacri-
ficial side of the Eucharist in the Anglican liturgy,
and according to her representative divines. This
is a priestly act of the whole body under Christ, the
high priest of our profession, led by the Church's
appointed representatives in the official priesthood.
The priest acts not as substitute for the people, but
as their leader. Without such a duly appointed
leader there can be no celebration of the Eucharist;
while he is not to perform the service without a con-
gregation (cf . D. Waterland, A Review of the Doc-
trines of the Eucharist, chap, xii., in Works, vol. vii.,
11 vols., Oxford, 1823-28; J. Bramhall, Consecra-
tion of Protestant Bishops Vindicated, chap, xi., and
Protestants* Ordination Defended, in vols. iii. and
v. of his Works, 5 vols., Oxford, 1842-45; Answer
of the Archbishops of England to the Apostolic Letter
of Pope Leo XIII. on English Ordinations, pp. 18,
19, 37, London, 1897). (2) The priesthood is not
a caste separate or separable from the Church; it
is the divinely ordained organ through which the
body executes ministerial functions. In public
prayer as in the Eucharist the priest is the leader
of the congregation. In private ministrations like-
wise, it is his office to lead persons to God, aiding
them, where need requires, in their penitence and
confession, and then, as one authorized to plead in
the Church's name, invoking upon them God's
blessing, or (where he judges it to be applicable)
his absolution.

Thus in the ministration of the sacraments the
priest acts as the representative of the Church, as
well as of the Lord the head of the Church. Sacra-
ments are an approach in an appointed way to God.
Their administration is always accompanied by
prayer, calling forth the gift that God has promised.

The Anglican conception of the office of priest-
hood is clearly shown in the ordinal. (1) No one is
suffered to act as a priest without ordination by a
bishop, through whom the ministerial commission
is transmitted. (2) In this ordination the Holy
Ghost is solemnly invoked, and prayers are offered
for the candidate, and he is then by the imposition
of hands empowered to execute the office of a priest
in the Church of God, and is bidden to be a faith-
ful dispenser of the Word of God and of his holy
sacraments. A. C. A. Hall.

Bibliography: On I.: A fairly good guide to the literature
is indicated in the bibliographies under High Priest;
and Levi, Levttbs, the reference in which to the litera-
ture on the Hexatcuch is important; of especial value
are the works of Kuenen, Curtiss, Green, Baudissin, Van
Hoonacker, Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, Schurer,
and the articles in the Bible dictionaries there mentioned,
to which add Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, part xxxii., cob.
640-660. The subject is treated in the works on Jewish
antiquities — Ewald, Germ., pp. 345 sqq., 3d ed., Gdt-
tingen, 1866, Eng. transl., pp. 260 sqq., Boston, 1876;
Bensinger, Archdologie, pp. 342 sqq.; and Nowack, Archa-
oloffic, vol. ii. Consult further: K. C. W. F. Bahr. Sum-
bolik des mosaischen Cultus, Heidelberg, 1839; Kuper,
Das Priestertum des alien Bundes, Berlin, 1866; Oort, in
ThT, 1884, 289 sqq.; H. Vogelstein, Der Kampf twxschen
Priestem und Leviten sett den Tagen des Ezechiels, Stettin,
1889; B. Bantsch, Das HeUigkeitsgesetz, pp. 142 sqq.,
Erfurt, 1893; A. Buchler, Die Priester und der Cultus im
lettten Jahrzehnt dee jcrusalemischen TempeU, Vienna,

Priest
Primate

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

254

1895; £. Meyer, Bntstshung dm Judentums, pp. 108 sqq.,
Halle, 1806; F. von Hummelauer, Das vormosaischs
Priestertum in I trail, Freiburg, 1809; A. Edenheim, The
Temple; its Ministry and 8srviess at the Tims of Jesus
Christ, London. 1900; W. Kelly, The Prieethood. An Ex-
position of Lev. viii.-xv.t ib. 1902; W. Roaenau, Jewish
Ceremonial Institutions and Customs, Baltimore, 1903;
W. R. Harper, Constructive Studies in the Priestly Element
in the O. T., 2d ed., Chicago, 1905; O. Laudtman, The
Origin of Priesthood, Ekenas, 1905; C. F. Kent, Student' •
Old Testament, vol. iv.. New York, 1907.

For the idea of the priesthood in the Christian Church
consult: Chryaostom's " Six Books on the Priesthood,"
in Eng. transl. in NPNF, 1 ser., ix. 33-83, and also trans-
lated by B. H. Cowper, London, 1806; Bingham, Origines,
i. 72 sqq.,. 219 sqq.; Sermon on the Keys in the Catechism
Set forth by Archbishop Cranmer, 1548; R. Hooker, Beds-
siastieal Polity, V., lxxvii. 1-8, in Works, 3 vols., Oxford,
1841; W. Howitt, Hist, of Priestcraft, London, new ed.,
1846; O. Hickes, Treatises on Christian Priesthood, repub-
lished in Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology, 3 vola., Ox-
ford, 1847-48; T. T. Carter, The Doctrins of the Priest-
hood of the Church of England, London, new ed., 1863;
E. Mellor, Prieethood in the Light of the New Testament, ib.
1876 (Congregational Lecture); H. E. Manning, The
Eternal Priesthood, ib. 1883; H. C. Lea, A Sketch of Sacer-
dotal Celibacy, Boston, 1884; Sacerdoce (pseudonym).
The Ancient Father* on the Priesthood in the Church, Lon-
don. 1891; E. Denney, Anglican Orders and Jurisdiction,
New York, 1894; N. Dimock, The Christian Doctrine o
Sacerdotium, London, 1897, memorial ed., 1910; R. C.
Moberly, Ministerial Priesthood, chap, vii., ib. 1897; C. Gore,
The Church and the Ministry, ib. 1899; W. Sanday, The
Conception of Priesthood in the Early Church and in the
Church of England, ib. 1899; idem, Different Conceptions of
Priesthood and Sacrifice, ib. 1900; R. Poncet, Les Privileges
dee clercs au moyen-age, Paris, 1901 ; J. Wordsworth, The
Ministry of Grace. Studies in Early Church History, Lon-
don. 1901; T. M. Lindsay, The Church and the Ministry in
the Early Centuries, ib. 1902; the Encyclical of Leo XIII.
on Anglican Order* is in Eng. transl. in The Great Encyc-
lical Orders of Pope Leo XIII., with Preface by J. J.
Wynne, New York. 1903; H. Bruders, Die Verfdssung der
Kirche von dem ersten Jahrhundert, Mains, 1904; H. Evans,
The Price of Priestcraft, London, 1904; C. Androutsos, The
Validity of English Ordinations from an Orthodox Catholic
Point of View, ib., 1910; Schaff, Christian Church, ii. 123-
131, iii. 238 sqq., DC A, ii. 1698-1708.

PRIESTLEY, JOSEPH: English theologian and
scientist; b. at Fieldhead in the parish of Birstall
(28 m. s.w. of York), West Riding of Yorkshire,
Mar. 13, 1733; d. at Northumberland, Pa., Feb. 6,
1804. He was the son of a cloth- weaver, and was
brought up in the dissenting family of his aunt after
1742. Intended for the dissenting ministry, he
mastered Latin and Greek at Batley grammar-
school (1745), learned Hebrew under a Congrega-
tional clergyman, and studied also the rudiments
of Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic. His theological
studies were interrupted by symptoms of tubercu-
losis, but were resumed in 1756 at Da vent ry Acad-
emy. Repelled by Calvinistic doctrine he embraced
Arianism (q.v.) in distress that he could not feel a
proper repentance for the sin of Adam. He became
acquainted with David Hartley's Observations on
Man, a book which exercised a decisive influence on
his speculations, which also was ranked by him
next to the Bible. He embraced Hartley's theory
of association carrying with it the necessarian doc-
trine and in 1754 became a scientific determinist.
In 1755 ho Uvnme I'rcshyterian minister at Need-
hum Market . Suffolk, but his success was impeded by
an inqxMimont in speech. He continued his theo-
logical studies and soon came to reject the doctrines
of the atonement, the inspiration of the Bible, and
all direct divine action on the human soul. In 175S '.

he became minister at Nantwich, Cheshire, and es-
tablished a flourishing school, ami in 1761 was ap-
pointed tutor in languages and belles-lettres at War-
rington Academy. He was ordained in 1762; and
removed to Mill Hill Chapel, Leeds, in 1767; be-
came later a Socinian; in 1709 set on foot The The-
ological Repository, an organ of critical inquiry; and
in 1773 entered the new religious movement under
the Unitarian name (see Unitarians).

He then retired to Leeds, where he founded a cir-
culating library and in 1773 removed to Galne,
Wiltshire, as literary companion of the Earl of Sher-
bourne, which gave him leisure for study, during
which his scientific experiments developed rapidly.
Disquisitions Relating to Matter and Spirit (London,
1777), followed by Philosophical Necessity (1777),
defined his position, which he called materialism.
He had adopted the theory that matter consists
only of points of force (1772); the doctrine of the
penetrability of matter suggested itself before 1772;
and after 1775 he had abandoned the distinction
between soul and body for homogeneity. In 1780
he removed to Birmingham, where he was amply
supplied by friends with funds for his living and
for experiments, and the same year was made junior
minister of the New Meeting. In his Greek Har-
mony of the Gospels (1777) he limited the ministry of
Christ to a period of little more than a year; and
his rejection of the doctrine of the virgin birth and
of the impeccability and intellectual infallibility of
Christ, and the opinion that he was born at Naza-
reth, were expressed in The History of Early Opinions
concerning Jesus Christ (Birmingham, 1786). The
best-known of his theological writings was History
of the Corruptions of Christianity (1782). From 1786
Priestley issued an annual defense of Unitarianiwn
and in 1701 concurred in the formation of the Uni-
tarian Society. Supporting the principles of the
French Revolution, he was one of the organisers of
the Constitutional Society of Birmingham ; and on
the night of July 14, 1791, after the fall of the Bas-
tile, a riotous mob burned his church and house
with all his books, papers, and apparatus. He es-
caped by flight to London, and was partly indem-
nified after a legal contest covering nine years. He
then settled down as morning preacher at Hackney,
London, where he also continued his scientific pur-
suits and lectured on history and chemistry in Hack-
ney College. He removed to the United States in
1794 and settled at Northumberland, Pa. There he
held public services in his own house, and after 1799
in a wooden building, and succeeded in establishing
a Unitarian society at Philadelphia. He worked
out his doctrine of universal restitution, upheld Bib-
lical institutions against those of oriental antiquity,
annotated the whole Bible, and completed his Gen-
eral History of the Christian Church (Northumber-
land, 1802).

Priestley was a pioneer in the erection of chemis-
try into a science, in the investigation of gases, and
the discovery of oxygen. He was a warm friend of
Benjamin Franklin, whom he first met at London,
after 1762. He was a member of the Royal Society
from 1766 and was elected one of the eight associ-
ates of the French Academy of Sciences in 1772.
He wrote a History of the Present State of Electricity

255

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Priest
Primate

(London, 1769). He was an original seeker after
truth, was essentially devout, and a rapid, untiring,
and thought-educing writer. He stands at the
transition point marked by the dissolution of ultra-
theological views and the advent of agnosticism,
occupying the central position of the first period
of the Unitarian movement. Other works to be
mentioned are: Analogy of the Divine Dispensa-
tions (Theological Repository, 1771) pronounced by
James Martineau his finest piece of work; A Free
Discussion of the Doctrines of Materialism (Birming-
ham, 1782) ; Institutes of Natural and Revealed Re-
ligion (1782); and Letters to a Philosophical Unbe-
liever (1787). The Theological and Miscellaneous
Works (26 vols., London, 1817-32), and Memoirs
and Correspondence (2 vols., 1831-32) were collected
by J. T. Rutt, and name over 130 separate works.

Bibliography: His own Memoir* was edited and com-
pleted by his son Joseph, London, 1805, reprinted, 1904,
best ed. by T. Cooper and W. Christie, 2 vols., London,
1806; Priestley's Scientific Correspondence, ed. H. C. Bol-
ton, was privately printed, with biographical sketch and
bibliographical notes, Brooklyn, 1893. As a source for his
life the sketch in the Universal Theological Magazine for
Apr., 1804, is essential. Consult further, besides the
work of J. T. Rutt, ut sup.: J. Cony, The Life of Joseph
Priestley (2 eds.), Birmingham, 1804; T. Behham, Zeal
and Fortitude in the Christian Ministry Illustrated, Lon-
don, 1804; G. L. Cuvier, tloges historiques, Paris, 1860;
W. Sprague, Annals of the American Unitarian Pulpit,
pp. 298-308, New York, 1865; Lord Brougham, in Works,
vol. I, Edinburgh, 1872; F. Hitchmon, Eighteenth Cen-
tury Studies, London, 1881; Leslie Stephen, Hist, of Eng-
lish Thought in the 18th Century, New York, 1881; B.
Schoenlank, Hartley und Priestley die Begr under des As-
sociationismus in England, Halle, 1882; H. Sidgwick,
Hist, of Ethics, London, 1886; T. £. Thorpe, Joseph
Priestley, London and New York, 1906. Sidelights are
cast by Miss C. Hutton, Reminiscences of a Gentlewoman
of the Last Century, Birmingham, 1891; J. B. Daly, The
Dawn of Radicalism, New York, 1892; J. H. Allen, in
American Church History Series, x. 154-159, 187, New
York, 1894; I. W. Riley. American Philosophy, The Early
Schools, pp. 396-407, New York, 1907; DNB, xlvi 357-
376 (extended, with a very full account of his literary
works and a useful index of references to letters published
in various places and also to books containing scattering
details).

PRIESTS OF THE MISSION. See Vincent db
Paul.

PRIMACY. See Primate.

PRIMASIUS: Bishop of Hadrumetum and pri-
mate of Byzacena in Africa; d. about 560. Of his
early life nothing seems to be known, but in 551,
after he had become a bishop, he was called with
other bishops to Constantinople and took part in
the Three Chapters Controversy (q.v.) where he
shared the fortunes of Vigilius, bishop of Rome;
helped to condemn Theodorus Ascidas, bishop of
Cffisarea, the chief promoter of the controversy,
and fled with Vigilius to Chalcedon. He declined
to attend the so-called fifth ecumenical council at
Constantinople in the absence of the pope; was the
sole African to sign the papal constitutum to Jus-
tinian, and was ingloriously crushed with his leader.
While at Constantinople, Primasius studied the exe-
gesis of the Greeks, and his fame is chiefly due to his
commentary on the Apocalypse. This work, divided
into five books (MPL, Lxviii. 793-936), is of im-
portance both as containing the pre-Cyprian Latin
text of the Apocalypse of the early African church,

and as aiding in the reconstruction of the most in-
fluential Latin commentary on the Apocalypse, the
exegetical work of the Donatist Ticonius (q.v.; see
also Autpertus, Ambbosiub). The text and exe-
gesis of Revelation xx. 1-xxi. 5 are taken without
reference from Augustine's De civitate Dei, xx. 7-
17. Of special interest is a letter of Augustine to
the physician Maximus of ThencB preserved by
Primasius, in which the four philosophical cardinal
virtues are combined with the later three so-called
theological virtues to make the number seven, in a
manner nowhere else known of Augustine. The
work of the Donatist Ticonius was considered by
Primasius a piece of treasure adrift and belonging
of right to the Church, needing only to be revised
and expurgated. He followed essentially the
strongly spiritual exegetical method of Ticonius, ap-
proved the theory introduced by Victorinus and
developed by Ticonius that the Apocalypse in cer-
tain places repeats with different words and imagery
what had previously been said, and held the true
content of the prophecy to be the conflict between
the Church and the world instead of Ticonius' more
concrete interpretation of the struggle of the Don-
atists with false brethren and gentiles. The first
edition of Primasius' commentary was by Eucharius
Cervicornus (Cologne, 1535; reprinted, Paris, 1544),
but the most complete and still the most valuable
is that of Basel, 1544, which is based on a very an-
cient manuscript of the Benedictine Monastery of
Murbach in Upper Alsace. The same monastery, ac-
cording to a manuscript catalogue, possessed a work
Contra hareticos, which is no longer extant, and
alludes to other works, especially one on Jeroboam.
The commentary on the Pauline epistles and on
Hebrews ascribed to Primasius by Migne (MPL,
lxviii. 409-793) is spurious. (J. Haubsleiter.)

Bibliography: H. Kihn, Theodor von Mopsuestia und Ju-
nilxus Africanus alsExegeten, pp. 248-264, Freiburg, 1880;
J. Haussleiter, in ZKW, vii (1886), 239-257; idem, in
T. Zahn's Forschungen but Oeschiehte des neutestamenU
lichen Kanons, iv. 1-224, Leipsic, 1891; H. Zimmer,
Pelagius in Irland, Berlin, 1901; Ceillier, Auteurs sacres,
xi. 283-284, x. 332, xi. 879; DNB, iv. 467.'

PRIMATE: In general ecclesiastical usage, the
chief prelate of a land or of a people. The early
hierarchic organisation followed the political divi-
sion of the Roman Empire, but the terms applied
to the higher officials of the Church changed in the
course of time. In the East the system was headed
by patriarchs, under whom were exarchs in the dio-
ceses (in the Greek sense of the word) and eparchs
in the provinces or eparchies. In the West this
order finds its counterpart in the relation of the
pope, the primates, and the archbishops. The des-
ignations primas, episcopus prima sedis, or episco-
pus prima* cathedra were originally synonymous
with metropolitan, and occur after the beginning
of the fourth century. Episcopus prima cathedra
was applied to Secundus of Tigisis in the synodal
acts of Certa (305), and occurs in canon 58, Synod
of Elvira (306). The mode of speech is used with
reference to Africa, Italy, and Gaul in the fifth and
sixth centuries. The bishop of Carthage, however,
had a different position from the other primates,
since he exercised supervision over all the churches

Primate
Prinoe

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

266

of the African provinces; called and presided over
the African general synods; and he could ordain
anywhere. On the other hand, he had no special
name, being termed merely prima* or senex. His
position accordingly corresponded to that of an
oriental patriarch, but had no parallel in the West.
The appellation " primate " gradually gave place
to the title of archbishop, which was given to all
metropolitans. It was reserved for those metro-
politans who were also papal vicars. In the Pseudo-
Isidore (see PseudoIsidorian Decretals) there
is a marked tendency to deny the rank of primate
to metropolitans. It was considered synonymous
with patriarch (Anacletus, Epist., ii. 26); and was
accordingly restricted to the ancient primates, or
to those whom the Curia, beginning with Nicholas
I., desired to honor with that special title, thus
leading to the practise of appointing primates in
various countries to increase papal influence.

The bishops of Rome claimed the highest pri-
macy in the Church, but, while accepting the
pseudolaidorian identification of primate and pa-
triarch, they were inclined to give larger preroga-
tives to the four ancient patriarchs than to the
other primates; as, for instance, Innocent III. in
view of the reunion of the Eastern Church with the
Western. After the attempt had failed, however,
the primates appointed by Rome took second place
in the hierarchy, after the patriarchs. Their powers,
partly determined by the older canons, partly by
usage, and partly by special papal privileges, in-
cluded the confirmation of the bishops and arch-
bishops of their jurisdictions; the calling and con-
ducting of national synods; the supervision of their
territories; the court of higher appeal; and the
right of royal coronation. At the present time, the
primates possess little more than certain honorary
privileges. The title of primate is now borne by the
archbishops of Salzburg, Antivari, Salerno, Gnesen,
Tarragona, Grau, Mechlin, Armagh, Braga, and
Bahia in the Roman Catholic Church.

(A. Hauck.)

In the Anglican Church the archbishop of Can-
terbury is primate of All England ; the archbishop
of York, primate of England; the archbishop of
Sydney, primate of Australia; since 1893 the arch-
bishop of the West Indies is primate for that terri-
tory; the Episcopal Church of Scotland has a
primus; the archbishop of Toronto is primate of
All Canada. In the Church of Ireland the arch-
bishop of Armagh was primate of All Ireland, and
the archbishop of Dublin was primate of Ireland.

Bibliography: For the history and the sources consult
Bingham, Origin*** II.. xvi. References to other early
literature are in Hauck-Hersog, RE, xvi. 53. Consult
further: G. Phillips, Kirchenrecht, ii. 68, Regensburg,
1846; P. Hinschius, Kirchenrecht, i. 581 sqq.( Berlin,
1860; DC A, ii. 1708-09.

PRIME: The first of the so-called " little hours "
of the Breviary (q.v.). According to Cassian (De
institubis camobiorum, iii. 4 sqq.), it originated at
the end of the fourth century in a monastery at
Bethlehem, to fill the space between lauds, which
closed the night office, and terce. The name prime
occurs first in the Rule of St. Benedict (chap. xv.).
Prime and compline have special reference to the be-

ginning and ending of the day and its work, and
are less affected by the season or feast than the other
hours, not even including the collect for the day.
The first part of prime resembles the other " little
hours " in structure; the psalms are three on feast-
days, on Sundays four with the Athanasian Creed.
The second part begins with the reading of the sec-
tion of the martyrology (where this is read), and in
monastic communities is recited not in choir but in
the chapter-house. This original division is still in-
dicated in the Roman breviary by the short lesson
ad absolutionemcapitidi (" on leaving the chapter ")
which closes the office.

PRIME, SAMUEL IRENJEUS: Presbyterian;
b. at Ballston, N. Y., Nov. 4, 1812; d. at Man-
chester, Vt., July 15, 1885. He was graduated from
Williams College (1829), and studied theology at
Princeton Theological Seminary (1832-33). He
took charge of the academy at Weston and was pas-
tor at Ballston Spa (1833-35), and at Matteawan,
N. J. (1837-40). He became editor of The New
York Observer in 1840, and continued to occupy this
position till his death, making it one of the most in-
fluential religious and family papers in the United
States. He was for some time a director of the
American Bible Society, corresponding secretary
of the Evangelical Alliance, president of Wells Col-
lege, and a trustee of Williams College. He took a
leading part in the affairs of the Presbyterian
Church, and in the Christian and philanthropic en-
terprises of the age. He wrote a number of books
which had a large circulation abroad. Among them
were the Irenceus Letters which appeared in the
columns of The New York Observer, and show a rare
faculty of clothing everyday topics and experiences
with a fresh interest, and extracting from them
lessons of practical wisdom.

With the Evangelical Alliance of America, founded
in 1867 (see Evangelical Alliance, § 2), he was
closely identified. He attended the fifth general
conference at Amsterdam in 1867, and read the re-
port on religion in America, prepared by Prof.
Henry B. Smith. He served as one of the corre-
sponding secretaries of the American Alliance till
1884, and had a prominent share in the prepara-
tions for the great New York Conference of 1873.
Dr. Prime was a conservative in his theology, a man
of sound judgment, quick wit, rich humor, and a
ready incisive pen. He was one of the leaders of
public opinion, and one of the most untiring and
useful writers of his age and country. A memorial
service in his honor was held by the Evangelical
Alliance Jan. 5, 1886.

The following works issued from his pen: The Old White
Meeting-house, or Reminiscences of a Country Congregation
(New York, 1845); Life in New York (1845); Annate of
the English Bible, Abridged from Anderson, and Continued
to the Present Time (1849); Thoughts on the Death of Little
Children (1850); Travels in Europe and the East (1855);
Power of Prayer (history of the Fulton Street prayer-meet-
ing, New York City; 1859); The Bible in the Levant; or,
the Life and Letters of the Rev. C. N. Righter, Agent of the
American Bible Society in the Levant (1859); Letters from
Switzerland (1860); Memoirs of the Rev. Nicholas Murray,
D.D. (Boston, 1862); Five Years of Prayer (in the Ful-
ton Street prayer-meeting) with the Answers (New York,
1864); Walking with God, Life hid with Christ (1872); Songs

267

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Primate
Prinoe

of the Soul, gathered out of many Lands and Ages (1873);
Alhambra and the Kremlin, Journey from Madrid to Moscow
(1873); Fifteen Years of Prayer in the Fulton-street Prayer-
meeting (1873); Under the Trees (1874); Life of Samuel
F. B. Morse (1875); Prayer and its Answer illustrated in the
first Twenty-five Years of the Fulton-street Prayer-meeting
(1882); Irenaus Letters (3 series, 1882; with portrait, 1885;
with sketch of Dr. Prime's life, 1886, containing his auto-
biography in the form of letters).

P. and D. S. Schaff.

Bibliography: W. Prime, S. I. Prime. Autobiography and
Memorials, New York, 1888.

PRIMER: Ecclesiastically, an elementary book
upon the cardinal points of Christian belief; litur-
gically, the name given to a series of works which
have an important place in the history of the Ang-
lican Prayer Book (see Common Prayer, Book of).
The earliest example of the liturgical primer (with
which this article is principally concerned) was com-
piled about 1390. The first of consequence was that
by William Marshall, Prymer in Englysshe (London,
1535), which contained expositions of the Apostles'
Creed, Decalogue, Lord's Prayer, and Ave Maria,
also the various offices and hours, seven penitential
Psalms, the Dirige, and the Roman Commendations.
The next of importance was the " Bishops' Book,"
The Godly and Pious Institution of a Christian Man
(1537), authorized by the king, the two archbishops,
and a number of other ecclesiastical authorities,
and marking a great step in advance from Roman-
ism to Anglicanism. Bishop Hilsey's ManuaU of
Prayers j or the Prymer in Englyshe (1539) furnished
a basis for the system of lessons and for that of the
epistles and gospels. A step further was taken by
The Prymer set forth by the King's Majesty (1545,
reprinted 1547), which included the Litany. In
1553 appeared the Primer of Private Prayers, which
was used in making Queen Elizabeth's First Primer
(1560); her second (1566) incorporated many
changes. The last known was issued in 1571. The
employment of these belongs to the history of the
Prayer Book (see Common Prayer, Book of, § 1).

Bibliography: Consult the Literature under Common
Prater, Book op, especially F. Procter and W. H. Frere,
A New History of the Book of Common Prayer, chape, i.-ii.,
London, 1005. The three primers (Marshall's, Hilsey's,
and King Henry's of 1545) were reprinted in E. Burton's
Three Primers put forth in the Reign of Henry VIII., Ox-
ford, 1834, 2d ed., 1848.

PRIMICERIUS: In the medieval Church an ad-
ministrative church official of lesser rank. He was
classed with the archdeacon and treasurer, and his
duties included, according to Isidore of Seville
(Epist.j i. 13), the supervision of the acolytes, exor-
cists, and psalmists; the furnishing of an example
for the clergy in duties, morals, devotions, and
zeal of perfection; the distribution of assignments
to the clergy and the regulation of chanting and the
bearing of candles at feasts; the giving of advice
to the parish priests; and direction through the
Ostiarii (q.v.) of the episcopal letters enjoining
fasts. The office was in vogue everywhere in the
West in the sixth and seventh centuries. Later
with the introduction of the canonical order the
office was attached to the chapter. The decretals of
Gregory IX. (1227-41) placed the primicerius after
the archdeacon, and made him the superior over
the minor clergy with special supervision of the
IX.— 17

service in the choir, thus identifying him with the
prcBcentor. In many dioceses the primicerius dis-
charged the functions of the scholasticus and was
the head of the cathedral school. Later still a por-
tion of his functions were transferred to the dean,
while special pracentori were frequently retained in
the chapters. A peculiar development of the primi-
cerius took place at Rome, where the office occurs
possibly as early as the fourth century, and where
almost a complete list of the primicerii notariorum
from 544 to 1297 has been preserved (P. L. Galetti,
Del primicero delta Santa Sede Apostolica, pp. 20
sqq., Rome, 1776). This primicerius notariorum
belonged to the lower clergy and had charge of pa-
rochial correspondence, of the martyrology, and the
like; and after Gregory the Great (590-604) he was
the scribe of papal documents. He thus became
the chancellor and director of the papal archives.
By the seventh and eighth centuries he had risen to
such importance, that he, together with the arch-
deacon and archpresbytcr, acted as pope during a
vacancy. Late in the tenth century he was the first
of the seven papal judges palatine. With the end
of the thirteenth century, however, the office seems
to have disappeared. (A. Hauck.)

Bibliography : Bingham, Origines, II., xxi. 11, III., xiii.
5; DC A, ii. 1709-1710; G. Phillips, Kirchenrecht, vi. 343,
Regensburg, 1864; P. Hinschius. Kirchenrecht, i. 380-
381, Berlin, 1869; H. Breslau, Handbuch der Urkunden-
lehre, i. 157 sqq., Leipsic, 1889.

PRIMIN, SAINT. See Pirmin.

PRIMITIVE (" HARDSHELL ») BAPTISTS. See
Baptists, II., 4 (h).

PRIMITIVE METHODISTS. See Methodists,
I., 4, IV. 9.

PRINCE, THOMAS: Congregationalist; b. at
Sandwich, Mass., May 15, 1687; d. in Boston Oct.
22, 1758. He was graduated at Harvard College,
1707; visited Barbados and Madeira; preached
for several years at Coombs and other places in Eng-
land; returned to Boston, 1717, and in 1718 was
ordained associate pastor of the Old South Church,
Boston. His memory rests upon his Chronological
History of New England in the Form of Afinals . . .
with an Introduction Containing a Brief Epitome
. . . of Events Abroad from the Creation (vol. i., Bos-
ton, 1736; nos. 1, 2, 3 of vol. ii., 1755; ed. Nathan
Hale, Boston, 1826; ed. S. G. Drake, 1852). The
history proper begins with 1602. He intended to
bring it down to 1730; but almost twenty years
elapsed after the appearance of the first volume,
ere he began the second; and, his death coming soon
after, he brought the history down no later than
Aug. 5, 1633. During the Revolutionary War many
of his manuscripts, kept in the tower of the Old
South Church, were destroyed, and thus a large part
of his invaluable collection respecting the early his-
tory of the country has perished. Besides this, he
published a number of sermons, and An Account
of the Earthquakes of New England (1755), and New
England Psalm Book Revised and Improved (1758).
His library, including his manuscripts, was be-
queathed to the Old South Church, and by it de-
posited in the Public Library, Boston, 1866, of which
a catalogue has been published.

riscillian

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Bibliography: W. B. Sprmgue, Annals of the American
Pulpit, i. 304-307, New York, 1859; W. Walker, in
American Church History Series, iii. 110, 264-300, 274,
ib. 1894; idem. Ten New England Leaders, pp. 38, 40,
279, 304, ib. 1901.

PRINS, JAN JACOB: Dutch theologian; b. at
Langezwaag in Friesland in 1814; d. at Leyden
May 24, 1898. He studied in Amsterdam and at
Leyden; was Reformed pastor at Eemnes-Binnen-
dyks (Utrecht), 1838; Alkmaar and Rotterdam,
1843-55; professor of exegetical and practical the-
ology at Leyden, 1855-76, and of New-Testament
criticism and hermeneutics, and of history of primi-
tive Christian literature, in the same university, from
1876 till he retired in 1885. He was one of the syn-
odical translators of the New Testament, and the
author of Dispulatio theologica inauguralis de loci*
Ewangelistarum, in quibus Jesus baptxsmi ritum
subiisse traditur (Amsterdam, 1838); De Realiteii
van's Heeren Opstanding uit de dooden (Leyden,
1861); Wetcnschap en Kerk in hare wederzijd&che
betrekking (1867); De Christelijke Zedeleer, de Ge-
achiedenis des Bijbeh en der Christelijke Kerk (6
parte, Amsterdam, 1878); De Maaltijd des Heeren
in de Korinthische Gemeente, ten tijde van Paulus
(Leyden, 1868); Over de Studie der Godgeleerdheid
en de keuze van het predikambt in de Hervormde Kerk
(Amsterdam, 1868); and Het Kerkrecht der Neder-
landsche Hervormde Kerk (Leyden, 1870).

PRIOR, PRIORESS: The title of an official over
a monastery or convent next in rank to the abbot
or abbess. Before the pontificate of Celestine V.
(1294), the term signified a monk of superior rank
or greater age. After that time the prior claustralis
was next to the abbot, and was appointed by him
to inspect and control the deans, and to maintain
discipline among the monks. The prior conven-
tualis was master of his own monastery when it was
an offshoot from another monastery, or he was su-
perior of a house of canons.

PRISCA, PRISCILLA. See Montamsm.

PRISCILLIAlf, PRISCILLIANISTS: Bishop of
Abila and Spanish sectary, and his followers; be-
headed at Treves about 385. Apparently educated
under Gnostic influences by a certain Manichean
Marcus of Memphis, Priscillian held
The Ninety to the doctrine that charismata con-
Canons, tinued in the Church and regarded the
Apocrypha (q.v.) as inspired. He was
a rigid ascetic, though he did not forsake his wife
even when he became bishop. The first literary
production of Priscillian seems to have been his
Nonaginta canones, which purport to refute heretics
on the basis of the writings of Paul, and it is marked
by a primitive and even Marcionitic spirit. Bishops
and clergy on the whole are to be peaceable;
apostles, prophets, and masters (doctors) are the
divinely appointed orders of the Church, preemi-
nence being due the doctors, among whom Pris-
cillian reckoned himself. The " spiritual " com-
prehend and judge all things, being " children of
wisdom and light"; and the distinction between
flesh and spirit, darkness and light, Moses and
Christ, and the " prince of this world " and Christ,
are emphasised, so that two sorts of spirits and two

wisdoms are contrasted. At the same time this
dualism is blended with monism; but though Christ
is both God and man, as man he is " not made of
divinity, but of the seed of David and of woman,"
a primitive Christology, drawing upon him the
charge of Photinianism (see Phottnus). Justifica-
tion is by faith, and faith by the grace of God.
Rigid asceticism, including abstinence from wine
and meat, is recommended, and separation from
unbelievers is urged. The Old Testament is ranked
far below the New.

Priscillian was not content to remain a lay teacher
and leader of conventicles. Like other ascetics, he
wished to become priest and bishop to give his views
more influence. So formidable became the move-
ment that in 380 Bishop Hydatius of Emerita con-
vened a synod at Saragossa in which

Conflicts, he charged the ascetic faction with
reading Apocryphal writings and with
Novatianism, Photinianism, Manicheanism (see
Novatian; and Manicheans), and all sorts of
heresy. Priscillian, still a layman, did not appear
at the synod, though he wrote in reply his third
tractate justifying the reading of the Apocrypha,
without denying that their contents were partly
spurious. The resolutions of the synod, which con-
sisted of two Gallic and ten Spanish bishops, con-
demned certain practises of the conventicles; such
as receiving the Eucharist in the church but eating
it at home or in the conventicle; fasting for three
weeks before Epiphany, as the day of Christ's birth
and baptism (the twenty-fifth day of December
being not yet accepted in Spain), and substituting
meditation in the mountains for attending church
during this period, fasting on the Sundays of the
period of Quadragesima and on Sundays as a whole;
their imitation of Christ in the desert during the
forty days of Lent; and their preference of con-
venticles, in which women spoke and taught, to
churches; and Priscillian, though forbidden to call
himself doctor, was not expressly condemned. Hy-
datius, however, claimed that Priscillian and his
adherents had been anathematised, whereupon
bishops Hyginus of Cordova and Symposius of
Astorga, sympathisers with Priscillian, advised that
the matter be brought before a synod. The ascetic
faction followed this suggestion the more readily
since Priscillian was then consecrated bishop of
Abila by Instantius and Salvianus. Hydatius, fore-
seeing defeat, obtained from Gratian a rescript
against pseudo-bishops and Manicheans, whereupon
Priscillian, Instantius, and Salvianus went to Da-
masus at Rome, and, laying before him a memorial
(the second tractate), asked to be rehabilitated
either by a synod or by the emperor. While both
Damasus and Ambrose of Milan received the three
Spanish bishops with suspicion, they obtained from
Gratian a rescript relieving them of the charge of
being pseudo-bishops and Manicheans, thus assur-
ing Priscillian of his position.

Theologically (Tractates, iv.-xi.) Priscillian's God
is the " God Christ "; he is not Patripasedan but
Christopassian. God is " invisible in the Father, vis-
ible in the Son," and the Holy Ghost is one in the
work of the two. In Christ is all; without him.
nothing. This God-Christ was to him the order of

869

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Priiis
Priscillian

the preearifltent elements of the world, and in that
•enae the creator, as well as the repulsor of the dark
powers of chaos. Earthborn powers
Views, and other potencies are maintained, but
the vivification of chaos is the work of
the Spirit of God. Throughout the system a cer-
tain dualism can not fail to be recognized. Man
was made by God in the divine image; the Creator
gave life to the human " body of an earthly dwell-
ing "; man belongs, hence, to the earth; the nat-
ural man is subject to time; and the " divine race
of men " is weakened by its earthly incorporation,
whence the fall and paganism. The Mosaic law
was the preparation for redemption through the
prohibition of idolatry, while sacrifice was designed
to kill the vices of man. Salvation was brought by
Christ, and he suffered all to which man is subject.
Through the birth and death of Christ the evils of
human birth were purified, and the curses of earthly
domination were crucified, so that he overcame the
earthly nature of man. In accordance with the
trichotomy of Priscillian a third testament of the
Spirit should follow, but in his extant writings there
are no details on this subject. In asceticism Pris-
cillian distinguished three degrees, though he did
not deny hope of pardon to those who were unable
to attain full perfection. The perfect in body, mind,
and spirit were celibate, or, if married, continent.
Throughout his writings Priscillian appears as an
archaising Western Christian with ideals of rigid
asceticism, and Gnostic in tendency. Though clearly
unaware that he was heretical, his veiled dualism
could scarcely be regarded as orthodox, and he must
have written at least one work which was unques-
tionably Gnostic. In this he taught that the hu-
man soul, born of God, had proceeded from a cer-
tain " repository." Descending through a number
of circles, it had been seized by malignant powers
and imprisoned in divers bodies. This imprison-
ment had been confirmed by a divine autograph,
which Christ had annulled by his death. The first
circle appears to have been controlled by the patri-
archs, who, as beneficent powers, controlled the
" members of the soul," while the " members of the
body " were subject to the zodiac. It would also
seem that the Priscillianists assumed seven heavens
(the " circles .") with corresponding archons, the
earth itself being given to a " malignant prince.1'
According to Orosius, Priscillian derived these doc-
trines from a " memoir of the apostles," and this
work must have spoken of the " prince of damp-
ness " and the " prince of fire " as powers of nature.
When God shows " the virgin of light " to the
" prince of dampness," lightning and rain follow.
His attribution of profound influence of the stars
on man apparently substantiates the assertion that
for many years Priscillian studied magic and as-
trology, and later as possessing the charismata he
doubtless endeavored to heal the sick.

With the victorious return of Priscillian and In-
stantius, the controversy with the anti-ascetics
seemed to be at an end. But their route through
Gaul had brought the ascetics of that country into
contact with those of Spain, so that they now felt
themselves to be a power. The opposing bishops
renewed their activity, the Spaniards being led by

Ithacius Clams, bishop of Sossuba (Ossonoba?)
from before 379 to c. 388. Though he did not di-
rectly attack Priscillian, the latter ap-
The Priscil- pealed for protection to the proconsul
lianists. Volventius, and Ithacius sought refuge
in Gaul with the prefect Gregorius.
Meanwhile Gratian had died, and the new emperor,
willing to hear Ithacius, convened a synod at Bor-
deaux, in 385, where all parties concerned were to
be heard. Here Priscillian defended himself in his
first tractate, maintaining that the Apocrypha
should be read, but declaring himself innocent of
Patripassianism, Manicheanism, Ophitism, and
other heresies, condemning Basilides, Arius (qq.v.),
the Borborites (see Gnosticism, § 2), and Montan-
ists (see Montanism), and denying that he wor-
shiped stars and demons, or taught that man had
been created by the devil. He likewise denied that
he practised magic. The result of the synod had
been determined from the first. Instantius was de-
posed, and Priscillian, to escape a worse state, ap-
pealed to the emperor. The decision took place at
Treves. Ithacius, seconded by Hydatius, accused
Priscillian of magic and Manicheanism, the penalty
for either being death by Roman law. Martin of
Tours, himself denounced by Ithacius as a heretic,
interceded for Priscillian at court, urging that de-
position was a sufficient penalty. Maximus solemnly
promised to spare the lives of the accused; but the
bishops Magnus and Rufus urged the emperor to
break his word, and he entrusted the investigation
to the prefect Evodius, who employed torture.
Tertullus, Potamius, and Johannes, in order to
escape a penalty, now confessed themselves and
their friends as guilty. Evodius held Priscillian
charged with sorcery and enforced a confession that
the conventicles were basely immoral. Maximus
could now take advantage of the victims to satisfy
his avarice. Ithacius, hitherto the accuser, with-
drew to avoid scandal among the bishops, and his
place was taken, at the emperor's command, by a
certain Patricius. Priscillian and four others were
beheaded, the same fate soon overtaking Asarbus
and the deacon Aurelius. Instantius and Tiberi-
anus (whose property was confiscated) were ban-
ished, and Tertullus, Potamius, and Johannes were
sentenced to brief exile.

The execution of a bishop for sorcery and im-
morality (the latter charge entirely baseless) at-
tracted attention far and wide, but with the fall of
Maximus the tide changed. Hydatius resigned his
see, while Ithacius was deposed and probably ex-
iled from Spain. Priscillian, on the other hand,
was regarded by his friends as a martyr. His sect
spread widely, especially in Galicia (Spain), though
no longer represented in the episcopate. So flour-
ishing were they that appeal was made to Leo I.
(440-461), who wrote an epoch-making letter (given
in Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser., xii. 20-26) ; a
synod of Toledo (447) under the influence of the
pope condemned the sect; and in 563 the Synod of
Braga was obliged to deal with it, but thenceforth
it vanished, being absorbed by the Cathari (see New
Manicheans, II.). The ascetic and Gnostic sect of
the Priscillianists must be regarded primarily as a
phenomenon of Occidental monasticism and early

Priscillian
Prison Reform

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

260

Christian enthusiasm, resulting in Gnosticism. The
basis of the sect was the " Abetinentes " of Philaster
(Hear., lxxxiv.), groups of ascetics in Gaul and Spain
under suspicion as to their theology, and apparently
Encratites (q.v.) transplanted to the west. They
had adopted Gnostic and Manichean elements, had
rejected many foods as coming from the devil, and
despised marriage. They, like the Priscillianists,
were essentially the children of such apocryphal
writings as the Acts of Thomas, Andrew, and John,
and perhaps the Books of Ezra and an Epistle to
the Laodiceans. Mingled with the Gnostic con-
cepts of the Priscillianists, moreover, were pagan
elements; and the conscious possession of non-
Catholic secret doctrines, at once the advantage
and the peril of the sect, is shown by the fact that
the Priscillianist Dictinius, later Catholic bishop of
Astorga, in his Libra asserted that Priscillianists
were justified in falsehood if need be, deeming that
they might make themselves pass for Catholic Chris-
tians providing they recognised in their hearts the
truths opposed to the Church, veracity being re-
quired only toward fellow sectaries and not toward
the Catholic church. (F. Lezius.)

Bibliography: For sources consult Priscilliani qua •uper-
gunt, ed. G. Schepss, in CSEL, xviii. 1889. For discus-
sions consult: DCB, iv. 470-478 (detailed); J. M. Man-
demach, Geschichte des Priscillianismus, Treves, 1851;
J. Bernays, Die Chronik des Sulpicius Severn*, Berlin,
1861; P. B. Gams, Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, vol.
ii., Regensburg, 1864; H. L. Mansel, Gnostic Heresies, lec-
ture* ix., xii., London, 1875; G. Schepss, Priscillian,
Wuraburg, 1886; idem, Pro Priscilliano, in Wiener Stts-
dien, pp. 128-147, Vienna, 1893; F. Paret, Priscillian,
Ein Rcformator des 4- Jahrhunderts, Wurxburg, 1891;
Hilgenfeld, in ZWT, 1892, pp. 1-84; Dierich, Die QueUen
gur Geschichte des Priscillianismus, Breslau, 1897; F.
Lezius, Die Libra des Dictinius, in Abhandlungen A. von
OeUingen aewidmet, pp. 113-124, Munich, 1898; K.
Kunstle, Anlipriscilliana. Dogmengeschichtliche Unler-
suchungen und Texts aus dem Streite aeaen PrisciUians
Lehre, Freiburg, 1905; E. C. Babut, Priscillien et le pris-
cUlianisme, Paris, 1909; Harnack, Dogma, iii. 336, iv.
133, v. 58, vi. 8; Neander, Christian Church, ii. 354,
771-779. A considerable body of periodical literature is
indicated in Richardson, Encyclopaedia, p. 882.

PRISON REFORM.

I. History of Imprisonment.
II. Theory of Treatment of Prisoners.

III. Penology.

IV. The Modern System.

L History of Imprisonment: In modern condi-
tions care of prisoners coincides with care for those
undergoing punishment, since now the withdrawal of
liberty is the principal punishment for crime. This
idea has developed only gradually. The history of
prisons may be divided into three periods: (1) Until
the fifteenth century the prison was not a means
of punishment. " Prisons served not for punish-
ment, only for surveillance." Penalties consisted
of fines, proscriptions, and different forms of capi-
tal and corporal punishment. (2) During the six-
teenth to the eighteenth centuries imprisonment
became a form of punishment. The number of
cases in which capital punishment and chastise-
ment were applied jjooame so numerous that people
asked whether capital punishment was right, and
the idea of betterment through punishment gained
adherents. But prison conditions were still hor-
rible. (3) In the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-

turies imprisonment came to be regarded Ma mem
of betterment, this coming about especially through
the labors of John Howard and Elisabeth Fry
(qq.v.). In Germany the old conditions perpetuated
themselves longest. There was no division of dam
in the prisons (not even always a separation of the
sexes), no pastoral care, and neither instruction nor
employment, while the personnel was inefficient and
the buildings were defective. Theodor Fhedner
(q.v.) gave the first impulse to a betterment of time
conditions. But without the influence of Frederick
William IV. such reforms would have been imposi-
ble. Another laborer in this field was Johann Hem-
rich Wichern (q.v.).

H. Theory of Treatment of Prisoner! : Preeent
conditions regarding the care of prisoners involve:
(1) Care for the prisoners during the time of their
confinement. An important factor here is the
prison-pastor. Every large prison has one or more
ministers; in smaller places the clergyman of the
community has charge of these matters. Every
Sunday church services are held at which the at-
tendance of the prisoners is obligatory. But not
less important is the teacher, who gives instruction
in the elementary branches, criminals being gener-
ally without the simplest elements of knowledge.
In charge of the teacher a library is found in each
prison. The inspector is also a factor. In Germany
the military have usually held these positions in
spite of the fact that they often lack the neces-
sary qualifications. Wichern tried to introduce
specially trained men from his own charitable in-
stitution, but failed. Little has been done so far in
the direction of training women to care for prison-
ers of their own sex. (2) The care of prisoners
after their dismission is also a part of the system.
For this purpose there exist protective associations.
Neither the State nor individual cities nor churches
have done much for this cause. Associations for
this purpose are mostly voluntary. An important
part of their duties is the care of the family of the
prisoner. For the dismissed there is secured em-
ployment, if possible, and other aid and assistance
are given him though there are only a few asylums
for men for temporary lodging, while homes for
women are more numerous. It is to be regretted,
however, that there is little seal developed in these
protective associations and their success is small,
but, of course, the field of labor is a difficult one.

(T. SchAfeh.)

Prison conditions regarding the care of prisoners
involve (1): The care of prisoners during the time
of their confinement. The purposes of the depriva-
tion of liberty are (a) punishment, (b) deterrent
effects, (c) reformative effects, (d) the protection of
society. These factors are emphasised differently
in different countries. In Europe, emphasis has been
laid chiefly upon punishment and the protection of
society. In the United States, probably more than
in any other country, the protection of society and
the reclamation of the offender are emphasized.
Tpon the distribution of emphasis depends the
nature of the care of prisoners during their confine-
ment. European conditions are in general more
rigorous and less reformative in method than Amer-
ican prison conditions. Important factors during

261

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PrUcillian
Prison Reform

imprisonment in prisons generally are the warden
and his associates, the prison physician, the prison
chaplain, and the prison teacher. Every large prison
has one or more chaplains; in smaller communi-
ties, correctional institutions are frequently visited
by one or more of the clergymen of the community.
In most prisons, if not in all, Sunday church serv-
ices are held with obligatory attendance. Of great
importance are prison teachers, giving instruction
in the elementary branches of education. Offenders
are in large measure lacking even in the simplest
elements of knowledge. Libraries are found in most
prisons. In some American prisons, the library is
as large and as well selected as libraries in small
American cities. The lesser prison officials, such as
guards and keepers, are gradually becoming of a
higher grade. Civil-service requirements are in
effect in many American states. Physical exercise,
military drill, and industrial training within the
prison tend to reconstruct the abnormal man into
a normal and useful member of society upon his re-
lease. Much attention is paid in the United States
to sanitary conditions in prisons and penitentiaries.
Lesser correctional institutions are frequently un-
sanitary and even filthy. The treatment of tuber-
culosis in prisons has received great impetus during
the last decade, largely through the efforts of New
York state in establishing in one of the state
prisons a separate ward for prisoners afflicted with
the " White Plague." The death rate from tuber-
culosis has been very materially reduced through
such segregation.

(2) The care of prisoners after their release is
also a part of the system of the treatment of prison-
ers. In many American states, a more or less effect-
ive parole system is carried out. Released prisoners
are placed under the supervision of a parole agent
for periods of from six months to the period of the
mATimiim sentence. No conclusive statistics are
available as to the percentage of permanent refor-
mation of released prisoners. About twenty-five
per cent of released prisoners become delinquent
before the termination of their parole. The parole
system is increasingly considered fully as necessary
as the imprisonment of the offenders. The tend-
ency is to place the parole work under the supervi-
sion of the State. In some states, private associa-
tions, such as prisoners' aid societies, conduct the
parole work. In many states, no parole work is
done. An important part of the duties of prisoners'
aid societies is the care of the family of the prisoner
during his imprisonment. For the released prisoner
employment is secured, if possible, and other aid
and assistance given him. There are a few homes
for discharged prisoners in the United States, the
Volunteers of America (q.v.) maintaining several
" Hope Halls."

The released or discharged prisoner does not now
find it so difficult as formerly to obtain work. The
attitude of society toward the released prisoner is
materially changing, the principle of the " square
deal " making gratifying progress. O. F. Lewis.

HI. Penology: The Greek word potne, denoting
the satisfaction, pecuniary or otherwise, paid for an
injury, passing through the Latin poena, " penalty,"
has become enlarged in later years to signify in

" penology " the whole science of penal law, penal
administration, the prevention of crime, and the
correction of the offender. In each of these depart-
ments there is a new recognition of fundamental
principles, some of them early discerned but tardily
applied, and an infusion of new knowledge and of
the humane sentiment. Jesus set aside the retalia-
tory features of the Jewish law. Modern penal law
can hardly be said to have eradicated vindictive
features entirely from its codes; but the modern
tendency is to make such codes measures of social
defense with deterrent rather than vindictive pen-
alties. Fundamental principles of the new penology
are the protection of society and the reformation
of the offender. In Plato's social system there was
a recognition of the duty of kindness and pity toward
the prisoner; in the New Testament it has a dis-
tinct prominence in the teaching of Jesus. In mod-
ern times the most important point of departure
from the old penal system dates from the publica-
tion of the work entitled Dei dditii e delle pene
(" Crimes and Penalties ") in 1769 by Cesare Bec-
caria Bonesana, an Italian nobleman, and from the
personal work of John Howard (q.v.), who began his
visitations of prisons in England in 1773 and ex-
tended his work and inspections over the continent.
Beccaria's influence was felt mainly in the abolition
of torture and of capital punishment, and the refor-
mation of criminal codes. Howard initiated reforms
in the physical, moral, and industrial conditions of
prison life. The duty of society to the offender was
considered in all its aspects. Elizabeth Fry exerted
great influence in the last century in Great Britain
and Europe, also Mary Carpenter (q.v.), Matthew
Davenport Hill, and others. Alexander Macon-
ochie at Norfolk Island, and Sir Walter Crofton
in Ireland, enlightened and progressive prison di-
rectors, demonstrated the possibility of making
new moral and educational appeals to the prisoners
with grades and privileges based on the merit system.
IV. The Modern System: The same principle
with independent and original application has
borne fruit in the reformatory system in the United
States. Juvenile reformatories for boys and girls
were established in the first half of the last century;
but a new epoch marks the extension of the idea to
institutions for those from sixteen to thirty years
of age first established in Elmira, New York, in
1876 under Z. R. Brockway and since adopted in
ten American states. A fundamental feature of the
reformatory system is the indeterminate sentence.
The prisoner is not committed for a definite time to
the institution, but is obliged to secure his condi-
tional release by his attainments in school, industry,
and deportment. When he has earned his parole
he is released tentatively, and after proving by
some months of good conduct his ability to live an
honest, law-abiding life receives his absolute dis-
charge. If not corrigible, he can be detained for the
maximum period fixed by the code as the penalty
of the offense for which he was committed. The
probation system of treating offenders without im-
prisonment was first adopted in Massachusetts in
1878 and afterward adopted in France, Belgium,
and various American states. Another important
American contribution is juvenile courts first es-

Prison Baform
Probation, Future

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOC.

263

tablished in Chicago in 1899 and soon after adopted
in other states and also in Europe. The system of
county jails in the United States still remains the
worst feature of American prisons. The tendency is
now toward state control of prisoners with better
sanitation, an improvement in the personnel of
prison officials, the introduction of common schools,
trade-schools, libraries, prison journals, lectures, and
the formation of various societies among the prison-
ers. In Europe the system of separate confinement
is applied in a number of countries; in the United
States the prevailing system is congregate labor
by day and separate cells by night. Reduction of
sentence is allowed for good behavior, and the
parole system is now applied in some thirty states.
The abolition of the lease system in Georgia and
Louisiana marks a great advance in the South.
Educative and productive labor is a fundamental
necessity as a moral agent in prison. Other fea-
tures of modern progress are a better standard of
prison construction, the assignment to prisoners
of a portion of their earnings; provision for the
payment of fines by instalments on probation and
the assignment of a portion of the prisoner's wages
to his family; an improvement in prison dietaries;
new and better principles of classification, the de-
velopment by finger prints of a scientific method
for the identification of prisoners, the separation of
accidental from habitual criminals, the humane
treatment of the criminal insane, with more effect-
ive organization for aid to the discharged prisoner.
Under Cesare Lombroso, Enrico Ferri, and others a
new impulse has been given to the study of the
criminal, his environment, and history, though
criminal anthropology has hardly attained yet the
rank of a science. Prison associations for improving
legislation and aiding prisoners exist in several
states. The National (now " American *') Prison
Association in the United States was first formed
in 1870, and immediately after, under the initiative
of Dr. E. C. Wines, supported by the government of
the United States, the International Prison Congress
was formed, and has exercised great influence in
Europe and the United States.

Samuel J. BARROwsf.
The Eighth International Prison Congress was
held in Washington, U. S. A., in October, 1910,
and marked high-tide in the advocacy of modern
principles of penology. The congress, composed of
representatives of nearly two-score nations, went on
record as advocating the principle of the indeter-
minate sentence, the theory of the reformation of
the offender, the use of probation and parole, the
development of colonies for tramps and vagrants
and inebriates, the productive labor of prisoners
and the support, when possible, of prisoners' fam-
ilies from the earnings of the prisoner, the develop-
ment and extension of the juvenile court and other
important modern principles. O. F. Lewis.

Bibliography: Of great value are the " Acts," etc., of in-
ternational congresses on penology and prison reform held
at Stochholm 1878, Rome 1886, St. Petersburg 1890,
Paris 1805, Brussels 1900, and Washington 1910. Consult
further: F. H. Wines, Punishment and Reformation, Sketch
of the Rise of the Penitentiary System, New York, 1895,
9th ed., 1910; E. F. Du Cane, Account of the Manner in
of Pemal Servitude areownied out, London,

1882; J. P. Altgeld, Our Penal Machinery, Cbicajo. 1884;

E. F. Du Cane, Punishment of Crime, 1885; F. von Halts*
dorff, Handbuch dee Oefangniesweeens, 2 vols.. Hamburg
1888; A. Gioux, Sur to regime penitentiaire, Poitien, 1880;
K. Krohne, Lehrbuch der Qefangnisekunde, Stuttgart, 1889;
V. Leitmaier, Oeeterreichieche Oefbngnieskunde, Vism
1890; C. Wulff. Die Oefangnieee der JustizvervaUssg «
Preussen, Hamburg, 1890; C. Cook, The Prisons of As
World, London, 1891; A. Winter. New York Statt Re-
formatory in Elmira, London, 1891; J. C. Powell, Tht
American Siberia: a southern convict Camp, London, 1892;

F. Stuckenberg, Fomgsetsvojsenet i Danmark, 1 660-1 7 V,
Copenhagen, 1893; C. Hiller, Die DiscipHnerstmftn m
den oestentichischen StrafdnstaUen, Leipsic, 1894; W.
Tallack, Penological and Preventative Principles, ritfc
Special Reference to Europe and America, l/mdon. 1896;
H. S. Wilson. History and Criticism: Studies on the Cos-
ciergerie, London. 1896; G. Bonneron, Notre rtgim peo-
tentiaire. Les Prisons de Paris, Paris, 1897; A Leed
/< Sistema penitentiario e it DomicUio coatto in Itohs,
Rome, 1897; J. George. Humanitat und KrimitwUtmfe*
vom Mitteialter bis auf die Oegenwart, Jena. 1898; H. )L
Boies, The Science of Penology, New York. 1901; C.
Krohne and R. Uber, Die StrafanstaUen in Preussen, Ber-
lin, 1901; G. Vidal, Cows de droit criminel et dc science
penitentiaire, Paris, 1901; G. Curli and A. Bianchi, U
nostre Carceri e i nostri Riformatorii, Milan, 1902; A
Macdonald, Hearing on the Bill to Establish a Laborators
for the Study of the Criminal and Defective Classes, Wash-
ington. 1902; M. B. Booth, After Prison— ichott New
York, 1903; H. Leuss, Axis dem Zuchthause, Berlin. 1903;
W. B. Nevill, Penal Servitude, London, 1903; The Jfert
of the Broad Arrow; or, the Life of a Convict, London, 1903;
E. Carpenter, Prisons, Police and Punishment, London,
1905; P. Cuche, TraiU de science et de legislation penile*-
tiaires, Paris. 1905; E. Hpira, Die Zuchthaus- und Of
ftingnisstrafe, ihre Differenxierung und Stellung im Straf-
gesetxe, Munich, 1905; A. Lens, Die anglo^merikanisch*
Reformbevoegung im Strafrecht, Stuttgart, 1908; P. A. Par-
sons. Responsibility for Crime: an Investigation of the Na-
ture and Causes of Crime and a Means of its Prevention,
New York, 1909. For periodical literature consult Rich-
ardson, Encyclopaedia, p. 882.

PROBA: Christian oentoist of the fourth cen-
tury. She was the daughter of Petronius Pro-
bianus, consul in 310, and wife of Clodius Celsinus
Adelphius, prefect of Rome after 351. "Cento"
originally meant a cloak made of patches, and then
came to be applied to compositions constructed
from words and lines taken from the poets and put
together to express a content other than the orig-
inal. The making of centos from the verses of
Homer and Vergil was much affected, and even
Christians so employed themselves. Before her
conversion to Christianity Proba composed one,
not extant, on the conflict between Constantius
and Maxentius. Afterward she embodied in like
compositions the story of creation to the flood, the
birth of Christ, and his passion, writing in hexam-
eters. Of course the original coloring was lost; at
the baptism, e.g., the Father uses words employed
by Juno, Turnus, and others. Yet it is remarkable
how impressive the results sometimes are. Pope
Gelasius refused the sanction of the Church to such
efforts, but in spite of this the cento appears to
have been much read in the Middle Ages, as is evi-
denced by many existing manuscripts and the men-
tion of many more. One manuscript contains be-
sides the cento of Proba three other works of this
character: Pompanii versus in gratiam domini, —
instruction concerning Christianity in a discussion
between Melibous and Tityrus, evidently in imita-
tion of Proba; De verbi incarnattone, a fragment
not by Sedulius; and De ecdesia. There is did-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

played here a certain dexterity in the use of lines
from Vergil to construct, for example, a long ad'
dress by a priest. (G. Kucgeb.)

BlBuoaa*PBi: The beat ed. is by C. Schenkl in CSBL,
xxvi. pp. 511-627. Vienna, 1888. Consult: J nwfchmn.
Die Anicier and die rvmuchr Dichterin Proba. Vienna,
1870; A. Ebert, Qcechichle der LiUcralirr de* MUttWtert,
i. 126 sqq., Leipsic. 1889; M. Mruiitiui, QucnichU dtr
tirittlich-laleiniechen Poait. pp. 123-131), Stuttgart,
1801; G. von Dsialowslci. liidor und Ildefone aU Litttrar-
hietoriker, pp. 29-30, Mauler, 1898.

PROBABILISM: A doctrine of Roman Catholic

UK>r:il theology that in ease of ethical problems the
course of conduct to be adopted should be deter-
mined by what is adjudged to be probably right,
with due support of precedent and authority recog-
nised by the Church. Analogues to the system may
be found among later Greek philosophers, particu-
larly the Nco-Academic3 Carneades and Clito-
maehus, as well as in the distinction drawn by
Cicero (De ofliciis, i. 3) between " perfect duty "
and " medium duty," for the performance of which
" a probable reason may be assigned." A tendency
toward prokdulism early became evident in the

1 i 'i. ■" "i r(ii' :iiiin:'.--iii^i') nl :i . < rkiin .j.-^n ■ ■

of " pious fraud " in the theory of the Greek Fa-
thers after Chrysostoia. It was further developed
in the medieval Penitential Books (qv.) with their
frequent formula " there is no harm " in regard to
]■.■ ■■!■■; - '-riii'-illy I'ljuivalf-'nt or indifferent; and it
received a powerful impulse in the balancing of con-
fliiliiiG authorities by the scholastic casuistry of
the last three centuries of the Middle Ages. Here
reference need only be made to the Sunitna Atigelira
of Angelus Carsctus (d. 1405), the Summa roseUa
of Giovanni Baptist* Trovamala (fifteenth cen-
tury), the Requite morales of Jean Charlier Genoa
(q.v.); and the Dominicans of the sixteenth cen-
tury, particularly the school of Mclchior Cano (q.v.).
BtttokHia de Medina (d. 1581), followed by Do-
mingo Banez (d. 1604), enunciated the doctrine
that " if an opinion is probable, it may be followed,
even though a more probable opinion be opposed."
With these precedents Jesuit moralists, after the
bee/inning of the seventeenth century, developed
the- doctrine of probabilism with extreme subtility
and logic. Probabilism was formally introduced
in to the courses in moral theology by Gabriel Vas-
qucz in 1598; and Antonio Escobar y Mendoza
(q.v.) defended the tenet that an ethical judgment
supported as probable by u recognized authority
might unhesitatingly be preferred to another opin-
ion which was safer and more probable. This prin-
ciple aifi-i'teii (lie coiifessioiiLiI, since a penitent who
could appeal to a probable opinion must be ab-
solved by his confessor, even though the latter were
of a different opinion; while attrition was prob-
flbili-ii.'nlly made to suffice for contrition. Esco-
bar likewise taught that the great number of di-
vergent moral opinions is one of the chief proofs of
Uie uoodnesa of divine providence, since the yoke
of Christ is thus made easy. Hermann Busenbaum
(q.v.), in similar fashion, warned against giving
too much weight to excessive scruples of conscience,
and urged that in each ease the mildest and safest
Opinion should be followed. Probabilistic argu- |

ments were also used in defense of such teachings
as the distinction between philosophical and theo-
logical sin and mental reservation.

As early as 1620 the Sorbonne protested against
the doctrine of probabilism, and in 1656 Pascal at-
tacked it in his " Provincial Letters." Renewed
protests of the Sorbonne in 1658 and 1665 led Alex-
ander VII. to condemn probabilism and the moral
theories connected with it (Sept. 24, 1665). Op-
ponents of the doctrine arose within the Jesuit
order, among them Paolo Comitoli (d. 1626) and
Michael de Elizalde; Innocent XI., in 1679, con-
demned sixty-five probabilistic theses as laxistic.
In 1687 the thirteenth general congregation of the
Jesuits officially declared that the Society of Jesus
was not opposed to anti-probabiliam, although when
Tyiso Gonzalez, the Jesuit general, attacked prob-
abih^ii in his Fundamenta theologia maraHn (Dil-
lingen. 1691), he encountered the most strenuous
opposition from his order. A severe blow was dealt
probabilism when, in 1700, the assembly of the
clergy of Franco forbade it to be taught. Addi-
tional Jesuit authors also opposed it, though its
most unsparing enemies were the Dominicans. The
net result was a series of modifications of proba-
bilism, of which the Jesuit casuistry of the eight-
eenth century evolved three chief types. These
were equi probabilism, according to which one of
two moral opinions may be followed only if it is
exactly as probable as the other; probabiliorism.
in which, if the probabilities are not equal, that
which is more probable must determine the course
of action; and tutiorism, according to which the
safer, rather than the more probable, opinion is to
be followed. See Casdistby. (O. ZocKi.Uif.)
BlBLIOnluFBT: On the history of the subject consult;
D. Coucins. Slorin del Probobiliemo e Riaoriemo, 2 vols.,
Lucca, 1748; K. F. SUludlin, Oaehidite dtr earuUicAM
Moral, pp. MS, 48S, 823 sqq.. Gfltting en, 1808: A. Wuttka,
Handout* dtr chrietliehm SiOenlehre. od. L. Scbulie. L
284. Leipsic. 1874; J. J. 1. vo.i DolIin(crmid F. B. Reusch,
Cetchithle der MnralelrrHiakeUm in der rOmiech'kaUioli-
echtn KircKt, i. 28 sqq. 94 sqq.. 120 sqq.. 412 sqq , Minif'i
1880: H. C. Lea, Hie/on/ of Confeteion and Indvlarncem,
ii. 285-411. New York. 189(1; A. Schmidt. Zur QtethickU
da Probabilitmw, Innsbruck. 1904; KL. viti. 1874-88:
tee du probabilieme au

-. nirle, I'l.r;

1908.

, besides Che filth of Pascal's " Provincial
Letters," consult: S. Rachel. Eiamen prababililatie Je-
tuilica. Helmstcdl, 1864: C. E. Luthardt, Oteehickte dtr
ehrittlicben Elhik, ii, 125-129, Leipsic, 18S3; J. MflUer,
Syttcm der PhUotophie. port iii.. Mains. 18B8; idem. R-
formkalholiciemut. ii. 132-1132, Zurich. 18S8; Lienor, in
Deuteche Stimmtn. pp. 312 sqq., Cologne, 1901: W. Her-
mann, R.imiecht und rranociieclit Silttiehkcit. 3d ett., Mar-
burg. 1901: A. Ebrhnrd. Dtr KaHioliciemue und dot X).
Jahrhundtrt, pp. 108 sqq., Freiburg, 1902: P. von tJocns-
brocch. Die uHramonlnne Moral, pp. 80-70. Berlin, 1902.

For apologetics on the subject consult: A. Ballerini,
Oput thtaloawum morale, ed. Palmier!, vol. i., 1898; K. A.
Tjcimbsch. V nltreuthunoen uber die vcrechiedenen Moral*
lyetme. Fulds, 1894: C. Pesch, Pralectiana dogmatic*.
iii. 340-348. Freiburg. 1895; F. A. Goplert. Moraltnt-
oloaie, i. 167 sqq.. Paderbom. 18B7; J. Mausbach. Die
vllramimlane Mural nacJi (Iraj P, van Hom^iraech, pp. 20
sqq., Berlin. 1902; Front t-r Knar. Dae Dekrct dee . . .
Innocent XI. tibtr den Probabiiiemtu. Paderbom, 1904;
A. Lshmkuhl, Prooooi/ismus nndieoruf, Freibcva,
1900.

PROBATION, FTJTtJRE: An expression carry-
ing the implication that in the future world the

Probation
Procopius

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

864

Gospel will be decisively offered to all who did not
in this world finally reject Christ, and that those
who there accept him will be saved. As here de-
fined, it is to be distinguished (1) from the ortho-
dox doctrine of probation — it extends the offer of
salvation into the future life under the conditions
above mentioned (see Judgment, Divine); (2) from
dogmatic Universalism (q.v.) — it lea ves in doubt the
ultimate issue of the probation; (3) from a second
probation — only a single probation is affirmed;
(4) from the Roman Catholic doctrine of Purgatory
(q.v.), which is not that of probation at all, but of
the cleansing of such as have departed this life in
faith; (5) from the assertion that the probation of
all men extends into the next world — character
may be decisively determined here below. The
theory was advocated by I. A. Dorner, System der
christliehen Glaubenslehre (2 vols., Berlin, 1879, 2d.
ed., 1886-87; Engl, transl., System of Christian
Doctrine, 4 vols., Edinburgh, 1880-82), and drew
much attention to itself in the so-called " Andover
Controversy," through its reappearance in Progress-
ive Orthodoxy (pp. 67-111, Boston, 1885) by pro-
fessors in Andover Theological Seminary. It was
there maintained that the destiny of all men will
be irrevocably fixed at the judgment, and that the
principle of judgment is, Christ is the Judge.
Scripture support for the hypothesis is sought not
so much in specific passages (I Pet. iii. 18-20, iv.
5 -fl; Matt. xi. 21-22, x. 32) as in its harmony with
the central principle of Christianity there contained,
i.e., the absolutely universal destination of the
Gospel, which rests upon the universal significance
of Christ's person and work, and which guarantees
that the final state of all souls shall be decided by
their conscious acceptance or rejection of Christ as
Savior and Lord. A doctrine as to the condition
of many of the dead, having points of agreement
with the foregoing presentation, is advocated by
Edward White, Life in Christ, chap. xxii. (London,
1878). See Eschatology, § 5.

C. A. Beckwith.

Bibuooraprt: G. F. Wright, An Inquiry concerning the
Relation of Death to Probation, Boston. 18S2; (3. H. Emer-
son, The Doctrine of Probation Examined, Boston, 1883;
N. Smyth, Dorner on the Future State, New York, 1883; 8.
Loathes and others, Future Probation, London, 188G; S. M.
Vernon, Probation and Punishment, New York, 1890; E.
C. Gordon, in Presbyterian Quarterly, xi (1897), 218-230;
G. P. Jackson, Man an Eternal Probationer, Nashville,
Tenn., 1902. Further literature will be found under Ea-
ciiatoloqy; Hades; and Intermediate State.

PROCESSION OF THE HOLY GHOST. See

Filioque Controversy.

PROCESSIONS: In restricted ecclesiastical usage,
the term applies to the solemn entrance of the
clergy and their assistants to the altar for mass
or other liturgical worship, or of their return after
the t?ervice to the sacristy. In a more general sense,
procession means the moving in formal order, with-
in or without the church, of a religious body, the
head of which, such as bishop or priest, walks last,
those highest in dignity next before him, and those
lowest come first. It is taken as an obvious sym-
bolism representing the Christian journey, and arises
from the interest in giving expression to varying
inner religious states, beyond the confines of the

altar. They may be (1) processions of festal joy
or commemoration, expressive of thanksgiving; or
(2) of prayer and penitential processions (called
litanice, rogcUumes, supplicationes), as on days of
petition and on occasions of great calamity or visi-
tation; or (3) processions of honor to biahopsor
other dignitaries at their consecration or visitation;
or (4) funeral processions. The procession may be
attended with prayers and music and accompanied
by candles, by statues of saints as on sainta' days,
or by relics as in dedications. They may be ex-
traordinary, called by special ecclesiastical order,
or, as most frequently, ordinary, prescribed by
ritual law, such as Palm Sunday and Corpus ChristL
In early times the persecutions hindered their
growth, although funeral processions seemed to
have been known. Tertullian names processio, pro-
cedere, alongside of stated worship and fasting, as
a religious practise in the sense of church attendance
{Ad uxorem, ii. 4; Hcer., xliii.; Eng. transl., A.VF,
iii. 264). By the fourth century processions with
relics were common. In Constantinople where the
Arians were not allowed to worship within the
walls, they moved in processions on the streets with
the singing of hymns, and Chrysostom instituted
similar ones among the orthodox. A notice by
Ambrose (EpisL, xl., ad Theodosium) shows that
processions were in use in the West at the same
time, at least among the monks. During the Mid-
dle Ages this feature in connection with all cere-
monial was developed with great magnificence by
the Roman Catholic Church.

Bibliography: Bingham, Oriffinea, XIII., i. 12, XXII.,
iii. 8; DCA, ii. 1715-17; J. Greteer, De catholic* eedtaim
aacria proceaaionibua, Ingoldstadt, 1600; J. Eveillon, Da
proceaaionibua eccleaioaticia, Paris, 1641; D. Vatar, Da*
proceaaiona de Vtgliae, ib. 1705; J. E. Riddle, Manual of
Christian AntiauiHea, pp. 757-758, 771-774. 833, 2d ed..
London. 1843; M. E. O. Walcott. Sacred Arch oology, ib.
1860; L. Duchesne, Chriatian Worship, passim, London,
1904; KL, x. 448-450.

PROCHET, MATTEO: Italian Waldensian; h.
at Lucerna San Giovanni (30 m. s.w. of Turin) Sept.
28, 1836; d. at Rome Feb. 16, 1907. He was edu-
cated at the Waldensian college of Torre-Pellice,
and, after serving the required year in the army, he
studied theology at Florence and spent a semester
in the Presbyterian College, Belfast. After serving
as an evangelist in Lucca and Pisa (1861-66), and
Genoa (1866-70), he was the first Protestant clergy-
man to enter Rome after its capture by Victor Im-
manuel, and there founded a Waldensian church
(1870), of which he was pastor till 1875, although
in 1871 he had been appointed president of the
Italian Evangelization Committee, a position which
he retained until 1906, when he was compelled to
retire from active life on account of the age limit.
He must be regarded as almost the pioneer in the
modern active Protestant propaganda in Italy.

PROCKSCH, OTTO: German Protestant; b. at
Eisenberg (34 m. s.w. of Leipsic), Saxe-Altenburg,
Aug. 9, 1874. He was educated at the universities
of Tubingen, Leipsic, Erlangen, and Gottingen
(Ph.D., Leipsic, 1899), and at the seminary for
preachers in Leipsic (1898-1900). In 1901 he be-
came privat-docent for Old-Testament exegesis at

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

the University of Kbuigsberg; waa made extraor-
dinary professor at Greifswald in 1906, and ordi-
nary professor in 1909. He has written Ueber die
Btutnthe bei den vorislamtichen Arabern mid Afo-
tammeds Stellang m ihr (Leipeic, 1899); GeeckichU-
kiriuMung und gorltiehtlkhe ( ' tberlitferung bei den
itoexUierhen Prophtien (1902); Dag nordhebrdinche
Sage-bui-h (1906); Johnnnender Tilu/er (1907); and
Btiuiien w Gachichie der Septuagittfa (1910).

MOCLUS. See Neo-Platonibm, III., f 3.

PROCOPIUS OF C^SAREA: Byzantine his-
torian; b. at CiEsarea in Palestine toward the close
trf the fifth century; d. probably after 562. After
527 he nas the legal companion and secretary of
Belisarius in the campaigns in Persia, Africa, and
Italy, so that as an eye-witness he described in eight
books the ware against the Persians, Vandals, and
Goths. More important for ecclesiastical condi-
tions were his sis books. F'ni kliamat&n (De adi-
feii» Justiniani imperatorU, Paris, 166:1, Est,
trans!., On Justinum'» Buildingi, London, 1SS6);
hit .[rimtota contain only scandals concerning Jus-
tinian, Theodora, Bclisarius and his wife, and the
entire court. Theologically he was orthodox; to
hi] [t Christ »iin God, :oni Mary- the mother of God.
He was plainly disinclined to dogmatic partiian-
ihip, and Christian and classical elements appear
un fused in his writings. As a historian he is of the
higlx-st importance. His works have been edited
by L. Dindorf in CSHB (3 vols., Bonn., 1833-38} j
by J. Haury (3 vols., Leipsic, 1905-06); and there
is an edition, with Italian translation, of the wars
of the i btfcM by O. Compurctti (2 vols., Rome, 1895-
18*>6>, :n;'i :i German translation in (iwliifhtaxrlirri-
fcer der deuUchtn Vorarit (6th year, vols, ii.-iii., by
D. Costi, Leipsic, 1885). (N. Bonwetsch.)

BuuoeiurBT: F. Daho. Prakap von Catarra. Berlin, L8S9;
L. von R«nke. WtUaarhidOt. to. 2. pp. 285 sqq.. Leip-

Gtbraucli da Modi in der Hittoritn da Prokopt. Referm-
bu«. 1903; Krumtj seller. Qachichtt. pp. 230-238 (wilh
6ne 1st or helps); DCB. to. 487-488.

PROCOPIUS OF GAZA: Christian rhetorician;
b. in Gaza c. 465; d, there before 528. The school
of rhetoric at Gaza was widely celebrated for its
teachers, among whom were (Eneas (see MHttM ok
Gaza), and Procopius, " the Christian sophist."
Of the latter 's life little is known except that he
spent it in the town of his birth, refusing calls to
Antioch and Tyre. He is known to have carried on
in extensive correspondence with contemporaries,
and Cboriciua describes him as modest, unpreten-
tious, and idealistic. His writings are partly rhe-
torical, partly exegetical. Of his speeches only one
is extant — the bombastic encomium of the Em-
peror An&stasi us I., probably written between 512
and 515. The description of the Church of St.
Sophia and the lament over the failing of its cupola
during an earthquake in 558 are not genuine. On
account of the loss of so much of his work the more
valuable is the possession of 162 letters, partly rec-
ommendations to pupils and others, partly on phi-
losophical or rhetorical themes, which give insight
into the ecclesiastical species of sophistics of the
period. Among hia exegetical works is his com-

mentary in the form of a Catena (q.v., £} 3, 7) on
the Octatouch, in which the attempt has been made
by Lindl u-j-i- liililiojiriipliy below ) to prove that i he
complete Hcxaplar text as it was in the time of
1'rueiipius is in existence. It has bivn shown by
WYmllainl. Klostermanti, and Kiscnhofer that Pro-
copius drew upon I'hilo, Unpen, Basil of Ca'sarea,
Gregory of Nyssa, Apollinaris of I.aodieea, and
Cyril of Alexandria, The commentary on Kings
and Chronicles is practically all from Theoili.rat.
Cor Isaiah and the epitome of the Gctateueh, Cyril,
Eusebius of Cieanrea, and Theodore of Heraclea sire
the sources. The best preserved is the commentary
on the Song of Songs. The commentary on Prov-
erbs 18 but an epitome by Procopius of his catena.
His works, so far as they are preserved, are in
MPG, btxxvii. 1-242; his letters are best found in
Epitlolographi Grirri, cd. R. Hercher. pp. 5:53-588
(Paris, 1873). (G. KbOoer.)

HMude, CKorieii Gazati Orationa . . , fragments, pp, 1-
24. Pb™. 1848. Consult; L. Eiaenhofer, Pnetfpiut iffli
Qaza. Freiburs. 1897; T, Z»hn, PoricJiunc™ iut <,,?, hi-M*
da neutatamenUichrn Kanom. ii. 2W I'fxi. T.H|> n ■. |s>43;
P. Wendlnnd, Wtucnldrcklc Pranmrnlr Pliilai, Berlin,
1891: E. KlMtcnnann. Griechitche Ezierplt am HomilitH
da Oriaina, in TV. *ii. 3 (I894>, 1-12; E. Lindl, DU
fnlfllfJMi*mlf*n4 rira I'ratop ron Gam. Munirh. 1902;
Coillior, A uteun kkth, *i. 178-180: DCB. iv. 488-487.

PROCOPIDS, AHDREAS, THE GREAT: Bo-
hemian priest; b. in Bohemia about 1380; d. at
Lipau, near Bohmiseb-Iirod (20 m. e. of Prague),
May 30, 14:14. On the death of Zizka, in 1424, be
-iii-ci ■eileil Iiim as leader of the Hussite army. He
was sprung from the lower nobility, anil had been
a follower of John Huss (see Hubs, John, Hus-
sites:). As a priest he never bore arms; but he
learned warfare under Zizka, and conducted cam-
paigns with consummate skill. He was more of a
statesman than Ziika, and his policy was U> terrify
Europe into peace with Bohemia, In 1426 he in-
vaded Saxony, and defeated the Germans at Aussig.
In 1427 he turned to (light a vast host of Crusjiders
at Tachou, and in 1431 he routed the forces of Ger-
many at Tauss. These victories rendered inevitable
the assembling of the Council of Basel. In Jan.,

143:!, Procopius and fourteen other Bohemian lead-
ers came to Basel to confer with the council (see
Bahkl, CoOHGKi of). Bohemia, anxious to preaant
a united front to the council, strove to reduce the
town of Pilsen, which still held to Roman Catholi-
cism. The siege did not suceeed, a mutiny ftgainat
PwoopjlXB arose in the army, and he retired from
the management of affairs in Sept., 1433. Soon
after this, the Bohemian Diet accepted the " com-
pacts " of the council. The idea of peace spread
rapidly; and a party in favor of the restoration of
Stgtanund as king of Bohemia began to form. Pro-
copius roused himself to oppose the royalist league.
In May, 1434. the royalist army met the Taborites,
under Procopius, at Lipau, and after a desperate
fight, he waa defeated and killed.
BiBUoan.irBr^ Oeinhton, Papacy, ii. 188-282: F. Pulwlty.
Qachilhtt POTl B-Amrn. vol. iii , Pmn. 1850: iiiem, t.:r>:nrtd-
liclir Htilritat :or '!,.; I, ,.■!,!.■ -I,.' Ih'rrAL-idnois. Iil9-1»,

2 volii., ib. 1873-74: C. naflpr. (iachvhturhTtibrr der
htuiitiKhen Brweeang, 3 vols.. Vienna. 18AS-8A: R, H.
Gilletl, US' and Tina of John Hum*, vol. i. puwm, PhiU-

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

e papal aide are cast by

PROCTER, JOHN: English Dominican; b. at
Manchester Jan. 23, 1849. He was educated at the
Dominican colleges at Hinckley (1863-66) and
London (1867-72) and at the University of Louvain
(1872-74; S.T.L., 1874). In 1872 he was ordained
to the priesthood, and in 1866-72, 1874-78, 1882-
1883, and 1885-1900 was stationed at St. Dominic's
Priory, London, and also conducted a large num-
ber of missions and retreats in England, Ireland.
Scotland, and the United States. He has been su-
perior of the Dominican Houses in Newcastle-on-
Tyne (1878-82), Leicester (1883-85), and London
(1888-94), and was provincial of bis order from
1894 to 1902. Since 1906 he ha3 been pariah priest
of St. Dominic's Priory Church, London. He haj
written Savonarola and the Reformation (London,
1898); Saint Sebastian, Lay-Apostle and Martyr
(1899); The Rotary Confraternity (1899); The Liv-
ing Rosary (ISQO); Indulgences (1900); The Catholic
Creed; or, What do Catliolics believe- f (1900); The
Rosary Guide for Priests and People (1901); The Do-
minican TerHary's Daily Manual (1901); The
Perpetual Rosary (1904); and Ritual in Catholic
Worship (1906). He has likewise edited the anony-
mous Short Lives of the Dominican Saints (London,
1900); T. A. Drane's Spirit of the Dominican Order
(1897) and Daily Life of a Religious (1898); and
M. E. Capes' Flower of the Neio World (1899), and
has translated Savonarola's Triumph of the Cross
(1901) and St. Thomas Aquinas' Apology for the
Religious Orders (1902) and The Religious State, the-
Episcopate, and the Priestly Office (1902).

PROCURATOR: In general, one who acts as
agent or factor for another in temporal interests.
The term was anciently applied to lawyers in the
civil courts and to proctors in ecclesiastical j in.lir.-i-
tories. As a secular calling it was forbidden to the
clergy by a series of synods beginning with the First
Synod of Carthage (348, chaps, viii.-ix.) and com-
ing down to the Synod of Mainz (813, chap. riv.).
In case one who followed the profession desired to
enter the clergy, he was required first to purge him-
self from participation in the duties which his pro-
fession involved. The clergy were repeatedly en-
joined to abstain from labors of this sort, the only
exception being service in behalf of widows or or-
phans, that intrusted to them by their bishop, or
where the property of the church was oonoannd,
In church life the term seems to have been applied
to those who had charge of the temporalities. Tt
was also applied to those who represented a person
in absence during the ceremony of marriage or be-
trothal, as well as in some other ecclesiastic id cere-

PR0DIC1AHS: A sect of Antinnmian Gnostics,
founded in the second century by Prodicus, a here-
tic of whom no definite information has come down.
They claimed, as the sons of the most high God
(not of the demiurge), and as a royal race, to be
bound by no laws. They rejected the Sabbath and
all external ceremonies as something fit only for
those who stood under the sway of the demiurge*

ANDREAS: Gorman Augustinian;
b. at Dresden Oct. 1, 1429; d. at Kulmbaeh (48 m.
n.e. of Nuremberg) June 5, 1503. After comuli-tiiii;

liis education at Leipsic, In.' enter:''] the Ohsci-van-
liue .-Uuiustinian order at llimmelpfortc. near \\ er-
nigerode, in 1450, and was ordained priest three
years later. He was directed to study at Perugia
for a year and a half, and then taught theology in
the monastery at Magdeburg until 1456, when he
became prior at H i mm el p forte. Here he main-
tained the union of the five Observantine monas-
teries of Himmelpforte, Magdeburg, Dresden, Wald-
heim, and Konigsberg in Francouia, securing a
renewal of the papal sanctions and privileges. Proles
himself was elected vicar in 1460 or 1461, but the
machinations of one of his subordinates resulted
in a papal bull that the Observantine monasteries
be subject to the provincial of Saxony. At the ex-
piration of his term in 1467, he taught at Magde-
burg for six years, and that Wu reeleeted vicar, this
time holding office for thirty years. With unweary-
ing energy, and appeals to the secular arm, Proles
reformed monastery after monastery despite the
resistance of monks and provincials alike. In 1475
he was forbidden by the Augustinian general to dis-
charge the functions of vicar, while the reformed
monasteries were returned to their provincials;
and in 1476. as he refused compliance, he and his
followers were placed under the ban of the aeneral
Proles appealed to the pope, the result being the
a iii"i ill Tie -lit rif all edict* against him and the renewal
of the privilege of Observantine reunion. In 1496,
after further struggles, the Saxon, or German, con-
Crcgation of Observantine Augustinians was fully
recognized, and its dclegat'1.- were accorded oimai
rights at the general chapters with those of the
provinces of the order. Tn course of time lie thus
reformed and incorporated with his congregation
about thirty monasteries, the most important in all
tiermany. Proles was gladly cunsulted by princes
regarding secular affairs, and likewise furthered the
intellectual development of his monks, as well as
their talents as preachers. He himself was a distin-
guished preacher. ;>nd in 1 r> : ; 1 1 the Dominican Petrus
Sylvius issued some of his sermons, with, at least,
partial revision. (T. Kolde.)

BiBUOGHiPHT: Accounts of the life were written by C.

s.li.nruon, Dr«deo, 1737; G. Sebum-. l-eipna. 17-14;

and H, A. Pnihle, Qotna. 1867. Consult nl™: T. Ko1c!p.

Stoupito. pp. 30 sni-. Ootoa. 1879: E. Juab* in ',',-
trhil-Mnq-adlrn ,lrr Prorim Sachun. IV. 47S sqq.. Halle,
I8S2; KL. 1.460-461.

PROLOGDS GALEATTJS (" Helmeted Preface "):
The name given by Jerome himself to the first pub-
lished anil most celebrated of his prefaces, that pre-
fixed to his translation of the Books of Samuel and
Kings. The preface is important as setting forth
the principles adopted by Jerome in his transla-
tions from the Hebrew. It contains also a hrief gen-
eral introduction to the Old Testament, describes

267

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Procter
Propaganda

the contents of the three parts of the Palestinian
canon, remarks upon the origin of the Hebrew al-
phabet, and makes a defense of his translations
against the " mad dogs who bark and rage " against
him. An English translation is given in NPNF,
2 ser., vi. 489-490.

PROPAGANDA, CONGREGATION AND COL-
LEGE OF THE: A congregation of cardinals and
a college, both at Rome, for the implanting and ex-
tension of the Roman Catholic faith among pagans
and heretics. Beginning with the thirteenth cen-
tury missionary activity was carried on by various
orders. Among these were the Jesuits, and Igna-
tius of Loyola formed the plan of founding " na-
tional colleges " for training missionaries, his idea
being to educate young men from the very coun-
tries which were to be mission fields, so that they
might be sent home as well-equipped champions of
the Roman Catholic faith. Each of these institu-
tions and every order concerning itself with mis-
sions independently cultivated the field of activity
assigned it. On June 21, 1622, however, Gregory
XV., the first pupil of the Jesuits to ascend the papal
throne, created a congregation of cardinals De pro-
pagaiida fide, in which was centralized the entire
system of missionary labor.

When the Propaganda plans to begin operations
within a certain district, which must first have re-
ceived thorough geographic or ethnographic de-
limitation, a number of missionaries, furnished either
by a religious order or by the national colleges, are
sent there under the charge of a prefect apostolic,
whence the district in question is termed an apos-
tolic prefecture. All who are thus commissioned are
priests, and their first object is to establish in their
prefecture fixed missionary centers either for individ-
uals or for small groups of their number. To every
such station is also allotted a subdivision of the dis-
trict as a prospective parish. In case the enterprise
thrives, new parishes are detached; but even though
such progress may be made that clergy may be
trained either wholly or in part from the converts
among the population without drawing priests from
without, no new diocese is created until it may safely
be assumed that it will be permanent. Instead of es-
tablishing a see, the apostolic prefecture is now made
an apostolic vicariate, in which the pope, who is bish-
op there in his capacity of universal bishop, is repre-
sented by a bishop in partibus, or vicar apostolic.
This prelate, like the prefect apostolic, may be re-
moved at any time. In course of time, the apostolic
vicariates are still further subdivided, since smaller
districts facilitate more energetic activity; and
finally, if all goes well, a bishopric is organized.

The situation and object of the missionaries not
only dispense them from the minute observance of
many rules of habit, breviary prayers, precise times
of saying mass, and the like, but also from requir-
ing rigid obedience on the part of their converts to
the rules of life laid down by the Roman Catholic
Church; and certain concessions may be made to
divergent popular customs or similar factors, as in
the case of fasts, impediments to marriage, etc. In
both these directions, even as early as the thirteenth
century, those in charge of missions were empow-

ered with manifold privileges, or " faculties," which
the Propaganda now confers upon its missionaries
either as the mouthpiece of the pope or on the
ground of unrestricted papal authority. Naturally
no unnecessary faculties are conferred, and they are
also generally limited to a certain number of years,
their continuance being determined by the per-
sistence of the conditions which originally evoked
them. Here the determining factor is the attitude
assumed by the State toward the Church, since from
the Roman Catholic point of view the relative sub-
ordination of canonical rule to expediency can not
entirely cease until the State undertakes its proper
duty of maintaining the ordinances of the Church.
Until this point is reached, the Propaganda directs
its efforts to the desired end, and accordingly gov-
erns local church concerns. When, however, the
State renders due aid to the Church, and the region
in question has become wholly " Catholic," the
Propaganda is replaced by the Inquisition. Where
the latter is able to maintain pure doctrine and a
corresponding mode of life with the full cooperation
of the State, the territory in question is termed
" Catholic "; but where, on the contrary, heresy
revels unpunished, the land is regarded as a mis-
sionary district, and consequently as a " province
of the Propaganda," since all church affairs are
there controlled more or less by missionary motives.
In modern times the distinction between the two
is little more than a historic survival, since even in
" Catholic lands " the aid formerly given by the
State is being withdrawn. Nevertheless, a sharp
difference is still observed by the Curia in the hope
that recalcitrant States may return to their alle-
giance to the Church and again aid in the suppres-
sion of heresy.

Certain lands once " Catholic " have now become
missionary districts through the continued recal-
citrancy of their governments. Although this cate-
gory includes primarily the Protestant countries,
it also comprises the regions controlled by the Greek
Church, despite the fact that they can scarcely be
described as having once been " Catholic " in the
technical sense of the term. Nevertheless, Pius IX.
established, primarily for them, a special " Congre-
gation for the Oriental Rites " (see under Roman
Catholics, " Uniate churches "). The Greek coun-
tries are treated similarly to the Protestant mission-
ary lands.

Roman Catholic dioceses in Protestant countries
— these including the German sees, the reestab-
lished English and Dutch bishoprics, and the newly
founded North American dioceses — are missionary
sees; and their bishops are, therefore, vested with
pastoral care not only over the Roman Catholics,
but also over the Protestants, in their dioceses.
These bishops are, accordingly, under the constant
supervision of the Propaganda, from which they re-
ceive the necessary missionary faculties. Some un-
certainty exists as to whether the Curia regards such
pre-Reformation sees as are partly conterminous
with newly established dioceses as preserving a de
jure continuity. It is clear, however, that dioceses
which are still administered by prefects or vicars
apostolic are held to have been uninterrupted by the
Reformation. E. Sehunq.

Property

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

268

Bibliography: O. Mejer, Die Propaganda, ihre Provinxen
und ihr Recht, 2 parte, Gottingeu, 1852-53; Raphael de
Martinis, Juris pontificii de propaganda fide, Rome,
1888 sqq.; A. Pieper, Grundung und erste Einrich-
tung der Propaganda-Kongregation, Munich, 1001;
P. M. Baumgarten, Der Pabst, die Regierung und die
Verwallung der heiligen Kirche in Rom, pp. 353-368,
Munich, 1904.

PROPERTY, ECCLESIASTICAL.

I. General History.
Res Sacra ($ 1).
Res Religiose (f 2).
Changes at the Reformation ($ 3).
Jesuitical Theories ($ 4).
Territorialism and Collegialism ((5).
Distribution and Administration ((6).
The State and Church Property (J 7).
II. In the United States.

1. Attitude of the States to Church Property.

2. Methods of Holding It.

3. American Rule of Specific Trusts.

4. Property and Church Divisions.
Secession from Denomination (J 1).
Schism in Local Church (J 2).
Particular Cases ((3).
Self-governing Churches (f 4).

L General History: Every Church requires ex-
ternal means of existence, the so-called temporali-
ties, in order to maintain its institutional organism;
and these it derives either from contributions or from
other property at its command. Such property con-
stitutes the patrimonium or peculium ecclesia. Of
such things (res ecclesiasticce), those which are desig-
nated and accordingly consecrated for use in the sanc-
tuary service are distinguished as res sacra, sanctce,
sacrosanctce, for the reason that accord-
z. Res ing to Roman law they are withdrawn
Sacrse. from trade (extra commercium): under
canon law they do indeed stand in the
light of property, but subject to the rule that they
shall never be convertible in any way contrary to
the sanctuary purpose to which they were once
applied. Any crime committed against them
bears its own stamp as such. To this category on the
Protestant side belong church buildings, cemeteries,
and church furniture; on the Roman Catholic side,
the same as prior to the Reformation, the churches,
the altars, the utensils accessory to the worship,
especially to the Mass or Holy Communion; such
as the chalice and paten, which are to be wrought
of precious metals,— contingently of tin, — but not
of wood or glass; the Eucharistic cruets (ampuUce);
likewise the monstrance (ostensorium), for the
reservation of the consecrated host, which on festi-
val occasions is exposed for adoration; the censers
(thuribula), crucifixes, images, lights, holy water
basin, sprinkling brushes, banners, etc. ; the sacred
vestments; and bells.

When the Church was first recognized by the
Roman State, it was already in possession of prop-
erty. Constantine decreed (321) that the churches
might inherit through testamentary provisions; and
similar principles obtained in the German realms.

The individual ecclesiastical foundations were
regarded as titular possessors of this ecclesiastical
estate, prior to the Reformation. In a natural
sense, only man can be the possessor of rights;
hence, also, of property rights. Legal construction,
however, can think of an enduring purpose as
property-holder: for instance, the purpose that at

a specified place and by a specified succession of
persons the cure of souls shall be constantly exer-
cised through the administration of word and sacra-
ments; or the purpose that certain persons shall
live together according to the rule of a certain order
to the glory of God (the medieval term for property
devoted to this end is res religiosa, from religio,
in the sense of " monastic life," " monastery ");
or the purpose of healing the sick or
2. Res Re- caring for the poor; or that masses
ligioMB. be read, or perpetual lamps be main-
tained, etc. The nature and course
of the purpose in question are always defined. The
legally effective arrangement by virtue of which
this kind of ideal property-holder is qualified to
stand as a so-called legal personality is called
foundation or endowment; and in fact the like
personalities themselves are then designated as
foundations or endowments: church foundations,
cloister endowments, hospital foundations, etc.
If in the case of medieval donations and legacies
the patron saint is named instead of the institution,
this is only a popular expression. Again, where the
idea occasionally expressed itself in earlier times
that the subject of church property in the diocese
was the metropolitan church, there is simply a
product of the conditions whereby in the small
Eastern episcopal provinces that church was the
only parish church with full prerogatives.

This is not the place to take up in detail the ob-
scure fancies that Christ, or the poor, are " owners
of the Church's property "; however, the question
is pertinent as to how the Reformation idea is
related to the foregoing pre-Reformation views.
The answer appears in the contemporary visitation
minutes and church regulations, which latter nearly
always contain a section with respect to church
property. They both assume that the possessors
of church property prior to the Reformation,
namely the local parochial foundations, continue
in possession, after the Reformation in so far as
effective, of all the property rights to them belonging
before the Reformation. They both
3. Changes strive to safeguard for them the pre-
at the Ref- rogatives which belong to them under
ormation. this construction, against the manifold
injuries wherewith they were threat-
ened on account of confusing Reformatory mis-
conceptions. It is obvious that a good many as-
pects of church property before the Reformation
ceased with the Reformation: above all, the frater-
nity foundations that were frequently attached
to town churches, mass endowments, vicarages,
endowments of perpetual lamps, etc., because their
very object was lost. The property conditions in
question might have been diverted to the State
exchequer as bona vacantia; but in consequence
of Luther's tract on " Spiritual Possessions "
(Ordnung eines gemeinen Kastens, Rathschlag, wie
die geisUichen GiUer zu handeln sind, 1523) they
were nevertheless, in so far as not simply applied
to the actually needy pastoral estate, reserved
frequently for distinctly new foundations, in order
to serve as additional means for church purposes,
education, care of the poor, etc., the so-called poor-
boxes (Gotteskasten), and the like.

S69

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Property

The property of the nunneries, after their pur-
pose had lapsed, was indeed absorbed by the State;
and yet by favor of statutory enactments it not
infrequently became appropriated to the use of the
Church and education. Thus also the Evangelical
Church continued to hold fast the pre-Reformation
conception with respect to the qualified owners of
church property. It is incorrect to represent this
Church as holding the idea that the congregation
is to be regarded as the authoritative owner: what
the statements which are adduced to this effect
from the Reformation period really say, is merely
that the church property shall accrue to the benefit
of the congregation (cf. O. Mejer, Lehrbuch des
Kirchenrechts, Gdttingen, 1869, p. 421, note; K.
Rieker, RechUiche Stellung der evangelischen Kirche,
Leipsic, 1893, pp. 196 sqq.).

In opposition to the theory thus far considered,
there now developed on the Roman Catholic side
what had been formerly expressed only in the way
of isolated views; namely, the opinion that the
visible ecumenical Church, as represented by the
pope, is the owner of the church property, and has
made over their portions to the several ecclesiastical

institutions only as usufruct: that it

4« Jesuitical can accordingly withdraw the same in

Theories, case the institution at issue should

perish or degenerate. An opinion of
this nature, which reflected the Jesuitical phi-
losophy of the papal system, and has been also
chiefly advocated by that persuasion, excluded not
only the possibility that the property of extinct
ecclesiastical endowments accrues to the State,
but even attached a claim to property becom-
ing subject to Protestant tenure. Equally to be
rejected as contrary to judicial principles is the
similarly erected theory of dominium successivum
on the part of the Church ecumenical with respect
to the property of the individual organization.

Territorialism (q.v.) claimed for the State the
supreme power (sumrna potestas) on earth; and
naturally, also the power of administration over
the property of its subjects; that is, "eminent do-
main" (dominium eminens). The older territorial-
ism, by adopting the formula that the incumbent
of the State Church government is owner of the

church property, effects the transition

5. Territo- to what at bottom is likewise consist-

rialism and ently the present territorial theory,

Collegia!- which represents the State Church in

ism. this very light (cf. Mejer, ut sup., p.

422, note 7; C. Meurer, Begriff und
Eigenthumer der heiligen Sachen, i. 331 sqq., DQssel-
dorf, 1885; Rieker, ut sup., pp. 324 sqq.). In like
manner the exponents of the second system which is
based upon natural right (collegialism) acknowledge
jus eminens on the part of the State, nor in this re-
spect do they deviate in their practical net results
from those of territorialism. But in other respects
they naturally lay more stress on the rights of the
collegium; and they further consider, with implicit
bearings of necessity involved therein, the congre-
gation as disposer of the church property rights.

At first all ecclesiastical revenues, including those
accruing from contributions, were turned into a
diocesan fund, out of which, in Italy, the bishop,

the clergy, the church fabric, and the poor each

received one fourth. In Spain they made only

three portions: for bishop, clergy,

6. Distribu- church fabric, some other way of cap-
tion and ing for the poor being devised. In

Adminis- Frankish lands, however, the unity of
tration. administration (though not that of
property, which had ceased on ac-
count of the growth of country churches), con-
tinued intact until into the eighth century, but some
particular incomes were divided. Later, as this
collective system lapsed, the benefices grew up
(see Benefice); likewise the bishop's particular
income (mensa) and the church-fabric funds (see
Fabrica Ecclesle) and endowments; while out of
the quarto pauperum there arose the parochial
charitable funds, or the poor were cared for by the
aid of cloisters and other foundations. It was only
in exceptional instances that church property affect-
ing general ecclesiastical objects was administered
under episcopal supervision; but the bishop's juris-
diction over church property resolved itself into a
comprehensive right of visitation. In the main the
matter continued to rest on this basis in later times.

When the State does not proceed on the principles

of territorialism, it can empower itself with no

other prerogatives with respect to the

7. The State property of ecclesiastical foundations,
and Church than such as it holds in relation to the

Property, property of legal persons in general.
In the case of all private property,
the State exercises the right of corrective measures
to confine the operation and use of such property
within the sphere of public welfare. Likewise, the
State is obliged and empowered to see to it that
property intended for uses of public importance be
not withdrawn from its rightful purpose. Both
these theories apply to church property. They
first come to light when church foundations were
prohibited, or restricted by the State, which op-
posed the acquisition of property by Mortmain
(q.v.). E. Seeling.

IL In the United States: 1. Attitude of the
States to Church Property. The status of property
within the United States that is devoted to the
purposes of religion is based upon the unique rela-
tion of Church and State originating in the colonial
period and developing through the period of na-
tional life. By the terms of the federal constitu-
tion ecclesiastical affairs in the several common-
wealths are regarded as domestic relations, and as
such are excluded from the jurisdiction of Congress
and reserved to the several state governments. A
number of endowments of both real and personal
property had been created prior to the revolution
and had received legal form by charters secured
either directly from the British crown or from the
provincial legislatures. After the revolution the
validity of such endowments was recognized by the
state courts. The policy of the states, however,
toward the creation of new religious endowments
was timid. There was a general fear of doing any-
thing toward the re-creation of ecclesiastical estab-
lishments, and the state legislatures hesitated to in-
vest religious bodies with any considerable capacity
to hold property. The early statutes on this sub-

Prophecy

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

270

ject placed a very low limit upon the amount of
property which might he held by any one religious
organisation. The public policy respecting the ac-
cumulation of property by religious bodies gradu-
ally became more liberal, and their legal facilities
were more adequately defined. The manner in
which property may now be devoted to the pur-
poses of religion, the title by which such property
is held, and the powers of religious societies or their
trustees over it, depend in each state upon the stat-
utory enactments and also upon the nature of the
conveyance and the character and legal form of the
church organization seeking to hold it. There is a
general harmony in the policies of the several states
in the matter of the taxation of church property.
All of the states at the present time exempt prop-
erty devoted exclusively to the purposes of religion
from taxation, but not from special taxes levied in
the form of assessments for local improvements.
This exemption is not extended to property that is
held by a religious body for investment and rev-
enue and not actually used for purposes of religion.
By statute in some jurisdictions the amount of land
which may be held by religious corporations is still
limited. Where a statute provides a limitation
solely as to the quantity of land, these bodies are
not limited as to the value of the property which
they may hold. It depends upon the terms of the
statute whether this limitation extends to unincor-
porated as well as to incorporated societies. Such
a limitation applies only to single societies and not
to religious denominations. It is the general rule
applicable to all religious bodies that a conveyance
of property in trust for the use of a certain church
to certain trustees and their successors, invests their
society with the legal title, and not with any bene-
ficial interest; and the trustees have no power to
transfer the title of the property from the body for
whose use they hold it. The legal title must remain
in them while they remain in office; and when they
resign or are displaced, it will either remain in them
or be in abeyance until their successors are chosen.
In either case it is their duty to hold the property
until some one is invested with authority to receive it.
2. Methods of Holding It : While the provisions
for the holding of the property of religious societies
or churches differ greatly in matters of detail, there
are throughout the United States only five general
methods in use: (1) where the churches themselves
become corporations upon the execution and filing
of articles of association or by securing charters in
accordance with law as in Indiana and Pennsvl-
vania ; ^2) where the churches are required to elect
trustees, such trustees being constituted the cor-
poration as in Maryland. Montana, and New Jersey;
(3) where, as in Virginia and West Virginia, trus-
tees are ap|xiinted by the courts for the churches
in order to secure their property rights; (4) where,
as in the Roman Catholic Church, the property is
held by the bishop or archbishop of the diocese.
An official thus holding church property may be
regarded a* a corporation sole, although in some of
the state* he would not W so regarded. Delaware
has legislation prohibiting this method of holding
church property. In certain states, however, as in
Oregon, special legislation has been secured per-

mitting this method. (5) Church property in the
United States is still sometimes held by unmoor-
porated churches. If they have no trustees it ii
doubtful whether lands can be granted by deed to
them, but it would appear that they may receive
both real and personal property by will. Eferj
effort is made by the courts to protect the property
rights of such churches.

8. American Bole of Spedno Trusts: While all
property devoted to the purposes of religion is,
broadly speaking, trust property, to some property
there are attached specific trusts. Property which
by deed or by will of the donor, or by other instru-
ment, is held for the express purpose of teachint
some specific form of doctrine, or for any other re-
ligious object, can not be diverted from such pur-
pose or object, so long as there are any persons wip-
ing to carry out the objects of the trust, or wk^
having a standing in court, are prepared to in^£
upon the execution of the same. For instance^ %
trust created to support the teaching of the Pa- **"
byterian system of doctrine, or for the maim'*?.
nance of a home for the orphans of deceased Bapt^-^
ministers, can not be diverted to any other puipou-**^*'
If, in the case of a given specific trust, the truste^-^
fail, the courts, if applied to, will provide new
tees, and will carry into effect the intent of the don«
or testator so far as the same can be ascertained.

4. Property said Church Divisions : The rule^^
regulating ecclesiastical property rights in cases c^*

SmamI schism have been developed by th*^
" from De^ ^^ courts, both state and federal*
nomination. m a series of notable cases, and may
be summarised as follows: if &
church acquires property when it is connected with
a denomination as a subordinate branch of such
denomination, it loses title to the property so ac-
quired by severing its connection with the denom-
ination. This rule is not to be interpreted, how-
ever, as meaning that no congregation can change
any material part of its principles or practises with-
out forfeiting its property. Individual members
who, disapproving of the use of the property for the
denominational purposes for which it was acquired,
voluntarily leave the society and enter into another,
must be regarded as abandoning their rights and
privileges in respect to such property. But a ma-
jority of a congregation excluded from the church
building by a minority and holding its meetings in
another place does not thereby secede where it
forms no new congregation and maintains the same
officers and is recognized as the original church by
the council of the denomination. Nor do the
members of a faction withdraw from the church by
supporting only their own organization (holding
separate services) at separate times under another
pastor and attempting to discharge the original pas-
tor. The mere fact that the members withdrawing
from the control of the supreme body of the de-
nomination preserve identical theological belief
and religious observances with those of the body
from which they withdraw does not prevent them
from losing title to the property.

In case of a schism in a church which is in con-
nection with and a constituent part of an ecclesi-
astical organization and which has a head invested

271

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Property
Prophecy

by its constitution or recognized usage with super-
visory and supreme control over the constituent
^M parte to determine all questions pro-
is Local ducing schisms and division between
Church. the members and to recognize and
decide what faction is in the right, the
civil courts have laid down the following rule: The
title to the property is in that part of the congrega-
tion which is acting in harmony with its own law,
and with the ecclesiastical laws, usages, customs, and
principles which were accepted among them before
the dispute began. In such cases it is the duty of
the civil court to decide in favor of that faction,
whether a majority or a minority, which adheres
to the doctrines maintained by the congregation.
The only exception to this rule is the case of a usur-
pation of power in the governing body so revolu-
tionary in its character as to result either in the
^ffeation of a new and essentially different organ-
**^tion or in such a radical change of the articles
°f faith as to constitute an essentially different
*^Lgion.

Where there has come to be a voluntary division
*** the denomination where the controlling ecclesi-
astical authority of the denomination
*j?~J" allows each congregation to decide for
itself to which branch of the division
it will adhere, this question is to be determined ac-
cording to the vote of the majority, and the minor-
ity can not therefore retain control of the property
on the ground that such action of the majority con-
stitutes a diversion. The particular church may
also refuse to adhere to either branch and will not
thereby lose its title to property which has been
specifically conveyed to it. The rule as to chapels
and other subordinate organizations founded in
connection with a congregation or parish is that
they will not be allowed to secede from the church
by which they were established and carry with them
the property acquired in part or in whole by the
contributions of the parent church or its members,
or that which persons not connected with either
organization may have given for its support as an
adjunct, to the parent church. In cases where
property is purchased by a congregation or society
to be held for its benefit free from the interference
and control of the denomination at large, the owner-
ship of the property is in the congregation or society
and will remain with the majority in case a minor-
ity secedes and develops a separate organization.
The fact that persons not members of the church
or society contributed to the fund which was used
by it in the payment of land sought to be impressed
with a trust for charitable uses does not make them
owners of the land itself, nor authorize them to im-
pose restrictions on the right of alienation, the
church not being a mere owner under a donor for
charitable uses, though the grantor as to the bal-
ance of the price was a donor. When a church
which has withdrawn from its denomination re-
turns to its ecclesiastical connection it is not there-
by reinstated in its former property rights.

Many American churches are strictly congrega-
tional in their polity, each being governed solely
within itself either by a majority of its members or
by such other local organization as it may have in-

stituted for the purpose of ecclesiastical govern-
ment, its property being held either by way of pur-
chase or donation with no specific trust
4. Self- attached. In such cases where there is
Governing a gchigm which leads to a separation
into distinct and conflicting bodies
the rights of such bodies to the use of such prop-
erty must be determined by the ordinary principles
which form voluntary associations. If the major-
ity rules, then the numerical majority of members
must control the right to the use of the property.
If, however, the power and control are vested in
officers of the congregation, then those who adhere
to the acknowledged organization by which the
body is governed are entitled to the use of the
property. The minority in choosing to separate
into a distinct body and refusing to recognize the
authority of the governing body can claim no rights
in the property from the fact of their membership
in the church or congregation. As there was no
trust imposed upon the property when purchased
or given, the court will not imply one for the pur-
pose of expelling from its use those who by regular
order or succession constitute the church merely
because they have changed in some respects their
religious views. George James Bayles.

Bibliography: B. H abler, Eigenthttmer des Kirchengutes,
Leipsic, 1868; J. S. Mill, State Interference with Church
Properly, in Dissertation* and Discussions, 4 vols., Lon-
don, 1859-75; W. Strong, Relation of Civil Law to Church
. . . Property, New York, 1875; R. P. Day, Fixtures as
applied to Eccles. Benefices, Canterbury, 1899; C. Meurer,
Bayerisches Vermdgensrecht, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1892-1900;
A. Poschl, BischofttotU und Mensa episcopalis, Bonn, 1909;
Archiv fOr katholischen Kirchenrecht, xxziv. 50 sqq., lxi.
255 sqq.; KL, vii. 691-715.

PROPHECY ArTD THE PROPHETIC OFFICE.

I. Ethnic Prophecy.

General Conceptions ((1).
Biblical Attitude toward Soothsaying (f 2).
II. In the Old Testament.

1. Historical Development of Prophecy.
Prophetic Basis of Old-Testament Religion (ID.
Samuel to Elisha (§2).

Amos to Malachi (J 3).

2. Characteristics.
Objective View (J 1).
Subjective Conditions (f 2).
Objectivity of the Message (J 3).
Delivery of the Message (§ 4). J
Form of the Message (J 5).
Contents (J 6).

Relations of Prediction to the Present (§ 7).
Fulfilment (J 8).
III. In the New Testament.

L Ethnic Prophecy: Among many peoples the
idea that God's spirit speaks directly to man was
commonly held. Some early sages attribute to

man's soul the faculty of premonition

i. General (Plato, Phcedo, xx.; Cicero, De divi-

Conccptions. tatione, i.; Plutarch, De oraculorum

defectu, xl.). It was also believed that
sometimes a divine power comes over a man and
speaks through him. From the ecstatic state (see
Ecstasy) in which this occurs, the seer bears the
name mantis from mainesthai, " to rave." This,
however, differs entirely from Hebrew prophecy;
it were better to discover divine inspiration in
poets, artists, and philosophers, but this gift is more
ethical than religious. In man's intellectual life,

Prophecy

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

872

phenomena were observed that were independent of
his conscious thought, especially in the frequently
realized premonitions. In some cases, as with the
daimonion of Socrates, these were connected with
the conscience and had a certain ethical value. Per-
sons at the point of death were also supposed to
possess this faculty. Especial stress was laid on
dreams or trances, survivals of which may be found
in modern times, as also on communications from
the spirits of the departed. These spirits were
evoked among various peoples — Babylonians, Egyp-
tians (cf. Isa. xix. 3), Canaanites (Deut. xviii. 11-
12), Persians, Thracians, Greeks (Odyssey, xi. 29
sqq.), Romans, and others. Cicero distinguishes be-
tween artificial and natural divination, but the
latter is rare and it is known that prophetic dreams
and the ecstatic state were induced by artificial
means (G. Ebers, Aegyplen und die Bucher Mosis,
i. 321-322, Leipsic, 1868). External nature was
also a source of inspiration. The noblest form was
that of the sighing of the wind or the murmuring
of the stream, conceived as the voice of God, as in
Dodona. However, communications from this
source necessarily lacked the precision and clear-
ness of the divine word of the prophet. In Delphi,
the Pythia's inspiration seems to have come from
subterranean vapors; her obscure words were in-
terpreted by priests who bore the name of prophetai.
With the Babylonians, the starry heavens were
thought to have a determining influence on man's
destiny (cf. Cicero, De divinatione, ii. 58, 60, 69).
The casting of lots (see Lot, Hebrew Use of) to
determine doubtful questions was also prevalent,
and this, as well as dreams, was sometimes used by
God to reveal his will; the Urim and Thummim
(q.v.) may have been a kind of lot.

With the exceptions just mentioned, the Bible
opposes all these heathen means of reading the
future; magic and soothsaying were
2. Biblical punished by death (Lev. xx. 27). By
Attitude Magic (q.v.) is understood an attempt
toward on man's part to utilize demonic powers
Sooth- (but see Comparative Religion, V.
saying. 1, b, § 5). There were magicians who
called up the spirits of the dead (I Sam.
xxviii.), also those who drew their conclusions from
the movement of the clouds (cf. Isa. viii. 19; Jer.
xxvii. 9). It is, however, principally by its con-
tents that Old-Testament prophecy differs from
heathen soothsaying, since with the latter, the main
object is to gain information regarding the future.
Without denying the ethical and religious quality
of some of the Delphic oracles, it is still to be noted
that these do not surpass the natural powers of
human consciousness, while they fail to give any in-
sight into the counsels of the Almighty. While anal-
ogies for the Messianic prophecies may be found in
the ideal pictures of the future from heathen sages,
the absolute confidence in the ultimate realization
of their ideals is lacking. The religion of ancient
Egypt, and more especially that of Zoroaster (see
Zoroaster, Zoroastrianism), with its conflict be-
tween good and evil, resulting in the ultimate tri-
umph of the former, approach Hebrew prophecy
much more closely; but the conceptions are more
abstract than those of the Bible, which sees in daily

life the beginning of the realization of God's prom-
ises. According to Renan, prophecy was a special
endowment of the Semitic mind, but, although this
is true to a certain extent, there is no real analogy
to Hebrew prophecy among the other Semitic peo-
ples. The Koran possesses but little originality
and lacks the high ethical worth characteristic of
the true prophets. The Babylonian penitential
psalms (Schrader, KAT, 3d ed., pp. 384-385),
sometimes adduced as a prototype of the suffering
servant of Yahweh, show a king who bewails his
sufferings and asserts his innocence, but there is nc
trace of a plan of God which is served by this suf-
fering, or indeed of any prophetic thought.

IL In the Old Testament: The Old Testament
records the visions of men who were not Israelites,
such as Eliphas (Job iv. 12 sqq.) and Balaam (Num.
xxii.-xxiv.), and also of the prophets of Baal and
Ashera. In Israel, however, prophecy attained an
incomparable significance, for here clairvoyance
was ennobled by being used in the service of God;
the mantic frenzy lost its pathological character
and the prophet became the proclaimer of the pur-
est religious truth and of the profoundest mysteries
of God's kingdom. Prophetism in the service of
Yahweh was the medium through which the na-
tional religion of Israel was called to life, and it
guarded the purity of this religion against popular
corruption and prepared the way for its develop-
ment into the supreme religion of mankind.

1. Historical Development of Prophecy s It is
significant for the entire conception of God in the
Old Testament that, from the beginning, the Israel-
ites derived their knowledge of him from personal
revelations, appearances, and moni-
1,Br°i>he?0 tioM' Genesis testes that the patri-

Oidr JtL- archs were honored with such revela-
ment tions. Friends of God like Abraham,

Beliffion. Isaac, and Jacob, received prophetic
direction at critical periods of their
life. More especially the beginnings of the
religion of the covenant are the work of a
man of high prophetic gifts, a mediator between
God and his people. The authority of Moses (q.v.)
rested on his reputation as the servant of Yahweh,
as the seer and spokesman of his God. Miriam and
others possessed the gift of prophecy (Ex. xv. 20;
Num. xi. 25 sqq.). From this time prophecy
never wholly died out (Deut. xviii. 9 sqq;) ; in the
time of the judges, Deborah and others appeared
(Judges iv. 4, vi. 8, cf. ii. 1; I Sam. ii. 27). Samuel
(q.v.) marks an epoch; he is called the seer, not in
the lower sense of soothsayer, but as a tried and
trusted organ of Yahweh. He may be regarded as
the first of the prophets, both because of his superior
endowments and because the prophetic commu-
nities seem to have owed their origin to him; at
least, they first appear in his time. As their name
(" sons of the prophets ") indicates, they were dis-
ciples who gathered about a master; as communi-
ties they seem to have remained in their respective
settlements, while such masters as Samuel, Elijah,
or Elisha, wandered from place to place. These
settlements appear to have been in the quiet coun-
try outside the city limits; a few lightly constructed
huts, in a place offering a supply of water and veg-

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etable growth, sufficed for the simple needs of these
people. The sitting of the disciples before the mas-
ter (II Kings, iv. 38) indicates a preaching or teach-
ing activity on the master's part. Ecstatic phe-
nomena (see Ecstasy) are not to be regarded as
habitual with them, but represented a stage in the
development of prophecy which might be compared
with the revival meetings of modern Christianity.
Samuel, Elijah, and Elisha were certainly in inti-
mate relation with the " sons of the prophets," a
fact which proves the high worth of the latter.
Sacred music was cultivated in the communities
(I Sam. x. 5) and served to induce the ecstatic state;
it could also awaken the higher prophetic sense
(II Kings, ill. 15). On the other hand, these schools
may have contributed to the degradation of proph-
ecy by making it more professional.

Individual prophets continually appear in the
time of the kings as spokesmen of the King of kings.
In David's time, the prophets were in perfect accord
with the sovereign; Samuel had anointed him and
2 Sam 1 Nathan ^d Gad aided him with their
to "RUgba- counsel (°f- II Chron. xxix. 25). To
a prophet, the education of Solomon
was entrusted. In his reign the prophet Ahia of
Shiloh predicted the destruction of the Davidic
kingdom and anointed Jeroboam king over the ten
tribes. The authority of the prophets is also shown
in the case of Rehoboam, who refrained from a cam-
paign against the revolting tribes because the
prophet Shemaiah declared their revolt an act of
God (I Kings xii. 21 sqq.). The worldly character
of most of the rulers of the Ephraimite kingdom
evoked the heroic qualities of the prophets of Yah-
weh. When under Ahab and Jezebel the plot was
laid to substitute for Yahweh's worship that of Baal,
the prophetic caste opposed the design and suffered
bloody persecution, and finally Elijah (q.v.) frus-
trated the entire plan. This prophet towers above
all the others of his time; his hairy mantle seems
to have become the prophetic garb (Zech. xiii. 4,
A. V. margin; cf. Matt. iii. 4, xi. 8). It appears
also, that at that period the prophets bore a sign
or scar on their foreheads (I Kings xx. 38) ; accord-
ing to a much later source, on the chest (Zech. xiii.
6, A. V. "hands"); this indicates self-inflicted
wounds (I Kings xviii. 28). The most trusted dis-
ciple and successor of Elijah was Elisha (q.v.). It
appears (II Kings iv. 23) that he gathered a com-
munity about him on new moons and sabbaths,
doubtless for teaching and edification. This
formed a center of worship independent of the
sanctuary at Bethel (II Kings iv. 42). As a con-
sequence of Elijah's reforming activity, Elisha led
a more quiet life, but he completed his predeces-
sor's work.

The political successes of the kingdom of Israel
under Jeroboam II. served to estrange the people
from God, and under this prince arose the prophets
of misfortune, Amos and Hosea (qq.v.), who laid
bare the moral perversity of the time and prophesied
the destruction of the kingdom. Amos and Hosea
differ from Elijah and Elisha in being exclusively
bearers of the divine word, which they committed
to writing, as became the custom from their time
(see Hebrew Language and Literature, II.). In I

IX.— 18

the kingdom of Judah, the attitude of the prophets
toward the monarchy was essentially different from
0 . . that in Israel. Although they found

Malftohl. uro^ghteousness in civil and political life,
they found also a better ground upon
which to build for the future. The house of David,
with its fundamental promises and the choice of Zion
as God's dwelling-place, gave hope and confidence,
even in times of apostasy, that God's plans were be-
ing realized. There were also God-fearing rulers,
willing to receive prophetic counsel, who sought to
restore the pure and ancient religion of Yahweh.
Thus II Chron. xv. 1 sqq. relates of Asa that he
was influenced in this direction by the prophet
Azariah, the son of Oded; Asa's successor, Jehosh-
aphat, sought the approval of God's word for his
undertakings (I Kings xxii. 5). Early in the suc-
ceeding period, the writing down of prophecies in
Judah must have begun. With the appearance of
Isaiah and Micah (qq.v.), Judean prophecy reached
its highest point; the former shows the action of
the divine word in the whole history of the people,
while both draw pictures of the future Messianic
kingdom such as Jiad never before been attained.
There was a rich development of prophecy toward
the period of the downfall of the kingdom of Judah;
Nahum, Zephaniah, and Habakkuk (qq.v.) wrote
during the passing of the empire from the Assyrians
to the Babylonians. A prophetess, Huldah, en-
joyed the highest consideration in the eighteenth
year of Josiah (II Kings xxii. 14). Jeremiah (q.v.)
was called by God to give prophetic testimony dur-
ing the last struggle of the monarchy; while the
somewhat younger Ezekiel (q.v.) was also greatly
favored with visions by God; he was in perfect
agreement with Jeremiah in the latter's judgments
on kings and peoples. Besides these leading proph-
ets, there was in Judah and Israel a prophetic gild,
whose members Isaiah, Micah, and Jeremiah con-
demn on account of their conformity to popular
clamor and their readiness to see divine inspiration
in the dictates of sentimental patriotism, and also
because of their indifference to the necessity of
chastisement for moral perversity (cf. Isa. xxviii.
7; Mic. iii. 5 sqq.; Jer. xxiii. 9-40; Ezek. xii. 24).
Among the Babylonian exiles there were optimistic
dreamers who claimed to be prophets but were
sternly condemned by Jeremiah (Jer. xxix. 8 sqq.).
The visions of Daniel occupy an exceptional posi-
tion, and because of the obscurity touching their
origin were not included among the prophetic books
of the canon. A notable prophet at the end of the
captivity is the one usually designated as Deutero-
Isaiah (see Isaiah, II.). He realized that with the
fall of Babylon and the victories of Cyrus the proph-
ecies regarding Israel's liberation were beginning to
be fulfilled, and he proclaimed the consummation
of God's reign on earth. To the prophets Haggai
and Zechariah (qq.v.) it is due that, in spite of all
obstacles, the building of the Temple was energet-
ically begun in 520. To the time of Ezra and Ne-
hemiah belongs the last canonical prophet, Malachi
(q.v.), whose diction is less lyric and more didactic.
Great difference is observable in the attitude of the
earlier and the later prophets regarding ritual ob-
servances; the former freely denounce the corrupt

Prophecy

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974

and unspiritual worship to which their contempo-
raries were devoted; the latter, on the other hand,
living at a time when the ritual had been purified
and idealized, were more inclined to denounce any
neglect to participate in it. Later Judaism looked
upon Malachi as the last of the prophets. Even in
the heroic age of the Maccabees, it was felt that
prophecy had forsaken the land and that the only
hope for its renewal lay in the future. Still, there
were always those who either claimed or were sup-
posed to possess this gift, as is shown in the pseud-
epigraphic apocalypses (see Pseudepigrapha op
the Old Testament) and in what is related of the
Essenes (q.v.).

2. Characteristics : According to Old-Testament
ideas, the distinguishing quality of prophetic dis-
course consists in the fact that it results from the
action of a supernatural power which
1. Objective gjves to ^e pr0phet of Israel the con-
tents of his discourse; the words he
utters are not his own, but those of God. Since the
prophet is not free to follow his own inclination, but
feels himself bound and led by an overmastering
power, this is frequently called the " hand of God "
(Isa. viii. 11; Jer. xv. 17; Ezek. i. 3; II Kings iii.
15), which comes over him, falls upon him, snatches
him away from his accustomed range of thought
and view, and brings him into connection with God.
The power is often called the spirit of Yahweh, just
as the prophet is said to be the man of the spirit
(Hos. ix. 7, A. V. margin). This spirit of the Lord
is not to be confused with the universal divine spirit
of life, dwelling in every human being, giving life
and breath to even the brutes; it should rather be
compared with that divine spirit which enabled
members of the community, such as the judges or
the artificer Bezaleel, to accomplish wonderful acts
in the service of God (Ex. xxxi. 3, xxxv. 31). It
is, therefore, necessary to distinguish various grades
and also various gifts in this communication of the
divine spirit. With the prophets, the spirit vouch-
safed to them remains distinct from their natural
consciousness and reveals itself in clear and def-
inite announcements. The expressions used to
designate its coming upon a man arc " to come
upon " (Num. xxiv. 2; II Chron. xv. 1), or, more
forcibly, " fall upon " (Ezek. xi. 5). It is also said
that this spirit clothes itself with a man as with a
garment, and so makes him its corporeal envelope
(Judges vi. 34). It is also said that the spirit " de-
scends upon one," " rests upon him " (Num. xi.
25, 26; II Kings ii. 15; Isa. xi. 2); hence that the
spirit of God " is upon " him (Isa. lxi. 1). Even
where the spirit abides permanently, this relation
had its beginning in a divine act which, as a rule,
is neither coincident in time or fact with the be-
stowal of the universal spirit of life. The gift of
prophecy is not hereditary, the privilege of a special
gild or school. While members of the old prophetic
societies prepared themselves to receive the spirit,
it blew whither it listed. On the other hand, the
spirit of prophecy came upon Amos, who was neither
a prophet nor the son of a prophet (Amos vii. 14-15),
and at once constituted him a prophet of divine
quality. Occasionally also, the spirit spoke through
men who were not chosen for continuous teaching

and preaching, such as David (II Sam. xxiii. 2);
indeed, it sometimes seized upon persons whose
mind was otherwise far removed from God, as when
the Lord made the heathen seer Balaam his organ,
and when the high priest Caiaphas spoke a word of
the Lord (John xi. 51). The moment for revela-
tion was always chosen by God, contrary to the
practise in the heathen oracles and also to the use
of the Urim and Thummim (q.v.), where the initia-
tive came from the questioner. When counsel is
sought, God often remains silent, but this does not
exclude the fact that divine prophetic words are
sometimes elicited later from the tried prophet (II
Sam. vii. 2 sqq.). The prophet may also prepare
himself to receive the divine word (Hab. ii. 1), even
sensual means like music are not excluded; but
whether the Lord will allow himself to be persuaded
to speak, depends exclusively upon his grace. The
receptive side of prophecy is sometimes designated
as seeing and at others as hearing. The oldest name
of the prophet was, according to I Sam. ix. 9, ro'eh,
" seer." In this expression lies the conception that
the prophet whose eye God has un-
2. Sutyec- veiled gazes on those things that God

« j*Le usually hides from mortal sight; they
Conditions. f urn I j *

may be symbolically represented to

the eye of the seer, but even then he is not the crea-
tor of these signs and figures — this distinguishes
him from the poet — but another intelligence pre-
sents them to him and their meaning is often only
gradually revealed (cf., e.g., Zech. ii. 2 sqq., iv. 4-5).
In the titles of some prophetic books (Amos i. 1;
Isa. i. 1; Mic. i. 1; Hab. i. 1) prophetic words are
said to have been " seen " by the prophet. E.
Konig (Offenbarungsbegriff, ii. 192, cf. pp. 2 sqq.,
Leipsic, 1882) looks upon this as a figure of speech,
a later modification of prophetic diction; he sup-
poses that the verb hazah (in contradistinction to
ra'ah) is not used in genuine prophetic passages for
the reception of revelations by true prophets, but
only in the case of false prophets, and that it " des-
ignates a process which takes place in man's inner
consciousness " (ii. 30). But the verb hazah may be
used for something objectively seen (Isa. xxx. 10;
Ezek. xii. 27). The verb ra'ah signifies the relation
of the eye to the object seen, while hazah indicates
the continued gazing upon a picture or image, and
therefore applies to prophetic vision in general.
The fact must be emphasized that, after receiving
the revelation, the prophets are able to give an
exact account of what they have seen or heard.
This distinguishes them from shamans, who make
their disclosures in a state of trance. The prophets
also retain their consciousness and the memory of
the past during the revelation (cf., e.g., Ex. iv-
vi, xxxii. 7 sqq.; Isa. vi. 5; Jer. i. 6). An ecstasy,
inducing a purely passive condition which assumed
the characteristics of madness, sometimes appears
in the case of the disciples of the prophets, or in
that of a Saul (I Sam. xix. 24); but with those
prophets who are familiar with the voice of the
Lord this state is replaced by a certain self-control,
which was necessary to enable them to apprehend
clearly the word of the Lord and make it fruitful.
Balaam, the half-heathen seer, the man with the
" closed eye" ("whose eyes are open," A. V.), that

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a, whose eyes are closed to the outer world, while
to hfe prophetic gaze hidden and distant things are
unveiled, bears the strongest likeness to the sha-
mans; still, even he speaks with full consciousness
of what he has seen. The individual characteristics
of the prophets assert themselves in this particular.
Judging from the emotion that still vibrates in his
written words, Hosea was more powerfully affected
physically than Haggai, for instance, and Ezekiel
suffered more in this respect beneath the hand of
the Lord than did Isaiah. In both Jewish and
Christian theology much has been written on the
psychical condition of the prophets. While the
oldest patristic view, resting on Philo and Plato,
lays stress on the ecstatic element, ecclesiastical
theology since the Montanistic controversy (see
Montanttb, Montanism) has rather striven to
exclude the idea of any abnormal psychical dis-
turbance (cf. G. F. Oehler, Theologie des Alien Tes-
taments, pp. 745 sqq., Stuttgart, 1891). KSnig
believes that the communication of God to the proph-
ets was always an audible one and expressly rejects
the parallel adduced by Oehler and Riehm with the
way God's spirit speaks to the Christian petitioner and
assures him that his prayer is heard (cf . E. Riehm,
Die messianischen Weissagungen, 38 sqq.,Gotha, 1885,
Eng. transl., Messianic Prophecy, Edinburgh, 1891;
Oehler, ut sup., p. 764). He holds that if the rev-
elation had been made to the inner consciousness
of the prophets, they would have been unable to
distinguish clearly the divine voice from that of
their own hearts. This view, however, unduly lim-
its the power of the divine spirit, and overlooks the
fact that sensual impressions may as easily lead to
self-deception — there are hallucinations both of
sight and of hearing. With the Old-Testament
prophets, the intrinsic majesty and sacredness of
the revelation brought the conviction of its truth.

If the word of the Lord is something seen or per-
ceived, something which comes to the prophet from
without, it can not be the product of his subjective
conjectures, fears, or premonitions.
8. Oltfectiv- whHe the fa^ prophet calculates
*2^ff*** which result is the most probable and
oaaagro. Jjjowg himgeif to be influenced by pa-
triotism and personal advantage, the true prophet
proclaims things contradictory to appearances and
probabilities, things that offend his people and even
deeply wound his own heart; yet he proclaims them
with unshakable confidence. It must therefore be
assumed that he had a higher source of knowledge.
The ultra-rationalistic theology saw in the prophet
only a man of superior gifts of mind and heart, a
close observer of life, one familiar with virtue and
hence with God, and one possessing that sure glance
into the future which was lacking to the ordinary
man. The difficulties to be overcome when an at-
tempt is made to explain the duplex consciousness
of the prophets and their boldness in the name of
God, without having recourse to the intervention
of a higher factor, is greatly increased by the qual-
ity of Old-Testament prophecy. This can not be
explained by mere thought or by general convic-
tions or simple premonitions.

The second act in the genesis of the prophetic
word is its enunciation. This side of prophetic

of the
Message.

activity is most often expressed by the word nabhi,
" the speaker," namely, for God (cf. C. von Orelli,
AlttestamenUiche Weissagung, pp. 7-8,
4. DeUvery Vienna, 1882; Eng. transl., Old Testa-
ment Prophecy, Edinburgh, 1885). The
effort has been made to see in nabhi,
according to its fundamental meaning, a designa-
tion of a Canaanite dervish and to distinguish it
from ro'eh, supposed to signify the more noble seer.
But apart from the doubtful equation, nabhi = mad-
man, these bands of dervishes represent rather a
degeneration of something higher. In Amos vii. 12
sqq., hozeh, the synonym of ro'eh, has already the
same meaning as nabhi, and Amos himself (ii. 11-
12) in no wise despises the nebi'im. The same spir-
itual power that has brought God's revelation with
imperative certainty to the prophet's soul urges
him to proclaim it to those to whom he is sent. This
divine causation, which not only forces him to see
but also to repeat what he has seen, is forcibly ex-
pressed in Amos iii. 8; that is, just as involuntarily
as one starts in terror on hearing the voice of the
lion, so must the prophet prophesy when God's
mighty word comes upon him. When he tries to
keep this word to himself, it burns his heart (Jer.
xx. 9). False prophets indeed allow themselves to
be influenced by human considerations and by the
prospect of gain (cf. Mic. iii. 5, 11; Isa. lvi. 10);
with the true prophet, however, " thus saith the
Lord " means that a complete divine thought has
been implanted in the prophet's being.

The concrete form and vivid realism of the rela-
tion springs from the fact that it describes a vision
beheld by the prophet or some occurrence. He does
not teach general, abstract truths, but
C* I5r!in °* n'8 W1* *s fixed upon the activities of
the living God. This revelation first
appears in an impressive form before
the prophet's soul and it is only later combined with
his own reflections. He may be morally disposed
to expect, even to demand, a judgment upon Jeru-
salem, but what he prophetically beholds may be a
visitation far in excess of what he believes reason-
able. The form of prophetic inspiration depends
upon the mental characteristics of the people and
the race. A peculiarity of the Semites is a certain
directness of perception; the single phenomenon is
apprehended by them in immediate connection
with its supreme cause. This natural gift was raised
by the divine spirit to the potency of a charisma
(cf . Charismata) and herein lay the peculiar great-
ness as well as the limitations of Old-Testament
prophecy; its greatness, in that it enabled the
prophets to recognize the rule of God even in its
external manifestations; its limitations, in that
this incorporation of divine ideas is inadequate.
As a rule, this revelation of God is designated as a
word of Yahweh, and herein lies an important for-
mal peculiarity. In that it is a word, the prophetic
revelation is distinguished from the imperfect pro-
totypes by which future persons and events are
foreshadowed. The whole Mosaic sacrificial institu-
tion points to a future and perfect means of atone-
ment; David, the king after God's heart, is the
type of a future and greater ruler in whom the ideal
which hovered before David will be fully realized.

the

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THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

276

The symbolical interpretation of the Bible, prac-
tised by both Jews and Christians from an curly
time, has fallen into disrepute because of the capri-
cious way in which it was employed, but modern
natural science fully recognizes in the lower prim-
itive types a prefiguring of the later and higher ones.
The prophet gives a language to these symbols and
discloses their hidden sense. The high priest offered
his sacrifice of atonement for centuries before any
one saw in it a prophecy of the future, as did the
Second Isaiah; sentiment and premonition were
freely aroused by the symbolic worship, but they
first In-came clear and definite ideas of the future
through the prophetic word.

As to its contents, prophecy is in no wise confined
to future events. What hapix*ns at a distance and
is therefore inaccessible to the senses, or what by its
very nature belongs to a sphere unattainable for
a r man's sensual and intellectual organs,

' is revealed to the prophet by the spirit
of (iod. So, for example, Isaiah and Ezekiel beheld
the majesty of him who was seated in the heavens;
Ezekiel saw. in Habylon, what took place in Jeru-
salem (viii. L sqq.) or what Nebuchadnezzar did on
the confines of Canaan. To the unsuspicious Jere-
miah were revealed the plots laid against him by
his fellow countrymen and even by his brethren.
Nevertheless, the prediction of future events occu-
pies an important place in prophecy. That the God
who s|K'aks through the prophets is he who deter-
mines all mundane events is proven according to
the Biblical view by the fact that he reveals be-
forehand to his servants that which is to take place
(Deut. xviii. "22; Amos iii. 7; Isa. xli. 22). The at-
tempt has been made to limit this vision into the
future to general ideas regarding the course of
historical development, and to refer the special
predictions which could not be thence derived to
uncertain premonitions belonging rather to the do-
main of soothsaying. In this way Schleiermacher
(Drr chrixtlichr (llaubc, Berlin, 1«S(>1) distinguishes
in Old-Testament prophecy on the one hand actual
predictions which j>ossess a higher or lower degree
of exactitude, on the other hand. Messianic proph-
ecies in which the prophet rises from the particular
to the general and where the statements rather be-
long to the realm of symbolism. In agreement with
him it has been the custom to recognize only those
ideas springing from general, ethical, and religious
convictions regarding the future as the essentially
divine part of prophecy. Here, however, some-
thing which appears in history as a living unity is
arbitrarily divided. The sayings of the patriarchs,
those of Balaam and similar predictions, may be
explained as " predictions after the event "; but
too many definite and well-authenticated predic-
tions have been preserved from strictly historic
times to make it possible to do away with them,
and these are by prophets representing the highest
level of Israelitic prophetism. when it must long have
been purified from the mantic elements said to have
accompanied its beginnings. Such are Isaiah's word
against the Assyrians (xxxvii. 21), Jeremiah's an-
nouncement of the impending destruction of
Jerusalem, and Ezekiel's story of the catastrophe
in the capital city (xxi. 8 sqq., sod. 18 aqq.).

That it is the God who rules in nature and his-
tory who manifests himself to his people for their
spiritual and material consecration is the most im-
portant phase in prophecy. The old-

f PrSdlo11 est Parts °* Gea^8 see in God the
tion to the creator °f tne universe, whose will and
Present. ru^e are not confined to the spiritual
and moral sphere, who also forms the
external world according to his free will; and the
prophets tell us how this divine will transformed
and will transform the universe until it fully con-
forms to him. For this living God everything u
predestined; even the details of prophecy can not
be fortuitous. Neither the enrichment of human
knowledge, nor the mere attainment of earthly hap-
piness, not to speak of lower needs, can be the aim
of the prophets. The people indeed willingly sought
them for counsel and aid (cf. I Sam. ix. 6 sqq.;
11 Kings iv. 40), but the genuine prophet only an-
swered questions and petitions a reply to which
served to make a deeper impression upon men to
the honor of God. The less the will of Yahweh pre-
vailed in the present, the more the propheto re-
ferred to its realization in the future; but the}' al-
ways spoke of the future kingdom of God in the
forms and colors at their command. The pictures
they drew were historically conditioned and limited
for prophecy had first to serve the realization of
the divine will in the present and this is possible
only when it is made comprehensible for the hear-
ers of the time; the kingdom, therefore, is depicted
according to local and national limitations, in which
form the future appeared to the prophet. Often.
however, this picture was so intensified by the spirit
animating it that the temporal bounds constituting
its framework yielded. Thus the prophets beheld
the advent of Messianic salvation in the forms of
their own time and place. For the prophets of the
exile, for example, it was connected with the re-
turn from captivity, while the generation which
experienced this return postponed the blessed *' end
of days " to the future. From what has been said,
it results that prophecy has a history, wherein lies
both its permanent contents and its progressive
growth. The news of the future kingdom of God
was not communicated to the people of God at one
time and as a definite doctrine — they would not
indeed have been able to receive it; but that side
of the Messianic future was disclosed which it was
possible and beneficial for them to behold. Hence
epoch-making changes in the national life, such as
the founding of the Davidic kingdom on Zion or
the Babylonian captivity and the destruction of the
Temple were not only predicted in the prophetic
word, but also served as a starting-point for a new
phase of prophecy and rendered possible its essential
progress. Which side of prophecy should be most
prominent depended upon changes in the externa]
aspect of affairs, but also upon the moral level of
the people; to a self-righteous people, proud of
their good fortune, a judgment must be announced,
by means of which God wills to prepare the way
for his rule. This phase of prophecy is predominant
from Solomon to the exile. For a chastened and
humbled people, however, the consolatory promises
■d fruition off God's plans were to be pre-

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RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Prophecy

wen ted. If, therefore, the direction taken by the
prophetic sayings depended upon the ethical needs
of each generation, its spiritual height was often
conditioned thereby. Even though the prophecies
are not a product of the spirit of the age, God's
spirit speaks therein first to the community of the
present, and an educational progress is unfailingly
recognized, so that, according to the capacity of each
generation, the revelation assumes a more spiritual
or a more sensual form, and, in general, a more
profound mental effort is required of the later gen-
erations, since their horizon has been enlarged and
enriched by many experiences. Still, this progress
is not in a direct line, for after periods of the high-
est elevation of prophetic knowledge, there follow
times when its flight is lower. The personal quality
of the individual prophet also influences his proph-
ecy, for his relation to the divine inspirations is not
that of a clear mirror from which the divine pictures
are reflected. The liveliness and tendency of his
imagination, the conceptions with which he was
already familiar through his life and calling, appear
in his writings.

Historical fulfilment belongs necessarily to genu-
ine prophecy. It contains not merely abstract
truths of permanent authority, nor simply ideals,
« v lsi ^ne e8*nc^c or religious value of which
ment " nu8nt; depend on the degree of their
realization in life, but, more especially,
an outlook upon the works and plans of God in the
world. Indeed, the divine word itself is conceived
as something living and efficient. Therefore, the
prophet, when he pronounces it, accomplishes, so
to speak, a divine act; he is the organ of divine ac-
tivity (Jer. i. 10, xxv. 15 sqq.)- Hence realization
is a requisite for the full acceptation of prophecy.
In Biblical phraseology there is a reference to the
fact that only after the realization of the prediction
does the prophecy attain its true value and author-
ity. God acknowledges his word in this way and
redeems it. When God lets a prophetic word " fall
to the ground " (I Sam. iii. 19), this proves its fal-
sity (Deut. xviii. 21-22). The fulfilment differs,
however, according to the character and purpose of
the prophecy. Where the emphasis is laid upon
the external form and a near term is indicated for
a special judgment, whether of an individual or a
people, it necessarily follows that the fulfilment
must be literal, if the sayings are genuine. There
are in the canon a great number of such predictions,
the fulfilment of which is either expressly stated
or is at least presupposed. Such prophecies be-
came a sign that the Lord had spoken by the
prophet. But these sayings do not always contain
an unalterable judgment of God; indeed, as a rule,
the menacing prophecy is intended to produce a
change of the people's heart; if this purpose was
attained, God's attitude was modified and his sen-
tence wras no longer to be executed (as in Jonah's
experience with Nineveh, cf. Jonah iv. 2; Jer. xxvi.
18-19). (C. von Orelu.)

HI. In the New Testament: The Lord liimseif
announced that after his death prophets would
arise, men who in the same way and with the same
authority as the messengers of God in the Old Tes-
tament would present the truths of the approach-

ing salvation to the people of Israel and urge them
to decide either for or against them (Matt, xxiii.
34; cf. Luke xi. 49). The work of Jesus as well as
that of his predecessor John was of a prophetic na-
ture (Matt. xiii. 57, xiv. 5, xxi. 26; Luke vii. 16,
xiii. 33, xxiv. 19). The testimony to the resurrec-
tion and exaltation of Christ as presented by the
first Christian community bears a thoroughly pro-
phetic character, and the first effect of the spirit
of Pentecost was the prophesying of those believers
who were suddenly and miraculously filled with its
power. They spoke " as the spirit gave them ut-
terance " (Acts ii. 4) and their word was corrobo-
rated by sayings and wonders (Acts iii. 6, iv. 30,
v. 12, 15, 16) ; the judicial and awe-inspiring qual-
ity of this prophecy is revealed in the judgment of
Ananias and Sapphira (v. 1-11). Several prophets
arose from it, such as Stephen (although he does
not bear this name), for whoever was chosen by the
spirit of Christ as an organ for the communication
of the truths of salvation was endowed with the
special charisma of inspired speech (II Cor. ii. 14-
17). New-Testament prophecy belongs to the pe-
riod of the founding of the Church when faith espe*
cially needed the guidance and support of the spirit
of Christ, and when the written word either did not
yet exist or was not in general use.

Among those possessing the gift of prophecy, the
Acts mention Agabus (xi. 28), who predicted in
Antioch the great famine of 44-45 a.d. (Josephus,
Ant., XX., iv. 2), and in Csesarea foretold to Paul
the fate awaiting him in Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 10,
11), Barnabas, Symeon Niger, Lucius of Cyrene,
Manaen and Saul of the Antiochian community
(Acts xiii. 1), from whom came the command to
dedicate Barnabas and Saul to the work for which
they were called by the Holy Spirit. Judas and
Silas, who were sent with Paul and Barnabas to
Antioch to give verbal support to the epistle of the
community, were also prophets, as were the four
virgin daughters of Philip (Acts xxi. 9). The gift
of prophecy was not, however, confined to individ-
uals, but was wide-spread in the apostolic commu-
nities. When Paul enumerates in his epistles the
gifts, offices, and powers of the church, he places
the prophets in the second rank, immediately after
the apostles. Prophecy, recognized as a spiritual
gift, is to be preferred to the speaking with tongues,
for prophecy traverses the mind of the speaker and
is addressed to the mind of the hearer (I Cor. xiv.).
Therefore, the apostle desired that, during worship,
two or three prophets should stand up and speak,
one after the other, according as the spirit moved
them. To test the truth and the divine origin of
such communications, the Church had the gift of
the " discerning of spirits " (I Cor. xii. 10).

The Revelation of John was certainly intended
to close the era of prophecy until the Lord's second
coming. For after the death of the apostles, proph-
ecy slowly gave place to the use of the New-Testa-
ment Scriptures, which became from that time, and
are to-day, the norm and source of divine truth.
The Montanist movement of the second century (see
Montanus, Montanism) naturally produced in the
Church a distrust of new prophets, and this appears
with Luther at the time of the Reformation. The

Prophecy
Proselytes

THE NEW SOIIAFK-HERZOa

278

prophetic word (II Pet. i. 19), which sluncs as alight

.11 the darkness until the breaking of the new day,

must suffice for the faithful. (Kakl BrRGFiif.)

Bihliockaphy: An important literature Li indicated under
Memmiah, Mkbhianihm, CMiMvially the worlui of Brigics,
Woods, Drummond, Kuenon, Kichm, On-lli, and De-
li trsch. The rcadtT is reform 1 akw> to the lwta of litera-
ture under the article* on thr individual prophets, also
to the literature in and under limufAL Theommiy, espe-
cially the work* of Oehler. Srhulti, Bennett, and David-;
Hon. Consult further: A. KitoU'l, Der Prophetismus der
Hebriier, 2 part*. Breftlau. 1S37; F. B. Koater, Die Pro-
pheten dc* A. und X. T. nneh ihrem \Ve*en und Wirken,
I^-ipxic, lS:tS; ii. M. HeiLsloh, Drr liegriff d*'s Xabi bei
dm Hebniern, I^ijuic, 1H39; A. Iah', Inquiry into the Xa-
turr, Progrr**, ami En*l of Prophecy, Ixmdon, 1-H49; J.
D.ivisnn. Discourse* on Prophecy: it* Structure, Cue, and
Inspiration, new eil., Oxford, 1H.">6; K. \V. 1 1 en rs ten berg.
<'hri*tntayiede* A. 7\, iii. 1.">S nqq.. Berlin, 1.H.77; ('. Kohler,
Drr Prophetismu* drr Htimier unit die Mnntik drr (irieehen,
D'iniiMtadt, 1SW); (1. F. Oehler, V titer da* Verhaltni* der
alttesf. Prophetic zur hridni*chrn Mnntik, Tubingen, 1861;
P. Fairliairn, Prvphtry, . . . it* Distinct ire Xature,
Spread Function, ami Proper Interpretation, Edinburgh,
new ed., 1804, reisaue. New York, 1S6G; A. Tholuck, Die
Propheten und ihre \Vei**agung. in the XVerke, Ciotha,
1X07; A. Dill maim, l.'eljer die Prophcten dt* altcn Bunde*
naeh ihrem politisehen )Virk*amkeit, Ciiemen. 1S68; A. Le
Ilir. L** Prophitc* d' I until, IVirN. ls«H; A. Cliwold, The
Prophetic Spirit, in it a Relation to Wisdom and Madness,
liondon, 1S70; K. H. Clifford. Voice* of the Prophet*. Edin-
burgh. 1S7-I; C. BniHton, Hist, criti-iue dc In HtUrature
prophttiquc. Paris, JKSl; H. A. Knlford, Prophecy, its
Xnturr and hJcidenee, London, lss2; S. Maybaum, Die
h'ntieiektluntt dc* i*ra*hti*chtn Prophetenthum*. Berlin,
ISM; (*. von Orelli. Old Testament Prophecy of the Con-
*ummation of God'* Kingdom, Edinburgh. ISSo; Smith,
Prophet*; K. Ha vet, Im Modernitfi dr* prophitc*. Paris,
1S91; ^Y. II. Simcox, (Y.«jw/ii>n of Prophecy, London,
1SU1; .1. Danuesteter. Le* Prophete* d'I*ruel, Paris, 1S92;
<1. Meignan, Le* Prophitc* d'I*roel. 2 vols., Paris, 1893-
1894; <\ II. Cornill. The Prophet* of I *rael, Chicago. 1895;
(J. <i. Fiudlay, Hook* of the Prophet* in their Historical
Succession, 3 vols.. Ixmdon. I89tt 97; F. X. Loitner, Die
prophrtinche Inspiration, Freiburg, 1896; F. Giesebrecht,
Die H*Tuf*begabung der alttc*tamentlichen Prophcten, <\ot-
li.igeu. 1H97; A. F. Kirkp-itriek. The D(»ctrine of the
Prophet*. I»ndun, 1N97; K. Sinend. Aittcstamentiiche
Reli jions-ieitchichte. 2d ed., Tubingen, 1899; A. Causae,
Le Social i*me dc* pntphite*. Montauban, 19lJ{); E. Konic,
Da* lit rufuno*bewu**t*ein dcr alttestamentlichcn Prophcten.
B:irm<-n, l'.HK); idem, Prophetcnidml, Jwicntum, Chri*-
tentum, I/-ip«io, 19«Xi; F. Walter. Die Prophcten in ihrem
sozi'ilrn lteruf und da* \Virt*chaft*lcltcn ihrer Zcit, Frei-
burg. 19;K); L. (jautier. Vocation* de* prophete*, Lausanne,
191)1: It. B. (jirdlcstone. The Cram mar of Prophecy,
London, 1901 : R. KriitzMchmar, Prophet und Seher im
alten Israel, Tubingen, 1901; \Y. H. Look wood. The
Prophet* of Israel, Chicago, 1901; A. B. Davidson, Old
TcMamrnt Prophecy, Edinburgh, 1902; \Y. G. Jordan,
Prophetic. Hen* and Ideal*: short Studies in the prophetic
Literature, of the Hebreic*. Chicago, 1902; T. Mac William.
Speaker* for God: Lectures on the Minor Prophets, Lon-
don. 1902; (). Prockrfch. Geschichtsbetraehtung und Qt-
sehichtliche Utberlieferung bet den corexUischen Propheten,
I/eiiwic, 1902; C. F. A. Linckc, Samaria und stint Pre
phrttn, Tubingen, 1903; Rose E. Selfe, The Work of the
Prophet*, London, 1904; L. W. Batten, The Hebrew
Prophet. New York, 190A; Binet-Sangle, LesProphitesjuifs.
fltude. de psychologic morbide, Paris, 1905; L. Franckh,
Die Prophetxt in der Zeit vor Amos, Gutemloh, 1005; P.
Kleincrt, Die Profeten Israels in socialer Dexiehung, Leip-
Mic. 1905; E. A. Edghill, The Evidential Value of Proph-
ecy. London, 1906; J. Reville, Le Prophttisme HSbreu,
Paris. 1906; F. C. EiseJen, The Minor Prophets, New
York, 1907; idem. Prophecy and Prophete in their Histor-
ical Relations, ib. 1900: G. Rtosch, Die Propheten Israels
in reliaionsgeschiehUicher WOrdiovng, pp.rfi., 669.Qfttan-
loh, 1907; P. de Buck, De Profeten eon IrnneU Botta^-"-
1908; W. H. Bennett, The ReUgion of
Prophets, new ed., EdmbnT|h, 1000; M
and ffozeh in the O. 7., in JBL, :
G. C. Joyce, The InspiraHcm %9

PROPHESYING: A means of promoting the
knowledge and understanding of the {Scriptures by
means of discussions in common became cus-
tomary among some of the Reformed churches.
Although often confused with the

History reading and explanation of the Scrip-
of "Prophe- tures as practised during the Reforma-

sying." tion, a certain kind of instruction
in the Scriptures (called by the
Germans Prophezei) has no connection with thk
It first appeared in Zurich because of the need
of winning such priests as possessed, besides
sufficient knowledge of the Scriptures, the tal-
ent to explain in a familiar way the Christian
message of salvation. According to the reforma-
tion of the foundation of the Gross Miinster, every
effort should be made for the appointment of those
who should every day, publicly, for one hour, preach
and teach the Holy Scriptures in the Hebrew, Greek,
and Latin languages. On June 10, 152.5, this regu-
lation was put in force under the leadership of
Zwingli. At eight o'clock each morning, excepting
Fridays and Sundays, all the clergy of the city and
the other preachers (students, chaplain?, etc.),
came together in the choir of the Gross Monster.
After a short opening prayer, a part or tlie whole
of a chapter of the Old Testament was read. The
reading was followed by a dogmatic and practical
exposition. These are the beginnings of the so-
called prophesying. Megander introduced this cus-
tom in Bern, where it later developed into a school
With Peter Martyr (1556) followed the institution
of the " theological lesson " for the people; proph-
esying was transformed into teaching. Encouraged
by the example of Zurich, prophesying assumed a
new and singular form in Lasco's fugitive commu-
nity in London. One of their preachers, Micronius,
relates, in 1554, that in the weekly prophesying,
the Sunday sermons were subjected to a critical
examination, so that the elders, doctors, and proph-
ets could add thereto from the Scriptures whatever
might be necessary for the understanding of the
text and the edification of the congregation. This
institution never attained great development as a
liturgical element, since, on the one hand, the
founding of theological schools took its place, and,
on the other hand, the religious understanding
of the congregation soon outgrew the need for
its use.

Wherever religious excitement has demanded a
more recondite explanation of Scripture, analogous
phenomena appeared. For example, among, the
Jansenists of Port Royal, the study of the Scrip-
tures was pursued in common, and from this circle
Labadie transplanted the usage, in the form of a
developed private worship, to Amiens (1644),
Geneva (1650) , and Middelburg (1666) . Among his
disciples in Geneva were Untereyk and Spener; the
latter introduced the movement as collegia pidatu
into Frankfort. From the time of Spener, proph-
esying, as *wpd*flH by time, has endured in the
Evangelical churches in the form of Bible confer-
ences or of Bible lessons and readings, at home or
» elmnh. and under the direction of members
4oa or of the pastors or elders.

(Emxl Bout.)

270

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Prophecy
Proselytes

PROPITIATION. See Atonement.

PROPST (PROBST, PROPOSITUS), JAKOB:
German reformer; b. at Ypres (30 m. s.s.w. of
Bruges), Flanders, probably in the last decade of
the fifteenth century; d. at Bremen June 30, 1562.
He seems to have entered the Augustinian order at
an early age, and soon became acquainted with
Luther, whose pupil he was at Wittenberg in the
beginning of 1519. In the same year he became
prior at Antwerp, where he was active as a reformer.
In 1521 he was again at Wittenberg, and on his re-
turn to Antwerp as provost found that his enemies
had grown bolder. Luther's wTitings had been
burnt and his followers imprisoned; Propst soon
shared their fate. On Dec. 5, 1521, the imperial
counselor, Franz van der Hulst, invited Propst to
accompany him to Brussels. There every effort
was made to induce him to recant, and after a long
resistance he finally yielded, terrified by the threat
of capital punishment (Feb. 9, 1522). The Protes-
tants were much depressed at this event, especially
Luther, although the latter pitied Propst and did
not believe that he had really changed his views.
Propst was now transferred to the Augustinian
monastery of his native city, where he soon found
sympathizers and again began a Protestant propa-
ganda. Though he carefully avoided all polemics,
his enemies grew suspicious, and he was brought
back to Brussels. His execution seemed inevi-
table, but a fellow monk aided him to escape. After
a time he found his way to Wittenberg, where he
married a young woman closely connected with
Luther's wife.

In May, 1524, Propst found an important sphere
of activity when he was called to Bremen by his
friend and fellow monk, Henry of Zutphen (see
Moller, Heinrich; and Zuetphen, Henry of),
and given charge of the Liebfrauenkirche there. The
Reformation was now carried out in Bremen; Protes-
tant pastors were installed in the churches, and the
Roman Catholic worship was forbidden, except in
the cathedral; Propst became senior pastor with
the title of superintendent. In 1532 a Protestant
revolutionary movement, social rather than relig-
ious, which Propst and the other pastors did not
regard with favor, resulted in his withdrawal from
Bremen for a short time, but on his return he was
able to labor for many years in peace. In 1535 he
visited Cologne with Melanchthon, and in 1540
caused a Spanish merchant, Francisco San Romano,
to embrace Protestantism and to spread his new
doctrines in his native land. Although heartily in
sympathy with the ideas of Luther, with whom he
maintained an active correspondence, Propst was
not a prominent figure in the eucharistic contro-
versy begun by Albert Rizaeus Hardenberg (q.v.),
even while energetically rejecting his doctrines. He
accordingly gladly resigned in 1559 in favor of Tile-
mann Hesshusen (q.v.) and retired from public life.
Subsequent events in Bremen, culminating in the
supplanting of Lutheranism by Reformed tenets, he
saw without being able to prevent.

(J. F. iKENf.)

Bibliography: H. G. Janssen, Jakobus Pr&posittu, Luthen
Leating en Vriend, Amsterdam, 1862.

PROSELYTES.

Meaning of Term (ft 1).
" Strangers in Israel " ($ 2).
Early Proselytism (ft 3).
Decline of Jewish Propaganda (ft 4).
Palestinian Proselytes (ft 5).
Status of the Proselyte (ft 6).
Hellenistic Proselytes (ft 7).
Significance for Early Christianity (ft 8).

The proselytes were converts from heathenism
to Judaism. The Greek original of the term, pro-
selytes, is not found in classical authors, and was

evidently borrowed from colloquial

i. Mean- speech by the Septuagint as an equiva-

ing of lent for the Hebrew ger (A. V., " Stran-

Term. ger," q.v.). In this sense proselytos

occurs seventy-eight times as the trans-
lation of ger in the Septuagint, which does not use
it to render any other word. On the other hand, the
Aramaic giyyora, " stranger," is sometimes retained
in the Greek versions (Ex. xii. 19; Isa. xiv. 1;
Aquila, Lev. xix. 34) ; and elsewhere, where there
is no allusion to proselytes in the technical sense
of the term, paroikos, " sojourner, alien," is found
(e.g., Gen. xv. 13, xxiii. 4; Ex. ii. 22, xviii. 3; Deut.
xiv. 21 ; II Sam. i. 13), as well as epelytos, " incomer,
foreigner " (Job xx. 26). The Syriac version fre-
quently paraphrases the idea of " proselyte " as
" he who is converted unto me." The term " pros-
elyte " occurs four times in the New Testament
(Matt, xxiii. 15; Acts ii. 10, vi. 5, xiii. 43); but in
other early Christian literature the word is seldom
found.

In ancient Israel the gerim, or " strangers," were
a class possessing a special status and belonging to
another race which had for some reason entered the

land of Israel and placed themselves
2. " Stran- under the protection of its people (see
gers in Stranger). While there was a strong-
Israel" ly marked and increasing tendency to

make the " stranger " share in all the
religious obligations and prerogatives of Israel, and
even to become fully Judaized by circumcision, this
was not proselytizing in the later sense of Judaism's'
extension beyond its boundaries, but rather marked
the desire to avoid, so far as possible, any foreign
elements within the bounds of Israel. A very late
example of such seekers for protection is related
by Josephus (Life, 23), in which the Jews made cir-
cumcision a necessary condition. In post-exilic
times, however, such cases were rare; the weak
Jewish community, under foreign domination, was
not strong enough either to subject the numerous
foreign colonists or to absorb them. Under the
Maccabees, indeed, Idumeans, Itureans, and many
Greco-Syrian cities were forcibly Judaized by cir-
cumcision. Nevertheless a number of Greek settle-
ments remained in the land, and the Herodians
and Romans also introduced many foreign elements
into the country. It was of these aliens that the
rabbis thought when they applied the laws of the
Old Testament regarding the gerim in so far as these
were referred, not to the proselytes, but to the
" strangers in Israel." The latter were sharply dis-
tinguished from the proselytes, and were placed on
a par with heathen and idolaters; and when the

Proselytes

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

280

gerim were required to observe the seven " Noachian
laws " (obedience to Jewish authority, and avoid-
ance of blasphemy, idolatry, fornication, murder,
theft, and the eating of meat not killed according
to legal prescription), this was done to preserve the
holiness of Israel. The Jews forgot, however, that
they had to deal with their rulers, not with their sup-
plicants, and the whole idea remained mere theory,
though it seems to have influenced the rules for the
association of Jewish and gentile Christians re-
corded in Acts xv. 20, 29, xxi. 25.

Entirely different from the gerim of ancient times,

with their peculiar legal and social isolation, were

the proselytes of later Judaism, that is

3. Early to say, the following which it gained

Prosely- as a religious community outside its
tism. own people and its own land. The
earliest proofs of this are in Neh. x.
28 and Isa. lvi. 6. While at first the post-exilic
community was exclusive, the tendency toward
propaganda became evident in the period of the
Maccabees, as when an embassy was sent to Rome
in 139 b.c, only to be expelled by the praetor His-
palus because of attempts to win converts. The
chances for and against such a propaganda were
about equal; everything oriental exercised a potent
spell at that period; the later philosophy was at-
tracted by monotheism; and ethics and asceticism,
as well as superstition, found satisfaction in all
that was strange and exotic. Judaism, enjoying
many imperial privileges, had also political advan-
tages to offer. On the other hand, a strong pan-
Hellenic party nourished an aversion to everything
barbarian, and the Jews were in evil repute as
traders and usurers, as magicians, and procurers.
Their imageless worship was regarded as atheistic,
and the wildest reports were circulated regarding
them. The anti-Semitic movement was systemat-
ically fostered by the gymnastic societies of the
larger Greek cities. Judaism was also something
strange and foreign in the world of that time, and
its exclusiveness seemed misanthropy (Tacitus,
Hist., v. 5). Nevertheless, the unshakeable con-
sciousness of being the true religion that animated
Judaism (cf. Rom. ii. 17 sqq.) overcame all ob-
stacles. Its enormous success is attested by Jo-
sephus and classical authors, and was especially
great among women. The reigning house of Adia-
bene was converted to Judaism; Helena was often
in Jerusalem, as were her sons Izates and Mono-
bazus, who also built themselves a tomb there. The
Bible translators Aquila of Sinope and Theodotion
of Ephesus were also believed to be proselytes.
Legend even made a proselyte of the prophet Oba-
diah as well as of Israel's greatest enemies, and rep-
resented them as ancestors of famous families of
proselytes. It was said that Shemaiah and Ab-
talion, the predecessors of Hillel and Shammai, were
descended from such a family of Assyrian proselytes.
Agrippa II.f at the time of the marriage of each of
his sisters, Drusilla and Berenice, required the cir-
cumcision of their husbands, Aziz of Emesa and
Polemon of Cilicia.

The time of Rabbi Akiba marks in a twofold
sense the end of the Jewish propaganda. Judaism,
thrown back upon itself, then began its process

of petrification into the Talmud (q.v.), and with

the rejection of Greek civilization it renounced all

spread among the Greeks. On the

4. Decline other hand, Hadrian's edict against
of Jewish circumcision was suspended under

Propa- Antoninus Pius only in the case of
ganda. Jewish children, otherwise remaining in
force as a part of Roman law, and so
rendering any propaganda impossible. Conversion
to Judaism or any attempt at proselytizing was
punished by confiscation and exile, if not by death.
There is not much significance in the fact that, at
the time of the Christian persecutions, some indi-
viduals went over to the synagogue. History and
legend of later times have but little to say in regard
to conversions, though there are allusions to a monk
of Sinai who was circumcised and took the name
Abraham. The ecclesiastical and civil laws often
treat of the enforced circumcision of Christian
slaves in Jewish houses. It was only outside the
Roman Empire, however, that the Jewish propa-
ganda still had considerable success, as in the con-
version of the Arab tribes in the region of Medina
and especially that of the Himyaritic princes and
of the Chazar Prince Bulan in the Crimea.

From the account given by Josephus of the con-
version of Izates of Adiabene {Ant., XX., ii. 3-4),
it is evident that Jewish proselytizers followed two
distinct methods, one type requiring complete ad-
hesion with circumcision as the sign of the cove-
nant, and the other being satisfied with a leaning
toward Judaism and the observance

5. Pales- of certain of its usages. In like man-
tinian ner there were two classes of proselytes :

Proselytes, complete converts and quasi-converts,
or circumcised and un circumcised.
This distinction may be paralleled with that found
in Palestino-rabbinical Judaism as contrasted with
Hellenistic Judaism. The former recognized as
proselytes (or, more exactly, as " proselytes of right-
eousness ") only those who had been fully received
into the religious community of Israel by means of
circumcision. On this view was based the judgment
of Paul when, in distinguishing between Jew and
gentile, he regarded everyone who was circumcised
as a Jew (Gal. v. 3) ; and this was also the opinion
of Domitian when he ordered that the tax levied on
Jews should also be collected from proselytes. The
first requirement of Rabbi Trypho, in Justin, Try-
pho, viii., was circumcision; and the necessity of
the rite is insisted upon in Talmudic anecdotes.
The words of Christ in Matt, xxiii. 15, likewise re-
fer to such circumcised proselytes, who were not
originally very numerous. While Hillel made their
reception easy, the sterner school of Shammai re-
quired a testing of their motives. Only after pre-
paratory instruction imparted by three scribes did
the threefold ceremony of reception take place:
circumcision, immersion, and sacrifice. The in-
struction was continued until the immersion, which
occurred when the wound was healed. The three
teachers were witnesses at the ceremony, and only
with this bath of purification was the rite of ad-
mission completed. It is, therefore, mentioned
more often than circumcision itself, especially by
the Hellenistic Jews, who renounced circumcision

REUQI0U8 ENCYCLOPEDIA

but not the immersion that washed away the im-
purity of heathenism. The relation of this rite to
the Christian sacrament of baptism has given rise
to much discussion, but the present tendency to
derive Christian baptism from the immersion of
proselytes is incorrect, especially as the existence
of sacramental ideas is not certainly proved in con-
nection either with immersion or circumcision (see
Baptism, III., 1, § 1).

It was in agreement with a legalistic, not with a
sacramental, conception that, in the doctrine of
the Rabbin, circumcision was looked upon as break-
ing all earlier ties and changing the

6. Status very personality of the convert, as was
of the usually typified by the assumption of
Proselyte, a new name. A marriage was con-
sidered dissolved if the other party
was not converted ; and by the abrogation of blood-
relationship the laws in regard to incest no longer
applied. Children born before conversion did not
inherit; the community inherited in their place.
The harsh isolation of the proselytes was keenly
felt by the heathen (Tacitus, Hist., V., 5; Juvenal,
Satir<t, xiv. 96 sqq.). While all old ties were sev-
ered for the proselyte and he was entirely absorbed
in the Jewish community, he was not regarded as
an equal; he could not say: " our fathers," but
" God of the fathers of Israel " or " your fathers."
This rule was later abolished, and it was forbidden
to remind the proselyte of his origin, since it was
shown that the Scriptures spoke of the proselytes
in the same way as of Israel. They are alluded to
in the thirteenth petition of the doily prayer. Many
proselytes seem to have displayed the convert's
zeal, and were fanatical toward those of another
faith, especially the Christiana (Justin, Trypho,
cxx.). For this reason, many rabbis were particu-
larly fond of the proselytes; others, however, did
not favor them, but called them a leprosy, a hin-
drance to the coming of the Messiah, especially as
numerous conversions were due to ulterior motives.

The Hellenistic proselytes should be clearly dis-
tinguished from these circumcised proselytes, and
they constitute a more important phe-
7- Hellen- nomenon, both historically and nu-
istic merically. Everywhere in the empire
Proselytes, groups of the " God-fearing " gathered
about the synagogues. They attended
the services and assumed some of the obligations,
hut did not wish to become Jews. This form of
proselytism presupposes that weakening of national
and legalistic Judaism which obtained in the dis-
persion, where it appeared as the universal religion
of enlightenment, or as a philosophy based on a
primeval revelation with sublime ethics and a sure
hope of eternal life. Sacrificial rites were abandoned
and the prohibitions of meats, etc., were taken in
an allegorical sense, only a few being retained in an
ascetic and superstitious spirit. This propaganda
was served not only by the Greek version of the
Old Testament, but also by numerous pseudepi-
graphic writings such as the Sibylline Books (q.v.)
or pseudo- Phony lides. This kind of proselytism
must have enjoyed a success not easily over-esti-
mated, and it lasted beyond the time of Hadrian.
It admitted, moreover, of innumerable gradations.

The most sealous were like Jews, only without cir-
cumcision; their children were probably circum-
cised (Juvenal, Satxra, xiv. 96 sqq.). Many visited
the synagogue regularly, others observed only cer-
tain customs, such as the lighting of the Sabbath
lamp. The Hypsistarii, or " worshipers of the high-
est God," formed societies of their own after the
pattern of the synagogues. These differences show
the adaptability of Judaism; at the same time no
concessions were made in monotheistic faith or in
moral requirements, hut solely in liturgical mat-
ters. Only the Palestinian rabbis, however, were
really consistent; the others allowed themselves to
be guided by opportunist considerations. For them
the important thing was to gain personal influence,
which they won in direct proportion as they re-
quired less of their adepts and themselves stood
higher above them.

While Palestinian proselytism generally made it-
self felt as a hindrance to the extension of Christian-
ity, and, as a Jewish propaganda in the Gentile com-
munities of Paul, vainly strove to bring
8. Slgnifl- the Gospel into subjection to the Law
cance for and to circumcision, Hellenistic prose-
Early lytism, with its widening and weak-
Christian- ening of Judaism, did essential pre-
tty, paratory work for the new faith. The
" God-fearers," accustomed to mono-
theistic ideas, morally trained, and familiar with the
promises of the Old Testament, offered fertile soil for
the propagation of Christianity, which proffered all
that was valuable in Judaism, and, in addition, of-
fered fulfilment in place of promise, and inspiring
preaching in place of dry doctrine. It had also done
away with all that was narrowly Jewish and bar-
barian, and gave the same rights to the Greeks as
to the Jews. The former Jewish proselytes formed
the nucleus of the new communities, which soon
spread independently among the heathen and left
their original Judaism further and further behind.
This rivalry in propaganda was the chief reason for
the bitter hatred with which early Christianity was
pursued by the Jews, and this enmity was, unfortu-
nately, reciprocated by the Christians. In spite of
its political privileges, Judaism was overcome and
soon abandoned the unequal struggle. Hellenistic
Judaism was absorbed by Christianity, and Rab-
binical Judaism withdrew within itself, while Chris-
tianity evolved a world-embracing missionary ac-
tivity. E. von DobbchPti.

BiBLioatui-nr: Far the meaning and use of the word
" Proselyte " consult the concordances or Mandelkem.
Hatch and Redpath. and Binder, and the loiinons;
W. C. Allen, in The Expositor. 1894. cola. 204-272; and
E. Nestle, in ZNTW, 1901. part 3. Consult: Schorer.
OachuMe, iii. 102-135, Ens, trans].. II., ii. 291-327 (gives
a very full list of the earlier literature] : Lobkert. in TSK.
1835. pp. 681-700; F. Huidekoper. Judaism al Ram*.
New York. 1878; M. M. KaUsch. Bible Studies, part 2.
London. 1S78; A. Well], Le Prostlytisme cha let jlrify
salon la Holt St It lalmud. Strasburg. 1880; H. Graeti.
Die jaditehen Pmitli/ten im Rflmerreithe, Braelau, 1884;
C. Siegfried. JPT. IBM, pp. 435-453: C. Fouard, 81.
Peter and the First Yean of Christianity, London. 1892
(good chapter on the Jawa in Rome and their influence);
J. Strauss. In Expository Time: iv (1893). 305 aqq.;
A. B. Davidson, in The Expositor, 1894, pp. 491 aqq.;
E. C. A. Riehm, Bandicorttrbtieh del biblisehrn Alterttme,
ed. F. Baethgen, pp. 1268-61, Bielefeld. 1894; Fried-
llnder, In REJ, m (1896), 161-181; A. Bertholet, Die

Prosper of Acmitaine
Protestant Episcopalians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

982

Stellung der laradilen und der Juden zu den Fremden,
Freiburg, 1896; £. Meyer, Entstehung dea Judentuma, pp.
227-234, Halle. 1896; M. Friedlander, Doe JuderUum in
der vorchrisUichen judiachen Welt, Vienna, 1897; L. Fried-
lander, DarateUungen aua der Sittengeachichte Rome, iii. 609
sqq., Leipaic, 1901, Eng. tranal., Roman Life and Manners,
London, 1910; W. Bousaet, Religion dee Judeniume, pp.
77-86, 2d ed., Berlin, 1906; the tract Oerim in the Talmud;
Nowack, Archaologie, i. 336-341; Vigourouz, Dictionnaire,
fasc. xxriii., cola. 758-764; DB, iv. 133-137; EB, iii. 3901-
3906; JE, x. 220-224; DCB, ii. 444-445.

PROSPER OF AQUITAINE: Champion of the
theology of Augustine; b. in Aquitaine probably
about 390; d. after 455. Of his life little is known.
His full name seems to have been Prosper Tyro, as
is stated both by the Brussels manuscript of his
chronicle and by Bede (De arte metrica, xxii.). He
was apparently the author of the Poema conjugis ad
uxorem, which seems to have been written about
415, and his works show that he received the cus-
tomary rhetorical education. Theologically he was
a disciple of Augustine, though the two never met,
and his entire theological activity consisted in the
adaptation and defense of Augustinian ideas.

The first relatively certain date in the life of Pros-
per is that he was in southern Gaul in 428. He seems
to have lived in the closest association with the mo-
nastic circles of Marseilles, of which his phraseology
clearly shows that he regarded himself a member.
This was possible even if Prosper's wife were still
living, provided he voluntarily subjected himself
to continence, as did Paulinus of Nola or Salvianus.
Marseilles, however, was the fountain head of the
theological tendency later designated as Semi-Pela-
gianism. Prosper felt it his duty to oppose this
movement and accordingly requested the aid of
Augustine, who responded with the De pradestina-
tione sanctorum and De dono per sever antim. During
the ensuing period of somewhat profitless contro-
versy Prosper wrote his poem, De ingratis, devoted
to a refutation of Pelagianism and to an account of
Semi-Pelagian doctrines, so presented as to empha-
size their relationship to Pelagianism itself. Al-
though of little poetic value, it can not be denied
that the De ingratis gives a warm and lively expres-
sion of its author's convictions.

After Augustine's death, Prosper wrote in de-
fense of his teacher's doctrines on predestination
his Pro Augustino responsiones ad capitula objec-
tionum GaUorum calumniantium, in which he merely
accepts or rejects the deductions drawn from Augus-
tine's writings without attempting to solve the dif-
ficulties involved, his formula being, " A thing must
not be condemned because it can not be under-
stood." Prosper was now considered the leading
representative of Augustinian doctrine, and two
Genoese monks, Camillus and Theodorus, appealed
to him for an explanation of certain obscurities in
Augustine's De pradesHnaHone sanctorum and De
dono perseverantice, his answer being his Respon-
siones ad ezcerpta Genuensium. About the same
time he was forced to defend himself against cer-
tain opinions attributed to him, in a captious and
prejudiced fashion, by a certain Vincentius who is
probably to be identified with Vincent of Lerins
(q.v.). This attack Prosper easily met, but despite
all his energy he was unable to ensure the victory
of Augustine's doctrines in Marseilles. He and Hi-

larius accordingly went to Rome, at latest by the
spring of 432, to secure aid from Celestine I. (see
Semi- Pelagianism), and on his return he wrote, in
433 or 434, a reply to the critics of Johannes Cas-
sianus (q.v.) on the teachings of Augustine, his
refutation being entitled De gratia Dei et libero arbir
trio. As a bit of polemics the work is not unskilful,
although it does not solve its problem, not only be-
cause Prosper failed to recognize the relative justice
of his opponent's position, but also because he con-
tented himself with a mere logical demonstration
of discrepancies between Pelagianism and Semi-
Pelagianism. To this same period belongs the
worthless Epitaphium Nestoriance et Pelagiana*
hcereseon, occasioned by the condemnation of Nes-
torius and Celestius at the Synod of Ephesus in 431.

Shortly after his attack on Cassianus Prosper left
Gaul for Rome. This fact is clear from a study of
his chronicle, the first part of which (to the death
of Valens in 378) is excerpted from Eusebius and
Jerome, with a few additions from Augustine's Hot.;
the second part, however, is by Prosper himself.
The first section of this latter portion extends to
433, and a third of the notices refers to Gaul, where
it was composed. The second and third sections
(to 445 and 455 respectively), on the other hand,
were written altogether from the standpoint of a
Roman, and evidently at Rome.

That Prosper ever remained devoted to Augustine
is shown by his book of epigrams, clothing Augustine's
ideas in poetic form, and probably written after the
Council of Chalcedon. For this collection of 106
poems Prosper had already made preparation in his
Liber sententiarumt an anthology based partly directly
and partly indirectly on Augustine and probably
compiled after the condemnation of Nestorius.

A number of writings are incorrectly ascribed to
Prosper: the De vocatione gentium, composed by a less
cumbrous Augustinian than Prosper; the Carmen de
providentiat written about 417 ; the De promissionibus
et pratdicationibus of an African adherent of Augus-
tine; and the De vita contemplativa of Julianus
Pomerius (q.v.). The ConfessiOy on the other hand,
assigned to Prosper on manuscript authority was
probably written by him. (A. Hauck.)

Bibliography: The first ed. of the Opera appeared at
Lyons, 1539, and was reprinted several times; new ed.
by Le Brun and Mangeant, Paris. 1711, reproduced in
MPL, li. The " Chronicle," ed. T. Mommsen, is in MGH,
Auct. ant., ix (1892), 298 sqq., and in the same, Chron.
min., i (1892). Consult: the bibliography on the " Chron-
icle " inPotthast, Wegweiaer, p. 942; Gennadius, De vir.
ill., lxxxv.; L. Valentin, S. Prosper d'Aquitaine, Tou-
louse, 1900; DCB, iv. 492-497; Histoire litUraire de la
France, ii. 369 sqq.; Tillemont, Mhnoirea, xvi. 1 sqq.;
J. C. F. Walch, Historie der KeUereien, v. 57 sqq., Leip-
sic, 1770; O. Kaufmann, in Forschungen tur deidachen
Oeachichte, xiii (1873). 418-424; A. Ebert, Geachiehte der
Litterotur des Mittelaltera, i. 365-368, 440-443, Leipaic,
1889; H. Hertzberg. Die Historien . . . dea Iaidorua von
SevUla, pp. 49-52, Gdttingen, 1874; Holder-Esger, in
NA, i (1876), 15-90, 327-334; Mommsen, in MGH, Auct.
ant., ix. 266-271; F. Wftrter, Beitrilge tur Dogmenge-
schichte dea Semipdogianiamua, pp. 80 sqq., Paderborn,
1898; O. Bardenhcwor. Potrologie, p. 450, Freiburg. 1901,
Eng. transl., St. Louis, 1908; Wattenbaoh, DGQ, i. 88
sqq., 1904; and the literature under Pklagius. Pela-
gian Controversies; Semi-pblagianibm.

PROTEVANGELIUM. See Apocrypha, B, I., 1.
PROTERIUS. See Monophtsitbs, § 3.

283

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Prosper of Aquitalne
Protestant Episcopalians

PROTESTANT EPISCOPALIANS.

I. History.

In Colonial Days (| 1).
Independent Organisation (§ 2).
Growth and Critical Questions (§ 3).
Modern Development ($4).

Missionary Work (f 5).
II. Polity and Organisation.
Episcopal Polity (| 1).
Legislation and Administration ($2).
Discipline (§ 3).

Organisations, Educational, Benevolent.

and Others (§ 4).
Statistics (f 5).

Brotherhood of St. Andrew (| 6).
Cowley Fathers (f 7).

L History: The history of this Church, which

is the lineal descendant and successor in America

of the Church of England, may be said to be coeval

with the voyages of Englishmen in this direction.

Even when, on or about June 24, 1579,

i. In Sir Francis Drake made only a tcm-

Colonial porary landing on the coast of what
Days. is now California, his chaplain, the Rev.
Francis Fletcher, held regular services
out of the Book of Common Prayer, and in a man-
ner claimed the new territory for the Church of Eng-
land. In the early patents or chapters granted to
Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir Walter Raleigh, and
others who landed on the Atlantic coast, toward the
close of the sixteenth century, particular stress was
laid upon the obligation to convert the heathen
aborigines, and it was stipulated that the Christian
faith as taught by the colonists should be in agree-
ment with that of the same church. Records exist
of baptisms performed about this time in various
places, from the southernmost to the northernmost
settlements, even as far as the Kennebec, in Maine,
and of other public services held with more or less
frequency, all of them antedating by a number of
years the arrival of the Mayflower colony at Plym-
outh (1620). The first church-building of which
there is any reliable account was erected at James-
town, Va., under the auspices of the Rev. Robert
Hunt, who had formed part of the colony that
landed here in 1607. The same claim of priority is
made in behalf of one erected, it is said, in the year
1607 in Maine, by those attending the services of
the Rev. Richard Seymour (thought by some to
have been the great-grandson of the Duke of Som-
erset). From this time on, the record of Church
life and work is but a meager one until the close of
the century, although all along the Atlantic coast
there are not a few instances of a growing desire for
greater religious privileges, and an equally grow-
ing sense of responsibility in the matter of Chris-
tianizing the Indians and Negroes. Many individual
Churchmen in England, including the archbishops
of Canterbury and the bishops of London (to whose
jurisdiction the colonies were formally attached),
showed more or less interest in this missionary en-
terprise from time to time; but it was not until the
organization in 1701 of the Society for the Propa-
gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts that the
Church began its more aggressive career in America
(see Missions. B., II, 4, § 4). It was, however,
greatly hampered in its work until nearly the close
of the eighteenth century by the utter lack of bish-
ops. The episcopate forming so essential a part of
its integrity, the want of it could not be met by any
other means, although occasionally some tempo-
rary expedients were suggested, especially with ref-
erence to the due supply of ministers from among

the residents. The only recourse for ordination and
confirmation was to the mother-land.

For various reasons, partly political and partly

ecclesiastical, and not altogether appertaining to

England, the consecration of bishops

2. Inde- for America was delayed year after
pendent Or- year, until in the year 1784, at Aber-
ganization. deen, the Rev. Samuel Seabury was
consecrated bishop of Connecticut by
the canonical number of prelates, all of them Scot-
tish non-jurors. In 1787 the Rev. William White
was consecrated bishop of Pennsylvania, and the
Rev. Samuel Provoost bishop of New York; both
in Lambeth Palace by the archbishops of Canter-
bury and York, assisted by the bishop of Bath and
Wells and the bishop of Peterborough. In 1790 the
Rev. James Madison was consecrated in the same
place bishop of Virginia, and in 1792 at the General
Convention, held in New York, the Rev. Thomas
John Claggett was consecrated bishop of Maryland
by Bishops Seabury, White, Provoost, and Madison.
By this fusion of the two equally valid sources of
orders, all doubts were set at rest, and the contro-
versy as to the validity of Bishop Seabury's conse-
cration was practically ended. In the mean time,
the Church was busily engaged, through its diocesan
and general conventions, in completing its inde-
pendent national organization. The Prayer Book,
finally ratified in the year 1789, was substantially
the same as that of the Church of England, from
which the chief departures were the omission of the
Athanasian Creed and the substitution of essential
features of the Scotch communion office. This lat-
ter change was made largely through the efforts of
Bishop Seabury, who had promised his influence to
this effect before his consecration. Among the mis-
sionaries belonging to this period, were John and
Charles Wesley and George Whitefield, all of whom
died, as they had lived, in the communion of the
Church of England. The character of the church
in not a few important particulars in these early
days was due to Bishop Seabury and Bishop White,
both of whom, while differing in many respects,
were men of ability and influence, and of unswerving
loyalty to their principles. In the formative stage
of independent existence, the intensity of the former
and the conservatism of the latter were happily
combined to avoid serious errors. In connection
with the political troubles arising toward the close
of the eighteenth century, the Church was con-
fronted with grave perils and difficulties. Among
the clergy, there was the strong feeling of indebted-
ness on every score to their fatherland which made
them hesitate, naturally enough, to side with those
who were ready for revolution, prepared as many
of them were to recognize the injustice shown the
colonies. And among the laity, this loyalty to the

Protestant Episcopalian*

THE NEW SCUAFF-HERZOG

884

oaths which the clergy had assumed led to suspicion
and a straining of the nia turns between them. In
maintaining conscientiously their allegiance to their
English authorities, the clergy endured in many in-
stances not only mental anguish but severe bodily
persecution and suffering. Yet notwithstanding
this position of some, it is to be remembered that
the Declaration of Rights in which the evils en-
dured by the colonists were forcibly set for*h was
written by George Mason, a member of th:: Church
in Virginia, and that not less than two-thirds of the
signers of the Declaration of Indcpendei.ee as well
as its author, Thomas Jefferson, were likewise mem-
bers of the Church. And when the national inde-
pendence was finally achieved, it was from this
same Church that a large proportion was drawn of
the men who were cluerly responsible for the adop-
tion of the Constitution and the filling of the im-
portant posts in the administration of public offices.
This is evident when such names are mentioned as
George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, John
Marshall, John Jay, Alexander Hamilton, Robert
Morris, Francis Ilopkinson, John Randolph, Patrick
Henry, and the Pinkneys.

The disquietude of these days and the suspicion

of Toryism hid lurking in the minds of many, joined

to the paucity of clergy, made the growth of the

Church difficult for vears. It was not

3. Growth until the more general appreciation of

and its really missionary character, say,

Critical about 1830, that progress became

Questions, wider and more evident. From that
time on, this progress has continued
uninterruptedly until of late its growth has increased
in more rapid proportion than that of any other
religious body, gaining even upon the ratio of growth
in the general population of the country. It has
passed safely through several crises succeeding that
of the period of the war for independence. One of
these was contemporaneous with the Oxford Move-
ment in the Church of England, about the middle
of the nineteenth century (see Tractakianirm).
Under the excitement engendered by the ecclesiasti-
cal controversies involved in this movement, the
parties which had for some time existed under the
names of High Church and I/>w Church became more
pronounced in their differences, and not a little acer-
bity of feeling was manifested. This spirit of par-
tizanship continued to assert itself more or less for
a generation, even in regard to things of a ceremo-
nial character which, in the light of the harmony
and good-will now existing, seem trivial if not ut-
terly insignificant. Another and a momentous
crisis arose out of the Civil War. Among the prom-
inent men who participated in the scenes preceding
[md following this sad epoch, were many, both
North and South, who were equally prominent in
the church. Satisfied of their ultimate success in
establishing the Confederacy, the southern dioceses
set up an independent organization, and broke off
all formal communication with their brethren in the
North. These, however, with a charity most ad-
mirable, ignored the fact of any separation; at the
General Convention held at New York, in the
1 802, the names of the seceding dioceses were 7*
larly called and seats assigned them aa before.

did these dioceses allow that any separation had
taken place except upon purely political questions,
declaring by the hands of their Committee on the
state of the church that " though now found within
different political boundaries, the Church remains
substantially one." When the General Convention
met at Philadelphia in 1S65, two Southern bishops
(Thomas Atkinson and Henry Champlin Lay) were
present and some deputies from three Southern dio-
ceses, one of them, the Rev. Charles Todd Quin-
tard, being consecrated bishop of Tennessee during
the session. Some anxiety as to a complete re-
union was felt on account of incidents that had
occurred during the war. One was the taking of
arms by the Right Rev. Leonidas Polk, Bishop of
Louisiana, who became a major-general in the Con-
federate army. His death in battle removed the
first difficulty. The other was the consecration of
the Rev. Richard Hooker Wilmer as bishop of Ala-
bama without the consent of the whole Church, as
required by the canons in force before the war. This
matter, however, was satisfactorily adjusted, and
the Church presented to a still distracted nation the
first spectacle of complete reunion, the influence of
which was potent in hastening the settlement of all
remaining disputes, ecclesiastical, political, and so-
cial. The only case of schism with which the church
had had to deal was that of the formation, chiefly
by its own ministers, of what is known as the Re-
formed Episcopal Church (see Reformed Episco-
palians). These, with a small following of laymen*
persuaded that there were in the Prayer-book vhat
they called " Romanizing germs," in Dec., 1871$.
formed the organization named, under the leadership
of the Right Rev. George David Cummins (q.v.),
assistant bishop of Kentucky, and the Rev. Charles
Edward Cheney (q.v.), of Chicago. Both of these
were deposed, after they had been treated with
great leniency in the hope that they would aban-
don their separatist attitude.

In 1880, a joint committee of the two houses con-
stituting the General Convention was appointed to
consider whether " the changed conditions of the
national life do not demand certain alterations in

the Book of Common Prayer, in the di-

4. Modern rection of liturgical enrichment and

Develop- increased flexibility of use." The study

ment of this important subject occupied the

attention of the church for twelve
years, so that it was not until 1892 that the revised
prayer-book was authorized for use. No radical
change was proposed; no alteration was made in
the standards of doctrine, and the prevailing prin-
ciples of liturgical construction and ritual were
studiously maintained. What was accomplished
was the correction of the few typographical errors;
the elucidation of rubrical obscurities or inaccu-
racies; the restoration of some canticles and ver-
sicles omitted originally from the English boos;
special praym for Unity, Missions, Rogation-days,
etc., an ahar smfaafor the Feast of the Transife-

1 4ons; there-

of the psahnf
A of tin

285

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Protestant Episcopalians

a title-page of their own. The discussion of the
matter was almost wholly without partizan con-
troversy, and it was felt by all that a distinct value
had been added to a book already greatly vener-
ated. The revision of the hymnal occupied even a
longer period, beginning in 1859 and not concluding
finally until 1895. During this time, the old divi-
sion into Metrical Psalms and Hymns proper was
abolished, and many omissions, additions, and
changes were made. As to the matter of choirs,
there has been quite a change during the past hun-
dred years. In the earlier part of this period, they
consisted only of men and women, largely of skilled
quartettes, although there were not wanting in-
stances, now and then, of surpliced choirs of men
and boys. During the latter half of this period
these surpliced choirs have multiplied greatly, and
in many parishes there are now vested choirs of men
and women. Quartettes are but seldom found. The
old organ gallery has likewise almost disappeared,
the organs and choirs being now almost altogether
in or near the chancel, or choir proper. One sub-
ject that has greatly and constantly occupied the
mind of this Church has been that of the restora-
tion of Christian unity, a subject which, in view of
the heterogeneous character of the American pop-
ulation and of the dangerous elements found in
some parts of it, is one of vast and practical impor-
tance. Earnest heed was paid to it in the early
days of the Church's independent organization,
and at different periods of its subsequent history
overtures upon the subject have been addressed to
the General Convention. A standing commission
dealing with it has been in existence for a number
of years. At the General Convention held at Chi-
cago in 1886, a committee of the House of Bishops
reported a platform upon which it was hoped all
Christians could eventually stand, and this, with
alterations and additions which were significant
and, in the case of the introductory statement, of
considerable importance, was subsequently adopted
and promulgated by the Lambeth Conference of
1888, consisting of the great majority of all bishops
of the Anglican Communion. For the exact word-
ing of this platform see Fundamental Doctrines
of Christanity, § 4; see also Lambeth Articles;
Lambeth Conference. This statement, popularly
known as the quadrilateral, remains to-day the only
formulated proposition for unity put forth by any
one of the many religious organizations of the land.
The work of the Church coming technically under
this heading, began at the very outset of its history,

even in colonial days, among the In-
5. Mission- dians and negroes. These have ever
ary Work, since occupied attention in continuous

efforts to evangelize them and to afford
them every religious privilege belonging to others.
From their ranks have come a large number of
clergymen who have been ordained to serve espe-
cially among their fellows. Before the Civil War
multitudes of negroes in the South were numbered
among the communicants of the Episcopal Church,
and since that period the southern dioceses have
been most diligent in seeking their spiritual wel-
fare, with no small measure of success. The hetero-
geneous character of the country's population has

led the Church to organize special missions for the
benefit of its different elements, e.g., among the
Italians, the Germans, the French, the Swedes, the
Spanish, and the Jews, with the prayer-book in
their several languages, and clergymen of their
own races. Special work is also undertaken among
the bhnd and the deaf, the inmates of various in-
stitutions, both benevolent and penal, as also among
soldiers and sailors, etc. As to work in foreign and
heathen lands, the Church early in the nineteenth
century began to show her interest and sense of re-
sponsibility. In 1821, the Rev. Joseph R. Andrews
(or Andrus) went to Africa, where he died shortly
after beginning his labors. Others followed him
at intervals, and subsequently a bishop was con-
secrated for work there. In 1829 a mission was in-
augurated in Greece, which in its educational de-
partment is still in operation in the school at
Athens, founded by the Rev. John Henry Hill and
his wife. In 1835 missionaries went to China, and
in 1859 to Japan. In both of these countries, the
church has now several bishops with a number of
other clergymen and lay-workers, both foreign and
native. In Haiti, since 1875, Right Rev. James
Theodore Holly, a colored man, has been in charge
of church work there. In Mexico, since 1879, this
church has been more or less in charge of native
and reformed congregations that desired to be in
communion with it, and that country is recognized
as a part of its missionary field. In 1899 Rev.
Lucien Lee Kinsolving was consecrated bishop of
southern Brazil, and he has gathered around him
an increasing number of clergymen and congrega-
tions. A similar provision for Cuba was made in
the year 1904, although work had been carried on
there for more than forty years. Bishops have also
been consecrated of late for Honolulu, for the Philip-
pine Islands, and Porto Rico, and already very
promising results have followed upon their appoint-
ment.

H. Polity and Organization: In the preface to
the Ordinal, it is stated that " it is evident unto all
men diligently reading Holy Scriptures and ancient
Authors, that from the Apostles' time there have
been these Orders of Ministers in Christ's Church —
Bishops, Priests, and Deacons." Ao-
1. Episco- cordingly, this church is constituted,
pal Polity, as to its ministry, after this primitive
manner, and since 1859 it has been the
custom to place every part of the recognized terri-
tory of the United States under the jurisdiction of
some bishop. This rule equally attains as to those
countries which are in any formal manner under its
protection. Neither does it maintain any mission
in any foreign land without a similar provision.
Its territorial divisions are known as either dioceses
or missionary districts, the former being such as
are autonomous, or independent of outside aid,
having authority to elect their own bishops; the
latter such as are dependent for their support
mainly upon the church at large and receive their
bishops from the same source. Dioceses may com-
prise the whole or a part of the states in which they
are organized. Missionary districts may form the
whole or a part of any state or territory, whether
within or without the United States. Thus it may

Protestant Episcopalians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

886

happen that even witliin a former independent dio-
cese, there may be formed a new missionary dis-
trict. Some steps liave been taken toward the crea-
tion of provinces. A missionary bishop is eligible,
subject to confirmation by the rest of the church,
to a diocesan episcopate; but it has always been
maintained — although there is no constitutional
nor canonical provision to this effect — that no dioc-
esan bishop should be translated from his original
jurisdiction to another. Bishops-coadjutor arc al-
lowed, with the right of succession. In the general
convention of 1910 provision was made for the
election of suffragan bishops. Under this provision
a suffragan bishop has not the right of succession,
but remains eligible to election as bishop or bishop-
coadjutor. At that convention there was elected
a suffragan bishop of New York. The detached
churches in foreign lands, as e.g.. in Paris, Rome,
Dresden, etc., are under the supervision of an
American bishop appointed by the presiding bishop.
The legislation for and the administration of
ecclesiastical affairs arc lodged, first in the General
Convention, next in diocesan conven-
2. Legisla- tions, and lastly in parochial vestries
tion and or mission-committees meeting occa-
Adminis- sionally. The General Convention con-
tortion, sists of two houses: the house of bish-
ops, comprising all bishops of the
American communion; and the house of clerical
and lay deputies, comprising four of each order
from each diocese duly chosen by its diocesan con-
vention. In the latter house, representatives from
missionary districts and from the convocation of
foreign churches are privileged to sit and speak,
without the right to vote. In the General Conven-
tion, it is necessary to have a concurrent, vote be-
fore any measure can become operative. The senior
bishop according to date of consecration is styled
the presiding bishop, to whom is delegated during
the intervals between the General Conventions the
administration of important and necessary* affairs
of a general character. An assessor to the presiding
bishop, who also acts as chairman of the house of
bishops during its sessions, is chosen triennially by
the members of that house? . No bishop elected by
a diocesan convention can be consecrated unless
confirmed by a majority of all the standing com-
mittees— bodies chosen annuallv bv the various
diocesan conventions as councils of advice to the
bishops, and consisting, except in three or four in-
stances, of both clergymen and laymen — and of all
the bishops, except when such elections have oc-
curred within six months of the meeting of the Gen-
eral Convention. In this case, the matter is settled
by a concurrent vote of both houses. Rectors are
chosen by the vestries of the several parishes, usu-
ally after conference with the bishop of the diocese.
Missionaries arc appointed by the bishop, with or
without the concurrence of a diocesan committee.
The vestries are chosen annually by the members of
the various congregations, under the provisions of
local enactment. Delegates to the dioesp*"
ventions are elected by the parochh'
some dioceses, it is requisite thp'
and delegates shall be comnxui
ing; in some it is not. Onhj

eligible as lay deputies to the General Convention.
No one can be ordained to the ministry who has
not been for the appointed time first a postulant
and then a candidate, nor until, after sundry ex-
aminations, he has been recommended to the bishop
by the standing committee of the diocese to which
he belongs. It is further required that he should
present certain testimonials as to character and fit-
ness from a certain number of clergymen and hy-
men. He can not be admitted a candidate until he
is at least twenty-one years old. nor ordained a priest
until he is at least twenty-four years old. A bishop
must be at least thirty years of age. Provision is
made for the appointment of deaconesses (see
Dkacoxksh, III., 2., d, § 2), who must be at least
twenty-three years of age, and be properly quali-
fied, and recommended by clergymen and laymen.
There is no cognizance of sisterhoods in the general
canons, it having been deemed best to leave every-
thing relating to them in the hands of the several
bishops. Lay-readers form the subject of canonical
provision, and are under the immediate supervision
of the bishops and of such rectors as ask for their
appointment. No church-building can be conse-
crated until the bishop has ample assurance that
there is no pecuniary debt upon it or upon the
ground where it may be erected. The music of a
church is under the direction of the rector. For
over fifty years, the subject of cathedrals has been
before the church as a practical matter. Bishop
William Ingraham Kip of California was perhaps
the first prelate to give it expression in 1855, a
time when there was no little prejudice, even oppo-
sition, to encounter. In 1861 Henry John White-
house, bishop of Illinois, put it into more formal
shape. To-day, there are about forty dioceses where
cathedral organizations exist. In some, however,
they arc scarcely more than nominal establishments,
and the cathedrals themselves little else than parish
churches. But the idea is being gradually devel-
oped and utilized, while in the almost completed
cathedral at Albany, and in the growing one at
New York, the structures well desen e the name w
every respect. At Washington there is also the
nucleus of one worthy of the Church and the natto11-

In the matter of discipline, there are canoni*;01

provisions both general and diocesan. The dutif*

of clergymen and laymen alike are **

3. Disci- many instances plainly set forth. •***
pline. violations of the law, both as to do*
trine and manner of life, are the s***
ject of well-matured enactments. In the Get*ert
Convention of 1904, provision was made for co**r'
of review for the trial of bishops and other clerg3
men. The principal subject under this heaxiiD
that has occupied the attention of the church b*
been that of Marriage and Divorce (qq.v.). It bfl
been felt for years that the low and injurious viev
upon this subject demanded stricter legislation
and the main purpose of those concerned in thfc
has been to make it unlawful for any person di-
Yoreed on any ground, even that of adultery, to
^ain during the lifetime of either husband
4 ««non to this effect was passed by a
of the house of bishops at the Geo-
"Oi, but lost by a small majority

287

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Protestant Episcopalians

in the other house. The matter was brought before
the General Convention in 1910, and discussion was
deferred till 1913. While the English table of affin-
ity has not been formally adopted, there are many
clergymen who will not marry persons within its
prohibitory lines.

In early colonial days, this Church felt the need
of educational institutions that should be under its
auspices and direction. As early as
4. Organ- 1691 a charter was obtained for Will-
izations, iam and Mary College in Virginia, in
Educational, which provision was made for the ed-
Benevolent, ucation of suitable men for the minis-
and Others, try, and also for the due propagation
of Christianity. The first buildings
were designed by Sir Christopher Wren. A number
of parish-schools were also established. King's
College (now Columbia University) was subse-
quently founded, the president of which must al-
ways be a member of this church, and the prayers
used in public worship must always be taken from
the Book of Common Prayer. Among the other
colleges more or less directly related to the church
are Trinity College, Hartford (which succeeded to
Washington College, chartered in 1823), Kenyon
College, Hobart College, the University of the South,
St. Stephen's College, Annandale, and Lehigh Uni-
versity. In connection with a number of the lead-
ing denominational colleges, church-halls have been
erected, and other means are in use to keep in
touch with undergraduates belonging to the church.
The number of parochial schools always has been
small. As to boarding-schools, there are not a few
scattered in as many as thirty different dioceses,
the oldest for girls, St. Mary's Hall, Burlington,
N. J., founded in the year 1837. The pioneer suc-
cessful school for boys is St. Paul's School, near
Concord, N. H., founded in 1856 by George Cheyne
Shattuck, M.D., of which the Rev. Henry Augustus
Coit was the famous head-master for nearly forty
years. Of theological seminaries there are no less
than sixteen, in various parts of the country. Of
them, the oldest (1817) and by far the largest and
most important is the General Theological Semi-
nary, in New York, with superb buildings and a
liberal endowment. Each has its own excellencies,
and all are supplied with able faculties, and num-
ber among their graduates many of the most emi-
nent of the clergy. In all but one, the tuition is
free; and in most of them the charge for the use of
rooms is either nothing or merely nominal. There
are also several training-schools for deaconesses, as
in New York and Philadelphia, where thorough in-
struction, both theoretical and practical, is given to
those who may wish to devote themselves to church
work at home or abroad. Among the many other
organizations of this church are the Brotherhood
of St. Andrew (1883) and the Daughters of the King
(1885). These are identical in their plans and op-
erations, one for men, and the other for women;
the common object being to interest more directly
the younger people in the affairs and life of the
church. The members are bound alike by the two
rules of prayer and service. Junior departments
have in view the training of girls and boys for more
active membership when they shall have become

adults. The Girls' Friendly Society has a large
membership, and is intended to afford, under the
guidance and fellowship of lady-associates, op-
portunities for healthy recreation and safe social
enjoyment to girls and young women who are
engaged in business or in domestic service. The
number of hospitals, day-nurseries, orphan asylums,
homes for cripples, consumptives, and aged and in-
firm people, nouses of mercy for the fallen and in-
corrigible, and for other needy and afflicted per-
sons, is constantly increasing and their capacity for
usefulness constantly enlarging, as liberal dona-
tions and endowments are being made from time to
time. In this practical application of Christianity,
almost every diocese and missionary jurisdiction
shares. Many of these institutions are either ex-
clusively or partly under the care of sisterhoods, of
which there are now working under the auspices of
this church something like twenty — some of them
being branches of English communities, others
founded in America. Beside these, there are sev-
eral communities of deaconesses. Among the clergy,
there are also several religious orders, the chief of
which are the Society of St. John the Evangelist,
with its American headquarters at Boston, and the
Order of the Holy Cross with its new and spacious
monastic buildings at West Park, N. Y. Their chief
work is that of preaching, holding missions, re-
treats, etc., although the first-named order is also
engaged in parochial work. For social purposes
chiefly, but not exclusively, there have been organ-
ized of late years what are known as church-clubs,
with large numbers of members, confined mainly
to the laity. These exist now in over thirty dio-
ceses. There is annually a congress of delegates
from these various associations. In addition to all
these organizations, there are many others through-
out the country, whose main object is the more di-
rect and local dealing with and forwarding the
church's work in different directions, such as mis-
sions, Sunday-schools, temperance reform, social
reform, Christian unity, etc., so that ample oppor-
tunity is afforded all the members of the church to
engage in some branch of religious and philanthropic
industry. The support of the parochial, diocesan,
missionary, educational, and benevolent work of the
church is mainly derived from the voluntary offer-
ings of its members. For some purposes there are
assessments, laid mostly by diocesan authorities.
Pew rents still obtain in some of the' older and
larger parishes, but over eighty per cent of the total
number are now conducted upon what is known as
the free church system, no seats being rented or
formally appropriated. This system has grown
marvelously in the past sixty years.

At the end of the year 1910, there were in the
United States and dependencies 67 dioceses and 26
missionary districts; in foreign lands there were 11

missionary districts or dioceses. Of

5. Statis- clergymen, there were in 1909 103

tics. bishops and 5,516 priests and deacons,

in all 5,619. There were 8,017 par-
ishes and mission-stations; 50,153 Sunday-school
teachers and 455,495 pupils. The total number of
communicants, including the missionary districts,
was 929,117, which would give a total membership

Protestant Episcopalians

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

288

of over four millions. The whole amount of vari-
ous contributions reported for the year 1909 was
$18,358,821.28. Leighton Coleman-)*.

The Brotherhood of St. Andrew is an organisa-
tion of laymen operating in the Protestant Episco-
pal Church in the United States, in the Church of
England, and in their branches wherever found. Its
object is " the spread of Christ's king-
6. Brother- dom among men, especially young
hood of St men." It is composed of men and

Andrew, boys of all ages and conditions, who
recognize that as baptised churchmen
they are pledged to do the will of God, in trying to
help other men to know our Lord through his
Church. The brotherhood began as a parochial
gild in St. James' Church, Chicago, on St. Andrew's
Day, 1883, when twelve young men, with the ap-
proval of their rector, W. H. Vibbert, and under
the leadership of Mr. James L. Houghteling, who is
the founder of the brotherhood, agreed to follow
the example set by St. Andrew in bringing St. Peter
into a personal acquaintance with the Messiah, as
recorded in John i. 40-42. They adopted two rules:
(1) "To pray daily for the spread of Christ's king-
dom among young men "; (2) "To make an earn-
est effort each week to bring at least one young
man within the hearing of the Gospel of Jesus Christ,
as set forth in the services of the Church and in
young men's Bible classes." Their efforts were suc-
cessful beyond expectation, and similar gilds were
formed in several dioceses. In 1886 thirty-five of
these gilds united in a general organization known
as the Brotherhood of St. Andrew in the Protestant
Episcopal Church in the United States. There are
now in this country about 1,000 active senior
branches, or chapters, with a total membership of
about 12,000, and 500 junior chapters with a total
membership of about 6,000. The junior department
consists of small bands of Christian boys who are
trained not only to live straight but to help other
boys to live straight. They join entirely for what
they can give and not for what they can get, and
there are no amusements or attractions of any kind.
The minimum age for membership is twelve, but
most of the boys average sixteen and are usually
boys who have been confirmed. The object of this
department is the spread of Christ's kingdom among
boys. In addition to this it acts as a training ground
for membership in the senior order. It is the only
society of the kind in the world, abandoning as it
does almost all the usual methods by which boys
are reached and influenced, everything except def-
inite and real religious work for other boys being
barred out. While the membership of the brother-
hood consists entirely of laymen, the brotherhood
works only by the approval of the clergy, no chap-
ter being allowed to exist without the written con-
sent of the rector or minister in charge. The chap-
ters are independent in all particular and local
affairs, but are dependent upon and responsible to
one another as regards the interests and obligations
common to all. Any baptized man is eligible for
membership, but membership can be had only
through a local chapter.

A convention is held each year, at which every
chapter in good standing is entitled to be repre-

sented. The convention appoints a national coun-
cil which is charged with the executive direction of
the brotherhood. This council maintains an office
in the Broad Exchange Building, Boston, Mass., as
headquarters for the brotherhood, through which
the different chapters are brought into communi-
cation with one another. It publishes the interna-
tional brotherhood monthly magazine, St. Andrew's
Cross, and other literature about brotherhood work
and methods. Hubert Carleton.

The Society of Mission Priests of St. John the
Evangelist (sometimes called the Evangelist Fa-
thers or the Cowley Fathers) is a religious commu-
nity of clergymen in the Anglican Communion
founded at Cowley, a southern suburb

7. Cowley of Oxford, England, in 1865. The first

Fathers, members were Richard Meux Benson
(vicar of Cowley, the parish within
which the community was organized), Simeon Wil-
berforce O'Neill, and Charles Chapman Grafton, an
American clergyman (who afterward became bishop
of Fond du Lac in Wisconsin). The institution is
worthy of commendation as being the first success-
ful attempt since the Reformation to organize a re-
ligious community of men in the Church of Eng-
land. The dedicated life of women in sisterhoods
had been revived some years earlier. Other brother-
hoods have been formed since. From the first the
community at Cowley had the informal sanction
of the bishop of Oxford (Samuel Wilberforce), to
whom as clergymen its members were necessarily
responsible for ministerial licenses. Bishop Wilber-
force's successor continued the same friendly rela-
tions with the community, and when the statutes
and rule were formally established, he gave them
his official sanction and became visitor of the soci-
ety. It is the declared purpose of the society that
its members should be subject in all canonical mat-
ters to the bishop of the diocese in which they may
be resident or working, while for personal and com-
munity purposes they are as free as other clergy-
men to adopt obligations not inconsistent with
their ministerial duties. The object of the society
is thus stated in its statutes: " The Society of the
Mission Priests of St. John the Evangelist has been
formed for the cultivation of a life dedicated to God
according to the principles of Poverty, Chastity,
and Obedience, and will occupy itself in works both
missionary and educational, both at home and
abroad, for the advancement of the kingdom of
Christ, as God in His good Providence may seem to
call."

Lay brothers are associated with the priests in
dedication to the religious life, but they have no
share in the government of the society. No one is
allowed to take the life vows until he is thirty years
of age, nor until he has passed through a lengthened
term of probation. The superior general is elected
every three years at a greater chapter of the soci-
ety. All other officers are appointed by him, inclu-
ding the superiors of provinces, as in America, India,
and South Africa.

The society has branch houses in Boston, U. S. A.,
Bombay and Poona, Capetown and Kaffraria. Be-
side their direct missionary work, the external occu-
pation of the Fathers is largely in conducting re-

289

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Protestant Bpisoopalians

treats (seasons of devotional retirement) for men or
women, clergymen or lay people, in preaching mis-
sions, where they are invited thus to aid the parish
clergy, and in guiding religious communities of
women. Clergymen and laymen are received as
visitors, for the purpose of testing their vocation,
and for devotion or study, at the different houses
of the society, and much devotional and doctrinal
literature has been published by its members, who
now number about forty. Arthur C. A. Hall.

Bibliography: S. D. McConnell, Hist, of the American Epis-
copal Church, New York, 7th ed., 1897; S. Wilberforce,
History of the American Church, ib. 1849; J. S. M.Ander-
son, Hist, of the Church in the Colonies, 3 vols., London,
1856; W. S. Perry, Historical Collections Relating to the
American Colonial Church, 5 vols., Hartford, 187Q-78;
idem. Handbook of the General Convention of the P. E.
Church, Giving its Hist, and Constitution, 1876-80, New
York, 1881; idem. Hist, of the American Episcopal Church,
1687-1883, 2 vols., Boston, 1885; idem. The Episcopate
in America, New York, 1895; H. G. Patterson, The
American Episcopate, Philadelphia, 1878; W. White,
Memoirs of the Protestant Episcopal Church, New York,
1881; R. E. Beardsley. Hist, of the Church in Connecti-
cut, 2 vols., Boston, 1883; W. Benham, Short Hist, of the
American Church, New York, 1884; J. G. Wilson and
Others, Centennial Hist, of the P. E. Church in the Dio-
cese of New York, 1786-1886, ib. 1886; L. Coleman, Hist,
of the Church in America, ib. 1895; C. C. Tiffany, Hist,
of the P. E. Church in the U. S., ib. 1895; M. Dix, Hist,
of the Parish of Trinity Church in . . . New York, 4
vols., ib. 1898-1907; A. L. Cross, The Anglican Episco-
pate and the American Colonies, ib. 1902; Lucy C. Jarvis,
Sketches of Church Life in Colonial Connecticut, New
Haven, 1902; G. W. Peterkin, Hist, and Record of the
P. E. Church in . . . W. Virginia, Charleston, W. Va.,
1902; D. D. Addison, The Episcopalians, New York,
1904; G. Hodges, 300 Years of the Episcopal Church in
America, Philadelphia, 1907; W. Updike, Hist, of the
Episcopal Church in Narragansett, R. I., 3 vols., Boston,
1907; A. B. Richmond, American Episcopal Church in
China, Baltimore, 1908; Papers and Speeches of the
Church Congress in Boston, May, 1909, New York, 1909;
M. D. Haywood, Lives of the Bishops of North Caro-
lina, Raleigh, N. C, 1910.

On doctrine, law, and polity consult: A. A. Benton,
The Church Cyclop adia, Philadelphia, 1884; J. A. An-
drews, Church Law, Columbus, O., 1885; W. F. Hook,
Church Dictionary, London, 1887; G. Hodges, The Epis-
copal Church; its Doctrines, Ministry, Worship and Sacra-
ments, New York, 1892; G. H. Humphrey, Law of the
P. E. Church, ib. 1895; W. J. Miller, American Church
Dictionary, ib. 1902; F. W. Westcott, Catholic Princi-
ples as Illustrated in the Doctrine, Hist, and Organization
of the American Catholic Church in the U. S., Milwaukee,
1902.

PROTESTANT FRIENDS. See Free Congre-
gations.

PROTESTANT METHODISTS. See Method-
ists, I., 5.

PROTESTANT UNION (GERMAN) : An associa-
tion of German Protestants for the revival of Prot-
estantism in the spirit of Evangelical freedom and
in harmony with the demands of modern civiliza-
tion. The statutes of the society set forth its aims
as follows: the development of German Protestant
churches upon a congregational basis according to
the special conditions governing the various coun-
tries containing a German population, as well as
preparations for a combination of the
Aims and national Churches; resistance to all
Origin, hierarchic and un-Protestant tenden-
cies within the different churches, and
the preservation of the rights, the honor, and the
liberty of German Protestantism; the maintenance

IX.— 19

and furtherance of Christian respect between the
various denominations and their members; and the
stimulation and furtherance of Christian life, as well
as of all Christian undertakings that concern the
morality and welfare of the people. The establish-
ment of the association, in 1863, was due primarily
to the alienation of both masses and whole classes
from the Church, although in the majority of
cases this was in no sense a denial of Christianity,
still less of all religious faith. The chief reason for
this estrangement was to be sought in the failure
of the Church to adapt itself to modern culture; the
efforts made in this direction in the early part of the
nineteenth century were abandoned in the twenties,
because it seemed as though the historic foundations
of belief were being endangered, and a religious
reaction set in which was afterward strengthened
by political reaction. It was, however, held
to be absolutely essential that the Church should
be a friendly ally of modern civilization, on condi-
tion that this civilization should submit to the ed-
ucational influence of the spirit of Christ. There
must be unrestrained historical criticism of the
sources of revelation; the Church must cease to be
an organization of theologians and must concede
all possible freedom to the work of laymen. On the
other hand, those estranged from the Church must
overcome their indifference and clearly recognize
the real power of religion, of Christianity, and of
the Church; they must understand that morality
is based on Christianity.

To arouse the Church to the necessity for this re-
form was the task proposed by the Protestant Union.
Various conflicts in the matter of church govern-
ment and administration, as well as in reference to
theological teaching, preceded the foundation qf the
Union and helped to explain its existence. In 1862
Daniel Schenkel (q.v.) issued a call to all liberal
Christians to form a German Protestant party, and
at the Durlach conference of Aug. 3, 1863, he urged
still more earnestly the institution of a German
Protestant congress to prepare the way for a gen-
eral representation of all the German Churches,
such as could not be offered by the Eisenach Con-
ference (q.v.) or by the Church Congress. The Dur-
lach conference unanimously accepted this proposi-
tion and invited a number of the most prominent
men of the various German Churches to a meeting
which was held Sept. 30, 1863, at Frankfort. Here
the Protestant Union was founded. Any reputable
person belonging to a Protestant church may be-
come a member. It was originally provided that a
congress should assemble each year, or as often as
might be necessary; but since political events inter-
fered several times, it was determined in 1883 that
the general assemblies should be held biennially.
Later, in 1901, it was decided that they should
meet at least every three years. In 1904 the union
had twenty branches with about 25,000 members,
of whom 20,000 belonged to the Protestant Union
of the Bavarian Palatinate. Headquarters are now
in Berlin.

The activity of the Protestant Union has con-
sisted principally in the stand taken in regard to
certain ecclesiastical questions and in the reaffirma-
tion and defense of the principles of the society; and

Protestant Bplaoopalians
Protestantism

THE NEW SCHAFF'HERZOG

890

its entire course has been marked by opposition to
the Roman Catholic Church. In 1896 a petition
was presented to the Reichstag oppos-
Activity and ing the abrogation of the law regard-
Results, ing the Jesuits; in 1886, at Wiesbaden
an attack was made on contem-
porary efforts to separate the Church completely
from State control, and it was held that the sanc-
tioning of ecclesiastical laws should still remain the
prerogative of the State. The right of the State to
have the chief direction of the schools was also em-
phasized in 1869, and obligatory civil marriage was
demanded in 1865, any confirmation of such mar-
riage by the Church being condemned by the union
as illegal in 1875. The principle of the union of all
the Protestant Churches has always been main-
tained, the final aim being the organization of a
German national Church which shall in no way ex-
clude the preservation of the individuality of the
provincial churches.

The sole periodical expressly designated as pub-
lished under the auspices of the Protestant Union
is the monthly Protestantische FlugbldUer, founded
1866 at Elberfeld, now appearing at SchOneberg-
Berlin. A Jahrbuch was issued for four years
(Elberfeld, 1869-72); and the society also published
the New Testament portion of a Proteatantenbibd
(ed. P. W. Schmidt and F. von Holtzendorf,
Leipsic, 1872), while the Palatine branch sent
forth an Andachtebuch (Neustadt, 1870). A num-
ber of minor periodicals are also maintained.
Other agencies for the propagation of the in-
terests of the association, such as traveling lec-
turers, have also been employed; and in 1899 a

fund was established for clergy deposed for
heterodoxy.

The Protestant Union has been violently asjiiU
both by individual pastors and by conferences of
clergymen. The Prussian Supreme Church Council
declared against it in 1865 and again in 1871, and
clergymen who represented its principles were ex-
cluded from church offices, dismissed, or threatened
with dismissal; and the members of the union were
excluded from the district synods of Hanover. At
the same time, though many of the members of the
union have been destructive in tendency, the con-
structive spirit has often been manifested, as in the
refusal, in 1882, to sanction the establishment of &
" People's Church," and in the protests against the
religious indifference and hostility of German lib-
eralism. The union has at least partially aided in
the introduction of synodal and presbyterial organ-
ization in several of the national churches of the
German states and in securing equal rights for
Lutherans and Reformed, and has succeeded in re-
viving religious interest and trust in many formerly
estranged both from faith and from the Church.

(Paul Mehlhorn.)

Bibliography: Sources are Der aUgemeine detdedu Pr&
eetantenverein in eeinen Statute*, . . . Antpracke*, . . .
Theeen und Reeolutionen seiner Hauptvermmmlvqa,
Berlin, 1889; and the Verhandlungenoi the "Piotatant-
entage " issued separately either at Elberfeld, Berlin, or
Leipsic. Consult further: D. Schenkel, Der deutxht Pn-
teetantenverein und eeine Bedeutung, 2d ed.. Wiesbadai,
187 1 ; D. Schmidt, Der Proieetantenverein in zehn Brief* fir
und wider, Gutersloh, 1873 (adverse); J. E. Webfky, Dot
positive Chrietentum dee Protettantenvereint, Berlin, 1883;
W. Hdnig, Die Arbeit dee deutechen ProteManUmrrti^h.
1888; idem. Der deuteche Proieetantenverein, Bremen. MOt

and Pres-

I. Name.

II. External Development
ent Status.
Territorial Conquests (f 1).
Concept of Toleration (f 2).
Later Protestantism (f 3).
Numbers and Distribution
(§4).
III. The Fundamental Principles
Protestantism as Conceived
Luther.
Norms of Faith (f 1).
Private Judgment (5 2).
Justification by Faith (f 3).

of
by

PROTESTANTISM.

New Ethical and Legal Standards

(§4).
Church and Sacraments ({ 5).
IV. The Lutheran Church.

Luther and Melanchthon ({ 1).
The Church a School (f 2).
Melanchthon's System ({ 3).
Lutheranism and Scholarship (| 4).
Church and State (§ 5).
Lutheran Orthodoxy ({ 6).
V. The Reformed Church.

Character and Foundation ({ 1).
Theory and Use of the Bible

(§2).

Legalism and OtherworidtioMi

(§3).
Theocracy and Church Freedom

(§4).
Lord's Supper and Liturgy (5 5).
VI. Internal Development of Prota*

tantism since the Enlightenment.
Pietism and the Enlightenment

(§1).
The Passing of Orthodoxy (J 2).
Kant and Sehleiermacher (J 3).
The Nineteenth Century (f 4).
Relation to the State (f 5).
VII. The Church of England.

In history Protestantism involves a far wider
group of phenomena than the larger or smaller eccle-
siastical organizations sprung from the Reforma-
tion (q.v.). At the same time, it must primarily be
considered as an ecclesiastical, or at least as a re-
ligious, movement; and it can maintain its existence
only as a concept and presentation of Christianity,
even though the Reformation was closely connected
with the general conditions of the age, the Renais-
sance, and the political and social conditions of
Europe, especially of Germany. Protestantism
took its rise in the wish to regenerate Roman Ca-
tholicism on the pattern of the primitive Church,
or, as its protagonists said, " according to the Gas-
pel." In the present article the cultural elements
connected with Protestantism must be excluded;
only an outline of the system as a phenomenon of

Christianity can here be attempted. Its develop-
ment, however, has been far from uniform; various
types of religious bodies have represented it in his-
tory, and still constitute highly significant forms of
its existence. Even as thus limited, the subject is
one of peculiar difficulty, and almost every point
which must be touched upon is still a matter of
controversy.

I. Name: The name " Protestant " originated
from the " protestation " in which the leading Ger-
man princes friendly to the Reformation united
with fourteen cities of Germany on Apr. 25, 1529,
against the decree of the Roman majority of the
second Diet of Speyer (see Speyer, Diets of). It
was a designation quite colorless from the religious
point of view, and was first used as a political
epithet by the opponents of those who signed the

291

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Protestant Episcopalians
Protestantism

protest. It was not necessarily applied in an op-
probrious sense, however, so that the adherents of
the new doctrines could interpret it as testifying to
their steadfastness and courage. It has always been
less common in Germany than elsewhere, though
later, in the time of the Enlightenment (q.v.)> the
mplication it carried that the type of Christianity
which it designated stood for freedom and tolerance
xxmmended it to many. In the nineteenth century
t became the shibboleth of the " liberal " ecclesias-
tical and theological schools; more recently the
growth of ultramontanism as a political power has
given it a wider currency; and it is very frequent
Tor any non-Roman Catholic to term himself a Prot-
sstant, whether he professes Christianity or not.

The adherents of the Reformation at first pre-
ferred to call themselves " Evangelicals," while
their opponents styled them " Lutherans," " Zwing-
lians," " Calvinists," etc., thereby emphasizing their
ffftflfru-ian and heretical character, and implying at
best that they were a schismatic body separated
from the true Catholic Church. The same names
were employed by the Protestants themselves in
their factional disputes. After 1530 the expression
" Adherents of the Augsburg Confession " came
into use. The French name, " Huguenots," orig-
inated, according to Beza, in Tours, where, the new
religionists being compelled to assemble by night,
the report spread that they met in honor of a night-
specter, le rot Huguet (cf. Huguenots, I., § 1).

It is significant that the early Protestants shrank
from styling themselves a church, Luther asserting
merely that he and his adherents belonged to the
Church. The idea that the Evangelicals or the Lu-
therans were the Church arose in connection with
the concept of the Church as a school (see below,
IV., § 2), helped on by the course of events. It
was customary to speak of " our churches " (con-
gregations) and hence, after the churches of the
states were consolidated and had adopted more or
less generally one creed, the phrase " our Church "
came into vogue, and was perverted into " we are
the Church."

The German Protestants, when they found it
necessary to speak of themselves as a distinct or-
ganisation, used at first, and as late as the Formula
of Concord, the term " Reformed Church." It was
after 1580 and during the controversy over the doc-
trine of ubiquity (q. v.) that the " Lutheran Church "
was first heard of, though circumstances did not
tend to make the name popular. About 1600 the
CaJvinists and Philippists began to appropriate to
themselves the name " Reformed," and to call
those " Lutherans " who differed from them. Dur-
ing the Thirty Years' War this usage became
general and was promoted by custom outside of
Germany. In France and Holland the Protestants
always called their churches" Reformed," implying
that they were Calvinistic or Zwinglian rather than
Lutheran; and in England other names were given
non-Roman Catholic organizations, such as " Es-
tablished Church," " Presbyterian Church," and
the like, none of them being named after any of
their leaders.

TL External Development and Present Status:
about 1600, or at the outbreak of the Thirty Years'

War in 1618, the rising tide of the Reformation had
reached the climax of its first impulse, even though
the movement had not yet everywhere run its full

course, nor had the Counter- Reforma-

i. Terri- tion been unproductive of results. In

torial Germany, however, the Protestant

Conquests, estates were the more numerous and

the more powerful; the Huguenots in
France had attained an assured position by the
Edict of Nantes; the northern Netherlands had
renounced Roman Catholicism; in England the
only question was whether the Established Church
or the Puritans should prevail; and the Scandina-
vian North had become thoroughly Lutheran. In
general the Germanic countries retained the gains
of Protestantism during the Reformation period.
The secure position guaranteed to the Protestants
of Germany by the Peace of Westphalia (see West-
phalia, Peace op; Corpus Evangelicorum) re-
mained substantially unaltered in the eye of the
law till the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire
in 1806, and in other respects there was no essen-
tial change, the single event which foreboded Prot-
estant loss, the conversion of the royal house of
Saxony to Roman Catholicism, resulting merely in
the transference of the leadership of Protestant
Germany to Prussia; in England and in Scandinavia
Roman Catholicism was, and remained, excluded.
In France, on the other hand, Protestantism was
well-nigh exterminated by the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes, and there were losses to the east
of Germany, in Poland, Bohemia, Austria, and
Hungary.

The Enlightenment (q.v.) had great influence
upon the external development of Protestantism;
it created the idea of tolerance and wrought con-
stantly increasing changes in the position of the

State churches. The Reformation had

2. Concept held to the old doctrine of a single

of Tolera- Christian Church and but one true

tion. Christian faith, and in its way it went

as far in actually constituting this
Church and faith as the old Church had done. In
the opinion of Luther the word of God and the sac-
raments were the marks of the Church and the
faith; and, with Melanchthon's help, he thought he
had formulated these marks in articles of faith
which might serve as legal bases for deciding be-
tween conflicting parties, each of which claimed to
represent the Church and the faith. Luther also be-
lieved that the Christian authorities should lend
their aid to the Gospel, so that, with his approval,
the medieval theory of the relations between the
Church and the State was carried over into Protes-
tantism. The Peace of Westphalia marked the
beginning of the idea of toleration, decreeing that
Roman Catholics and Protestants should no longer
regard one another as heretics, and providing that in
case a Protestant prince went over from the Lu-
theran to the Reformed confession or vice versa, his
subjects should be free to follow or not. Further-
more, while in principle it excluded sects from the
law, it left a certain measure of freedom to the ter-
ritories in their treatment of them, thus positing a
tacit allowance of toleration. In course of time
Pietism and the progress of theological thought

Protestantism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

293

made princes question whether it was to their in-
terest to uphold pure doctrine with too great zeal,
while new theories of the relation of Church and
State prepared the way for the belief that the State
should exercise only a general supervision over the
Church and should treat different religious bodies
alike. What had lain obscurely in the background
of the Peace of Westphalia was now formulated
and justified on grounds of natural law, although
not immediately and everywhere put fully in prac-
tise. Theological toleration was first granted among
the Protestants in the Netherlands, where the Re-
monstrants and other sectarian congregations were
tolerated as early as the seventeenth century.
Frederick the Great was the first prince in Ger-
many to give freedom to the Mennonites, Unita-
rians, and others. At present all German states
place the Roman Catholic and Protestant Churches
de facto on an equal footing, and the equality of in-
dividuals before the law is guaranteed by the Em-
pire. A Protestant Diaspora (q.v.) has grown up
in Roman Catholic territories and vice versa. It
may be noted that the growth of Protestantism is
relatively somewhat greater than that of Roman
Catholicism. To the Lutheran and Reformed es-
tablished churches the United has been added since
1817 (see Union, Ecclesiastical) and a number
of " Free Churches " (see Lower Saxon Confed-
eration; Lutherans, II. Separate) have sprung
up, so that Protestantism in Germany at the pres-
ent time is highly complex. In almost all other
Christian countries toleration was made a principle
of the law of the land during the nineteenth cen-
tury, at least with reference to Roman Catholics
and Protestants, in most cases with reference to all
sorts of sects, old and new. At the same time the
principle of an Established Church has not been
abandoned, though it has been restricted. There
are still many established or rather privileged
churches, both Roman Catholic and Protestant, in
Europe. The United States of America and France
are the only countries in which there is at present
complete separation of Church and State. See the
articles on the various countries; also Church and
State; Collegialism; Liberty, Religious; Par-
ity; etc.; for Germany, the articles on the states of
the empire; Bonifatius-Verein; Gotteskasten,
Luthkrischer; Gustav Adolf Verein; etc.

A characteristic of later Protestantism is the very
general tendency of groups to combine, though
often by the loosest of bonds. [Gatherings like

those of the Evangelical Alliance (q.v.)

3. Later may be mentioned as manifestations

Protestant- of the tendency. Denominational lines

ism. are less closely drawn than of old,

there is a disposition to set aside minor
differences in the interest of Christian fellowship,
;ind separate organizations have been united in
England and America among the Congregational,
Methodist, and Presbyterian Churches. Above all,
there is an ever-increasing disposition to combine
for practical Christian work (see Church Federa-
tion).] A '* German Evangelical Church Commit-
tee " was formed in 1903 as the result of the rec-
ognized need of a confederation of the national
Churches and to work for their common interests.

The missionary activity of the nineteenth century,
both at home and abroad, and the manifold forms
of benevolent and charitable work which are some-
times loosely comprehended under the term " home
missions," are notable and vital characteristics of
modern Protestantism (see Missions to the Hea-
then; Home Missions; Inners Mission); and
articles on work for special classes — emigrants, Jews,
seamen, workingmen, etc. [The Bible and Trad
societies, societies like those for the Propagation of
the Gospel and the Promotion of Christian Knowl-
edge, and many others which will be found described
in their appropriate places, may be mentioned as
illustrating the great development and achieve-
ments of organized Christian work among modern
Protestants.] In connection with home missions
the work of the Salvation Army (q.v.) is notable,
both for its results and because it well illustrates
certain differences between German and Anglo-
Saxon Protestantism.

The following table presents an estimate of the
total Protestant population of the world (i.e., the
aggregate number of communicants
4. Hum- and those who may be classed as ad-
bers and herents) based upon the best and la-
Distribu- test data obtainable. It attests one ot
tion. the most striking facts in the history
of Protestantism in the last century —
its great expansion in North America. The United
States has now the largest Protestant population of
any land— from 65,000,000 to 66,000,000 (out of a
total population of 79,000,000) according to the es-
timate of H. K. Carroll (in the Christian Advocate,
reproduced in Christendom Anno Domini 1901, ed.
W. D. Grant, New Yerk, 1902, i. 530-531), which is
based upon the census of 1900. Great Britain prob-
ably comes next with 38,000,000 Protestants (U>tal
population 42,500,000) and Germany third v«~i&
somewhat more than 35,000,000 (total populat/io11
56,000,000). [See Notb on page 293.]

Reformed Protestantism:

Great Britain 20,500.000

Germany 3.000,000

Switierland 2,000,000

Holland 3,000.000

Hungary 2,500,000

France 500,000

United States 65.000,000

Canada 2,000,000

Australia and New Zealand 1,500,000

India 1,500,000

South Africa 1,000,000

Elsewhere 2,000,000

Total Reformed 104,500^— -001

Lutheran:

Germany 32,000,000

Norway and Sweden 7,500,000

Denmark 2,500.000

Finland and the Baltic Provinces 6,000.000

Hungary 1,250,000

United States 6.000,000

Elsewhere 750,000

Total Lutheran 56,0O0.CF^°

Anglican:

England 16,750,000

Scotland and Ireland 750,000

The Colonies 4,000.000

United States 2,500.000 _-

Total Anglican 24'000'2S?

Protestant missions 5.500.0W

Total 182,000.000

With these figures may be compared the follow-
ing by recent authorities:

293

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Protestantism

G. Warneck.*

Founder de Flaix.*

H. Wagner.8

H. Zeller.*

H. A. Krose.*

Eastern Church

230,000,000
115.000,000
185,000.000

230,866,533

98,016,000

143,237,625

263.460,000
126,200,000
179.320,000

254,500,000
114.610,000
165,830,000

264,505,922
117,875,556
166,627,109

Protestants

1 G. Warneck, Abriaa der Geachichte der proteatantiachen Miaaionen, p. 375, Berlin, 1901.

* Foumier de Flaix in Bulletin de I'Inatitut international de StaHstique, iv. 2 (1889). 146.
s H. Wagner, Lehrbuch der Oeographie, p. 179, Hanover, 1903.

« H. Zeller, in G. Warneck's AUgemeine Miaaionazeitachrift, xzx. 70. Zeller's figures for the Eastern Church are 106,-
480,000. Orthodox; 8,130.000 " other [Eastern] Christians/'

* H. A. Krose, in Stimmen aua Maria Loach, lxv (1903), 16sqq., 187 sqq. For the Eastern Church Kroee gives Greek
Orthodox 109,147,272; schismatic Orientals, 6,554,913; Raskolniks (Russian dissenters), 2,173,371.

in. The Fundamental Principles of Protestant-
ism as Conceived by Luther: A theory of Protes-
tantism which has been widely prevalent makes it
consist of a formal and a material principle, the
former grounded in the doctrine of the all-suffi-
ciency of Scripture for everything in the Church,
the latter in the concept of justification by faith.
Attempts to expound the theory have usually suf-
fered from lack of clearness and faulty method, the
attempt having been made to construct without
sifting the concrete historical material, so that only
too often the result has been to confuse the two
questions, how Protestantism actually presents
itself in history and how the investigator would
like it to be. Perhaps the most satisfactory method
is to begin with a sketch of certain of the ideas of
Martin Luther — admittedly the founder of Protes-
tantism. The chief points wherein Luther appeared
as a new messenger of the Gospel may be grouped
under the five heads which follow.

Regarding the Bible as the only indubitable source
of authority in religion, Luther rejected the Roman
Catholic teaching regarding tradition. Concerning
inspiration he stood on the same ground as the Ro-
man Church, but he declared that the

i. Norms latter did not accord to the Scriptures

of Faith, their full rights. In controversy as to
whether he might really and justly ap-
peal to the Scriptures, he asserted what has become
the distinctively Protestant position — that the
Scriptures are not obscure and in need of the expla-
nation of the Fathers, and, secondly, that they have
not a twofold sense, a historical and a spiritual, but
a literal sense only. Along with his unreserved
readiness to follow blindly the authority of Scrip-
ture as the word of God — qualified, however, on
occasion by recourse to experience — Luther recog-
nized the ecumenical creeds, and with them the old
dogmas of the Trinity and the two natures of Christ,
which he found confirmed by the Scriptures. It
was his method to press forward from the human
nature of Christ to true knowledge of God, and this
method has always been important in Protestant-
ism. It has regulated the pericopes in the Lutheran
Church, has pointed inquirers to the practical way,
and has centered attention upon edification and
the knowledge of God in the benefits of Christ as

[Note. The tables are necessarily carried back to about
the year 1900 because that is the latest date at which
anything like general statistics or even estimates are ob-
tainable. It would afford no adequate basis of comparison
to take later figures such as are availabl* from some coun-
tries when only much earlier figures are at hand for others. —
The Editobs.]

the essence of knowledge. Of the creeds, Luther
held the Apostles' to be the most important, re-
garding it as a precious document of antiquity
which confirmed his understanding of the Gospel,
and appealing to it to prove that he taught noth-
ing new, but only the genuine old doctrine. He
consistently represented that the ecumenical creeds
formed a bond, and the strongest bond, between
the " kingdom of the pope " and the Evangelical
churches; and in the dogmas of the Trinity and
the two natures of Christ he saw in like manner a
certain measure of common ground. On the other
hand, while both the Roman Catholic Church and
Luther maintained the inspiration of the Scriptures,
their mode of treatment was too divergent to per-
mit the German Reformer to feel any special sym-
pathy with the ancient Church on this score.

When Luther fell back upon his experiences with
reference to the Bible and Christ, and renounced all
church teachings contrary to these experiences
after, in his hour of need in the monastery, he had
failed to find comfort in what she authoritatively
offered him, he followed a conviction of individual
responsibility and compulsion which

2. Private Protestants since his time have desig-
Judgment. nated as " private judgment." In thus
exalting his personal religious and
moral convictions above authority and tradition he
acted in the spirit of the Renaissance. At the same
time, while the Renaissance relied without reserve
upon the autonomy of the individual, and, in the
last analysis, on purely empirical, egoistic, and un-
moral individualism, Luther added from the word
of God the concept of man created in the image of
God, and understood Christianity as both freedom
and compulsion. It has ever since been the prob-
lem of Protestantism to reconcile the freedom of
the world of man, and of the Church, with God's
revelation, and to assign to the conscience its proper
function as guide of conduct and belief when en-
lightened by the Gospel, or the law of Christ. Lu-
ther well knew the limits of conscience in judging
others, and he was willing to leave each one to
God, even the heretics if they would only keep si-
lence and refrain from disturbing civil affairs by
agitation. For himself, he recognized that he was
a debtor to the Gospel, and he asserted his inde-
pendence in matters of belief only in so far as the
new man in him had taken the place of the Old
Adam. He never lost the consciousness of sin, and
by word and act he made clear the true place of
conscience in Christianity.

Luther's concept of justification was derived im-
mediately from the Bible, although he always de-

Protestantism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

294

fined it in the sense and words of Augustinian and
scholastic tradition: justificatio—" a setting right "

— " a making over of the sinful man

3. Justifi- to a righteous one." His view differed

cation by from the Roman only in that this

Faith. making over comes to pass through

faith alone, and not in any way
through works or merit. Luther's dissent from
Roman teaching developed from opposition to the
doctrine of penance as it was then presented. Ro-
man Catholicism taught that justification is at-
tained through the means of grace of the Church,
that is, first through baptism, which removes the
taint of original sin, then through penance by those
who, after baptism, fall into mortal sin. In the
monastery Luther became convinced that he had
lost the forgiveness and grace of baptism, and with
burning zeal he turned to the sacrament of penance.
Here the system of laying down stern conditions of
absolution, which were almost invariably modified
in virtue of the " power of the keys " (see Keys,
Power of the), both terrified him and filled him
with doubt. In reading the Pauline epistles, more-
over, he came to believe that God offers his grace
without conditions and without regard to merit,
provided only that there be faith. He likewise
came to the conclusion that justification abides,
while grace is ever ready for the acceptance of faith
without need of any intermediary. It was in as-
serting this free and unconditional offer of God's
grace to faith that Luther broke with the Roman
doctrine of justification, which teaches increasing
degrees of grace, and that to become worthy to
share in grace man must in each degree do " what
in him lies."

Luther's doctrine of justification is nothing less
than a new concept of God. It means that God is
love. Love is, to be sure, one of the attributes of
God in the Roman Catholic system, but it is there
placed after God's freedom and omnipotence, and
is not the essence of his being. To Luther God,
both as he is revealed in Christ and as he is
still concealed from man, is unlimited, positive love.
His love is so great and mighty and mysterious that
the human mind can not fathom it; it is in every
sense too high for reason, and is revealed in Christ,
who is God in human form.

To Luther it seemed an incomprehensible mis-
understanding when it was alleged that his doctrine
of justification opened the way to moral laxity; in
his opinion it alone gave real life and constancy to
moral earnestness and joyousness. Faith did not
free from the obligation of works, but only from
excessive valuation of them. The certainty of par-
don, he thought, assured to the guilty one that he

who pardoned would help, and fur-

4. New nished the strongest impulse to the

Ethical and will to do penance, that is, to forsake

Legal sin and perform good works. Luther's

Standards, opponents, on their part, could not

comprehend how he was able to find
the Roman Catholic form of penance too lax and
yet hold to the thought of a God whose mercy was
without limit. But Luther saw no incompatibility
in a merciful and a holy God. He believed in a
twofold destiny of men, blessedness and condemna-

tion. God's unlimited mercy is the most effective
means he can use to win men to the former; not
fear, but gratitude, is the strongest motive to obedi-
ence; and it is inconceivable that the merciful, par-
doning God will not supply moral power where it
is needed.

Luther broke through the external character 0!
the law by explaining it, not as the inscrutable wiD
of God which must be accepted implicitly as a rev-
elation, but as based in the divine nature itself.
In like manner the German Reformer transformed
the concept of the blessedness of heaven. To the
Roman Catholic Church the blessedness of heaves
is the " beatific vision," which is the compreheos-
ble aim of a Christianity whose God is blessed by
virtue of his exalted nature. For Luther, too, God
is blessed according to his nature, but this nature
is love, and when one has on earth experienced proof
of God's unwavering and unfathomable love in the
forgiveness of sins, then there is life and blessedness
in the present world, a foretaste of what will be
fully enjoyed only in heaven. For the Roman
Catholic the ecstatic visions of mysticism are the
foretaste of heaven on earth. Luther was at times
influenced by mysticism, but he never longed for
visions and ecstasies, and his mysticism was only a
means of learning and drawing near to God. This
new idea of blessedness, with his concept of God,
made it possible for Luther to speak of the certi-
tude of salvation; and he could even make confi-
dence in it a Christian duty, since God is love. The
thought of God '8 ever certain grace meant to him,
not indifference and weakness on the part of God
toward sin, but God's power over sin; and blessed-
ness meant for him, not a morally neutral good, but
good as good, and the vital element of heaven.

Luther likewise had a new idea of the content of
the good, or the law. For Roman Catholicism the
moral law in its final analysis is a collection of
statutes commanding and forbidding definite things,
a code decreed by God instead of man. For Luther,
the law (which the natural man can not understand)
becomes a single idea applicable to every individual
and every situation. As God is love and can not
help giving forth love, so he requires nothing but
love from any one. Faith feels an inner compulsion
to show forth love, and makes the Christian the
servant of all, even while exalting him as lord of all
things.

Luther regarded the Church as in principle noth-
ing but a community of individuals. The only nec-
essary mark of the Church is the presence of be-
lievers, who are united through Christ, the head of
the body of which each believer is a member. The
thought of the body of Christ means for Luther that
the Church is not an organization, but
5. Church an organism, which lives in and with
and Sacra- Christ himself. Christ's spirit and word
ments. are the medium by which the Church
works. In Roman Catholic teaching
the presence of priests properly ordained is essential
to the Church, not the attendance of worshipers;
and in so far as the Roman theory is not that of a
sacred order, it is expressed in legal ordinances.
Luther thinks in principle only of an attitude of
mind which can not be expressed in terms of law.

296

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Protestantism

Luther's new ideas concerning the constitution
of the Church are developed in his An den chrMichen
Add. He preferred to say " Christendom " rather
than " Church," and in this work he represents
Christendom as ordered in estates and callings. He
declares that the worldly estates belong to the body
of Christ and are on an equality with spiritual per-
sons, both in their religious quality and from the
point of view of their moral actions. A rightly
chosen priest is no different from a public official,
and all men are alike fit for the service which Christ
has appointed to Christendom, namely, to work to-
gether for the good of body and soul. Luther by
no means had in mind only the nobles, to whom he
addressed his appeal, but expressly mentioned
shoemakers, smiths, and farmers. They must all
know that they are all spiritual estates, all equally
ordained priests and bishops, to the end that each
in his way may be useful and serviceable to the
other and help him to live and grow as a Christian
in his appointed place.

Luther often declared that, while all are spiritual
priests, there are also priests of the Church, that is,
those whose duty it is to administer the word and
the sacraments. This leads to his tMeories of the
Church in relation to its rites and ceremonies. He
never doubted that there should be special provi-
sion for all the elements of worship in Christendom;
what was new with him was that he distinguished
between the concepts " Church " and " organiza-
tion for public worship," considering the latter, so
to speak, as only a province of the former. He
found no difficulty, however, in regarding the
Church, in its capacity of an organization for public
worship, as instituted by God and ordered by Christ,
endowed by him with special gifts. Its function is
to extend the kingdom of Christ, its foundation the
command to baptize. He was convinced that any
Christian could read the Bible and profit from it,
but he believed that all, himself included, needed
also the instruction of well-ordered preaching. He
would not, however, have the hearing of sermons
made a " commandment of the Church," aiding in
salvation by compliance with a law. Hence, in or-
dering the Evangelical service Luther put all em-
phasis on the preaching of the word of God, to the
end that the Bible might be understood and have
its full efficiency as the true means of grace. He
put the sacraments by the side of preaching, be-
cause in his own experience he had found help and
comfort in the sacraments. In his doctrine of the
Lord's Supper he retained more of the old doctrines
than elsewhere; but he utterly rejected the con-
cept of sacrifice, and put no other interpretation on
the mystery of the Supper than that it inspired the
trembling, guilty conscience to faith. His regard
for church services and rites never became a snare
to him. He was convinced that unjust excommuni-
cation does not exclude from the Church; he
taught that if the priests of the Church will
not serve, any Christian brother may officiate in
their place; and he regarded parents' reading of
the Bible, catechetical instruction, and prayers
at home as supplementary to the similar offices
of the Church, and filled with the same sort of
power.

IV. The Lutheran Church: The historical study
of Protestantism leads naturally from Luther to
Melanchthon. The part of the latter in the Refor-
mation has given rise to most divergent opinions.
Extreme views, such as those which, on the one
hand, regard him as a sort of destroyer of true Lu-
theranism, and, on the other hand,
i. Luther make him the real genius of the Refor-
and Me- mation who determined its course, are
lanchthon. not justified. Luther was no organ-
izer, and, as a theologian, no systema-
tizer. Melanchthon was both, though with limita-
tions. The word of God could not be presented and
made effective without trained preachers who knew
how to use the Bible and were in sympathy with the
spirit of the time as represented in the Renais-
sance. His ability to meet this need by making
schools and universities, as well as all their teach-
ings, subservient to the preaching of the Gospel
was Melanchthon's peculiar gift. Luther recog-
nized this and was not blind to his own restrictions.
He justly admired Melanchthon's skill in getting at
the kernel and formulating it instructively and sys-
tematically, even though the latter's work as the
" preceptor of the Reformation " inevitably re-
sulted in a narrowing of Lutheran concepts which
was not without momentous consequences.

This reduction of Luther's thoughts appears in
what Melanchthon has to say of the Church in the
third edition of his Loci (1543). Interest in the or-
ganization and in its officials and specific functions
here comes to the front. Melanchthon
2. The compares the Church with a school,
Church a and considers his definition of it as a
School, coetus scholasticus to be a complete ref-
utation of the papal definition of the
Church as a kingdom. The Church consists of
teachers and taught, who are to be distinguished
one from the other, and it must set forth the Bible
as the sole truth. In case of doubt as to the mean-
ing of the Bible, the principle to be followed is that
the word of God is itself the judge, " with," it is
characteristically added, " the confession of the
true Church." Luther might have written all this,
though to him the Church was more than a school,
and the word of God more than a mere matter of
teaching. The pastors, or teachers, too, seemed less
important to him than to Melanchthon, and he did
not lay as much weight as the latter on the harmony
of all Church doctrine.

Melanchthon wrote his Loci originally as a brief
compendium of the great truths of the Bible for the
private edification of those who were reading the
Scriptures; but in the two later editions he aimed
to produce a text-book for the Church as a school,
and to collect all the articles of faith
3. Melanch- and arrange them in proper order This
thon's was done primarily for the use and
System, benefit of the teachers in the school
(i.e., the pastors), especially as bitter
experience with the fanatics had made a theolog-
ical education seem a necessary requisite for the
preacher's office. In all thre editions of the Loci
justification by faith is the center of pure doctrine,
and the chief article of the faith. The entire con-
tent of the Bible is arranged under the headings,

Protestantism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

" doctrine of the law " and " promise of grace."
The law is God's exacting will, the Gospel his help-
ing will. Since Adam's fall, and because of orig-
inal sin, man's power is so weakened that he can
not fulfil the most external requirements of the law,
to say nothing of actually pleasing God. Accord-
ingly, the effect of the law is to terrify and produce
contrition. The Gospel then reveals God's grace

(i.e., his mercy), which is founded in Christ as the
mediator and propitiator, and makes justification
known as a free favor for Christ's sake, consisting
in the remission of sins and assuring of reconcilia-
tion or acceptance to life eternal. The Gospel, how-
ever, does not abrogate the law, and therefore it
requires not only faith, but also conversion. God
works through the Holy Spirit, perfecting faith and
helping to fulfil the law. The Gospel leads to re-
generation, or the restoration of original righteous-
ness, which will be perfected in heaven. Precise
definition is highly characteristic of Melanchthon
and sometimes leads him to set rather artificial lim-
its to various concepts. He shows an inclination to
retain as many of the old institutions as possible,
and tries to prove that the Protestant interpreta-
tion of the Bible is in harmony with the teaching of
the Church Catholic. He presents Luther's doc-
trine of penance or repentance, though without the
force of personal experience which animated it in
Luther, and for him conversion lasts practically
throughout life. Baptism is the sacrament, or sign,
which marks entrance into the Christian life and
the state of grace, the transition from the dispen-
sation of law to that of the Gospel. Its efficacy en-
dures for the whole life.

Having devised the formula of the Church as a
school, Melanchthon proceeded to bring the Evan-
gelical faith into connection with Humanism. He
started with the old familiar idea of

4. Luther- natural law (q.v.), declaring that it is

anism and not only approved by the reason, but
Scholarship, is also found in the Bible, being in the
background of revealed law. God has
provided that men shall know his providence from
nature and has given them understanding to dis-
tinguish between good and evil. By the fall man
lost the clear knowledge of the natural law which
he had originally possessed. The Gospel brought
something wholly new, not indicated in the natural
law, namely, redemption through Christ and justi-
fication by faith, and this now leads back to the
original condition. Certitude is restored by the
spiritual law imparted by revelation in the Bible.
If, now, as Christian, and by supernatural means,
man is again certain about God, the study of the
natural knowledge of God has interest and value
for him and for the Church. Faith attains to some-
what of the character of rationality by virtue of the
natural law, though even this law is supernaturally
conditioned as based on the creative activity of
God. By means of this concept of natural law Me-
lanchthon succeeded in finding an ideal foundation
for the knowledge of the Church in the knowledge
of reason no less than scholasticism had done. His
theory was, however, only superficial here, for he
really had in mind two realms of knowledge: a
higher, that of Biblical revelation, and a lower, that

of human reason; and he felt that one must first
learn of the former to understand the latter. He
refrained from high speculations about God, the
law, the doctrines of the Trinity, and the two na-
tures of Christ, contenting himself with the belief
that all divine secrets would be revealed in heaven.
It is significant that he thought of heaven too as &
school. He did not appropriate Luther's ethical
conception of blessedness. That justice is in itself
blessedness, that love is the essence of life everlasting
he did not understand. God desires, he held, to be
known and honored; and blessedness is the eternal
reward of those in heaven to hold con verse concerning
God and the divine essence, now at last completely
known. Herein is the most considerable reduction of
Luther's teaching as formulated by Melanchthon.
In the interest of the new faith Melanchthon un-
dertook the reorganisation of the entire system of
higher education, and rendered no slight service to
the entire field of science and letters.
5. Church His Loci became the theological text-
and State, book of the generations which followed
him, and his manuals of philosophy,
which he prepared as propaedeutic, were no less
noteworthy. In this undertaking, however, he
needed the help of the secular authorities, and it
was he who laid down the rules for the relations be-
tween the Lutheran Church and the State. He be-
lieved that the magistracy was sanctioned by rea-
son, and also that it was, on unmistakable Biblical
authority, positively ordained by God, the secular
officials being called to be guardians of the entire
law, i.e., the natural law and the decalogue. Rev-
elation defines the sphere of their duties. They
must open the way to the pure doctrine of the Bible
and regulate the higher institutions of learning; but
it is not for them to interpret the Bible or to formu-
late the faith. Their place in the Church is among
those who hear, not those who teach. The preach-
ers, as ministers of the word, are independent, and
as authoritative for secular officials as for all other
laymen, though in purely civil affairs the clergy are
subject to civil authority.

Lutheran orthodoxy may be treated briefly after
depicting Melanchthon 's system. It lived and
moved in the understanding of the Gospel to which
Melanchthon gave words and form, notwithstand-
ing the controversies of Gnesiolutherans and Philip-
pists, and the preference shown for the
6. Lutheran former when the princes were compelled
Orthodoxy, to take sides (see Philippists). For
it the Bible was the only actual au-
thority of faith, even the creeds adopted serving
merely to settle points of controversy, and the task
of theology was to interpret, systematize, and de-
fend in pedagogic fashion what the Bible contained.
The classic theologian of the period, Johann Ger-
hard (q.v.), gave little space to the confessions in
his Loci (9 vols., Jena, 1610-22) and treated them
only incidentally. It is not meant that Gerhard,
or any one, was indifferent to the confessions, but
he was so fully convinced that they accorded with
the Bible and bound to nothing except what was
in the Bible that he could give them a very second-
ary place. It was far more important to show that
Lutheranism and the early Church were in harmony,

297

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Protestantism

and that the new teachings were supported by the
testimony of the Church Fathers. Practically the
confessions were important chiefly on the political
side. The Augsburg Confession served as a state-
ment of the Evangelical faith which could be used
juristically in dealings between the Lutheran states
and the Empire; and the states often felt the need
of documents which could be appealed to in matters
of uncertainty in their internal church policy.

The most important theological achievement of
the time of orthodoxy was a highly developed doc-
trine of the inspiration of the Bible; controversy
with Roman Catholic theologians, especially the
well-equipped Jesuits, drove the Protestants, who
rejected the Roman appeal to tradition and the
Church, to declare the Bible the sure and only word
of God, to which they maintained that they could
appeal with better right than could their opponents
to the pope. At the same time, a consistent and
practical intuition of the essence of Christianity was
retained. The divine plan for the salvation of fallen
man was thought of by many as somewhat more
miraculous than by Melanchthon; faith and com-
prehension of the Bible were considered a purely
mechanical operation of the Holy Spirit; the the-
ory of blessedness was still further transformed;
metaphysical speculation about God involved con-
sequences which Melanchthon had not had in mind;
and new paths were entered upon in the doctrine
of the sacraments. On the other hand, the interpre-
tation of loci went on quite in the spirit of Melanch-
thon. Finally, there was a coherence of idea based
on the concept of God, that is, on God's interest in
the law. The dogma of satisfaction, rendered by
Christ to God in place of the sinner, stood in close
relation to the thought of law, even of a natural
law. In it the orthodox theology showed that it
had made Melanchthon's interpretation of Luther
its own and was still animated by it. It is no acci-
dent that this dogma has been the most lasting
part of the orthodox doctrine.

The most striking thing in the piety of the period
was its unruffled content. Never since has the
Evangelical faith been so sure of its object and so
sure that it was right. It must be admitted that
the moral impulses to faith were not felt as they
were by the immediate disciples of Luther and
Melanchthon. There was a sort of habitual acqui-
escence in the inevitability of sin, and the hope of
heaven was a large element of orthodox piety. Men
saw no special tasks before them in the world;
Melanchthon's teaching had brought about its log-
ical result by putting all ideal direction of life in
the hands of the clergy. The people [for the most
part] learned the catechism and listened patiently
to the instruction of the pulpit; they attended faith-
fully on the word of God and the sacraments — and
with that they were content.

V. The Reformed Church: Notwithstanding va-
rious creeds and confessions prepared
i. Charac- for different lands, it is allowable to

ter and speak of the Reformed Church rather
Foundation, than of Reformed Churches, since the
characteristic features of these form-
ulations aie not essentially different. No more will
be attempted here than to note the peculiarities

of the Reformed body in comparison with the
Lutheran. The latter was the earlier form of Prot-
estantism; for this reason it is necessarily con-
sidered first in a historical treatment of the subject.
Numerically the Reformed Church is to-day by
far the stronger (see above, II., § 4).

Originally the Reformation was a single move-
ment, but before long it was carried forward by
very different personalities. The greatest man of
the time beside Luther who renounced the ancient
faith was Zwingli, though conflict ensued when the
two leaders met. This fact was due in great meas-
ure to the natural limitations of each, and to Lu-
ther's inability to understand his fellow Reformer,
particularly with reference to the doctrine of the
Lord's Supper, even though the real divergence of
the Reformed from the Lutherans on the latter
tenet was due not to Zwingli, but to Calvin. Zwing-
li, however, founded no school, and the only region
which can be regarded as Zwinglian, even in a lim-
ited sense, is German Switzerland, though a few
survivals of his system may be traced in Reformed
organization and modes of worship. The true
founder of the Reformed Church was Calvin, who
was, in some respects, more influential even than
Luther.

To Calvin the Bible was in a peculiar sense the

one thing and everything. This does not imply that

he believed more fully in the inspiration of every

word than did Luther, or that Melanchthon was less

convinced that the Bible alone gives

2. Theory man certainty; but that Calvin took
and Use of the concept of the whole Bible as the

the Bible, very word of God more deeply than
did either Luther or Melanchthon, and
it had for him more practical consequences. He ap-
plied his theory of the Bible more logically than did
Luther or Melanchthon. Luther, like Melanchthon,
was concerned primarily only with what " brings
Christ," so that he could disregard much of the Old
Testament. For Calvin, Christ (or our salvation)
is the center of the Bible. But he was in a certain
sense more of an exegete than Luther or Melanch-
thon. He saw much in the Bible which they did
not see, and he let much work upon his mind which
Luther put off with the reflection that it did not
concern Christ, and which Melanchthon, with his
pedagogic interests, passed over as too dark or
too subtle. Furthermore, Calvin found relations
with Christ where Luther did not find them, and
he had a more abstract or legalistic intuition of
Christ than had Luther. Luther looked into the
heart of Christ and there found the heart of God,
but for Calvin neither Christ nor God had much
heart. He found the doctrine of reprobation in the
Bible, and therefore accepted it calmly and un-
moved, reserving all recognition of divine mercy
and long-suffering for the elect. Luther was dis-
turbed by the twofold predestination which he
found in the Bible and pronounced it a riddle. For
Calvin this riddle did not exist; he held that what
God does is right because he does it; and he ig-
nored the presence of any moral problem.

With this Calvin made the divine motive in crea-
tion and redemption not love, but glory, so that he
could write (CR, xxxvi. 294): " Our salvation was

Protestantism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

298

the care of God in such a way that, not forgetful of
himself, he set his own glory in the first rank, and
therefore created the world to the end that it should
be the scene of his own glory." Divine omnipo-
tence, working evil as well as good, stands first in
Calvin's system, preeminent over divine justice, and
supreme above every law, whether natural or re-
vealed. This Calvinistic concept of the divine om-
nipotence was momentous for the Reformed Church
because its originator succeeded in convincing many
that it is the fundamental Biblical concept of God.
Nevertheless, many of the Reformed have revolted
against it. Arguments against predestination can
be found in the Bible, and therefore this dogma has
always been the chief source of controversy in Re-
formed theology.

With Calvin, as with Melanchthon, the thought
of repentance went with that of promise. Repent-
ance must precede, although it does not produce,
justification. How repentance mani-
3. Legalism fests itself, what God requires as sanc-
and Other- tification, and how the moral demands
worldliness. on the Christian are satisfied, Calvin
determined from the Bible as a code
of statutory laws. He would have a purification of
the acts and forms of life after a Biblical pattern
which Luther and Melanchthon never dreamed of.
As a matter of fact, he succeeded in divesting
Geneva of its old national customs, and everywhere
in the Reformed Church appears the same tendency
to conform the external matters of life to the words
of the Bible in a manner quite foreign to Lutheran-
ism. At the same time, Reformed morality has
never spent itself in striving after " apostolic sim-
plicity " and the like, and while the " weightier
matters of the law " are never forgotten, there has
always been a sharp line of demarcation between the
Lutherans and Reformed, as seen, for instance, in
the development of Puritanism.

A noteworthy trait in Calvin's personal piety is
due to the large part which the future life had in
his thinking. If the world is all for God's glory,
the Christian has nothing else to do in the world
and in his calling than to serve God. That it is
well to fight against every worldly pleasure is the
fundamental thought of Calvin's ethics; and the ab-
negation of self is held to be the height of Christian
achievement. The Christian can find joy only in
the hope of heaven and in the vision of God in his
immediate glory. The Reformed Church, further-
more, shows a tendency to direct its thoughts to
heaven in a way which works on the imagination
more than is the case with Lutherans. Calvin was
no mystic; but the long list of independents and
sects among the Reformed shows a propensity to
mysticism, ecstasy, and fanaticism. Chili astic ex-
pectations and the like are also more at home among
the Reformed than among Lutherans.

Concerning the State, Luther and Calvin agreed
only in holding that it had a duty from God with
respect to the Gospel. Luther believed that Church
and State are independent, each in its sphere, but
mutually bound to help one another. Only when
the institutions of the Church (bishops, synods,
etc.) prove insufficient, is the State called on to
intervene outside of its peculiar field (justice,

defense, oversight of civil life, trade, etc). The

Church may advise the State, but the latter should

finally determine what it will do. It

4. Theoc- may be inefficient or wholly indiffer-

racy and ent, but this does not justify open re-
Church sistance; the Christian attitude towtrd

Freedom, the government must then become one
of passive endurance (so both Lather
and Melanchthon). In marked contrast with this,
the Reformed never scrupled to take arms against
the State when it opposed them (in France, the
Netherlands, England); they held that a govern-
ment which sets itself against God and the Bible
thereby forfeits its rights. Neither may the govern-
ment decide upon its course of action in concrete
cases; its duty is laid down by God in the Bible.
The Old-Testament pattern was ever in Calvin's
mind; the Old Testament furnished him with his
basis of criminal law; and the end in view was to
produce a " people of God " by governmental
agencies. Unlike Melanchthon, Calvin desired to
set up a theocracy, though not a hierocracy; he
required obedience to God, to Christ, and to the
Bible, not to himself or to the Church.

While Lutheranism, as a rule, remained subject
to the jurisdiction of even unfriendly civil author-
ity, non-German Protestantism fmgijrngd a less pli-
ant attitude, even proceeding, as in the case of the
Huguenots and Puritans, to armed resistance. This
position, however, was not merely caused by sur-
rounding conditions, but was a matter of actual
principles derived from the Bible, which also fur-
nished the theory of the internal organisation of the
Reformed Churches (see Presbyter, Presbyteb-
ate, II.). The Reformed Church often assumed
the character of a State Church, particularly in
Zwinglian territory, where ecclesiastical administra-
tion even became part of the department of State;
but in such cases the State was either so strong or
so friendly that no one thought of claiming independ-
ence. Secessions have been not infrequent (cf.
Scotland). The principle has always been that the
Reformed congregation of God is sovereign, sub-
ject to but one lord, Christ. All members stand on
an equality, and officials are appointed and con-
trolled directly by the congregation as a necessary
inference of this independent sovereignty. Church
government for Calvin meant independent disci-
pline, whereas the Lutherans made this a duty of
the State (see Church Discipline). In the opin-
ion of Calvin the Church was the congregation. Its
rites and ceremonies were a part of the general ap-
paratus for the glory of God, and the pedagogic ele-
ment in divine service sank into the background.
It was a duty to exclude the unworthy. Desire to
fulfil this duty led to a most minute and active pas-
toral care, and, in general, it may be said that the
Reformed Church puts more stress than the Lu-
theran upon this part of the pastor's work. The
Reformed Church has also shown great missionary
and proselytizing zeal — a direct consequence of its
concept of the glory of God as the chief end of man.

The difference concerning the Lord's Supper was
originally felt (by Lutherans at any rate) to be the
greatest distinction between the two branches of
Protestantism (see Loan's Supper for full statement

299

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PxotMtantiam

of both Lutheran and Reformed views and practise),

although, as a matter of fact, the bitter controversy

was concerned chiefly with differences

5. Lord's in the form of the ceremony. The
Supper and theory of worship differs throughout in

Liturgy, the two Churches. Here also Calvin-
ism claimed to follow the Biblical
pattern. Calvin tried to arrange all festivals ac-
cording to the New Testament, but in so doing he
had to introduce many " necessary " innovations
— Sunday (from the seventeenth century, first
among the Puritans, = the Sabbath) as the only
holy day (no more saints' days, and scarcely a trace
of Christmas), no pictures or images, no candles, no
altar (only a table), no vestments, no organ, no
hymns (only the Psalms), no liturgy, or a most
meager one. Lutheranism, on the other hand, re-
tained all of the old and familiar service that could
be interpreted as Evangelical and modeled its
liturgy for Sunday and for the Eucharist on the
service of the mass. The Reformed Lord's Supper,
on the contrary, is held to be based simply upon the
apostolic pattern.

A noteworthy fact in Reformed church history
is the continued production of creeds or " confes-
sions " (as the Reformed prefer to call them). It
shows a different attitude toward symbols from
that of the Lutherans; the confessions are regarded
as actual statements of the chief doctrines, and of
late it has sometimes been declared in credal form
that this or that tradition is no longer believed in.
The great weight laid on the forms of life as well as
of the service and constitution of the Church has
promoted the growth of sects, since where such
things are supposed to be derived from the Bible
alone, there is often much room for difference of
opinion as to what the Bible requires. Lastly it
may be noted that in the time of orthodoxy the
Reformed Church was much more productive in
scholarship than the Lutheran.

VL Internal Development of Protestantism since
the Enlightenment: In tracing the later develop-
ment of Protestantism one must guard against
praising or blaming it for what has belonged to the
progress of civilization and thought in general.
Protestantism has contributed some new ideas and
has accepted others; while it has taught, it has also
learned. A joy and confidence in the evolution of
civilization have been manifest among Protestant
peoples which have repeatedly brought them into
conflict with orthodoxy (see Orthodoxy and Het-
erodoxy) and with current concepts of morality.
The later history of this type of Christianity can
here be given only in the barest outline, the views
and systems of 'individual leaders, who have been no
less influential than in earlier periods, being treated
in the special articles on the personages in question.

The great movement of Pietism (q.v.) was, prop-
erly speaking, only an earnest attempt to give
practical realization to the standards of the time of
orthodoxy, especially in private life. The Bible
was not made the sole authority of faith and life
to the satisfaction of many earnest but one-sided
souls. The Protestant Church was distrusted as
having become in its way as much bound to its
system and as authoritative as the Roman. The

Reformed Church, however, for all its precision of
definition, had a vein of underlying mysticism,
while Lutheranism had an impulse
1. Pietism from its founders to interpret repent-
and the En- ance and conversion as a violent change
lightenment in the individual life. The result was
that form of Pietism which is, perhaps,
the most important — the painful striving of individ-
uals to make their Christian calling sure) and stren-
uous efforts to attain personal Christianity, true
inwardness, and depth. As a whole, however, Piet-
ism exercised a conservative influence on Protes-
tantism, and afforded orthodoxy the new strength
to arise to a veritable renaissance after the decline
of the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century.

The Enlightenment (q.v.) gave Protestantism a
distinctly new character. It signified for Protes-
tantism as such the letting loose of its secular inter-
ests, and in spirit was more akin to the Renaissance
than to the Reformation. Clericalism and ortho-
doxy it regarded as its foes because of their claim
to possess an authoritative, divine truth which the
human mind might not criticize. The rapid growth
of the commerce of England and Holland in the
seventeenth century and the wealth which followed
brought to these non-Roman Catholic lands ques-
tions of all sorts — social, political, philosophical,
and religious. Bacon's attempt to found a new
practical science was in part a reaction against Me-
lanchthon's method. The time had come for Prot-
estantism to have a deductive philosophy, at least
of the world, and it is hardly an accident that, with
the exception of the Jew, Spinoza, all great philoso-
phers since Descartes have sprung from Protestant-
ism, and that most of them have had a certain sym-
pathy with it.

As a system Protestantism is intellectual and
spiritual rather than liturgical and legalistic. Prot-
estant theology of the seventeenth
2. The century addressed itself to the com-
Pas8ing of mon people. One might say that it
Orthodoxy, aimed to make every Christian a theo-
logian. The specific endeavor was to
make the Bible plain and widely known, since only
thus, it was believed, could piety be rightly grounded
and real. Before the end of the century, however,
theologians were rudely disturbed in this work by
the demand to judge the results of reason simply by
the weight of the evidence for them. When this
was applied to orthodox notions of natural knowl-
edge of God and his law, a yawning chasm opened,
for theology regarded natural knowledge as a rem-
nant of an earlier knowledge which was supernat-
ural in its origin as was all truth, which is revealed
in full in the Bible; and in the background lurked
the conviction that the unaided mind is impotent.
The doctrines of the Enlightenment set up a new
kind of mind, confident in itself, and feeling no
need of instruction from religion. There was a re-
vival of the spirit of the Renaissance, which had
been repressed by the Reformation, although sym-
pathy with the Reformation was not lacking. Lu-
ther had appealed to his experience as a witness to
truth (see above, III., $ 2), but his time was not
able to understand and explain fully the functions
of experience in relation to religion. The Enlight-

Protestantism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

300

enment took up this problem. The controversy in
principle concerned the place of supranaturalism in
the search for truth. All sorts of compromises were
tried by both sides. The enlightened were ready to
defend revelation after they had proved that its
content agreed with the investigations of reason,
and the orthodox reversed the process. Finally, a
new point of view was won in a changed apprehen-
sion of what is credible.

The contest was fought out chiefly in the fields
of the natural sciences and history. The faith of
the Church, inevitably from its dependence on the
Bible, was closely bound up with the ancient no-
tions of the world and the Ptolemaic system. In
spite of orthodox opposition, the new Copernican
system steadily won more and more the adherence
of thinking minds, and the new science even in-
vaded the domain of religion with the so-called
physico-theological argument for the existence of
God. Herein it vindicated the power of the reason
to attain real and sure belief in God. Had the new
science issued only in skepticism or materialism, it
must have disintegrated Protestantism. But when
it brought the proof that reason is capable of inde-
pendent and convincing achievement in the relig-
ious sphere, it opened the way to a general revision
of the concept of God with the help of reason. In-
cidentally it cut at the root of the belief in miracles,
and tended to make such things as the belief in a
devil, in witches, and in magical powers obsolete in
Protestant piety.

In the field of history actual experience first
shook faith in a special and positive revelation. The
wrangling of denominations and sects and the mis-
ery of the religious wars indeed justified a doubt
whether the true criterion of truth had been found.
This was the background of the first deistic essays,
which sprang expressly from religious interest. Then
came deeper and wider study of past history, an ex-
pansion of geographical and ethnographical knowl-
edge, and the first real acquaintance with heathen
religions. It had to be admitted that antiquity
offers many examples of a noble religiosity, and
when it was asserted that all religions have an iden-
tical kernel, orthodoxy, because of its theory of a
primitive revelation, at least could not deny that
this was probable. The way was opened wide to
the acceptance, in the name of Christianity itself,
of general moral reason as the supreme guide in re-
ligious things. Then the very citadel of orthodoxy
was attacked. Locke declared the Bible the palla-
dium of rational Christianity, and so simplified its
moral teaching that the natural law seemed no
longer a hinting at the latter but its real content.
The conviction became established that orthodoxy
had fallen far short of understanding the Bible.

About the middle of the eighteenth century Prot-
estantism looked back upon its orthodox period as
sunken in deep error, and considered pure Chris-
tianity the champion of a natural religion, rational
in its metaphysics and its morality. The idea of
striving after perfection, immanent in the human
spirit, and to be educated and molded by Church
and State, was now its guiding-star in morals. The
solution of its problems, both moral and religious,
was sought not so much by laying down statutory

requirements as by seeking underlying principles.
Differences of individual opinion came to be toler-
ated, not because of an indifference to truth, but
because it was recognized that the way of the Gos-
pel is to convince.

Kant and Schleiermacher, the two greatest think-
ers of Protestantism, refined its theological meth-
ods and raised it to a new level. Kant's distinction
between pure and practical reason ac-
3. Kant and complished no more than to open up

Schleier- to theology new and fruitful paths of

macher. investigation. But his fundamental
conception of reason as a law-giving
potency was the culmination of the basal idea of
the Enlightenment that the spirit is superior to all
external nature, and it has permanent and far-
reaching religious value in so far as it has reference
to no inborn empirically known function of reason,
but to one which is to be understood and asserted
only in the conviction that the spirit is of super-
natural determination. Kant did not contribute
much to the understanding of religion, but all the
more to that of morality by his doctrine of the
autonomy of the moral law. Schleiermacher made
the daring attempt to free religion from intellect-
ualism and moralism. His thought that the essence
of religion is the absolute feeling of dependence is
a profound one; it means that the pious man knows
not that he lives, but that God lives in him; he
lives not in his own power, but in a power received;
he " is lived." Important also in Schleiermacher
is the revival of a religious valuation of Christ. His
system is loaded down, however, with esthetic and
pantheistic notions, and more of the same sort has
been brought into Protestantism by the school of
Hegel. The most important idea of the latter, that
of the consistent development of history, is now
being tested.

The first half of the nineteenth century witnessed
a revival of orthodoxy, which was followed by a
new pietism that repeated all the excesses of the
older in its recoil from the Enlightenment. The
eager and fruitful interest in world history which
characterized the century had its in-

4. The fluence on church history and Biblical
Nineteenth history, and made these departments
Century, the foremost in theological study. It
seems to some that Albrecht Ritschl
(q.v.) has rendered a distinct service to Protestant-
ism by his powerful combination of the historical
and the religious aspects of the person of Christ, but
the time has not yet come for a system of dogmatics
on the basis of investigable history. Neither is it
possible at present to say what will be the ultimate
significance for Protestantism of the latest school,
that of comparative religion. It betokens a real
gain in its interest in what was once thought alien
and remote, while in its antagonism to all supra-
naturalism it betrays sympathies with the Enlight-
enment. The social and political changes inaugu-
rated by the French Revolution, and the rapid and
unprecedented development of industry and com-
merce, have brought moral problems which at first
inspire more alarm than courage. Under the burden
of the day's work and duties it is easy to forget that
the mills of God grind slowly. The century has

SOI

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Protestantism

;
i

made the different denominations better acquainted
with one another. During the last generation North
America has come vigorously to the front in the
field of scientific theological work. That the old
conceptions of the Bible have their stronghold there
at present is not strange. It must be admitted that
in both the Lutheran and the Reformed Church the
old types everywhere live on in spite of many read-
justments.

The rationalizing of the lex naturae gave a new
character to the jus naturae as well as to natural re-
ligion and morality. During the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries the State became continually
more and more secularized under the influence of
the new school of jurists (Grotius, Hobbes, Pufen-
dorf, Thomasius, Pfaff, etc.), who
5- Relation found its basis in the consent of the
to the State, governed rather than in divine right,
and made its aim the welfare of the
citizens, at the same time limiting welfare to the
tilings of this world. Under this concept of the State
©very citizen has freedom, including the privilege
of thinking as he pleases so long as he does not dis-
turb public order. Religion becomes a private mat-
ter of the individual, and the State renounces all
attempts to support and govern or control the
Church, except in so far as the functions of the lat-
%er have points of contact with the interests and
aims of the State. Of course, the old order was not
done away with in radical manner all at once, and
governments adopted the new idea in different
^measure. In general, however, the spirit of the
time seemed to threaten the complete disorganiza-
tion of the Church, especially in Germany, where
the existing order rested on the very different con-
ceptions of Melanchthon (see above, IV., § 5). On
Reformed territory the danger was less, since the
Protestant Churches there were generally independ-
ently organized from the beginning (see above, V.,
J 4). Anglicanism and Scandinavian Lutheranism
had also a conserving force in the retention of the
episcopate. After the founding of the Union (q.v.)
in Prussia there was a reaction, due, in part, to the
Reformation jubilee in 1817, which directed atten-
tion to the historical origin of Protestantism and
the concrete ideas and aims of the Reformers. At
present, however, the complete separation of Church
and State has begun everywhere in Germany. The
fear that as a result the masses would turn away
from the Church has, happily, not been realized.
The Protestant people still cherish their old church
customs, with the possible exception of the Lord's
Supper, and the interest shown by the laity in the
scientific work of theology is full of promise.

(F. Kattenbusch.)
VIL The Church of England: The Church of
England claims to be distinguished from the Prot-
estant Churches, Lutheran and Calvinist, of the
European continent (as well as from those bodies
which have at a later date separated from her com-
munion), in that at the time of the Reformation in
the sixteenth century she retained, along with the
ancient creeds, the traditional order of the ministry,
with its authoritative commission handed down
in successive episcopal ordinations from the apos-
tles. To these two leading elements of Catholic

order may be added the retention of the old forms
of liturgical worship, translated into English, sim-
plified, and purged of superstitious accretions.
With regard to worship, Bishop Jewel in his Apol-
ogy for the Church of England (VI., xvi. 1, London,
1685 and often) says, " We are come as near as we
possibly could to the church of the apostles, and of
the old Catholic bishops and Fathers; and have di-
rected according to their customs and ordinances
not only our doctrine, but also the sacraments and
the form of common prayer." In accordance with
these principles the Preface of the first English
Prayer Book (1549), retained in the present book
under the title " Concerning the service of the
Church," refers to " the ancient fathers " for the
original of divine service, and declares that what is
now set forth is " much agreeable to the mind and
purpose of the old fathers." The continuous iden-
tity of the English Church before and after the Ref-
ormation is distinctly asserted in the same preface,
when it is said, " The service in this Church of Eng-
land these many years hath been read in Latin."
With regard to doctrine, the convocation of 1571
in the canon (Concionatores) which required sub-
scription to the Thirty-nine Articles laid down that
" Preachers above all things be careful that they
never teach aught to be religiously held and be-
lieved by the people except that which is agreeable
to the doctrine of the Old and New Testament, and
which the Catholic Fathers and ancient bishops have
collected from that very doctrine." In the same
spirit a canon (xxx.) of 1604 explains, " So far was
it from the purpose of the Church of England to
forsake or reject the Churches of Italy, France,
Spain, Germany, or any such like Church [those,
that is, which still remained in obedience to the
Roman see] in all things which they held or prac-
tised, that, as ' The Apology of the Church of Eng-
land ' confesseth, it doth with reverence retain those
ceremonies which do neither endamage the Church
of God, nor offend the minds of sober men, and only
departed from them in those particular points
wherein they were fallen, both from themselves in
their ancient integrity, and from the Apostolic
Churches which were their first founders." With re-
gard to the ministry, in Europe generally the
Reformers separated from the several national
churches, and, without bishops (to whom the right
of transmitting the ministry was restricted), thought
themselves forced to choose between a lesser and a
greater evil, the loss of the apostolic succession (see
Apostolic Succession; and Succession, Apos-
tolic), and the forfeiture of pure doctrine. Later
the necessity of episcopal ordination came to be
generally denied, and by some the necessity of any
inherited ministry.

In England, on the other hand, there was no
breach of continuity, no new church was set up.
The English bishops, clergy, and laity as a body
acquiesced in the changes that were made. It was
not until 1570 that Pope Pius V. issued his bull de-
posing Queen Elizabeth, absolving her subjects
from their allegiance, and commanding his adher-
ents to withdraw from the English Church. As an
evidence of continuity it may be called to mind
that one bishop (Kitchen of Llandaff) held his office

Protestantism
Proverbs

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

808

through all those troubled times — under Henry
VIII., Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth — never
imagining that he had been a bishop in more than
one church. The Preface to the Ordinal (1549;
strengthened in 1662) — maintained in all branches
of the Anglican communion — lays down the princi-
ple that the orders of bishops, priests, and deacons
inherited " from the apostles' time " are to be " con-
tinued " in the Church of England, and accordingly
that no one without episcopal consecration or or-
dination, either Anglican or other, is to be allowed
to execute the functions of bishop, priest, or dea-
con. The title " Protestant " the Church of Eng-
land never accepted, though several of her divines
have so described her position and theirs, mean-
ing by the term " Reformed and anti-papal," but
not using it in contradistinction to " Catholic." Thus
Bishop Cosin (in his History of Popish Transvb-
stantiation, i. 7, London, 1675) speaks of the Eng-
lish Church as " Protestant and reformed accord-
ing to the ancient Catholic Church "; and Bishop
Sanderson (in the Preface to his Sermons, § xxi.,
London, 1689) speaks of " the true belief and right
understanding of the great article concerning the
Scripture's sufficiency being the most proper char-
acteristical note of the right English Protestant, as
he standeth in the middle between and distin-
guished from the papists on the one hand, and
(sometimes styled) puritan on the other." The
same position with regard to Catholic doctrine, wor-
ship, and ministry is claimed by the daughter or
sister churches of the Church of England, in Ire-
land, Scotland, the United States of America, and
the British colonies. Accordingly the bishops of
the whole Anglican communion, assembled at the
second Lambeth Conference in 1878, in their Offi-
cial Letter declared:

" The principles on which the Church of England has re-
formed itself are well known. We proclaim the sufficiency
and supremacy of the Holy Scriptures as the ultimate rule
of faith, and commend to our people the diligent study of the
same. We confess our faith in the words of the ancient
Catholic Creeds. We retain the Apostolic order of Bishops,
Priests, and Deacons. We assert the just liberties of par-
ticular or national churches. We provide our people, in
their own tongue, with a Book of Common Prayer and
Offices for the administration of the Sacraments, in accord-
ance with the best and most ancient types of Christian faith
and worship." ARTHUR C. A. HALL.

Bibliography: The relationship between Protestantism
and the Reformation is such that the literature under
Reformation and related articles may not be passed
over. On the history of Protestantism consult: C. Q.
Neudecker, Geschichte des evangelischen Protestantismus
in Deutschland, 2 vols., Lepisic, 1844; J. L. Balme, Prot-
estantism and Catholicity compared in their Effects on the
Civilization of Europe, London, 1849; C. Hundeshagen,
Der deutsche Protestantismus, 4 vols., 2d ed., Marburg,
1865-66; J. H. Maronier, Oeschiedenis van het Protestan-
tisms, 1648-1789, 2 parts, Leyden, 1897; J. A. Wylie,
Hist, of Protestantism, 3 vols., London, 1899; Report of
the Imperial Protestant Federation for 1899-1900, London,
1900; J. Kunze and C. Stange, QueUenschriften zur Ge-
schichte des Protestantismus, Leipsic, 1903 sqq.; G. Frank,
GeschichU der protestantischen Theologie, vol. 4. Die The-
ologie des 19. Jahrhunderts, Leipsic, 1905; F. H. Gale,
The Story of Protestantism, London, 1906; J. Meyhoffer,
he Martyroloae protestant des Pays-Bas {1698-97). ttude
critique, Brussels, 1907; D. Alcock, The Romance of Prot-
estantism, London. 1908; K. Sell, Katholizismus und
Protestantismus in Geschichte, Religion, Politik, Kultur,
Leipsic, 1908; E. KaUer, Luther und Kant. Ein Beitrag
zur inner en Enttncklungsgeschichte des deutschen Protes-

tantismus, Giessen, 1010; J. Santo, Ls ProUdmUm.
Ses chefs, sss erreurs, ses mifaits, Paris, 1010; Sehaff,
Christian Church, vi. 43 sqq.

On the theory and principles consult: R. W. Dili,
Protestantism: its ultimate Principle*, London 1874;
J. Hoffmann, Streiflichter auf den heutioen Pnttetoii-
mus, WOraburg, 1881; C. W. P. Mailer, Die Privyim
des Protestantismus, Strasburg, 1883; F. X. Weunger,
Katholicismus, Protestantismus, und Unglaube, Mainz,
1885; D. H. Olmstead, The Protestant Faith; or, Sah+
tion by Belief: an Essay upon the Errors of the Pntattnt
Church, New York. 1885; J. B. Roehm, Zur CharadaiAk
der protestantischen Polemik der Gegenwart, Hfldeiham,
1889; R. W. Dale, Protestantism, its Ultimate Dvty.bx-
don, 1894; W. Hoenig, Der katholische und der profc*n£
sche Kirchenbegriff, Berlin, 1894; E. P. Usher, PnUt
tantism; a Study, London, 1896; J. B. Roehm, Der Pro-
testantismus unserer Tags, Munich, 1897; J. P. Lflley, Tht
Principles of Protestantism, Edinburgh 1898; AH.Gny,
Aspect of Protestantism, London, 1899; R. McEdgar, Tht
Genius of Protestantism, Edinburgh, 1900; J. M. Gibson,
Protestant Principles, London, 1901; J. B. Nichols, Eva*
gelical Belief, new ed., London, 1903; J. R6vflfe, Ls Pnto-
tantieme liberal, Paris, 1903; N. Smyth, Passing ProU**
ism and Coming Catholicism, New York, 1908; W. Bouaet,
Faith of a Modern Protestant, New York. 1909.

PROTEVANGELIUM. See Apocrypha, B, I., 1.

PROTHONOTARY APOSTOLIC (PROTOflO-
TARIUS APOSTOLICUS) : A member of a Roman
Catholic college of twelve (formerly seven) prelates
whose duty it is to register papal acts, proceedings
of canonization, and similar records of exceptional
importance. Clement I. is said to have appointed
a notary for each of the seven districts of the city
of Rome to record the acts of martyrs. They be-
longed to the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church
and were appointed by the pope himself. In course
of time additional notaries were required both in-
side and outside of Rome, whereupon the earlier
" regional notaries " received the title of prothon-
otaries apostolic in token of their rights of pre-
cedence. Besides these acting prothonotaries there
were also supernumerary and titular prothonotaries.
The latter class, however, who claimed equal rights
with the actual prothonotaries, were officially lim-
ited by Benedict XIV., Pius VII., and Pius IX.
The pope last named, moreover, ruled that for the
attestation of documents which are to be regarded
as genuine in all Christendom there is no need of a
titular prothonotary, but that the regular notaries
apostolic suffice, these being appointed for each
diocese on nomination by the bishop.

E. Sehllng.

Biblioorapht: P. M. Baumg&rten, Der Papst, die RegiervM
und die Verwaltung der heiligen Kirche in Rom, pp. 287-
288, Munich, 1904.

PROTOPOPE. See Protopresbyter.

PROTOPRESBYTER, ARCHPRESBYTEK: Titles
used in the early Church to designate the head of
the college of presbyters who represented the bishop
in case of absence or vacancy of the see (Bingham,
Origines, II., xix. 18). According to the Justinian
Code (I., iii. 42, § 10), there were sometimes several
protopresbyters at one and the same church, who
seem to have exercised a general supervision over
worship. In the East, at the end of the twelfth
century and later, the name prdtopopas (" proto-
pope ") occurs with similar meaning, and as approx-
imating the functions of the Chorepiscopus (q.v.).
although in at least one instance a prdtopapas (of

303

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Protestantism
Proverbs

Corfu, 1367) had an almost episcopal position with
nine archpresbyters under him (Nicholas Bulgaria,
KatechZ&is hiera, Venice, 1681, preface). At pres-
ent " protopresbyter " or " protopope " is an hon-
orary title in the Greek Church. In the Russian
Church it designates a minor supervisory office (cf .
Archdeacon and Abchpbiest).

(Phiupp Meter.)

PROVERBS, BOOK OF.

Place in the Canon; Name (| 1).

The Poetic Form (§ 2).

The Introduction, i. 1-ix. 18 (| 3).

The Central Portion, x. 1-xxii. 16 (| 4).

The Date of this Part (§ 5).

The Third Section, xxii. 17-xxix (| 6).

The Closing Section, xxx.-xxxi (§ 7).

Conclusion (§8).

The Book of the Proverbs of Solomon, which is
known to have consisted of 915 verses in the Maso-
retic text as early as the time of Jerome, belongs
in the Hebrew canon to the three poetic books
(Psalms, Job, and Proverbs) which were distin-
guished by a special system of punctuation from
the rest of the writings. It was reck-
i. Place in oned to the Hagiographa (see Canon
the Canon; of Scripture, I., 1, § 3, c. 4, §§ 1-2),
Name, though its position there is not uni-
form; sometimes the poetical books
are preceded by Chronicles (because the latter books
begin with Adam); indeed the order of the three
poetical books as a separate collection is subject to
variations in the manuscripts. The inclusion of the
book in the canon was not entirely a matter of
course, and was debated at Jamnia, a ground of op-
position being found in the contradiction discov-
ered in xxvi. 4-5, and in the character of the pas-
sage vii. 7-20. The Hebrew title of the book is the
first word, Mishle, from mashed, a word often used
in the Old Testament with various significations,
such as proverb, parable, riddle, satirical poem, and
the like (I Sam. x. 12; Ezek. xvii. 25, xviii. 2-3;
Isa. xiv. 4). The common element in all these
meanings is evidently that of comparison, a conclu-
sion which is borne out by the signification of the
Assyrian mashalu. P. Haupt (SBOT, Proverbs, p.
32) goes to the Assyrian mishlu, " half," and de-
rives the term from the fact that the proverb is in
two balanced propositions. This is opposed by the
other fact that in the Hebrew the singular form is
used for a proverb, while the theory requires the
plural (or dual). Further, the distich formation is
not the only one employed in this form of composi-
tion; there are proverbs with only one member,
and those with three or more (cf. I Sam. x. 12).

This introduces the subject of the form of the
book. The fact that Proverbs is among the poetical
books shows that the ancients regarded it as poet-
ical in form. Some Hebrew manuscripts as well as
important codices of the Septuagint preserve it in
lines as poetry, though this is not the
2. The usual form of the Masoretic text; the
Poetic characteristics of Hebrew poetry (see
Form. Hebrew Language and Literature,
III.) are abundantly evident. Thus
there are present the parallelism of members and
the easily recognizable rhythm. The measure is pre-

vailingly trimeter, combined in distiches, tristiches,
or even in longer combinations, while other varia-
tions are not uncommon. The collection x. 1-xxii.
16 is composed entirely of distiches in trimeter, of
which x. 2 is an excellent example, presenting two
propositions or epigrams usually in antithetical re-
lation. Sometimes the distich is composed oC 3 + 4
feet, an example of which is found in xiv. 28; or
of 4 + 3 feet, as in xii. 1. There are also distiches
in tetrameter, cf. xxv. 2-3 or xxvi. 1. But these
longer arrangements are lacking in the section x.
1-xxii. 16, also in xxviii.-xxix. It is to be noticed,
moreover, that while there are collections of prov-
erbs which are related in subject-matter (x. 2-5,
xiii. 2-3, xviii. 6V8), each proverb is in itself a com-
plete whole. It is also true that the longer meas-
ures preserve the distich character, the members
being sometimes in the form of antithesis, some-
times in that of identity or of synonymous parallel-
ism. Examples of the first have been given above;
an example of synonymous parallelism is xvi. 6,
while a third variety, called synthetical parallel-
ism, is partly illustrated in xv. 20. But parallelism
is not an absolutely invariable form; in thought
there is sometimes a progress, as is illustrated by
xvi. 3. This last form is not confined to the dis-
tich, but appears also in the tristich, though there
is always the possibility that the latter is not the
original form, cf . the original Hebrew of xix. 7.

The book opens with a long introduction begin-
ning with the words: " The Proverbs of Solomon
the son of David, king of Israel," and continuing
with a statement of the purpose of the collection:
" To know wisdom and instruction," etc., i. 1-6.
The basis of this tradition of Solomonic authorship
is easily discovered in I Kings iv. 32, in
3. The In- which the statement is made that Solo-
traduction, mon " spake three thousand proverbs."
i. i-ix. 18. On the other hand, it is perfectly clear
that the statement of the introduction
can not apply to the whole book, since in the later
parts otner authors are named. Still it must be
maintained that the writer of the introduction
meant to attribute the principal part of the pres-
ent book to Solomon. The next section of the
book is i. 7-ix. 18, which is a connected composi-
tion in longer or shorter collections of verses, in
which the reader is addressed as " my son,11 and the
speaker is characterized as teacher or instructor,
who admonishes in the name of wisdom (i. 20). In
this the form of parallelism is often preserved, some-
times in a long series of verses (chaps, ii.-iii.), and
sometimes Wisdom herself is represented as the
speaker (i. 20, viii.). The contents reach their
climax in the exhortation to receive and cherish
wisdom, though exactly what this wisdom is is not
expressly stated. What is clear, however, is that
the wise is to look for salvation or success, the fool
for the contrary; that wisdom is of God and that
the fear of him leads to wisdom. Indeed, not only
is wisdom of God, it was before the worlds and was
present with him in creation (viii.), and is his throne
companion. The reader is warned against grave
sins and given rules for guidance in practical affairs;
by following these is the blessing of God attained,
and an ethical content is injected. The morality is

Proverbs

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

804

therefore not on a high level. Both prophetic
preaching and priestly exposition of the law are
missing; what is present is everyday morality, wis-
dom for common life, but upon a religious basis,
without deep probing of religious and ethical prob-
lems, and containing an element of speculation.
The author thinks of wisdom as an emanation from
a personified divine wisdom which was preexistent
along with God. He paints like a poet-philosopher.
The absence of direct data makes it difficult to as-
sign the date of this part of the book. One must
susi>ect a reliance upon Greek philosophy, and this
points to the middle or end of the period of the Baby-
lonian exile, without indicating a more exact date.
Through Asia Minor a connection can be made with
Greece and Greek ideas at that time, though the
period of Alexander seems more likely. One must
notice the universalistic rather than Israeli tic turn
in such passages as viii. 4, in confirmation of this
dependence upon Greek thought. But it has been
shown that even in preexilic times it is possible
that Greek culture penetrated into Palestine, es-
pecially through the medium of the Greek merchant.
The second chief part of the book, x. 1-xxii. 16, is
the most comprehensive and characteristic, the cen-
ter about which the rest has gathered. Wis- lorn as
a personification, while not entirely absti.c, is much
less prominent here than in the first
4. The part. The connection of the proverbs
Central one with another is external in the
Portion, main — each proverb has an inherent
r. i-xxiL 16. right to exist apart from its context.
No extended discussions are found,
though such short treatments are to be seen as xvi.
10-15, or that in xvi. 1 sqq., developing the theme:
Man proposes but God disposes. The contents are
again that of lay morality, practical wisdom in daily
life; righteousness receives its sure reward and lays
hold on life, godlessness leads to destruction. Amid
occasional touches of quiet humor (cf. xi. 22, xv.
17) is found a serious emphasis upon morality; such
virtues are emphasized as contentment, friendliness,
patience, sympathy, and especially of humility as
opposed to pride. Stress is laid upon a benevolent
attitude (x. 12, xiv. 31), and upon trust in God (xx.
22) who sees all (xv. 3, 11, xvi. 33). Beneath all
this there is a philosophy of life based on genuine
religious feeling (xiv. 34). Indeed, this part as com-
pared with the first part of the book involves in the
background a personality or a period of richer eth-
ical and religious experience. Here speculation is
at a minimum, and the section seems to have come
out of the time of Israelitic prophecy. To be sure
the collection is not one which originates in the pro-
phetic circle: the contents are gnomic, they come
from the laity, out of the bosom of the common
people, they smack of the citizen's and tradesman's
life; they do not bear the hall mark of the clergy
whether of prophetic or priestly type. They show
that the laity had. so to speak, its own morality
and its preacher. e\prc<s«»d and speaking in short
sentences the wisdom of life. Nevertheless, what is
here found shows the direct influence both of pro-
phetic ideals and prophetic preaching. Without
reaching the depth and earnestness of prophetic
discourse, the impression made here is that the |

prophets had been heard where this part originate!
Once more, the treatment of the kingdom shots
that the speaker drew his remarks not from some-
thing heard but from immediate experience; he and
his contemporaries knew well what court life was
(xvi. 15, xviii. 16, xix. 12). And the kingdom can
have been no other than that of preexilic Israel, as
the treatment does not suit conditions during the
Persian or Seleucidean period. To be sure, there is
the possibility of considering the residence at the
Ptolemean court; but internal grounds negative this
possibility. The pictures are those of Palestinian
life, and the entire atmosphere and attitude toward
the kingdom bespeak a native, not a foreign, court
The one item which seems to speak for a late
date — in that case, not earlier than the Ptolemies-
is the conception of the king as judge and not as
warrior. This feature would indeed suit the Ptol-
emaic times, when Jewish national wars were not

waged, and the function of the king

5. The toward the Jews was almost solely that

Date of of a judge. Then it would have to be

this Part assumed that the author made frequent

journeys to the court, as was possible
through the close connection of the two lands in
that period. But this consideration is not decisive,
for in earlier times the king had the functions of
judge (cf. Solomon's practise and II Kings iv. 13);
and in the daily life of the citizen, concerned with
the traffic and business in which the proverbs deal,
the matters of war would easily drop out of sight
(cf. the practical maxims of xi. 15, xx. 16). The
credit of the merchant's business appears here, al-
ready a matter of habit firmly established. Against
the earlier dating proposed above there seems no
conclusive objection. The absence of proverbs deal-
ing with idolatry or polygamy does not prejudice
the case. In all probability, monogamy was the
rule before the exile; and so far as idolatry is con-
cerned, worship of Yahweh was certainly the rule.
In a collection of proverbs which has in mind
essentially the life of the citizen and which is for-
mulating rules for guidance of that life, thus deal-
ing with civil and personal well-being, warnings
against polytheism would hardly be expected. The
author left that province to the prophet and the
priest. The matter of religious individualism can
not weigh in the argument to prove the book post-
exilic. To be sure, individualism received a great
impetus through Jeremiah and developed largely
after the exile. But before that time certain
relations could not be treated otherwise than as
personal and individual. The Covenant and the
Decalogue are natural laws for the people, but they
depend upon the personal relations of individuals.
The varied relations of life — danger, sickness, ly-
ing, adultery, fidelity — are in the last analysis in-
dividual affairs. Cornill has alleged the presence
of ideas which are certainly postexilic, such as em-
phasis upon love (x. 12), charity (xiv. 21), creation
cf the wicked for the day of evil (xvi. 4). But when
the possibility is suggested that this and that prov-
erb of later times goes back to a basis in earlier con-
ditions, the certainty of a postexilic origin vanishes.
Exilic and postexilic emphasis upon these ideas in-
volves their existence in the life of the citizen in

305

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Proverbs

earlier times — indeed they appear in prophetic dis-
course. The linguistic argument has also been used
to press for a late date, the basis being the presence
of " late Hebrew " and " Aramaic " words. With-
out reckoning words which are doubtfully deemed
" late Hebrew " as occurring in Jeremiah, Ezekiel,
mud the priestly writings, there remain forms which
are erroneously counted Aramaisms, and a few words
or forms which are only possibly late or Aramaic.
Similarly some constructions counted as Arama-
isms can be otherwise accounted for. When these
cases are removed the number of undoubted Arama-
isms which remain do not amount to a proof that
the section is of postexilic origin.

A third part follows in xxii. 17-xxiv. 22, usually
regarded as an appendix to the part just consid-
ered; but it differs both in form and in content.
In form it is a letter or exhortation to a young man
'whose parents still live (xxiii. 22) ; it is designated
as " words of the wise " (xxii. 17), and
6. The the substance is set forth in a series of
Third Sec- lines of poetry. Among exhortations
tion, xxii. to rectitude and kindness appear
17-xxix. warnings against indulgence in wine,
unchastity, and unbecoming behavior
in business and society. The king is mentioned,
but in the general sense of " ruler " (xxiv. 21) and
not involving a Palestinian kingdom. The general
situation and style make this part seem nearer in
date to the first section than to the second. An-
other little appendix (xxiv. 23-34) begins with the
words: " These also are of the wise," and the last
two verses repeat vi. 10-11. A larger collection is
found in xxv.-xxix., with a heading of its own (xxv.
1), and in character it closely resembles the second
part of the book. The derivation of the Hebr. mas-
hed from the verb meaning " to compare " is
strengthened by the fact that in this section many
individual sayings consist of comparisons drawn
from the regions of nature and of human life. Prac-
tical wisdom is here also emphasized — right speech,
right conduct in crises, scorn of folly, form the prin-
cipal themes. Occasional sayings denote a sharp
observation of passing events (xxv. 26, xxvi. 11).
A curious fact appears in this part, viz., that against
the rule of the book prophecy is definitely recog-
nized (xxix. 18), though at first glance as some-
thing lacking or past, but in reality demanding the
present existence of prophetical direction. It is
noticeable that the king is prominent in the fore-
ground (xxv. 2-7) as a contemporary institution
(xxix. 26, xxx. 27-28, 31). While the form of the
title " king of Judah " presents a certain difficulty,
there is no inherent and stringent improbability in
the attribution of the collection to Hezekiah, though
the title may be later than that king's time. The
question of how much of the material in this sec-
tion, which is probably made up of matter from
various periods between Solomon and Hezekiah, is
traceable to Solomon and his times can only be
answered by saying that while the correctness of
the attribution of proverbs to Solomon is doubtless
correct, to assert that this or that proverb is his is
beyond possibility. The passage xxv. 2 can hardly
have had a king as its author.
The close of the book is composed of three small
IX.— 20

sections which follow in the way of addenda to the
rest of the work. The first embraces chap, xxx.,
headed by the title which should read, " The words
of Agur ben Yakeh of Massa " (cf . I Chron. i. 30).
The following context is probably cor-
7. The nipt and to be corrected: "I am great-
Closing ly troubled, O God, troubled and
Section, wasted away," this touching confession
xxx.-xxxL proceeding in verses 2 sqq. After this
come sayings in somewhat novel form,
some in the shape of riddles; verses 11-14, dealing
with the godless, are also in strange construction,
lacking a predicate; in v. 15 is mentioned the vam-
pire [R. V. margin], a weird, perhaps demonic, be-
ing, with her daughters; while verse 31 contains a
word which seems more Arabic than Hebrew.
Marked individualities appear in this little piece —
the four " who's " in verse 4, the four " way's " in
19, and others. A similar style is to be found only
in vi. 16-19 in this book, though the exact method
of naming first a certain number and then increas-
ing that number by one is peculiar to this chapter
in the canonical writings (cf. Ecclus. xxiii. 16, xxv.
7, xxvi. 5, 28). It would be interesting to discover
who this Agur ben Yakeh is. The name has not an
Israelitic sound, and individual words and phrases
suggest an Arabic or Arabic-Aramaic or Edomitic
origin for the piece. This does not answer the ques-
tions raised, for then one asks how out of such
origins comes a piece which fits in so well with what
a worshiper of Yahweh might have said. Somewhat
similar is the little piece xxxi. 1-9, the title of which
is to be read: " The words of Lemuel, king of Massa,
which his mother taught him." So it seems that
Massa is the name of a country, and, from the
Aramaisms in the piece, Massa may have lain east
or northeast of Palestine. The piece contains ex-
hortation to rectitude and warnings against the.con-
trary. The close of the book is an acrostic in praise
of a virtuous woman. There is no datum, internal
or external, suggesting the date of these last pieces.
The first two must have been appended at a time
when the book was otherwise practically complete;
and xxx. 6 seems to look to a time when the " word
of God " had received canonical assent. But then
— what does the expression " word of God " mean,
especially in a non-Israelitic writing?

Thus the book in its present form is made up of
several parts. The earlier dates given in the pre-
ceding discussion are the limits before which the
collection could not have been begun

8. Conclu those limits are not determined by

sion. the date of the latest parts, though
these, of course, mark the earliest date
for the redaction of the entire work and bring that
down to postexilic times, but just when in that
period is the question. Much depends upon the
degree of Greek influence exhibited. Ecclesiasticus
is a book so like Proverbs, and also one the date of
which is closely fixed, that comparison of the two
is invited ; it is, moreover, a branch from the same
stem as that from which Proverbs sprang. Gasser
has shown with great assurance the dependence of
Ben Sirach upon the book of Proverbs, in which it
appears that Ben Sirach regarded Proverbs as one
of the old possessions of his people, from which he

Proverbs
Providence

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

806

drew and which molded his thought. If this be
true, the redaction even must be put considerably
back in postexilic times, since to Sirach it appeared,
like Psalms and like Job, to be one of the patriarchal
books of which he was so diligent a student. This
would carry it back at least to the third or fourth
pre-Christian century. It is noticeable that while
Sirach makes mention of the king only four times,
in Proverbs the king appears more than thirty
times. Not only that, but the relation of nearness
and intimacy with the court which appears in Prov-
erbs is wholly lacking in the representations of
Sirach. (R. Kittel.)

Bibliography: Questions of introduction are dealt with in
the commentaries (see below), and also in the special
works on Biblical introduction. An excellent little work
is W. T. Davison, Wisdom Literature of the O. T., London,
1894. Consult further: R. Stier, Der Weise tin Konig,
Barmen, 1849; idem, Die Politik der Weisheit in den Wor-
ten Agurs und Lemuels, ib. 1850; P. de Lagarde, Anmerk-
ungen zur griechischen UeberseUungen der Proverbien,
Gdttingen, 1863; J. Dyserinck, Kritieche Scholien bij de
Vertoling van het Boek der Spreukcn, Ley den, 1883; H.
Bois, La Poisie gnomique chez lee Hebreux et lee Orece, Tou-
louse, 1886; T. K. Cheyne, Job and Solomon, London,
1887; idem. Founders of Old Testament Criticism, pp. 337
sqq., ib. 1893; idem, Jewish Religious Life after the Exile,
New York, 1898; A. J. Baumgartner, Etude critique sur
V&at du texte du livre dee Proverbes, Leipsic, 1890; C. F.

Kent, The Wise Men of And** Israel and their Pmeu,
Boston, 1895; R. Pfeiffer, Die retiaifis-sMidu Fetto-
schauung des Buches der Spruche, Munich, 1897; R p.
Chajes, Proverbia-Studien su der eogenannten —Hmrij-tn
Sammlung, Berlin. 1899; M. D. Conway, 8olmmmi
Solomonic Literature, London, 1899; O. Meusel, Dti 0*
lung der Spruche Salomos in der israeUtischen LiUsxtm
und Religions-Oeschichte, Leipsic, 1900; M. Friedli&der,
Oriechische Philosophie im A. T., Berlin, 1904; J. C.
Gasser, Die Bedeutung der Spruche Jew Ben Sin fir ft
Datierung des althebraischen Spruchbuches, Gutenloh, 1KM;
E. Sellin, Die Spuren griechischer PkOosopkie m A. !\
Leipsic, 1905; DB, iv. 137-143; SB, iii 3906-3919; Jl
x. 226-232.

A fine list of the early commentators is given u Vip*
roux, DicUonnaire, Case, xxxiii., cols. 801-802. H» bat
commentary for English readers is by GH. Toy, New
York, 1899. Others are by: G. Holden, London, 1819;
C. Umbreit, Heidelberg, 1826; E. Bertheao, Leipae,U47,
new ed., 1883; C. Bridges, New York, 1847; J. Q Vai-
hinger, Stuttgart, 1857; E. Elstcr, Zurich, 1858; F.
Hitaig. ib., 1858; O. Zockler, Leipsic, 1866; W. Amot,
haws from Heaven for Life on Earth, London, 1809; H. F.
Muhlau, Leipsic, 1869; M. 8tnart, new ed., AndoTV,
1870; J. W. Harris, New York, 1872; J. Miller, ib,,
1872; F. Delitssch, Edinburgh, 1877; A RoUinc
Mains, 1879; J. Dyserink, Haarlem, 1884; H. Dntseb,
Berlin, 1885-86; 8. C. Malan, London, 1890; W.J.
Deane, S. T. Taylor-TasweU, and W. F. Adaoey, in
Pulpit Commentary, New York, 1891; R. F. Hortoo,ia
Expositor's Bible, ib., 1891; G. Wildeboer, Tflfaufn.
1897; W. Frankenberg,Gottingen, 1898; H. L.8track,2d
ed., Munich, 1899.

Classical Theories (§ 1).
Old-Testament Data (§ 2).
The Apocrypha (J 3).
In the New Testament (§ 4).

PROVIDENCE.

Patristic and Scholastic Teaching

(5 5).
Early Protestantism (| 6).
Protestant Scholasticism (§ 7).

Pietistie and Modem Views (|8).
Critical Conclusion (| 9).
Subsidiary Problems (| 10).
Supplement (§ 11).

In the wider sense of the term providence de-
notes the exercise of God's wisdom, omnipotence,
and goodness; while in the narrower sense it signi-
fies the guidance of the world toward the end ap-
pointed by God. The doctrine of divine providence
in the Christian Church has its origin in the union
of the Old and New Testament religion with the
philosophical speculation of classical antiquity.
These two elements must first be discussed, and
then the chief stages of the development of the dog-
matic teaching, this being followed by a critical
and systematic investigation of the whole develop-
ment in its Biblical and dogmatic form.

Greek popular mythology represents the world
and the life of man as being under the protection
and direction of the gods, thus affording the foun-
dation on which Greek philosophy
z. Classical erected its systematic treatment of

Theories, providence. Heraclitus gave an im-
aginative form to the concept of a
world-directing reason, an orderly development of
things proceeding from the harmony of opposites
by an endless process of transmutation. Trust in
this divine process was made the highest good of
man. Anaxagoras introduced the idea of the cos-
mos, the harmonious movement of tremendous
masses under the direction of reason, which was the
essence of both thought and power, and an element
neither mingled with grosser matter nor endowed
with personality. The theological explanation of
the world remained, however, limited to inorganic
nature; and Diogenes of Appollonia was the first to I

bring organic life within the scope of teleology.
Socrates reversed the tendency of the ancient phi-
losophers, making man the central point of his
teaching and valuing the world according to its
utility to man, his views resting on practical mono-
theism. The Greek dramatic poets, especially
Sophocles, also taught the absolute justice and
wisdom of divine providence. Following his teach-
er Socrates, Plato, in his theory of ideas, developed
a complete system of teleological metaphysics, ma-
king the supreme idea the idea of the good, which is
identical with world-reason and with divinity. A
spiritual personality was of less concern to him
than a moral direction to the world-process, but at
the same time he maintained the existence of provi-
dence in matters both great and small, holding that
whatever fate the gods bestow on the righteous is
for his good (" Republic," x. 612 E). This position,
represented by Plato chiefly in figurative terms,
was taken over and given a purely intellectual form
by Aristotle, who formulated and established scien-
tific monotheism, though in his scheme there is no
room for the concept of providence. Stoic philoso-
phy, on the other hand, made the thought of provi-
dence a prominent factor. While Epicurus ban-
ished the gods from the world, the Stoics accepted
the divinity as the life-giving principle, the orig-
inal source of power, the directive reason, the all-
controlling providence. God and the world are
one, and the world-order is controlled by provi-
dence acting through necessary processes, each link
in the chain of phenomena being closely bound to

307

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Proverbs
Providence

the other by the laws of cause and effect. In apply-
ing this principle of providence to detailed consid-
erations, however, the Stoics too often vitiated
their position by their constant attempt to find
some utilitarian purpose for man's benefit in every
natural phenomenon. The Neoplatonists lost the
Stoic concept of providence altogether, making the
deity entirely transcendent, and filling the gulf be-
tween him and man by intermediary beings which
were not without influence on Christian views of
providence. Classical, and especially Stoic, ele-
ments are also visible in the apocryphal literature
of the Old Testament, which presents a peculiar
blending of Hellenistic concepts and Jewish beliefs.

The Old Testament shows a long course of de-
velopment of the belief in providence. Traces of
earlier and lower ideas, common to all the Semites,
are found late in the period of the kings. There
was, however, a determined effort to secure the un-
contested recognition of monotheism
2. Old- in Israel, an essential element of this

Testament belief being the doctrine of providence.
Data. The preservation and continued de-
velopment of the order of nature de-
pend upon the divine will. Atmospheric phenom-
ena are regarded as due to the immediate activity
of God (Job xxxvi. 27-28, xxxvii. 2-6, 10-13,
xxxviii. 25 sqq.; Ps. xxix. 3 sqq., cxlvii. 16-18),
all this ultimately being for the benefit of man. He
draws man from the womb and guards him through-
out the life to which he himself appoints the limit
(Ps. xxii. 10 sqq.; Job xiv. 5). The divine pro-
tection rests especially upon his chosen people
Israel (Ps. cv.; Hos. xi. 1 sqq.), keeping them from
all peril and nourishing them (Ex. xiii.-xvi.; Num.
xi.; Ps. xci., cv.-cvii.). While in punishment he
hardens the heart and sends evil thoughts (Ex.
vii. 3; II Sam. xxiv. 1), he can render evil intents
futile and turn them to good (Gen. 1. 20; Ps. ii.);
and fertility and drought are instruments of bless-
ing and of punishment in his hand (Deut. xxviii.
12-23). The Old-Testament belief in providence
reached its acme in its concept of miracles, though
since both extraordinary and ordinary events were
regarded as being equally the free and deliberate
acts of God, the difference between the two was
held to be merely one of degree. God is the author
of evil as well as of good (Isa. xlv. 7; Lam. iii. 38;
cf. also Ex. iv. 21, xiv. 17; Deut. ii. 30; Josh. xi.
20; Judges ix. 23; I Sam. ii. 25, xvi. 14, xviii. 10,
xix. 9; II Sam. xxiv.; Amos iii. 6), such evil being
usually punishment for sin (Ex. xx. 5; Lev. xxvi.;
Num. xi. 33; II Sam. xxiv.; Ezek. xviii.; Joel i.).
Since, however, the doctrine that good and evil
fortune were given in accord with the character of
the individual did not seem to be confirmed by
actual experience, attempts at reconciliation were
made. In Ps. xxxvii., xlix., and Ixxiii. the view is
advanced that the seeming prosperity of the wicked
is only transitory, while the blessedness of the good
is ultimate and enduring. Nevertheless, this failed
to solve the problem, which was worked out in the
lesson of the life of Joseph (Gen. 1. 20) and in the
theodicy of the Book of Job.

Allusion has already been made to Stoic influence
on the apocryphal writers, who even borrowed from

the phraseology of the pagan school. According to
the Wisdom of Solomon, the divinity governs and
directs all things (Wisd. of Sol., viii. 1, xii. 18, xiv.
3, xv. 1), ordering everything well and
3. The righteously (viii. 1, xii. 15). God's
Apocrypha, mercy, however, mitigates and delays
punishments (xi. 23-26, xii. 2) which
are in themselves only a form of fatherly correction
(xi. 10). Ecclesiasticus, on the other hand, em-
phasizes the freedom of the human will (Ecclus.
xv. 11-17), and, while recognizing the antithesis of
good and evil (xlii. 24-25), declares all the works of
the Lord to be good (xxxix. 33-34). The increas-
ing power of a belief in immortality in Judaism
lent essential aid to the problem of the theodicy
which Ecclesiastes had surrendered in despair (cf .
II Mac. vii. 9, 11, 14, 20, 23, 29, 36-38). The pas-
sages in which Josephus ascribes divergent views
to the Pharisees and Sadducees regarding divine
providence and the freedom of the will (War, II.,
viii. 14; Ant., XVIII., i. 3, XIII., v. 9) are obscure,
but probably imply that the Pharisees believed
that divine providence governed all things, so that
every human act, whether good or evil, involved
the cooperation of God. The sect accordingly main-
tained the tenets both of divine providence and
omnipotence and of human freedom and responsi-
bility; while the Sadducees seem to have laid pre-
ponderating stress on the human element, as the
Essenes on the divine.

In direct continuity with the Old Testament, as
well as in consequence of personal experience and
original revelation, Christ taught the Father as an
omnipotent and holy will inspired by infinite good-
ness, as the king, judge, and moral law-giver, and
as lovingly watching over all mankind. God is, in-
deed, ." Lord of heaven and earth " (Matt. xi. 25),
and protects all things, even the most
4. In the minute and humble (Matt. vi. 25-30,
NewTes- x. 29-31; Luke xii. 6-7). Though
tament the courses of nature are for the bene-
fit of the good and evil alike (Matt. v.
45), yet God harkens especially to the prayers of
the righteous (Matt vii. 7-11; Mark xi. 23-24;
Luke xi. 9-13, xvii. 6, xviii. 1-7). There is, there-
fore, no reason to fear need or danger (Matt. vi.
31-33, x. 19-20; Luke xii. 11-12), for even though
the bodies of the righteous be slain, they shall re-
ceive the kingdom of God (Matt. x. 28; Luke xii.
32). God also has power over temptation (Matt,
vi. 13, xxiv. 22), and in the divine omnipotence
(Matt. xix. 26; Mark x. 27, xiv. 36; Luke xviii.
27) is implied a practical theodicy which gives clear
expression to the mighty optimism of faith. While
the connection of evil and sin is by no means ignored
(Matt. ix. 2), Christ expressly teaches that the de-
gree of evil is not necessarily commensurate with
the degree of sin, but that the danger of punishment
with like penalties should serve as an impulse for
the fulfilment of the divine commands (Luke xiii.
1-5).

In the apostolic and post-apostolic age the words
of Jesus, sprung from his immediate consciousness
of divinity, were formulated into theology. This
was especially the case with Paul, whose doctrine
of providence is best set forth in Rom. viii. 28-39.

Providence

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

806

The reconciled child of God forms part of the
closely linked chain of divine acts of grace which
reaches back into the eternity of the plan of salva-
tion depending on election, and which stretches for-
ward to the future and eternal fellowship of Christ.
The act of God, being absolutely free, can not be
broken or made of none effect. Since, moreover,
the unchangeable love and fatherly protection of
God free the believer from the sense of guilt and
from the evil in the world, a religious interpreta-
tion is given to the concept of omnipotence. Hav-
ing this certainty, Paul has no occasion to discuss
theoretical difficulties which do not exist for the
religious soul, so that both the absolute working
of God and the moral freedom and responsibility
of the believer are taken for granted. Thus,
on the one hand, God accepts and rejects accord-
ing to his will (Rom. ix. 18), the very purpose of
divinely caused unbelief being the exercise of divine
mercy (Rom. xi. 32). Faith is ascribed to divine
calling (Rom. viii. 29), and the preservation and
perfection of the believer are likewise due to God
(I Thess. v. 23; I Cor. i. 8-9), on whose will the
minutest details of life are made contingent (Rom.
i. 10; I Cor. iv. 19). On the other hand, the apos-
tle appeals to the human will (Rom. xii. 1 ; I Thess.
ii. 11-12; Phil. i. 27; Col. i. 9-10); and in Phil,
ii. 12-13 both aspects of the problem are combined.
Elsewhere also the good deeds of the faithful are
regarded as God working within him, though there
is no hint of synergism. In the epistles to the Gala-
tians and the Romans the outlines of a religious
philosophy of history are given. The loving coun-
sels of God, to make the world his kingdom where-
in man may share, are shown not to have been
thwarted by Adam's fall (I Cor. ii. 7; Rom. viii.
29). All creation strives toward the goal set by
divine grace (Rom. viii. 18-23; I Cor. xv. 24-28);
and in Rom. ix.-xi. is given that magnificent con-
cept of the world-ruling ways of God for the real-
ization of divine salvation which has aptly been
termed the Pauline theodicy. The summary of
Paul's doctrine of providence is found in the words,
" All things work together for good " (Rom. viii.
28). Earthly sufiiering and earthly evil are the
means whereby man is brought into fellowship
with the sufferings and death of Christ, and are
the path by which man becomes a partaker of the
life and glory of the Savior (Rom. v. 3-4, viii. 18;
II Cor. iv. 17-18; Phil. i. 29, iii. 10-11, 20-21;
Col. iii. 1-4). Though in the post-Pauline portions
of the New Testament the doctrine of providence
is not brought into so close a connection with the
atonement, it is based throughout on the presup-
position of the fatherly goodness and love of God.
The believer is urged to cast all care on God, who
cares for him (I Pet. v. 7), and for this reason per-
fect contentment is stressed (Heb. xiii. 5-6). All
things must be regarded as subject to the divine
pleasure (James iv. 13-15). Through faith in provi-
dence the Christian gains the right attitude toward
the earthly ills that he experiences, knowing that
they :\re but the chastening of a father (Heb. xii.
5-11), tests of patience and faith (James i. 2-4, 12),
and glorification of God if they be endured in the
name of Christ and for his sake (I Pet. iv. 12-16).

Early patristic literature shows the influence of
Greek philosophic thought, since its interest in the
doctrine of providence is mainly coamologial
According to Clement, denial of providence is not
merely denial of Christian doctrine, but of the very
existence of God, and merits punishment rather
than refutation. Both Clement, Origen,

5. Patristic and the later Greek Fathers sought,
and moreover, to solve the problem of

Scholastic theodicy, stressing human freedom and

Teaching, responsibility, and at the same time
exempting God from all blame for the
existence of evil by declaring that evil is not posi-
tive, but is mere negation. The interest of the
Greek Fathers in the theory of providence was,
however, by no means exclusively theoretical; they
used it as a distinct motive for a living trust in
God amid all the sufferings and calamities of earthly
life. Western teachers likewise represented belief
in providence as a part of natural theology. Au-
gustine especially took an epoch-making position
toward the entire problem, rejecting the concepts
of both chance and fate, and holding that divine
providence operates in all things, no matter how
minute or obscure. His theodicy shows a combi-
nation of Christian and Neoplatonic concepts, evil
being merely the negation or absence of good, and
the imperfect and incomplete serving to exalt the
perfection of the whole. Evil may, however, also
be either a punishment of the wicked, or a means
of testing, strengthening, and perfecting the good.
God permits the existence of evil only that he may
turn it into good, so that all exercise of human free-
dom subserves the plan of providence, nor can the
wicked in any way thwart the divine will. All these
concepts are elaborated in the De civitate Dei into
a masterpiece of Christian philosophy of history;
and a similar point of view is represented in the
De gubernatione Dei of Salvianus, in which the his-
tory of the world is interpreted as the divine judg-
ment of the earth. In their endeavor to explain
the problem of the theodicy Anselm and Abelard
took the optimistic point of view that the present
world was the best possible, although Hugo of St
Victor regarded this position as limiting God's om-
nipotence. It was Thomas Aquinas, however, who
gave the doctrine of providence an extraordinary
scope. Creation and conservation are identical »
far as God's activity is concerned, and differ only
in respect to the secondary causes which mediate
the divine activity. The will of God acts normally
through secondary causes; when it acts directly
and without them, a miracle is worked. In &c
governance of God, however, reason and method
must be differentiated, the first being immediate
and the second mediate. Not alone in his deter-
minism but also in his teaching of predestination
Thomas harks back to Augustine, regarding both
foreordination and reprobation as special forms of
divine providence; while in his theodicy, in which
he likewise follows Augustine, he even states that
God is, in a sense, the source of evil as well as of
good, since " the perfection of the universe requires
that not only should there be incorruptible things,
but also corruptible ones." The increasing tendency
of medieval thought to break with Augustinianism

309

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Providence

was strongly resisted by Thomas Bradwardlne
and by Wyclif, the latter especially maintaining
that all events occur of necessity. The question
of providence was not discussed in the decrees
or canons of the Council of Trent. The Roman
Catechism, however, prepared at the direction of
the Council of Trent, teaches that after the comple-
tion of creation the same divine providence which
called all things into being accompanies and sus-
tains them. The first official dogmatic statement
of the Roman Catholic Church regarding provi-
dence was given by the Vatican Council, which set
forth the doctrine that " God guards and governs
by his providence all things that he has created,"
knowing " those things which shall come to pass
by the free acts of creatures."

The traditional Roman Catholic teaching on
providence was not deliberately revised at the Ref-
ormation, and yet this period marked

6. Early a decisive turning-point in the history
Protestant- of the development of the doctrine.
ism. The reason for this was practical, not
theoretical. Belief in providence was
no longer centered in an explanation of the uni-
verse, but in a realization, which must be practi-
cally experienced, of the fatherly care and guidance
of God. This knowledge is of faith, not reason;
and such faith was held by Luther to produce
a theodicy by giving a practical solution to the
problem of evil which, while not explaining every
mystery, raises the Christian above the world by
rendering him certain of the existence of a love
that overcomes affliction, sin, and death. A simi-
lar line of argument was followed by Melanchthon
and set forth by him in the Augsburg Confession.
The Reformed Church gave to the dogma of pre-
destination the importance which Lutheranism at-
tached to justification by faith, but the very fact
that this branch of Protestantism undeniably con-
nected the doctrines of election and providence im-
periled the eminently practical character of the
Reformed belief in providence. In his treatise on
providence Zwingli defines the doctrine as " the
eternal and immutable governance and adminis-
tration of all things," so that the free will of man
is absorbed in the divine activity, man becoming
merely a tool in the hands of God, and faith being
made renunciation of individual merit, the conclu-
sion being that God does all, and man nothing.
This determinism really ends in making God the
cause of evil and wickedness, but Zwingli did not
shrink from this deduction, endeavoring to solve
the difficulty by saying that moral standards are
applicable to men and not to God. The distinct-
ively Christian side of his teaching appears only
in his treatment of election. A very similar posi-
tion was taken by Calvin, whose " Institutes " give
separate treatment to the subject of providence
and to eternal election, treating the latter in con-
nection with the specific Christian teaching of sal-
vation. In regard to the former, Calvin holds that
all things are governed by divine providence, and
that God " so uses the works of the wicked, and
so turns their minds to execute his judgments, that
he himself remains pure from all stain." His the-
odicy finds its best expression in his sermons on

Job, delivered in 1554: " Since God loves us, we
shall never be confounded; and so far are our
afflictions from preventing our salvation, that they
will be turned to our help, for God will take care
that our salvation shall be advanced by them.1'
The same thoughts are repeated by the French
Confession (II., VIII., in Schaff, Creeds, iii., 360,
364) ; and the Heidelberg Catechism (Quest. 27, in
Schaff, Creeds, iii., 316) likewise gives clear expres-
sion to this topic, insisting on the certainty of the
believer that he is the object of the Father's care,
and that no creature is separated from the divine
love, God's will conditioning and ruling each and
every act.

Orthodox Protestant scholasticism later made
belief in providence a mere part of natural theology,
thus depriving it of its real Christian
7. Protes- significance. According to this teach-
tant Scho- ing, belief in providence was an article
lasticism. of mixed faith, that is, it was accessi-
ble to man's natural reason, though it
could be fully known only from the Bible. Provi-
dence was considered to embrace three elements:
foreknowledge, purpose, and execution of purpose,
the latter forming the transition to providence in
its relation to the world. Further distinctions were
soon drawn between divine conservation, coopera-
tion, and governance. The first of these implied
continual creation; the second, postulating a dif-
ference according to the nature of the secondary
causes, affirmed that " God cooperates unto effect,
not unto defect "; and the third distinguished the
modes of divine governance as permission (cf . Ps.
lxxxi. 12; Rom. i. 24, 26, 28), hindrance (cf. Gen.
xx. 6, xxxi. 24; Num. xxii. 12 sqq.; II Kings xix.
35-36), direction (cf. Gen. 1. 20; I Sam. xvi. 1-13),
and determination (cf. Isa. x. 12 sqq.). While provi-
dence watches over even the smallest, its modes dif-
fer. Creation as a whole is the object of general, or
universal, providence; all mankind, whether good
or bad, are watched by special providence; but the
pious and faithful are under the care of " most
special providence." Providence was also divided
into ordinary and extraordinary, the former being
that which is almost universally accomplished by
natural mediate causes, and the latter that which
operates through the agency of miracles. This
complicated scholasticism long remained common
to both the Lutheran and the Reformed Churches.
During this long period of stereotyped dogmatism
the real expression of the Protestant belief in provi-
dence must be sought especially in devotional litera-
ture and hymnology, which represent communion
with God through Christ as the real
8. Pietistic source of a knowledge of God's pro vi-
and Mod- dence. During the course of the Piet-
ern Views, istic movement, the foundation of the
orphan asylum at Halle was the occa-
sion of a dispute over the nature of divine provi-
dence. Francke considered this establishment,
with the remarkable answers to prayer and the
cases of individual salvation connected with it, as
a monument of most particular providence. His
opponents sought to reduce the whole matter to the
level of pure natural happenings, contending that
the introduction of human means excluded the op-

Providence

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

810

cration of divine providence. Rationalism gave a
high place to belief in providence as an essential
part of natural theology. Leasing, accordingly, in
his Ueber die Erziehung des Menschengeschlechls, rep-
resents God as a teacher who instructs his pupils
to help themselves, not as a deity who directly gov-
erns the world. So far as theodicy was concerned,
Leibnitz took the most prominent position, with his
Easai de thfodicte (Amsterdam, 1710). The actual
existence of evil, he contended, does not disprove
that the world was created by an all-good and an
all-powerful activity. Physical evil is a necessary
consequence of moral evil ; it is the natural punish-
ment of sin. Moral evil is to be traced back to the
limitation and to the finiteness of what is created;
this is metaphysical evil. Since, however, the con-
ception of creation involves finiteness, a world of
perfect creatures would be a contradiction; a world
without evil would be unthinkable. At the same
time, the world is contingent and represents a choice
of many possibilities; and since God has exercised
this choice, the world is proved to be the best of all
possible worlds. This optimism was severely shaken
by the Lisbon earthquake of 1755, which was dis-
cussed in Voltaire's Candide with a characteristic
union of irony, frivolity, and keenness, the result
being pessimistic skepticism. A sharp contrast to
this attitude is to be found in Kant, who recognized
the value of the physico-theological proof, though
he no more regarded it as a complete demonstra-
tion than he did the cosmological and ontological
arguments. The attitude of more recent theolo-
gians and philosophers toward providence is natu-
rally conditioned by their general, deistic, panthe-
istic, or theistic points of view. Among them
special mention should be made of Schleiermacher,
who held the relation between God and the world
to be represented in the feeling of dependence,
though he denied that the interests of piety required
any fact so to be conceived that its dependence on
God removed it from the sphere of the operations
of nature, since both the mechanism of nature and
human consciousness are alike ordered by God.
The results of these premises Schleiermacher de-
veloped in his treatment of miracles and in his con-
ception of evil. Strauss represents the standpoint
of Hegelian speculation, affirming that the cosmic
powers and their relations testify to an immanent
reason. Pantheistic tendencies, as represented by
Spinoza or Hegel, were sharply opposed by Ritschl,
who returned to the Reformers' standpoint, and
found the basis of the belief of the religious govern-
ance of the world in the atonement.

The Christian teaching of divine providence must
rest essentially on the form it takes in the Gospel;

what stands there must be brought to

9. Critical full expression. The certainty of

Conclusion. Christian belief must be purified of all

those elements which in themselves
have only a dogmatic interest, since, if they are
not properly discussed, they endanger the Christian
assurance of salvation. It is clear that the Bible
does not bring divine providence into the sphere of
theoretically scientific explanation of God and the
world. The problem belongs in the forum of the
subjective, practical, and ideological religious con-

sideration of faith. The interest of early Protes-
tant teaching on the subject lies in its practical
break with the intellectualism of scholastic philoso-
phy, and in its insistence on the personal and eth-
ical nature of belief in providence. Though for a
time there was a return to pre-Ref ormation con-
cepts, there is a general tendency among modem
German Protestant theologians to reject these in-
tellectualistic tendencies and to find the most fruit-
ful results in carrying out the lines of thought initi-
ated by Luther. To the quasi-scholastic distinctions
of early Protestantism many objections maybe
alleged. Suffice it to say that the delimitations
are unsatisfactory because of confusion in the cate-
gories to which they are assigned, errors in distinc-
tion of nature and character, artificiality in the
classes postulated, and lack of sharpness of defini-
tion. Notwithstanding, moreover, the numerous
attempts to derive the concept of providence from.
empirical views of the world, and to develop & so-
called physico-theological proof of God's existence,
it is clear that empiricism leads to polytheism or txa
dualism rather than to ethical monotheism. Ibc
conviction of divine providence is not built up
through the teaching of retribution or thoughts of
merit; but rests on the facts of moral conscious-
ness, and on the practical recognition of the king-
dom of God revealed by Jesus Christ, in which God's
grace overcomes and heals man's moral and natural
necessities. The atonement brings the conviction
of the inexhaustible love of God for his children, the
assurance that " all things work together for good
to them that love God " (Rom. viii. 28). This is
not a theoretical definition of a principle, but a prac-
tical solution to be applied by life itself. The Chris-
tian is convinced that all the elements of life's ex-
periences, however contradictory they may seem,
are but factors in the construction of the super-
natural divine kingdom. This belief shows itself
religiously in the recognition of the universal ac-
tivity of divine love, in the practise of prayer, and
in the certainty that it will be heard by God; and
it is manifested ethically in the fulfilment of the
duties arising from man's practical position in the
world.

Although this type of practical conviction is not
capable of theoretical proof, and does not require
such demonstration, nevertheless individual pr00*
lems arise which can be solved only by construct-
ing a Christian philosophy of nature and history,
i.e., the explanation of all development

10. Sub- in both fields as the means to Gods

sidiary eternal end. Such questions, thereto*.

Problems, as the relation of providence to Mira-
cles and Prayer (qq.v.), to the freedom
of man (see Will, Freedom of the), and to the
actuality of evil and Sin (q.v.) must be mentioned
briefly. The world as depicted by natural science
is a construction of man's mind. Natural laws are,
therefore, merely conceptual and subjective, not
objective and real; they are only necessary psycho-
logical and logical formulas to enable man to ar-
range his knowledge of phenomenal reality; and
they can claim no such metaphysical importance
as though they represented the whole of reality or
all the possibilities of existence. If this fact be

311

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Providence

granted, the metaphysical possibility of miracles
can not be denied. This is not, however, sufficient
for the Christian, who must also be convinced that
the whole mechanism of nature serves a divine
end. This belief that in every individual instance
the world and nature act as the agents of a divine,
omnipotent, loving will is immediately connected
with the assurance that such prayer as prescribes
no laws to the grace of God, but only gives the
human conditions for divine activity, will certainly
be heard. In considering the relation of provi-
dence to the freedom of the will it is always pos-
sible, even though divine and human spheres of
action are essentially incommensurable, to bring
the acts of a created being within the scope of di-
vine action, this being the point of view of faith.
To the religious mind man's freedom will always
be thought of as freedom in God; the Christian ex-
periences as reality what science can neither attain,
prove, nor refute. The stronger the consciousness
of his freedom, the greater the conviction of his de-
pendence on God. Even sin, though never caused
by God, may, when once committed, become part
of the divine plan and serve providence in the ad-
vancement of the kingdom of God. A similar
method must be applied to the problem of theod-
icy. The riddle of the world's evil is not solved by
theoretical explanations. In his difficulties the
Christian is saved from unrest and despair only by
the revelation of the atonement and by the convic-
tion that evil and distress are, in God's hands, made
the means of his eternal salvation. This solution
is open to the humblest Christian and rests on prac-
tical experiences, even though such experiences
must be differentiated from those intellectual spec-
ulations which are bound to arise. Even the relig-
ious mind must face the fact that there are ques-
tions and problems, and must seek for ways and
means which may yield approximate solutions for
such riddles. P. Lobstein.

While the basis of belief in providence is the love
of God as revealed in his gracious purpose, modern
thought is not content with so simple and unrelated
a position. The scholastic, formalistic, logical split-
ting-up of the doctrine is indeed no
ii. Sup- longer of interest, but other problems
plement aside from those mentioned in the last
two sections preceding are demanding
attention and solution. Metaphysics, speculative
theism, and even scientific views of nature may be
driven out with a fork, but their return is legitimate
and inevitable. Two further questions profoundly
affecting the doctrine of providence will then re-
quire consideration: (1) The idea of the divine
immanence: the traditional doctrine of providence
has been derived from the postulate of transcend-
ence. Now, however, the notion of the immanence
of God has compelled two modifications of view,
which are of serious import to the subject under
discussion. One concerns providence as related to
creation. Creation is conceived not as the abso-
lute origination of the existing material of the world
out of nothing at a metaphysical moment, but as
the eternal becoming or change of manifestation of
the Absolute Ground of all. Creation and provi-
dence are therefore two ways of conceiving of the

world, as related either to its causal Ground or to
its purposive ends. The other modification dis-
closes God as more inwardly and actively involved
in the processes of the world, both physical and
psychical, accordingly more responsible for the
working-out of the ideal aim of the universe than
any but the more pantheistic views have hitherto
maintained (yet cf. Rom. xi. 36; I Cor. xv. 24-28).
(2) The evolutionary view of the world: broadly
speaking, this is the universal method of provi-
dence. This involves teleology, effectiveness of di-
vine action and control, and ends which are corre-
lated with and consummated in the ideals of
personality. With reference to man the sphere of
providence is, on the one hand, the world in process
of evolution, and, on the other, the development of
human historical life. Of particular significance in
this latter region are the principle of social unity,
the influence of great personalities, and the redemp-
tive power of suffering and sacrifice.

C. A. Beckwith.

Bibliography: For the views of classical authors on the
subject, besides the works of Zeller, Windelband, Ueber-
weg, Erdmann, and Weber on the history of philosophy,
consult: Xenophon, Memorabilia, I., iv., IV., 3; Cicero,
De natura deorum, book 2; idem, De finibus, book 3;
Seneca, De providentia ; R. Schneider, Christliche Klange
aus den griechischen und r&mischen Klassikern, pp. 231-
244, Gotha, 1865; E. Spiess, Logos spermatikos, Leipsic,
1871; L. Schmidt, Die Ethik der alien Griechen, i. 63 sqq.,
Berlin, 1881 ; E. Maillet, La Creation et la providence de-
vant la science moderne, pp. 195-235, Paris, 1897.

On the idea in Hebrew, Jewish, and apostolic circles
consult: the works in and under Biblical, Theology;
H. Zachokke, Theologie der Propheten dee A. T., pp. 141
sqq., Freiburg, 1877; C. Q. Cha valines, La Religion dans
le Bible, 2 vols., Paris, 1889; G. Fulliquet, La Pensie re-
ligieuee dans le N. T., Paris, 1893; J. Bovan, fitude eur
V aware de la redemption, vols. i. — ii.. Paris, 1893-94; K.
Marti, Geschichte der ieraelitischen Religion, Strasburg,
1897; E. Sellin, Beitrage tur ieraelitischen und judischen
Rdigionsgeschichte, Leipsic, 1897; W. Bousset, Die Re-
ligion dee Judentume im neutestarnentlichen Zeitalter,
Berlin, 1903; B. Stade, Biblieche Theologie dee A. T.t
Tubingen, 1905.

For the history of the development of the subject the
reader is referred to the works named in and under Doc-
trine, History or: also R. Seeberg, Lehrbuch der Dog-
mengeschichte, Leipsic, 1895-98; F. Loofs, Grundriss der
Dogmengeschichte, 4th ed., Halle, 1907. For the Reform-
ers note Luther's Catechisms on the first article of the
Apostles' Creed and Zwingli's De providentia, 1529.

For the dogmatic treatment it is to be noted that as a
rubric under systematic theology the subject necessarily
finds discussion in works on dogmatics (see for titles
Dogma, Dogmatics), which usually furnish also lists of
works bearing on the topics. Consult further: S. Char-
nock, A Treatise of Divine Providence, General and Par'
ticular, London, 1683; Q. W. Leibnits, Essais de theodicee,
2 vols., Amsterdam, 1710; J. B. Bossuet, TraiU de la con-
naissance de dieu et de soi-meme, Paris, 1722; J. Flavel,
Divine Conduct; or, the Mystery of Providence, reprint,
Philadelphia, 1840; O. Dewey, The Problem of Human
Destiny; or, the End of Providence in the World and Man,
New York, 5th ed., 1866; H. Wallace, Representative Re-
sponsibility, a Law of the Divine Procedure in Providence
and Redemption, Edinburgh, 1867; M. J. Scherben, Hand-
buch der katholischen Dogmatik, i. 657-664, Freiburg, 1873
(Roman Catholic); R. A. Lipsius, Die gdtUiche Weltre-
gierung, Frankfort, 1878; O. Kreibig, Die Ratsel der g&U-
lichen Vorsehung, Berlin, 1886; J. de Maistre, Lee Soiries
de St. Petersburg, ou entretiens sur le gouvernement tem-
porel de la Providence, 2 vols., new ed., Paris, 1886; W.
Schmidt, Die gdttliche Vorsehung und das SelbsUAen der
Welt, Berlin, 1887; idem, Der Kampf der WeUanschau-
ungen, ib. 1904; W. Beyschlag, Zur Verstandigung tiber
den christlichen VorsehungsgJauben, Halle, 1888; J. B.
Heinrioh, Dogmatische Theologie, v. 313-368, Mains, 1888

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

(Roman Catholic); C. Peach. PntUclianea dogmatics, u.
166-173. Freiburg. INTO (llorniin Cailioliei; O. Kim.
VoTtthtaovtauhe und Nalunnietenechaft, Berlin. 1903;
R. Otto, NaturalietXKhc und Ttligiflee Wettanechauune,
Tui.iiic.Ti. 1HH4. iOiig. trans]., (VnluraJism and fioNfion,
New York. 1007; A. Titius. Religion und Naluru-iaen-
tehaft. TDbinKen. 1904; KL, ni, 1007-1113; W. Leroh,
Bedenken geaen die crtllichc Voraehune. Wamsdorf. 1008.

In connection with [ 1 1 consult especially J. Le Conta,
Evolution and its Relation U> Rcliaiov* Thought, part iii..
2d od.. New York, 189-1; A. C. Fraser, Philosophy of Thr-
um. 'Jifford Lecture*, i ser.. pp. 82 sqq.. London. lSOfl;
A. B. Bruce, The Providential Order of the World, Now
York, 1897; idem. The Moral Order of the World, ib. 189&.

PROVINCIAL {provincialU superior): The reg-
ular ecclesiastic who presides over a number of
cloisters which collectively form a province. The
monks constitute a peculiar hierarchy, which, while
not in all pointa alike in the various orders, essen-
tially i-'infurm-! tn (In- fiillipv. inc .^nidation. Within
any given district the cloisters of an order consti-
tute a department, which among the Franciscans
is termed ciistiidiii. Several of these compose a.
province, in charge of a provincial; whereas the
entire order is under the general. The province
may embrace one or several countries, accord im; to
circumstances. Notwithstanding tile obedience
commanded by the hierarchical organization of the
cloister system, the superior's authority is limited
through the necessity of ('(inference with ecclesias-
tics of the order when Important objects are under
advisement. Thus the prior of the separate cloi-
ster is offset by the fathers of the same; the superior
of the province by the superiors of the separate
cloisters; the general of the order by the provin-
cials. The provincials, who at the same time are
superiors of some chief cloister of their province,
appear in still other connections as members of the
chapter general of an entire order.

E. Sehuno.

PR0V1S0R: A person appointed as administra-
tor of part of the church property. Originally.
church property was administered by the bishop.
As the wealth of tin- Church came to be specialized,
the iii Iniinisl rntiori of the parochial property de-
volved upon the parish priest under supervision of
bishop and archdeacon. Very soon, however, there
also grew up an influence on the side of the secular
parishioners, and suitable persons from their midst
were either elected by the paroeluans, or appointed
by the church diiiJiitas i'-s a- -niiiiirii-ti-at'jr- of t J ■ ' ■
church structure. They bore various designation:,.
among others vitriri and proFisoret. As clergy were
termed " fathers" of the Church ipatrrx iccltxia).
ho the pravixorcx were termed "patronal " fathers.

The designation promnor is applied also

PROVOST, SAMUEL: First Protestant Episco-
pal bishop of New York; b. in New York City Mar.
II, 1742; d. there Sept. S, 1815. He received his
education at Ming's College (now Columbia Uni-
versity), graduating in 1761, and at the University
of Cambi-iilcr. England, entering St. Peter's House
(now St. Peter's College); he was made deacon and
priest in London, 176fi; and on his return to Amer-
ica became one of the clergy of Trinity Church, New

Y'ork, where he became noted for his patriotism and
received the title of " the patriot rector " after bis
selection to the rectorship in 1784. His service with
Trinity was not continuous, however, as in 1774
political conditions led him to retire to a small
estate in what was then Dutchess county. Here be
indulged his love of botany (at Cambridge he pre-
paid it manuscript index to Buubin's Historia
planetarum) as a disciple of Linnaeus. In 1786 he
was elected bishop of New Y'ork, and was conse-
crated at Lambeth Palace. He offered lus resigna-
tion of the bishopric in 1801, but it was declined
and he was given a bishop-coadjutor. He pub-
lished nothing, but was a scholar of notable attain-
ments, being proficient in not only the classical
UogUBgMi but in French, German, and Italian,
translating but not publishing Tassot's "Jerusalem
Delivered." He did excellent service for his church
during a period when episcopacy was not popular in
this country.

BtvLionupuT: W. E. Sprigue, Annalt of the American
Pulpit, v. 2-10-248. New York. I8H; J. 0. Wilson mnd
othen, Centennial Hi't. of the Proleetanl Epitcopal
Church in the Diocese of New York. 1785-1886. ib„
188S: W. 8. Perry. The Episcopate in America, p. 9. ib.,
1805; M. Din, ffiet. of At Parieh of Trinity Church, vol.
ii., ib., 1901.

PROVOST (PROPOSITUS): In general, a pre-
siding officer, whether temporal or spiritual; as a
special term it was applied to a monastic otYirial
subordinate to the prior. According to the Bene-
dictine rule, the provost ranks immediately after
the abbot; later a dean was also appointed, coor-
dinate with the provost. In the nunneries a pne-
posita or priorissa followed in rank the abt>ess. At
the cathedral church, the archdeacon became
cathedra! provost; in the chapters of the churches,
he kept the simpler designation of provost. Thence-
forth provost and dean occupied the two uppermost
positions in the chapters, ranking as prelates (see
Prelate). Their position varied in the different
foundations according to the appertaining statutes.
Inasmuch as the admiijis! ration of (emporalia fre-
quently interfered w-ith the provost's actual residence
and prevented him from giving his attention to
other business of the chapter, he sometimes with-
drew from the chapter altogether, and was replaced
by the dean as capitulary chief.

In later times provosts were largely retained as
priors of cloisters, as among the August ininns, Do-
minicans (" provost or prior "), and Cistercians
(" provost or guardian "). As distinguished from
these provosts of the regular clergy, there were tem-
poral provosts of cloisters, whose business it was to
administer the property as stewards or to serve as
their protectors. The term occasionally denotes
other custodians who hold membership offices in I be
church councils of particular congregations. The
chief of the army chaplains, or military clergy, is
sometimes called " field provost," " principal

The title also passed over to the Evangelical
chinch, and is sometimes borne by superintendents,
as under the Swedish occupancy of PoniernnJa, and
in Mecklenburg. In foundations retained from the
medieval Church, the provost's office continued
active, as at the cathedral foundation in Nauru-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

burg and in Berlin. Cloister provosts :ire not un-
known to the Evangelical church, where the name
denotes, certain officials entrusted with si.tfierviston
over the property of Evangelical sisterhood founda-
tions. E. Sehlino.

Biia.i.-.r.u.enr: Binjhain. Originm, II., ii, 4-5, xbt. 14,
III., xii.; F. J. Meyer. De dignilatibut in canilulie, 4,
i siii., Gotlimjcn, 17S2: A.J. Ilinterim, Dcnkieilrdiekeiien,
ui. 2. pp. 361-302. Mains, 1826.

PRUDEHTIUS, ADRELIDS CLEMENS: Cliris-
tinn poet; l>. in tin' province of Tarragona, Spain.
34S; d. after 403. He came of a disiingnisla-d
Christian family and received an excellent educa-
tion, studied law, Ijeeame an office-holder and rose
rapidly, was twice governor of :i province and
finally received high office at the court of Theo-
dosius. When prist middle life, lie came to view his
course of life as little worthy mid withdrew from
public I iff: to devote himself to poetry in the service
..f religion and the Church. His earliest poems are
the twelve hymns contained in the Cathbm ritmn
(for UM in the morning, at meals, and at night,
from which the collection took its name). The
J node 1 of Priii lent in-- in fn k-i ry was Ambrose, though
there is a distinct independent development. He
employs the events of the times, and is not restricted
to the forms of verse used by Ambrose. While his
verse is popular, the lyrical element often recedes
in consequence of the introduction of the didactic
and epie admixture. A second collection, the Peri-
«fi jihiiitori, shows si ill greater originality at id variety
of verse form. This celebrates Spanish and Roman
martyrs, and may have been inlluenced by the in-
scriptions of Damasus (see Damasus I.) which
celebrated the martyrs. The epic and dramatic ele-
ments here are quite pronounced. There are ex-
tant also two didactic-polemic poems: .luiWiivw'.t,
in 1,408 hexameters, exalts the deity of Christ
ngniust Pal rijiassiatis, Sabellians, Jews, aud Erc-
'mites; llonuirtiijrnin, m illjtj hexameters, deals with
lite origin of evil in a, polemic against Marciou's
pin'istie dualism. Both of these lean on Tertullian.
He also left a purely polemic work in two books
(657 and 1,132 hexiiineters) called Contra Sym-
mnchum, in which he combats the heathen state
religion. It is under the in line nee of Ambrose's, epis-
tle against SymmachuB. All three of these last-
named contained passages of beauty, but the Ham-
iirii./i-nia is the noblest. A fourth work, of slight
esthetic interest, but important from a literary-
historical point of view (lll.i hexameters), is the
J'iili-ln!i>iiii:/iiii, the first example in the West of alle-
gorical poetry, setting forth the conflict, of Chris-
tian virtues with heathen vices. It comes out of
tin- times of the author and portrays the life of
those times, and had a great influence during the
Middle Ages. Finally, there is extant a collection
nl" forty-nine quatrains in hexameter with the title
Diltorhcton, which sets forth a Biblical picture in
Each quatrain, ll has been supposed that these ex-
plain decorations in the basilica attended by the
author, twenty-four Old -Test. anient pictures on one
tiide, twenty-four from the New Testament on the
other, and one in the apse. (G. KrDoeh.)

i, IS-la;

'; F, Arevalo, 2 vola., Boms, 1788-80, reptw-
nlegomenn. MPL, Ux.-li.; T, Obbar, Tabin-
d A. Dnssnl, Leipaic, 1800. In English may

i the Catnemerinon, London
of the Hymns, by <.;, Morisnn. ;i |iio-ts. i 'ritiitiri.ijtp, lSS'J;
by R. Martin Pope, London. WIS; Tropin f ions front
Prudenliue: .1 Selection, by F. .St. J. Thackeray (in verse),
London, 1890; Sotlgi (.Selected and Translated), by E.
Ciliat-Smiiti, London, l«IS. Consult: A Ebert. (,'<--
trhiehte. d,r l.itteraluc </..« MMilntten. i. 251-2'trt. Jfipnie,
1SSU <inJi-p«[Ls;it)l,!l; L. Paul, fyudeeur Prudence. PltriB-
burg. 1862; P. Gams. Kirekenettchirhtt Spaniens. ii. 1,
pp. 337-358. Reeensbure. 1804; C. Brorkhaus, Aureliut
Prudentiut Clement in «in*r Bedeutuni fir die Kirrhe mid
•eine Zeil, U-ifsie. 1S72: I' Alinnl. in limit den quetiom
/,;,;,,.„/„'*, «. (isS-lt, :n.5 :!SS5, xxxvi (ISS4K 5-01,
xxxvii (18851. 353-tOS; A. Ruilcr. Der kalholiwhr Did-
ler Aurdiue Prudenliue Clemen*. Fn-il-ure. lsso (,].-; ,jl,-,l;
has eye to chun Ii mul .loftriii:i! history); P. A. J. Puech.
Prudence; elude eur h pn.'n' I-ifa;. chtttinint an 4. sitcU,
Para. 1SS8 (ehiticirat'j): M. Mnnilin-t. litrrhithte der ehrimt-
Hch-lattiniichen Paenc, pp. 01-99. Sun tiiiri . lsi.l : C . \\>y-
niuut, in Commentatione* Wotlfflinianit. pp. 981-417.
Lcipaio, 1891: G. Boisiier, in RDM. id (MSB), 167-

3B0; idem, Iji FiH du fiaiani* pp. HW- 151, Pari-. ISO-l;

A. Baunigartner, Guehirhie ,1. , II - ,r ■ ,V.' . :.ilur, iv. 162 >qq.,
Freihun;. 1900; T. It. Glovor, Life, and Letteri in the
Fourth Century, pp. J40-ST7. Cauil.ii.lv. 1001; O. B»r-
.liTiliewcr, GetrJiiehte der nlll:irehliehen liteealue, ii. 390.
5t», B.15, 0111, Fn.nJ.urs;. ltlil.l; I'. M airnrt. /,- Puete Chre-
tien Prudence. Piuii, l'.'lli; E. 11. Winste.ti. in truncal
Review, x™ (19031, 203-207; M. Schnnj. uTnWUU* dvr
rf.miichen Littemtur, iv. 211-2:15, Munich. HUH (has full

li»t of infpr.v ii; It. Slettiner, Die illuntrierten Pruden-

liufHandeehriften. Berlin, 1905 (sumptuous); DCS, iv.
000-595. Riehnnltoii, EncurtapaeJi'i, ;: SS9, furnishes
references to sian" ''M-'lli'i.i [li-vi oili e^! literature.
PRUDEHTIUS OF TROYES: Bishop of Troyes
from shortly before 817; d. Apr. 6, 861. He was a
Spaniard named (ialindo, and was educated at the
Iranki-h court-school. In S4!) ho wrote to Hineroar
of Reims and Pardulus of Laon championing Au-
irusiiiiiniiisni in the predestination controversy of
the time (see Gottschalk, 1 ; IIiscmah of Rkims).
t it>d [p]f-r!estinated the wicked not so much to sin-
nine: — Adam'* fall was entirely free — as to well-
merited punishment; the elect alone are redeemed
by Christ's death from the masta pcrdUionw {MPL,
cxv. 975-076). Nevertheless I'rudeutius seetna to
have signed the theses of Hincmar at Quierzy in
853, but in the same year (or in 856) he attacked
them in four theses which he presented to a synod
at Paris (MPL, cxv. 1365 aciq.). He remained
Hincmar 'a bitter opponent, although he wrote no
more in the controversy. His part in the Annates
Btrtiniani, for which he wrote the years 835-861,
is Ids chief service to history. (R. Scbmid.)

[liiiijiMiiiPHi: The Annalee Bertiniani of Prudeotius %n
best in MGH, Script., i (1820), 429-454. then, in AfPL.
cxv. 1377-1420. uiv. 1203-1302: also ed. C. Dehaianea,
Pirns. 1S71, nad G. Waits, Hanover. 1883; r.W poems ui
in AfCff. Poet. Led. med ,eri. I I lssn. 1179 4W0. There is
n Germ, tnuisl.. new ed. by ^".WibinrLl. ;■■■!!. I. i-i [.-!.-. Is'.Ki,
sod Fr. trnn.il ill Cuirul. fMretion del memoirta, vol. IV„
Paris. 1824. Consult: J. Leheuf, Oissertolioiu «w Fhitt.
. . . ds Pari: i. 432-497. Pu.ri». I73u; J. C. F. Bahr, Ot-
::k:,-l-- il,r r-wi-'-licn IJI/niiu, •■„ :'. ,,.•„.',/,.,■, ■ h.o Zriln.'trr,
pp. 107. 463-450. Carlsruhe. 1840; J. C. PriWhanl, Life
and Timet of Hincmar, l.ittlemore. 1849; J. Giriensohn,
Prudenli-ut und die bertinianitchen Annalen. Rigi. I8M;
E. DOmmler, in A'A, iv (1870). 314; A. Ebert, GetchicliU
der IMeratur I- \l\ttdn!t> ■-.. :[ UM . Sflr.-:M)s, Loipsic. 18S0;
Wftttenbach, DG<i. I (1885). 190, 203. 277, i (1H9.I). 214-
ZS1. 2S6; idem, in NA, xvi (1891). B07-«19.

Prussia

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

814

I. Introduction of Christianity.

The Prussian People; First Mission-
ary Efforts (§ 1).
Order of Teutonic Knights (§ 2).
II. Statistics.

PRUSSIA.

Gain and Loss (| 1).
Ecclesiastical Facilities (§ 2).
Auxiliary Support (| 3).
III. Ecclesiastical Organisation.

. Evangelical
8tate Church Government (| 1).
Congregational and Synodal 0»
stitution (§ 2).
2. Roman Catholic

I. Introduction of Christianity: The people
which in history is called Prussian is the popula-
tion that in the migration of nations settled in
that part of the Baltic coast-land which in the sec-
ond half of the Middle Ages was known
i. The as Prussia. Their name Pruzi, or, in
Prussian its lengthened form, Prutheni (their
People; country, Prucia or Prussia), is derived
First Mis- from the Lithuanian Protas, i.e., in-
sionary sight, understanding: they called
Efforts, themselves Pruzi, the sagacious. The
character of these people can hardly
be established to-day, since they were extinct by
the end of the seventeenth century. Their language
has been preserved in two translations of the
Lutheran catechism, the so-called Old Prussian cate-
chism, Kdnigsberg, 1545, 1561. From these lin-
guistic fragments it is evident that the early Prus-
sians were neither Germans nor Slavs, but belonged
with their neighbors, among whom were the Lithu-
anians, to that special branch of the Indo-Germanic
group which is called Lettish. As to the south of
them the Poles had settled and to the west the
Wends, they had no contact with Germany. Their
religion was nature worship, a naive polytheism,
deifying sun, moon, stars, thunder, birds, and quad-
rupeds. The common center of sacrifice was Rom-
ove, a place near Domnau (23 m. s.e. of Konigs-
berg, East Prussia) ; the place of worship was under
trees, especially the oak. The people believed in a
future life and retribution of a material kind. They
dwelt in free, independent communities without na-
tional feeling. Their pursuits were agriculture and
cattle-raising, trade and the chase. They practised
polygamy, while women were treated as merchandise
and slaves. The sick were exposed or slain, and
drunkenness was a common vice. Hospitality, how-
ever, stood in high esteem. Because of their ex-
clusion toward the south and west, Christianity
could not come to the Prussians before the Chris-
tianization of the Poles and Wends. The first mis-
sionary attempt was made in 997 by Bishop Adal-
bert of Prague (q.v.), but without success. Bruno,
Count of Querfurt, a relative of Otto III., who made
a similar attempt, was suddenly captured by the
heathen, with eighteen of his companions, and be-
headed in 1009. In 1207 Abbot Gottfried from the
monastery of Lekno in Greater Poland baptized
some people, but was prevented by his early death
from organizing congregations. Another monk,
named Christian, probably also from a Cistercian
monastery in Greater Poland, had better success,
owing to the energetic assistance of Duke Conrad
of Masovia and Cujavia. Christian entered the so-
called territory of Culm from the south, and be-
tween 1207 and 1210 preached Christianity in the
neighborhood of Ldbau (74 m. s.e. of Danzig) and on
the boundary line of Pomerania under the authority

of Pope Innocent III. Between 1212 and 1215 hi
became " bishop " in Prussia. Two duels, War-
poda and Svabuno, with others were converted and
received baptism in Rome. They granted pieces of
land to their bishop, in the neighborhood of L&bu,
and Duke Conrad of Masovia gave him the larger
part of the territory of Culm, which poaseasons
became a secure foundation of the Prussian
bishopric.

To protect the converted Prussians from the.
hatred of their countrymen, Pope Honorius III.
demanded, in Poland and Pomerania, in 1217, and
in Germany, in 1218, the preaching of
2. Order of a crusade against the Prussian heathen.
Teutonic Not until 1 223 did the crusading armies
Knights, from Silesia and Pomerania enter the
territory of Culm. At the same time
the Prussians fell fiercely upon Pomerania and
Masovia. Christian, who had taken refuge in the
fortified castle of Culm, and Conrad of Masovia were
in the greatest peril and turned to the heroic Order
of Teutonic Knights, promising them large grants
of land for the conquest of Prussia. Hermann d
Salsa, the grand-master of the order, who sojourned
at that time in Italy at the court of Ferdinand II.
of Hohenstauffen, consented, although he was not
immediately prepared to send an army; but in
1228 he sent a deputation of his knights to receive
the land grant of Culm. In addition Bishop Chris-
tian also conferred upon him a tithe from his own
possessions at Culm and in 1231 the gift of a third
of his lands and its appurtenances. In the mean
time Pope Gregory IX., in 1230, renewed the de-
mand for a crusade against the Prussian heathen,
and in 1231 Hermann Balke with an army of
knights crossed the Vistula at Nassau and advanced
toward Pomerania. Wherever the order gained a
footing, fortresses were erected and German colo-
nists attracted. Thus arose the towns of Thorn,
Culm, Grandens, Marienwerder (1233), Elbing
(1237), and Konigsberg (1255). In 1238 the Teu-
tonic order in Prussia united with the Order of the
Brethren of the Sword in Livonia so that it could
extend its missionary and colonizing activity far
into the East. Wherever a town was founded there
arose a church. Here and there a church or monas-
tery was erected in the country. During an inva-
sion from Samland, Bishop Christian was taken
captive in Pomerania (1232). After his release in
1238 through Christian merchants, he accused the
order of having made no efforts at ransom and of
having robbed him of his possessions and privileges.
The pope sent a legate who decided in favor of the
order, conceding to the bishop only one-third of
the conquered land and only the spiritual functions
in the territory of the order. A reason why Chris-
tian did not enjoy any longer the favor of the papal
court is to be found in the fear of leaving such a

815

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Prussia

large territory under the rule of one person. Pope
Innocent IV. accordingly divided Prussia, in 1243,
into four episcopal dioceses: Culm, Pomerania,
Ermland, and Samland; and these four bishoprics
together with those of the Baltic provinces were put
under the authority of the archbishop of Riga.
This was entirely after the desire of the Teutonic
order; for an archbishop living in Riga could not
hinder their plans in Prussia. Moreover, the Teu-
tonic knights established the tradition that the
bishoprics and cathedral chapters should be occu-
pied by priests from their own order. The treaty
of peace between the Prussians and the order, con-
cluded at Christburg in 1249, throws light upon the
inner history of the mission. The Prussians prom-

nothing for learning, and did not effect the Chris-
tianization of the people. The first to introduce
real Christianity was the first Evangelical prince of
the duchy of Prussia, Albert of Prussia (q.v.; 1525-
1568) ; but by his time the pitiable remnant of the
knights had been almost entirely absorbed by the
Germanic colonization. (Paul Tschackert).

IL Statistics: The modern kingdom of Prussia
with an area of 134,588 square miles contained,

according to the census of Dec., 1905,

i. Gain a population of 37,293,324 (1900,

and Loss. 34,472,509), who are distributed among

88 town districts and 489 country dis-
tricts. The confessional distribution of the popula-
tion is shown in the following table:

Provinces.

Area. Square
Miles.

Evangelicals:

Old Lutheran and

Old Reformed.

Roman
Catholics.

Other
Christians.

Jews.

Without
Confession,

East Prussia

14,266
9,856

15,377
24

11,627

11,183

15,563
9,749
7,336

14,865
7,801
6,060

10,420
441

1,720,565

764,719

3,238,207

1,695,251

1,616,550

605,312

2,120,361

2,730,098

1,454,526

2,361,831

1,733,413

1,420,047

1,877,582

3,040

278,190

844,566

230,599

223,948

50,206

1,347,958

2,765,394

230,860

41,227

371,537

1,845,263

585,868

4,472,058

64,770

17,781

16,254

21,540

19,140

7,829

2,907

9,839

9,981

4,834

10,222

18,471

13,430

30,304

13,553

16,139

40,427

98,893

9,660

30,433

46,845

8,050

3,270

15,581

20,757

50,016

55,408

469

West Prussia

Brandenburg

Berlin, District of ... .
Pomerania

68
1,133
2,916

Posen

Silesia

172

Saxony

232

Sleswick-Holstein ....
Hanover

391
373

Westphalia

186

Hesse-Nassau

Rhenish Prussia

Hohenzollern

691

985

Prussia

23,341,502
(62.59%)

13,352,444
(35.80%)

182,533

(0.49%)

409,501
(1.10%)

7,344

(0.02%)

1908

21,817,577
63.29%

12,113,670
35.14%

139,127
0.40%

392,322
1.14%

9,813

0.03%

ised to renounce heathenism entirely and adopt
Christianity; however, a long time passed before
the entire country as far as the Lithuanian bound-
ary was subjected. The order was assisted in
1254 by Ottocar II., king of Bohemia, to whom was
assigned the castle of Konigsberg; and in 1266 by
Margrave Otto III. of Brandenburg, who built the
fortress of Brandenburg. By 1283 the knights were
masters of the country from the Vistula to the
Eastern border of modern East Prussia. In 1309
the grand master removed his seat to Marienburg
(27 m. s.e. of Danzig), and for about 100 years from
that time the order performed a leading part in the
events of eastern Europe until the envy and hatred
of the Poles broke their power in the terrible battle
of Tannenberg (75 m. s.w. of Konigsberg) (1410).
The territory west of the Vistula was surrendered
to the sovereignty of Poland, and that eastward of
the river was accepted as a fief. The seat of the
order became Konigsberg in 1466. The Teutonic
order had conquered Prussia in its own interest as
a support to the German nobility, became wealthy
through trade but the object of hatred, built at the
seats of occupation such churches as the cathedral
at Konigsberg and the Church of St. Mary at Danzig,
and allowed the entrance of twenty-four monas-
teries for men and nine for women; but it did

From 1817 to 1900 the percentage of Evangel-
ical population increased steadily, so that finally
Protestants and Roman Catholics were almost
equally proportioned. From 1900 there is notice-
able a retrogression on the Evangelical side, due
among other causes to Polish immigration. From
change of confession as well as additions and losses
the Evangelical church in Prussia had, in 1905, a
gain of 6,911 persons against a loss of 3,741. Con-
versions from the Roman Catholic to the Evangeli-
cal church have increased in the last ten years in
proportion to the increase of population: in 1895,
3,228; in 1905, 5,939. The loss of the Evangelicals
to the Roman Catholics is far smaller: in 1895, 295;
in 1905, 441. The Prussian state churches were
increased also by the conversion of 346 Jews. The
sects, however, and especially the dissidents of the
Evangelical church, caused heavy losses. In Berlin
and vicinity more than 1,000 people left the Evan-
gelical church in 1905, mostly from anti-Christian
motives; in the whole of Prussia there were 3,245
withdrawals, so that the net gain was reduced to
3,170. According to the latest statistics of 1906,
12,007 persons left the State Church as dissidents.
It is to be assumed that most of them renounced
Church and Christianity through the agitation of
the Social Democrats.

Prussia,

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

316

The religious needs of the Evangelical popula-
tion with reference to clergy, church buildings, and
funds can not be supplied in equal proportion
throughout the country. On Jan. 1, 1905, entire
Prussia had 24 general superintendents, 639 super-
intendents (including the metropolitans), 9,620
clergymen in independent offices, 8,390 parishes,
10,456 spiritual offices, 1 1,795 churches,
2. Ecclesi- and 4,322 other buildings devoted to
astical church service. The province of Sax-
Facilities, ony, the mother country of the Refor-
mation, is best provided for; as it
possesses on the average one clergyman for every
1 ,600 and one church for every 1,000 Evangelicals.
The most unsatisfactory conditions exist in Berlin
and in the provinces of East Prussia, West Prussia,
Posen, Westphalia, and Rhenish Prussia; in Berlin
on account of the densely crowded population for
whom there are only few churches and proportion-
ately few clergymen; in the provinces on account
of the wide extent of local districts, and because
these are frequently merged into one parish, owing
to the preponderance of Roman Catholic numbers.
To illustrate the inequitable distribution in spite of
the progress made, the Church of the Apostle Paul
in Schoneberg, Berlin, has seven clergymen to
140,000 in comparison with sundry rural congre-
gations of one clergyman to 300. In the matter of
dioceses, some consist of twenty to forty parishes;
others of only two to ten. The Prussian Evangel-
ical military clergy stands under the chaplain-gen-
eral of the army, who is at the same time over the
imperial body-guard and chaplain of the navy.
Every provincial army-corps and the guard have
their superior chaplains, of whom there are in Prus-
sia thirteen, with seventy-six subordinate division
and garrison chaplains. Special difficulties regard-
ing the care of congregations in individual localities
arise from the fact that the language of the Evan-
gelical population is not everywhere German, the
Slavic in its various dialects being the main excep-
tion. At the close of 1907 there were in Prussia
about 197 Evangelical congregations using the Po-
lish language, East Prussia alone having 123 Polish
congregations with 136 clergymen, and 71 congre-
gations in which 88 clergymen preached Lithu-
anian. The Danish language was used in 113
churches of Sleswick-Holstein. The supply of the
churches with clergy has not kept pace with the
increase of population. From 1895 the number of
candidates for the ministerial office has decreased
more than one-half. In the old Prussian state
church 523 candidates were examined in 1895; in
1906 only 202: ordained in 1895, 312; in 1906, 242.
In 1907 there were only 46 candidates available in
East and West Prussia, Pomerania, Posen, Silesia,
and Westphalia, in Saxony about 25. In conse-
quence a great many assistant pastorates remain
vacant. So far as ascertained for 1907, 38 new
parishes with 98 clerical positions were organized
to an increase in the Evangelical population of
300,000. The number of theological students de-
creased from 4,536 in 1900 to 2,228 in the winter
semester of 1907-08.

In the mean time a marked improvement and
legal regulation in the remuneration of the clergy

and the care of the retired and of the bereft sur-
vivors has been made; such as, from 1895, the uni-
form regulation of a common fund for the widows

and orphans of clergymen; from 1899,

3. Auxiliary of an auxiliary salary fund uniformly

Support regulating incomes to the limit of 4,800

marks; and the synodical legislation
in 1907-08 for the extension of the latter tod
the establishment of a retired pension fund for
the Evangelical clergy. These measures, it is hoped,
will offset the alarming decline in clerical and church
facilities. The auxiliary salary fund by the act
which went into effect Apr. 1, 1908, regulates sal-
aries up to a benefice of 6,000 marks. Below that
all positions are divided into nine classes baaed
upon their ground income and ranging by intervals
of 300 marks from class I., 1,800 marks, to class
IX., 5,400. Thus, a pastor receives, beside par-
sonage or equivalent, in class I., 1,800 marks, to
which the auxiliary fund adds 600. Moreover, this
classification serves also as the scale for increments
due to length of service, beginning at the end of
the third and proceeding by intervals of three years
to the end of the twenty-fourth. The auxiliary
fund contributes the excess beyond the ground in-
come and advances additions so that every clergy-
man is guaranteed from 2,800 marks after the third
year of service to 6,000 after the twenty-fourth.
Besides, in cases of necessity, additions can also be
made, even permanently, to the ground income.
By the synodical act of Dec., 1907, the pastor will
receive a recompense for removal from charge to
charge. The auxiliary fund is instituted by the
state churches, and enjoys a legal status. It is
administered by a presiding board of five mem-
bers appointed by the king and an administrative
committee of fifty-five members, representatives of
the national synods. The parishes have to render,
under receipt of the income of the prebendary es-
tate, besides the ground income and various addi-
tions to the clerical incumbent, an insurance con-
tribution, graduated according to the class to which
they belong, ranging from 1,500 marks in class 1.
to 300 marks in classes V.-IX. In the case of in-
ability, they may receive revocable aid from the re-
enforcement fund of the consistory (see below). To
inaugurate the adequate disbursement of the fund
the state budget for 1908-09 assigned 10,000,000
marks. The deficit is covered by the state churches
which tax their members on the basis of the state
levy. With reference to the retired pension fund,
by the act which went into effect Apr. 1, 1908,
every clerical who is disqualified by physical dis-
ability or the decline of physical or mental powers,
or in any case after attaining the age of seventy,
is entitled to an annual pension, which is in no case
to be less than 1,800 marks nor more than 6,000.
This fund, organized like the auxiliary fund, is
raised, apart from the contributions for the clergy
of societies in Prussia and elsewhere, by an annual
state appropriation of 1,600,000 marks, and the
levy of the state churches which covers the deficit.
In consequence of the legislation of 1889 and 1892
there was founded a special fund for the widows
and orphans of deceased clergymen. In 1895 the
other state churches joined the fund and it is now

317

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Prussia

organized in the same way as the other funds.
Widows accordingly receive from 700 marks to
1,300 marks; orphans receive to the end of the
eighteenth year 400 marks and half-orphans, 250.
On the basis of extensive guaranties of the State
the Evangelical church in Prussia is now supported
by two kinds of taxes: (1) such as every member
owes to his parish, district, and province, within
the consistorial district; (2) such as benefit his
state church in its widest relations, including pen-
sion, auxiliary, and widows' funds, and the support
of ecclesiastical administration and general objects.
Regarding the second, for instance, the state church
of the older provinces raises a legally established
assessment of 5} per cent of the state taxes. Be-
side these revenues the state church of the older
provinces raises a not inconsiderable sum by a bi-
ennial collection for the most urgent necessities
of needy congregations in the Evangelical state
churches. Various provincial churches are heavily
endowed for general and parish purposes. Besides,
there is a state contribution for Evangelical clergy-
men and churches which in 1907-08 amounted to
2,080,037 marks. The right of appointment in the
nine older provinces, for about 3,000 positions, be-
longs to the state church government, 2,257 of these
in alternation with parish organizations, since 1874;
for 2,265 positions, it belongs to patrons; for about
700, to communal corporations; for about 1,350, to
congregations; and for about 90 to provincial boards
other than ecclesiastical The number of positions
filled by the church government and private patrons
is by far the largest, but in all cases the congre-
gations possess the right to submit protests against
candidates on the grounds of doctrine, conduct, or
qualification. In the later provinces, Hanover,
Hesse-Nassau, Sleswick-Holstein, the state church
authorities control the majority of appointments.

HI. Ecclesiastical Organization. 1. Evangelical :
The church governing boards culminate in the per-
son of the king, following tradition from the time
of the Reformation, on account of,
eh8** if ^ret' an orKai"c connection of Church
Go£L an? State of an eoctadartfao-polWeal
ment. nature, guaranteeing the peaceful re-
lations of both; and, secondly, on
practical grounds, to provide, within the monarchy,
over against the presbyterial form, a stable execu-
tive and protection for the Evangelical bodies. At
the head of the state church comprising the older
Prussian provinces stands the Evangelical supreme
church council at Berlin. Including the secular
president and spiritual vice-president it consists of
thirteen ordinary members, including the* chaplain-
general. They are appointed for life by the king,
at the common proposal of the supreme council and
the minister of worship. The duties of the council
comprise, among others, consultation with the king
in all affairs of legislation and administration re-
served for supreme decision; communication with
the state central boards on matters of common re-
sort; and the privileges and duties, according to the
order of June 29, 1850, of the synodal system, the
supervision of worship in relation to dogma and
liturgy, of the preparation of candidates for the
spiritual office, of the employment, office-bearing,

and discipline of clergymen, and the decision in
cases arising over elections, grievances, and other
legal questions.

At the head of every province there is a consis-
tory under the direction of a secular president and
with its seat at the capital of the province. In sub-
ordination to the supreme council the consistory is
entrusted with the administration of the external
and internal affairs of the Church in its province,
and the general superintendent is one of the mem-
bers. The latter keeps the church government in
touch with the clergy and congregations, takes part
in the synods, introduces the superintendents, con-
ducts the general church visitations, and conse-
crates new churches. Under the auspices of the
consistory acts the commission for the examination
of candidates, offering the two tests, for the privi-
lege of preaching and of assuming office. The prov-
inces of the state consistories, with the single ex-
ception of the district of Frankfort, are divided into
dioceses (ephorien) presided over by superintend-
ents, who are state officials. They mediate between
the consistories and the congregations and their
ministers, exercise immediate personal supervision
over the official conduct of clergymen and the life
of the congregations, and over candidates residing
within their dioceses. A principal part of the work
of half of the superintendents of Prussia is the in-
spection of the district schools.

According to the historical development of the
individual state churches of the monarchy, the in-
ternal constitution is based upon various legal acts
which are valid only for their respec-
2. CongTe- ^ve territories. According to that of

*d a°n^ *^e Extern provinces, which may be
^U Const!-* consi<iereci the type of all Prussian

tution. church organization, the ministers,
who in doctrine, pastoral care, admin-
istration of the sacraments, and the other minis-
terial functions remain independent, are assisted
in the congregation by a smaller and a larger rep-
resentative corporation. Both are elected by the
male members above the age of twenty-four who
have lived at least one year in the place. All men
entitled to election are eligible, in so far as they
have proved their interest in the church by partici-
pation in the services and sacraments. No one is
eligible for the smaller body (elders) who is less
than thirty years of age. The elections are valid
for six years. The number of elders shall be not
more than twelve and not less than four; the num-
ber of representatives of the congregation shall be
three times as many. The patron may personally
claim the office of the elder or have a representative.
In very small congregations the meeting of all mem-
bers entitled to election takes the place of the rep-
resentatives of the congregation or vestry. The
minister presides over these bodies. The smaller
body (" church council," or presbytery) covers a
great variety of duties, religious, disciplinary, ad-
ministrative, and others pertaining to instruction
and charities. The larger body forms a wider outer
circle, and, with the church council, exercises mainly
material and fiscal functions. Wider self-adminis-
tration is constituted by the representatives of a
whole diocese in a district synod. In their consti-

Prussia

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

318

tution there is much variety. In the eastern prov-
inces the district synods consist of the superin-
tendent as the presiding officer, of the entire parish
clergy, and of a double number of elected lay mem-
bers, of which one-half is elected from present or
former elders by the representative bodies of the
congregations; the other half from respected and
experienced men of the synodal district by the rep-
resentation of the larger congregations, for three
years. In Rhenish Prussia and Westphalia, on the
other hand, the district synod consists of the clergy-
men and one elder of every congregation. The dis-
trict synod has no parliamentary character like the
congregational representatives; it is rather the board
of the district communion with definite powers of de-
cision. It assembles annually, and its duties com-
prise the treatment of affairs of general interest,
restricted privileges of supervision, and the exercise
of church discipline of second instance. The third
grade of self-administration of the old Prussian
state church is the provincial synod; it consists of
the delegates elected from the district synods or
unions of synods of small dioceses, of a deputy
of the theological faculty of the province, and of
the members appointed by the king (not over one-
sixth of the entire number) . Besides the supervision
of discipline in doctrine, worship, and constitution,
and the execution of proposals of the state govern-
ment of the church, the provincial synod has to give
its assent to ecclesiastical laws the validity of which
is restricted to the province. No catechisms, text-
books, hymnals, manuals, or regular provincial col-
lections can be introduced without its sanction;
and it supervises the funds of the district synod,
directs the administration of the fund of the pro-
vincial synod, decides on the expenditure of church
and home collections for the benefit of needy con-
gregations of its district, and is permitted to depu-
tize two or three of its members to the examina-
tion commission of the consistory (ut sup.). The
presiding head, consisting of a president and from
two to six associates, is privileged to take part in
the important business affairs of the consistory; and
must take a hand with it in proposals for the filling
of state church government offices, and in decisions
upon objections raised by congregations against
the doctrines of their clergymen, and upon all
charges of heresy. The general synod is the synodal
organ of the entire state church of the nine older
provinces. It consists of 150 members elected from
the nine provincial synods, of a deputy of the dis-
trict synod of Hohenzollern, 6 deputies of the theo-
logical faculties, all (13) general superintendents,
and 30 members to be appointed by the king. The
president, vice-president, and six secretaries are
elected by the body at the opening of each assem-
bly, to continue until final adjournment. It has
primarily the right of assent to all acts of the legis-
lative body of the state church government. Sub-
ject to it are the regulation of the freedom of doc-
trinal teaching, the obligations of clergymen by
virtue of their ordination, the norms of agenda for
the Church as a whole, the institution and abolition
of sacred holidays, changes in the congregational
and synodal order, as well as of fundamental changes
in the constitution of church government, church

discipline with reference to general duties, and dis-
ciplinary authority over clergymen and other offieos,
the requirements for applicants, and fundamental
rules on appointment and on matrimony. The
second synodal organ of the old Prussian state
church is the presiding board of the general synod,
consisting of a presiding officer, his proxy, and five
associates, for whom also five substitutes are elected.
As an independent college it may make propoali
for the abolition of defects in ecclesiastical legis-
lation and administration; and it may prepare also
drafts of laws for the general synod. In matters
which can not be postponed until the convention
of the general synod, it may act with the full power
of that body. It administers the fund of the gen-
eral synod and cooperates with the supreme church
council in receiving appeals on heresy, in reviewing
the proposed acts submitted by the state church
government to the general synod for adoption sod
the instructions of the former to the latter for the
execution of its enactments, in proposals for the
appointments of the general superintendent, in repre-
sentation before the courts of justice, and in other
affairs of the central administration of the Church,
in which it is admitted by the council. As third
synodal organ there is elected by the general synod
the council of the general synod which is consti-
tuted of eighteen members, beside the presiding
board of the general synod. It ends its function
with the opening of the next regular general synod,
and meets once a year in Berlin, to act as advisory
counsel to the supreme church council. Outside of
the older provinces, the order is in the main similar.
The other Evangelical religious communities, the
so-called sects, have no great importance in Prus-
sia. Without propaganda and in peaceful relation
to the state church are the Mennonites (13,860) and
the Unity of the Brethren, distinguished for their
institutions of training and missions. The Old Lu-
therans of Breslau do not relinquish their confes-
sional aloofness; likewise the Dutch Reformed of
Elberfeld. Insignificant are the free religious com-
munities organized on the basis of absolute free*
dom, i.e., indefiniteness. But the propaganda of
American and English denominations such as the
Irvingites (45,654), Darbyites, Baptists (42,370),
Methodists, and the Salvation Army has consider-
ably increased, and has drawn, especially in the
larger cities, from the state churches.

2. Boman Catholic s The organization of the
Roman Catholic Church in the older provinces is
based on the papal bull De salute animarum of July
16, 1821, sanctioned as to essential content and
published in the code after royal approval, Aug. 23,
of that year. The bull defined eight bishoprics:
Cologne, Paderborn, Munster, Treves, Breslau,
Ermland, Gnesen-Posen, and Culm. There is one
ecclesiastical province in the east and one in the
west, where the Roman Catholic population is the
most dense: respectively, the archbishopric of
Gnesen-Posen including the bishopric of Culm;
and that of Cologne, including the suffragan bish-
oprics of Treves, Munster, and Paderborn. Hesse-
Cassel is included in the bishopric of Fulda and
Wiesbaden in that of Limburg, both under the arch-
bishopric of Freiburg which includes also Hohen-

319

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ProMii

zollern. The rest of Prussian territory is divided
into exempt dioceses which are immediately sub-
ject to the pope, namely, Breslau, Berlin, Ermland,
Hildesheim, and Osnabruck. The bishops are chosen
by the chapters which have advisory privilege in the
administration and are appointed, in the old prov-
inces, partly by the king and partly by the bishop,
in the new, alternately by bishop and chapter. The
choice of a bishop must meet with the king's ap-
proval. The Roman Catholic parish organization
was legally fixed by statute of June 20, 1875, but
this covers only affairs of property; a layman re-
ceives no right to participate in the inner adminis-
tration. This law demands of every parish the or-
ganization of a presiding board and a vestry. Over
properties and public institutions and over the
church-tax system the state has supervision, the
same as over the Evangelical bodies. By statute
that went into effect Apr. 1, 1899, the state appro-
priates for the revocable reinforcement of the sal-
aries of priests of weak churches the sum of 3,438,400
marks. In compensation the state has guarded
itself by various laws against the ultramontane en-
croachments of the Roman Catholics; such as that
(Dec. 28, 1845) prohibiting appointment to all
priests ordained abroad; that (July 4, 1872) pro-
hibiting the Jesuits; that (May 31, 1875) excluding
all Roman Catholic orders from Prussian soil; and
that (Feb. 13, 1887) establishing the oath of fidel-
ity for Roman Catholic bishops to king and state.
A chaplain-general was reinstated in 1888 who has
charge of the Roman Catholic chaplains. See also
Los von Rom. (E. von der Goltz.)

Bibliography: On the introduction of Christianity consult
as sources: Codex diplomaticua Pruaaicue, ed. J. Voigt,
vols, i.-vi., Kdnigsberg, 1836-61; Scriptoree rerum Prue-
sicarum, vols, i.-v., Leipsic, 1861-74; Preuaaiachea Ur-
kundenbuch, politiache Abtheilung, vol. i., part 1, Kdnigs-
berg, 1882; Neuea pruaaiache Urkundenbuch, part II.,
Danzig, 1885 sqq.; and the literature given in Potthast,
Wegvceiaer, pp. xxii.-xxiii. Consult further: A. Schott,
Pruaaia Christiana, Danzig, 1738; J. Voigt, Oeachichte
Preuaaena von den alteaten Zeiien bia zur Reformation, 9
vols., Kdnigsberg, 1827-30; M. Tdppen, Hiatoriach-kom-
parativa Geographie von Preuaaen, Gotha, 1858; K. Loh-
meyer, Geachichie von Oat- und Weatpreuaaen, part 1, Gotha,
1880 (has almost the value of a source book) ; Hauck, KD;
Rettberg, KD; Friedrich, KD; and the literature under
Adalbert of Prague.

On modem Prussia as sources consult: E. Friedberg,
Die geUende Verfaaaungageaetze der evangd.-deutachen
Landeakirchen, Freiburg, 1885-02; E. Nitxe, Die Verfoaa-
unga- und Verwaltungageaetze der evangel. Landeakirche
in Preuaaen, Berlin, 1805; H. Lilge, Geaetze und Verord-
nungen iiber die evangel. Kirchenverfaaaung, 7th ed., Ber-
lin, 1005; Crisolli and M. Schultz, Verwaltungaordnung
fur doa kirchliche Vermdgen, Berlin, 1004; the works on
ecclesiastical law (Kirchenrecht) by H. F. Jacobson, Halle,
1866; P. Hinschius, Berlin, 1860-07; A. L. Richter, 8th
ed., Leipsic, 1886; F. H. Vemig, Freiburg, 1803; W. Kahl,
Freiburg, 1804; R. Kohler, Berlin, 1805; Gossner, Berlin,
1800; A. Frans, Gdttingen, 1800; F. Heiner, Paderbom,
1001; E. Friedberg, 5th ed., Leipsic, 1003; and P. Schoen,
Berlin, 1003-06; and the Gtaetzeammlung fur die k&nig-
lichen preuaeiachen Stooten, an annual published by the
Staatsministerium.

The freshest statistical data are to be found for the
Protestants in KirchlicJtea Jahrbuch, ed. J. Schneider (an
annual); for the Roman Catholics in H. A. Krose, Kirch-
lichea Handbuch (also annual) ; and the fullest historical
statement for recent times is in F. Nippold, Handbuch der
neueaten Kirchengeachichte, 5 vols., Berlin, 1001. On the
Protestant church consult: A. Mucke, Der Friede zwia-
chen Stoat und Kirche, 2 vols., Brandenburg, 1882-88;
H. F. Uhden, Die Lage der lutheriachen Kirche in Deutach-

lond, Hanover, 1883; S. Baring-Gould, The Church in
Germany, London, 1891; K. Rieker, Die reckUiche Stel-
lung der evangel. Kirche Deutachlanda in ihrer geachichtli-
chen SteUung bia zur Gegenwart, Leipsic, 1893; R. Rocholl,
Geachichie der evangeliachen Kirche in Deutechland, Leip-
sic, 1897; G. Goyau, L'AUemagne religieuae. he Protea-
tontiame, Paris, 1898; P. Schoen, Doa Londeakirchentum
in Preuaaen, Berlin, 1898; G. H. Schodde, The Proteatant
Church in Germany, Philadelphia, 1901; T. Braun, Zur
Frage der engeren Vereinigung der deutachen evangel. Landea-
kirchen, Berlin, 1902; J. Niedner, Grundxuge der VerwaU-
ungaorganixotion der altpreueeiachen Kirche, ib. 1902; idem,
DieAuagoben dea preuaeiachen Stootea fUr die evangeliache
Landeakirche der olteren Provinzen, Stuttgart, 1004; R. See-
berg, Die Kirche Deutachlanda imlO. Johrhundert, Leipsic,
1903; T. Hoffmann, Die EinfQhrung der Union in Preua-
aen und . . . Separation der Altlutheraner, ib. 1903;
H. A. Krose, Confeaaionaatatiatik Deutachlanda, Freiburg,
1004; E. Kalb, Kirchen und Sekten der Gegenwart, Stutt-
gart, 1005; E. Fdrster, Die Entatehung der preuaeiachen
Landeakirche unter der Regierung Kdnig Friedrich Wil-
helma 111., 2 vols., Tubingen, 1907; M. Bar, Weatpreuaaen
unter Friedrich dem Groaaen, vols, i.-ii., Leipsic, 1909.

On the Roman Catholic Church consult: H. Brook, Ge-
achichie der kotholiachen Kirche in Deutachlond, Mains,
1896-1903; K. Sell, Die Entwickdung der kotholiachen
Kirche im 19. Johrhundert, Leipsic, 1898; Die kotholiachen
Kirche unaerer Zeit und ihrer Diener in Wort und BUd, 2
vols., Munich, 1900; J. May, Geachichie der Generolver-
aommlungen der Kotholiken Deutachlanda 1848-100$,
Cologne, 1903; O. Hegemann, Friedrich der Groaae und
die katholiache Kirche in den reicharechtlichen TerrUorien
Preuaaena, Munich, 1904; P. Goyau, Cotholieiame, 1800-
1848, 2 vols., Paris, 1905.

PRUSSIA, REFORMATION IN. See Albert of
Prussia.

PRUYSTINCK, LOT. See Loists.

PRYCE, ROBERT VAUGHAN: English Congre-
gationalist; b. at Bristol Dec. 15, 1834. He was
educated at New College, London (B.A., Univer-
sity of London, 1859; M.A., 1861), and held pastor-
ates at Union Street, Brighton (1862-71), Worcester
(1871-77), and Stamford Hill, London (1877-
1889). Since 1889 he has been principal and pro-
fessor of theology in New College, London, and was
lecturer in logic and mental and moral science in
Cheshunt College, Herts, from 1887 to 1895. He
was also a member of the faculty of theology in the
University of London and of the senate of the same
institution. In theological position he is in general
accord with his denomination.

PRYNNE, WILLIAM: Puritan; b. at Swans-
wick (10 m. e. of Bristol, Somersetshire) in 1600;
d. at London Oct. 24, 1669. He was graduated at
Oxford University, 1621; studied law; acquired
great notoriety by his learned but dull work His-
triomostix (London, 1633), against plays, masks,
dancing, and the like. For the alleged seditious wri-
ting in it he was tried in the Star Chamber (Feb. 7,
1633), and condemned to the loss of his ears, per-
petual imprisonment, and to pay a fine of 5,000
pounds. The instigation to this infamous sentence
came from Archbishop Laud, whose animosity he
had won by writing against Arminianism and the
jurisdiction of the bishops. The same court con-
demned him (June 30, 1637) to branding, and im-
prisonment in remoter prisons, and another pay-
ment of 5,000 pounds, for a fresh seditious and
libellous work, News from Ipswich (1639). He was

Pftalm&nasar
Psalmody

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

890

released by the Long Parliament, and received in
London (Nov. 28, 1640) with a great ovation.
Prynne, by a strange turn of affairs, was solicitor
in the trial of Laud (1644), and arranged the whole
proceedings. He was a stout opponent of the army
in the civil war. In 1648 he was elected to parlia-
ment from Newport, and, Dec. 4, 1648, there advo-
cated the cause of Charles. He was expelled in 1650
from the House of Commons for his vehement op-
position to Cromwell, but readmitted 1659. He pro-
moted the Restoration, and was rewarded with the
appointment of keeper of the records in the Tower
(1660) ; and his collection of records is considered a
model work. His learning was very great, and he
published about 200 books and pamphlets, mostly
controversial (the list of his works in the British
Museum Catalogue covers twelve pages).

Bibliography: A. k Wood, Athena Ozionienses, ed. P. Bliss,
iii. 844, 4 vols., London, 1813-20; DNB, xlvi. 432-437;
Encyclopaedia Brxtannica, sub voce; R. E. M. Peach, An-
nals of the Parish of Swainsicick, London, 1890; W. H.
Hutton, The English Church {16*6-17 U), pp. 68-69, 78,
176. London, 1903.

PSALM AN AZAR, GEORGE: Literary impostor;
b. 1679? d. in London May 3, 1763. The above
name was assumed, and he pretended to be a For-
mosan, though he was really a native of the south
of France. He came from Flanders to London as
an ostensible convert to Christianity. He was kindly
received, and had astonishing success in imposing
upon the learned ; for he not only compiled and in-
vented a description of the Island of Formosa (Lon-
don, 1704), but actually a language for the coun-
try, into which he translated the Church Catechism,
by request of Bishop Compton, whose protege' he
was. His fraud was, however, discovered at Oxford,
and for the rest of his life he supported himself by
writing for booksellers. As the pretended For-
mosan, he played the part of a heathen; but from
his thirty-second year he was in all his actions a gen-
uine Christian, and won the highest respect of his
contemporaries.

Bibliography: Consult his own Memoirs of ... , com'
monly known by the Name of George P Salmanazar, London,
1764; J. Boftwell, Life of Samuel Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill,
iii. 314, 443-449, iv. 274, 6 vols., Oxford, 1887; DNB,
xlvi. 439-442.

PSALM MELODIES, FRENCH: A category of
French Protestant religious music composed for the
singing of the Psalms, and thus going back ulti-
mately to Calvin, who, in his turn, was profoundly
impressed by hearing the Psalms sung in German
during his visit to Strasburg in 1538. With them
as models he composed the first French Psalter (ap-
parently published in 1539); and although his own

contributions soon became obsolete,
History. French psalmody, as a literary and

musical phenomenon, is deeply rooted
in his personality. As poetry the French Psalter
goes back to Clement Marot (q.v.), who translated
thirty-nine Psalms, his work being completed by
Beza in 1562. As a writer of verse, Beza could make
no claim to stand on the poetical level of Marot,
but his work proved popular and went through in-
numerable editions. The following bibliographical
account may suffice for the history of the French
Psalter. In 1539 there appeared at Strasburg the

anonymous Avlcun* pseaulmes et eanHquu myt e*
chant, containing twenty-one texts and including
the first fourteen translations of Marot and fire
Psalms of Calvin, among the melodies being tin
famous Strasburg " Es sind doch selig alle die"
(to Psalm cxix.) of 1525. After Calvin's return to
Geneva in 1541, there appeared in Strasburg the
second psalter, called the Pseudo-Roman, since its
title-page alleged that it was printed at Rome with
the privilege of the pope. In addition to the whole
collection of 1539, it contained eighteen other
Psalms and the metrical Lord's Prayer of Marot,
four psalms of various writers, and a total of nine
new melodies (3d ed., 1545). In 1542 there was
printed at Geneva the Forme des prieres, which be-
came the standard Geneva Psalter, containing thirty
psalms, the Lord's Prayer, and the creed by Marot,
and five Psalms with the Song of Simeon and the
Ten Commandments by Calvin. Of the melodta
seventeen were more or less changed, and twenty-
two were new. In the Geneva Psalter of 1543, Cal-
vin's poetical versions no longer appear. The edi-
tions after 1547 were entitled Pseaulmes cinqumtt
de David, and musical changes were introduced from
time to time. After 1551 the title of the French
Psalter became Pseaumes octante trots de DmuL
The edition of 1551 included thirty-four composi-
tions of Beza and forty-seven new melodies. After
a number of editions with minor variations, the
work appeared in final form at Geneva and Paris in
1562, with the title Les Pseaumes mis en rimfmr
goise. This contained the whole Psalter with 150
melodies (many of them being repeated), the Deca-
logue, the Song of Simeon, two forms of grace, the
Lord's Prayer, and the creed. By 1565 the work
had run through sixty-two editions, and had been
translated into German by Ambrosius Lobwasser
(q.v.).

The origin of the melodies has been investigated
with great care. It is certain that the music which
accompanies the translation is derived
Sources, from secular sources. Sport or dance
Authors, music was not directly adopted, though
Influence, the tonal elements were worked over
for religious purposes. In some thirty-
five cases secular melodies can be traced as the
originals of Psalm tunes, though it must be remem-
bered that many of these had long been used in both
public and private Protestant devotions. The mel-
odies fall into two groups: eighty-five of uniform
type or revision, collected in 1542-54, and in some
cases probably composed by Louis Bourgeois (c.
1510-72); and forty melodies added in 1562, com-
posed by an unknown successor of Bourgeois of
very inferior talents. It is necessary, however, to
distinguish between the composers and the ar-
rangers of the melodies. Among the former men-
tion should be made of Guillaume Franc (c. 1510-
1570), whom Beza, while in Lausanne, employed
to compose forty melodies, which gradually were
superseded by those current at Geneva; while one
of the most prominent of the latter was Claude
Goudimel (q.v.). A second distinguished harmo-
nist of the French Psalter was Claude (or Claudin)
Lejeune (c. 1530-1600), the greater part of whose
contributions were published posthumously.

321

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Psalxnanasar
Psalmody

French Psalm music is generally recognized for
its superior qualities wherever congregational sing-
ing is practised. Eighty-four melodies of the French
Psalter are in use in the Protestant churches of
Germany, a significant fact in consideration of the
number of compositions originating in German Prot-
estantism itself. The number of German tunes in-
troduced into the French Psalter, on the other hand,
is very small compared with this list, although the
Strasburg melody of Psalm cxix. and the Strasburg
system of singing the Ten Commandments were
permanently adopted, while a number of other Ger-
man Psalm tunes were used for a longer or shorter
time. French Psalm melodies were also much em-
ployed outside of France, the Psalter being trans-
lated for its melodies into Dutch, English, Danish,
Polish, Hungarian, Bohemian, Rhsetian, Italian,
Spanish, Portuguese, etc. Many of these melodies
are still retained in Bohemian, Finnish, and Amer-
ican hymnals and choral books. They were even
adopted in varying degrees by local Roman Catho-
lic hymnals, the Eichsfeld hymnal (Langensalza,
1871) still retaining five. (J. Smend.)

Bibliography: C. J. Riggenbach, Der Kirchengeaang in
Basel seit der Reformation, Basel, 1870; F. Bovet, Hist,
du psautier huguenot, vols, i.-ii., Paris, 1878-70; S. KQm-
merle, Encyklopadie der evangel. Kirchenmueik, vols, i.-
ii., GQtersloh, 1888-90 (consult articles " Bourgeois,"
" G. Franc," " Goudimel," " Lejeune," " Lobwasser,"
" Der Liederpsaiter der reformierten Kirche "); J. Zahn,
Die Melodien der deuUchen evangeliechen Kirchenlieder,
vols, i -vi.f GOtersloh, 1889-93; P. Wolf rum. Die Entste-
hung und erste Entwickelung dee deutschen evangeUachen
Kirchenliedes in musikalischer Beziehung, pp. 79, 89-90,
96-98, 112-113, 123-139, Leipsic, 1890.

PSALMODY.

Psalmody in the Bible (§ 1).

Post-Biblical Psalmody (§ 2).

Protestant Psalmody (§ 3).

The Psalm Tones (§ 4).

Origin of Christian Psalmody (§ 5).

History (5 6).

Psalmody literally signifies the singing of psalms,
and hence of hymns in general. In the wider sense
of the term it frequently denotes sacred song in
distinction from worldly, or church singing as con-
trasted with secular. More specifically the term is
applied to the Breviary (q.v.) in so far as the chant-
ing of Psalms is the main object of that compila-
tion, while in a more technical sense it denotes the
liturgical rendering of the Psalms, or portions of
them, as prescribed by the Church. Restricting
psalmody for the nonce to its literal meaning of
Psalm-singing, the history of the liturgical use of
the Psalter will here be summarized, reference being
made for the origin, authorship, date, and first pur-
pose of the collection to the article Psalms, Book of.
The psalmody of the Old Testament, still over-
laid by the ceremonialism of the Mosaic code, is the
subject of a clear allusion in the Davidic legislation
(I Chron. xxiii. 5, 30), while the dedi-
x. Psalm- cation of the Temple gave type to the
ody in the entire service (II Chron. v. 11-13). In
Bible. the subsequent prophetic books the
Psalms emerge at all national crises.
Their jubilant refrains ring clear in the prophets
(Jer. xxxiii. 11); Amos (vi. 5) recognizes the sacred-
ness of the Davidic music already grown proverbial;
and Isaiah abounds in echoes of the Psalter. The
IX.— 21

New Testament accepts fully the Psalms of the Old
Covenant. The Acts institute the apostolic regime,
with the Psalter in full view, furnishing Peter's ser-
mon and inspiring Pentecost. Distinct evidence
shows that the Psalter was the fixed devotional
formulary which wrought the accord, steadfastness,
and praiseful spirit on that occasion among the
thousands gathered at Jerusalem from many lands.
At Corinth the irregular outburst of the charismata
(I Cor. xiv.), when each one, without regard to the
other, had his " psalm," received apostolic rebuke.
The celebrated passages authorizing New-Testa-
ment psalmody are Eph. v. 19 and Col. iii. 16.
James (v. 13) urges his scattered Jewish brethren
to the use of the Psalms, and Revelation closes the
New Testament with quotations from the Psalter.
Between Babylon's fall and the millennium a four-
fold Hallelujah is sounded (xix. 1-8), followed by
the declaration that " the testimony of Jesus is the
spirit of prophecy." This must be taken with an
earlier statement (iii. 7), where, as in Heb. iv. 7,
" David " stands for the Psalms, revealing Jesus as
" he that is holy, he that is true, he that hath the
key of David."

During the first two centuries a.d. the Psalter re-
tained its position of honor and sanctity. Early
Christians were essentially " children of the Psalms,"
and the Psalms, the Sabbath, and the
2. Post- inflexible confession of Christ were the
Biblical chief badges of Christian loyalty. A
Psalmody, marked change came, however, with
the Gnostic Bardesanes (q.v.), who
composed a psalter of 150 Psalms modelled on the
Old-Testament collection. Aided by his son Har-
monius, he set the standard of Syrian music and
hymnody. A century later Ephraem Syrus (q.v.),
though inferior in originality to Bardesanes, sought
to copy and Christianize his hymns, and to reclaim
the ground for Christianity. He at least succeeded
in securing a large following of admirers, who named
him " Prophet of the Syrians " and " Harp of the
Spirit," read his writings as Scripture, and wel-
comed him as the first Christian hymnologist, al-
though, like Bardesanes, he sacrificed the Psalter.
The hymn of Clement of Alexandria, " Bridle of
colts untamed," ends with tho exhortation, " let us
praise with Psalms (psaldmen) the God of peace."
Through succeeding centuries of persecution the
Psalms continued to hold their place, with but
trifling exceptions, as the Church's hymnology
among the people and the most earnest preachers,
Athanasius, Chrysostom, Jerome, and Augustine.
Except for the sequences and a few very short
hymns, some of them centos of Psalms, these were
the universal hymns of the Church. Many refused
to sing the hymns and sequences, and the fifty-
ninth canon of the Synod of Laodicea (360) accord-
ingly enjoined that " no psalms composed by pri-
vate individuals nor any uncanonical books may be
read in the church, but only the Canonical Books
of the Old and New Testaments " (NPNF, 2 ser.,
xiv. 158). In the West the Psalms were sung in
responses in choir long after Latin had ceased to be
vernacular. The eighth canon of the Council of
Toledo (653; as given in Labbe, Concilia, vii. 421)
ordered that " none henceforth shall be promoted

Psalmody

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

to any ecclesiastical dignity who does not perfectly
know the whole Psalter or the usual canticles and
hymns and service of baptism " (cf . Hefele, Con-
ciliengeschichte, iii. 99, Fr. transl. ill. 1, p. 291, Eng.
transl. iv. 471).

With the Reformation psalmody definitely accen-
tuated its underlying principle — the authority of
the Scriptures in all that pertains to faith, worship,
and life. Huss first broke ground in the metrical
use of the Psalms. As early as 1524

3* Prates- Luther wrote Spalatin to secure poets
tant to prepare them for church uses (St.

Psalmody. Louis ed. of Luther, xxa, cols. 682-
683), but it was only twenty-three
years later that the work was completed (see Psalm
Melodies, French). So popular was the result
that in some instances Roman Catholics also adopted
the psalter of Calvin, although the Jesuit Adam
Contzen declared that the hymns of Luther and the
psalms of Beza killed more than their books did
{Poliiicorum libri decern, Cologne, 1629). In his
preface to the edition of 1645 Calvin wrote: " When
we sing them (the Psalms), we are as certain that
God has put the words in our mouths as if he him-
self sang within us to exalt his glory " {Opera, ed.
J. W. Baum and others, vi. 171). The history of
psalmody in England and Scotland is outlined in
Htmnoloqt, IX., § 2. In the English colonies of
North America the first hymns sung were Psalms,
by the Pilgrim fathers in the paraphrase of Henry
Ainsworth and by the Indians in John Eliot's ver-
sion, and the first book printed in British North
America was the Bay Psalm Book (q.v.). The Psalms
practically reigned supreme in the colonies until the
outbreak of the American Revolution, when vari-
ous causes opened the way for the hymns of Isaac
Watts (q.v.), which were " allowed," not author-
ized, by the Presbyterian synod at Philadelphia in
1787. This was the first distinct breaking away
from the original principle of the Reformation — the
Bible only.

In 1719 Isaac Watts made a complete innovation
by his Psalms of David, in which, while preserving
the name and numbering of the Psalms, he so modi-
fied them as to open the way for unrestricted hymn-
ody, his plea being that he would make David speak
the language of a Christian, not of a Jew. The de-
cay of real psalmody, combined with other causes,
was the preparation for the great popularity of this
hymnody. Nevertheless, such critics as James
Beattie and Samuel Johnson expressed disapproval,
and many others were sorely grieved, while the
evangelical Anglican William Romaine, in his Es-
say on Psalmody (London, 1775) voiced their senti-
ment in no uncertain language. Never since has
the great body of the Church returned to the Refor-
mation attitude regarding psalmody. Previous to
Watts, however, English Churchmen and non-con-
formists alike had been true to the Psalms. The
Baptists met the question and furnished some dis-
tinct witnesses, such as John Gill (q.v.); and the
Quaker Robert Barclay (q.v.) also commended the
spiritual singing of Psalms. The great Methodist
movement was only indirectly unfriendly to the
Psalms. The Wesleys expressed great love for them,
and Charles Wesley furnished metrical versions for

most of them. Adam Clarke (q.v.) favored Hie ag-
ing of Psalms in the most faithful version, tal
George Whitefield (q.v.) likewise sympathised iftk
a true psalmody.

The present witnesses for exclusive psalmody do
not exceed half a million, scattered in seventeen de-
nominations of Presbyterians, particularly the
United Presbyterian body (see Presbttbhia»).
Their influence, however, is beyond all proporti»
to their numbers on account of their educations!
and missionary activity. That a purely Bibbed
Psalmody is still not an antiquated or obsoleaoesi
principle in these churches, but has in them, as in
apostolic and immediately post-apostolic times, Hi
representative, without paraphrastic mixture or
credal and liturgical sequences, is evidenced by the
fact that a new and carefully prepared metrical
Psalter is now (1910) in process of publication
(see below). This work has been under way fori
considerable period and has been the subject of
several revisions and overtures in the United Pres-
byterian body which took the lead in the enter-
prise and is entrusted with the responsibility for
its completion. It has been said that had they,
like the Baptists, made duly prominent the dis-
tinctive characteristic in which they all agree,
they would now have as large a membership.
They have allowed themselves, however, rather to
follow than lead in the meters and music of their
Psalms, and to cling too fondly to catechisms and
confessions which glorify prayer and preaching, bat
ignore psalmody. A " testimony/' or formal offi-
cial expression of opinion, on this subject could
never take rank with the original confession; and
the failure of the Psalm-singing churches to ream!
in practise the entire theology of the Psalms ac-
counts in part for their limited success. The new
metrical Psalter mentioned above as being in proc-
ess of publication is the joint work of committees
from nine churches (one in Canada), and covers a
period of ten years of faithful preparation. It
seeks to reproduce the Hebrew verity without
paraphrase and with due regard at the same time
to poetic structure and musical adaptation.

Robert Brewster Taggart.

Musically speaking, psalmody occupies an inter-
mediate position between the so-called accenta*,
i.e., liturgical intonation or recitative, and the so-
called concentus, or elaborated winging (hi the sense
of the ancient theory of tones). In
4. The practise it conforms to the "Psalm
Psalm tones " as fixed by the Church. Corre-
Tones. sponding to the eight divisions of the
octave in ancient music, which are
preserved by the Church in her eight church tones,
there are eight Psalm tones. These were augmented,
in course of time, by a ninth, or " foreign," tone,
which is usually treated as a separate tone since
opinions differ in regard to its harmonic structure.
It occurs in the antiphon Sed nos qui vivimu* to
Psalm cxiii (Vulgate; A. V. cxiv.-exv.) in vespers
for Sundays, and in the antiphons Martyres Domini
and Angeli Domini; while in the Lutheran Church
it has come to be the usual tone for the Magnificat
and the Aaronic benediction (Num. vi. 24-26). By
some this " pilgrim tone " is classed with the first

323

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Psalmody

tone, and by others with the eighth, although it
strictly accords with neither, so that it is also termed
the " irregular tone." Each Psalm tone is charac-
terized, in the first place, by the tone to be followed
in the intonation of the Psalm text in question.
This is always the dominant of the given key to
which the Psalm tone belongs, and is called the tone
of intonation, leading tone, " common tone," or, as
a rule, simply " dominant." Again, each Psalm
tone is distinguished by the melodic caesura, which
ends the first half of the verse, and which is termed
the mediante, middle, medium, or mediatio; as well
as by the melodic intonation which ends the entire
verse, this terminal phrase being known as the finale,
" conclusion," or " cadence." The conclusion of
the Psalm tone is not identical with the so-called
final tone of the key, nor need it coalesce with the
latter tone at all, so that it does not determine the
church tone to which the Psalm tone belongs. Each
Psalm tone has also a festal and a ferial form. In
the latter the preliminary melodic embellishment
(initium, inckoatio, intonatio) is omitted, while the
mediante is simplified by resolving the ligatures and
substituting syllabic chanting. The ferial form is
employed on ordinary doubles, Sundays, and semi-
doubles at prime, terce, sext, none, and compline,
as well as on simples and on ordinary week-days,
and invariably in the office for the dead. The fes-
tal form is used throughout the office on all doubles
of the first and second class and on greater doubles;
and it is also employed, at least at matins, lauds,
and vespers, on ordinary doubles, Sundays, and
semi-doubles, as well as in the canticles from the
New Testament, the Magnificat and Benedictus.
This festal form is characterized by its initium, or
" beginning," a melodic embellishment of the in-
troductory note which forms the transition to the
recitative, or intonation proper. This festal em-
bellishment, however, is retained for every verse
only in the case of the " greater Psalms," or New-
Testament canticles, for in the " lesser Psalms," or
Psalms of the Old Testament, it is omitted after the
second verse. Each Psalm must end with the Gloria
Patri, which makes it a prayer of the Christian
Church. Complete ritual also demands the anti-
phon (q.v.), and a distinction is accordingly drawn
between the " Psalm without antiphon " (or " direct
Psalm "), when the Psalm has no introductory an-
tiphon and is sung without additions and interrup-
tions, and the " Psalm with an antiphon."

With the Psalter the Christian Church naturally
adopted the traditional mode of psalmody. While
the musical details are obscure, this adoption doubt-
less involved Christian antiphonal
5. Origin of singing as essential to psalmody, being
Christian based on the parallelism of Hebrew
Psalmody, poetry. A distinction is drawn be-
tween the respon8ory, in which the
precentor renders the entire Psalm, while the choir
or congregation sings a refrain after each verse, an
Amen or Hallelujah (cf. Rev. v. 14, xix. 4), some
form of praise contained in the Psalm itself, or
some such doxology as the Gloria Patri (cf. Apos-
tolic Constitutions, ii. 57 [ANFt vii. 421]: " Let
some other person sing the hymns of David, and
let the people join at the conclusions of the verses "),

and the antiphonal style, in which either the pre-
centor and the choir (or congregation), or two
choirs, or the two halves of the choir, alternate in
rendering the Psalm (cf . Basil, Ep. ccvii. 3 [NPNF,
2 ser., viii. 247]: " Divided into two parts, they
sing antiphonally with one another, . . . after-
ward they again commit the prelude of the strain
to one, and the rest take it up ").

To prove that the highly developed music of
classic antiquity affected the evolution of antiphonal
singing is more difficult, for this involved the adop-
tion of a system of artificial music which strict
Christian sensibilities abhorred and mistrusted, pos-
sibly implying the use of antiphons sung by many
voices or accompanied by instrumental music. In
classical music " antiphonal " denoted the conso-
nance of the octave, and the proper antiphon was
produced where men and children sang together
with voices differing as to pitch. At the same time,
in this style of joint choral and polyphonic song
appeal could be made to the precedent of the Jew-
ish Temple. The problem was not the introduction
of antiphonal singing (in contrast with what was
later understood as non-antiphonal song), but the
adoption of artistic antiphonal singing in distinc-
tion from the simple psalmody of the time. The
artistic amplification of liturgical singing after the
prototype of the trained choirs of the Greeks is im-
plied, moreover, in the account given by Philo
(quoted by Eusebius, Hist. eccl., II., xvii. 22 [NPNF,
2 series, i. 119]) of the ritual of the Therapeutse,
which is compared with that of the contemporary
Christian worship. Basil the Great likewise states
(Epist. ccvii. 3 [Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser., viii.
247]) that he had the Psalms rendered by skilled
precentors after the manner of the triumphal odes
of Pindar, the congregation joining, at the closing
verse, with an accompaniment of lyres.

At all events, the liturgical rendering or chanting
of the Psalms became the function of a specially
trained precentor at a very early date in the Chris-
tian Church, if, indeed, this was not the case from

the very first, especially as no other
6. History, practise has been transmitted from

the synagogue itself; and the congre-
gation gave only the responses. As the connection
of the Church with Judaism became broken, the
liturgical forms and modes of Jewish psalmody must
have grown strange; yet even when psalmody be-
came transformed under the influence of classical
music, its form of expression could be no common
and familiar one, but was necessarily a work of art.
Psalmody accordingly came to be more and more
exclusively the province of duly trained and prac-
tised singers, the choir. The fifteenth canon of the
Synod of Laodicea (c. 360) prescribes that " no
others shall sing in the Church, save only the
canonical singers, who go up into the ambo and
sing from a book " [NPNF, 2 series, xiv. 132]. In
the Greek Church, the Psalms are rendered by the
choir in two sections, alternating verse by verse,
with or without interpolation of a brief sentence
of praise (embolism) as the Psalm proceeds; and
in the Roman Catholic Church the proper chant-
ing of Psalms is accounted a test of the good
liturgical training of the choir. The antiphon is

Psalmody
Psalms

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

to be started by a solo voice, the choir then taking
up the chant.

In so far as the Lutheran Church adopted psalm-
ody, the traditional mode was followed to the ex-
tent that the antiphon was led by the choir mas-
ter, or by boys (usually two) specially selected and
trained. Then came the Psalm itself, rendered, as
a rule, antiphonally verse by verse, the whole being
concluded by the lesser doxology and the repeti-
tion of the antiphon in the choir. The singing was
usually without organ accompaniment. Since
psalmody thus became the function of the choir, it
assumed the character of a performance in vocal
music, rather than its proper place as an act of
prayer in song on the part of the congregation.
With the correct intuition that what the congrega-
tion prays in song must speak its own language by
text and tune alike, either versified psalters (Theo-
dore Beza and Clement Marot in France, see Psalm
Melodies, French; Burkhard Waldis, Ambrosius
Ix)bwasser, and Kornelius Becker in Germany;
Petrus Dathenus in Holland; William Damon,
Nahum Tate, and Nicholas Brady in England; and
Giovanni Diodati in Italy) or hymns of a popular
character were prepared. In most Protestant re-
gions these hymns came to be a substitute for
psalmody, which was still further supplanted by sim-
ple reading of the Psalms for purposes of edification.
See also Sacred Music. H. A. KOsTLiNt.

Bibuoorapht: On |{ 1-3: Early treatises are: Germanus,
De psalmodies bono; Alcuin, De psalmorum usu; Teraldus,
De varia psalmorum atque cantuum modulatione; Diony-
sius the Carthusian, De tnodo devote psaUendi; J. Morinus,
De psalmodioj bono (reproduced in Revue benidictine, xiv.
385 sqq., 1897); J. Bona, De divina psalmodia, chap. 19.
Paris, 1663.

Consult further: A. H. Francke, Introductio in Psalte-
rium, Halle, 1734; J. van Iperen, Kerkelyke historic van het
Psalm-gezang der Christenen, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1777; Q.
McMaster, A n Apology for the Book of Psalms, Philadelphia,
1818; A. Hahn, Bardeeanee Gnosticus Syrorum primue
hymnologus, Leipsic, 1819; F. Armknecht, Die heilige
Pmlmodic, Gottingen, 1855; F. J. Wolf, Ueber die Late,
Sequemen und Leiche, Heidelberg, 1841; J.Holland, The
Psalmists of Britain, 2 vols., London, 1843; G. Hood, A
History of Music in New England; with biographical Sketches
of Reformers and Psalmists, Boston, 1846; Otto Strauss,
Der Psalter als Gesang- und Gebetbuch, Berlin, 1859; Joseph
S. Cooper, ed.. True Psalmody, Philadelphia, 1859; Austin
Phelps, Hymns and Choirs, Andover, I860; I. Taylor, The
Spirit of Hebrew Poetry, London. 1861 ; F. E. C. Dietrich,
De usu Psalterii in ecclesia Syriaca, Marburg, 1862; A.
Hilgenfeld, Bardesanes der letzte Gnostiker, Leipsic, 1864;

N. Livingston, Scottish Metrical Psalter of 198$, Ghtjw,
1864; J. W. Macmeeken, History of the 8oottisk Mined
Psalters, Glasgow, 1872; F. Bovet, Histovt du Pmmw
dm Utilises reformers, Neuchatel, 1872; J. J. Ooadby, fiy*
paths in Baptist History, London, 1871; E. 0. Dooa,
Clement Marot et le Psautier Huguenot, 2 vols., Pia,
1878-79; William Binnie, The Psalms: their Bis**
Teachings and Use, London, 1870, new ed., 1886; J. 8.
Curwen, Studies in Worship-Music, 2 series, 3 vols., Los-
don, 1880-87; Mrs. A. M. Earie. The Sabbath « Pwum
New England, New York, 1891; J. C. Haddon, Ukms
Materials of the First Scottish Psalter, in Scottish Rnitn,
vii (1891), 1-32; C. G. McCrie, Public Worship in Prsh
byterian Scotland, Edinburgh, 1892; W. H. Parker. TU
Psalmody of the Church, its Authors, Singers and Use*, New
York, 1892; R.Bell. The Story of the Scotch Psalm, is Tht
Scotsman, new series, xix (1896-97). 284-40; J. W.Ooke/,
David's Harp in Song and Story, with Introduction 6f W.J.
Robinson, a History of the Psalms in all AgesofthsCkwd,
Pittsburg, 1896; P. Wagner, Ueber den Psalmaesasa m
christlichen Altertum (in " Reports " of the International
Scientific Congress of Catholics, at Freiburg, 1897); idem,
Ur sprung und Entwicketung der liturgischen Gttongifomm,
Freiburg. 1901; P. Wagner, Ueber Psoimen und Pssmm-
gesang im christlichen Altertum, in Romische Quortolsdnfl,
xii (1898), 245-279; E. 8ouUier, Les Origines de la pswss-
die, Paris, 1901; J. W. Thirtle. The Titles of the Psamt,U
ed., London, 1905; idem. Old Testament Problem*, fl>.
1907; R. E. Prothero, The Psalms in Human Life, New
York, 1905; C. A. Briggs. Commentary on the Psrimi (in-
troduction), ib. 1906; J. McNaugher (ed.), Tht Pulm
in Worship, Convention Papers bearing upon the Place of
the Psalms in the Worship of the Church, Pittsbuif, 1907;
D. F. Bonner, The Psalmody Question: An Examtsshm
of the alleged divine Appointment of las Book of Psalm a
the exclusive Manual of Praise, New York, 1908; A. R.
Whitham, Christian Use of the Psalter, London, 1908; T.
Young, The Metrical Psalms and Paraphrases, ib.. 1909.

On || 4-6, consult, besides the rather abundant litoi-
ture cited under Sacrzd Music: G. G. Niven, Dutofe-
tion sur le chant gregorien, chap. xiii.. Paris, 1683; K.
Calvdr, De musica ac sigiUatim de eccUsiastica eaqve Qtc
tantibus organis, chap, iii., Leipsic, 1702; F. Annknecht,
Die heilige Psalmodie, oder der psalmodierende Konig Decid,
Gdttingen, 1855; L. Sch&berlein, SchaU des litvnjitckts
Chor- undGemeindegesangs, ib. 1865; J. W. Lyra, DieHtw
gischen Altarweisen des lutherischen HauptgottesiieniUt,^-
1873; idem, Andreas Ornithoparchus . . . und dews
Lehre von den Kirchenaccenten, pp. 19 sqq.. 31 sqq.,
Guteraloh, 1877; idem. Dr. M. Luthers Deutsche Mast
und Ordnung des Gottesdienstes in ihren liturgischen v*d
musikalischen Bestondteilen, ib. 1904; R. Sueco, Zefct
Psalmen nach den Melodien der Psalmtane, ib. 1895; F.
Hommel, Antiphonen und Psalmtune, ib. 1896; E. Ctop
des Sonrinieres, Le Chant dans Vordre seraphiaue, Soksmo,
1900; A. J. Duclos, Introduction a l' execution du chat
gregorien dCapres les principles de Solesmes, Rome, 1904;
C. Ginisty, Jtchos gregoriens des deux centenaires, Paris,
1904; R. Molitor. Der gregorianische Choral als LUvnjit
und Kunst, Frankfort, 1904; C. Vivell. Der gregoriamteht
Gesang, Gras, 1904; G. Houdard, La Cantilene romatse,
Paris, 1905.

I. Introduction.
Names ($1).
Classification ($2).
II. Purpose.

Relation to Worship (| 1).
Original and Adapted Purpose

(5 2).
Varied Voices of the Psalms (§3).
III. History of the Collection.

Indications of Early Smaller Col-
lections (5 1).

PSALMS, BOOK OF.

The Process of Collection (} 2).
The Date (} 3).
IV. The Ego of the Psalms.
Varied Explanations (I 1).
Solution Independent of Age and

Purpose (| 2).
V. Authorship and Date.
The Titles (| 1).
Modem Phase of the Problem

(12).
Are there Pre-exilic Psalms? (§ 3).

Indications of Davidic Authorship
(§4).

Explanations of Title " of David"
(§5).

Recognition of Late Psalms (| 61.

Comparison with Psalms of Solo-
mon (J 7).
VI. Theology.

Doctrine of God and of Righteous-
ness (f 1).

Ideas of Sin and Eschatology (§ 2).

I. Introduction: In the present arrangement of
the Hebrew Bible the book of Psalms stands at the
head of the third division, the Hagiographa or
Kethubhim. But this order is not invariable, since
sometimes that division is headed by Chronicles or

by Ruth. According to the Hebrew, the title is
Tehillim, from the word meaning " to praise," thus
designating the psalms as songs of praise. But this
designation expresses not so much the content as
the external employment. At the end of Pa. lxxii.

325

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Psalmody
Psalms

occurs the term Tephtilim, " prayers," and this bet-
ter fits the 'contents as expressing a larger portion

of the subject-matter of the book,
i. Names. This term is, however, not altogether

appropriate, since it does not include
psalms of didactic purpose within its proper mean-
ing. The Greek calls the collection the " book of
psalms," " psalms," or Psalterion — the latter term
the name of a stringed instrument used by meton-
ymy for the songs which the instrument accom-
panied. A word used by the collector of the book
in the sense of the Greek psalmos and the English
" psalm " is the Hebrew mizmor, used in the titles
of fifty-seven psalms. The word comes from a verb
which has the double meaning, " to trim vines "
and " to sing or play," with perhaps an original
sense, " to pluck." The Septuagint translates it by
psalmos, Aquila by melodema, Symmachus by odif
and Jerome by canticum; within the Old Testament
the word is used only of religious poems.

The Hebrew Psalter consists of 150 psalms di-
vided into five books, each of which ends with a
doxology except the fifth, in which the last psalm

is a doxology in itself. The Septua-

2. Classi- gint has 151 psalms, the last one being

fication. a composite from I Sam. xvi. 1-14 and

xvii.; the Hebrew psalms ix. and x. it
counts as one psalm, also cxiv. and cxv., while it
divides into two both Ps. cxvi. and cxlvii. The
consequence is a disagreement in the numbering
of the Hebrew and the Greek psalms. Classifica-
tion of the psalms is difficult because not a few of
them partake of more than one characteristic. Thus
many psalms begin with lament or prayer and
change into thanksgiving and praise (e.g., Ps.
xxii.). Hengstenberg divided the psalms into those
in which the dominant note is praise, those in which
it is lamentation because of private or national sor-
row, and those in which the religious-ethical is most
emphasized. From the material standpoint a di-
vision might take into account such psalms as are
properly hymns, being songs of praise from per-
sonal points of view, and those which make some
petition. A characteristic variety here is the poem
of prayer, especially the lament which naturally
issues in a prayer for deliverance. Hymns of thanks-
giving may be included here, inasmuch as the prin-
cipal note is thought of some special good. Of
course this class is subject to many subdivisions.
Thus there may be taken into account the degree
of subjectivity or objectivity, reference to the in-
dividual or the nation; also the idea of God ex-
pressed— whether he is regarded as Lord and Crea-
tor, or as savior, whether as guide of the nation or
of the soul, as the giver of his word and his law.
Alongside of these classes may be placed the didac-
tic psalms, such as xxxi., lxxiii.; these may be
purely theological, or legalistic. So psalms may be
considered as hymns, prayers of various sorts, litur-
gical pieces, dithyrambic poems, epic poems, moral-
istic pieces, or religious-philosophic poems.

EL Purpose: Little direct information has come
down respecting the aim of the psalms and their re-
lation to worship. It might be claimed that the
connection with Hebrew worship is so loose that
the psalms are a sort of private collection, an an-

thology of religious poetry. The titles in the
Hebrew indicate for Ps. xxx. that its use was at
the dedication of the temple, and that Ps. xcii. was

for the Sabbath; the Septuagint titles
i. Relation of Pss. xxiv., xlviii., xciv., and xciii.
to Worship, indicate that these psalms were for use

on Sunday, Monday, Wednesday, and
Friday, later translations add lxxxii. for Thursday,
and the Septuagint assigns xxix. for the Feast of
Tabernacles; the Talmud prescribes lxxxii. for
Tuesday. Besides these, the Talmud knows of
assignments of five psalms and the Hallel collection
(see Hallel) for certain feasts, while the prayer-
book of the synagogue makes a few additions to
these definite assignments of psalms for use in pub-
lic worship. It appears, therefore, that until quite
late only a very small proportion of the psalms bear
the marks of definite relation to public worship.
The more welcome then is indirect proof of such
use. The first place is taken in this direction by the
fact that certain of the psalms are liturgical in
character. Such appear in the first book, and the
farther one goes in the Psalter, the more frequent
do liturgical psalms become. Thus in this class be-
long the Hallelujah psalms (cf. I Chron. xvi. 36; Ps.
cvi. 48) ; where the response of the people is given.
The frequent mention of the chorus in Chronicles
is further evidence of this sort, as well as Ps. cvi. 6;
cf. Dan. ix. 5; Neh. ix. 16. Ps. cvi. is a psalm of
public confession. When it is seen that some psalms
by their titles, others by their inclusion in the Kor-
ahitic and Asaphic collections, and others by later
titles are designated for public worship, the con-
clusion is clear that if not by first intent yet through
their assembling in the present collection the psalms
were intended for use by the community, which
thus was enabled to take part in public worship.

If one looks for the original purpose of the writer,
in some cases public use appears to have been in-
tended; though in many others such a purpose is
excluded by the character of the composition, as

when the psalm has a didactic or his-

2. Original torical or epic character rather than a

and lyrical. A striking case of this is Ps.

Adapted cxix. Possibly such psalms were

Purpose, rather for free recitation, others seem

to be purely literary in character, and
the use of these in service may have come much
later. The strongly individual character of many
of these compositions is against the idea that they
were written for public use; their suitability to ex-
press the feelings of others accounts for their adop-
tion ; or their expressions were generalized. On the
other hand, many of these same psalms may have
been individualized by recension. Two opposite
directions may have been taken in the process of
working over, in which the half-conscious tendency
of the poet was elaborated in revision. Such re-
sults are suggested in the messianizing of many
poems. Of special suggestiveness are those psalms
which deal with the temple and with ritual, partic-
ularly those which deal with sacrifice. The ques-
tion arises whether in these cases the reference is
real or only illustrative or constructive. Jakob and
Matthes (see bibliography) maintain that there
was not merely adaptation but initiative and crea-

Psalms

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

386

tive purpose here, intending them for worship.
Those psalms which refer to appearance in God's
presence, or to abiding in that presence, indicate
for themselves a relation to the temple and to wor-
ship. Examples of this significant type of expres-
sion are found in xv. 1, xxiv. 3, xxvii. 4, xxvi. 8,
lxxxiv. 3. As there can be no doubt that to the
poets of these psalms the highest good results from
intimacy with God, so this intimacy is achieved by
presence at the services of the temple. Indeed, pres-
ence in the temple, lingering in the presence of God,
enjoying the hospitality of his house, are often the ex-
ternal means of participation in communion with
God. Indeed, relation to the temple and its services
has a great part in the Psalter. Psalms such as
those cited were written with the eye upon the center
of worsliip and the cult there domiciled, and had their
motive been other than this, had they been merely
figurative, they would have read differently.

Nevertheless, such an impression is not derived
from all the psalms. Some psalms exist which echo
the declaration that obedience is better than sacri-
fice^— a purely prophetic thought (cf.
3. Varied Pss. xl., 1., 1L). Were there not such
Voices of passages as Isa. i. 11 sqq.; Amos v. 21
the Psalms, sqq., proving that there was present
in Israel a realization that the exter-
nal cultus as opposed to the ethical content and in-
tent to worship God was of little worth, there might
be doubt how such psalms as those just cited are to
be taken; as it is, their meaning can not come into
question. The twisting of these into a sense friendly
to sacrifice is a rabbinical achievement, the value
of which is to show how Jewish exegesis made it
possible to include such compositions in the Psalter;
it shows us the course of rabbinic thought. That
the rabbis would receive into the worship-book
psalms which, as they were understood, opposed
sacrifice seems very strange; the only way to ac-
count for the phenomenon is that the sense was
taken as different from the literal. Matthes has
rightly acknowledged the importance of the exe-
gesis of Jakob in interpreting Ps. xl. 6, li. 17, as
not referring to a slain victim but to a repast, and
in xl. 6, eliminating the " offering " after " sin."
Yet in the place of these conceptions something
little better is placed. What is said here is simply
that exactness of performance at a given time is not
what God wants. During the exile and the Syrian
persecution, for external reasons the office of sacri-
fice was suspended, and God was satisfied with re-
pentance and fulfilment of the other requirements
of the law. As soon as the walls of Jerusalem were
rebuilt, then would God take delight in sacrifice
(Ps. li. 18-19). To explain 1. 14 as referring to per-
sonal, special, and private offerings in opposition to
the regular and public sacrifices is opposed to the
immediate context and to the drift of the entire
psalm (cf. verses 12-13). In short, the Psalter is
full of references to the service of the temple, but
this does not justify one in calling it the hymn-book
of the second temple, especially if he regards the
original purpose of its songs; indeed originally not
a few of its psalms were not suited for such a serv-
ice, but 'were accommodated to that use by the sec-
ondary process of editing.

m. History of the Collection: The history of
psalm composition as well as the discussion of the
origin of the individual poems must start with a
consideration of the origin of the collection. The
points made by William Robertson Smith give the
line of departure. The division of the
1. Indies- Psalter into five books has already

tions of been mentioned. The first book (hs.
Early i.-xli.) is ascribed to David (except L,

Smaller ii., x., xxxiii.) ; the second (xln.-krii.)
Collections, chiefly to David and Asaph; the third
(lxxiii.-lxxxix.) to Asaph, Korah, and
other temple singers (only lxxxvi. to David); tin
fourth (xc.-cvi.) is of psalms principally anonymous;
the fifth contains many ascribed to David, and the
" songs of ascents." This analysis shows a dose
connection between books two and three, in that
those alone contain the psalms of the gilds of tem-
ple singers, which have a prominent position. There
is implied either composition by these gilds or (more
likely) a legitimate adaptation to service, perhaps
by setting the compositions to music after the man-
ner of modern makers of hymnological collections.
In this case, the " of " of the superscriptions stands
not for authorship but for possession. It is to be
noticed that the hymns attributed to these authors
or gilds stand in little collections. But there are
other leading facts. Prominent among these is the
verse lxxii. 20, indicating that at this point a Da-
vidic collection once ended; alongside this must be
put another fact that in this collection are psalms
which are not ascribed to David (note the Asaphic
and Korahitic psalms), and, still further, despite the
ending of Ps. lxxii., other Da vidic psalms are in the
present collection in the books which follow. It
looks, moreover, as though the Davidic collection
consisted of Ps. i. (iii.)-xli. and li.-4xxii.,thelaBtof
which, ascribed to Solomon, was included because
ascribed to David's son. Next is to be noted that
the two parts named above, Pss. iii.-xli. andh\-
lxxii. contain duplicates (Ps. xiv. = liii., and xl. 13-
17=lxx.). This suggests two collections for the
most part different, but in these cases containing
identical pieces. Possibly the collections contained
other identical psalms, which were eliminated when
they were united, these two doublets alone being
left. Tradition is firm that a division existed early
after Ps. xli. And the indications are that there
were two Davidic collections and two smaller
Davidic books, embracing Ps. iii., xli., and li.— lxxii.
(lxxii.). A step in advance is made when it is ob-
served that the change in the name of the deity
familiar from study of the Pentateuch exists also
here. Thus books two and three are prevailingly
Elohistic, while books one, four, and five are pre-
vailingly Jehovistic. This is noteworthy when it is
seen that the doublets cited above are in different
recensions in this respect, each corresponding in use
of the divine name with the collection in which it
stands. Of course this variation was not original,
it must have come in through editorial work. Anal-
ogous phenomena in Chronicles reveal that there
was a time when people began to avoid the name
Yahweh and to use the more general term Elohim
— passages from Samuel and Kings which are Je-
hovistic become Elohistic in Chronicles. This is not

3*7

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

accidental, it is part of a system; it is consonant
'with the substitution of Adonai for the tetragram-
■naton Yhwh by the Masoretes, the difference is that
Chronicler did not hesitate to change the text;
Masoretes did not change this, but made their
alterations in the margin. But a fact of importance
is that the latest books become Jehovistic once
more. In many cases the use of Elohim must be
ascribed not to the poets but to the redactor. The
two Davidic collections named show one the Je-
hovistic and the other the Elohistic trend. When
it is seen that the Asaphic and Korahitic collections
are prevailingly Elohistic, it may seem that the
Elohistic character of Pss. li.-lxxii. may have been
gained from contact with the neighboring Psalms.
Books four and five are much mixed. Along with
many which have Davidic superscriptions are many
anonymous, and with these the pilgrim psalms. In
view of the various classes of poems here collected,
it seems as though a collector had chosen from the
various sources at his command such pieces as
seemed to him worthy and suitable to transmit to
the future.

These data permit a view of the probable course
of development of the Psalter. It appears that a
Jehovistic redactor made a first collection of Davidic
songs. An Elohistic redactor made
2. The from three or four prior collections (a
Process of Davidic, a Korahitic, and an Asaphic
Collection, book), an Elohistic collection, to which
as an appendix were attached various
ethical pieces. A Jehovistic redactor made, out of
various smaller aggregations such as the Pilgrim
Psalms (cxx.-cxxxiv.), the Hallelujah psalms (cxi.
sqq., and cxlvi.-cl.), the royal psalms (xciii.-xcix.),
and perhaps an independent Davidic collection —
not to speak of other sources or aggregations — the
collection which forms books four and five of the
present Psalter. These three aggregations were
then united, after an independent existence of un-
certain duration, into one book, with Ps. i. or Pss.
i.-ii. as preface, these two psalms together giving
the two points of view of the whole Psalter, the
Law, and the Messiah. If this view of the growth
of the Psalter is correct, it follows that the division
into five books is not of early origin, but came about
in imitation of the fivefold division of the Torah or
Law. The relative age of the individual selections
and the origin of the Psalter as a whole can be as-
certained with only approximation to certainty.
Indications are found in the fact that in the first
(and oldest) book there exist exilic and postexilic
compositions; in other words, this was not collected
before the time of Ezra. If there were preexilic
psalms in greater number, they must either have
existed in a special collection now lost, or they per-
sisted as individual compositions until the collector
of the first book included them in his aggregation.

So far as the terminus ad quern is concerned, the
translators of the Septuagint found the Psalter exist-
ing not in scattered aggregations but as a whole.
Still, it is not possible to say when the translation
into Greek was made, and thus no absolute date is
attainable. William Robertson Smith thought to
obtain indications from the history of the temple
singers and of the personnel of the attendants of that

institution. He rightly infers that the superscrip-
tions to the Asaphic and Korahitic psalms are
weighty evidences which indicate that
3. The these psalms were once a collection or
Date. hymn-book of a gild named after the
master, whose concern was with the
musical setting. Further evidence he thinks is found
in the Chronicler's work, showing that in the lat-
ter's period there were three gilds of singers, those
of Asaph, Heman, and Ethan (or Jeduthun), which
were reckoned to the three great Levite families of
Gerson, Kohath, and Merari. The Psalter is aware
of Korah as a leader of a gild alongside of Asaph;
but the Korahitic gild is believed by Smith to be
one of doorkeepers in the Chronicler's time, while
the Asaphic gild is carried by him back to the time
of the return (Ezra x. 23-24; Neh. vii. 1, 73). So
that the Asaphic and Korahitic psalms are to be
placed earlier than the Chronicler and later than
Nehemiah — between 430 and 300 B.C. Under
Nehemiah Korah does not yet name a gild of sing-
ers; at the time of the Chronicler the gild has ceased
to be such. On the other hand, a degradation of the
Korahites is unlikely, since that period favored
rather the elevation of the minor orders, and the
retention of the Korah titles in the psalms speaks
against it; though such degradation is not impossi-
ble under the influence of the story of Korah in the
Pentateuch. The general situation in Chronicles
does not permit of regarding the Asaphites as the
one gild of singers, though they occupy the prom-
inent place in the Chronicler's account; he knows
also of the Korahites and Ethanites. The Korahites
appear, however, as doorkeepers, but this is hardly
to be thought of as the result of a degradation of
the gild. The collections of the Asaphic and Korah-
itic hymn-books appear to have arisen, therefore,
soon after 300 b.c. With this agrees the Elohistic
character of those collections, thus comporting well
with the same characteristic found in the Chron-
icler. From this same point of view would then be
located the Elohistic Davidic collection, Pss. li.-
lxxii. Of course this says nothing of the date of
the individual psalms. In the time after the Chron-
icler and up to the period of the Septuagint and
Sirach the Elohistic tendency was submerged; this
accounts for the strongly Jehovistic character of
books four and five.

IV. The Ego of the Psalms: The question of the
person speaking in the psalms takes its place in
Old-Testament exegesis with the problem of the
" I " of Job and of Deutero-Isaiah, and the tendency
is to see in the pronoun a collective. It is natural
to expect to see in this " I " the author, and in not
a few cases this is unquestionably right.
1. Varied But in early times even there was a
Explana- tendency to see in the pronoun not an
tions. individual but the community. Thus
Theodore of Mopsuestia held that
David had, in many psalms ascribed to him, en-
tered into and expressed the soul of the people; and
this opinion has at intervals since been several times
repeated. The man of modern times who restated
this proposition is Olshausen, who regards the " I "
of many psalms to be the personified community,
the expression of individual experience being taken

Psalms

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

838

as adequate for that of the people. But Olahausen
was in this matter not with his times, and he found
more opponents than supporters. Grata attributed
a great part of the Psalter to the circle of Levites
which he names Anawim. He regarded Olshausen's
theory as pointing in the right direction, since the
Anawim spoke for their group, and in that sense
for the entire people. But this idea found accept-
ance only in Jewish circles. Smend gave the idea
once more a general currency, and found adherents
for his view. The apparent agreement of the theory
with the hypothesis of the late origin of the psalms
is not hard to see. It sets forth an idea of the com-
munity in its dominating force as it first appeared
in later times. Olshausen was wholly logical in
pleading for a late origin of the Psalter; Smend's
position had been prepared by the attribution of a
large part of .the Old Testament to poetexilic times.
This in turn led easily to the conception of the com-
munity as the speaking subject of the psalms.
Smend's hypothesis was strongly supported by the
musical titles prefixed to many of the psalms, and
he came to the conclusion that " almost without
exception the community speaks" in these com-
positions. He holds that a priori a psalm is an ex-
pression of the community; only under direct proof
is a psalm to be considered the expression of an in-
dividual. Smend '8 conclusions nowhere found un-
conditional acceptance, and many scholars entered
the lists against him.

The question of the speaker in the Psalter has
generally been brought into connection with the
two questions of the age of the Psalter and its re-
lation to worship, and it has been mistakenly held
that the answer to one of these furnishes the answer
to the others; in fact, clarity is sub-
2. Solution served when the questions are consid-
Independ- ered separately. The problem of the
ent of " I "of the Psalms has no necessary con-
Age and nection with their age, as is shown by
Purpose, the contrary answers given by Duhm;
and, with limitations, the same is true of
the matter of the relation to worship. The fact that
the collection was made for public service gives an
initial air of probability to the theory of a collective
subject. An approach is made to a solution of the
problem when it is considered that the Psalter is a
composite made from very dissimilar elements.
From what has previously been said, it is seen that
a number of psalms were from the beginning de-
signed for use in the Temple, and the probability is
that the " we " in these designates the community,
and that " I " is used in the sense of " we." This
is analogous with the use of " thou " in the Penta-
teuch, where the individual is only apparently ad-
dressed, while the precepts are for the entire com-
munity. But alongside the group of which mention
has just been made is another the psalms in which
were clearly not desired in the making for public
worship; and it is then apparent that there is a
large number of psalms for which the only conclu-
sion is that the author speaks as an individual. The
fact that these can be universalized and fitted for
general use does by no means involve that they
were composed for collective use and in a collective
sense. In more recent compositions of this sort it is

true that a writer may work with the view of sit-
ing his composition to the use of an aggregation of
people, and his composition may none the less ring
true, especially when the poet knows that his feel-
ings are those of the people for whom he speaks.
But where the general trend of life is individual,
compositions of this sort are not the rule but the
exception; and it is also a fact that a poetically
endowed individual, at the moment when he ex-
presses with emphasis the deepest experiences of
his own soul, speaks of that which most intimately
concerns himself alone. That what he says will fit
other cases is not at the time within the range of
consciousness. But just the literature which has
arisen in this manner, expressing personal feeling
and experience, has especial worth from the relig-
ious and ethical standpoint. Examples of this are
Pss. xxxii., li., and lxxiii. The first is one of the
most striking pictures in literature of the distress
felt by a soul in dire need; while behind the ideal-
ism of the last is the ardent expression of one who
feels that heaven, to say nothing of earthly joy,
would have no worth were God not there. And
these psalms gain in value when they appear as the
personal expression of the situation and convictions
of their author; if he spoke only of what was com-
mon experience and in the name of those whose
hap was like his, something of worth seems to van-
ish from the psalms. On the other hand, if such
experiences were general in early Israel, the intent
to write for the people may be ascribed if only so
the content is best explained. And after the time
of Jeremiah such experiences were indeed the lot
of the people. But there is a third group which
deals not with the people as such, nor with the in-
dividual as such, but with a pious nucleus, the
" poor," the " wretched," the " feeble," who appear
as the upright and God-fearing and faithful. VThSe
it is not impossible that these designations should
apply to the nation, when it is remembered that in
Deutero-Isaiah this class does not constitute the
whole people, that in many psalms this class is op-
posed to the godless in such a way that by the lat-
ter the heathen can not be meant, the conclusion
of Gratz gains in probability that such psalms arose
in this narrower circle which was oppressed by the
godless and worldly and saw as imminent the judg-
ment of God against their enemies. Psalms like xvi.
and xxii. arose in this circle; the author himself
may have been in mind or he may have considered
the general situation in the manner in which the
prophets viewed the characteristics of their times.
Such an author was zealous for the law and fore-
shadowed the existence of the Hasidhim (the
" pious ") and the Pharisees before these parties as
political opponents appeared on the scene.

V. Authorship and Date: Most of the psalms in
their present form possess superscriptions which
profess to give information regarding the author or
the circumstances of composition. In many cases
the word '• of " is meant to indicate authorship, in
other cases this meaning is questionable. The per-
sons to whom this applies are David with seventy-
three psalms, Solomon with two (Ixxii. and exxvii.),
Moses with one (xc), Asaph with twelve (L, lxxiii.-
lxxxiii.), the Korahites with eleven (xlii., xliv.-xlix.,

329

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Psalms

., *— ».~. -~~.~i.), and Heman and
£than with Pas. lxxxviii.-lxxxix. The historical

value of these titles is now rightly in
i. The question. The condition of the text

shows that the titles were not originally

a part of the text, therefore not by
the authors of the psalms, and that they are prob-
ably the work of the collectors and arose out of a
late tradition and hence have but the value of an
early supposition. Proofs are at hand. In the He-
brew text Ps8. cxxii., cxxiv., cxxxi., cxxxiii., and
exxxviii. are ascribed to David, while some Je-
rome, or the Targum, or other witnesses regard
as not Davidic; on the other hand, early testimony
claims Pa. xxxiii. as Davidic while in the Hebrew
text it is anonymous. This manifests a weakening
of early tradition. In the Septuagint a number of
psalms an? pscribed to David which are not so
ascribed in the Masoretic text, and Ps. cxxvii. is
moreover ascribed to Solomon. This indicates that
in the time of the Seventy there was working a tend-
ency to increase the number of Davidic psalms, al-
though there was also a tendency to deny the tra-
dition which gave him certain others. The source
of the first tendency may be found in the prom-
inence occupied by David in the Messianic expecta-
tion of a later time. This went to its extreme in
Rabbi Meir's claim of Davidic authorship for all
psalms. The position arrived at by criticism of the
text is confirmed by study of the contents compared
with the titles. Without going into a minute in-
vestigation it is sufficient to note that of the seventy-
three attributed to David by the Masoretic text a
considerable number can not be his because the
historic conditions presented point away from
David's times, such as those which involve the exist-
ence of the Temple (v. 7, box. 9) or those which
presuppose the exile (xiv. 7, li. 18-19). Pertinent
is the fact that Asaph was a contemporary of David,
yet the Asaphic psalms belong in large part to a late
period. Of the attribution of psalms to David it is
possible to give an explanation. Just as the psalms
of the Eorahite8, a gild of singers, were attributed
to their founder through the name of the collection
being given to the individual psalms, so a collection
named after David came to have its individual com-
positions called after the celebrated organizer of
worship — possibly in the process of compilation
into a larger collection. If this is the case, the super-
scriptions or titles often represent a tradition rela-
tively late, sometimes oscillating and in many cases
actually erroneous, perhaps sometimes arising
through misunderstanding and consequently in-
conclusive. They may possibly point rightly to
David as the author, but as evidence they are
inadequate; only when title and internal evidence
accord, or at least do not conflict, can the title play
an important part.

In recent times the question of authorship has
assumed an entirely different form. It is no longer,
how many psalms are preexilic and how many must
be postexilic ? but, are there any preexilic psalms ?
And the next question is, necessarily, was there a
preexilic religious body of lyrics in Israel, and had
it any relation to the Psalter? The first answer
must come from Ps. cxxxvii. 3-4, where it is cjear

that the " songs of Zion " are " Yahweh songs,"
presumably dealing with the relations of Yahweh
and his people. A second piece of evidence is Amos
v. 23, which unmistakably deals with
a. Modern songs of worship, showing that in the
Phase of the early prophetic days songs (psalms) to
Problem, harp accompaniment belonged to the
essentia of divine worship in the north-
ern kingdom. Testimony is seen by some also in
Lam. ii. 7. The force of these passages is disputed
by William Robertson Smith, and perhaps rightly in
the citation from Lamentations, on the ground that
it deals not with official and regulated worship, but
with the free spirit of worship by private individ-
uals. But the passage in Amos, as evidently as Iaa.
i. 11 sqq., deals with the official worship for the bene-
fit of the community. To be sure, Amos speaks of
the service in the Northern kingdom; but it is not
to be called in question that what was usual in di-
vine service in the north was present in Jerusalem.
The sanctuaries which were celebrated in the times
of David and Solomon in all probability embodied
the chief forms of worship customary at Jerusalem,
and this is borne out by the already cited passage
in Ps. cxxxvii. and by the lists in Ezra-Nehemiah
of the returning gilds of Temple singers (Ezra ii.
41 ; Neh. vii. 44), mention of whom would be unin-
telligible if they had not in preexilic days had that
position. Any other interpretation involves the
strange hypothesis that the gild was modeled in
exilic times after the Babylonian pattern. The con-
ception of a preexilic Temple worship of song is the
more reasonable since other themes had been richly
treated in early times — one's memory lights upon
David and Deborah — and undoubtedly song had
been made a part of divine service (II Sam. vi. 5).
It is therefore a priori probable that when Solomon
made provision for worship in the new sanctuary,
he included sacred song as a part of that worship,
and Isa. xxx. 29 looks like the continuance of such
an adjunct to divine service. The least that can
be said is that song has a very close relationship to
the cult of the period, as an essential part thereof.
This does not, however, involve necessarily that
psalms in the present Psalter are preexilic. It
is possible that all trace of preexilic psalms is
lost, that the present Psalter has in it only
postexilic compositions. But it can not be said
that it is a probability, in view of the evident
presence of song in the Temple and
3. Are in view of the strong tradition of
there Pre- David as a hymnist, that no single
exilic psalm survived the exile. And when
Psalms? the work of redaction is taken in-
to account, and editorial changes of
the text are considered, the improbability grows.
Indeed many of the psalms, especially in the earlier
parts of the Psalter, are best explained by referring
them to Solomon's Temple (so the royal psalms xx.,
xxi., xlv.). With reference to Pss. xx. and xxi. it
is to be remarked that only in preexilic times and
after 105 b.c. did Israel possess a king, and it
would take convincing evidence to refer a psalm to
the later period. The exegesis which so relates
them is forced not by the text but by a presupposi-
tion against their preexilio origin. Internal grounds

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

ii. "ili I li'u'l to refer Pss. xx.-xxi. to the earlier period;
while Ps. x I v. does not involve thought of a (heathen)
Belcucid or Ptolemaic lord, and the rugged and
primitive tone with the poetic strength bespeak an
early age. Another class of psalms which point to
b preexilic origin are those which question tie worth
of tlic institution of sacrifice, While in general in
the Psalter Temple and sacrifice are highly esteemed,
there are single psalms which echo the prophetic
cry. " Obedience is better than sacrifice." They are
nn energetic protest against the idea of opus opera-
tttm in religion. Psalms which slio\i lliis reforming
upirit are xl., l.-li. It is not unthinkable, indeed,
that in postexilic times, even during a postexilic
riomism, (i sort of undercurrent of prophetisro came
to the surface to oppose the legalism of the times.
lVrhups this is the explanation of Ps. t.; and verses
2(1- 'il look like the expression of an exilic or post-
I'xiiic conviction, but this voice of protest inter-
jecteil into the psalm bespeaks its existence before
th;it time. Hul there is still another group of psalms
which in form and content better fit the period of
the kings and of the first- Temple than of a later
time (I'ss. xix.n, xxix., xxxiv.6). So the majestic
aiLtiphnuv of xxiv. 7-10 brings before theeyethe
return of the ark, the old palladium of Israel, carried
in triumphant return from a victorious war and
with jubilant songs to its place on Zion. Similarly,
in Ps. xix. 1-7. in a psalm of nature of unexampled
beauty and sublimity, not only are the lordship of
God and the glory and beauty of his creation cele-
brated, but tic sun is pictured in a mythological
fashion which, like the tone of Ps. xxix,, carries
back to early times anil primitive conceptions. With
this latter psalm should be compared the vision of
Tsa. vi. 1. When the originality and freshness of
these com imsit ions are taken into account, and also
the poetic strength, it becomes difficult to attribute
them to a late period.*

With the probability thus established that in

the present Psalter there are elements from pre-

e\ili< linns, the next question is where the upper

limit of time of composition must be set. Or, to

put the question in another form, what is known of

David as a psalmist ? and are there any reasons to

ascribe to him any part of the existent Psalter T

That David was a poet celebrating God's grace is

generally recognized. As a master of

4. Indica- song and of the harp he came to the

tions of court of Saul, and were nothing known

Davidic of his compositions but the elegy on

Authorship, the death of Saul and Jonathan

(II. Sam. i. 17 sqq.), his claim to be a

master would have to be conceded. It is also known

that In- wa-s 11 man of deeply religious character, and

this fact even liis own misdeeds and acts of tyranny

or human weakness can not obliterate. That this

reugiouNie« was of a type different from that of

later times is of course recognized. According to

I Sam. xxvi. 19, he held that when he was driven

Into a heathen land he was obligated to serve the

•In view of the axiitenra of "orapnaJily and (.-,■,!, ■,<--. "
to in late u b..ik u (e.K.) J,„,ali [rf. Driver. I ilrV<iu#i.>n.
ll>l 1 i>i.].. [,. .Sl'l'i. it Morris linnlly histuriral U' imply thai
»;i. h -jiialiiift. nrre touilly ural uniformly absent ia later

gods of that land; according to II Sam. xxj. 1 iqq,
he yielded to a superstition and gave the htirs d
Saul to the Gibeonites to be put to death; he *epi
and mourned during the sickness of his child in tie
attempt to swerve Yahweh from his purpose, but
on the death of the child put away further mous-
ing as useless (II Sam. xii. 22-23), and though the
context shows his submission to the will of God,
there is nothing which reminds of Ps. li. David'*
piety conies out in his relation to the Temple, The
Chronicler ascribes to David the most complete
preparations for its building, and this agrees with
the interest in the establishment of divine service
David showed from the beginning of bis reign. This
interest appeared in his removal of the ark from 1
lowly position to his capital with festal accompani-
ment, and with the view of furnishing for it a worthy
abode. In thus transferring the ark, he laid aside
his royal character and went aa a simple sen-ant of
worship, thus earning the scorn of the haughtj
daughter of Saul. He showed himself read; to
serve Yahweh to the utmost of his ability, and hi
assumed the functions of a sacrificer with the same
purpose in view (II Sam. vi. 12 sqq.). If tint)
David's piety does not take the form of later types,
it yet shows an interest warmer and more ["t-juuI;
he is ready, in giving expression to his piety, to go
to the verge of religious eccentricity. But the un-
developed and primitive type of his external
manifestations of piety do not affect its essential
character, though there may be present the same
two-sidedness which he displayed as a man and a
king. Given these characteristics in a man of hie
times, and the presumption is that the poet would
also be in evidence; and the correct text of II Sam.
vi. 5 shows that in David's time song was, at least
on extraordinary occasions, an important ele-
ment of religious worship. All probabilities an
in favor of the supposition that David contributed
to the development of this element. Viewed
in this way the tradition of Davidic author-
sliip, not especially forceful in itself, receives new
liKht,

The superscription " of David " prefixed to many
psalms may be due to a misunderstanding, and is
to be traced perhaps to a book of psalms partly
written and partly compiled by him
5. Explana* and then supposedly extended to others
tion of brought into relation with him But
Title " of such a misunderstanding would be dif-
David." ficult to explain were there not a nu-
cleus really in part composed by him,
in part by him set to music. The attribution to
David of seventy- three psalms can not be wholly
without some historic basis. The inference natu-
rally drawn from comparison of Ps. xviii., II Sam.
xxii., and xxiii. 1 sqq., is sometimes without reason
rejected 00 the ground that II Sam. xxi.-xxiv. was
added in later times to connect the books of Samuel
with the books of Kings. At any rate they were in-
serted by the redactor, who gives to four specimens of
poetry David's name. Two of these are recognised
as David's (II Sam. i. 17 sqq., iii. 33), two others
arc disputed (II Sam. xxii., xxiii. 1 sqq.). But had
the redactor been concerned to make large claims
for David, he could have attributed to him psalms

931

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Psalms

which could have been inserted without difficulty
in various places such as I Sam. xxvi.-xxvii., and
II Sam. vii., xii., and xv. sqq. The fact that, ac-
cording to the opposing argument, the redactor
added only two pieces wrongly attributed to David
speaks for his sobriety. As to the Davidic author-
ship of psalms in the present Psalter, there is no ab-
solutely stringent proof that any particular one is
his, since in no case is there absolute security that
the superscription is correct. But the probability
is great that such exist. Were there once Davidic
psalms in greater numbers, some might have been
forgotten, some worked over; but it is improbable
that no trace of them would have been left. A
hindrance to the recognition of Davidic psalms is
the fact that to him were attributed psalms which
smack of later thought and ideals. But if psalms
are found having the characteristics of II Sam. i.
17 sqq., there is to be found the type attributable
to him. By this test poems like Pss. iii., iv., viii.,
x viii. a, xxiv., xxix., and many others may be re-
garded as Davidic.

In answer to the question of the lower limits of
psalm-composition it may be remarked that in early
times Maccabean psalms were recognized. Thus
Theodore of Mopsuestia [d. 428] placed seventeen
psalms in that period, and Calvin also recognized
Maccabean psalms. On the other hand,
6. Recogni- scholars like Gesenius, Ewald, Bleek,
tion of Late Hupfeld, and Dillmann controverted
Psalms, the position. The possibility and even
the probability of die writing of psalms
at that period must be admitted, the only question
being how they could gain admission to the canon.
So far as probability of composition is concerned,
the late production of Daniel, Ecclesiasticus, and
the Psalms of Solomon show literature still in course
of composition down to the time of Pompey. In
I Chron. xvi. 8-36 is a psalm which corresponds in
part with Pss. cv.-cvi., and contains also the dox-
ology of book four of the Psalter. This seems to
show that the Chronicler (c. 300) already had the
Psalter in practically its present form — at least so
far as its division into five books is concerned. This
does not preclude that individual psalms were added
afterward, though hardly the majority of the pres-
ent number. To the same conclusion points Eccle-
siasticus, in its preface, when it speaks of the author
knowing the law, prophets, and " other writings,"
that is, the threefold division of the canon. It is
hardly likely that in the author's time Daniel was
in the canon, though that the Psalter was there ap-
pears from the considerations just adduced from
the Chronicler's narrative. Ecclus. xlvii. 8-10
seems to imply a Psalter, and yet psalms like xliv.,
lxxiv., lxxix., lxxxiii.,and others appear to belong
to this period and may have come into the canon as
did Daniel.

Duhm has set a lower limit as late as 70 B.C. or
even the year 1, thinking that the period of Aris-
tobulus and Alexander Jannseus was fruitful in the
composition of psalms; this brings us down to the
period of the Psalms of Solomon. It is known
that the later Hasmoneans discarded more and more
the earlier theocratic ideals of the original Mac-
cabean movement; they adopted heathen customs

and acted as did other princes. This aroused the
opposition of the Pharisees, but induced the support
of the Sadducees. Out of this contest
7. Com- arose the (Pharisaic) Psalms of Solo-
parison with mon, which regarded the conquest by
Psalms of Pompey as induced by Sadducean
Solomon, wickedness, led by the royal house.
Now if canonical psalms arose out of
this period, they should have the ring of the age of
the Psalms of Solomon. This Duhm thinks he hears
in psalms like ii., xviii., xx., xxi., xlv., and others,
being the Sadducean compositions in praise of the
king, while psalms like ix., x., xiv., lvi.-lviii. are
the Pharisaic answers, which correspond in tone to
the Psalms of Solomon. Now, that there are gen-
eral similarities of thought in the canonical Psalter
and in the Psalms of Solomon may be granted.
But in their characteristics, especially in those
characteristics which give ground for assigning to
the collection a certain date, the latter stand by
themselves and in distinction from the canonical
psalms. Thus there is read in the Psalms of Solo-
mon, i. 2, " Suddenly the alarm of war was heard
before me"; i. 3, " their transgressions were greater
than those of the heathen that were before them;
the holy things of the Lord they utterly polluted";
ii. 15, (the daughter of Jerusalem was dishonored
because )" she had defiled herself in unclean inter-
course"; viii. 8 sqq., " in secret places beneath the
earth were their iniquities, the son with the mother
and the father with the daughter wrought confu-
sion, . . . they went up to the Lord's altar full of
all uncleanness" ; xvii. 5, " On account of our sins
the godless (the Hasmoneans) rose against us, . . .
they laid waste the throne of David in their tri-
umph"; xvii. 21, " from the ruler to the vilest they
lived in their sin, the king a transgressor, the judge
in disobedience, and the people in sin." This is
the trend of the psalms which Duhm puts about
the year 70, and such a trend is absent in the psalms
selected by him as representative of the " Phari-
saic " canonical psalms, which say nothing of the
characteristic sins of the Hasmoneans. Where
echoes of the canonical psalms appear in the pseudo-
Solomonic book, the fact is due to following the
model set in the canonical productions. This is ex-
emplified in the patterning of Ps. Sol. xi. upon Isa.
xl. sqq. There is further to be reckoned the inher-
ent improbability of the inclusion of Sadducean
psalms in praise of the hated Hasmoneans finding
entrance into the canon, apart altogether from the
difficulty of so many psalms getting in at all in so
late a time.

VI. Theology: To speak in the strict sense of a
theology of the Psalter is not permissible because of
the fact that it is a collection covering centuries in
time, the individual compositions coming from va-
rious circles, some written for use in the Temple,
others for public or private use outside
1. Doctrine of the established cultus, some speak-
of God and ing for the community at large, others
of Right- expressing private and personal joy,
eousness. grief, or pain, and still others repre-
senting a narrow community of the
pious and pietistic. It is often difficult to classify
particular psalms, let alone to express the general

Psalms
PaeudepigTaph*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

882

sense of the whole. One must be prepared to find
as various religious presentations as in general are
found in the Old Testament itself. Eras like that
of the times of the early kings, that of the prophetic
teachings, and that of the reign of the law and deal-
ing with sacrifice, find their representative expres-
sions here. Alongside this is the fact that in any
one period individual feelings find vent in different
tones. If one selects the doctrine of God as the
chief point of interest, one finds him spoken of as
a war deity or a storm god (Pss. xviii., xxix., xxiv.),
and as an eternal and omnipresent being (Pss. xc,
cxxxix.); as the God whose dearest love is the
broken and bruised heart, and as the one again who
wishes no offering, or, once more, as the God who
gave the law, meditation upon which day and night
brings the highest praise to the pious (Pss. 1., li.,
i.). Between these different conceptions lie cen-
turies of development. Similarly if the test be the
ideal of piety, of a religious and ethical ideal of life,
the results show not only a varied expression but
one which embodies diverse individual experience.
In Ps. i. true piety consists in meditation on the law
day and night; and since this psalm heads the
Psalter, and, so to speak, sets forth the program
of the collection, this ideal has been taken as that
for which the Psalter stands. Such a tendency
does, indeed, appear in the Psalter (Pss. xix. 7 sqq.,
cxix.), and sets forth the ideal of the learned in the
law. Hand in hand with this ideal is that which
expresses joy in the Temple, " A day in thy courts
is better than a thousand." In the hours of cele-
bration of the Temple services the pious experiences
the blessing of mystic nearness to his God. Yet
this latter ideal is older than that which finds essen-
tial piety in contemplation of the law. But one
can not fit the whole Psalter into this measure.
Psalms which express delight in the Temple and in
sacrifice are offset by those which protest against
an overvaluation of sacrifice and cult. Alongside of
emphasis upon cult is found the simple ideal of a
religious and ethical course of life (Ps. xxiv. 4).

With the ideals of piety and of a pure course of
life goes step by step the consciousness of sin. In
the Psalter may be found the confidence of a per-
son in his own integrity and piety (Ps. xxvi. 11),
or who hopes for salvation because of his rectitude

(xxv. 21), or who speaks of sin from

2. Ideas of the standpoint of ceremonial piety

Sin and (xix. 12 sqq.)- In Ps. xxv. 7, 18, the

Eschatology. poet speaks almost vivaciously of his

sins, but they are the sins of his youth
for which he dares to bespeak forgiveness. He
knows nothing of such a thought as that he is an
unworthy servant, who after the Pauline type of
expression is to be penitent and rely on faith (cf.
also Ps. xix. 7 sqq.); two things alone can trouble
him, ignorance and pride. But this is by no means
the only view of piety found in the Psalter, as is seen
on reading Pss. xxxii., li., which show not a super-
ficial idea of sin, but a consciousness which is felt
in the inmost self, which treat not of sacrifice, per-
formance, or priests. Forgiveness of sin results from
piety and righteousness — to the righteous only does
it come, from it the wicked are excluded. Ps. li.
makes forgiveness the correlative of renewal of

heart, and reminds of the characteristic teaching
of Jeremiah and EsekieL A similar state cf thinp
is found when one considers the eschatological tod
Messianic ideas. From the simple glorification of
the long of Israel, who is exalted even by the heathen
as God's son, is only a step to the thought that God
will give the victory to his anointed on Ziot over
all his foes even to the end of the world. Such
thoughts are in evidence in psalms like ii., ex., which
reveal the trend of expectation during the historic
kingdom. Similarly the beginnings of eschatology
also reach back into early days, but it is continually
unfolded, particularly after the exile. From the
hope for the simple triumph of the king over his
foes developed a transcendental expectation, as-
suming cosmical and eternal proportions. Indeed,
the farther worldly expectations sank into the im-
possible, the more glowing became the hopes of a
future glory, involving therein the world-judgment,
after which was to come the kingdom of Yahweh,
enduring forever (cf . Pss. i., v., vii., ix., xxii., xlvi.,
lxxxii., xcvii., and others). And a clear distinction
is possible between the portrayal of the Messiah in
the canonical psalms and in the Psalms of Solomon.

(R. Kittel.)
Bibliography: The books named under Hebrew Lan-
guage and Literature are to be noted for the poetry
of the Psalms, and for introduction the works on Bib&al
introduction (Driver, Kdnig, Comill, and others) sod od
O. T. theology (e.g., Schults). Questions of introduction
are generally treated with more or less fulness in the
commentaries; special works are: C. Ehrt, Abfauw
zeit und Abschluss dee Psalters, xur Prufung der Fragt m&
Makkabaerpsalmen, Leipsic, I860; C. Bruston, Du taU
primitif dec Psaumes, Paris, 1873; J. F. Thrupp, Intro-
duction to Study and Use of the Psalms, 2 vols., London,
1879; Messio, De la chronologic dee Psaumes, Paris, 1886;
J. Forbes, The Book of Psalms, Edinburgh, 1888; W. Alex-
ander, Witness of the Psalms to Christ and Christian^,
London, 1800; T. K. Cheyne, The Book of Psalms, ib.
1888; idem. Origin and Religious Content of the PsaUer,
ib. 1891; W. Stark, in ZATW, xxii (1892), 91-151 (as
the titles) ; W. T. Davison, Praises of Israel, London, 1893
(one of the " good little books"); W. T. Dawson, The
Praises of Israel, ib. 1893; T. C. Murray, Origin and
Growth of the Psalms, New York, 1894; Jakob, in ZATW,
xxvi (1896). 265-291, xxvii (1897), 49-80. 263-279; J. K.
Zenner, Die Chorgesange im . . . Peatmen, Freiburg,
1896; H. Roy, Die Volksgemeinde und die Gemeinde der
Frommen im Psalter, Gnadau, 1897; J. K&berle, Die Tern-
peisanger im A. T., Erlangen, 1899; J. Wellhausen, Skis-
ten und Vorarbeiten, vi. 163-187, Berlin, 1899; H. Grimme,
Psalmenprobleme, Freiburg in Switzerland, 1902; Matthes.
in ZATW, xxxii (1902), 65-82; J. Achelis, Der religions,
gcschichtliche Gehalt der P sal men, Berlin. 1904; F. W.
Mosley, PsaUer of the Church; the Septuagint Psalms com-
pared with the Hebrew, New York, 1905; J. Gumhill, Com-
panion to the Psalter, 2d ed., ib. 1907; J. McNaugher,
The Psalms in Worship, Pittsburg, 1907; J. W. Thirtle,
O. T. Problems; critical Studies in the Psalms and Isaiah,
Oxford, 1907; F. A. Gasquet and E. Bishop. The
Bosworth Psalter, New York. 1909; DB, iv. 145-162;
EB, iii. 3921-67; JB, x. 241-250; Vigouroux, Die
tionnaire, fasc. xxxiii. 803-838; DCS, ii. 450-455.

On the " I " of the Psalms consult: Smend, in ZATW,
xviii (1888), 49-147; Schuurmanns-Steckhoven, in
ZATW, xix (1889), 131 sqq.; G. Beer, Individual- und
Gemeindepsalmen, Marburg, 1894; F. Coblens, Ueber das
betende Ich in den Psalmen, Frankfort, 1897; D. Leim-
dorfer. Das Psalter-Ego, ib. 1898; I. Engert, Der betende
Gerechte der Psalmen, Wursburg. 1902.

Of commentaries the best is by C. A. and Emilie Grace
Briggs, 2 vols.. New York, 1906. Among the numerous
others the following, devotional or critical, may be noted:
J. Calvin, Eng. transl., 5 vols., Edinburgh, 1845-49; J. G.
Vaihinger, Stuttgart, 1845; H. Olshausen. Konigsbeig,
1853; W. M. L. De Wette, Heidelberg. 1856; A. de Met-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

tral. 2 vols., Lausanne. 1856-81; P. Schegg, 3 voh.,
Munich, 1857; L. Reinke, Die manrmitcAtn Pnalmen,
2 vols.. Gieaaen, 18S7-S8; A. Thcduck, Gotha. 1873. Eog.
trans], of earlier od.. Philadelphia, 1858; E. W. Hcngs-
lenberg. in Eng. traael.. 3 vols.. New York, I860; J. M.
Nral" and R. F. LittlcdnJ*. Co7mn,-nrarv , , . from the
Primitive and Mediaeval Writeri. 4 vola.. London, 18B0-
1874; F. Hitiig, Lc-ipait'. 1863 (one of the cuuwlcs); W.8.
Plumcr. Philadelphia, 1867; C. H. Bpurgeon, Tnamry
of Darid. 7 vetv. L.,ndon. 1870-85 (bomiletical) : J. A.
Alexander. 2 vols., Xew York. 1*73; J. G. Murphy. An-
daver. 1875; W. R. Burgess, 2 voLh., London. 187B-«2;
A. Ft. Fausset, Horn poulmira, ib. 1*85; A. (-'. Jennings
and W. H. Lowe. 2 vob.. it.. 1885; Ci. H. A. Ewald, in
Kng. tnuia].. 2 vols., ih. 188(1-81; D. Thomns, 3 vol.., ih.
1882; H. Qritti. 2 vols.. Bnalau, 1882-83; J. J. 8.
PcTOwnc. • vol?, Tendon, 1880: A. Coles. Nfiw York,
1887; F. Delitisch. 3 vols.. London, 1887-88; H. van
Dyk<-, The Story of the Psnjnu, New York. 1887; H. Hup-
fcld. 3d ed. by Nowack. Gotha. 1888 (one of the best):
F. W. Schultl. Munich. 1888; W. P. Walsh. The Vairrt
ofthe Ptalmi. t-nnilmi, [Sou; J. Bathmann. Berlin, IKul;
J. 1>" Wilt, New York, 1891; A. F. Kirkpiitrick. in Cam-
tor', Bible, 2 vob.. l,.n.|'.r,. wXi III; W. K. Reischl. 2
vols.. Regenaburg. 1895; J. Kharpe. London. 1886; B.
Diihm, Freiburg, 1SBU; I'. G. MontoGoiB, Loudon, 1BQI;
A. F. Kirkpulri.'k. il, 1 '.«)_': 1-'. Unrtlict-n. Cetlingen. 1904;
T. K. Chevne. The Book of Pealm*. or the Praitti of Swraet,
London, 1804; J. Wellhausen, in SBOT; L. Hulley,
Stadia in the Book of F*dm>, New York. 1907; J. P.
Peters. Notet on SMH Kiluol VtM of the Pialm: in JBL,
max. 2 (1910), 113-12.5: W O. K. Oesterley. The Pialmt
IH ikt Jru-iih Church. London. 1910.

PSALMS, USE OF THE, IH WORSHIP. See
Psalmody.

PSELLUS, COHSTAHTiriDS (MICHAEL): By-
zantine philosopher ;intl theologian; b. either at
Constantinople or Mcomodia 1(118; place and date
of death unknown He received his early education
from hid mother, studied philosophy, and learned
the rudiments of law from the later palriarch, Jo-
hannes Xiphilinos. For a time he practised law,
tlifii entered the public, service under the Emperor
Michael the Paphlagonian and, execpt^for a brief
period which he spent ad monk on the 1-iilrn iii;m
Olympus, remained in official life either as profes-
sor of philosophy in Constantinople or as imperial
minister. He lived in the moat corrupt time of the
Hytantiue court and is charged with ambition, van-
ity, and servility; but. he was the most learned man
of his time and one of the greatest of ByaantiM
scholars. His philosophical position aa a student
and admirer of Plato was not acceptable to the or-

thodoxy of bis day; hence bis permanent influence
wbs hardly commensurate with his attainments or
hts great gifts.

Relatively few of Psellua' theological writings
have ban printed (cf. the collection in MPG, exxii.
477-1 186; and in K. Sathas, MeBaiOnUcl BiMwthikl,
vols, iv.-v., Paris, 1874-76). They include an ex-
position of the Song of Solomon, which fallows
Gregory of Nyssa, Nil us, and Maximus, with orig-
inal thoughts added in verse. A dialogue q On the
Agency of Demons " (MPG, exxti. 637-920) be-
tween a Thracian and " Timotheos " is the chief
source of knowledge of the Thracian Eucliites of the
eleventh century. Certain memorial addresses — on
Symeou Metaphrastes (MPG, cxiv.); on Gregory
of Nyssa, Basil of Ciesarea, John Chrysostom, and
Gregory Nazisnzcn; on the patriarchs Michael
Ca-nilarius, Konstantinos Lichudcs, and Johannes
\i[-'li>liiios — are also important for church hi.-tory.
The " Various Teachings " is a compendium of the-
ology and Christoiogy, anthropology and ethics,
with metaphysics, astronomy, and cosmology inter-
mingled; as printed by Migne this work may be
I ■<.impi>-:ite. The treatise "On the Definition of
Death " and " What do the Greeks Believe about
Demons? " approach the domain of philosophy, and
the " Opinions about the Soul " and the commen-
tary " On Plato's Generation of the Soul " are phil-
osophical. A large number of spiritual discourses,
observations on Old-Testament topics, on the Fa-
thers, ete., is still in manuscript. Psellus also wrote
poetry, sometimes in satirical vein which allows no
respect for the Church. He was one of the first of
the Byzantines U> turn proverbs and popular say-
ings to moral instruction, and herein founded or
refounded a special class of literature (cf. K, Krum-
bacher, Mtllelgriedtisrhc Sprkhwdrlcr, Munich,
1893). Of his non-theological writings all that need
hi: mentioned here are his Clironographia, compri-
sing the years 976-1079 (published by J. B. Bury in
hi- lii):iiiitiiie Text*, London, 1S9S), and his numer-
ous letters. (Philipp Meier.)

BraoixiMm: Krmnbachur. Gachichie. pp. 79-B2. 433-
444 (contains a very compl' ■■>•■ biUi..i;r:i|iliv indispensable
lo the student); Leo Allatius. Be Ptetti* et eorum atrip-
tia. Rome, 1634. rcprridui-cil in lv.briciua-H»rlea, Bibtio-
Iheca Grata, x. 41-07, Hamburg. 1804; F. Grecoroviaa.
Getchichte der Stadl A then im Mittttattrr. i. 176-184, BtUtt-
gart, 1880; K. VMBMBBi Of* Weltrtellunv da biwanfini-
echen Reicha ear den Kreuaiigent Letpsic, 1894-

PSEDDEPIGRAPHA, OLD TESTAMENT.

d Place in Study (I 1).

I. Prophetic Paeudepigrapha.
I. The EthJopic Enoch.

Conlenta and Compoaition (5 1).

Date (i 2>.

5. The Slavonic Enoch.

6. The Assumption nf Moeee.

7. II (IV) Ena.

Texts, Editions, and Char

(f 1).
Contents and Date (1 2).

8. V and VI Eim.

9. The logos of Eira.
The Banioh Apoesiypeee.

10-1

12-21. Other Apocalypsea.

22-23. Protoplast* and Twelve Patri-

24-32. Other Testaments.

IV, Historical Pneudepigrapha.

33. Jubilees.

34. The Martyrdom of Isaiah.
36-41. Other Historical Peeudepicranha.

V. Philosophic*] Pseudepigrapha,

I. Preliminary Discussion: By Pseudepigrapha

is commonly understood in the Protestant Church
n series of writings having a Biblical cast of charac-
ter which in some ecclesiastical regions have been
held in more or less regard, but which, so far aa is

known, are not found in the manuscripts of the
Greek Bible or in the Vulgate. " Pseudepigrapha "
is not altogether a happy title, since in both canon-
ical writings and in the Apocrypha there are books
which bear a name not that of the author; yet since

PseudepigTapha

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

884

pscudonymity is the chief external charac* eristic of
these books, and is also that by which collectively
they arc best known, the title has won
i. Name a certain right. By Old-Testament
and Place Pscudepigrapha are meant writings
in Study, which, whether of Jewish or Christian
authorship, are ostensibly by some
personage belonging to the Old Testament or
concern such a one; the name New-Testament
Pscudepigrapha is kept for gosj>cls, acts, epistles,
and apocalypses which go under Christian names,
otherwise called New-Test anient Ajiocrypha. The
study of the Pscudcpigrapha was once left for those
whose reputation was for the study of whatever
was outre1. Serious attention to them came first
through the Tubingen school as a means to knowl-
edge of the transition from Judaism to Christian-
it v. After the work of Fahririus, Dillmann was the
first to investigate them; Schiirer has done notable
work in vol. iii. of his well-known work; light has
been thrown from the Assyriological side by fiunkcl;
and rays have come even from Persia and Egypt to
illumine the subject.

These writings, *o far as they are Jewish in origin,
are a product of the late fieri od in the development
of that religion, partly belonging to 170-135 n.c.
They have a polemic purpose against heathenism
both within and without the Jewish fold, and the
key word is separation from the Oen-
2. Object tiles. On another side the purpose
and was a strongly framed Jewish propa-
Character. ganda. The writings constitute a na-
tional theodicy, the apotheosis of a
Judaism that was hastening to its fall. Hound up
with an inherent apology for Judaism was the in-
tent to strengthen believers in their faith. Since
the persecutions by the (Ireck overlord, the Jew
had been prepared to suffer and to die for the Law
which had been the ground of the persecution, ex-
pecting his reward in the blessedness of the final
eon attained through resurrection. The chief con-
cern of these writings is, therefore, revelation con-
cerning this final state, and many of them bear the
name apocalypse* or revelation of the end. This is
true whether the method is haggadic-midrashic or
philosophic. In the eschatological treatment of the
future the varied hopes of preexilic prophecy be-
come magnified into gigantic illusion, furthered in
part by the magnitude of the world powers con-
cerned. While the predictions of Amos and his
contemporaries seemed to have been ended by the
exile, the holies of the Deutero-Isaiah, Haggai,
Zechariah, and Joel for a Jerusalem which was to
be the world-city of the future were seized upon,
and the thought of the times pictured a future be-
yond a final conflict which was to end the present
age and usher in a new one born of heaven. This
heaven, however, was not the old one, but a new and
spiritualized one already foreshadowed in Isaiah
xl. sqq. The world of the then present belonged
to the heathen; Ood had given it up to angels to
govern, and was permitting the evil to rule. This
dualism was to come to an end in the final day,
and Satan was to be shut up in hell; the kingdom
of darkness was to give way to the kingdom of
light. Then Israel was to come into its own as the

dominant nation, though as a newborn Israel of
such character that its triumph was to be that of
the good over the bad. In some of the minor apoc-
alypses alone did the preexistent Messiah figure;
elsewhere God was in the foreground. In order to
gain strength to endure the last period of distress,
the reawakened hopes of Israel for a better world
drew upon the most varied sources, including a
mythological and esoteric philosophy of nature, by
which to solve the riddle of the past and the future.
As Saul sought the witch of Endor to read for him
what the future held, so the new seers sought an-
swer to their questioning even in heathen mantic.
They underwent a course of discipline to gain the
position of adepts in the unraveling of the future.
The apocalyptic therefore takes on a half heathen,
half monotheistic dress, and out of this come the
imagery of beasts, and predictions made by means
of secrets and riddles and numbers (see Apocalyptic
Literature, Jewish). This apocalyptic became
the new medium of the propaganda, the new wis-
dom. As a result, such literature as, e.g., the Book
of Enoch, reads like a narrative of great wonders in
nature and history, serving curiosity rather than
edification. It satisfied, however, the taste of the
times for the grotesque. But the form required
was that of prophecy, and pseudonymity naturally
took the form of apocalyptic. The new prophecy
put on the mantle of the old in order to veil itself
from the observation of the overlords. The names
of Biblical heroes became the designation of com-
munities of disciples, who probably revered saint-
wise the hero whose name they took. The past was
portrayed in the dress of the future, and this feature
is sometimes of value in determining the date of
the writing. The seer receives readier credence be-
cause he is believed in his spiritual state to read the
records in heaven, where all is recorded, and to
traverse all space and all regions with angels as his
guides. The apocalyptic of these writings assumes
to be the successor of the earlier prophecy, con-
tinues the prediction of the final judgment and of
the era of salvation in which this judgment issues,
but with the added elements of the transcendental
and the universal as constituents of the total pres-
entation.

The character of these books, therefore, makes
them appeal to varied interests. They contain in-
dications of facts in the realm of the history of cul-
ture and religion; they teach much concerning the
character of later Judaism, supplement-
3. Varied ing the canonical writings of the Old
Interests Testament and revealing the receptiv-
Touched. ity exhibited by Jews toward ethnic
influences in the period of the creation
of these books; they bridge the gap between the
Old Testament and the New, heralding the new ideas
which appear in the latter. The ideas and imagery
of the pscudepigraphic writings influenced not only
the Christians of the first generations, but they con-
tinued to be reflected in the productions and
thought-world of the Middle Ages. The profounder
knowledge gained by the present age of the culture
of the ancient East has shown that even the culture
of the present is ringed about and conditioned by
what appears in the writings under consideration;

385

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pseudepigrapha

tbe distant past and the immediate present are
linked indissolubly together. This apocalyptic
speaks, moreover, not merely to the head, but also
to the heart. Though modern science may smile at
the pictures of heaven and earth here presented, the
final victory of the good over the evil is a hope
which has not yet ceased to echo in the breast. For
the present generation, as for the people of that
time, blessedness is a consummation to be attained
under supermundane conditions — a hope that
transcends reason.

The number of Jewish and Christian pseudepi-
graphic writings must once have been great. Jew-
ish legend ascribes to Enoch no fewer than 366, the
Mohammedan legend only thirty. The Apocalypse
of Esra (xiv. 6) tells of seventy secret books which
are discriminated from the twenty-four canonical.
At first sight, then, it seems strange

4. Trans- that so few have survived, but history

mission, reveals the cause. Externally Juda-
ism passed through two severe crises,
those of 70 a.d. and 135 a.d., and the national-re-
ligious hopes of a Jewish hegemony over the na-
tions embodied in these books vanished like a dream
in view of the hard fact of defeat. But the surren-
der of these writings came the easier in that they,
like the Septuagint version of the Scriptures, were
employed apologetically by the Christian commu-
nities, and so the Hebrew originals were by their
possessors allowed to disappear. The second cause
of loss was the fact that to the philosophically
trained Greek theologians of the Church the frame-
work of oriental mythology which supported these
writings was clearly apparent. From the centers
of church life these writings were banned and found
refuge apart from the main currents, in Abyssinia,
Armenia, Arabia, and like places, where they have
hardly yet ceased to inspire literary activity in
similar channels (cf. American Journal of Semitic
Languages, xix. 83 sqq.). For ease of discussion it
will be well to divide the Pseudepigrapha into poetic,
prophetic, historical, and philosophic writings.

IL Poetic Pseudepigrapha: 1-3. The Psalms of
8olomon, ©to. : The eighteen Psalms of Solomon
which sometimes are found in manuscripts of the
Septuagint and are reckoned among the Antile-
Qomena (see Canon of Scripture, II., 7) or the
Apocrypha, were first edited by the Jesuit De la
Cerda in 1626, after which editions by Fabricius
(1722), Hilgenfeld (1868-69), Geiger (1871), Fritz-
sche (1871), Wellhausen (transl., 1874), and Pick
(Eng. transl., Presbyterian Review, 1883) were pat-
terned. A new edition on critical principles was
issued by Ryle and James (1891), Swete (in his ed.
of the Septuagint, vol. iii., 1894), Von Gebhardt
(TU, ziii. 2, 1895), and Kittel (1900). The psalms
were originally in Hebrew, aud were translated into
Greek for the Greek-speaking Jewish diaspora. Solo-
monic authorship is excluded by internal evidence.
Of the two hypotheses, that they were written in
his name or were afterward given the name, the
second la the more likely. The nucleus of the col-
lection is traceable to the time of the overthrow of
the Maccabean rule by Pompey, whose death in
Efcypt was known to the writer. Pompey is fre-
quently referred to (zvii. 7, viii. 15, ii. 1-2, 26-27).

The princes of the land (viii. 16-17, xviii. 12) are
Aristobulus II. and Hyrcanus II. God has visited
the Maccabees, the stealers of thrones and pro-
faners of the temple, and with them their sinful
supporters, the wise in counsel (i.e., the Sadducees;
xvii. 8, viii. 11, 19). The opposite party, whose
mouthpiece the psalmist is, are the Pharisees (ii.
4, 15 sqq., viii. 8 sqq., 23 sqq., xvii. 10, 15 sqq.).
The opposition between the two sects runs through
the psalms; the Sadducees appear as sinners, men-
pleasers, surrounded by wealth and profaning the
sanctuary (i. 4, 8-9, iv. 7-9, viii. 8-9, xii. 1 sqq.);
while the Pharisees are innocent lambs, saints of
God, the righteous and upright, and serve God and
not men (iii. 3, v. 19, viii. 23, xiv. 1). The doc-
trine of God is lofty; his justice and righteousness
are proclaimed, and only to the righteous does he
grant eternal life (viii. 7, ii. 28 sqq., xiii. 11, xiv.
10). True regard for the law guarantees the safety
of the righteous at the judgment (xiv. 2), and God
will send his Messiah, David (xiv. 2, xviii. 5 sqq.).
Then will sinners be smitten, the Jewish diaspora,
united once more, will reign in Jerusalem, and
blessed shall he be who lives in that day (xvii. 23-
25, xviii. 6). While these indications suggest the
period 65-40 B.C., and the psalms as a whole fit well
with this date, attempts have been made to find
other settings, as the time of Antiochus Epiphanes,
or of Jason, or of Ptolemy in 320 B.C., or of Herod.
2. Deserving mere mention is the Ps. cli. of the
Septuagint. 8. The Sibylline books are treated in
a special article. 8a. For the Odea of Solomon,
see Solomon, Odes of.

HL Prophetic Pseudepigrapha: To be treated
here are the apocalypses (nos. 4-21 below) and the
testaments (nos. 22-32). 4. The Ethiopia Enoch :
The Book of Enoch, cited in Jude 14-15, known in
whole or in part to the author of Jubilees and men-
tioned in the Apocalypses of Ezra and Baruch,
enjoyed a popularity little less than canonical in
the ancient Church until the time of Jerome, and

l G te t even ^y011^ ^a* was treasured in the
and Oom- Greek, particularly the Alexandrian,
position. Church. It came to the knowledge of
European scholars in the eighteenth
century, when in 1773 Bruce acquired three manu-
scripts from Abyssinia, and the editio princeps was
published by Laurence in 1838. Important inves-
tigations have been made by Dillmann, Schodde,
Charles, Beer, and Fleming. While the Ethiopic
text is based upon a Greek original, the question of
a Hebrew or Aramaic text back of this is still under
debate. In its present form the book divides into
three principal parts: an introduction on the im-
minent world-judgment, i.-v.; the body of the
work, vi.-cv.; and the close, cvi.-cviii. The main
part subdivides into several parts: (a) vi.-xxxvi.,
of which vi.-xi. tells of the fall of the angels and
their preliminary and final punishment, xii.-xvi.
of Enoch's vision and the first and second punish-
ment of the angels and their progeny, xvii.-xxxvi.
describes Enoch's travels in company with the
angels; (b) xxxvii.-lxxi. is Messianic; the section
xxxviii -xliv. describes the celestial hierarchy, xlv.-
lvii. the Messianic judgment, lviii.-lxix. the blessed-
ness of the righteous in heaven, lxx.-lxxi. Enoch's

Pseudepiffrmph*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

886

translation and reception as son of man; (o) bnrii.-
lxxxii. is " astronomical " and relates the dissolu-
tion of the universe in the final age and Enoch's
return and earthly abiding; (d) lxxxiii.-xc. de-
velops the history of Israel from Adam to the com-
ing of the Messianic kingdom; (e) xci.-cv. contains
varied admonitions and warnings. The book as a
whole is a sort of natural and spiritual philosophy,
a revelation of things secret, present and future, in
nature and history, including the life and fortunes
of Enoch. The book is a composite of pieces that
have crystallized about the name of Enoch in which
the periods of growth and the seams which unite
them and even the raw edges are still visible. Thus
to one composition belong vi.-xi., lx., lxv.-lxix. 25,
cvi.-cvii., and other smaller sections, and even vi.-
xi. is blended from two sources; and xvii.-xxxvi.
is also capable of analysis, as is indicated by the
double name of the Messiah. A new book is begun
with xxxvii. 1, containing Enoch's genealogy as
that of a person hitherto unknown, and the manner
of introduction and character of the writing prove
that the source was not oral but written, and in
this part Enoch is characterized as " son of man."
It further appears that the astronomical book is a
conclusion to the travels, though not necessarily
originally an organic part thereof. A good intro-
duction is furnished by i.-v.; xii.-xvi. joins on
suitably to the account of the fall and punishment
of the angels; xvii.-lxxxii. gives the perspective
for the predictions; and the warnings and exhorta-
tions come appropriately at the end. But that there
are infelicities in the arrangement may be seen on
comparing lxx.-lxxi. with lxxxi. 7. Two sets of
traditions are present in the book, one an Enoch
cycle, the other a Noah cycle, though literary anal-
ysis has not yet had its last word.

Among the oldest strata must be placed the apoc-
alypse of the ten weeks, xciii. 1-14, xci. 12-17,
which, since there is no mention in it of the Macca-
bees, must date earlier than 167 B.C. Next earliest
is the vision of the seventy shepherds; xc. 9 points
to the Maccabees, the " great horn "
being either Judas Maccabeus or John
Hyrcanus, placing lxxxv.-xc. either before 160 or
c. 135-130 b.c. The party strife revealed in cii.-
ciii. and related parts is better referred to the period
of Alexander Jannseus (104-78 B.C.) than to that of
John Hyrcanus. The speculations on cosmogony
and cosmology betray the influences of Greek and
late oriental philosophy. To later strata belong
xxxvii.-lxix., which follow the chronology not of
the Samaritan Pentateuch but of the Septuagint.
The Sadducees are referred to in xxxviii. 5, xlvi. 8,
xlviii. 10, liii. 5-6. There is no clear trace of con-
flict with the Romans, and a time prior to 64 B.C.
is indicated for the descriptive parts, and may not
be referred to the time of Herod, nor can the Mes-
sianic passages be regarded as interpolations from
Christian sources. The materials from the Noah
cycle have to do mostly with angelology and cos-
mology, and it is noteworthy that a Xoah source
of similar purport was employed by Jubilees x. 13,
xxi. 10. The place of redaction was probably north-
ern Palestine, the hills of which suggested the imag-
ery of the fall of the angels. It appears that the

2. Date.

work as completed served the purpose of a reference
book by which to answer problems arising concern-
ing time and eternity — it was the apocalyptic Bible
of Judaism in the time of Christ. No other apoc-
alypse has so large a range; moreover, confidence
in the coming world rule of the Jews is as yet un-
broken, doubt as to salvation has not yet arisen, the
final catastrophe — the destruction of Jerusalem-
has not yet occurred. Psychologically, IV Esra is
a finer work, but its reach is less and its compre-
hensiveness more confined.

5. The Slavonlo Bnooht This was published by
Popow in 1880, in a shorter recension by Nowako-
witch in 1884, by Charles and Morfill, Oxford, 1896, in
German translation by Bonwetsch, Gottingen, 1896.
The Slavonic is derived from a Greek text, and is not
dependent upon the Ethiopic Enoch. Enoch's travels
through the seven heavens are narrated in iv.-xxi.,
creation and history from Adam to the flood occupy
xxii.-xxxviii., teaching and exhortation are found in
xxxix.-lxvi. ; Enoch's ascension is given in lxvii..
and a review of his life in lxviii. The first part is
in closest touch with the Ethiopian Enoch; the origin
is Jewish, but the material was worked over by a
Christian redactor. Reference to the Jewish sacri-
fices requires a date before 70 a.d.

6. The Assumption of Moaea: This work was
known from Origen's De principiis (III., ii. 1) as
the source of the quotation in Jude 9. A large
fragment was found by Ceriani in the Ambroaan
Library at Milan in 1861 and by him published.
It has since been published or translated by Hil-
genfeld 1866, 1876, Volkmar 1867, Schmidt and Men
1868, Fritzsche 1871, Charles 1897, and Clemen,
in Kautssch's Apokryphen, Tubingen, 1902. A
Hebrew or Aramaic origin is probable. According
to chap, i., Moses when 120 years old and in the year
of the world 2500 gave this secret book to Joshua;
it contains the story of Israel's experiences till the
establishment of the Messianic kingdom (i.-x.), after
which Israel was to undergo severe sufferings for
its sins (xi.-xii.). The close of the book, including
the Assumption of Moses and the part quoted by
Jude, is lost. The tradition concerning the book
discriminates between a Testament of Moses (which
corresponds to the extant portion) and an Analep-
sis Mouseos, two names which correspond to the
two parts of the book, the first of which is Ceriani's,
while the second is extant only in patristic citations.
In vi. 1 sqq. the Hasmoneans are referred to as the
evil and blasphemous priest-kings. The king who
follows them and reigns for thirty-four years is
naturally Herod the Great. The mighty king of the
West who sends his cohorts and general (Quintilius
Varus) into Palestine is Augustus (vi. 8-9). But
vi. 7 shows that the author must have written be-
fore the death of Philip and Antipas, and the time
must have been soon after the death of Herod,
though some have placed the book all the way down
to 138 a.d. On account of his attacks upon Has-
moneans, the Herodians, and the Pharisees, the
author has been taken for an Essene or a Zealot;
but the recognition of the sacrifice in ii. 6, iv. 8,
and the view of the future in chap. x. do not tally
with Essenic notions, while the presentation of
chap. ix. does not fit in with the teachings of the

337

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pseudepiffraplia

Zealots. Others have seen in the author a Messianic
pietist, or a pious and earnest nationalistic Jew, or
a quietistic Pharisee — conceptions which are not
very far apart, nor far from yet another hypothesis,
that he was a Pharisaic quietist and rigorist. He
was at any rate a close follower of the author of
Daniel; Herod, the follower of the degenerate Has-
moneans, takes the place of Antiochus Epiphanes.
He sees help in the immediate future, however; the
godless rule is to be succeeded by a period of stress,
and then comes the rule of God.

7. n (IV) Ezra: This name comes from the
Hatin, in which the canonical Ezra (Esdras) and
Nehemiah are reckoned as I and II Ezra, and the
apocryphal Ezra is III Ezra. The original name
seems to have been " Ezra the Prophet " or " Apoc-
alypse of Ezra." It is extant in Latin, Syriac,
Ethiopic, Armenian, and two Arabic
1. Texts, renderings. The corrupt Latin text
Editions, wa8 printed by Fabricius 1743, by Van
cj^V der Blis 1839, by Volkmar 1863, by
um*sv° ' Hilgenfeld 1869, and by Fritzsche 1871,
and it often appears in the Vulgate printed after
the New Testament. A new text which supplies a
large gap in the text as hitherto known was pre-
pared by Bensly and published after his death by
James, on the basis of Codex Sangermanensis and
three other manuscripts (TS, iii. 2, 1895). This su-
persedes all previous texts. Under the name " Con-
fession of Ezra " the section viii. 20-36 circulates
as a separate piece and is found in independent
translation and in copies. The Syriac was published
in 1868 and 1883 by Ceriani, preceded by a Latin
rendering in 1866. Laurence issued the Ethiopic
in 1820 with a Latin and an English translation,
and Dillmann published a critical text on the basis
of newer material in 1894. A translation in Eng-
lish of one of the Arabic texts was issued by Ockley
on the basis of Codex Bodleiamis in 1711, an Arabic
edition by Ewald appeared in 1863; he also made
available the other Arabic text in part, though it
was first issued in full by Gildemeister in 1877 after
a Vatican manuscript. The Armenian was issued
in the Armenian Bible of 1805, and is in the col-
lection of Old-Testament Apocrypha issued by the
Mechitarists in 1896. While these texts rest upon
the Greek, it is evident from internal testimony
that back of this lay a Hebrew original, which has
been lost. The exceedingly abundant citations and
references in patristic writings testify to the diffu-
sion and popularity of the work in the early Church,
a popularity which lasted down into the Middle
Ages. The Latin is nearest to the original, after
which follow the Syriac and Ethiopic. Renderings
into modern languages by Volkmar 1863, Ewald
1862-63, Bissell 1880, Lupton 1888, and Zockler
1891, are superseded by that of Gunkelchen, 1900.
The occasion of the book was the destruction of
Jerusalem by the Romans (spoken of as Edom, iii.
15-16, vi. 7-10), and the purpose is to unroll a
brighter future for the Jews. So Ezra, thirty years
after the destruction of the city by the Chaldeans
(the Romans), has seven visions. The first three
are speculative, the next three eschatological, and
in the seventh are found the close of Ezra's life and
the genesis of the apocalypse.
IX.— 22

In the first three visions (iii. 1-ix. 25) the pres-
ent calamity of Israel is a particular example of a
more general disaster. Israel's misfortune is severer
than its guilt, hence the mystery in the fact that
those who are greater sinners oppress Israel (iii. 28,
31-32, v. 23 sqq.). The riddle is difl&cult, but rea-
2 c t ta son k mans 8^* t° employ> hence the
and Date. attemPfc to solve it. The coming age
will show that God loves his people
(v. 33), and this age is near (iv. 44, v. 48); God
himself is bringing the end when the Roman rule
will cease (v. 3, vi. 6, 9) amid signs and wonders in
heaven and earth, though but few will share in the
results (vii. 45 sqq.). At the judgment sinners will
be condemned, the judgment being one of righteous-
ness and not of mercy (vii. 33 sqq.). The punish-
ment of sinners is painted in fearsome colors. In
the fourth vision (ix. 26-x. 59) is represented the
expectation that Zion's time of sorrow is soon to
be over, and then Jerusalem will be rebuilt. In the
fifth vision (x. 60-xii. 50) is seen an eagle with
twelve wings, three heads, and eight subordinate
wings, which rises in the sea and flies over the land.
After twelve wings and six subordinate wings have
ruled and vanished and only one head and two
wings are left, a lion comes out of the wood and pro-
nounces judgment on the eagle. The eagle is the
last of the four kingdoms of Dan. vii. In the sixth
vision (xiii. 1-58) a man arises from the sea and
flies with the clouds, and as men come to fight with
him, he destroys them with flames from his mouth.
The explanation shows that this man is God's son,
the savior of the world, who restores the ten tribes
to their home. In the seventh vision Ezra pre-
pares for his end and dictates his visions for forty
days in ninety-four books. The book is in dialogue,
in which the angel Uriel is one of the speakers. Too
little is known of the popular traditions to permit
tracing the separate parts to their origins or to de-
cide upon the interrelations. But the author evi-
dently belonged among the patriotic visionaries.
He holds that for the Jews was the world created,
and that to them, as masters, must it come. The
direr their present misfortunes, the greater the re-
ward that shall be theirs. The difference between
the author's utterances and those of Jeremiah in a
like situation is vast. There are similarities be-
tween Ezra and Paul, yet for Ezra the interest is in
the national theodicy and in Jewish apologetic,
while Paul's desire is release from the power of sin.
Paul represents the early prophets as a personal
witness; Ezra covers himself under pseudonymity
and takes refuge in occultism and esoterism. The
date before which the book could not have been
written is 70 a.d., since the author has outlived the
fall of Jerusalem. A more exact dating is hard to
discover. Wellhausen sees in v. 1-12 a suggestion
of Neronic times, and in v. 8 a reference to the
eruption of Vesuvius in 79 a.d. Others discern in
this last only general apocalyptic features. But the
book does not seem to have been written under the
immediate influence of the fall of the capital, and a
considerable period of subsequent misfortune seems
to have been experienced, perhaps thirty years had
elapsed (iii. 1). The eagle is quite certainly Rome.
Possibly the first wing represents Cssar, the second

Pseudeplfrapha

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

838

Augustus; the troubles of the central period point
then to the events after Nero's death; the three
heads may be Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian.
Other combinations have been worked out differing
in details only from that just suggested. The date
has been placed as early as 31 B.C. (Gutschmid)
with Christian interpolations, and as late as 75-100
a.d. (Le Hir), with interpolations by Jews or Chris-
tians c. 218 a.d. The attempts made by Kabisch
and De Faye to analyze the book into component
sources fail in view of the general unity of coloring
prevailing throughout. The place might be either
Palestine — on account of the Hebrew language of
the original — or Rome, where it might have issued
from the diaspora (cf. iii. 2, 29, v. 17).

8. V and VI Ezra: Into the Christian Church
the Jewish Ezra-Apocalypse came with many
changes. Since the first Latin Bible of 1462, the
book has been enlarged by two chapters prefixed
and two added at the end, these being of Christian
origin, the first section appearing both as IV Ezra
i.-ii. and as V Ezra and the second as IV Ezra
xv.-xvi. and as VI Ezra. At any rate these are to
be distinguished both from the Apocalypse of Ezra
and from each other. The first is complete in itself,
and separates into two parts: (1) i. 5-ii. 9 is a
threat against the early people of God, the Jews,
who are rejected by God because of their un thank-
fulness; (2) ii. 10-17 consists of promises to the
present people of God, the Christian, to whom the
heavenly kingdom belongs. It was written in
Greek, uses abundantly Old-Testament prophecy,
is vigorous in style, and reminds one of Stephen's
speech and of the Letter of Barnabas by its po-
lemics. Its relations with the Shepherd of Hennas
and with the Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas sug-
gest the year 200 a.d. as the lowest date for its com-
position, and the West as the place. VI Ezra
threatens the heathen (IV Ezra xv. 6-xvi. 35) and
comforts Christians (xvi. 36-78) because the day
of distress is near. The general tone implies Chris-
tian origin, reflects a persecution in the entire eastern
half of the Roman empire, and suggests 120-
300 as the date, and Asia Minor as the place of com-
position. 9. The Logos of Ezra: Tischendorf pub-
lished in his Apocalypses Apocryphi (Leipsic, 1866),
pp. 24 sqq., a " Logos and Apocalypse of the Holy
Ezra and of the Beloved God," a Christian apoca-
lypse of very late date showing the inavertibility
of divine judgment upon sinners and setting forth
the impending punishments. Other apocalyptic
literature under the name of Ezra is known, one
concerning the sway of Islam (cf. Baethgen, ZATW,
1886).

10-11. Barnch Apocalypses: Besides the Apoc-
ryphal Baruch, a series of Jewish and Christian wri-
tings have appeared under the name of Baruch, the
friend anil helper of Jeremiah. (10) The best known
and worthiest of these is that discovered by Ceriani
in a Syriac manuscript of Milan and by him pub-
lished in the original (Monumenta sacra et profana,
1871, and Trandatio Syra Pcscitto, iv. 257 sqq.,
1883), and in Latin translation (Monumenta sacra
et pro/ana, i. 2, pp. 73 sqq., 1866). The letter of
Baruch to the nine and a half tribes, standing at
the end, was known earlier and printed in the Paris

and London polyglots. A new English translation
of the Apocalypse by Charles appeared in 1897, and
one in German by Ryssel in 1900. The Syriac k
from a Greek original of which xii. 1-xiii. 2 and
xiii. 11-xiv. 3 were found by Grenfell and Hunt
The Greek goes back to a Hebrew original. In L-
v. it appears that in the twenty-fifth year of Je-
coniah God announced to Baruch the imminent
fall of Jerusalem. The next day the Chaldeans
appear before the city, and angels have concealed
the sacred vessels and destroyed the walls (vL-
viii.). Baruch fasts seven days and receives further
revelations, and Jeremiah accompanies the cap-
tives to Babylon (ix -xii.). After another fast
Baruch learns that judgment awaits the heathen;
Zion is thrown down that the world's end may the
sooner come (xiii.-xx.). The first destruction of
Jerusalem is to be followed by a second, which
ushers in the time of blessedness (xxi.-xxxiv.).
Then follows a series of visions, some of them pre-
ceded by fasts, in the first of which the Messiah ap-
pears and establishes his kingdom. One reveals the
history of Israel from Adam on, the sea appears as
of alternating dark and clear waters, each having
its significance; and then come the two letters, one
to the nine and a half tribes, the other to the two
and a half (xxxv.-lxxvi., where the text breaks
off). This book was written after the destruction
of Jerusalem by Titus, as is shown by the charac-
terization of the destroyers (as Chaldeans, a mask
which the author employs) and by clear reference
to the defilement of the temple by Pompey (the
first destruction). Sections appear which seem to
indicate for parts a date earlier than this, e.g.,
xxxix.-xl., brix.-lxx. Relations exist between this
book and IV Ezra; one must have used the other,
though which is the earlier is doubtful, and the
scholars are nearly equally divided upon the ques-
tion. Other data for settling the time of composi-
tion than comparison with IV Ezra and the general
historical background do not exist. While 70 a.d.
is the terminus a quo, the apparent use of it by
Papias in the depiction of the fruitfulness of the
millennial kingdom fixes the terminus ad quern.
The author was an adherent of Judaism, but his
residence is not determinable. (11) A Greek Apoc-
alypse of Baruch was discovered by Butler in a
manuscript in the British Museum in 1897 and
published by James (TS, v. 1), accompanied by an
English translation of the Slavonic text by Morfill;
German translation after James* text by Ryssel in
Kautsch's Apocrypha und Psevdepigrapha (1900).
The Slavonic text is an extract from the Greek,
which is shorter than the original known to Origen
— he speaks of seven heavens, the Greek has five,
the Slavonic only two. It sets forth that Baruch,
grieving over the fall of Jerusalem, is comforted by
the promise that he shall learn deep secrets, and he
journey 8 through the five heavens in company with
an angel. The narrative reminds one of the Sla —
vonic Enoch. The basis is Jewish, but there ar^s
Christian interpolations. Other Baruch literature
exists, but of Christian origin, one writing picturing _.
the fortunes of the Church, especially the Ethiojwj^,
Church; another is a Slavonic Vision of Baru^>^
and there is a Latin Apocalypse of Baruch.

330

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Psendepiffrapha

18-21. Other Apocalypses: Nicephorus, Am-
brosiaster, and Jerome mention (12) an Apocalypse
of Elijah or a book of his, and Origen seems to
make I Cor. ii. 9 a citation of it, though Jerome
combats this, and he seems to refer it to an Ascen-
sion of Isaiah. A Hebrew Apocalypse of Elijah,
placed by one editor in the post-Talmudic period
and by another in the third century, was published
by Jellinek in 1855 (Bet- ha Midrasch III., xvii. 65
sqq.) and by Buttenwieser in 1897. (18) The Apoo-
alypse of Zephaxiiah, a work "of the Prophet
Zcphaniah," is mentioned by Nicephorus, and was
known to Clement of Alexandria, who mentions it
as containing both an " Ascension of Isaiah " and
descriptions of a journey in the heavens and hells;
the seer is caught up and led up through the vari-
ous heavens, in the fifth of which he sees the angels
called by him kurioi, " lords." Possibly to this
Zephaniah apocalypse are to be traced a writing ex-
tant in two Coptic dialects, also two others men-
tioned by Steindorff (see Bibliography) which
deal with an establishment of a Messianic kingdom
to last a thousand years upon a renewed earth. The
unity of the first part (i.-xviii.) appears in the gen-
eral relations. So the anonymous apocalypse of
Steindorff and his fragment of a Zephaniah book
together agree with the character of the apocalypse
known to Clement of Alexandria. The second part,
though it speaks of Elijah (in the third person), is
not really an Elijah apocalypse, and goes well with
the first part to complete a Zephaniah apocalypse.
The whole is either a Christian work or a Jewish
production worked over by a Christian, and in its
present form is probably later than Clement of
Alexandria, possibly of the second half of the third
century. (14) From an Apocalypse of Jeremiah
Jerome derives Matt, xxvii. 9, while Origen ascribes
it to a Secreta Elice. The Coptic Bible contains a
short prophecy ostensibly by Jeremiah. Eph. v.
14 is by Epiphanius attributed to an Apocalypse
of Elijah, but others — e.g., Euthalius and Syncel-
lus — ascribe it to an Apocryphon Jeremice. (15)
An Apocalypse of Zachariah is named by Niceph-
orus, a Christian writing based on Luke i. 67. (16-18)
Nicephorus speaks also of a Habakkuk writing,
one of Ezekiel, and one of Daniel. (19) An Apoca-
lypse of Moses is named by Syncellus as the basis of
Gal. v. 6, vi. 15. (20) In the anonymous list of
canonical books a writing of Lamech finds mention.
(21) Nicephorus speaks of a writing of Abraham,
possibly the Slavonic Apocalypse of Abraham pub-
lished by Bonwetsch in German in 1897, in which
Abraham is taught by an angel to offer an accept-
able sacrifice, is taken to heaven and there receives
revelations regarding the history of his people. It
is of Jewish origin, is used by the Clementine Rec-
ognitions, before which therefore it was composed.
Possibly to be distinguished from this is the book
of the same name used by the Sethite Gnostics
(Epiphanius, Hcer.y xxxix. 5), possibly the /n-
qutsitio AbrahamoB of Nicetas; also the Testament
of Abraham published by James in 1892 (TS, ii. 2)
and by Bassilyew in 1893 (Anecdota Groeco-Byzanr
Una, i.) in Greek, English in ANF, of which Sla-
vonic, Rumanian, Ethiopic, and Arabic versions are
extant.

82-28. Protoplasts and Twelve Patriarchs:
Anastasius Sinaita makes mention of a (22) Tes-
tament of the Protoplasts which said that Adam
on the fortieth day after his creation went to Para-
dise. This report is in both the Book of Jubilees
and in the Book of Adam and Eve. (28) The Tes-
tament of the Twelve Patriarchs is cited by Ori-
gen, is probably referred to in Nicephorus and the
synopsis of Athanasius. The Greek text was edited
by Grabe, 1698, 1714, repeated by Fabricius 1713,
Gallandi 1788, and Migne 1857; comparative edi-
tion by Sinker 1869, 1879, critical edition by Charles,
London, 1908, also English translation of the same.
The book is known in Old Slavonic, Armenian, and
Latin versions. The contents are in substance the
history told by each of the morbescent patriarchs
to their descendants, with warnings and exhorta-
tions which fit with the character of the person
speaking, and are drawn from the personal experi-
ence of the speaker as revealed in the Old Testa-
ment. With curious unanimity nearly all the patri-
archs speak of the leadership of Judah and Levi.
There seems to be a reference to Christ as savior,
and one to Paul as the apostle to the heathen; con-
sequently, since 1810 it has been customary to at-
tribute this work to a Christian, the only contro-
versy being over the type of Christianity represented.
The author has been called an Essene, an Ebion-
ite, a Nazarene, a Pauline Christian, and so on.
But the work has a ground work of Jewish prove-
nance; the Christian references are interpolations.
While special emphasis is not laid upon the Law,
and when spoken of it is rather as morals than as
ritual, yet the development is in general such as
would interest only a Jew. The Christian interpo-
lations, on the other hand, are very definite, and
the Christology is patripassian. There appear, how-
ever, at least two strata of these interpolations, and
the Jewish basis is not a unit, traces of a double
recension appearing. The work had probably a long
history in the synagogue before it came into the
possession of the Church. The time of composition
is indicated by portions which are closely parallel
with passages in the Book of Jubilees. The earlier
author is clearly a partizan and adherent of the
Maccabean house, especially in its phase of priest-
princes, on account of which it of right rules the
other tribes, as well as because of its success in its
conflicts with the heathen in which it won religious
and political liberty. Other parts show as clearly
the breach between the Hasmoneans and the Pious
— thus the stock of Levi has through its wickedness
led astray the whole of Israel (Testament of Levi,
xiv. sqq.). The times of Aristobulus II. and of
Hyrcanus II. are clearly referred to. The love for
the Maccabees which in some parts of the book
shines out has in others turned to hate. Thus it
appears that the origin of the Testament of the
Twelve Patriarchs must be placed along the way
from c. 166 to 64 B.C. For the Christian interpola-
tions therein the terminus ad quern is Irensus, to
whom the reference to Christ as sprung from the
tribes of Judah and Levi was known.

24-32. Other Testaments: Only the title is
known of (24) a book Of the Three Patriarchs.
(26) On a Coptic Testament of Abraham cf. I.

Pseadepiffraph*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

840

Guidi, II testo copto dd Test, di Abramo (Rome, 1900).
(26) There is a Testament of Jaoob named in the
Decretum Gelasii, and a Testament of Isaac and
Jaoob is known. The Proseuchi Ioseph, Prayer or
Blessing of Joseph, containing some 1,100 stichoi,
spoken of by Origen and Michael Glykas, is possibly
the same as the " words of Joseph the upright " of
the Ascension of Isaiah, iv. 22, to which some see
reference in Ecclus. xlix. 12. (87) The Testament
of Xoses named by Nicephorus, Pseudo-Athana-
sius, and elsewhere may be the same as Jubilees
(no. 33 below); though if the number of stichoi is
correctly given as 1,100, this supposition can hardly
be sustained. (28) A Testament of Esskiel appears
in the Martyrdom of Isaiah (no. 34 below). (29)
For the Testament of Adam and Noah see no. 39
below. (80) In the Acts of the Council of Nicsea
appears a Book of the Xystio Words of Xoses, of
which nothing further is known. (81) On the Book
of Eldad and Xodad cf. G. Beer in Monaischrift
fUr Wissenschaft des Judenthums, 1857, pp. 346
sqq. It is named in the Shepherd of Hennas,
Vision, ii. 3. (82) On the Testament of Job, re-
lated to the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, cf .
James, Apocrypha Anecdota, v. 1, in TS, 1897, pp.
lxx. sqq., 103 sqq., and Conybeare in JQR, 1900,
pp. Ill sqq.

IV. Historical Pseudepigrapha: These are the
product for the most part of the Hellenistic Jews
who busied themselves in the second and first cen-
turies before Christ in narrating and adorning the
Biblical stories as a part of their propaganda.

83. Jubilees: For the patriarchal history Epi-
phanius, many of the Byzantine writers, and others
relied upon a book cited as Jubilees, Little Genesis,
and under like titles. Either a like work, or one ex-
cerpted from this, was known as the Apocalypse of
Moses, the Life of Adam, the Testament of Moses,
or Book of the Daughters of Adam. In the
thirteenth century it was lost to knowledge, and
reappeared in the middle of the last century in an
Ethiopic " Book of Jubilees," published first by
DilJmann from two manuscripts in 1859, by Schodde
in translation (Oberlin, 1888), by Charles from four
manuscripts in 1895, in translation in 1902 from
further material, and by Littmann in 1900 (in
Kautzsch, Apokryphen). Ceriani discovered frag-
ments of a Latin translation containing about one-
third of the matter in the Ethiopic text in a manu-
script in the Ambrosian library in Milan, which he
published in 1861; Ro'nsch edited them in 1874
and Charles in 1895. There are indications of a
Syriac translation, though whether of excerpts or
of the whole is not decided. The Ethiopic text goes
back to a Greek version, which is derived from a
Hebrew, as is shown by the traces of plays on words
which require for explanation a Hebrew (not an
Aramaic) original (cf. iv. 15, 28). Tendencies to a
use of New Hebrew are shown in the use of Mas-
tema for Satan (e.g., in x. 8). On the whole, the
Ethiopic text is reliable and in good condition,
though gaps, probably having a purpose or " tend-
ency," are indicated. The contents run parallel to
Biblical history from the creation to the institution
of the Passover (Gen. i.-Ex. xii.). A very definite
chronology is involved, the whole period from the

creation till the entrance into Canaan bang ar-
ranged in fifty jubilee periods of forty-nine yean
each (2,450 years). Each event is located with ref-
erence to this chronological scheme. The text of
Genesis is employed in the manner of midr&jh, the
narrative embellished, the text itself sometimes
suppressed or altered to fit the needs of the author.
The spirit of the priestly writer is intensified. Thin
the Sabbath was not an institution begun at crea-
tion, but was observed by God and the archangels;
circumcision was not begun with Abraham, the
angels employed it; the entire Mosaic law is but
the replica of an eternal exemplar. Even the taber-
nacle existed in heaven. Similarly, the weaknesses
of the patriarchs are glossed, and what to the ad-
vanced sense seemed bad theology underwent
change. Abraham's statement about Sarah is sup-
pressed, the temptation of Abraham proceeded not
from God but from Mastema (Satan), and Jacob
was never tricky nor unrighteous. The advantages
accruing to the chosen people are set in high light*.
The isolation of Israel from the heathen is empha-
sized— the heathen are the inheritance of Israel
and whoever gives his daughter to a Gentile gives
her to Moloch. Jubilees assumes to be derived from
Moses, an esoteric work, which includes esoteric
material communicated by the patriarchs from
Enoch by way of Methusaleh, Lamech, Noah, Shem,
Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph. So that it may
be described as a haggadic-halachic supplement to
the Torah from a Levitical-apologetic standpoint.
The background of Jubilees is a period when the
religious and national peculiarities of Israel were
in danger of extinction from foreign culture— i.e.,
between 200-160 B.C. It reflects the emphasis laid
upon the Sabbath and circumcision through the at-
tempts of Antiochus Epiphanes to abolish those in-
stitutions. Of like purport is the stress laid upon
avoidance of marriage with Gentiles and even of
eating with them; and also the suggestion of ab-
stention from the games of the stadium. The vic-
torious career of the Maccabees lies behind the his-
tory as reflected in the victory of Jacob and his sons
over the Amorites (xxix. 10-11, xxxiv. 1 sqq.), and
the victories of John Hyrcanus over the Edomites
also are past, while Herod has not yet come to the
throne. The high-priestly functions assumed by
the Maccabean house are present realities, regarded
as legitimate permanencies. The author appears as
a Pharisee of the straitest sect, yet as an ardent
believer in the Maccabean leadership. The time of
the composition therefore seems to be the middle
period of the reign of John Hyrcanus. The program
of the author seems to be a sanctioning of the Phari-
saic idea of government by and through the Macca-
beans. While the period of the reign of Alexandra,
which has been proposed, would in some respects
fit the circumstances, there is no hint of the breach
between the Pharisees and the Maccabees which
immediately preceded that reign. There is little to
support the supposition that the author has used
the visions of the Ethiopic Enoch and that there-
fore a time in the reign of Herod is to be assigned
for the composition of Jubilees.

84. The Martyrdom of Isaiah. Origen frequently
mentions an apocryphal Jewish writing in which

341

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pseudepiffrmph*

the martyrdom of Isaiah is recounted; Epiphanius
and Jerome speak of an Ascension of Isaiah; the
Montfaucon Canon cites a Horasis Hesaiou, known
in the eleventh century to Euthymius Zigabenus;
in the beginning of the twelfth century Georgius
Cedrenus mentions a Testament of Ezekiel; Sixtus
Senensis in 1566 speaks of a Latin translation of a
Vision of Isaiah printed at Venice in 1522 (redis-
covered by Gicseler and published in 1832). In
1828 Mai published two fragments of an Old Latin
translation of the Ascension (Nova coUectio, iii. 2,
pp. 238-239). In 1819 light was thrown upon the
Isaianic work current under various names by the
publication by Laurence of an Ascension of Isaiah
from an Ethiopic manuscript; Gfrorer reissued
Laurence's Latin translation in 1840; Dillmann
issued a critical edition of the Ethiopic with Latin
translation in 1877; and Charles edited in 1900 the
Ethiopic and the Latin texts, using Bonwetsch's
Latin translation of a Slavonic version of the Vision
and the large Greek fragment of Grenfell and Hunt
(which they published in Amherst Papyri, part i.,
1900). The work contains a prediction by Isaiah in
the twenty-sixth year of Hezekiah of the godless-
ness of Manasseh's reign (chap, i.); after Heze-
kiah's death Manasseh devotes himself to the serv-
ice of Satan, and Isaiah flees into the solitude (ii.);
a certain Belchira accuses Isaiah to Manasseh of
agitating against king and people, stirred to this by
Satan, who hates Isaiah because of his prophecy of
salvation through the Messiah (iii. 1-iv. 22); Ma-
nasseh has Isaiah sawn asunder (v.); in the twen-
tieth year of Hezekiah Isaiah has a vision in which
an angel leads him to the seventh heaven, where
he learns that Christ is to descend to earth; he is
then led back to the firmament where he beholds
the story of Jesus from his birth till his ascension,
when the angel returns to heaven and Isaiah to his
earthly life (vi.-xi.). The book has arisen from
uniting two entirely discrete compositions, one pure-
ly Jewish which relates the martyr death of Isaiah
under Manasseh, the other a purely Christian as-
cension or vision; to these were added two other
pieces as introduction and conclusion, together with
shorter pieces which were interpolated, part of them
corresponding to the Testament of Ezekiel men-
tioned by Cedrenus (ut sup.). The legends of the
martyrdom of Isaiah, probably influenced by Ira-
nian legendary elements, were possibly known in
writing to the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews
(xi. 37) and to Justin Martyr (Trypho, cxx.); and
this gives the terminus ad quern for at least a part
of the book. The terminus a quo can not be deter-
mined, but the origin is connected at least with
II Kings xxi. 16, and the development belongs with
the midrash on the prophets, which continued to
unfold with such exuberance in the early and mid-
dle church periods, furnishing stimulus to fidelity
in times of persecution. From a historic stand-
point the Christian part is more illuminating than
the Jewish, connecting as it does with gnostic and
docetic views in the early Church (cf. xi. 2 sqq.).
Here the oldest part appears to be the closing sec-
tion, which gave the name to the entire book. In
another part are reflected the bad shepherds and
false prophets of the Christian communities of the

early second century (iii. 13 sqq.; cf. the Shepherd
of Hennas and the Didache). The disorganized
condition of the communities appears to the author
as a sign of the end.

86-4 1 . Other Historical Psendepiffrapha : To be
mentioned first is (86) Paralipomena Jeremin.
The kernel of this book, interpolated by Christians
and Jews, is found in the Abyssinian Bible with the
double title Reliquice verborum Baruch and Reliquice
verborum Jeremioe, put with the other Baruch and
Jeremianic writings. It exists in Ethiopic, Greek
(Menceum Grascorum), Armenian, and Slavonic. It
begins, like the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch, with
the days before the capture of Jerusalem by the
Chaldeans and the securing by Jeremiah of the tem-
ple furnishings. Baruch stays in Jerusalem, Jere-
miah goes to Babylon. Abimelech, sent by Jere-
miah to the vineyard of Agrippa for figs, falls asleep
and wakes up sixty-six years later, returns to the
city, finds all changed, seeks Baruch, who is ordered
to write Jeremiah a letter to the effect that if the
people separates itself from the heathen, it shall be
led back to the city. An eagle carries the letter to
Jeremiah, together with the figs which are still
fresh, and Jeremiah leads the people back. Jews
who have brought along Babylonian wives are not
admitted to the city; they then found Samaria.
Jeremiah falls as dead in the city, revives after three
days and praises God for salvation in Christ, and the
people stone him to death for his prophecy. The
terminus a quo is determined by the use of the Syriac
Apocalypse of Baruch; the terminus ad quern is pos-
sibly the first decade of the second century. (86)
The book Joseph and Asenath, belonging to the
midrashic propaganda against mixed marriages,
employs the romance, widely diffused, that Asenath
became the wife of Joseph after eating with him
the " blessed bread of life/' drinking a " potion of
immortality,1' and being anointed with the " oil of
incorruption." A book dealing with the contest
between Moses on the one side and the Egyptian
sorcerers (87) Jannea and Jambrea (cf. Ex. vii. 8
sqq.; II Tim. iii. 8) is mentioned by Origen (on
Matt, xxiii. 37, xxvii. 9) and is compared by Schurer
with the " Penitence of Jamnes and Mambres " of
the Decretum Gelasii. Pliny (Hist, not., XXX., i.
11) knows of a book under the name of Jannes,
which may therefore go back to pre-Christian times.
A book other than the Prayer of Manasses (cf.
Apocrypha, A, IV., 4) was known in Jewish circles
under a title like (88) "The Conversion of Xanaa-
aehw (cf. Fabricius, Codex pseudepigraphus Veteris
Testamenti, i. 1100-02). (89) The Books of Adam
are of interest in that they deal with speculation
regarding original man; the Genesis narrative is
fused with foreign sources. A Jewish Book of Adam
is known to the Talmud, and an apocryphal Adam
is known to the Apostolic Constitutions (vi. 16).
A haggada, originally Jewish but worked over by a
Christian, exists under the misleading title "Apoc-
alypse of Komi," published by Teschendorf in 1866,
by Ceriani in 1868, and in a Latin Vita Ada et Eva
(published by Meyer, 1878), which goes back to a
Greek original. The two texts, found in Kautssch's
Pseudepigrapha, correspond in part verbally, but
each has sections not found in the other. An Ar-

Psendepiffrapha
Pserudo-Isidorian Decretals

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

84a

monian version, depending on a Greek text (which,
however, is not original), was given in English
translation by Conybearc in 1895. The Spelunca
tlusaurorwn published by Bezold in Syriac and
(icrman in 1883-88 is enlarged in a Vita Adami pub-
lished by Trumpp in 1880 from the Ethiopic, while
the first part of the Vita Adami is from the Hex-
atmeron published by Trumpp in 1882. In the clo-
sest connection with this circle is the Testament of
Adam (Syriac and French by Rcnan, 18o.'i; Greek
fragment by James, 1S9.'{). The Gnostic Sethites
had very early an Apocalypse of Adam, and other
Gnostics a Gospel of Eve. A Poenitentiae Adas is
condemned in the Decretum Celaftii, and a " Life
of Adam " is cited by Syncellus. A Gnostic writing
entitled (40) Noria (wife of Noah) is cited by Epi-
phanius (Har., xxvi. 1), who names also a Descent
of Jacob (Gen. xxviii.) in //«r., xxx. 16. For the
(41) Letter of Aristeas see Aristkas.

V. Philosophical Pseudepigrapha: Mention may
be made of (42) IV Maccabees or " The Supremacy
of Reason," which was falsely attributed to Jo-
seph us. The book is based upon II Mace. vi. 18-
vii. 42. For the literature of son-cry cf. Schtirer,
Gesehichte, iii. 294 sqq., Eng. transl., II., iii. 151
sqq. A review of the later Jewish eschatological
literature is afforded by Huttenwieser, Outline of
the Neo-Hcbraic Apocalyptic Literature, 1901. Much
will be added to the knowledge of early Christianity
when a more systematic investigation has been
carried through not only of the contemporaneous
pseudepigraphic Jewish literature, but also of the
Talmud and of Jewish and even Mohammedan
legend and indeed of the " new-oriental " body of
literature. (G. Beer.)

Bibuo<;kapiiy: Collections and translations are: J. A.
Fahririus, Codex pseudepigraphus Veieris Testamenti,
vols, i.-ii., Hamburg, 1722-23; A. F. GfrGrcr, Propheta*
veteres ptteudrpigmphi, Stuttgart, 1840; Miff no, IHction-
ruiire des ai*ocryphcs, Paris, 1856; A. Hilgcnfeld, Mes-
sias Judaeorum, Lcijwic, 1869; O. F. Fritxschc, Libri
apo<-ryphi, ib. 1871; ('). Zockler, Die Apokryphen nebst
cinr.n An/mng ubtr die P**udej>iuraphcnlitteriitur, Munich,
1891; J. Winter anil A. Wunsche, Die judische Litteratur
suit AbschlusH des Kanons, vol. i., Berlin, 1894; E. Kautzsch,
Die Apocryphrn und Pseudepigraphen den A. T., Tubin-
gen, 1900; the Vncanonical Writings of the Old Testa-
ment found in the Armenian lifSS. of the Library of St.
Lazarus, Eng. transl. by J. Issnverdens, Venice, 1901 (con-
tains the Book of Adam, History of Asscnuth, History of
Mows, Deaths of the Prophets, Concerning King Solomon,
History of Prophet Elias, History of the Prophet Jere-
miah, Vision of Enoch, Testaments of the Twelve Patri-
archs, III Esdras, and other fragments).

Discussions introductory and explanatory will be found
in DB. i. 109-110; EB. i. 213-250; Schurer, Gesehichte,
vol. iii., Eng. transl.. II.. iii. 1-250; JE, i. 669-685; E.
Reuss, Gesehichte dcr heUigcn Schriften des A. T., Bruns-
wick, 1890; W. J. Dcanc, Pnc.udepigrapha, Edinburgh,
1891; J. E. H. Thomson, Bttoks which Influenced our Lord
and his Apostles, ib. 1891; E. de Fayo, Les Apocalypses
juives, Paris, 1892; and the works on O. T. introduc
tion by Konig, Bonn. 1893. H. L. Strack, Munich, 1895
and C. Cornill, Tubingen. 1905. Eng. transl., London
1907. Further illustrative material will be found in A
Hilgonfeld, Die jfldische Apncalyptic, Jena. 1857; J. Lan
gen. Das Judenthum in Palastina zur Zeit Christi, Frei
burg. 1866; A. Hausrath, N cutest am enUiche ZeitgeschichU,
Heidelberg, 1873; M. Vernes. Hist, des idfes messianiqucs
Paris, 1874; J. Drummond. The Jewish Messiah, London
1877; H. Qunkel, Schirpfung und Chaos, Gdttingen. 1895
O. Holtimann, Neutestamentliche Zeitgcschichte, Freiburg,
1895; W. Bossuet. Antichrist G6ttingen, 1895; idem, Die
Religion dm Jwtotiums, Berlin, 1MB; E. HOhn, Die mm-

sianischen Weissagvngen dee judischen Volkes, TGbinsa,
1899; Schroder, KAT; P. Vols. Jtidisthe EtduUktit
von Daniel bis Akiba, TQbingen. 1903; W. Baldaupenpr,
Die messianischen apokalyptischen Hoffnungcn da Jw&es-
tums, Strasburg, 1903; M. Friedlander, GesehickU br
judische Apologetik, Berlin, 1903; L. Conrad, Dierdvi:-*
und sittlichen Anschauungen dcr . . . Pteudtpigmphn,
Gutersloh. 1907; DCB, iv. 506-510.

On the Psalms of Solomon the one book forth* Eo|-
lish reader is the ed. of Kyle and James, Cambridge, 1*1,
which gives the earlier literature. Further consult A.
Carriere, De psalterio Salomonis, Strasburg, 1870: Veraa.
ut sup., pp. 121-139; J. Wellhausen. Pharisaer und S«d-
ducaer, pp. 112-164, Greifswald, 1874; Drummond. ut
sup., pp. 133-142; P. E. Lucius, Dcr Essenvmv*. pp. 119-
121, Strasburg, 1881; Deanc, ut sup., pp. 25-48; J. Ca-
bal, Essai sur les psaumes de Solomon, Toulouse. 1W";
# Thomson, ut sup., pp. 268-296, 423-432; E. Jacquier, ia
L'UnirersiU catholiquc, new series, xii (1893). 94-131,
251-275; Levi, in RE J, xxxii (1896), 161-178; W. Frank-
enburg. Die Datierung dcr Psalmen Salomos, Giesses. 1896.

For the Ethiopio Enoch the one edition is that of
Charles. Oxford, 1906 (gives the Greek text, the Ethiopi:
from the use of twenty-three manuscripts, and the Latin
fragments; anew translation is promised). The Greek frag-
ments from Akhmim were published by Lods in Memoir*
publics par les membres de la mission francaise an Cain,
ix. 1, 3, 1892-93; by Lods, Le Lirrc a* Henoch fngmtnU
dtcouvcrts. Paris, 1892; by Swete in his ed. of the Sep-
tuagint, iii. 789 sqq., 1899. The Latin fragment is in IS,
ii. 3 (1893). English translations are by Laurence. Lon-
don, 1821; Schodde, Andover. 1882; and Charles, Ox-
ford, 1893. The best discussion is by Charles in his edi-
tion of the text. Descriptions of the material and ideas
may be found in the general works of Vernes, Drummond.
Dcanc, Faye, and Thomson named above. An excellent
Fr. transl. is by F. Martin. Paris, 1906, with notes; a
phase of the discussion is by H. Appel, Die Kcmpotitm
des athiopischen Henochbuches, Gutersloh, 1906. A very
full list of literature is given by Schurer, Gesehichte, in
203-209. For the Slavonic Enoch the ed. by Morfill and
Charles named in the text is best; cf. Harnnck, GwhieKit,
ii. 1, pp. 564 sqq.; and Charles in DB. i. 7US-711. <b
the Assumption of Xoiei consult: The discussion of
SchUrcr, Gesehichte, iii. 213-222 (excellent list of litera-
ture), Eng. trans]., II., iii. 73-83; Drummond, ut *up.,
pp. 74-84; Lucius, ut sup., pp. 111-119. 127-12S; Dfcine.
ut sup., pp. 94-130; Thomson, ut sup., pp. 321-339. 440-
450; Faye. ut sup., 67-74, 222-224; DB, iii. 44S-45U.
For IV Ezra consult: B. Violet, Die Esra-Apocdff*>
l^ipsic, 1910; Gunkel in Kautzsch's Apokryphen mJ
Pseudepigraphe.n, ut sup.; Schurer, Gesehichte, iii. 232-250.
Eng. transl., II., iii. 93-114; A. Le Hir, lttude* bMvpn,
i. 139-250, Paris. 1869; Wieseier, in TSK, xliii (1870),
263-304; Gutschmid. in ZWT, iii (1860), 1-81; E. Renin,
in Revue des deux montles. March 1. 1875, pp. 127-144;
idem, Les tivangile*, pp. 348-373, Paris, 1877 (abo in
Eng. transl.. London, n.d.); Drummond, ut sup.. pp.M"
117; O. Kabisch, Das vierte Buch Ezra, Gdttingen, 1889;
Faye, ut sup., pp. 14-25. 35-45. 103-123. 155-165; C.
Clemen, in TSK. lxxi (1S98), 237-246. In the case of
the Baroch Apocalypse note should be taken of the
edition of the Greek fragments by Grenfell and Hunt in
the publication of the Egypt Exploration Fund. Oxyrhy*
chos Papyri, vol. iii.. 1903. and of the Germ, transl. by
Ryssel in Kautzsch's Apokryphen und Pseudepigrapht*,
1900. For discussion consult: J. Langen, De apocaltpn
Baruch, Freiburg. 1867; Schurer. Gesehichte, iii. 223-232.
Eng. transl., II.. iii. 83-93; E. Rcnan. in Journal de*»-
vants. April, 1877. pp. 222-231; idem, Les tvangiles, pp.
617-530, Paris, 1877; Drummond, ut sup., pp. 190-19*:
A. Hilgenfeld. in ZWT, xxxi (18SS), 257-278; Deane. ut
sup., 130-162; Thomson, ut sup., pp. 253-267, 414-422;
O. Kabisch, in JPT, xviii (1892), 66-107; Faye. ut sup-
pp. 25-28. 77-103, 192-204; J. R. Harris, in Expositor,
April, 1897, pp. 255-265; C. Clemen, in TSK. lxxi (1898).
227-237. On the Apocalypses of Zephaniah and
Elijah consult: Bouriant in \fhnoires publics par Us
membres dela mission archiologique francaise au Caire. i. 2
(1885) , 260 sqq. ; Stern, in Zeitschrift fur agyptische Spraekt.
xxiv (1886), 115 sqq.; G. Steindorff. Die Apokalypse des
Elias. in T V, ii. 3 (1899; gives Coptic text. Germ, trand..
and glossary). For the Testament of the Twelve
Patriarchs the best book m the translation by CharisJ,

843

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PaeudepigTapha
PMndo-Isidorlan Decretals

with introduction and notes, London, 1906. For dis-
cussions consult: Conybeare, in JQR, v (1893), 375 sqq.,
viii (1896), 260 sqq., xiii (1900), 111 sqq., 258 sqq.,
Preuschen in ZNTW, i (1900), 106 sqq.; Bousset, in
ZNTW, i (1900), 141 sqq., 187 sqq. Also: C. G. Wieseler,
Die 70 Wochen und die 63 Jahrwochen dec Propheten
Daniel, pp. 226 sqq., Gottingen, 1839; W. A. van Hengel;
De Testamenten der twaalf Patriarchen, Amsterdam, 1860;
J. Langen, Das Judenthum in Palastina, pp. 140-167;
Freiburg, 1866; F. Schnapp, Die Testaments der twdlf
Patriarchen, Halle, 1884; Faye, ut sup., 217-221; Deane,
ut sup., 162-192; Kohler, in JQR, v (1893), 400-406;
Harnack, Litteratur, ii. 1, pp. 566-570; Schurer, Ge-
achichte, iii. 252-262, Eng. transl., II., iii. 114-124.

On the Book of Jubilees or Little Genesis the all-
important, almost all-sufficient, book for the English reader
is Charles' transl. with notes, London, 1902, with which
should be used his ed. of the Ethiopic in Anecdota Oxo-
niensia, viii., Oxford, 1895. Other material which may
not be overlooked is H. Rdnsch, Das Buck der Jubilaen,
Leipsic, 1874; J. Langen, Das Judenthum in Palastina,
pp. 84-102, Freiburg, 1866; Drummond, ut sup., pp. 143-
147; Deane, ut sup., pp. 193-236; Thomson, pp. 297-
330, 433-439; W. Singer, Dae Buch der Jubilaen, part i.,
Stuhlweissenberg, 1898; and the Germ, transl. in Kautssch,
Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen, ii. 31 sqq., 1900. For
the Martyrdom of Isaiah again the best for the Eng-
lish reader is Charles' ed. and transl., London, 1900; cf.
E. Hennecke, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, pp. 292 sqq.,
Tubingen, 1904. Consult further: A. F. Gfrdrer, Das
Jahrhundert dee Heils, i. 65 sqq., Stuttgart, 1838; J.
Langen. Dae Judenthum in Palastina, pp. 157-167, Frei-
burg, 1866; Deane, ut sup., pp. 236-275; DCB, iii. 298-
301; Harnack. Litteratur, i. 854-855, ii. 1, pp. 573-579,
714-715; C. Clemen, in ZWT, iv (1896), 388-415, v (1897),
455-465; Zeller, in ZWT, iv (1896), 558-568; Schurer,

Oeeehichte, iii. 280-285, Eng. transl.. III., iii. 141-146. The
Greek text of Paralipomena Jeremiad was published
by Ceriani in Monumenta sacra et pro/ana, v. 1, pp. 9 sqq..
Milan, 1868; J. R. Harris, Rest of the Words of Baruch,
London, 1889; and by Bassiljews in Anecdota Graxo-
Bytantina, i. 308 sqq., St. Petersburg, 1893. The Ethiopic
text is in A. Dillmann, Chrestomathia athiopica, pp. 1 sqq.,
Leipsic, 1866; and a Fr. transl. is by R. Basset, Paris,
1893. The Armenian text is published by Karapet, in
Zeitschrift des armenischen Patriarchate, 1895; Eng. transl.
in J. Issaverdens, Uncanonical Writings of the Old Testa-
ment, Venice, 1901; cf. Apocrypha Anecdota in TS, v. 1,
pp. 158, 164-165, 1897. On the Slavonic cf. Harnack,
Litteratur t i. 916. Consult further Schurer, Oeschichte,
iii. 285-287. The Greek text of Joseph and Asexxath
is in J. A. Fabricius, Codex pseudepigraphus, iii. 85-102,
and in P. Battifol, Studia patrisHca, parts i.-ii., Paris,
1889-90. The Latin text is also in Fabricius, ut sup., i.,
1774; by Battifol, ut sup., i. 89-115. A Syriac transl.
is in J. P. N. Land, Anecdota Syriaea, iii. 18-46, 4 vols.,
Leyden, 1862-75; and there is an Eng. transl. by B. Pick
in The Christian Herald, New York, Mar. 16 and 23, 1904.
An Armenian text was issued by the Mechitarists in Ven-
ice, 1896. Consult Schurer, Geschichte, iii. 289-292; DCBt
176-177; DB, i. 162-163; and Perles, in Revue des ttudes
juives, xxii (1891), 87 sqq. For the Books of Adam
consult: S. C. Malan, The Book of Adam and Eve, London,
1882; C. Tischendorf, Apocalypses apocrypha, Leipsic,
1866; Ceriani, Monumenta sacra et profana, v. 1, pp. 21
sqq.; Le Hir, ut sup., ii. 110 sqq.; Schurer, Geschichte, iii.
287-289, Eng. transl., II., iii. 146-148; Conybeare, in JQR,
vii (1895), 216 sqq.; M. Grunbaum, Neue Beitrage tur
semitischen Sagenkunde, pp. 54—79, Leyden, 1893; E.
Preuschen, Die . . . Adamschriften, Giessen, 1900:
Kautssch, Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen, ii. 506
sqq., 1900.

PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS AND OTHER FORGERIES.

I. The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals and
Isidore Mercator.
Manuscripts (J 1).
Contents and Description (J 2).
Sources and Method (S3).
Time and Place of Origin ($ 4).
Motives. Animus, Tendency (J 5).

The Author (J 6).
History of the Collection (J 7).
II. The Hispana GaUica Augustodunen-
sis.

III. The Capitula AngUramni.

IV. Benedict Levita.

Contents and Description (J 1).

Sources and Treatment (J 2).
Time and Place of Origin ($ 3).
Motive, Tendency, and Authorship

(J 4).
History and Relation to other For-
geries (5 5).
V. Certain General Considerations.

The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals are certain fic-
titious letters ascribed to early popes, from Clement
to Gregory the Great, incorporated in a ninth-cen-
tury collection of canons purporting to have been
made by " Isidore Mercator." Three other law-
books of the same time and place are closely con-
nected with these false decretals and are necessa-
rily treated with them, viz.: the Pseudo-Isidorian
recension of the Spanish collection of canons; the
Capitula Angilramni; and the capitularies of Bene-
dict Levita. The name " Pseudo-Isidorian Decre-
tals " has been in use since the awakening of criti-
cism in the sixteenth century, and Bernhard Ed-
uard Simson in 1886 gave the fitting designation
" Pseudo-Isidorian Forgeries " to the whole series.
In the present article the collection of " Isidore
Mercator " is referred to as the Pseudo-Isidoriana,
its author (or authors; see V., below) as the Pseudo-
Isidore. The Hispana is the Spanish collection of
canons, the Hispana GaUica the form of it current
in Gaul in the early Middle Ages (see II., below);
the Dionysio-Hadriana is the edition of the collec-
tions of Dionysius Exiguus presented to Charle-
magne by Pope Adrian I. in 774; the Ques-
neUiana is the collection published by Paschasius
Quesnel (Ad S. Leonis Magni opera ii. appendix,
Paris, 1675; see also Canon Law, II., 3, §§ 1, 3;
4, 5 2).

L The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals and Isidore
Mercator: Seventy-five manuscripts of the Pseudo-
Isidoriana are known, which differ widely one from
another. They fall into five classes designated as
Al, A2, A/B, B, and C. Class Al doubtless repre-
sents the oldest recension, although some scholars

have maintained the priority of A2;

i. Manu- its earliest manuscripts belong to the

scripts, ninth century, and its codices contain,

as a rule, the complete collection in
three parts. Class A2 is a recension but little later
than Al, from which it differs by omitting entirely
the second part of the complete work (the Coun-
cils; see 2, below) and all of the Decretals after
the first letters of Damasus (d. 384); most of the
manuscripts of this class are characterized by a
clumsy chapter-division of the Decretals. Class
A/B, of which no manuscript earlier than the
eleventh century is known, represents a combina-
tion of the form Al with the Hispana of Autun (the
Hispana GaUica Angus todunensis; see II., below)
and with the original Hispana; the text of the De-
cretals conforms more closely with the latter, while
for the Councils a manuscript of the Augustodunen-
sis has apparently been worked over in clumsy
fashion and approximated to the Pseudo-Isidoriana.
Class B, represented by five manuscripts dating
from the middle of the twelfth century to the thir-

PMndo-Ioldorian Decretal*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

844

teenth, and class C, of which the oldest manuscript
belongs to the twelfth century, are recensions of
A/B and B, showing transpositions! additions, and
omissions.

The Pseudo-Isidore took as the basis of his work
the Hispana GaUica Augustodunensis (see II., be-
low), thus lessening the danger of detection, as col-
lections of canons were commonly
2. Contents made by adding new matter to old,
and De- and his forgeries were less evident
scription. when incorporated with genuine ma-
terial. As represented in manuscripts
of the class Al, the work consists of a preface and
three parts. The order of arrangement is historical,
as in the Augustodunensis. The following table gives
the contents in detail, with the character or source
of the sections. The numbers in parentheses are
dates, the page references are to Hinschius' edition;
P=the Pseudo-Isidore; H, HG, HGA = the His-
pana, Hispana GaUica, Hispana GaUica Augusto-
dunensis; DH=the Dionysio-Hadriana; Q = the
QuesneUiana.

Preface, pp. 17-20; by P.

I. Decretals from Clement to Melchi&des (d. 314), pp. 20-
247.

1. Introductory, pp. 20-30.

a. Letter from Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, to

Damasus (366-384) asking for copies of
decisions of all popes from Peter to Dama-
sus, with the reply of the latter, pp. 20-21 ;
forgeries by P.

b. Ordo de celebrando concilio, pp. 22-24; gen-

uine, from HG.

c. Table of contents to parts i. and ii., pp. 25-

26; nos. 1-32 by P, nos. 33-78 genuine,
from HO.

d. Fifty " Apostolic Canons " (also in HOA

from DH) and a brief letter from Jerome
to Damasus, pp. 26-30; both forgeries
earlier than P; for the former, see Apos-
tolic Constitutions and Canons, §$ 1,4.

2. Sixty decretals representing all popes (thirty in

number) from Clement to Melchiades, pp. 30-
247; all forgeries, most of them by P, the few
which he has borrowed (e.g., the two letters of
Clement which open the series) interpolated by
him. The Liber pontificalia was used as a his-
torical guide and furnished some of the subject-
matter.
II. Councils, pp. 247-444.

1. Introductory, pp. 247, 257.

a. De primiliva ecclesia et aynodo Nicctna, pp.

247-249; pseudo-Isidorian.

b. The " Donation of Constantine " (q.v.), pp.

249-254; forgery earlier than P.

c. Quo tempore actum ait Nicamum concilium, p.

254: from HG.

d. Epiatola vd prafatio Nicami concilii, pp.

254-257; composed in the fifth century,
from Q.

e. Alia prafatio ej'usdem concilii metrice com-

poeita, p. 257; in HGA from DH.

2. Canons of fifty-four synods — Greek to Chalcedon,

451 (including the canons of Sardica, forged
probably in the fifth century), African, Gallic to
the Third Aries, 524, and Spanish to the Thir-
teenth Toledo, 683, pp. 258-444; for the most
part genuine — part i. of HG with some inter-
polations and additions.
III. Decretals from Silvester (314-335) to Gregory II. (715-
731), pp. 444-754.

1. Introductory, pp. 444-448.

a. A brief preface, p. 444; from H.

b. Table of contents to part iii. pp. 445-448;

from no. 26 based on the table of HGA.

2. Decretals of thirty-three popes from Silvester to

Gregory II., pp. 449-754; in general— part ii. of
HGA. Compared with H, fourteen apocryphal

and seven genuine insertions are found, m:
Apocryphal: (1) pp. 449-451, the so-caled
"Constitution of Silvester," a forgery of tbt
early sixth century, worked over by P; (2) pp.
451-498, twelve Pseudo-Isidorian forgeries from
Marcus (336) to Liberius (352-366); (3) pp.
498-499, letter from Damasus to Jerome and
Jerome's answer, forgeries, Pseudo-lsidorUn
and earlier than P respectively; (4) pp. 501-
508, letter of Archbishop Stephen and three
African councils to Damasus and answer, Pseudo-
Isidorian (in HGA); (5) pp. 509-515, Damans
De vana auperatitione chorepiecoporwn vifcmss,
pseudo-Isidorian (in HGA); (6) pp. 519-620,
Damasus, Ad epiacopoe per Italiam eonetitukn,
Pseudo-Isidorian; (7) pp. 525-527, two let-
ters of Anastasuis, by P; (8) pp. 561-565, let-
ter of Sixtus III., by P; (9) pp. 628-629, de-
cretal of Leo I., De privxlegio chorrpiscoporum,
and Silverius' Damnatio Vigilii, earlier than P
(the tract Cum de ordinationibua, pp. 622-625,
is from HGA, worked over by P); (10) pp. 675-
684, acts of the fifth and sixth synods under
Symmachus, by P; (11) pp. 694-709, two let-
ters of John I., two of Felix IV., one each of
Boniface II., John II., and Agapetus I., and two
of Silverius, Pseudo-Isidorian; (12) p. 712. a
seventh chapter added to the letter of VigUius
to Profuturus; (13) pp. 712-732, one letter
each of Pelagius I., John III., and Benedict L,
and three of Pelagius II., by P; (14) pp. 747-
753, letter of Felix, bishop of Messina, to Greg-
ory I. and answer, found only in one manuscript
of the class A2 and in those of class C, uncer-
tain whether earlier or later than P, but in his
manner and showing his tendencies. Genuine:
(1) pp. 516-519, two decretals of Damasus, from
the Hietoria tripartita of Cassiodorus; (2) pp.
533-544, seven writings of Innocent I., from Q;
(3) pp. 565-580, fifteen writings of Leo I., from
Q; (4) PP. 637-649, four letters of Gelasius I.,
from Q and DH; (5) pp. 657-664, the first three
of the synods of Symmachus, from DH; the
Liber apologeticua of Ennodius (d. 521) is in-
serted here (pp. 664-675) with a characteristic
interpolation (p. 665), and, further, two letters
of the same Ennodius, ascribed to Symmachus
(pp. 684-686); (6) pp. 735-747. four letters
of Gregory I., one from the CoUectio Pauli,
three from uncertain sources; (7) pp. 753-754,
Gregory II. 'a Roman synod of 721, from DH (in
HGA).*

The falsity of the Pseudo-Isidore's fabrications is
now admitted, being proved by incontestable in-
ternal evidence (e.g., anachronisms like the use of
the Vulgate and the Breviarium Alaricianum —
composed in 506 — in the decretals of the older
popes), by investigations concerning the sources

* Hinschius' edition of the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals
also contains the following documents which are not included
by the author of the present article among either the gen-
uine or the spurious portions: decretal of Damasus to Pau-
linus on the condemnation of certain heretics (pp. 499-501);
three decretals of Siricius (pp. 520-525); four letters of
Innocent I. (pp. 527-533); eighteen more letters of the
same pope (pp. 544-553); two decretals of Zosimus (pp.
553-554); three decretals of Boniface I. and a reply from
Honorius (pp. 554-556); three decretals of Celestine I. (pp.
556-561); thirty-six decretals of Leo I. with a rescript of
Flavian, bishop of Constantinople, and a letter of Raven-
nius (pp. 580-627); another decretal of Leo I. (pp. 629-
639); three decretals of Hilary (pp. 630-632); one decretal
of Simplicius and a letter of Acntius. bishop of Constanti-
nople (pp. 632-633); three decretals of Felix III. (pp. 633-
635); Gelasius, De recipiendia et non recipiendia libria (pp.
635-637); two decretals of Gelasius (pp. 650-654); a letter
of Anastasius II. to the Emperor Anastasius (pp. 654-657);
a letter of Symmachus (p. 657); a decretal of Hormisdas
and replies (pp. 686-694); decretal of Vigilius to Profu-
turus (pp. 710-712); and three decretals of Gregory the
Great (pp. 732-735X

345

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pseodo-Isidorian Deoretals

and method of the fabricator (see 3, below), and by
the fact that Pseudo-Isidorian letters were un-
known before 852.

The fabrications of the Pseudo-Isidore are not
expressed in his own language, but consist of sen-
tences, phrases, and words taken from older wri-
tings, genuine and apocryphal, set to-
3. Sources gether into a mosaic of about 10,000
and pieces. The excerpts are freely altered
Method, and are sometimes given a sense di-
rectly opposite to the original, but by
his method the Pseudo-Isidore sought to give to his
ninth-century product the stamp of antiquity. The
labor involved was enormous; and the search for
the sources of the Pseudo-Isidore's excerpts (begun
by David Blondel, 1628; continued by Hermann
Knust, 1832, and Paul Hinschius, 1863; an addi-
tional source disclosed by the publication of the
Irish collection of canons in 1874) has shown a
reading on his part which is astonishing in its
breadth and extent. He may have used abridg-
ments and collections — such as florilegia or anthol-
ogies from the Bible, the Fathers, etc. — but, even
so, he must be reckoned among the most learned
men of the ninth century. The following are some
of the sources drawn upon: (1) the Bible, exten-
sively (Vulgate text, but with noteworthy varia-
tions); (2) the acts of forty-five or fifty synods
and councils; (3) the decretals of twenty popes,
mostly of the fifth and sixth centuries, none of the
ninth; (4) Roman law (the extracts are some-
times attributed to the Council of Nicaea or the
Apostles); (5) the Germanic Lex Wisigothorum;

(6) the capitularies of Frankish kings, sparingly;

(7) the Pcenitentiale Theodori and the Martenia-
num; (8) more than thirty Church Fathers and
other writers, and letters of bishops and private
individuals; (9) the " Donation of Constantine,"
the Liber pontifiealis, the rules of Benedict and
Chrodegang, etc.

Thus far the results of investigation have been
definite and are generally accepted. The field of
controversy is now entered with the questions of
the date and place of origin of the collection. The
recension A2 (perhaps Al) was used
4. Time by Hincmar of Reims in his Capitula
and Place presbyter is of Nov. 1, 852, unless the
of Origin, passage is a later interpolation, as is
maintained (without good reason) by
some scholars. It is certainly cited in the Admoni-
tio (by Hincmar) of the capitulary of Quiercy, Feb.
14, 857. One of these dates, then — Nov. 1, 852, or
Feb. 14, 857 — is the terminus ante quern of the pub-
lication of the collection, and its completion may
be set a few months earlier. It is more difficult to
fix the terminus post quern; but Benedict's capitu-
laries were completed after Apr. 21, 847 (see IV.,
§ 3, below); and when his fourth addition (ad-
mitted to be the latest part of his work) was writ-
ten, the false decretals were not yet completed (see
IV., §§ 3, 5, below). The autumn of 847 is perhaps
the earliest date, and, all things considered, about
850 or 851 is the most probable date for the com-
pletion of the collection. How long a time was spent
in its preparation can only be conjectured; but a
cautious judgment will hardly set the birth-year of

the Pseudo-Isidorian idea earlier than 846 (see 5
and 6, below).

Concerning the place, it may be asserted with
confidence that the Pseudo-Isidoriana originated
in the Frankish realm. Earlier investigators be-
lieved in Mainz, but this hypothesis is now rejected,
and later scholars, almost without exception, turn
to the west; West-Frankish conditions about 847
are the necessary background of the Pseudo-Isi-
dorian picture (see 5 and 6, below). In 1886 Bern-
hard Eduard Simson came forward as a vigorous
supporter of Le Mans as the more specific place of
origin, basing his hypothesis upon a comparison
with two writings which are known to have orig-
inated in Le Mans (the Gesta domni Aldrici Ceno-
mannicoe urbis episcopi, ed. R. Charles and L. Froger,
Mamers, 1889; and the Actus pontificum Cenoman~
nis in urbe degentium, ed. G. Busson and A. Ledru
in the Archives historiques du Maine, ii., Le Mans,
1901), and maintaining that they resembled all the
Pseudo-Isidorian forgeries, in language and style,
showed the same bias and tendency, and used the
same sources. Later investigations have not been
favorable to the hypothesis of Le Mans, and it is
now discarded. Julius Weizsacker first suggested
Reims, and Hinschius followed with acute and con-
vincing arguments. The province of Reims (the
archdiocese, not the diocese) is now regarded as
having most in its favor and least to militate against
it (see 6, below).

The Pseudo-Isidore himself declares (in the first
sentence of his preface) that his aim was to " col-
lect the canons, unite them in one volume, and
make one of many " — a laudable endeavor, but not
a justification of forgeries and falsifications. He
added some genuine matter to his basis (see 2,
above) and so far may deserve the
5. Motives, praise of an honest compiler, even

Animus, though the genuine additions may
Tendency, have been intended to hide the false.
At all events, it is clear that it was not
his purpose to produce a complete exposition of
church discipline; many topics — the conferring of
benefices, tithes, simony, monastic matters, some
parts of the marriage law, etc. — he did not even
touch upon. His main object was to emancipate
the episcopacy, not only from the secular power,
but also from the excessive influence of the metro-
politans and the provincial synods; incidentally,
as a means to this end, the chorepiscopi were to be
suppressed, and the papal power was to be exalted.
The Pseudo-Isidore's attitude and activity find their
explanation only in the general conditions of the
West-Frankish Church iat the middle of the ninth
century; and when these are understood, he ap-
pears in his true light, not one aiming to serve the
ambition of any individual or to advance himself,
but as the representative and spokesman of a party.
The harmonious cooperation between Church and
State under Charlemagne had given way under his
successors to an antagonism between the secular
and spiritual authorities. Disturbed conditions re-
sulted from the civil wars under Louis the Pious
and his sons. The bishops suffered in consequence
and found themselves compelled to seek protection
from the civil power, where they were exposed to

Psoudo-Ialdorian Dec

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

false accusations prompted by avarice, while the
Imperial synods, before which they were tried, were
|)ulitical and partizan. Between 818 and 835 sev-
eral bishops were deposed, and others through fear
fled from their sees. A reform party arose and at
various synods (Paris, 820; Aachen, 836; Meaux-
Paris, 845-846} sought in vain to remedy the in-
tolerable conditions by an appeal to the old canons.
At the Diet of Eperrisiy (June-, 846) the insolence of
the predatory nobility and its disregard of just de-
mands made at the Synod of Meaux passed the
limit of endurance in the estimation of the reform
party. Redress by secular legislation ml bopdeM
aft it the division of the Empire in $43, and in their
need the reformers grasped at falsification as a last
resort. The (false) capitularies of Benedict had
already sought to promote their cause by misuse of
the authority of the great Charlemagne, and now
the Pseudo- Isidore attempted to cast the highest
t-cclesiiL-tiral authority in the scale of reform. From
his point of view the Gallic Church had to choose
between two evils — either to secure unity and
strength by submission (with proper restrictions]
to the pope, or to be involved in the downfall of
the ( arolitiguins; and he chose the former as the
lesser. Perhaps, also, by his fictitious ancient law
he hoped to convert the obstinate nobility and
proud mctnipolitarii-, and animate coivsrdly synods.
Al any rate lie made the venture in spite of the fact

that he must have known it was dangerous and
would probably be futile.

t PMOdo-

sirln

1 regard

for the bisho

!^™™t

"dta™

hem (" in th

yoi

Ll.L-hoi*.

sir.-

ven u» as

gods by God

must himself be I. ■it;. Ilv .|ii:iliiin! 1'. become nn accuser, M
■eventy-two witnesses are necessary to condemn a bishoi
The accused has the right of appeal %a the primate or tl
pope at any singe of the procecdiiurs. If by any chani
the rime goes wiin.it tin- In-lju],. [In- verdict is not vali
until confirmed by the pope. A similar attempt is mat
to u> the hands ot metropolitans anil provincial synod
The Pseudo-Isidorinn primacy is nolhing mure than n
empty name. The synod is made wholly dependent on tl
pope. The papal power is exulted, but solely as a meoi

,-liil

esirvd. i

bake tl

What

of \V,(

Frsnconia and
as puttina into
i bishops when

occasion arose, the Psei
i«ed. Hi! looked uym ih" ehorvj.iscoui (.<•.■ CH.mrriaco-
risl as rivals of the bishops, who diminished the influence
i.'i te:d'iu« diucc-emi. and so discharged (he duties of ncir-
Wifiil prelates that sen might maliciously be decfamd va-
cant. He would, arcnrdinrcly. ■■liminate (henj entirely. His
attitude toward the civil power may he judged From what
has already been said. Fie aims lo keep church pniperty
in the hands of ilie bishops, taken from the king the right

necii-mnn m ,-.-.„ .|,TMi:it!...n uf a hi-'liop in :i civil cart.
He even extends the episcopal jurisdiction l<> secular cases
(" every one oppressed may appeal to the judgment ol

priests "1. although this is his only incursion into the vo-
lar sphere. Political rule ho does not claim either lor ua
bishops or the pope, and secular Issnalstion at such be km
not touch, leiving worldly matters to the worldly pmr
snd Its law*.

" Isidore Mercator " is evidently a pseudonym,
the first part chosen to imply that the cotWtioa j
emanated from Isidore of Seville (as was actually
believed in the ninth century snd later), the second
part from the cognomen of a fifth-century write,

Marius Mercator (q.v.). All attempt !
6. The to identify Isidore have failed, tit

Author, best of them being mere guesses. Bene-
dict Levita and Otgar, archbishop d
Mains in 826-847, were tenable suppositions only
so long as Mains was believed to be the [dale of
origin (see i, above). Besides, " Benedict Levitt " ,
is itself a pseudonym (see IV., , 4, below). Weoiio,
archbishop of Sens (840-866), and Servatus Lupin,
abbot of Ferrieres (d. after 862), have also been
supposed, though without sufficient reason, to
have written the Pseud o-Isidorian Decretals; trhDe
Leodald, deacon of Le Mans, or Bishop AUneli and
his canons are advocated by those who hold to Ik
hypothesis of Le Mans (see 4, above) . Three nana
are connected with Reims — Ebo, Wulfad, and
Rothad. Ebo (q.v.), archbishop of Reims after
816, was despoiled of his estates by the emperor,
confined in Fulda, and deposed at a synod at D*-
denbofen Mar., 835. on the ground of a written con-
fession. The Pseudo-Isidore's actptio tpoiii (ae
5, above) manifestly fits Ebo's case, as does also
his fiction ascribed to Alexander I. declaring wri-
tings invalid if " extorted by fear, fraud, or force "
(the phrase quoted is used by Ebo in his ,4po!s-
getiaim of 842). In Aug., 840, Ebo was uncanotr
ically reinstated by Lothair. Again a decretal
ascribed to Julius (p. 471 [11. 7sqq.], ed. Hirachius)
seems inspired by Ebo, as it makes his restoration
regular. In 841 Charles the Bald drove Ebo [rati
Reims, and in 844 or 845 Louis the German made
him bishop of Hildesheim, where he remained till
his death (Mar. 20, 851), cherishing the hope ol
restoration to Reims. The Pseudo-Isidore seems
to aim at making the restoration easier when be
declares (p. 152 and elsewhere) that, in case of an
expelled bishop, a translation may be made at any
time and without the synodal decree required bj
law. It is thus evident that Ebo had an interest in
the forgeries; but though it is known that scrupta
against falsifying did not deter him from seeking
to advance his cause by that dubious method, then
is no satisfactory evidence to show that he wrote
the Pseud o-Isidoriana or that he directly instigated
it« composition. The case is the same with Will-
fad and Rothad; either may have written the work
or had a hand in it; there is no proof that either
did. Wulfad was canon of Reims, deposed in 853,
then abbot of St. Medard in Soiseons. He was a
leader of Ebo's party, a man of learning and cul-
ture, highly esteemed by Charles the Bald. Rothad
was bishop of Soissons from 832 or 833. Both men
were powerful opponents of Hincmar.

Tosumup: It is not known who wrote the Pneudc-
[sfdaruuia. There is, however, a strong probability
that it emanated from the aggressive new-church

347

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PMudo-Isidorlan Decretal*

party in the province of Reims, consolidated by
tvents into a faction bitterly hostile to Hincmar.
After his restoration Ebo ordained a number of
clerics at Reims in 840 and 841. They were not
molested at first after he was expelled, but in 845
Hincmar suspended them (see Hincmar of Reims),
and they were in constant fear of having their or-
dination declared invalid. They thus had a per-
sonal interest in establishing the invalidity of Ebo's
deposition and the validity of his restoration. Their
suspension rendered it impossible for them to per-
form their ordinary duties; and the painfully un-
certain situation in which they found themselves
furnished the incentive to employ their involuntary
leisure in an attempt to secure relief by forging
documents. For the division of the work among
members of the group, see V., below.

It was in West Franconia (and in the province
of Reims) that the completed and published work
first appeared. The earliest known citations are
Hincmar's of 852 (or 857; see § 4, above). In Hinc-
mar's contests with his suffragans, Rothad of Sois-
sons and Hincmar of Laon, the false decretals were
the decisive factor — in the former case, with help
from the pope, in favor of the suffra-

7. History gan, in the latter case against the
of the recalcitrant subordinate. There is

Collection, some reason to believe that Hincmar
discerned the true character of the
documents; he was learned enough to do so, but
he seems to have deprecated the controversy that
must follow, if he spoke out boldly; and, moreover,
he was not unwilling, on occasion, to use the de-
cretals for his own purposes and to beat his enemies
with their own weapons. It is probable that Rothad
carried the decretals to Rome in 864 and laid them
before Pope Nicholas I. The first sure intimations
that Nicholas knew of them appear in his Christmas
address of that year and in a letter of Jan., 865, to
the Frankish bishops, both utterances being in re-
gard to Rothad's contest with Hincmar. Adrian II.,
in 871, quotes a decretal of the Pseudo-Anterus,
and a synodal address of 869, probably composed
by Adrian himself, has more than thirty citations
from the Pseudo-Isidore's collection; it is note-
worthy as the first extensive use of the false de-
cretals in favor of the claims of the Roman see. In
the reform movements of the eleventh century their
full possibilities and effect were disclosed. In Ger-
many the first citations are in the acts of synods at
Worms (868), Cologne (887), Metz (893), Tribur
(895), and — at greater length — Hohenaltheim (916).
At Gerstungen (1085) both the Gregorian and the
imperial parties appealed to the false decretals;
and an utterance of the papal legate (who after-
ward became Pope Urban II.) and the Saxon bish-
ops concerning them is noteworthy for its doubting
and contemptuous tone. They were introduced
into England by Lanfranc. Spain they reached
only as embodied in the later collections of canons.
It was these collections which did most for their
acceptance and dissemination. The oldest which
embodies Pseudo-Isidorian material (A2) is the
CoUectio Anselmo dedicate, made, probably in Milan,
between 883 and 897. Others followed (see Canon
Law, II., 5, § 1), and a collection made in Italy

under Leo IX. about 1050 is little more than a
compendium of the Pseudo-Isidoriana (250 of its
315 chapters are from the forgery). When it was
admitted to Gratian's Decretum, its acceptance be-
came absolute.

With the possible exception of Hincmar and the
guarded expression of the Synod of Gerstungen, no
one raised his voice against the forgeries till the
fifteenth century. Then Heinrich Kalteisen of Cob-
lenz, Nicholas of Cusa, and Juan Torquemada chal-
lenged the decretals of Clement and Anacletus. In
the next century suspicion extended as far as Siri-
cius (Erasmus; two editors of the Corpus juris ca-
nonici, Charles Du Moulin, 1554, and Antoine Le
Conte, 1556; Georgius Cassander, 1564). The
" Magdeburg Centuries " (1559) and David Blondel
(1628) brought the full and incontestable proof.
For the history of criticism since then, see the
bibliography.

IL The Hispana Gallica Augustodunensis: As
already stated (I., § 2, above), the Pseudo-Isidore
took as the basis of his work the so-called Hispana
Gallica Augustodunensis or manuscript of Autun.
In the early Middle Ages the Spanish collection of
canons (CoUectio canonum Hispana, MPL, lxxxiv.;
see Canon Law, II., 4, § 2) was current in Gaul in
a very corrupt text (the Hispana Gallica; repre-
sented by Cod. Vindobon., 411 sac. IX. ex.), many
of its readings being quite unintelligible. The
Augustodunensis (represented by only two manu-
scripts— both unedited — Cod. Vat. lS^l sac. XL
ex. and Cod. Berol. Hamilton 182 sac. IX.) presents
this text with numerous changes, some of them at-
tempts at emendation which improve the gramma*
and make sense — though they increase the devia-
tion from the genuine Hispana and often change
the meaning — but others very striking substitutions
and additions. These changes are based in part on
genuine sources (the Dionysio-Hadriana and Hi-
bemensis), in part are pure inventions which show
the aims, prejudices, and tendencies of the Pseudo-
Isidore. The entire scheme for protecting bishops
against charges and deposition (see I., § 5, above)
is already thought out. The additions (noted above,
I., § 2) are made up by the Pseudo-Isidore's com-
pUatory method (see I., § 3, above). The date of
the recension must fall between 845 and 848, most
probably about 847. Thus all data indicate that
the Augustodunensis was produced by the Pseudo-
Isidore himself. It may be considered as paving
the way for the Pseudo-Isidoriana in double man-
ner— a preliminary exercise in falsification by the
forger (or forgers) and a means of preparing the
public later to receive the more ambitious attempt.

in. The Capitula Angilramni: This is a short col-
lection of seventy-one brief chapters, most of them
relating to charges against clerics, especially bish-
ops, and thus treating of the Pseudo-Isidore's chief
theme. It is now generally agreed that they are
forgeries, that neither Angilram, bishop of Metz,
nor Pope Adrian I. (772-795), whose names are con-
nected with them (see Angilram), had anything to
do with them, and that they are closely connected
with the Pseudo-Isidoriana. They are usually
added as an appendix to manuscripts of the latter
of the complete form (Al). Probably they were

Pseodo-Isidorian Deoretal*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

848

prepared independently of the Pseudo-Isidoriana
and were used as one of its sources. Most of them
appear there in the decretals of Julius and Felix II.
as promulgated by the Council of Nicsea. The re-
lation to Benedict's capitularies is uncertain; each
work seems to have used the other, and the ques-
tion of priority can not be determined. Since they
were used by Benedict, they must at least have
been begun before 848, and their use by the Pseudo-
Isidore shows they were completed before 851.
More definite determination of authorship and place
of composition is impossible. The chapters are first
mentioned by Hincmar in 870 with an implied
doubt of their genuineness.

IV. Benedict Levita: At about the same time
as the Pseudo-Isidoriana there appeared what pur-
ported to be a supplement to the collection of capit-
ularies of Ansegis of Fontanella (see Ansegis, 1)
made by " Benedict Levita " at the request of the
late Archbishop Otgar of Mainz, chiefly
i. Contents from material preserved in the Mainz
and archives. The author declares that
Description, he has made no changes in the text of
his sources and, like the Pseudo-Isi-
dore, urges others to continue his work. The ar-
rangement of Benedict's collection is patterned
closely after that of Ansegis. Like Ansegis, he begins
with a metrical preface (seven distichs), followed
by a prose preface (stating the origin, contents,
and plan of the collection). Then comes a eulogy in
verse (thirty-eight distichs) of the Carolingians from
Pepin and Carloman to the sons of Louis the Pious.
Three books (numbered v.-vii. in continuation of
Ansegis i.-iv.) and four additions follow. The man-
uscripts differ little in text, but very much in ex-
tent, some containing only single books or mere
fragments. Benedict's work often appears with
Ansegis, but never with the Pseudo-Isidore or
Angilram. The three introductory sections are to
be considered a part of the original work, not a
later addition. The chapters of the three books and
additions iii.-iv (1,721 in all) are strung together
without logical or historical order. References to
authorities are seldom given, and repetitions are
numerous (in book iii. more than 100 chapters, in
addition iv. more than 90). All this was probably
intentional, to hide the falsifications, although
Ansegis seldom cites authorities, and Benedict says
the repetitions are due to lack of time to sift the
sources carefully. Addition i (found in only a few
manuscripts) is the Capitxdare monasticum of Aachen
of July 10, 817 (MGH, Cap., i. 1883, 343-349);
the preface calls it the conclusion of book iii., and
it appears in some manuscripts with this book.
Addition ii. is chaps, xxxv.-lxii. of the Episcoporum
ad Hludowicum imperatorem relatio of Aug., 829
(MGH., Cap., ii., 1890, 39-51); according to the
preface it was found later and inserted. Most of
the capitularies of addition iii. are false. Addition
iv. contains 170 excerpts from a larger number of
sources and shows more resemblance to the Pseudo-
Isidore; the title attributes the collection to
Charlemagne.

The preface says that the collection includes
capitularies of Pepin, Charlemagne, and Louis the
Pious which were omitted by Angesja; only three

passages of book i. are from other sources (the first

three documents, from the letters of Boniface of

Mainz; chap. ii. 1-53, from the Penti-

2. Sources teuch; chap. iii. 1-122, from the Dtm-
and ysio-Hadriana, said to have been

Treatment prepared at the command of Charle-
magne by Bishop Paulinus, Alcuin, and
others). As a matter of fact, only about one-quu-
ter of Benedict's capitularies are genuine, and many
of these are interpolated. His forgeries are seldom
pure inventions; most of them are genuine ecclesias-
tical documents (or excerpts from such) transformed
(with no slight skill in imitating the legal style)
into Frankish laws and freely altered. The Pseudo-
Isidore's compilatory method is seldom followed.
The " archives of Mainz " are purely imaginary
(see § 3, below). For Benedict's use of Angilram,
see III., above; for the relation of his work to the
Pseudo-Isidoriana, see § 5, below. In general Bene-
dict's sources, both immediate and ultimate, are the
same as the Pseudo-Isidore's (see I., §§ 2 and 3,
above). While, however, he fails to quote many
documents from which the Pseudo-Isidore drew, he
uses the acts of about thirty councils and the Brt-
viatio canonum of Fulgentius Ferrandus, none of
which were employed by the Pseudo-Isidore; he
quotes Roman law more extensively and from a
larger number of documents; besides the Lex Fin-
gothorum he makes excerpts from an ecclesiastical
recension of the Bavarian law; and he uses the first
and second capitularies of Theodulf of Orleans.

The metrical preface fixes the terminus post quern
of the completion of the work at Apr. 21, 847 (the
date of Otgar's death). The terminus ante quern
lies between 848 and 850. Addition iv. is relatively
the latest part of the work (see § 5, below). The
place of composition was certainly not Mainz, as
was long believed on Benedict's own
3. Time testimony, especially as the author's

and Place attitude toward the chorepiscopi and

of Origin, secularization does not fit East-Frank-
ish conditions; and Rabanus, arch-
bishop of Mainz in 847-856, knew nothing of the
collection said to have been made in his metropoli-
tan city by direction of his predecessor. Moreover,
the alleged Mainz Levite appears to have known so
little of the city that he located it on the wrong
side of the Rhine. The animus and prejudices of
the work, and the fact that it was first and most
used in West Franconia, point to its origin there;
and the close relations between Benedict and the
Pseudo-Isidore (see § 5, below) indicate the arch-
bishopric of Reims. If Benedict had never been in
Mainz, of course his " archives of Mainz " are a
fiction.

Benedict is far more comprehensive than the
Pseudo-Isidore in the subjects he handles, and he
even encroaches on the domain of purely secular
legislation. His genuine material may have been in-
cluded with the hope, secondarily, that something
might be done to remedy abuses by calling atten-
tion to the actual law. Primarily, however, his
genuine matter was only a framework for his in-
ventions, and it is the latter which reveal his main
motive. The Pseudo-Isidore's chief ideas recur,
though sometimes in less developed form, so that

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Parado-Jaldarlftii DhhWi

Benedict's work bears the mark of an earlier and
preparatory effort of the Pseudo-Isidorian circle,
incited by the same conditions and en-
4. Motive, vironment (see f 5, below). It is not
Tendency, possible to identify the author more
and definitely, and it has long been recog-
Authorship. nized that " Benedict the Levite " is
a pseudonym. Unlike " Isidore Mer-
Bsstor," it appears to have no reference to any actual
personage; hence it is inadmissible to speak of the
" Pseudo- Benedict." The additions iei-pcrhilly iv.)
have been thought to be by another hand (see j 5,
below); but there seems to be no convincing argu-
ment to establish a change of authorship.

Like the Pseudo-Isidor

against clerics, especially biah-
(oiuat a bishop on actual trio]
aceptio upolii, but soine-
lynods and motrnjHiNrun*

be taxes. In the

e violently opposed consanguineous

Secular jurisdiction over the clergy is annulled, but

worldly laws contrary to spiritual ore invalid, and (he Wing
who infringes the canons or tolerates their infringement is
subject to anathema; the emperor may undertake nothing
contrary to the mandala divina. Here Benedict was con-
fronted by a dilemma; the aim of his falsifications was to
establish certain rights of the clergy on the nuthority of
seeohu laws, and he hail made llicm iiuLpiili table. Ho ac-
cordingly set up the theoiy that laws of the Slat* concern-
ing the Church become valid only whpn Ihoy receive eccle-
siastical approval; and by direct statement nn.l huTsBsMOi
be tried to convey the impression that the capitularies of his
collection had been given papal or *ynudai confirmation.

Benedict's collection is first cited in the capitu-
lary of Quiercy of Feb. 14, 857 (MGH., Cap., ii.,
1890, 200). Thenceforth it appears in synodal acta
(Quiercy, 858, etc.), in laws (capitularies of 860,
862, 864, etc.), in literature (Hincmar and others),
and in collections of canons (from Herard, arch-
bishop of Tours, 858, to Gratian) on a
5. History par with Ansegis. Its influence was
and Relation greater in West than in East Fran-
to other conia or in Italy, and can not be corn-
Forgeries, pared with that of the Pseudo-Isi-
doriana. Pierre Pithou, in his edition
of 1588, first declared that many of Benedict's capit-
ularies are false, and while his opinion did not find
general acceptance, nearly all modern scholars be-
lieve Benedict's collection to be a conscious attempt
to deceive. The Augusto'tiuti-mii.'. w;is one of Bene-
dicfa sources (cf., e.g., i. 401, iii. 10S, 391). For
his relation to Angilntni, sec III., above. His rela-
tion to the Pseudo-Isidoriana can not be dismissed
with so few words. That at least the three books
and additions (i., h*., iii.) preceded the Pseudo-Isi-
doriana seems Judicata! by the development evi-
dent in the latter (see , 4, above). The Pseudo-
Isidoriana, therefore, can not have been one of
Benedict's sources, though the capitularies of the
latter may have been used by the Pseudo-Isidore,
and the internal evidence of both works accords
with the assumption here implied, even though some
scholars assume common sources for the two col-

lections. Addition iv. is peculiar in that it cites
certain false decretals which are not found in the
Pseudo-Isidoriana or which, if found there, are at-
tributed to different popes; apparently the final
revision of the forgeries had not been made in 848.
The relation of addition iv. to the Pseudo-Isidoriana
(and to Angilram) needs further Investigation.

V. Certain General Considerations: The ctase re-
lations between all the forgeries have led many to
believe that "Isidore Mereator " and " Ucrn-dii ■(■
Levita " were one and th' same, or (the latter Mog
thought to be an actual personage; see IV., { 4,
above) that " Isidore " was Benedict. Against tliis
hypothesis are (I) the differences between Benedict
and Isidore in certain tendencies (see IV., £ 4,
iibuvc) mill in -kill of workmanship (the latter show-
ing much greater aptitude in fitting his forgeries
into their genuine frame work), and (2) the doubt
whether one man could have done the enormous
amount of work involved in so short a time. Be-
cause of this doubt many later investigators have
group of collaborators, all working in
, the four forgeries under the guidance
of a leading spirit who furnished the ideas, or less
(■i-j(iiji:u't!v nrgarii/.e.d, the Pseudo-Isidore and lii.'nc-
dict, for example, working in comparative inde-
pendence on the parts assigned to them under in-
structions which secured the harmonious execution
of the general ptan and meeting for consultation
from time to time as the work proceeded. How-
ever this may have been, it is no longer prffiajhhi
In <-\|ikiiri llu.' resemblance merely by assuming the
use of common sources- and similarity in point of
view and feelings on the part of the authors, or that
one copied from another's work without personal
communication.

Certain Roman Catholic scholars plead for a mild
judgment of the Pseudo-Isidoriana on the ground
that their ni"> and accomplishment was not inno-
vation in canon law, but merely to give to the law
as it was the authority of antiquity. Objections
may be alleged against this point of view, but at the
same time the effect of the forgeries on the develop-
ment of the law must not be overestimated. Only
when the Pseudo-Isidorian idias accorded with the
spirit of the time and had external support did they
prove of practical moment. If they augmented the
papal power, they were not the only or the chief
factor which produced that result. The attempts
to exalt the bishops, to free the Church from lay
domination, and to make all synods dependent on
the pope proved abortive; the primacy constructed
by the Pseud o- Isidore had no influence on the
Church constitution. The right of appeal to the
pope, however, was established (see Appeals to
the Pope); the metropolitan 11 le received a blow
from which it never recovered; the chorcpiscopi
were suppressed in West Franconia; and the ti-
ceptio spolii became a part of canon and civil law.
(E. Seckel.)

Bibuooh«phi: The early ed. ia in J. Merlin. Tomtit jrrimut
Buoiuor nmctfiorum grntralium, 3 vols.. Paris, 1S24 and
Cologne, 1530. reprinted with prolegomena io MPL. em. :
a later ed. is P. Hinschiun. Decretal** Pmtdo-tndiorania
rtcapitulo Anvilramni. Leipsic, 18o3 (critical, from the old-
est and best MSS.). Consult: F. Knust, Di fontibu* r

Psyohio&l Research
Psychotherapy

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

860

consilio Pseudo-Isidoriana coUectionis, Gfittingea, 1832;

F. C. von Savigny, Qeschichte des romischen Rechts im
Mittetoiter, ii. 99-106, 478-479, 2d ed., Heidelberg, 1834;
MGH, Leg., ed. H. Knust, ii. 2 (1837), 19-39; J. O. Ellen-
dorf, Die Karolinger und die Hierarchie ihrer Zeit, ii. 130-
192, Essen, 1838; A. Mdhler, in QesammeUe Schriften, ed.
D&llinger, i. 283-347, Regensburg. 1839; H. Wasaerach-
leben, Beitr&ge zur Qeschichte der falschen Decretalen,
Brealau, 1844; A. F. Gfdrcr, Vntersuchung Qber Alter,
Ur sprung, Zweck der Decretalen des falschen Isidorus, Frei-
burg, 1848; W. B. Wenck, Das fHinkische Reich nach dem
Vertrage von Verdun, pp. 382-424, Leipsic, 1851; J. Wei*-
sftcker. in ZHT, xxviii (1858), 327-430; idem, in Histori-
sche Zeitschrift, iii (1860), 42-96; C. von Noorden, Hink-
mar Ersbischof von Rheims, Bonn, 1863; J. J. I. von Ddl-
linger, Der Papst und das Condi, Leipsic, 1869, Eng.
transl., The Pope and the Council, Edinburgh, new ed.,
1873; H. C. Lea, Studies in Church Hist., pp. 43-102,
Philadelphia, 1869; F. Maassen, Qeschichte der Quellen
und der Literatur des canonischen RechU im Abendlande,
vol. i., pp. xxxi. sqq.t 656 sqq., 710-716, 780 sqq., Grata,
1870; idem, in NA, xviii (1892). 294-302; Thaner, in
the SiUungsberichte of the Vienna Academy, lxxxix (1878),
601-632; Lapotre, Hadrien II. et les fausses decrUales, in
Revue des questions historiques, xxvii (1880), 371-431;
C. H. Fdste, Die Reception Pseudo-Isidors unter Nikolaus
I. und Hadrian II., Leipsic, 1881; F. Rocquain, La Pa-
pauU au moyen-dge, Paris, 1881 ; B. Jungmann, Disserta-
tion** select a, iii. 256-320, Regensburg. 1882; H. Schrtra,
Hinkmar, Erzbischof von Rheims, passim, Freiburg, 1884;
A. Tardif, Hist, des sources du droit canonique, pp. 132-
158. Paris, 1887; E. Dummler, Qeschichte des ostfranki-
schen Reichs, i. 231-238, vols. ii. — iii. passim, Leipsic, 1887-
1888; P. Founder. De I' origins des fausses decrUales, St.
Diiier, 1889; J. Havet, (Euvres, i. 103 sqq., 271 sqq., 331
sqq., Paris, 1896; Hampel. in NA, xxiii (1897), 180-195;

G. C. Lee, Hincmar, in Papers of the American Society of
Church History, viii (1897), 229-260; Werminghoff, in
NA, zxv (1900), 361-378; idem, in ADB, xlviii. 242-
248; Seckel. in AM, xxvi (1900), 37-72; Maronier, De
valsche Decretalen, Leeuwen, 1901; F. Lot. lttudes sur le
regne de H agues Capet, pp. 361 t375, Paris, 1903; A. Hauck,
Der Gedanke der pUpstlichen Weltherrschaft bis auf Bonifax
VIII., pp. 3-7, 12 sqq., 17 sqq., Leipsic, 1904; the works
on ecclesiastical law (Kirchenrecht) by G. Phillips, iv. ((
173-176, ed. of Regensburg, 1851; J. F. von Schulte,
Giesscn, 1860; A. L. Richter, ed. Dove, ff 26, 36-39, 43,
53, Leipsic. 1867; F. Walter, ff 95-99, 14th ed., Bonn,
1871; J. B. Sagmuller, Freiburg, 1900-04; and E. Fried-
berg, pp. 46-47, 121-124, 281, Leipsic, 1903; Schaff,
Christian Church, iv. 266-273; Neander, Christian Church,
iii. 346 sqq., Mil man. Latin Christianity, iii. 58-66. v. 398;
Hauck, KD, ii. 522-533; KL, x. 600-624; Rettberg, KD,
vol. i.; DC A, i. 539-540.

PSYCHICAL RESEARCH AND THE FUTURE
LIFE: Psychical research may be defined as the
organized and scientific investigation
The Field of certain outlying and hitherto unrec-
of Labor, ognized phenomena — mental and phys-
ical— which are on the borderland
between spirit and matter. Psychology deals with
the operations of the mind under normal conditions;
and many modern psychologists treat the subject
from a materialistic point of view, i.e., the mind is
not studied apart from organization and bodily
structure. The interaction and interpenetration of
mind and spirit and resultant phenomena, therefore,
form the basic material for psychical investigation,
which thus attempts to fill a gap in scientific re-
search. These phenomena may roughly be divided
into two groups, physical and mental. Under phy-
sical phenomena are classed such manifestations as
the movement of physical objects without contact,
raps with no apparent cause, Poltergeist phenomena
(such as occurred in John Wesley's house, in which
bells were rung, crockery broken, and the like,
without apparent cause), and so on. Under mental

phenomena are classed telepathy, premonition and
prevision, clairvoyance, apparitions at the moment
of death and after death, trance utterance and
automatic writing, and kindred phenomena. In
the former class the physical world is affected; in
the latter class it is not.

Whether such phenomena really exist, or whether
they are one and all figments of the imagination,

was the question to be settled. A
The Prob- group of earnest thinkers gathered to-
lem; the gether at Cambridge, England, in 1881
Societies, to discuss this question, and in 1882

the English Society for Psychical Re-
search was founded. An American branch was in-
augurated in 1888 under the general supervision of
Richard Hodgson, LL.D., and continued until bis
sudden death in 1905, when the present independent
American Society, under James Hervey Hyalop,
Ph.D., was incorporated. The founders of the Eng-
lish Society were Prof. Henry Sidgwick, Frederie
William Henry Myers, Edmund Gurney— all of
Cambridge— and Prof. W. F. Barrett, of the Uni-
versity of Dublin. Prof. Sidgwick was its first
president. Since that date, such illustrious names
have appeared on the society's membership roll u
Sir Oliver Lodge, Sir William Crookes, Prof. Joseph
John Thomson, the Rt. Hon. Arthur JamesBalfour,
Prof. William James, Lord Rayleigh, the Rt. Rev.
William Boyd Carpenter, Bishop of Ripon, Andrew
Lang, Prof. Balfour Stewart, and Mrs. Henry Sidg-
wick. Some consider it, as Mr. Gladstone said,
" the most important work in the world— by fir
the most important." The reason is obvious. Here
and only here are found phenomena that seem to
prove scientifically that man possesses a soul capable
of existing apart from the body and of exercising Us
functions in that condition. The resurrection was,
after all, a historical fact, to which Christianity
points as proof of a future life. In an age of skep-
ticism faith by itself fails to convince; an appeal
must be made to actual facts. Such facts are the
phenomena studied by psychical students.

One of the first conclusions drawn by the mem-
bers of the society was that telepathy — the power
of one mind to affect another otherwise than through

the recognized channels of sense — was

Results of a fact in nature. By an elaborate series

Study. of experiments, it was ascertained that

such a power exists in man, and that
it can and in fact does become operative under cer-
tain conditions. Unsuccessful attempts were made
to explain the facts. The only conclusion that can
be drawn is that " spirit has the power of mani-
festing to spirit/' as F. W. H. Myers expressed it
in his monumental work Human Personality and its
Survival of Bodily Death (2 vols., London, 1904).
Vibrations do not seem to pass; space and time do
not affect it; it would appear to be a true and di-
rect manifestation of spirit. The application of
this to spiritual guidance and to prayer may easily
be conceived. The next great advance was made
when, on the publication of Phantasms of the Living,
by E. Gurney, F. W. H. Myers, and F. Podmore
(London, 1886), it was first proved that appari-
tions of the dying occur far oftener than chance
would permit. Seven hundred and two cases of a

351

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Psychioal Research
Psychotherapy

coincidental nature were published, and it was
mathematically proved that the coincidence be-
tween the death and the apparition seen was far
more than any chance would account for. Further,
conducting this inquiry through several years in
many countries, it was more conclusively proved
in 1894, when the " Census of Hallucinations " was
published, in which conclusions drawn from more
than 30,000 replies showed that this coincidence
was again far more frequent than was mathemati-
cally probable. The connection — whatever its na-
ture— was thus conclusively proved. Many cases
were produced by both the English and American
societies, of clairvoyance, premonitions, and other
supernormal phenomena. Generally speaking, it
may be said that physical manifestations have
yielded but slight and inconclusive results — being
proved to be fraudulently produced, almost inva-
riably, while the mental manifestations have proved
to be far more productive of results. The most
famous case is that of Mrs. Piper, a trance medium
of Boston, who has succeeded in affording the strong-
est evidence ever yet obtained of a future life. Mrs.
Piper passes into trance, while sitting at a table,
conversing with her sitter (the trance is genuine,
and has been tested by various eminent medical
men). She then falls forward on the table, and her
body is supported by cushions. Her right hand and
arm is then apparently " controlled " by an alien
intelligence, i.e., a " spirit/' and automatic writing
is the result. It will be observed that the manner
of the production of this writing is not unusual; to
all external appearances the medium might be do-
ing it herself. The point to be considered is this:
does the writing contain any facts unknown to any-
one but the intelligence supposedly giving them?
If certain specific incidents are referred to, known
only to an individual who has died and who is sup-
posedly communicating; and if, furthermore, it can
be shown that the medium had had no means of ac-
quiring this information by any known means; if,
finally, it can be shown that telepathy, clairvoy-
ance, and other modes of supernormal operation are
excluded, then very fair evidence is adduced that
the intelligence who once knew those facts was
really " there," referring to them, and reminding
his sitters of them, through the entranced organism
of the medium. It was as though her soul had been
temporarily removed from the body, and her nerv-
ous mechanism operated — more or less imperfectly
— by a foreign or invading intelligence.

This is the character of the evidence that has
been obtained mostly by scientists studying the
phenomena; and it will be seen that this is the best
and most direct means that could be devised for
communing with a soul, granting such to exist.
Psychical research is the science of the investiga-
tion of the borderland of spirit and matter, and of
their inter-communication. Its position is that
there are certain definite facts which recur, and
which must be included in materialistic philosophy,
if the latter is to be a scheme of the universe. If
philosophy is incapable of including and explaining
them, it is obviously erroneous and non-inclusive.
These facts of psychic research indicate that there
is a realm of spirit, active and capable of influencing

this world more or less directly. Materialism would

thus be overthrown, and its theories proved to be

erroneous. And it is because of this possibility —

because a spiritual order of things might thus be

proved, that its present workers regard it as the

most important work in the world to-day.

Hereward Carrington.

Bibliography: The chief sources of information are the
Proceedings of the English society, London, 1883 sqq.,
and of the American society. New York, 1007 sqq., together
with the works named in the text. Consult further: I. K.
Funk, The Widow'* Mite, New York, 1904; idem, The
Psychic Riddle, ib. 1907; J. H. Hyslop, Science and a
Future Life, Boston, 1905; idem, Enigmas of Psychical
Research, ib. 1906; idem, Psychical Research and the Res-
urrection, ib. 1908; L. Elbe, Future Life in the Light
of Ancient Wisdom and Modern Science, Chicago, 1906;
E. E. Fournier d'Albe, New Light on Immortality, New
York, 1908; Sir Oliver Lodge, Science and Immortality, ib.
1908; F. Podmore, Naturalisation of the Supernatural,
ib. 1908: E. T. Bennett, Psychic Phenomena, ib., 1909;
E. Katherine Bates, Psychical Science and Christianity,
ib., 1909; C. Lombroso, After Death What? Spiritistic
Phenomena and their Interpretation, Boston, 1909; H.
Carrington, Busapia PaUadino and her Phenomena, Lon-
don, 1910; and the periodicals, The Annals of Psychical
Science, and The Occult Review. A large bibliography of
pertinent literature will be found under Spiritualism,
SpzBrruALiflrra.

PSYCHOTHERAPY.

Early Magic and Incubation ((1).

The Middle Ages and Later (J 2).

Mesmer (J 3).

Bertrand and EUiotson (§ 4).

Braid, Lilbault, Bernheim, and Tuke (§ 5).

Recent Movements in the United States (} 6).

The Emmanuel Movement (§ 7).

The term psychotherapy (Gk. Psychi, " soul,"
and therapeuein, " to heal "), taken largely, denotes
the treatment of disease through the influence of
mental, moral, and spiritual states upon the body.
An exhaustive discussion of the subject would in-
volve an examination of many crude and fantastic
theories, partly theological, partly metaphysical or
psychological, with which the fundamental ideas
of psychotherapy have been connected. The pur-
pose of this article is to sketch briefly the history of
psychotherapy, and to state the main principles
which underlie it in the scientific form that it has
assumed to-day.

In one fashion or another, psychotherapy has been

practised, consciously or unconsciously, not only

by all medical men, but also by those who in pre-

medical times played the part both of

i. Early priest and of physician. It rests upon
Magic and what has become the fundamental
Incubation, dogma of modern physiological psy-
chology— the idea that mind and body
constitute a unity, that for every thought and feel-
ing, however slight, there is a corresponding nerv-
ous event, and that the smallest physical process
awakens an echo in the psychical realm. The
charms and incantations both of savage and of civ-
ilized man are simply forms of self-suggestion, which
has, in certain types of disease, curative power.
The earliest historical notices of healing through
mental influence are to be found in the magical
texts of ancient Egypt (cf . G. Ebers, Papyros Ebers,
das hermeHsche Buck fiber die Artneimittel der alien
Aegyptern, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1875). As early as
about 1600 B.C. it was the custom in Egypt to heal

Psychotherapy

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

853

diseases by touching the person diseased, while vari-
ous incantations were being uttered; it is known also
that certain formulas pronounced over the images
of divinities were believed to impart to these images
the power of dispelling the poison of serpents.
Among the most ancient of Egyptian myths are
those of the healing of Ra by the goddess Isis, and
of the healing of Horns, the son of Isis, by Thoth,
in virtue of certain words supposed to have magical
power (E. Naville, The Old Egyptian Faith, p. 5,
London, 1909). In virtue of the same principle,
kings and priests and reformers, under all religions
and with every variety of metaphysical and theo-
logical creed, have wrought what seemed to their
contemporaries to be nothing less than deeds of
miraculous healing. In Alexandria, on the testi-
mony of Suetonius, Tacitus, and Dion Cassius, the
Roman Emperor Vespasian healed a blind man by
touching his eyes with spittle. In the Old Testa-
ment the great prophetic figures Elijah, Elisha, and
Isaiah were psychotherapeutists. David was able to
charm away the melancholia of Saul by the strains
of a music the echo of which may be heard in some
modern hospitals for the insane.

The inscriptions dug up in our own time at Epi-
dauros, the site of the famous shrine of ^Esculapius,
the patron divinity of the healing art, show what a
great part the mind played in the cures effected.
For example, a sufferer from dyspepsia, one Marcus
Julius Apellas, who had been cured in the temple,
set up an inscription in gratitude to the god. After
mentioning some physical remedies which the god
prescribed, Apellas continues:

" When I called upon the god to cure me more
quickly I thought it was as if I had anointed my
whole body with mustard and salt and had come
out of the secret hall and gone in the direction of
the bath-house, while a small child was going be-
fore, holding a smoking censer. The priest said to
me, ' Now you are cured ; but you must pay up the
fees for your treatment.' I acted according to the
vision, and when I rubbed myself with salt and
mustard I felt the pains still, but when I had bathed
I suffered no longer. These events took place in
the first nine days after I had come to the temple.
The god also touched my right hand and my breast "
(Mary Hamilton, Incubation, p. 41, London, 1906;
[Epkiauros and its cures are treated in pp. 8-43 of
Miss Hamilton's work]). This inscription prob-
ably belongs to the second century of our era.
Speaking of the same period S. Dill remarks {Ro-
man Society from Nero to Marcus A urelius, p. 459,
London, 1904): " The temples of ^Esculapius arose
in every land where Greek or Roman culture pre-
vailed. Patients came from all parts of the Greco-
Roman world. The temples had dormitories; re-
treats often contained beds for 200 or 300 persons."

During the Middle Ages the science of therapeu-
tics was in bondage to superstition. The church
was supposed to have a monopoly of the healing
power. Fragments of the cross, the tears, of the
Virgin Mary and of St. Peter, the hair of martyrs,
iron filings from the chains that had bound Peter
and Paul, were regarded as miraculously efficacious
in the cure of disease. Great personalities, such as
the founders of cloisters, or persons of great sanctity,

such as Francis of Assisi, Catharine of Siena, and
Bernard of Clairvaux (qq.v.), it was claimed, healed

multitudes by the power of their touch.

2. The In France from medieval times down

Middle Ages to the age of Charles X. the kings

and Later, claimed the gift of " touching for the

evil " (scrofula). In the Anglican
prayer-book there was printed down to the year
1719, " The Office for Touching." The actual cere-
mony is described by Evelyn in his Diary (ed. W.
Bray, in Memoirs, London, 1818-19; by Upcott,
1827; by H. B. Wheatley, 4 vols., 1879) under date
July 6, 1660. Among the famous persons touched
for the evil was Samuel Johnson, in the reign of
Queen Anne.

The short and easy way of dealing with these
stories was to reject them as superstitious legend*.
Modern investigation, however, has shown that this
method is quite too drastic, and that thus to deal
with human testimony is to make the search for
historical truth almost futile. The generally re-
ceived view to-day is that the principle by which
these phenomena were brought about is what is
called " Suggestion," or expectant attention; and
it may be said that in all modern mental healing
systems these psychological influences play a dom-
inating r61e. It was only in the eighteenth century
that the foundations for a scientific understanding
of the subject were laid. Just as chemistry arose
out of alchemy, and astronomy out of astrology,
and the science of internal medicine out of the
tentative therapeutic efforts of the medicine man,
so modern scientific psychotherapy takes its origin
in mesmerism.

Friedrich (or Franz) Anton Mesmer (b. at Isnang.
11m. n.w. of Constance, May 23, 1733; graduated
at Vienna in medicine, taking for his thesis, " On
the Influence of the Planets on the Human Body,"

published in 1766; d. at Meersburg, 5
3. Mesmer. m. e. of Constance, Mar. 5, 1815) first

came into notice in 1773 by his novel
method of curing disease through the application
of magnetized plates to the human body. He was
an ardent student of the medieval mystics, Paracel-
sus and the Rosicrucians (q.v.), from whom he ob-
tained the idea that there existed in nature a mys-
terious and subtle force which he called " animal
magnetism." This he conceived to be an invisible
fluid, which by a skilled hand could be so manipu-
lated as to heal all manner of diseases. Some of
the methods by which he applied his theory he
owed probably to Father Gassner, a German priest
who cured sufferers by means of exorcism, his the-
ory being that the given disease was due to demon
possession. In short, it may be said that Mesmer
found all the elements of mesmerism already in
existence. He simply deprived them of their mys-
tical setting, reduced them to terms of matter and
force, and thus commended them to the age of rea-
son. Mesmer appeared in Paris in 1778, and in a
short time created a sensation by his wonderful
cures in all classes of society. He believed that
magnetism could be imparted to wood, glass, iron,
and other physical objects, and that these in turn
could communicate the magnetism to the sick per-
son. Hence he constructed his famous baqud, an

853

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Psychotherapy

elaborate apparatus consisting of an oak tub with
a lid made in two pieces, and itself enclosed in an-
other tub. Inside the tub were bottles filled with
magnetized water and tightly corked. The mag-
netic influence was conducted to the bodies of the
patients by means of rods and ropes. Mesmer was
overwhelmed with the crowds that came for treat-
ment, but was condemned by the medical profes-
sion as a quack. He challenged the faculty of medi-
cine at Paris to select twenty-four patients, twelve
to be treated by orthodox methods, twelve to be
treated by animal magnetism, and compare re-
sults. The doctors treated his challenge with con-
tempt, but in 1784 the government appointed two
commissions to inquire into the claims of mesmer-
ism. One was chosen from the faculty of medicine
and one from the Royal Society. A few months
after their appointment, both commissions re-
ported. Bailly drew up the report of the faculty
of medicine. The commission rejected Mesmer's
doctrine of a healing fluid, on the ground that no
adequate proof of the existence of such a fluid was
given. The physiological effects of the treatment
were ascribed to the power of imagination. With
this finding the report of the Royal Society was in
agreement. The reports of the commissions were
marred by professional prejudice and lack of scien-
tific insight. To attribute changes for the better
in the health of sick persons to the power of im-
agination, and then to dismiss this agency, as though
it were an unreality beneath the regard of scientific
investigators, was to make a reality the effect of
an unreality. They forgot that a psychological
factor able to produce permanent functional changes
demanded searching scrutiny. Nor did the com-
missioners note the strange problem which emerged
— that Mesmer the quack had been able to work
cures which were impossible to his scientific con-
temporaries. As for Mesmer, the reports of the
commissions were his death-blow. He retired from
Paris and returned to Germany.

About ten years later, Alexandre Jacques Fran-
cois Bertrand gave a really scientific explanation of
the mesmeric phenomena {Du magnetisme animal
en France, Paris, 1826). He did not deny the gen-
uineness of the alleged cures, but he
4. Bertrand maintained that the patients were

and healed not by virtue of a magnetic
Elliotson. fluid, but because of their own sug-
gestibility, their capacity for being in-
fluenced by the imposing procedures of Mesmer.
This explanation, which is accepted to-day, was
regarded with incredulity by the medical profes-
sion at that time. The truth is, that Mesmer's suc-
cess had brought into the field a regiment of mys-
terious, spectacular showmen, who traveled all over
Europe and brought discredit upon the whole sub-
ject by their fantastic tricks and absurd preten-
sions. Up till 1837 this state of matters continued.
In that year Dr. John Elliotson (b. in London in
1791 ; studied at the University of Edinburgh, and
at Jesus College, Cambridge; d. in London July 29,
1868) began original researches at University Col-
lege, London. He soon achieved wonderful thera-
peutic results, though so much to the scandal of
his colleagues that the authorities of the college

XL— 23

hospital in 1838 forbade him to practise animal
magnetism. Elliotson immediately resigned, much
mortified at the insult. In 1846 he chose mesmer-
ism for his subject as the Harveian orator. In the
course of his address he showed how magnetism
could prevent pain during surgical operations, pro-
duce sleep and ease in sickness, and cure many
diseases which were not relieved by the ordinary
methods (Numerous Cases of Surgical Operations in
the Mesmeric State Without Pain, London, 1843).
Although he shared some of the erroneous ideas of
his time, there can be no doubt that he was devoted
to truth and to the interests of humanity, and that
he suffered persecution at the hands of prejudice
and bigotry.

But the most important figure in the history of
the subject is James Braid (b. at Rylaw House,
Fifeshire, Scotland, c. 1795; was educated at the
University of Edinburgh; d. at Manchester Mar.
25, 1860), who, in 1841, began his investigations
into the nature of mesmeric phenom-
5. Braid, ena. Until his time it is to be noted
Lilbault, that the theories usually accepted in
Bernheim, explanation of these phenomena were
and Tuke. either that they were owing to a mys-
terious force or fluid, or to self-decep-
tion, or to wilful trickery. Braid attended his first
mesmeric exhibitions under the influence of the last
of these theories: he was anxious to discover how
the trick was done. But he became convinced that
the phenomena were real, and he determined to
find out their physiological cause. In 1841 he gave
to the public his view thai mesmeric phenomena
were purely subjective in character. He found that
he could induce the mesmeric state by causing his
patients to gaze steadily at some object and at the
same time think of the object upon which they
gazed. Thus he discovered that expectant atten-
tion was a necessary factor in mesmerism, or, as
he now called it, hypnotism (Neurypnology; or, the
Rationale of Nervous Sleep, London, 1843). He
was, however, before his time. He was violently
assailed by the old-school mesmerists and was re-
garded with suspicion by his medical brethren.
Hugh MacNeile, an Evangelical divine of Liverpool
and later dean of Ripon, charged him with produ-
cing his hypnotic effects through Satanic agency,
and thereby much theological prejudice was excited
against his work. After Braid's death in 1860, the
subject, as far as Great Britain was concerned, fell
into neglect. But in France a struggling physician,
A. A. Ltebault, published a book (Du sommeil et
des Hats analogues, Nancy, 1866) in which he showed
that hypnotism was a powerful curative agent, and
once more demonstrated that the essence of it was
suggestion. It is said that only a single copy of
his book was sold. In 1882 Hippolyte Bernheim,
a distinguished physician of Nancy, became inter-
ested in Ltebault's work, and published his famous
work on suggestive therapeutics (Hypnotisme, sug-
gestion et psychotherapie, France, 1890). Meantime,
at Paris, at the Salpe'triere, Dr. Jean Martin Charcot
experimented in hypnotism, and founded a school
of which Janet, Binet, and Fire* are brilliant rep-
resentatives. Down to this time in England and in
America, the movement which attracted so much

Psychotherapy
Ptolemy

THE NEW 8CHAFF-HERZ0G

364

attention on the continent of Europe was seriously
hurt by the rise of spiritualism. Both the scientist
and the man on the street confused hypnotism with
spiritualism; but with the fame of Nancy and Paris,
English and American physicians began to take an
interest in the subject. Worthy of mention is Dr.
Daniel Hack Tuke's work (Illustrations of the Influ-
ence of the Mind upon the Body, London, 1872).
This was the first comprehensive and scientific
treatment of the subject in English. His aim was
to induce the medical profession to utilize in their
practise the influence of mental states, and, as he
says, to rescue psychotherapy from " the eccentric
orbits of quackery and force it to tread with meas-
ured step the ordinary paths of legitimate medi-
cine." Dr. William Benjamin Carpenter's Princi-
ples of Mental Physiology (London, 1874) marked
an epoch in the study of psychological medicine.
It had great influence upon professional students
of mental diseases, but neither this book nor Dr.
Tuke's made any great impression on the general
practitioner. The attention of American physi-
cians was drawn to the subject mainly through the
fame of Nancy and Paris. Boston, especially, be-
came the center of the new study, and indeed is
now the seat of a psychological school of physicians.
Morton Prince, Boris Sidis, and James Jackson
Putnam (who has been called " the Charcot of
America ") are among the leaders of this group.
Its strength lies in its grasp of the psychic factors
in psychological states. Its weakness is its failure
to recognize the curative influence of an idealistic
conception of life or of a more satisfactory religious
experience.

In the course of time it has come to be recognized
that hypnotism is only one weapon, and by no
means the chief weapon, in the psychotherapeu-
tist's armory. Indeed, except in a small group of
deep-rooted perversions, hypnotism is falling more
and more into the background. The great psy-
chotherapeutic classical methods to-day are ordi-
nary or waking suggestion, explanation, encourage-
ment, education and reeducation, psycho-analysis,
rest, and work. We owe this development to such
neurologists as Weir Mitchell, J. P. Mobius, Forel,
Freud, and the layman, Grohmann.

At this point logically occurs consideration of
mental healing or irregular and unscientific psycho-
therapy. The various forms of mind cure or faith
cure in the United States may be traced

6. Recent back to Phineas Parkhurst Quimby
Movements (see Science, Christian), the son of
in the a New England blacksmith. He was
United a self-educated man, with much nat-
States. ural shrewdness and power. When he
arrived at manhood he became inter-
ested in mesmerism and occult phenomena, which
at that time were much discussed among the semi-
educated classes of the country. Quimby was dis-
contented with the current theology and the popu-
lar notions of mind and body. He determined to
create a philosophy, a theology, and a medical sci-
ence for himself. Gradually the conviction dawned
on him that disease was not real, but only an an-
cient delusion handed down from generation to
generation. In the strength of this conviction he

set up as an unconventional practitioner in Fat-
land, Me., and there treated such sufferers as came
to him. He published no books, nor did he found
a school, but he committed to paper his ideas, and
ten volumes of his manuscripts are in existence.
His memory, however, probably would have per-
ished, had it not been for the visit paid to him m
1862 by one Mrs. Patterson, suffering from some
nervous trouble. He was able to cure her. TVs
Mrs. Patterson achieved world-wide fame as the
founder of a new religion, the writer of a acred
book, and the creator of a growing church. The
name by which she is known is Mrs. Mary Baker
Eddy (q.v.; see also Science, Christian). Chris-
tian Science may not unjustly be described as
an almost equally " grotesque mixture of erode
pantheism, misunderstood psychological or philo-
sophical truths, and truly Christian beliefs and con-
ceptions " (G. T. Ladd, Philosophy of Religion, I
167, 2 vols., New York, 1905). The fundamental
idea of Christian Science is the unreality of sickness,
of matter, of evil, and of the human mind, usually
called by Christian Science writers " mortal mind."
Its philosophic postulates, as stated by Mrs. Eddy,
are as follows: (1) God is All; (2) God is Good;
(3) God is Mind; (4) God is Spirit, being AIL
Nothing is Matter; (5) Life, God, Omnipotent
good, deny death, evil, sin, disease. Christian Sci-
ence is at once a philosophy, a theology, a religion,
and a therapeutic system. Many of the therapeutic
results set down to the credit of Christian Science
may be accepted as undoubted facts; but unless a
break is made with the main stream of right reason
in the world and with the Christian religion, the
metaphysics, the theology, the Biblical exegesis,
and the psychology of Mrs. Eddy must be rejected.
Other movements, notably the Mind Cure Move-
ment, inaugurated by W. F. Evans (Primitive Mind
Cure; Nature and Power of Faith, Boston, 1885;
Mental Medicine, 15th thousand, ib. 1885; Etoterie
Christianity and Mental Therapeutics, ib. 1886), and
the New Thought movement (see New Thought),
represented by such writers as Horatio W. Dresser,
Ralph Waldo Trine, Charles Brodie Patterson, the
Christian and Missionary Alliance, under the leader-
ship of the Rev. Albert B. Simpson, may be traced
to the inspiration of Quimby's teaching. The influ-
ence of Swedenborg and Emerson on New Thought
is especially marked. Up till recently the churches
have looked with disfavor upon these movements,
and have, for the most part, sought not so much
to understand them as to criticise and to ridicule.
Recently, however, an effort has been made to
utilize the genuine elements in these healing cults,
to free them from the notions with
7. The which they have been bound up, and
Emmanuel to make them available for the help
Movement and uplift of suffering humanity. This
effort is popularly called " The Em-
manuel Movement " from the name of the church
in Boston where it originated under the leadership of
Rev. Drs. Elwood Worcester and Samuel McComb.
The fundamental aim of the work is to ally, in
friendly cooperation, the physician, the clergyman,
and the trained social worker in the alleviation and
cure of a certain class of disorders which may be

S55

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Psyohotherapy
Ptolemy

described as semi-moral and semi-nervous. Among
tile more familiar types of these disorders may be
atmed neurasthenia, hysteria, hypochondria, psy-
ehasthenia, insomnia, alcoholism, and bad habits
generally. The Emmanuel Movement is not to be
confounded with Christian Science or with New
Thought or with occultism in any shape or form.
It is under strict medical control, and therefore
accepts the conclusions and methods of medical
Kience. It lays no claim to any new revelation or
wry mysterious doctrines of matter and mind. It
is the first attempt of the liberal theological school
to bring to bear in a practical way the forces of
ethics and religion upon suffering and misery. The
movement is distinguished from ordinary academic
psychotherapy by including among curative meth-
ods the power of religion and morality. It seems,
in aim, at least, to be the crown of a preceding de-
velopment, for it tries to unite in practise whatever
is sound in the various mental healing cults that
have too often been the field of charlatanism, with
the proved conclusions and the recognized methods
of the medical profession. Samuel McComb.

Bouoorafht: For early practise consult the literature
on magic under Comparative Religion, and under
Magic; the work of Miss Hamilton cited in the text is
masterly. On M earner consult: J. Kerner, Fran* Anton
Mesmer, Frankfort, 1856; W. B. Carpenter, Mesmerism
and Spiritualism Considered, London, 1877; M. Bersot,
Ls Magnetisms animal, 4th ed., Paris, 1879; C. Kiese-
wetter, F. A. M earners Leben und Lehre, Leipsic, 1893.
On Christian Science consult the literature under Eddy,
Mast Baker Glover; and under Science, Christian.
On the general subject of psychotherapy read: A. Moll,
Hypnotism, New York, 1890; P. Dubois, Psychic Treot-
steni of Nervous Disorders, New York, 1905; idem, Influ-
ence of the Mind on the Body, ib. 1906; A. H. Forel,
Hygiene of Nerves and Mind in Health and Disease, New
York, 1907; P. Dearmer, Body and Soul. An Inquiry
into the Effects of Religion upon Health, with a Descrip-
tion of Christian Works of Healing from the New Testament
to the Present Day, London, 1909; M. Price and others,
Psychotherapeutics: a Symposium, Boston, 1910; Mrs.
E. G. H. White, The Ministry of Healing, Mountain View,
California, 1910. On the Emmanuel Movement consult:
E. Worcester, S. McComb, and I. H. Coriat, Religion and
Medicine; the mental Control of Nervous Disorders, New
York, 1908; E. Worcester and S. McComb, The Chris-
tian Religion as a Healing Power, ib. 1909; C. R. Brown,
Faith and Health, ib. 1910 (favorable to the Emmanuel
Movement, antagonistic to Christian Science).

PTOLEMY (PTOLEMAIOS, PTOLEMJBUS) : The
dynastic name of the kings of Macedonian origin
who ruled Egypt from the death of Alexander till
the Romans incorporated the country in their em-
pire c. 43 b.c. The name means " warlike." The
subject has interest for the religious reader not only
because of the relation to the Jews held by mem-
bers of the dynasty, but also because of the foster-
ing of learned and literary interests in the capital
which directly affected in the first three Christian
centuries the development of Christian apologetics
and learning. The earlier members of the dynasty
figure in the apocryphal books of Maccabees and in
the narrative of Josephus, while allusions to them
are thought to be found in the book of Daniel.

Ptolemy L Soter, also known as Ptolemy Lagus
(whence comes the name Lagidse for the dynasty),
was the son of Lagos and Arsinoe, was born about
367, and was in his youth a playfellow of Alexander.
Banished from the court of Philip of Macedon in

one of the court quarrels, he was recalled on the
accession of Alexander and worked his way up to
high rank and popularity with his fellows by the
rare qualities of diligence and avoidance of intrigue.
On the death of Alexander he received the province
of Egypt as satrap in 323, probably fully deter-
mined to establish himself as sovereign. In 321 his
opposition to the plans of Perdiccas, who was prac-
tically regent after Alexander's death, by having
the body of the conqueror brought to Egypt, caused
Ptolemy to break with Perdiccas, who invaded
Egypt and was assassinated after an unsuccessful
attack upon Ptolemy. The latter then maintained
himself in Egypt against Antigonus, after vainly
attempting to hold Syria, but ruled as satrap until
305 in the name of the youthful successor of Alex-
ander. With the partition of Alexander's empire
the strife between the powers of the Nile and the
Euphrates for the possession of Palestine was re-
newed. About 320 Ptolemy assailed Syria, and
Jerusalem was taken on a Sabbath when the Jews
refused to fight. The resistance by Jews and Sa-
maritans was made the pretext for the deportation
of large numbers of both peoples from town and
country in order to settle the new city of Alexan-
dria and other parts of Egypt, while to voluntary
immigrants Ptolemy offered attractive inducements.
Throughout their history the Jews had always mani-
fested a fondness for Egypt, and generous treatment
by Ptolemy rendered that region once more attract-
ive to them. Their commercial aptitude, industry,
higher morality, and preference for the Greeks as
against the native Egyptians gained for them the
confidence of the rulers, although it aroused the
hatred of the native population. Meanwhile the
possession of Palestine was hotly disputed between
Ptolemy and Antigonus while the latter lived, and
by the latter's son Demetrius. Decisive battles, in
which alternately Ptolemy and his opponent were
victorious, were fought in 315, 312, 301, 297, and
later. Meanwhile Ptolemy carried on the construc-
tion of the city of Alexandria, founding there the
museum and the famous library.) He assigned the
northeastern portion of the city to the Jews, set-
tling there the prisoners of war taken in his Syrian
campaigns and those whom his policy induced to
settle voluntarily. Thenceforth Alexandrian Jews
had an honorable position in the entire history of
their race. This is of course natural when it is re-
called that Philo estimated the number of Jews
present in Egypt in his day at a million, most of
whom were in Alexandria. While in the city most
of the Jews lived in the quarter stated, they before
long came to have residences throughout the cap-
ital. Ptolemy's disposition, shown both to those of
Hebrew race and to the Egyptians, was gentle and
kind, his government was firm and tactful, while
his aim was the welfare of the people in material,
artistic, scientific, and literary directions. With his
reign at Alexandria are associated such celebrities
as Demetrius the Phalerean, Zenodotus, Hecatseus,
Euclid, and Hierophilus the anatomist (who may
have initiated vivisection) ; Alexandria became the
most attractive city in the world for the learned,
artistic, and scientists; literature flourished, the
people exercised their choice in matters of religion,

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOO

and the king web popular with all classes. He died
in 283 B.C.

Ptolemy TL Philadelphia (285-247) was associated
in the government by his father two years before
the latter's death — a policy that became habitual
with this dynasty. He was the youngest son of his
father, though what caused the supersession of his
older brothers does not appear. That he at first
felt his position to be precarious is shown by his
having one brother, perhaps two, executed for con-
spiracy and by banishing the counselor of his father,
who had advised against elevating the youngest
son. He followed his father's policy of promoting
the arte and sciences, continued the construction
and equipment of the museum and library, placed
Zenodotus and then Callimachus in charge of the
latter, erected the Pharos, built temples, founded
cities, cleared canals, reclaimed waste lands, and
developed trade. He is made by Jewish tradition
the especial patron of the nation, its temple and
Scriptures, the translation of the Hebrew Old Tes-
tament into Greek being accredited to his initiative
(see Bible Versions, A, I.; Aristeas). His treat-
ment of the province of Syria and Palestine seems
to have been generous, the taxes were light, and
when they were paid, practical autonomy was ac-
corded the inhabitants — as is shown by the fact
that feuds between Samaritans and Jews were fre-
quent and that the latter were also embroiled with
the holders of Philistine territory. Diplomatically
Ptolemy's shrewdest stroke was his embassy to
Rome and his generous treatment of the ambassa-
dors sent by the senate, which he followed up by
refusing a loan to Carthage. About 280 he made
Palestine, Ccele-Syria, and Phenicia an integral part
of his kingdom, and they remained attached to
Egypt till about 198 B.C., when Antiochus the Great
(see SeleucidjE) won them for Syria. A conse-
quence of Ptolemy's conquest was the Hellenixa-
tion of Philadelphia, the old Rabbath Ammon,
Ptolemais (Acre), and Philoteria on the Sea of
Galilee. This Ptolemy began the Egyptian practise
so common with the later Ptolemies and married
his sister Arsinoe, though this marriage took place
comparatively late in life (probably in 278-277),
and in the inscriptions Arsinoe figures repeatedly
and prominently.

Ptolemy III. Euergetes (247-222), the oldest son
of Philadelphia, seems to have been associated with
his father for several years in joint administration.
He began his reign with a campaign in Syria, partly
to retain it as a constituent of the empire and partly
to save the life and then to avenge the murder of
his sister Berenice by her rival Laodice, wife of An-
tiochus II. Theos. In connection with this cam-
paign there formerly existed an inscription claim-
ing for Ptolemy conquest of the East as far as
Media, Susiana, and Bactriana. But the expedi-
tion must have been a mere raid so far as the Eu-
phratean regions were concerned, though it recov-
ered images carried away long before by Cambyses
(see Medo-Persia), and so was popular with the
Egyptians. It confirmed, however, the rule of
Egypt over the regions east of the Mediterranean.
On his return, so Jewish tradition reports, the king
offered large sacrifices at the temple in Jerusalem.

A memorial of the entire affair and of activities it
home is found in the stele of Canopus, a trilingual
inscription of the year 238 B.C., which is of vaha
in several directions (see Inscriptions, L, | 3).
After this war, ending in 245, Euergetes devoted
himself to developing the resources of the country,
employing much time and money also in building
sanctuaries and temples at Esneh, Edfu, Karoak,
and Philae, or in repairing or adorning them. Evi-
dences abound to show that this Ptolemy was tender
in his regard for the religious feelings of the native
Egyptians and that the priests were his constant
advisers. His external policy was one of assistance
to the states opposed to Macedon. Among bene-
factions the most noted is that to the Rhodians after
the great earthquake of 224 which wrecked the
famous Colossus and ruined the walls and docks
and thus menaced the future of the place. Great
largess of money, corn, timber, and of workmen
and their wages attested Ptolemy's sympathy with
the sufferers as well as his generosity. Thus under
the first three Ptolemies the welfare of Egypt vai
carefully protected and fostered. These reigns mark
the most prosperous and perhaps the happiest yean
Egypt has ever known till the rule of the British
in the last quarter century.

With Ptolemy IV. Philopator (222-205) begins the
decline of the dynasty. There is some reason to
doubt whether Polybius, the chief authority for this
reign, has correctly painted the character of this king
in making him a murderer, a drunkard, and de-
bauchee, indifferent to the cares of government at
home and to the needs of the provinces external to
Egypt. This Ptolemy, who appears to have been
under the complete control of the astute Sosibius,
his unscrupulous adviser and chancellor, is charged
with the murder of his brother Magas, bis uncle
Lysimachus, his mother Berenice, and his sister-
wife Arsinoe. According to the historians, insur-
rection at home was the natural consequence of
failure to conduct properly the affairs of govern-
ment, and led to the death of the celebrated Cleo-
menes, whose story is told in Plutarch's " Lives."
The opportunity thus presented was seised by
Antiochus III. the Great of Syria, to attack the
Asian dominions of a king too indolent or too much
engaged in seeking pleasure to govern at home or
defend his sway abroad. Encouraged by Theodo-
tus, the Egyptian governor of Ccele-Syria (q.v.),
whose deserts had not been recognized by Ptolemy,
Antiochus began, in 220, the series of attacks which
led to the detachment of its Asian possessions from
the Egyptian crown and their assumption by the
Syrian government. By 218 these regions seemed
completely lost to Egypt. But Sosibius and his
clique were aroused by the danger, used the diplo-
macy of delay until their preparations were com-
pleted, and in 217 won a decisive victory near
Raphia. Ptolemy even then did not fully gage the
danger, or was too confident or too indolent to press
his advantage, and struck a treaty with Antiochus.
There are indications that after Ptolemy's return
to Egypt there was either a series of local insurrec-
tions or a wide-spread disaffection which required
considerable time to overcome by mercenaries. It
appears to have been in large part a peasants' war,

367

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Ptolemy

pot down by force, treachery, and cruelty. In spite
of the generally bad repute in which literary re-
ports have left this Ptolemy, there are not wanting
Indications that he was less evil than the records
assume. He was not averse to literature and is
even credited with the composition of a drama, and
continued the policy of his predecessors with re-
gard to the library of Alexandria. Detached in-
scriptions and records show that Egyptian sway
continued over distant lands, that the Romans sent
an embassy in his tenth regnal year and recalled
the understanding with Ptolemy II. Philadelphia,
and that the Greeks paid him reverence. Evidence
of his regard for Egypt appears in the temples he
completed, built, repaired, or adorned. Yet color is
given also to the historians' reports that at least the
later years of his reign were inglorious. He and
the kingdom alike seem to have been ruled by his
mistress Agathocleia, her brother Agathocles, and
the wily Sosibius. Not improbably to the first two
was due the murder of his sister-wife Arsinoe.
Jews appear to have been in less favor at the court
than under the previous reigns.

An interesting but unreliable Jewish apocryphon sup-
porting this assumption, III Maccabees (text in most edi-
tions of the Septuagint; German translation in Kautzsch,
Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen, Tubingen, 1900; cf. H.
Cotton, The Five Books of Maccabees in English, Oxford,
1832), deals with Ptolemy IV. It relates that after the
battle of Raphia Ptolemy visited Jerusalem and purposed
to enter the sanctuary in spite of all prayers and dissuasion;
that when he was about to carry out his design Simon the
high priest knelt before the Temple and prayed God to
smite the king with paralysis; that his prayer was heard,
and that the king was carried away helpless; that Ptolemy
returned to Egypt vowing Vengeance upon the Jews, which
be attempted to carry out by removing the civil equality
with Greeks which the Jews had hitherto enjoyed in Egypt
unless they embraced the worship of Dionysos, while those
who refused were branded with the Dionysiac ivy leaf; that
a great multitude of the Jews, refusing to surrender their
religion, were brought in chains to Alexandria, where the
populace favored them because of their uprightness; that
toe king directed that 600 elephants be made mad with
wine and incense and driven so as to trample to death the
captives on the race-course; but that when the order was
to be carried out two angels appeared and threw the army
into consternation while the elephants turned about and
crushed the royal forces beneath them; that thereupon the
king ordered the Jews released, feasted them for seven days,
and then commended them to the rulers of the provinces
where they resided; while to the Jews was given permis-
sion to execute 300 apostates. After this, the standing of
the nation with the people was higher than ever. A part
of the same tradition appears in Josephus (Apion, ii. 5) in
simpler form, but in connection with Ptolemy IX. Physcon.
Hie basis of the story in the war between Ptolemy IV. and
Antiochus is fairly in accord with the facts, as is the de-
scription of Ptolemy's character. But the narrative is
turgid, and impossible both historically and psychologically,
stresses unduly the miraculous, and in at least one respect
follows Esther in that it attempts to validate a new feast,
which did not, however, receive recognition. The real fact
which the document seems to register is a change in the
condition of the Jews in Egypt, subjection to higher taxa-
tion, or the like. The willingness of the Jews in Palestine
to receive the rule of Antiochus reveals some basis for the
story in the change of their feelings toward Egypt, toward
which they had had so good reasons to be friendly.

Ptolemy V. Epiphanes Eucharistus (205-182) was
a child of five when he came to the throne, and had
already for three years been nominally associated
with his father in the government. The regency
during his infancy was begun by Agathocles and
Sosibius, whose first care was to send into distant

regions or on diplomatic or other missions those of
eminent position who might endanger their con-
trol. The young king was placed in the care of the
infamous Agathocleia; new mercenaries were re-
cruited from abroad, so that the soldiery might be
at the call of the new masters and furnish a depend-
able force. This done, Agathocles gave himself up
to a riot of debauchery which soon aroused indig-
nation, resentment, and insurrection. Tlepolemos,
a shrewd Greek and a rival of Agathocles, collected
forces and took measures by well-timed denuncia-
tion of Agathocles to put the latter on the defen-
sive. In a riot Agathocles and his entire family
were slain, Tlepolemos became prime minister,
while another Greek of excellent character became
the guardian of the king and the virtual ruler. Ex-
ternal events were no less stormy. Antiochus seized
the time as propitious to gain control of Ccele-Syria
and Palestine, and entered Jerusalem in 198, thus
definitely ending Egyptian possession after defeat-
ing the Egyptian forces under Scopas. Philip V. of
Macedon also took under his rule some of the Gre-
cian islands which had been Egyptian possessions,
only Cyprus and Cyrene remaining of the foreign
territory ruled by the Ptolemies. Antiochus was
intent upon pressing his advantage, but appeal was
made to Rome and the Syrian was forbidden to
take further steps hostile to Egypt. Meanwhile a
treaty had been made by which Ptolemy was to
marry Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus, and thus
this celebrated name was introduced into Egypt.
She was to receive as her dowry the revenues from
the former possessions of Egypt on the Asian con-
tinent, though these regions were garrisoned by
Syrian troops, and ruled by Syrian officials. The
guardianship of Aristomenes continued with a re-
turn of prosperity, until the greedy general Scopas
attempted an insurrection and was convicted and
executed. There are clear indications that the na-
tive insurrections which began in the preceding
reign continued in Upper Egypt, and that not till
near the end of the reign was that region recovered
completely from the Nubians who had pressed in.
In 196 Ptolemy took the power into his own hands,
and the record of this is on the Rosetta Stone (see
Inscriptions, I., § 3). In 193 the king went to
Raphia to meet and marry Cleopatra, who proved
an able woman, loyal to the interests of her hus-
band. Ptolemy attempted to maintain foreign
affairs in a favorable condition, and an embassy
went to Rome with gifts (which were declined) and
to the Achaean League, this too being fruitless of
results. In his later years Ptolemy seems to have
degenerated and to have aroused the resentment of
his subjects by the imposition of new taxes and by
encroaching upon the temple privileges. An in-
surrection which then broke out was suppressed
with difficulty, and the close was marked with ex-
hibitions of faithlessness and treachery on the part
of the king. He poisoned his able minister Aris-
tomenes and estranged his supporters among the
nobility, probably by proposing to make them bear
the expense of an invasion of Syria which he was
contemplating. At this time he was poisoned, not
improbably by the old nobility whom he had
so recently offended. He did Utile in the way

THE NEW 8CHAFF-)

Ptolemy VI. Bupator (1SZ). the eldest ■■.
ceding, uo have reigned but ■ very abort
practically a new diecovejy, since the ancie

kpyri anil other document
tliuuiEh nothing a Imowi
i ruttoui of the dyniuly. 1

eicept that, folUn

Ptolemy VTL Philometor (1S2-I4U?), son of Ptol-
emy V., was only seven years old when he suc-
ceeded; but the queen mother ruled ably during
hi,, minority, having him crowned in 173. Cleopatra
died the same year, and her death was the occa-
sion for the outbreak uf hostilities between Ptolemy
mid Antiochus Lpiplianes. lite Former churning the
Cunt iim.-iitoe of tin1 revenues from the Asiatic pos-
sessions, the latter insisting on their return to the
Syrian exchequer. ICpiphanes wat the readier for
Har, defeated the Egyptians at Pcluaium, captured
1'loleniy at Memphis, proclaimed himself king of
Kgypt. and made Ptolemy his viceroy at Memphis.
A younger brother of the l^gyptian, later known as
Ptulemy IX. Kuergetes II. Physcon, successfully
defended Alexandria against Antiochus, and the
latter retired. The two brothers agreed to reign
jointly, whereupon I'lpiphaUM decided to make a
new attack upon Egypt, hut was dramatically or-
dered to withdraw by the Roman legale Marcus
l'opillius Lienas. It was in part his anger at this
vilik'h I'aux'd the terrible persecution of the Jews
which has made the name of Antiochus RpiphnlWI
execrated ever since (for the results see Habwo-
nf.anr; Israsi.. Histohy of, I., U 11—13). This
event once more brought out the advantage of
Egypt as a place of refuge for the Jews and the
fact of the favor which they usually received there.
For the Onias temple of this period see Leovtop-
OLta. In ll>:( tin- brothers Ptolemy quarreled, and
the younger drove the other out. The latter ap-
pealed to Home and was by the Benate reinstated,
while to the younger was given the kingdom at
Cyrene. But Euergetes also appealed to Rome,
asking for eontrol of Cyprus .il-n. which was granted
upon eundition that his brother consent. On a sec-
ond visit to Rome, after suppressing an insurrec-
tion in Cyrene, he was again promised the kingdom
of Cyprus, but his brother was already strongly in-
trenched there with forces, captured him and sent
liim back to his Cyrencan rule with instructions
to be content (IS) n.r.). War broke out between
Plnlonietor and Syria, and after changing sides from
Alexander lialas to Demetrius, Ptolemy captured
Antinch. was hailed there as king of Syria, but in-
Rlead established Demetrius upon the throne. In a
battle in 146 when he was fighting with Demetrius
against Alexander, Ptolemy fell from his horse and
died a few days later. During his reign he con-
tinued tin: traditions of his family in constructing,
repairing, or adorning temples, leaving records at
Karnak. Kdftt. Kom Ombo, Der al-Medineh. Dabud,
and 1'hihe.

tervened, adjudged the throne to Ptolemy IX. and directs!
that he many Cleopatra. Report* are that on the dij at
the marriace Ptolemy VIII. wu murdered. » uni b*

Ptolemy IX. Euergetes II. Physcon (146-117)
showed himself after his accession what previous
events had indicated— the worst of the Ptolemies,
The rebellion in Syene already mentioned was prcb-
ably caused by oppression and misrule; he showed
the traits of cruelty and vindictiveneas, and wssde-
voted to the pleasures of the senses. On lwcomiue;
king he proceeded to take vengeance upon these
who had opposed him, the wealthy were seiied and
executed and their property confiscated, *hi!s
Alexandria was in effect given to the mercenariesW
plunder. This appears to have been bis course until,
in 130, the city rose in revolt, burned his palace,
and compelled him to See. Eta sister Cleopatra >ts
made queen. But by 128 he was able to return add
his sister took refuge m Antioch, while Demetriia
II. attempted unsuccessfully to restore her. Ths
action was accepted by Ptolemy as sufficient reason
for interference in Syrian affairs, and for a time
lent his support to the Syrian pretender Alexander
Zabinas, who waa successful until Ptolemy trans-
ferred his favor to Antiochus Grypus, who married
Tryphjena, Ptolemy's daughter, and assumed the
Syrian crown. Here once more the Ptolemies come
into relations with the Jews, and this member of
the family showed such hostility that a literary
battle ensued between the Jews and their oppo-
nents, and a part of the Jewish defense appear! in
the interpolated Sibylline Oracles (q.v.). Ejrypt
seems to have been the scene of local revolts dur-
ing the remaining years of Ptolemy's rule. Yet,
like his predecessors, he was much engaged in the
rep:iir or construction of parts of temples, and
seems in his feelings to have been the most Egyp-
tian of his dynasty. He was a patron of literature,
and wrote a work in twenty-four books.

Ptolemy X Soter II. Lathyrus (117-81) waa tta
son of Ptolemy IX. by his niece and wife Cleop&tra,
who is reported to have tried to seise the govern-
ment and to associate her youngest son (Ptolemy
XL Alexander) with her; but the Alexandrians
forced her to abandon this design and choose Ptol-
emy X. Rut she had him put away his sister-wife
Cleopatra and marry his youngest sister Selene, and
sent Ptolemy Alexander to reign in Cyprus. Jose-
phus ' I - ■- . XII., x. 2-1) asserts that after some
years of peaceful joint rule Ptolemy and Cleopstra
disagreed respecting the treatment of the Jews, the
latter being favorably disposed lo them and having
as two of her advisers and generals descendants of
Onias. Cleopatra pretended that her life was in
danger from Lathyrus, who had to leave Egypt,
while Alexander was recalled from Cyprus to the
co-regency (106). Lathyrus then seized Cyprus,
and in 103 interfered in Palestine against Jannaeus,
whom he defeated. An incredible act of savagery
is by Josephus (An/. XIII., xii. 6) charged a: ;ust
Lathyrus in connection with his Palestinian cam-
paign; it is said that he overran the country,
ordered his soldiers to strangle women and chil-
dren, cut them into pieces and boil and devour the
limbs as sacrifices. The alleged purpose was to

869

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Ptolemy
Puer stinger

secure for his army a reputation for severity that
should overawe the foe. It is not impossible that
the Egyptian's purpose was to carve out a kingdom
in Palestine and hold it as a point of departure from
which to regain entrance into Egypt. But he was
eventually driven out of Palestine by a joint land
and sea attack under Cleopatra and Ptolemy Alex-
ander. About 101 Cleopatra was murdered by
Ptolemy XI., who was then obliged to flee, and
perished either in battle or at sea c. 88 b.c. Lathy-
rua was recalled by the Egyptians and reigned in
comparative quiet. The one inauspicious event
was in the south, where Thebes was the center of a
rebellion, apparently fostered by the Nubians. Two
years were required to reduce the city, after which
it was practically destroyed. Ptolemy was asked
(e. 87) to lend his fleet to the Romans in the
Mithridatic war, but diplomatically evaded the re-
quest. With the Athenians he was in high favor.
Like the other Ptolemies, he left traces of his
handiwork in the temples.

Ptolemy XTT. Alexander TL (81) was the son of Ptol-
emy XI. by an unknown mother. His grandmother Cleo-
patra III. sent him with her possessions to Cos, where o.
88 he was token prisoner by Mithridates the Great, but was
treated kindly. He escaped to Sulla and lived with him at
Rome till the death of Ptolemy X.; then, when the tatter's
daughter, Cleopatra-Berenice III., attempted to seise the
sovereignty, the Alexandrians sent to Rome for him. A
nominal marriage was arranged between him and his step-
mother, but after nineteen days he murdered her, where-
upon the soldiers revolted and killed him. With him the
legitimate male succession came to an end.

There is little interest in the rest of the dynasty. The
kingdom was ready to drop into the hands of the Romans
when their engagement elsewhere permitted — such as the
Spanish war, the war with the pirates and with Mithridates.
Ptolemy XIH. Philopator Philadelphtui Neos Dio-
nysos (80-51), nicknamed by the Alexandrians Auletes,
" the piper/* married his half-sister Cleopatra Tryphsna, who
became the mother of the Cleopatra so famous in history,
and also an unknown lady who was the mother of Ptolemy
XTV. and XV., whose reigns were only nominal. His reign
was turbulent, full of vicissitudes, and toward the end of
his reign he was maintained on his throne against the Egyp-
tians' desires only by Roman troops. After his death came
Cleopatra, with intervals of stormy rule or joint rule by the
other Ptolemies, and then the rule of the Romans.

Geo. W. Gilmore.

Bibliography: Sources for the history of the Ptolemies
are: the histories of Dio Cassius, Diodorus Siculus, Quin-
tals Curtius, Polybius (excellent Eng. transl., London,
1889), Plutarch's " Lives " (especially that of Cleomenes),
and the works of Josephus (especially War and Ant.);
R. S. Poole, Coins of the Ptolemies, 3 parts, London, 1864;
M. E. Revillout, Actes et controls dee musees Sgyptiens,
Paris, 1876; idem. Papyrus demotiques du Louvre, ib.
1885-92; idem. Notice des papyrus dSmotiques archaiques,
ib. 1896; idem, Revue igyptologique, 1880 sqq; J. P.
Mahaffy, On the Petrie Papyri, 2 vols., Dublin, 1891;
F. Q. Kenyon, Greek Papyri in the British Museum, 2
vols., London. 1893-98; B. P. Grenfell and J. P. Mahaffy,
Revenue Laws of Ptolemy PhUadelphus, Oxford, 1896;
U. Wilcken, Griechische Ostraca, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1899;
the publications of the Egypt Exploration Fund (q.v.),
which are of prime importance, especially the Greco-
Roman Branch and the Annual Reports; the columns of
the Classical Review and the A egypHsche Zeitschrift, which
reproduce many original documents.

The English reader will find excellent treatment in
J. P. Mahaffy, Empire of the Ptolemies, London, 1895;
idem. Hist, of Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty, ib.
1899; E. R. Bevan, The House of Seleucus, 2 vols., Lon-
don, 1902; and E. A. W. Budge, Egypt under the SaUes,
Persians, and Ptolemies, vols, vii.-viii., Oxford and New
York, 1902. Consult further: C R. Lepeius, Denkmaler
aus Aegypten und Aethiopien Merlin, 1849-59; O. Grote,

Hist, of Greece, chap, xciii., London, 1872; J. Freuden-
thal, Hellenistische Studien, vol. i., Breslau, 1875; F.
Susemihl, QeschichU der griechischen Litteraiur in der
AUxandrineneit, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1892; M. L. Strack, Die
Dynastie der Ptolemaer, Berlin, 1897 (takes into account
fresh material); P. M. Meyer, Das Heerwesen der Ptole-
maer und Rdmer in Aegypten, Leipsic, 1900; A. Bouche-
Leclerq, Hist, des Lagides, 2 vols., Paris, 1903-04; B.
Niese, Geschichte der griechischen . . . Staaten seit der
Schlacht bei Chaeronea, 3 vols., Gotha, 1893-1903; Vig-
ouroux, DicUonnaire, fase. xxxiii. 846-857.

PTOLEMY: Valentinian Gnostic. See Valen-

TINUS AND HIS SCHOOL.

PUBLICAN. See Taxes, Tax-gathebbbs.

PUBLICANL See New Manicheans, II., § 1.

PUDDEFOOT, WILLIAM GEORGE: Congre-
gationalist; b. at Westerham (18 m. s.e. of London),
Kent, England, May 31, 1842. He was educated
in the Westbourne schools, London, but at the age
of seventeen went to Canada, settling at Ingersoll,
Ontario. He served in the Fenian raids of 1866
and six years latter removed to Tecumseh, Mich.,
where he worked as a shoemaker. He had always
been interested in religious matters, however, and
in 1879 became a home missionary under the aus-
pices of the Congregational Home Missionary So-
ciety. He was later a general missionary and later
still held a Congregational pastorate at Traverse
City, Mich., until 1888, since when he has been field
secretary of the Congregational Home Missionary
Society, and has written Minuie~Man on the Fron-
tier (New York, 1895) and Hewers of Wood (in col-
laboration with I. 0. Rankin, Boston, 1903).

PUENJER, GEORG CHRISTIAN BERNHARD:

Protestant theologian; b. at Friedrichskoog (56 m.
n.w. of Hamburg), Sleswick-Holstein, June 7, 1850;
d. at Jena May 13, 1885. He was educated at Jena,
Erlangen, Zurich, and Kiel, 1870-74; became privat-
docent in the theological faculty of Jena, 1878; and
professor extraordinary, 1880. He was the author
of De M. Serveti doctrina (Jena, 1876); Geschichte
der christlichen Religionsphilosophie seit der Re/or-
motion (2 vols., Brunswick, 1880-83; Eng. transl.,
History of the Christian Philosophy of Religion from
the Reformation^ Edinburgh, 1887); Orundriss der
Religionsphilosophie, ed. R. A. Lipsius (1886); and
founder and editor of the Theologischer Jahres-
bericht (Leipsic, 1882-85).

PUERSTINGER (PIRSTINGER), BERTHOLD:
Bishop of Chiemsee; b. at Salzburg (156 m. w.s.w.
of Vienna) 1465; d. at Saalfelden (28 m. s.s.w. of
Salzburg) July 19, 1543. In 1495 he appears, al-
ready a licentiate in law (doctor later), as chamber-
lain of the archbishop of Salzburg, then as vicar
general. In 1508 he became bishop of Chiemsee,
having his residence in Salzburg. Thenceforth he
was often employed in important matters by Arch-
bishop Leonard (d. 1519) and by his successor,
Matthaus Lang (1519-40). He ordained Johann
von Staupitz (q.v.) as abbot of St. Peter's in 1522
and thereafter the two men, both gentle, earnest,
and spiritual, are repeatedly named together.
Lang's energetic reformatory measures accorded
with Berthold's deepest wishes, and he seems to
have both inspired them and given them expression.

Puerstinger
Pulleyn

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

380

When Berthold was sent to suppress the Lutherans
in Kitzbuhcl he accomplished little, his retiring
nature being unfitted for decisive action. Nor did
he have the necessary practical endowments for the
external duties of his episcopal office or the stren-
uous zeal requisite to uphold its secular and finan-
cial rights against the nobles. In 1525 at his own
request on the ground of age and physical weak-
ness he was given a coadjutor. His Onus ccclemw
had appeared in 1524 and Archbishop Lang was
anxious that Bert hold should continue his literary
work. In retirement at the monastery of Raiten-
shaslach, near Hurghausen, he finished his Tewt-
schc Theoloyvy toward the end of 1527 (Munich,
1528; Latin transl., Augsburg, 1531; ed. W. Reith-
meier, Munich, 1 852). The translation was made at
Saalfelden, whither lierthold had retired perma-
nently, and there he wrote also Tcwtsch Rational
iibcr das Ambt heiliger mess and Kdigpuchd Ob der
Kdiy ausserhalb der mess zeraicJien sey (Munich,
15o5). In 1532 he founded a brotherhood in
Saalfelden and later erected for it an asylum,
primarily for poor priests, though laymen and
women were admitted if they were not Lutherans.
The inscription over Bcrthold's grave, in which he
was called father of the poor, was preserved in
the Saalfelden church till 1811.

Bcrthold's writings have far more interest than
the deeds of his active and public life; and they
reveal the man with no less clearness. The Onus
cccli'fiiir was published anonymously (Landshut,
1524, Cologne, 1531, 2d ed. revised, Augsburg,
1531), but there is no doubt about his authorship.
As early as 1548 it appears in a Venetian index of
heretical books and in 1550 in the Lou vain index.
From the latter it passed to the Roman, but since
Benedict XIV. has been omitted. Bert hold's pur-
pose is to call to repentance and reform; for this
end he depicts in dark colors the " burden " which
lies on the entire Church — a twofold weight of guilt
and impending punishment, in which all are in-
volved, but especially Rome and the clergy. The
Turks, who were then threatening eastern Europe,
are an instrument of the merited doom; and the
" reformation " by which the Church was already
divided forebodes more to come. The whole is
worked up in apocalyptic manner in connection
with the last davs. Joachim of Fiore, the revela-
tions of St. Bridget, and other productions of the
contemporary medieval prophetism furnished ma-
terial, with which personal observations and expe-
rience are interwoven, so that the whole presents a
well-ordered and illuminating picture of conditions
in South Germany and the archdiocese of Salzburg.
Escape is possible only by a true reform; and its
nature and method have already been indicated
by Francis of Assisi. The poverty of the mendi-
cant monks is the ideal toward which the Church,
the papacy, and the clergy must strive by renoun-
cing worldly goods; the immediate means for its
attainment is a free general council " where ex-
pression is allowed to the lowly and faithful." The
attitude toward indulgences is significant; their
abuse is characteristic of the present evil time and
will destroy the Church if not checked. The most
carefully written chapter of th# fa ' w.\

of this theme and it accords fully with Luther's
ideas and utterances.

The Tewtsche Thcologey (for editions see above)
is the first extended Roman Catholic treatise on
dogmatics in the German language and the first
comprehensive and systematic presentation of the
Roman doctrine in opposition to the Reformation.
It thus has importance as literature and linguis-
tically, and is directly connected with the begin-
nings of the Counter-Reformation. The occa-
sion and aim are stated in the preface — to lead
back the misguided to the right faith and to *t
forth the truth. The polemical purpose is evident
in the attempt to speak " from Scripture and the
teachers, especially Augustine," and in the selection
and arrangement of the material (faith and justi-
fication are put first). The dogmas and ethics set
forth are really based on Thomas, but in the dis-
torted form usual in the later Middle Ages. An-
selmv Bernard, Bonaventura, Duns Scotus espe-
cially, all had influence, the prophets of the Orw
are sometimes heard, and interesting reminiscences
of Nicholas of Cusa and mysticism (Tauler) come
to view. Indulgences are regarded quite as in the
Onus and there are other resemblances between
the two books. But the tone is different. A po-
lemical antireformation note is struck in the 7V
ologey which places it in the Roman reaction. Lu-
ther's justification by faith alone is repudiated;
the power and privileges of the pope are emphasized.
Thus the call to repentance of the earlier book is
weakened. Bert hold's personality, however, is the
same in both works; he is sensible and upright,
thorough, inclined to traditionalism and repelled
by humanism, defective in academic training. The
Theologey had only a limited influence either in the
original language or in the Latin translation; it was
too minute and pretentious, too clumsy in disputa-
tion, and admitted too candidly the faults of the
Church. (Johannks Fickf.r.)

Bibliography: F. W. Vierthalcr, Gcaehichte de* -SrW-
weaena und der Kultur in Salzburg, i. 151-16'J, Salzburg,
1802; W. Hauthalcr. Kardinal yfatthau* Ijing und iit
reHgiHa-aoziale Bcwegung wimr Zcit, ib. 1S96; J. Schnill.
De* Kardinal* und Erzbiachof* . . . Matthiiu* Lang Vfr>
halten sur Reformaiicn, Fiirth, 1901. On the writice
consult: J. G. Schelhom, De religioni* erangdici i»
provincia Sali*lturyen*i ortu. progresau et fotit. Germ,
transl., pp. 17-54. Leipaic, 1732; H. Lammer. pit ror-
tridrntiniufh-kntholische Theologie de* Refarmationx-Z fit-
altera, pp. 27-30 et passim, Berlin, 1858; H. C. Lea, Hid.
of A uric i Jar Confeaaion and Indulgence* in the Lah»
Church, 3 vols.. Philadelphia. 1896; H. Werner, bit
Flugarhrift " Onua Ecrleria* " mil eincm Anhang far
aozial- und kirchenpolitiache Propheiim, Giesaen, 1901:
Greini. Berthold PQrxtinger, Salzburg. 1904.

PUFENDORF, SAMUEL, BARON: The fit*
German professor of natural and international law;
b. at Dorf-Chemnitz in the margravate of Meissen
(either Dorf-Chemnitz bei Zwfinitz, 15 m. s.s.w. of
Chemnitz, or Dorf-Chemnitz bei Sayda, 30 m. s.w.
of Dresden) Jan. 8, 1632; d. in Berlin Oct. 26,
1694. He studied in Leipsic and Jena, was pro-
fessor in Heidelberg from 1661, in Lund from 1668.
historiographer and secretary of state in Stockholm
from 1677, and privy councilor to the elector of
Brandenburg in Berlin from 1687. In his chief
book, the De jure natures et gentium (Lund, 1672;
Frankfort, 1684; and often; Eng. transl., 0/0*

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

E3E

Law of Nature and Nation*, Oxford, 1710, 5th ed.,
London, 1749), he elaborated and systematized the
conception of law to which Hugo Grotius (q.v.)
had first given expression a half-century earlier,
making all knowledge of it flow from three sources
—the reason, the civil statutes, and the divine rev-
elation, to which correspond the three disciplines
of natural law, civil law, and moral theology. The
principle of natural law is the instinct of society,
and natural law is a purely rational science, inde-
pendent of revelation, and taking account of men
only as they actually are. This was contrary to
the medieval conception, which considered the
essential righteousness of God as the archetype, the
attributes of God as the norm, and the decalogue
as the code of natural law. Religion in Pufendorf's
system is a means for the realization of Ian and God
is its originator. He would study theology as a
mathematical science and establish its principle
by the method of geometrical demonstration. All
this was inacceptable to the orthodoxy of the day.
Pufendorf was bitterly attacked in Lund, then by
theologians of Leipsic and Jena, and a long and un-
seemly controversy followed. In a work De habitu
rtligionia Christiana ad vitam civilem (Bremen,
1687; Eng. transl., Of the Nature and Qualification
of Religion, London, 1608) he advocated supervision
of the Church by the State and guaranty of free-
dom of conscience, which can be limited only by
natural religion inherent in the State; as God does
not judge by dogmas, bo the State has not the ver-
dict of heresy. Buddeus and Christian Wolff first
accorded to Pufendorf proper recognition. Other
translations of his works into English were: fnfro-
duction to the History of the Principal Kingdoms and
States of Europe (London, 1699, new ed., 1764);
The History of Popedom (London, 1691); and A
View of the Lutheran Churches (London 1714).

(G. FRANKt-)

Biblkxhufht: H. F. W. Hinrichs, GwcMeAl* dtt Rtcntt-
und KtaaltpHTiripien Beit der Reformation, vol. ii., 3 vols.,
Leipaie. 1848 52: J. C. Bluntechli and K. Brstcr, Deut-
kA« StaahHiiirtfrbuch. viii. 434-139, II vols.. Leipaic,
1856-70; Q. Prank. Geithichte der protettanlitchen The-
otoBit. ii. 82-67. 3 vola., ib. 1862-75: J. G. Droyaen, in
Abkandlunoim drrncvzrn QttchiehU. ib. 1876; H. von
Treitachke, Historitchi und polititche Aufialzc, iv. 202-
304. Leipaic. 1897; ADB, nvi. 701-708. His Britfe to
Christian Thomaaius are edited by E. Oifaa, Munich,
1897.

PUL. See Assyria, VI., 3, J 9.

PULCHERIA: Eastern empress, daughter of
Arcadius and elder sister of Theodosius II.; b. 399;
d. Sept. 10, 453. Notwithstanding her youth, in
414 the senate made her Augusta and guardian of
her weak-minded brother. As empress she lived
like a nun and transformed the palace into a con-
vent, but for a decade her rule was absolute. After
the marriage of Theodosius with Athenais, daugh-
ter of Leontius, a philosopher of Athens (the bride
embracing Christianity and receiving with baptism
the name of Eudocia), jealous quarrels broke out
between the two sisters-in-law, although Pulcheria
had herself chosen her brother's wife. In the Nes-
torian controversy (see Nestorius) Eudocia sided
with Nestorius, Pulcheria plotted with Cyril and by
her influence over the emperor secured the patri-

arch's downfall; her course was doubtless embit-
tered by a charge which Nestorius had made against
her chastity. The schism which had split the
Church of Constantinople for thirty years Pulcheria
terminated by bringing the bones of Chrysostom to
the capital and giving them solemn burial in the
Church of the Apostles (Jan. 27, 438). The relics of
the forty martyrs of Scbaste, of Zacharias, and of
St. Stephen were treated in like manner. In 446
Pulcheria was banished from the court, but four
years later she regained her influence, Eudocia hav-
ing been banished in the mean time and taken up
her residence in Jerusalem, where she died in 461.
After the death of Theodosius (450), Pulcheria con-
sented to a nominal marriage with the aged senator
and general, Harcian, who was elevated to the im-
perial dignity. She attended the sixth session of
the Council of Cnalcedon (Oct. 25, 451) and con-
tributed to the condemnation of both Eutychianism
and Nestorianism. The Greek Church reverences
Pulcheria as one of its greatest saints.

(0. ZocKLERf.)
Bibuouhapht; F. Gregoroviua. Alhenait, GetchichU einer
bynntintKAtn Kainrin, pp. 60 aqq., Leipaic, 1881; A.
GQlden penning. OetcnicMt itts nitromitehen Reicht unter
Arkadiut . . . , ii. -J7 aqq., 243 aqq., 291 aqq., 317 aqq.,
373 aqq., Halle, 1886 (the beat modem presentation) j
Hefele, CmcMenvachiditc. vol. ii., passim, Kng. transl.,
vol. iii passim, Fr. transl., vol. ii. passim; ASB, Sept.,
■ii. 503 "6*0, iv. 778-782; DCB, iv. 620-521.
PULLEYI! (PULLEHf), ROBERT: A noteworthy
representative of the dogmaticians of the twelfth
century who sought to collect the opinions of dis-
tinguished teachers on various points of doctrine
(the so-called " sentence writers "); b. in England
of good parentage perhaps c. 1080 or earlier; d. in
Rome (7) c. 1150. His name appears as Poienius,
PuUan, and Fully, as well as in the two forms
given in the title. After studying in England he
went to Paris, where William of Champeaux and
Abelard were his teachers and where in due time
he himself taught. About 1133 he appears in Eng-
land, lecturing on the Scriptures at Oxford and also
as archdeacon of Rochester. King Henry I. showed
him favor and offered him a bishopric, which he
declined. The disturbances after Henry's death
(1135) drove him again to Paris. A letter from
Bernard of Clairvaux (Robert's warm friend) to the
bishop of Rochester, written about 1140, shows that
the bishop had appealed to Pope Innocent II. in
an attempt to induce him to return to his bene-
fice. Innocent, however, probably influenced by
Bernard, decided in Robert's favor and called him
to the papal court. He became cardinal under
Celestine II., chancellor under Lucius II., and
probably died during the reign of Eugcnius III.
(1145-53) as his signature is not found later.

Writings by Robert of varied character (commen-
taries, treatises, sermons, etc.) are extant in manu-
script, but nothing has been published except the
Sententiarum librii viii (ed. H. Mathoud, Paris,
1655, reproduced in MPL, clxxxvi.; excerpts
are in Ceillier, Auteurs sacris, xiv. 392 sqq.), which
was strongly influenced by Abelard's Sic et turn.
Abelard, however, made no attempt to reconcile
conflicting opinions. Robert goes farther and tries
to unify contradictions by the dialectical method

Pulleyn
Puroell

THE NEW 8CHAFF-HERZOQ

808

and the Aristotelian philosophy. He begins (book
i.) with the doctrine of God and finds his dialectics
applicable and sufficient to prove that God exists,
that he can have had no beginning, and that there
can not be more gods than one. When he comes to
the Trinity, however, he quotes I John v. 7, as the
ultimate proof; and all his fine-spun reasoning
merely confirms the truth of an incidental remark
at the beginning — that the dialectician accomplishes
nothing, since he explains 4< the obscure by the ob-
scure and that which is to be believed by the in-
credible." The omnipresence of God Robert illus-
trates by the soul in the body. God's relation to
evil is not explained as purely permissive, and thus
God is not the originator of evil in the world ; to be
able to do evil is not evil, but actually to do evil.
Predestination is expounded in Augustinian fashion.
The discussion of limits upon the divine omnipo-
tence is characteristic of Robert's method. Abe-
lard had asserted that God can do no more than he
does and wills; others that everything is included
in the omnipotence of God. Robert explains that
what would be against reason and evil if it were
done, God can not do, since if he could it would be
impotence, the ability to do evil would eclipse the
ability to do good. Nevertheless God could do
much which he does not because he does not pur-
pose it, although it could be done without injury
to his goodness. Book ii. proceeds to the creation
of the world, with many curious speculations. The
doctrine of angels is expounded minutely, a subject
to which Robert returns in the sixth book. Books
iii. and iv. treat in the main of Christology. The
succeeding books are much less systematic. Book
v. takes up the resurrection, and then the treatment
of the sacraments begins and lasts into the eighth
book, with much discursive material. Like Alger
of Liege Robert knows of five sacraments. The
treatment of marriage and divorce (book vii.) is of
much importance for the history of the canon law
before Gratian. Book viii. opens with the Lord's
Supper and closes with the last things. All elect
heathen will be converted and all Jews by Enoch
and Elias, and then Antichrist will come. For three
and a half years he will rule and oppress the elect,
will seduce many from the Roman Church, rebuild
the temple in Jerusalem, will be worshiped by many
as God, but finally will be killed by the archangel
Michael on the Mount of Olives. Then the elect
who have been misled by Antichrist will be given
forty days for repentance. A great fire will break
out and consume the world, burning till all believers
are purified. The general resurrection will follow,
at which all men will receive back all parts of the
body, even the most minute. Finally the last trump-
et will sound, the living will be caught up in the
air, the judge will come, and the souls which still
have need of purification will be cleansed by fire.
Many fantastic ideas concerning the order in wThich
the good and wicked will rise, the place of judg-
ment, the separation of the pious from the godless,
and the like, are interwoven, with curious and naive
discussions. (Ferdinand Cohrs.)

Bibliooraphy: The earlier reports are collected in MPL,
clxxxvi. 633 sqq. Consult further: L. E. Dupin, Nou-
vtUe bibliotheque dee auteun eccUeiaetiguee, ix. 213 sqq.,

Paris, 1689-1711, abridged Eng. transl., 3 vob., Dublin, .
1723-24; C. Oudin, Commentariue de mcriptoribtu mkuu-
tide, ii. 1118 sqq., Leipsic, 1732; B. Haureau, ffiri.de fa
philosophic eeolaejique, L 483 sqq., Paris, 1872; J. Bach,
Die Dogmengeechichte de* MitteUtUere, ii. 216 sqq., YieuH,
1875; T. E. Holland, in The Historical Review, vi (1801),
238 sqq.; J. E. Erdmann, Geschickte der PhOempkit, L
309 sqq., 4th ed.f Berlin, 1896, Eng. transl. of eariier ei,
3 vols., London, 1893; DNB, zlviL 19-20.

PULLMAN, JAMES MINTON: Universalis!; b.
at Portland, Chautauqua County, N. Y., Aug. 21,
1836; d. at Lynn, Mass., Nov. 23, 1903. He grad-
uated at St. Lawrence Divinity School, Canton,
N. Y., 1860; was pastor at Troy, N. Y., 1861-68;
of Sixth Universalist Church (Our Savior), New
York, 1868-85; and at Lynn, Mass., 1885-1903.
He was interested in various philanthropic move-
ments, being a member of the Massachusetts State
Board of Charities; of the National Civil Service
League from its inception; director of the State
Prison Association; counselor of the American In-
stitute of Civics; and other bodies with similar aims.

PULPIT: The platform in a church from which
the speaker addresses the audience. In primitive
Christendom the preacher's position was regularly
inside the railing (cancdli) which separated chair
and nave, an arrangement still further emphaaied
in the metropolitan cathedral, where the bishop
was the preacher. At the same time personal con-
siderations, questions of room, and other influences
came to lend their weight in ever greater degree to
the reservation of the Ambo (q.v.), which had orig-
inally been set apart for the lections, for the homi-
letic discourse whether inside or outside the railing.
A development thus took shape which found its ex-
pression in the pulpit, although not until centuries
later; the German designation Kanzd still reechoes
a more primitive connection with cancdli (" chan-
cel," or crossbars).

The growing centralization of the entire worship
upon the mass, and the more ceremonial decoration
of the choir in consequence, no longer allowed place
for the sermon in these hallowed precincts, quite
apart from the fact that the decline of preaching
in the first half of the medieval era took away all
interest in the matter (see Preaching, History of).
Not until after the sermon had again

Developed attained some significance in public

from the worship, did the practical question of
Ambo. the preacher's place in the sanctuary
once more come urgently to the front.
The historical connection of the same with the
ambo, whether in the form of an isolated construc-
tion, or accessory to the rood-loft, was still an extant
fact; and this was the starting point. The ambo,
however, came to be more or less projected into the
central nave, to face the congregation. None the
less during this transition period and even much
later, movable " preaching chairs " of wood con-
tinued in use in all Western Christendom. This de-
vice was promoted especially through the mendicant
orders' habit of delivering sermons abroad in the
public squares. Indeed, in the early Middle Ages
these movable stands hardly went out of fashion.
In Germany, as commonly in the North of Europe,
the sermon's place adhered longer to the modified
rood-loft that was fitted up for this purpose and for

363

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pulleyn
Pur cell

the liturgical lections. The fuller and freer develop-
ment of the pulpit in all countries to which it gained
entrance was not eventually assured before the late
Gothic period in the fifteenth century; while the
Reformation movement brought this development
into still wider and swifter activity not only in
Protestant but also in Roman Catholic jurisdictions.
The pulpit now becomes a conspicuous, indispen-
sable fixture of the interior equipment of churches;
and in keeping with its importance it is appropri-
ated by art as an object highly fruitful for its pur-
poses. Its connection with choir and ambo ceases
entirely, and the portable wooden pul-
Medieval pit disappears. From late Gothic times
Pulpit- onward, the pulpit is a fixed essential
Decorations, to the central nave, and is almost as in-
dispensable as the baptismal font. Its
materials in the Middle Ages were stone and wood;
the Renaissance preferred wood. Rarely the pul-
pit adjoins the wall in a freely suspended manner;
but usually it rests on a structural base, on a pillar
or column. Again, statues appear as bearers —
Moses, kings of Israel, Peter, Paul, angels, even
Christ himself. At the bottom lie monsters as
images of the demonic powers overcome by the
Church and now its servants. Not only here but
elsewhere in pulpit art, solemn warnings are occa-
sionally introduced for preachers and hearers alike.
And still more richly does art unfold itself in the
case of the commonly octagonal, more rarely hex-
agonal or circular, breastwork surrounding the plat-
form. From single ornament to detail figures and
entire scenes, decorative art has here been active.
Christ and his apostles, the four Church Fathers (in
medieval times the favorite theme), saints, espe-
cially the patrons of the founder or of the Church
— the symbols of the four Evangelists (frequent in
the Reformation era and predominantly so on Prot-
estant soil), personified virtues, the well-known
typical figures of medieval imagery, Old- and New-
Testament scenes, etc., complete this copious cycle.
Equally appropriated to the operations of art is the
stairway arrangement; an elegantly perforated
balustrade, often with statues, embellishes the way.
With conscious design to this end, images of Moses
and the prophets were employed. A similar decora-
tion was finally bestowed upon the indispensable
and often tremendous sounding-board, which in the
Gothic era sometimes rears itself like an open tower
or towering cupola.

In the Renaissance age these forms become sim-
plified; indeed, a certain sobriety and monotony
come to prevail. Toward the end of the eighteenth
century and in the early years of the nineteenth —
sporadically still earlier — the pulpit was relegated
to the altar's enclosure, and became
Later De- associated with the altar in such sort
velopment that it was either constructed over the
altar wall, or else it was erected be-
hind the altar, which in this case was not permitted
to have a headpiece. Not only the Evangelical but
also the Roman Catholic Church — though the latter
in less degree — is implicated in this confusion. The
reawakening of a proper understanding for the na-
ture of congregational worship and the right func-
tions of the objects thereto instrumental within the

interior of the church, led to spirited opposition
against this juxtaposition of altar and pulpit. The
custom of covering the front of the ambo with a
cloth passed over to the pulpit, and has been main-
tained to this day. The pulpits or quasi-pulpits
which occur as detached externals of churches,
served either for the display of relics or for the de-
livery of addresses on special occasions. Sometimes
they stand quite apart from any connection with
the church edifice in the square of the church or in
the cemetery.

The Greek Church has generally adhered to the

simple ambo along the dividing line of the choir.

Only in the larger churches, where

In the stress is laid on the sermon, has there

Greek been progress in the development of

Church, pulpits; though even here their form

still variously reflects the general style

of the ambo. Victor Schtjltze.

Bibliography: Bingham, Origines, III., v. 4, VIII., v. 4;
H. Otte, Handbuch der kirchlichen Kunstarchaoloaie, s.v.
"Kanxel," 2 vols., Leipsic, 1883-84; J. A. Martigny,
Dictionnaire des antiquiUa chrHiennes, s.v. " Ambo,"
Paris, 1865; F. X. Kraus, Reol-Encyklopodie der christ-
lichen AUeHhumer, s.v. " Ambon," 2 vols., Freiburg,
1880-86; W. Durandus, Symbolism of Churches and
Church Ornaments, p. 23, London, 1006; KL, i. 685-687;
and the very illuminating article on the Ambo in F.
Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'archiologie chrUienne, fasc. v., cols.
1330-47, Paris, 1904 (where a vast reference list is given).

PUNISHMENT, FUTURE. See Future Pun-
ishment.

PUNISHMENTS, HEBREW. See Law, Hebbew,
Civil and Criminal.

PUNSHON, WILLIAM MORLEY: Wesley an;
b. at Doncaster (30 m. s. of York) May 29, 1824;
d. at London Apr. 14, 1881. He entered the
Methodist society in 1838; became a local preacher
in 1842; studied at the Wesley an College at
Richmond in 1845; occupied various fields until
he was ordained in 1849; served at Newcastle-on-
Tyne, Sheffield, and Leeds 1849-1858; in Lon-
don, 1858-64; and Bristol, 1864-67; presided
over the annual conferences and had great
influence upon Methodism in the Dominion of
Canada, 1867-73; and returning to London, he was
superintendent of Kensington district, 1873-75,
and one of the general secretaries of the Wesleyan
Methodist Missionary Society, 1875-81. He was
distinguished for his eloquence, enthusiasm, wis-
dom, administrative ability, and success in raising
money for benevolent purposes. He published Se-
lect Lectures and Sermons (London, 1860); Life
Thoughi8t sermons (1863); Sabbath Chimes, verses
(1867); The Prodigal Son (1868); and Sermons,
Lectures, and Literary Remains (1881).

Bibliooraphy: F. W. Macdonald, The Life of William
Morley Punshon, London, 1887; The Rev. W. M. Pun-
shon, a Sketch of his Life, with Sermons, ib. 1871; T.
MacCulIagh, The Rev. W. M. Punshon, . . . a memorial
Sermon, ib. 1881 ; W. M. Punshon, Preacher and Orator,
with a Selection of his Lectures and Sermons, ib. 1881;
J. Dawson, William Morley Punshon, the Orator of
Methodism, ib. 1906; DNB, xlvii. 37-38.

PURCELL, HENRY: Composer; b. at West-
minster, London, in 1658; d. at the same place
Nov. 21, 1695. He was copyist at the Westminster
Abbey, 1676-78; and was appointed organist at

Purotll

Puritan*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

the same place, 1680, and at the Chapel Royal,
1682. Ho occupied a place in the first rank of Eng-
lish sacred composers. While his place in this work
is due to bis compositions for church use, he was a
prolific producer of music for the stage, fifty-one
dramatic works of his being known. He was a com-
poser also of sonatas, and of pieces for the organ
and the harpsichord. His Sacred Music (including
liny anthems), Te Deum, Jubilate, and a number
of minor pieces, were to I ic<: ted and edited by Vin-
cent Noveilo, and prefaced with a notice of his life
and works (London, 1826-36).

Biiuodufbt: W. H. Cummin**, Purcetl, in (Trot JWui-
cian, Btrtm, London. 1890; Q. Grove. Hi* of Music,
ii. 183. iii- 40-52, 5 voli., ib. 187B-89; J. F. Runciman.
PuntU, New York, 1900; DNB. *lvii. 38-44.

PURCELL, JOHH BAPTIST: Roman Catholic
archbishop; b. at Mallow (18 m. n.n.w. of Cork),
County Cork, Ireland, Feb. 26, 1800; d. at St.
Martens, Brown County, Ohio, July 4, 1883. He
emigrated to America in 1818; studied theology in
America and France; was ordained priest at Paris
in 1826; returned to America, and was made pro-
fessor in 1827, and president in 1828. of Mount St.
Mary's College, Emmittsburg, Md. In 1833 he was
UIIW III ml bishop, and in 1850 archbishop, of Cin-
cinnati. When he came to his see, there were only
sixteen Roman Catholic churches in all Ohio, and
many of these were mere sheds. In 1876 there were
460 churches, 100 chapels, 3 theological seminaries,
3 colleges. 0 hospitals, and 22 orphan asylums. In
1870, he, with his brother, failed for S4,000,OGO,
whereupon he retired permanently to a monastery.
He held public debates with Alexander Campbell
and with Thomas Vickers, published respectively as
A Debate on tht Roman Catholic Religion (1837) and
The Viekers and Purcell Controversy (New York,
1368). In the Vatican Council he spoke and voted
nguinst the infallibility dogma, though he later

}(' (iii:

New York, 1883.

PURCHAS, JOHH: Church of England; b. at
Cambridge July 14, 1823; d. at Brighton Oct. 18,
1872. He received his education at Christ College.
Cambridge (B.A., 1844; M.A., 1847); was curate
of Elsworth, Cambridgeshire, 1851-53. of Orwell in
the same county, 1856-59, and of St. Paul's, Brigh-
ton, 1861-66; and perpetual curate of St. James'
Chapel, Brighton, after 1866. His curacy in St.
James* is significant because of the direct contribu-
tion which wis made through it to the controversy
concerning ritualism (see Ritualism) in the Ang-
lican church. Purchas introduced the use of vest-
n ion l« such ;is the coy*', chasuble, alb. biretta, etc.,
and used lighted candles on the altar, crucifixes,
images, and holy water, together with processions,
incense, and the like. He was accordingly (Nov.
27, 1869) charged before the court of arches with
infringing the law of the established church; he did
not appear to answer, giving as reasons hispoverty,
which prevented him from securing legal a.-si-tance.
and ill-health. Decision was rendered against him
Feb. 3, 1S70, but in terms which did not please
Col. Charles James Elphinstone, who had brought

the suit. The latter appealed for a fuller condem-
nation, which was eventually obtained ll.iv j i . .
1871, the decision going against Purchas id ill
points. Purchas had put his property out of hie
hands, and so could not be made to pay caste;
moreover, he did not discontinue the illegal [me-
tises, and was suspended for twelve months; but
in spite of this he continued his services until his
death. The decision caused a controversy which
extended over a considerable period and involved
the leaders in the Anglican church.

Purchas' most important literary achievement
was the editing of Dire&orium Anglieanum: heitif
a Manual of Direction* for the right Celebration if
the Holy Communion, for the Saying of Matin* trJ
Evensong, and for the Performance of the other Site
and Ceremonies of the Church (London, 1&38; i
standard work on Anglican ritualism). Hewisibo
the author of a comedy, several poems, including
Poem* and Ballads (1846); The Book of Fault;
Sermons (1853); The Priest's Dream: an ABt&r)
(1856); and The Death of EukitVi Wife: Thru
Sermons (1866).

Bibuoqupbt: DNB, ilvii. 44-45. The officii! rrmra
of the IriiU are in Law Report!, Admiralty and Ertlw-
licnl Court; 1872. iii 00-113, nod Law ffrr.-li, I'x'l
Council Appals, iii. 245-257, 005-702. Fnrttat earn-
meat is to be found in: G. Calthrop. Tkc Jwttmra in
Me Purtlias Case, London. 1871: R. Cregoiy. Tin IV-
efuu Judgment, ib. 1371; H. P. Liddon. T»« hrJm
Judgment, ib. 1871: T. W. Ferry. Notes on llu Jwfciwl
of l!.t . . . Pricy Council in Uir Appsal Htbbcrl I. Pw
duu. ib. 1077.

PURGATORY: The doctrine of purgatory a v
sociated with that of the Intermediate State (q.v.).
Its reference to fire was derived from the use of firs
in the Bible as a symbol of purification (Mai- iii.
2; Matt. iii. 11; I Pet- i. 7) and of punishment
(Matt. xxv. 41; Mark ix. 44, 49). The doctrine tint
began to be broached in the third century. Clement
of Alexandria (Ptpd., iii., Strom., vii.) speaks o! *
spiritual fire in this world; and Origen held that
it continues beyond the grave {Horn, on Num. xxv.),
even Paul and Peter must pass through it in order
to be purified from ail sin {Horn, on Ps. xxxvt.).
Augustine, relying on Matt. xii. 32, regarded the
doctrine of purgatorial fire for the cleansing away
of the remnants of sin as not incredible. Gregory
the Great (604) established the doctrine. Thomas
Aquinas (tru. lxx. 3), Bonuventura (Compendium
theologitr, vii, 2), and Gerson (Pernio, ii., De dif'ino-
lis), and other great men of the Middle Aces held
that the fire of purgatory was material. At the
Council of Florence (143S) the Greek church laid
down the idea as one of the irreconcilable differ-
ences between them and the Latin church. The
Cathari, the Waldenses, and Wyclif opposed the
doctrine.

The teaching of the Greek Catholic Church bj thus
stated in the " Longer Catechism " (adopted l"sJ9;
ef. Schaff, Creeds, ii. 504):

Q. 370. What is to be remarked of such null u have de-
parted with faith, hut without bavina bad time to bring
forth fniita worth/ of repentance? Thin, that they may be
aiiied toward the attainment of a blessed rmumaOtm by
prayem offered in thpir behalf, specially «

oblate

I UK

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pnrcell
Puritans

grounded? On the constant tradition of the Catholic
Church, the sources of which may be seen even in the Church
of the Old Testament. Judas Maccabeus offered sacrifices
for his men that had fallen (II Mace. xii. 43). Prayer for
the departed has ever formed a fixed part of the divine
liturgy, from the first Liturgy of the apostle James. St.
Cyril of Jerusalem says, " Very great will be the benefit to
those souls for which prayer is offered at the moment when
the holy and tremendous sacrifice is lying in view " (" Mye-
tagogical Lectures," v. 9). St. Basil the Great, in his
Prayers for Pentecost, says that " the Lord vouchsafes to
receive from us propitiatory prayers and sacrifices for those
that axe kept in Hades, and allows us the hope of obtaining
for them peace, relief, and freedom."

The Roman Catholic doctrine is as follows
(Schaff, Creeds, ii. 198-199) :

Whereas the Catholic Church, instructed by the Holy
Ghost, has, from the Sacred Writings and the ancient tra-
dition of the Fathers, taught in sacred councils, and very
recently in this ecumenical synod, that there is a purgatory,
and that the souls there detained are helped by the suffrages
of the faithful, but principally by the acceptable sacrifice
of the altar: the holy synod enjoins on bishops that they
diligently endeavor that the sound doctrine concerning pur-
gatory ... be believed, maintained, taught, and every-
where proclaimed by the faithful of Christ.

The doctrine was elaborated by Beliarmine (1621)
in De purgatorio, in which proof was adduced from
I Kings xxxi. 13; II Kings i., iii.; II Mace. xii.
40 sqq.; Tob. iv. 18; Matt. xii. 32; I Cor. iii. 11,
and from the Fathers, the councils, and reason, and
the conclusion is reached that the fire of purgatory
is material (ignem purgatorii esse corporeum).

The doctrine of purgatory as now taught in the
Roman Catholic Church is that souls which depart
this life in a state of grace but guilty of venial sins
or liable to some punishment after the guilt of sins
is forgiven, are subject to a process of cleansing be-
fore entering heaven. The souls detained there are
helped by the prayers of the faithful. These souls
probably pray to God in behalf of those who are
still known to them on the earth, and they inspire
living men to offer prayer in their behalf. But what
the location of the place is, what is the nature or
quality of the pains, or the duration of the purify-
ing process, or what the methods in which the media-
tion of the living is applied are questions to which
the Church affords no answers. The difficulty that
the detention of those who enter purgatory just
previous to the final judgment is too short for puri-
fication, is met by the suggestion that pure spirits
are not under ordinary conditions of time, and that
all things are present together in the eternity of
God. C. A. Beckwith.

Bibliography: T. Wright, St. Patrick's Purgatory, Lon-
don, 1843; J. Berington and J. Kirk, Faith of the Catholic*,
iii. 140, London, 1846; W. Palmer, Dissertation* on Or-
thodox Catholic Communion, ib. 1853; W. Forbes, Contid-
eratione* Modest a, vol. ii., ib. 1856; L. Redner, Da* Feg-
feuer, Regensburg, 1856; J. H. Oswald, Eschatologie,
Paderbora, 1868; G. Williams, Orthodox Church of the
East in the 18th Century, London, 1868; Tract* for the
Day, ed. O. Shipley, vol. ii., ib. 1868; B. Jungmann, De
novissimi*, Regensburg, 1871; W. Barrows, Purgatory
doctrinaUy and historically Opened, New York, 1882; J.
Bauts, Das Fegfeuer, Mains, 1883; W. Allen, Souls De-
parted: a Defence of the Doctrine touching Purgatory, re-
published, London, 1886; M. Canty, Purgatory, Dublin,
1886; J. Mumford, Ttt>o Ancient Treatises on Purgatory,
London, 1893; Lou vet, Da* Fegfeuer, nach den Offen-
harungen der Heiligen, Paderbora, 1895; S. J. Hunter,
Outline* of Dogmatic Theology, §§ 551, 607, 711, 822, 829,
New York, 1896; F. X. Schouppe. Die Lehre von Feg-
feuer, Brixen, 1899; A. J. Mason, Purgatory, London,

1901; F. Sehmid, Da* Fegfeuer nach katholUche Lehre,
Brixen, 1904; KL, iv. 1284-96; and literature under
Eschatology; Future Punishment; Intermxdiatb
Statu; and Probation, Future.

PURIFICATION. See Defilement and Puri-
fications, Ceremonial.

PURIFICATION OF THE VIRGIN MARY,
FEAST OF THE. See Mart, Mother of Jesus
Christ, III.

PURDft. See Feasts and Festivals, I., g 5;
Synagogue.

PURITANS, PURITANISM.

Motives of the First Puritans (J 1).

Congregation at Frankfort and Geneva (J 2).

Relations of Elisabeth and the Puritans (J 3).

Repressive Measures (J 4).

Growth of Puritanism; Thomas Cartwright (J 5).

Attempts at Presbyterianism, 1572 (| 6).

The " Prophesyings "; Archbishop Grindal (J 7).

Archbishop Whitgift's Articles (I 8).

Whitgift's Severity (J 9).

Attitude of Parliament (J 10).

The Marprelate Tracts; Brownists (J 11).

James I.; Hampton Court Conference (J 12).

Archbishop Bancroft; Puritan Emigration (J 13).

The Puritans Calvinists (| 14).

Charles I. Archbishop Laud (J 15).

The Reformation in England was begun in the
reign of Henry VIII. and consolidated in the reigns
of Elizabeth and James I. It was unfortunate for
religion and the Church that from the first the move-
ment was subordinated to personal caprice and
state policy. Most of the principal agents employed
to effect it were zealous Protestants and desired
that it should be thorough; and although at first
unable to do all which they desired, they rejoiced
in what they had been permitted to accomplish,
and hoped that the work would continue to ad-
vance. But they were doomed to disappointment,
and in the end submitted to what appeared to them
to be " the inevitable."

The first Puritans were men who could not accept

the work as complete or rest satisfied with it in its

imperfection. They wished to make the Church as

perfect an instrument as possible for promoting true

religion, and therefore urged the utter

i. Motives rejection of everything that counte-

of the First nanced Roman error and superstition.

Puritans. They had no objection to the connec-
tion of the Church with the State, or to
some control of it by the civil authorities. They
submitted to those regulations which they approved,
but, whether consistently or inconsistently, they
resisted those which appeared to them inexpedient
or contrary to the interests of Protestant truth.
They were not actuated solely or chiefly, as has often
been charged, by hostility to ecclesiastical govern-
ment by bishops, but by the intense conviction that
the hierarchy, as it was and as it seemed certain to
remain, was destructive of the purity and truth of
religion.

The spirit of Puritanism had appeared in the
reign of Edward VI. Bishop Hooper refused to be
consecrated in the papal vestments and to take the
papal oath. The latter was altered, but the former
could not be dispensed with. For his refusal he was
imprisoned, but eventually compromised matters

Puritans

THE NEW 8CHAFF-HERZ0G

866

by consenting to wear the vestments on high occa-
sions only (see Hooper, John).

During the Marian persecution many English di-
vines fled to the continent and several found an
asylum in Frankfort, where, having obtained the
use of a church on condition that they should sub-
scribe the French confession of faith,
2. Congre- they formed a society, chose John
gation at Knox and Thomas Leaver as their min-
Frankfort istcrs, drew up a service-book for them-
and Geneva, selves, and proceeded in the path of
reformation farther than it had yet
been possible to do in England. Here they met
with opposition from other exiles who had been in-
vited to join them, who insisted on using the English
liturgy and on conforming to the rites of the Eng-
lish Church as ordered in the reign of Edward VI.
Troubles consequently arose, which disquieted the
original company and finally caused it to remove
to Geneva. The treatment these brethren met with
at Frankfort was only an earnest of what they were
to experience in England in the ensuing reign (cf.
.4. Brief Discourse of the Troubles at Frankfort 1554-
1558 A.D. Attributed to William Whittingham,
Dean of Durham, 1575 A.D., London, 1908).

When Elizabeth ascended the throne, the exiles
returned home, but, much to their sorrow, found
the queen disposed to retrograde
3. Relations rather than to advance. Fond of
of Elizabeth pomp, she determined on preserving
and the the vestments and some symbols of
Puritans, popery, alleging a desire to retain the
Roman Catholics in the church; and,
to aid in securing this object, some offensive pas-
sages in the service-book were removed and cere-
monies which favored their opinions were retained.
Elizabeth cordially disliked the Puritans, and there-
fore such men as Miles Coverdale and John Fox
were treated with neglect. In the first year of her
reign the Act of Supremacy and the Act of Uni-
formity were passed (see Supremacy, Act of; Uni-
formity, Acts of), the latter of which pressed heav-
ily upon the Puritans, who had scruples respecting
the conformity required of them in vestments and
forms. They held that certain vestments, hav-
ing been used by the " idolatrous " priests of Rome,
defiled and obscured the priesthood of Christ, that
they increased hypocrisy and pride, that they were
contrary to Scripture, and that the enforcement of
them was tyranny. Many of the bishops would
have been glad to dispense with them. But the
queen insisted upon retaining them, and, as Hal-
lam says, " Had her influence been withdrawn, sur-
plices and square caps would have lost their stead-
iest friend, and several other little accommodations
to the prevalent dispositions of Protestants would
have taken place " (Constitutional History, chap,
iv.). There is do doubt that Elizabeth, feeling the
insecurity of her position and the magnitude of the
dangers which encompassed her in the beginning of
her reign, acted from policy and endeavored to
mark out a via media between Protestantism and
popery. This partly accounts for her severities
toward the Puritans, who strongly opposed this
course, but can not excuse them. The Puritans,
on the other hand, were jealous for the honor of

Christ, the true Head of the Church, and would con-
form to nothing which tended to endanger Protes-
tant truth. They acted, moreover, under the ad-
vice of the continental Reformers, who urged them
" not to hearken to the counsels of those men, who,
when they saw that popery could not be honestly
defended nor entirely restrained, would use all arti-
fices to have the outward face of religion to remain
mixed, uncertain, and doubtful; so that, while an
evangelical religion is pretended, those things should
be obtruded on the Church which will make the re-
turning back to popery, superstition, and idolatry,
easy." Rudolf Gualther, the writer of the advice,
says, " We have had experience of this for some
years in Germany, and know what influence such
persons may have. ... I apprehend that in the
first beginnings, while men may study to avoid the
giving of small offense, many things may be suf-
fered under this color for a little while; and yet it
will scarce be possible, by all the endeavors that
can be used, to get them removed, at least without
great struggles. " Later experience has proved the
wisdom of this advice. The Puritans did not refuse
to use the vestments as vestments merely, but as
symbols; and their motto was Obsta princimis.

The parochial clergy at the commencement of
Elizabeth's reign were almost entirely the Marian
mass-priests who had conformed to the new order.
Not more than 300 in the 10,000 parishes of Eng-
land had vacated their livings; the rest had a great

influence in the convocation of 1562,

4. Repress- which met to review the doctrine and

ive discipline of the Church. Notwith-

Measures. standing this influence, Bishop Sandys

introduced a petition for reformation,
which went very far to satisfy the demands of the
Puritans, and which was rejected only by the proxies
of absentees, and then by a bare majority of one.
This fact will show the strength of the Puritan
party at that time. But, although so strong, the
queen and her ecclesiastics determined to suppress
it. The Court of High Commission, constituted by
virtue of the royal supremacy, was empowered
" to visit, reform, redress, order, correct, and amend
all errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, contempts
offenses, and enormities whatsoever," and, with its
oath ex officio (by which a man was compelled to
testify against himself and to tell what he knew of
others), was the means of inflicting extreme suffer-
ing on the Puritans. In order to insure uniformity
" advertisements " (see Advertisements of Eliza-
beth) were issued by the bishops in 1566 (probably
originally drawn up by Archbishop Parker in 1564),
by which it was ordained that " all licenses for
preaching, granted out by the archbishops and
bishops within the province of Canterbury, bear-
ing date before the first day of Mar., 1564, be void
and of none effect." Thus all preachers were si-
lenced. And, to complete the work, it was ordained
that only " such as shall be thought meet for tfce
office " should receive fresh licenses. Thus only
conformable ministers were restored. Some of the
best and most conscientious of the clergy were cast
out of office and thousands of parishes were desti-
tute and had no ministers to preach to them. This,
however, in the estimation of the queen and her

867

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Puritans

advisers was a less evil than a minis-
try without the Roman Catholic vestments.

Archbishop Parker seconded the queen in all her

severities, the consequence of which was that in

1567 some of the laity resolved to meet privately

and to worship God as the Protestants did in Queen

Mary's days. About 100 of them met

5. Growth in Plumbers' Hall in London. But
of Puritan- they were surprised and some were

ism; apprehended and imprisoned for more
Thomas than a year. These rigorous measures
Cartwright tended rather to the increase of Puri-
tanism than to its destruction. The
people continued to meet privately and the clergy
began to look beyond the vestments and to question
the constitution of the Church itself. Their leader
Thomas Cartwright, who, as Margaret profes-
of divinity at Cambridge, unfolded his views of
ecclesiastical order, which were in harmony with
those of the Presbyterian churches on the continent
and in Scotland. A severe controversy hereupon
arose. Cartwright was deprived of his professor-
ship and fellowship, and was forbidden to teach or
to preach. He retired to Geneva, where he was
chosen professor of divinity; but he afterward re-
turned to England. In 1571 John Field and Thomas
Wilcox (two ministers of the Puritan party) pre-
pared the famous Admonition to Parliament for the
Reformation of Church Discipline. They presented
it themselves, and for doing so were committed to
prison. Whitgift replied to the admonition, and
took the Erastian ground, which Hooker afterward
maintained, that no form of church order is laid
down in the New Testament, and that the govern-
ment in the apostles' days can not now be exer-
cised. Cartwright, who had published A Second
Admonition, was chosen to reply to Whitgift. Both
his books gave such offense to the queen and arch-
bishop that it was resolved to try him, but he
escaped to Heidelberg. During Cartwright's exile,
Whitgift published his Defence of the Answer to the
Admonition; and Cartwright then published his
Second Reply. This exile continued eleven years,
after which Cartwright returned home to experience
yet further molestation and suffering (see Cakt-
whight, Thomas; Whitgift, John).

It has been frequently said, that in 1572 a Pres-
byterian church was formed at Wandsworth; Field,
the lecturer of Wandsworth, being the

6. Attempts first minister, and Travers and Wilcox
at Pres- among the founders. The facts are,

byterianism, that the first distinct practical move-
1572. ment to secure a Presbyterian organ-
ization began with a secret meeting at
that place. Wilcox and Field convened a few of
their ministerial brethren and others to sketch an
outline of the ecclesiastical polity which they wished
to see in operation. Some of their papers fell into
the hands of Bancroft, from which it appears that
the only presbytery erected was on paper and was
immediately demolished by Bancroft. Field and
Wilcox were thrown into prison. The leaders of the
party succumbed, and their meetings were discon-
tinued (cf. J. Waddington, Surrey Congregational
History, p. 5, London, 1866).
In 1575 Archbishop Parker died and was suc-

ceeded by Grindal. He found the country mor-
ally and religiously in a deplorable condition in con-
sequence of the ignorance and inca-
7. The pacity of so many of its clergy. This
" Proph- state of things did not distress the
esyings " ; queen, for she thought one or two
Archbishop preachers in a diocese enough; but the
Grindal Puritans thought otherwise. In the
year 1571 these clergy, in some dis-
tricts, with the permission of the bishop, engaged
in religious exercises called " prophesyings," which
were meetings at which short sermons were preached
on subjects previously fixed. These were good ex-
ercises for the clergy and cultivated the art of
preaching. The laity were admitted and derived
instruction and benefit from them. In 1574 Parker
told the queen that they were only auxiliaries to
Puritanism and Non-conformity, whereupon she
gave him private orders to suppress them. When
Grindal became archbishop of Canterbury, he in-
herited not only that office but also the task of
suppressing the prophesyings; but, approving of
them, he set himself rather to redress irregularities
and to guard them against abuse. The queen, on
the other hand, disliked them, and determined that
they should be suppressed. On Dec. 20, 1576,
Grindal wrote a respectful but faithful letter to the
queen, in which he said, " I am forced with all
humility, and yet plainly, to profess that I can not
with safe conscience, and without the offense of the
majesty of God, give my assent to the suppressing
of the said exercises: much less can I send out any
injunction for the utter and universal subversion
of the same." For this boldness, Grindal was sus-
pended, his see was placed under sequestration for
six months, and he was confined to his house.

Grindal died in 1583, and was succeeded by
Whitgift, who, during the first week of his archi1
episcopal rule, issued his famous articles:

" (1) That all preaching, catechising, and praying in any
private house, where any are present besides the family, be
utterly extinguished. (2) That none do
q A-gi. preach or catechise, except also he will read
v* iT^ *ne wn°le service and administer the sacra-

bishop ments four times a year. (3) That all
Whitgif tfs preachers, and others in ecclesiastical orders,
Articles. ^° at *^ times wear the habits prescribed.
(4) That none be admitted to preach, unless
he be ordained according to the manner of
the Church of England. (5) That none be admitted to
preach, or execute any part of the ecclesiastical function,
unless he subscribe the following articles: (a) That the
queen hath, and ought to have, the sovereignty and rule
over all manner of persons born within her dominions, of
what condition soever they be; and that none other power
or potentate hath, or ought to have, any power, ecclesias-
tical or civil, within her realms or dominions, (b) That
the Book of Common Prayer, and of ordering bishops,
priests, and deacons, containeth in it nothing contrary to
the word of God, but may be lawfully used; and that he
himself will use the same, and none other, in public prayer,
and administration of the sacraments, (c) That he allow-
eth the Book of Articles agreed upon in the Convocation
holden in London in 1562, and set forth by her Majesty's
authority; and he believe all the articles therein contained
to be agreeable to the word of God."

It is not surprising to find that, wielding almost
absolute power with a despotic severity, Whitgift
suspended many hundred clergy from their minis-
try. Petitions and remonstrances were in vain.
And for twenty years this man guided the affairs

Puritans

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

868

of the Established Church. Only the records of

the High Commission Court can tell the havoc he

made, and the misery he inflicted on

o> Whit- some of the holiest of the clergy and
gift's the people of their charge. A new

Severity, commission was issued at his instigation.
Its jurisdiction was almost universal,
embracing heretical opinions, seditious books, false
rumors, slanderous words, abstaining from divine
service, etc. A jury might be dispensed with, and
the court might convict by witnesses alone; if they
were wanting, " by all other means and ways they
could devise," — by the rack and ex-officio oath, etc.;
and, if the oath were declined, then the court might
inflict " fine or imprisonment according to its dis-
cretion." Whitgift drew up twenty-four articles to
guide the commissioners when examining delin-
quent clergymen. The privy council remonstrated
with him, and Lord Burleigh described the articles
thus: " I find them so curiously penned, so full of
branches and circumstances, that I think the In-
quisition of Spain use not so many questions to
comprehend and entrap their preys." Whitgift's
reply was that he had undertaken the defense of
the rights of the Church of England to appease the
sects and schisms therein, and to reduce all the
ministers thereof to uniformity and due obedience.
11 And herein," said he, " I intend to be constant,
and not to waver with every wind." And so per-
sistent was he that at one time, toward the close of
Elizabeth's reign and of his life, no less than a third
of the whole beneficed clergy of England were sus-
pended; and this involved at least destitution and
penury. The story of Cartwright's troubles given
in more extended histories is a sad illustration of
the spirit of Whitgift's rule. Cartwright died Dec.
27, 1003, and Whitgift within three months after.

Parliament on several occasions manifested a dis-
position to legislate for the relief of the Puritans.
In 1570 they enacted that ministers who had re-
ceived Presbyterian ordination might qualify for
service in the English Church by de-

io. Atti- claring l>efore the bishop, and sub-
tude of scribing their assent " to all articles of
Parliament religion which only concern the con-
fession of the true Christian faith and
the doctrine of the sacraments contained in the
Book of Articles, 1502." Many of the Puritans at-
tempted to shelter themselves under this act, but
in vain. When, in 1572, Field and Wilcox pre-
sented their Admonition and Parliament lent an
ear, the queen issued a proclamation against it,
and forbade Parliament to discuss such questions
as were mooted in it. Again, in 1584, 1587, and
1592, the queen interfered, and at length charged
the speaker " that henceforth no bills concerning
religion should be received into the House of Com-
mons, unless the same should be first considered
and approved of by the clergy "; well knowing that
the clergy would only act in such a matter under
her direction. Peter Wentworth remonstrated in
the House against this dictation, but only to be
committed to prison. In 1592 an act was passed,
entitled " An Act for the Punishment of Persons
obstinately Refusing to Come to Church." It was
decreed that " all persons above the age of sixteen,

refusing to come to church, or persuading others to
deny her Majesty's authority in causes ecdeau-
tical, or dissuading them from coming to church,
or being found present at any conventicle or meet-
ing, under pretense of religion, shall, upon convic-
tion, be committed to prison without bail till they
shall conform, and come to church "; and that,
should they refuse to recant, " within three months,
they shall abjure the realm, and go into perpetual
banishment; and that if they do not depart within
the time appointed, or if they ever return without
the queen's license, they shall suffer death without
benefit of clergy." Under the provisions of this
cruel act, Barrow, Greenwood, Penry (qq.v.), and
others suffered death, and many of the Brownists
left the kingdom.

The Puritans themselves were not always wise or
moderate in the expression of their sentiments. The
oppression to which they were subjected was severe
enough to goad them often to the use of strong
language. But in 1588 a series of tracts was issued
from a secret press, by an unknown writer who
called himself Martin Marprelate (see
ii. The Marprelate Tracts). They were
Marprelate bitter and caustic, excited the wrath
Tracts; of the bishops, and brought down fur-
Brownists. ther afflictions upon the heads of the
Puritans, although it is probable that
the Puritans properly so called had nothing to do
with them. Indeed, many Puritans greatly disap-
proved of them and regretted their publication.
They possibly had their origin among the Brown-
ists (see Browne, Robert), whose opinions and
practises were even more obnoxious to the bishops
than those of the ordinary Puritans. These Brown-
ists may be classed among the Puritans, and by
many persons are confounded with them; but they
were a distinct species of the order, and during the
latter part of the reign of Elizabeth they suffered
the severest afflictions.

Elizabeth died on the last day of 1602, and James
VI. of Scotland succeeded her. The Puritans hoped
that from him they would receive milder treat-
ment. He had praised the Scottish Kirk, and dis-
paraged the Church of England, say-
12. James ing that " its service was but an evil-
L ; Hamp- said mass in English, wanting nothing
ton Court but the liftings." But Whitgift had
Conference, sent agents to Scotland to assure the
king of the devotion of the English
ecclesiastics to his interests; and he, in return, gave
them his patronage entirely. The Puritans pre-
sented a petition to him, when on his way to Lon-
don, unsigned but expressing the wishes of about
a thousand clergymen, and therefore called the
" Millenary Petition " (q.v.). In it they set forth
in moderate language their desires. And now a
fair opportunity presented itself for conciliation.
A conference was resolved upon, which assembled
at Hampton Court, Jan. 14, 1604, professedly to
give due consideration to these matters (see Hamp-
ton Coubt Conference). On the first day the
king and the episcopal party alone went over the
ground, and settled what was to be done. The next
day four Puritan ministers — John Reynolds (q.v.),
Dr. Sparks, Mr. Chadderton, and Mr. Knewstubs—

369

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Puritans

were called into the privy council chamber, where
they expressed their desires, and explained and en-
forced the Puritan objections. On the third day the
king and the bishops at first conferred by them-
selves, and, after they had settled matters, the four
Puritans were again called in and told what had
been decided. The king said that he expected of
them obedience and humility, and added, " if this
be all that they have to say, I shall make them con-
form themselves, or I will harry them out of the
land, or else do worse." And so the opportunity
for conciliation was lost, and then severities were
resumed.

In 1604 the constitutions and canons of the
church were settled in convocation, and, without
receiving the assent of Parliament, were issued on the
strength of the royal supremacy alone. They were
conceived in a rigorous spirit and dealt
13. Arch- freely in excommunication, which at
bishop that time was not a mere brutumfulmen .
Bancroft; Bancroft, bishop of London, presided
Puritan at this convocation, as Whitgift was
Emigration, now dead ; and he was afterward raised
to the archbishopric of Canterbury.
In his new office he even surpassed Whitgift
in his severities. Three hundred Puritan min-
isters, who had not separated from the Established
Church, were silenced, imprisoned, or exiled in
1604. " But, the more they afflicted them, the
more they multiplied and grew." And now the per-
secuted pastors and people began to think of emi-
grating. The Separatists went to Holland — Smyth
to Amsterdam in 1606, and John Robinson with the
Scrooby church to Amsterdam and Leyden in 1608-
1609. Some of the Puritans also sailed for Virginia,
whereupon the archbishop obtained a proclamation
forbidding others to depart without the king's li-
cense. And so severe was the persecution which
they endured that Parliament in 1610 endeavored
to relieve them, but with little success. Bancroft
died this year, being succeeded by George Abbot,
and still persecution continued. In 1618 the king
published his Declaration for Sports on the Lord's
Day. The controversy on the observance of the
Sabbath began in the latter part of Elizabeth's
reign. Dr. Nicholas Bound published his True Doc-
trine of the Sabbath, contending for a strict observ-
ance of the day; and Whitgift opposed it. The
Puritans adopted its positions, but the court clergy
rejected them, and now the Book of Sports became
the shibboleth of the party. All ministers were en-
joined to read it in their congregations, and those
who refused were suspended and imprisoned.

The doctrines of the Reformers and of their suc-
cessors, Conformists and Puritans alike, had been
hitherto Calvinistic. Whitgift was a
14. The High Calvinist; the king, who prided
Puritans himself on his theology, had main-
Calvinists. tained Calvinism; and the representa-
tives of England at the Synod of Dort
were of the same opinions. But a change came
over the Established clergy and many began to set
forth Arminianism [or, rather a semi-Pelagianism
of the Roman Catholic type]. The Puritans held
fast to the old faith and now in 1620 were forbidden
to preach it. And from this time and through the
IX.— 24

primacy of Laud, Puritan doctrine, as well as Puri-
tan practise, was obnoxious to those in power.

James died in 1625, and was succeeded by Charles
I. Under this monarch " the unjust and inhuman
proceedings of the Council Table, the Star Cham-
ber, and the High Commission, are unparalleled."
Non-conformists were exceedingly har-
15. Charles assed and persecuted in every corner
L ; Arch- of the land. These severities were in-
bishop stigated by Laud, soon after made
Laud. bishop of London, and prime minister
to the king. Lecturers were put down,
and such as preached against Arminianism and the
Popish ceremonies were suspended. The Puritans
were driven from one diocese to another, and many
were obliged to leave the kingdom. In 1633 Laud
succeeded to the archbishopric of Canterbury, on
the death of Abbot, when the Puritans felt the
whole force of his fiery zeal; and during the next
seven years multitudes of them, ministers and lay-
men, were driven to Holland and America. The
Book of Sports was republished, with like conse-
quences as at the first publication. William Prynne
(q.v.), Burton, and Bastwick suffered their horrible
punishments. Ruinous fines were imposed, super-
stitious rites and ceremonies were practised and
enjoined, and the whole church appeared to be
going headlong to Rome. In 1640 the Convoca-
tion adopted new constitutions and canons, ex-
tremely superstitious and tyrannical, which the
Long Parliament condemned as being " contrary
to the fundamental laws of the realm and to the
liberty and property of the subject, and as con-
taining things tending to sedition and dangerous
consequence." The nation could bear the un-
mitigated political and ecclesiastical tyranny no
longer. Those who had suffered from the king's
arbitrary rule joined with those who were groaning
under the despotism of the bishops, and with
one vast effort overthrew absolute monarchy and
Anglican popery together. A new era now com-
menced. Puritanism properly so called had ended;
for the Puritans split into two parties, Independ-
ents and Presbyterians. For the further history see

CONGREGATIONALISTS; PRESBYTERIANS J WEST-
MINSTER Assembly; see also the biographical no-
tices of men named in this article and others prom-
inent in the Puritan time, as Cromwell, Oliver;
Milton, John.

(John Browne1\) Morton DEXTERf.

Bibliography: For sources consult: S. R. Gardiner: Con-
stitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, London,
1890 (a most useful and fundamental book), cf. P. Bayne,
Documents Relating to the Settlement of the Church of Eng-
land by the Act of Uniformity, ib. 1862; R. G. Usher,
Presbyterian Movement in the Reign of Queen Elisabeth at
illustrated by the Minute Book of the Dedham Classis, 168&-
1589, ib. 1905 (traces the Puritan attempt to introduce
modifications into the Church of England); W. Bradford,
Hist, of Plymouth Plantation, 1606-46, ed. W. T. Davis,
New York, 1908.

For the history consult: B. Brook, Lives of the Puri-
tans, 3 vols., London, 1813; D. Neal, History of the Puri-
tans, best edition by J. Toulmin, 5 vols., Bath, 1822, ed.
also by J. O. Choules, New York, 1863 (the great classic) ;
E. Hall, The Puritans and their Principles, New York,
1846; W. H. Stowell, Hist, of the Puritans in England,
London, 1849, new ed., 1878, New York, 1887; J. B.
Marsden, Hist, of the . . . Puritans . . . to . . . 166$,
2 vols., London, 1860-52; J. Tulloch, English Puritan-

Pynohon

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

870

ism and its Leader*, Edinburgh, 1861; S. Hopkins, Puri-
tan* of the Reigns of Edward VI. and Elisabeth, 3 vols., ib.
1862; W. C. Martyn, The Great Reformation, vol. iv..
History of the English Puritans, New York, 1868; L.
Bacon, Genesis of the New England Churches, ib. 1874;
H. O. Wakeman, The Church and the Puritans, 1670-
1660, London, 1877, new ed., 1887; C. E. Ellis, The Puritan
Age and Rule in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1699-86,
Boston, 1888; D. Campbell, The Puritan in England, Hol-
land and America, New York, 1892; John Brown, The Pil-
grim Fathers of N ew England, and their Puritan Successors,
ib. 1895; J. Gregory, Puritanism in the Old World and the
New, ib. 1896; O. P. Temple, The Covenanter, Cavalier
and Puritan, ib. 1897; E. H. Byington, The Puritan as
a Colonist and Reformer, Boston, 1899; idem. The Puri-
tan in England and New England, ib. 1900; E. Dowden,
Puritan and Anglican. Studies in Literature, London,
1900; C. H. Firth, Oliver Cromwell and the Rule of the
Puritans in England, New York, 1900; H. M. and Mor-
ton Dexter, The England and Holland of the Puritans,
Boston, 1905 (" contains a mass of trustworthy informa-
tion "); 8. R. Maitland, Reformation in England, ib. 1906
(chaps, i.-ii. deal with Puritanism); S. C. Beach, Daugh-
ters of the Puritans, ib. 1907; E. B. Hulbert, The English
Reformation and Puritanism, Chicago, 1907; I. W. Riley,
American Philosophy; the early Schools, pp. 37 sqq.. New
York, 1907; J. Heron, A Short Hist, of Puritanism, ib.
1908; J. E. Kirkbye, Puritanism in the South, Boston,
1909; A Schalck de la Faverie, Les Premiers Interprites
de la penske americaine. Essai a" hist, et de litterature sur
devolution du puritanisme aux ittats-Unis, Paris, 1909;
Winnifred Cockshott, The Pilgrim Fathers: their Church
and Colony, New York, 1910; B. Blaxford, The Struggle
with Puritanism, London, 1910; J. H. Burn, The struggle
[of the Church of England] with Puritanism, ib. 1910;
J. Brown, The English Puritans, ib. 1910; R. Q. Usher,
The Reconstruction of the English Church, 2 vols.. New
York, 1910.

PURVES, GEORGE TYBOUT: Presbyterian;
b. in Philadelphia Sept. 27, 1852; d. in New York
Sept. 24, 1901 . He was a graduate of the University
of Pennsylvania (1872) and of Princeton Theologi-
cal Seminary ( 1876) ; was pastor of the Presbyterian
church at Wayne, Pa., 1877-80; of the Boundary
Avenue Presbyterian Church, Baltimore, 1880-1886;
of the first Presbyterian Church, Pittsburg,
1886-92; professor of New-Testament literature
and exegesis in Princeton Theological Seminary,
1892-1900; and pastor of the Fifth Avenue Pres-
byterian Church, New York City, from 1900 till his
death. He was the author of The Testimony of
Justin Martyr to Early Christianity (Stone lectures
for 1899 at Princeton Theological Seminary; New
York, 1899) ; Christianity in the Apostolic Age ( 1900) ;
Joy in Service (sermons; 1901); Faith and Life
(sermons; 1902); and The Sinless Christ (sermons;
1902).

PURVES, JAMES: Scotch sectary; b. at Black-
adder (10 m. w. of Berwick upon Tweed) Sept. 23,
1734; d. at Edinburgh Feb. 1 (or 15), 1795. His
father was a shepherd, and the son in 1755 united
with a religious society belonging to certain " fel-
lowship societies " founded in Berwickshire by a
James Fraser, connected with the " Reformed pres-
bytery " from 1743 to 1753. After reading Isaac
Watts' Dissertation on the Logos he adopted the doc-
trine of the preexistence of the human soul of Christ;
gaining influence in the societies, he was sent as a
commissioner to Ireland to certain societies there of
like faith. Meanwhile the societies were without a
stated ministry, but in 1769 Purves was selected
by lot to prepare for this work. He was sent to
Glasgow College in 1769, where he gained some

knowledge of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. In 1771
a statement of the theology of the societies wu
drawn up by Purves, involving Arian positions and
free examination of the Scriptures untrammelled
by creeds. In 1776 one of these societies was founded
in Edinburgh, and Purves was called as pastor, and
in 1792 the name " Universalis^ Dissenters " to
adopted. The congregations were small, but Purves
supplemented his pulpit work by a considerable
literary activity, printing himself some of the tracts
which embodied his views, even casting the Hebrew
type. He issued in ail about twenty publications,
of which the most important are A Short Abstract
of the Principles . . . of the United Societies in
Scotland (n.p., 1771); Observations on Prophetic
Times and Similitudes (2 parts, Edinburgh, 1777-
1778); A Hebrew Grammar without Points (Edin-
burgh, 1779; has some very excellent qualities);
An Humble Attempt to Investigate . . . the Scrip-
ture Doctrine concerning the Father, the Sen, and
the Holy Spirit (1784); An Humble Enquiry into
Faith and Regeneration (1788); Observations on the
Visions of the Apostle John (2 vols., 1789-93); and
A Declaration of the Religious Opinions of the Urd-
versalist Dissenters (1793).

Biblioorapay : A memoir by T. C. Holland is printed in die
Monthly Repository, 1820, pp. 77 sqq.; DMI, xlvii. 50-51.

PURVEY, JOHH: Reviser of the Wyclif transla-
tion of the Bible; b. about 1354; d. about 1428.
He was from Lathbury (5 m. s. of Olney); was
probably educated at Oxford; associated with John
Wyclif at Lutterworth for some time before 1384,
and after Wyclif 's death became a leader of the
Lollard party; he preached at Bristol, but was &-
lenced in Aug., 1387, by the Bishop of Worcester.
In 1390 he was in prison, and while there compiled
from Wyclif's writings a commentary on Revela-
tion. In 1400 he recanted his Lollardy at St. Paul's
Cross, London; was by the archdeacon of Canter-
bury admitted to the vicarage of West Hythe, Kent,
but resigned Oct. 8, 1403, and was again in prison
in 1421. He is chiefly remembered for his revision
of Wyclif's and Nicholas Hereford's translation of
the Bible, which he completed in 1388 (see Bible
Versions, B, IV., § 2). To this revision he wrote
a prologue of great length and interest. He was
also the author of Remonstrances against Romish
Corruptions in the Church, Addressed to the People
and Parliament of England in 1396 (ed. J. Fors-
hall, London, 1851).

Bibliography: T. Netter, Fasciculi tizaniorum, ed. W. H.
Shirley, pp. lxviii., 383, 400-407, London, 1858; Wyclif s
New Testament in English, ed. J. Forshall and F. Mad-
den, vol. i., Oxford, 1850, new ed., 1879; J. I. Mombert,
Hand-Book of the English Versions of the Bible, pp. 45.
55-57, New York, 1883; G. V. Lechler. John Wyclif e and
his English Precursors, pp. 220, 407. 452-453. new ed..
London, 1884; W. W. Capes, The English Church in the
14th and 16th Centuries, passim, ib. 1900; G. M. Trevd-
yan, England in the Age of Wycliffe, pp. 224-225, Pbila
delphia, 1907; J. Gairdner, Lollardy and the Reformation
in England, i. 52, 59, 116, 195, London, 1908; DSB.
xlvii. 51-52.

PUSEY, EDWARD BOUVERIE: Church of Eng.
land tractarian; b. at Pusey (12 m. s.w. of Ox-
ford) Aug. 22, 1800; d. at Ascot Priory, Oxford,
Sept. 16, 1882. He was the second son of the first
Viscount Folkestone, Jacob Bouverie, descending

871

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pynohon

from the old Huguenot family of Bouverie. At the
age of eighteen he entered Christ Church College,
Oxford, and in 1824 was elected fellow at Oriel
College, where he became intimately acquainted
with J. H. Newman and John Keble. He studied
oriental languages, but after a prolonged stay in
Germany (1825-27, in Gottingen, Berlin, and
Boon) devoted himself to the study of German
theology. By his work on this subject, Historical
Enquiry into the Probable Causes of the Rationalistic
Character . . . Predominant in the Theology of Ger-
many (London, 1828-30) he attracted the atten-
tion of academic circles, so that the duke of Well-
ington in 1829 made him regius professor of He-
brew and canon of Christ Church.

In 1833 the Tracts for the Times (see Tractari-
anism) had begun to appear and caused a great
sensation. Although Pusey was in contact with
the circle from which they proceeded, it v/as only
with his treatise on baptism, Scriptural Views of
Holy Baptism (nos. 67-69 of Tracts for the Timest
1835) and the publication of the Library of the
Fathers (see below) that he, at the end of 1834,
joined the forces of High-churchism which after
that formed the purpose and task of his life. He
exercised a great and decisive influence upon the
character and events of the movement, but was
not responsible for the foundation of the new party.
He threw himself into the study of the Fathers
and of those " Anglicans " who in the seventeenth
century had not succeeded in realizing their idea
that the " old church," i.e., the medieval Church,
in spite of Roman deformations, had been the only
true expression of the Church of Christ, and from
these studies Pusey 's ideas of the Church received
a decisive influence. In this spirit he, together with
Keble and Newman, edited, after 1836, the Oxford
Library of the Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church,
Anterior to the Division of the East and West (50
vols., Oxford, 1838-85). In a lecture on the Book
of Common Prayer he asserted, long before New-
man, that many " genuinely Catholic " doctrines
might be upheld even with the acknowledgment of
the Thirty-nine Articles. In 1843 Pusey, in a ser-
mon, stated views which, deviating from the con-
ception of the sacrament current since the Refor-
mation, closely approached the medieval sacrificial
idea of the real presence. In consequence he was
deposed from his office as preacher. The news of
his deposition created such a sensation that Pusey
advanced to a leading position in the struggle of
the church, and the movement was characterized
by the name of Puseyism.

As in his sermons, so in his theological investiga-
tions Pusey was held in check by a forced conserva-
tism that strove to awaken forgotten ideals. Al-
though he possessed great gifts as a polemical
writer, he was not a profound theologian. His
thought lacked consistence and keenness, but in the
knowledge of ecclesiastical antiquities he excelled
most of his contemporaries. In directing his eye
to the past, he could not comprehend the modern
spirit. His theology found adherents only until the
sixties. Some of his disciples turned away from
him, others went beyond him. His efforts at har-
mony with Rome and the renewal of the medieval

conception of the sacrament, coinciding with the
awakening of the medieval ideal of art upon Eng-
lish soil (Preraffaelites), led in natural consequence
to a renewal of medieval ceremonies in worship.
Although Pusey himself, ignoring the import of his
own thoughts, vigorously protested against such a
renewal, he could not hinder the renewal of cere-
monies from becoming the shibboleth of his party,
or Puseyism from being lost in ritualism.

The fundamental traits of his theology Pusey
laid down in a number of works which in almost
every instance were destined to serve the ecclesias-
tical questions of the day. The most important
are: The Doctrine of the Real Presence, as contained
in the Fathers (Oxford, 1855); The Real Presence
. . . the Doctrine of the English Church (1857); The
Minor Prophets, with Commentary (5 parts, 1860;
reissue, London, 1906 sqq.). In the work called
Eirenicon (vol. i., 1865) The Church of England a
Portion of Christ's One Holy Catholic Church, and
a Means of Restoring Visible Unity, he tried to show
the ecclesiastical theological foundations of a union
with Rome on the basis of the Council of Trent.
In the second volume of the same work, The Rev-
erential Love Due to the Ever-blessed Theotokos and
the Doctrine of her Immaculate Conception (1869),
and in the third volume, Is Healthful Reunion Pos-
sible? (1870), both addressed to J. H. Newman in
the form of letters, he pursued the idea of union
still further and tried to remove the difficulties be-
tween England and Rome as being of little account
by the assumption of the Gallican principles of
Bossuet. The third Eirenicon Pusey sent to the
majority of bishops assembled at the Vatican, but
it was rejected, and the subsequent triumph of
Ultramontanism (1870) completely destroyed his
hopes of reconciliation. Besides several collections
of sermons, Parochial Sermons (4 vols., 1832-50);
University Sermons (3 vols., 1864-79) ; and Lenten
Sermons (1858, 1874), and other works, Pusey pub-
lished: Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister and
God's Prohibition of the Marriage with a Deceased
Wife's Sister (1849, 1860); The Royal Supremacy
not an Arbitrary Authority (1850) ; The Councils of
the Church (1857); Daniel the Prophet (1864); On
the Clause: " And the Son " (1876); Habitual Con-
fession not Discouraged (1878); What is of Faith as
to Everlasting Punishment (1880).

(Rudolf BuDDENsiEaf.)
Bibliography: The principal biography is by H. P. Lid-
don, 4 vols., London, 1893-97. Consult further: A. B.
Donaldson, Five Great Oxford Leaders, ib. 1902; C. C.
Grafton, Pusey and the Church Revived, Milwaukee, 1902;
G. W. E. Russell, Dr. Pusey, London, 1907; DNB, xlvii.
53-61. Much of the literature under the articles on Car-
dinals Manning and Newman and on Tractarianism will
be found pertinent. The bibliography of Pusey's works
and those evoked by his activities covers seven pages in
the British Museum Catalogue.

PYNCHON , WILLIAM : English colonist in Amer-
ica and religious author; b. at Springfield (28 m.
n.e. of London), Essex, In 1590; d. at Wraysbury
(3 m. s.e. of Windsor), Buckingshamshire, Oct. 29,
1662. He was probably educated at Cambridge;
was one of the original patentees of the Massachu-
setts Bay Company, 1629; came to America, 1630;
settled at Roxbury, Mass.; founded Springfield on
the Connecticut River, 1636, naming it for his Eng-

Queroum

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

373

hsh home. Visiting England he published The
Meritorious Price of our Redemption (London, 1650)
controverting the Calvinistic view of the atone-
ment. The heresies it contained (that Christ did
not suffer for man the torments of hell, nor bear
man's sins, nor the curse of the law for them, and
therefore did not redeem mankind by suffering that
curse) aroused great consternation in Massachu-
setts Bay Colony and upon his return the general
court condemned the book to be burned by the
executioner and cited Pynchon to appear before it
in May, 1651. He acknowledged the order by an-
swering in a letter that he had been entirely mis-
understood; but he was summoned again in Oct.,
1651, and again in May, 1652. He ignored both
orders, and, leaving his children, he returned to

England, Sept., 1652. He further published Aferi-
torious Price of our Redemption (1655), revised with
a rejoinder to the answer of John Morton, A Fa-
ther Discussion of ... the Sufferings of Chi*
(1653); The Jewes Synagogue (1652); How ik
First Sabbath was Ordained (1654); and The Cove-
nant of Nature Made with Adam (1662).

Bibliography: Massachusetts Historical CoUscHomt, 2 so,
vol. viii., 10 vols., Boston, 1814-23; J. O. Palfrey, flu-
tory of New England, ii. 305-396, 4 vols.. New York,
1858-75; H. M. Dexter, The Congregationalism of the but
300 years as seen in its Literature Appendix, not. 1552.
1638, 1642, 1705, ib. 1880; F. H. Foster, Genetic Hid. of
New England Theology, pp. 16-20, 114, Ghicsfo, 1907;
DNBt xlvii. 85.

PYX. See Vessels, Sacked, | 3.

QUADRAGESIMA. See Lent; Sunday.

QUADRATUS, cwed-ro'tus: The earliest Chris-
tian apologist. The only source is Eusebius, in his
Chronicon, and in Hist, ecd., IV., iii., I., ii. Accord-
ing to this authority Quadratus claimed to be a dis-
ciple of the apostles, and that, to furnish to his
brethren in the faith a defense against the false
charges brought by the heathen, he wrote a learned
defense of Christianity which he forwarded to the
Emperor Hadrian (q.v.; 117-138). The passage in
the Chronicon runs as follows: " Quadratus, a dis-
ciple of the apostles and Aristides, a presbyter of
Athens, composed and sent to Hadrian books in favor
of the Christian religion." The same fact is stated
in the " History " in practically the same words.
Though Eusebius declares " the apology is still cur-
rent among very many of the brethren," only one
meager fragment has survived (cited in his Hist,
ecd., IV., iii.; Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser. i. 175).

The question has been raised whether Quadratus
the apologist is the same person as Quadratus the
prophet mentioned by Eusebius in Hist. eccl.t III.,
xxxvii., as Otto, Zahn, and Hilgenfeld have con-
tended. The chronology favors the identification.
The mention of the prophet by Eusebius follows
immediately after his report of the speech of Igna-
tius of Antioch, whose martyrdom took place under
Trajan, or perhaps under Hadrian. And Harnack,
who was formerly against the identification, in his
Liiteratur (i. 96) grants the probability. Eusebius
also mentions (Hist, ecd., IV., xxiii.) a Quadratus
who was elected bishop of Athens as successor to
the martyr Publius. In two passages of his works
(De vir. ill., xix., Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser., iii.
367-368; and Epist., lxx., Eng. transl. in NPNF,
2 ser., vi. 150) Jerome speaks of the bishop of
Athens as identical with the apologist. But chro-
nology is against this identification. The apologist,
according to the passage from Eusebius cited above,
flourished in the time of Hadrian, and the Athenian
bishop appears, according to the same author, to
have been a contemporary of Bishop Dionysius of
Corinth and the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. A.
Harnack (Litteratur, i. 95-96) declares " The state-

ment of Jerome on this point is unworthy of credit,"
and Bardenhewer and others agree with him.

(Frank Gorres.)

Bibuoobafht: A. Harnack, in TU, L 1-2 (1882). 100-114;
idem, LitUratw, i. 95-96, ii. 1, pp. 269-271; T. Zata. in
NKZ, ii (1891). 281-287; idem. Porschungen, vi (1900),
41-63; Bardenhewer, GeochichU, L 168-171; DCB, it.
623.

QUADRILATERAL: A name given to four arti-
cles, adopted as a basis of Christian union by the
General Convention of the Protestant Episcopal
Church at Chicago in 1886 and by the Lambeth
Conference in 1888. See Fundamental Doctrines
or Christianity, II., § 11; Lambeth Conference.

QUAKERS. See Friends.

QUARLES, cwerls: Name of writers of sacred
poetry.

1. Francis Quarles was born at the manor-house
of Stewards at Romford (12 m. n.e. of London)
May 8, 1592; d. at London Sept. 8, 1644. He was
educated at Christ Church, Cambridge (B.A., 1608),
studied law at Lincoln's Inn* was cup-bearer to
Princess Elizabeth on her marriage to the elector
palatine in 1613; became secretary to James
Ussher, archbishop of Armagh, Ireland, in 1629
lived in retirement at Roxwell, Essex, 1633-39
and was chronologer to the city of London, 1639-
1644, with residence in that city. He was a stanch
royalist and in the revolution his manuscripts were
destroyed. His first attempts at verse were Bib-
lical paraphrases such as A Feast of Wormes set
forth in a Poeme of the History of Jonah, published
with Hymne to God and Pentelogia (London, 1620),
Hadassa: History of Queen Esther (1621), Job Mili-
tant (1624), Sion*s Elegies wept by Jcremie the
Prophet (1624), Sion's Sonnets sung by Solomon
the King (1625), and Historic of Samson (1631);
all of which were bound together with an Alpha-
bet of Elegies (1625) in one volume entitled Divine
Poems (London, 1633 and often). The work which
won him immediate and phenomenal popularity
was Emblemes (1635, 1634); it was issued in
five books, the forty-five prints in the last three of
which, as well as the verses either translated or

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ftuwnu

closely paraphrased, were from Hermann Hugo's
Pia Desideria Emblemalis (Antwerp, 1624). This
was followed by Hicroglyphikes of ilie Life of Man
(1038). The last two were published together (1736,
and often). His Divine Fancies, Digested into Epi-
grams, Meditations and Observations in four books
(1632), and his metrical version of six Psalms (xvi.,
xxv., li,, Ixxxviii., cxiii., and cxxxvii.) to be taken
out to John Winthrop and John Cotton in America
were published in the Bay Psalm Book (q.v.). The
fruit of his retirement in London (1639-44) con-
sisted (if prose manuals of piety, the first of which,
Eiirhiriiliini, i'tiitttiitiim) Institutions Divine and
Moral (300 essays, 1640; 400 essays, 1641; and
numerous other editions) was almost as popular as
the Emblems. It was followed by Barnabas and
Boanerges; or Wine and O'jle for afflicted Soules
(I044)i and Barnabas and Boanerges; or Judgment
and Mcny for Afflicted Soules (1646); the two con-
sisting Of meditations, soliloquies, and prayers were
published together (1667). He wrote also a num-
ber of royalist pamphlets, such as Tlie Loyall Con-
vert (1644), published with two others as The Pro-
list Kni/uHiit (1645). The Complcti- Wrirks. including
his poetic romance, Argulus and Parthenia, and
many posthumous publications was issued by A. B.
Grosart (3 vols., 1880-81). The ruling theme of
Quarles was the wretchedness of man's earthly
existence. Though his leading works were im-
mensely popular in their time, yet they obtained
but few admirer* amniig persons of literary distinc-
tion. James Montgomery (1827) and later writers
have done him partial justice anil he is now more
favorably known; but even they charge him with
''base phraseology, la I aired faults, and deforming
conceit-!." His quips and quaintnesses belong to
his age and there is no volume of his verse that is
not illumined by occasional flashes of poetic fire.
H. D. Thoreau writes of him: " He uses language
sometimes as greatly as Shakespeare."

3. John Quarles, son of the above, was born in
Essex b 1624; d. of the plague in London in 1665.
He matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford, 1643;
bore anil* for the king at ( Ixford and was banished.
Taking refuge in Flanders he wrote Fans Lachry-
rtuirum (London, 16-18). Subsequently in London
hi published many poems, to one of which, Dimne
Meditiitioiis (1655), was appended Several Divine.
Ejaculations from which Thomas Darling adapted
two hymns for his Hymns for the Church of England
(1857). namely, " O King of kings, before whose
throne," and " O thou who sitt'st in heaven and

BiiujooRAFHi: The original source is the Short Relation of
hi> Life any! Dmlh, in Ihn ed. o( Saiamorit Rtcantatim. by
Uraulii, widow of Franri". London, 1845. Thu introduc-
tion to Oro»nrt'« ed. of Uia Work* (ut sup.) in to be con-
sulted, also DNB. xlvii. 82-B7, the latter reference cover-
ing both Francis and John.

QUARTODECIMANS. See Eastbr, I., 3, II.,
1 1.
QUASIMODO GENITL See Sunday.

QUEEK ATIHE'S BOUNTY: A corporation for
the purpose of improving small livings in the Church
of England, initiated by Queen Anne in 1704. The

original source of revenue so applied was the first-
fruits and tithes of all benefices usurped by King
John, made the property of the crown under Henry
VIII., and yielded up for this purpose by Anne. She
was enabled by acts of parliament to found the cor-
poration and to make rules for its guidance by royal
charter or letters patent. It also receives benefac-
tions and administers them, and its activities have
been enlarged so as to include repairs and the in-
suring of parsonages, as well as provision for erect-
ting new buildings by long-term loans. Its capital
is now nearly $25,000,000, with a yearly income of
over 8800,000, while its total benefactions exceed
S30,000,000.

Bibuoohapbt: The one good account is by C. Iloiipnii,
An Account of the Augmentation of Small Living, by ■• The
Qovernori of the Bounty of Qurrn Anne." with Inn nppll -

Hook,' Chunk Dictbmn, op «M-«5. London, 1887;' el.
W. F. Hutton. The English Church U6B6-17H). pp. 2S6-
257, London, 1903.

QUENSTEDT, cven'stet, JOHAHNES AHDREAS:

Lutheran dogma tician; b. at Quedlinburg (31 m.
s.w. of Magdeburg) Aug. 13, 1617; d.at Wittenberg
.May 22. 1688. He was educated at the University
of Helmstadt, 1637-43; and of Wittenberg, 1644.
where he also lectured on geography; was adjunct
professor in the philosophical faculty, 1646—49;
ordinary professor of logic and metaphysics and as-
sociate professor of theology, 1619-60; and ordinary
professor of theology, 1660-88. Quenstedt repre-
sents the old orthodox reaction after the period of
reconstruction had set in; the fruit of his thirty
years of work in the university lectureship was pub-
lished in the Theoloyiu diihtftlro-pnU-mim sive sys-
tema theotogicttm (Wittenberg, 1685; Leipsie, 1715),
a work according to the strictest standard of Lu-
theran orthodoxy based upon the Theoloaia positiva
acroamalica of J. F. Konig, and characterized by ex-
ternal dogmatization instead of a development of
the subject from within, and abounding in artful
scholastic refinements. He was noted among his
contemporaries for his mild, irenie spirit and retir-
ing, pious disposition, which is also shown by his
Bnfn pottorum et instruetio cathedralis (1678), in
which he advises to temper severity with gentleness
in resisting heretieB, and to distinguish between the
tempters and the tempted; warns against pedantry
in the pulpit; and recommends the reading of
Johann Arndt's Yarn vahren Christenthum. Other
works are the Dialogue tie ptitrii.\ iilnslritim dufMna
et seriptis virorum (Wittenberg, 1654), and a col-
lection of dissertations, Exercilationes de theologia
in genere ejutque prindjAo tancta scriptura (1677).
(Johannes Kunze.)

Bihlioohafht: A. Bonnert. in H. Pippin*. Memoria Ihto-
looorum. pp. 229 nqq.. Leipaic, 1705: J. F. Nicer.. i,. .Y.1.-/1-
rkhten von brrQhmlen Oeleh rtrn. XX. 130 so.q-. H:ilV. ITBDl
J. C. Erdmsnn, Biooraphit tamtHchtr Propete in Witten-
berg, pp. 25-28. mtMm 1802: idem, Lebenjbexhreib-
ungen von den mttmbergischtn Tkeologtn. pp. 87-88, lb.
18«; A. Tbolucfc Drr deist der iuttmw./.™ Theologen
Wittenberg,, pp. 214 sqq.. Goths. 1852; W. Goes. Ge-
tchicktt tier prvledantiiehen Dogmatik. i. 357 aqq.. Berlin,
1854; Q. Frank. Qtwchicltlt der protettantitthtn Thtologit,
li. 30, 4 vol»„ Leipais. 1862-1905.

QUERCUM SYN0PUS AD. See CRBrsosrroH,
I*.

Quean el
Quirintas

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

874

QUESNEL, ktf'neT, PASQUIER: Jansenistic
author; b. at Paris July 14, 1634; d. at Amster-
dam Dec. 2, 1719. He was educated at the Sor-
bonne, where he completed his theological studies
(M.A., 1653). In 1657 he entered the Congrega-
tion of the Fathers of the Oratorium, then involved
in the Janaenistic controversies; and in 1659 be-
came priest. Before the age of twenty-eight he be-
came director of the Paris Institute, the seminary
of his order, where he was distinguished as a bril-
liant instructor, of keen understanding and im-
movable stability, as well as an amiable and modest
character. He devoted himself early to the study
of the Scriptures, and from this originated his main
work, which drew upon him the enmity of the
Jesuits, Reflexions morales sur le Nouveau Testa-
ment (Le Nouveau Testament en Francois avec des
reflexions morales sur chaque versett 4 vols., Paris,
1692; Eng. transl., The New Testament, with Moral
Reflections upon Every Verse, by R. Russel, 4 vols.,
Ixmdon, 1719-25). Originally only a brief treat-
ment of a few passages of the Gospels, entitled
Abrtgl de la morale de VEvangile, intended for prac-
tical use among his order, it gained such acceptance
that Quesnel enlarged it to cover the four Gospels.
Each new and enlarged edition met with an in-
creased favor and the bishop of Chalons-sur-Marne,
Felix Vialard, in a pastoral letter in 1671, com-
mended it to his spiritual charge. When he pub-
lished Sancti Lcotiis papa opera (1675; folio, 1700),
in which he defended the liberties of the Gallican
Church (see Galucanmm) and failed to dedicate
the same to the archbishop of Paris, he gained the
latter's ill-will, and was by him forced to leave
Paris, whereupon he took up his residence at Or-
leans. Soon he felt constrained to retire from the
Oratorium; and, unable to subscribe the Anti-
Jansenistic formulas, he fled to Brussels in 1685,
where Anton Arnauld (q.v.) was living, with whom
he remained till the latter's death. Here he further
extended the Reflexions to cover the entire New
Testament, the work appearing complete for the
first time in 1687, a new edition (of 1693) being en-
dorsed by the bishop of Chalons, afterward arch-
bishop of Paris and later Cardinal Louis Antoine de
Noaillcs (qv.). The work represented the Jansen-
istic doctrine, both dogmatic and practical; and
when Quesnel had succeeded Arnauld at his death
(1694) as head of the party and the strife was re-
newed in 1703, an order of arrest was secured from
Philip V. of Spain, and Quesnel was imprisoned in
the ward of the archbishop's palace. With the aid
of friends he made his escape and lived in Holland
the rest of his life. The seizure of all his papers
and correspondence proved a disastrous weapon in
the hands of the Jesuits against the Jansenists.
The former secured a decree in 1708 from Pope
Clement XI., condemning the Reflexions, but this
was inhibited in France by reason of objections of
a formal nature, and Quesnel's work obtained only
the greater circulation. In the formally correct
bull, Uniyenitus, of 1713, 101 theses wrre condemned
in the most violent pronouncements. The Cardinal
de Noailles and seven other prelates rejected the
bull, supported by most of the clericals of the orders
and by the people, ever ready to take sides against

the Jesuits. The main point at issue was the free-
dom of the Gallican Church. Quesnel meantime
vindicated himself by various writings; and quiet
and resigned, meek and pious, continued his author-
ship in exile, in a clear, forceful, elegant, and pre-
cise style. Other principal works were, Tradition
de Veglise romaine star la predestination et k gran
(4 vols., 1687); La Discipline de Veglise, txrk a\
Nouveau Testament et de quelques anciens amcHa
(2 vols., Lyons, 1689); Histoire abrtgee de la tied
des ouvrages de M. Arnauld, appearing originally
in 1695 as Question curieuse (Lilge, 1699); LaFri
et V innocence du dergi de HoUande difendutt (1700);
and Uldie du sacerdoce et du sacrifice de Jesus Chrut
(very many reprints). Some of his works of edifi-
cation were, Instructions chretiennes et elevations a
Dieu *ur la passion (Paris, 1702); J tout Ckrtit
penitent, ou exercise de piiU pour le temps du careme
(1728); Elevation a Jesus Christ Notre Seigneur «w
sa passion et sa mart (reprinted many times); Le
Jour evangdique ou trois cent soixante veritts tiriet
du Nouveau Testament (1700); Le Bonheur de la
mort chrtHenne (new ed., 1738), and L'Office de
J^sus, avec des reflexions. P. F. Le Courayer has
published a collection of correspondence, Recueil de
lettres spiritueUes sur divers sujets de monk et de
piete (3 vols., Paris, 1721-23). His letters were
edited by Madame Le Roy (2 vols., Paris, 1900).

(C. Pfexdeb.)

Bibliography: A. Schell, Die Constitution UnieeniUa, pp.
27 sqq., Freiburg, 1876; G. H. Putnam. The Cauankip
of the Church of Rome, i. 357-361 1 ii. 410. New York, 1W6-
1007; Reusch, Index, ii. 661 sqq.; Princeton Rrvirv, 1856,
pp. 132 sqq.; Iichtenberger, ESR, xi. 62-65; KL, x.
678-679.

QUIETISM. See Molinos, Miguel de; Guyos,
Jeanne Marie Bouvier de la Motte.

QUIGLEY, cwigTi, JAMES EDWARD: Roman
Catholic; b. at Oshawa, Ontario, Oct. 15, 1854.
He received his education at St. Joseph's College,
Buffalo, N. Y., the Seminary of our Lady of Angels
(now Niagara University), the University of Inns-
bruck, and the College of the Propaganda, Rome;
was ordained priest, 1879; was pastor of St. Vin-
cent's, Attica, N. Y., 1879-84; of St. Joseph's
Cathedral, Buffalo, 1884-96; and of St. Bridget's
Church, same city, 1896-97; became bishop of
Buffalo, 1897-1903; and in 1903 was installed arch-
bishop of Chicago.

QUINISEXT COUNCIL. See Trullan Synod.

QUINQUAGESIMA. See Lent; Sunday.

QUIRINIUS (QUIRINUS), cwoi-rin'i-us, PUB-
LIUS SULPICIUS: A Roman general and admin-
istrator; b. at Lanuvium (c. 20 m. s. of Rome); d.
in Rome 21 a.d. As a reward for military and ad-
ministrative services he was raised by Augustus to
the office of consul in the year 12 b.c. Later he
waged successful war against the Homonadenses in
Cilicia, and was granted the honor of

His Life, a triumph. He was assigned as ad-
viser to Caius Caesar when this youth,
a nephew and adopted son of the emperor, was en-
gaged in the reduction of Armenia to order. He
secretly paid court to Tiberius, who at the time
was but a prince living in retirement on the island

376

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Queanel
Quirinius

of Rhodes. From 6-9 a.d. he was legatus Augusti,
Le., governor, in Syria. At his death the Emperor
Tiberius wrote to the senate asking that a public
funeral be decreed. In this letter the emperor re-
called the attentions paid to him by Quirinius at
Rhodes and praised him for his good offices, ap-
parently in preventing at that time misunderstand-
ings between Tiberius and Caius Csesar. But to the
people generally the memory of Quirinius was by
no means dear, because of his persistence in the
trial of his wife Lepida, whose conviction he se-
cured on the charges of adultery, attempted poison-
ing, and treasonable dealing, but who had the sym-
pathy of the people; and also because of his sordid
avarice even in his old age (Tacitus, Annates, iii.
48; Strabo, xii. 6, 3, and 5; Josephus, Ant., XVII.,
xiii. 5, XVIII., i. 1, ii. 1). As a necessary conclu-
sion from the facts recited by Tacitus, and in view
of Roman governmental principles, it is inferred
that Quirinius was governor of Syria, not only 6-9
aj>., but also at the time of the war in Cilicia, prob-
ably during 3-2 B.C., in succession to Varus (Zumpt,
Mommsen, Schurer). Ramsay dates this earlier
Syrian administration — not a governership, how-
ever1— and the conquest of the Homonadenses in
4-3 B.C. at the latest, but perhaps earlier; and
Quirinius' proconsulship of the province Asia (at-
tested, he believes, by the Tivoli inscription) at
latest 3-2 b.c.

In the book of the Acts Luke mentions an enrol-
ment of the people which was made in Judea and
provoked bitter opposition (Acts v. 37). This was
the census which, according to Josephus, was taken
when Quirinius was governor of Syria and Coponius
was procurator, i.e., between 6-9 a.d. (Ant., XVIII.,
i. 1, ii. 1; War., II., viii. 1). In the Gospel also
Luke mentions an enrolment in Palestine (see Cen-
sus) . It was part of a general enumera-
Luke's tion decreed by Augustus for the entire
References. Roman empire. It led to the visit of
Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem, and
was thus in a way the occasion of the birth of Christ
in that town. Luke calls this " the first enrolment
made when Quirinius was governor of Syria " (Luke
Ii. 2). Now the birth of Christ took place before the
death of Herod the Great (Matt. ii. 1; Luke iii. 1,
2, 23). Herod died in the year 4 b.c. How then
can Luke say that Quirinius was governor of Syria?
C. Sentius Saturninus held that office from 9 or 8
to the first half of the year 6 b.c; and was suc-
ceeded by P. Quinctilius Varus, who continued
until 4 b.c.

Here, then, is a matter for investigation, and, if
possible, elucidation. No evidence has been ad-
duced against the genuineness of the verse in Luke,
or of the reading " Quirinius " in that passage. Nor
does any suspicion of error attach to the statements
of Josephus which fix the date- of the administra-
tions of Saturninus and Varus and of Quirinius, a
decade later, when Judas of Galilee revolted. As
to Luke's statement that the enrolment, which was
being conducted at the time of Christ's birth, took
place " when Quirinius was governor of Syria,"
Mommsen and Schurer, for example, have expressed
the opinion that the evangelist erred. But this
summary dismissal of Luke's testimony as erroneous

has not been deemed wholly satisfactory by scholars,
for Luke shows himself well informed on historical
matters and his accuracy has been vindicated in

many other instances. Moved by con-

The " First siderations of this kind Zumpt, in the

Enrolment" middle of the last century, having found

reason to believe that Quirinius held
the office of legate of Syria in 3-2 b.c. in succession
to Varus, gave it as his opinion that the first en-
rolment began indeed during the administration of
Saturninus, but was completed during the first
governorship of Quirinius, 3-2 b.c. In principle
this is the theory of Ramsay also. His modifica-
tion consists in that he does not regard Quirinius
as sole legate for Syria and successor to Varus (as
do Zumpt, Mommsen, and Schurer) ; but as a legate
for a special purpose, who was associated with the
legate appointed for the general administration.
And Ramsay elaborates the theory of Zumpt in
that he offers an explanation for the delay in com-
pleting the census, his explanation being the same
as that given long ago by Hales. It is known that
under the Roman government a periodic enumera-
tion of households was conducted in Egypt every
fourteen years, reckoned from 23 B.C., the imperial
year of Augustus. Professor Ramsay finds evidence
of an enrolment in Syria, too, according to the
fourteen-year cycle; Tertullian referring to one
during the governorship of Saturninus, Josephus to
one in 6 a.d., and Tacitus to one in 34 a.d. Thus
an enrolment was due in Syria in the year 8 b.c.
and made; but in Herod's kingdom it was prob-
ably delayed for some time, for Herod had gotten
himself into trouble with Augustus. With the con-
sent of Saturninus, governor of Syria, Herod had
marched an army into Arabia to redress certain
wrongs which he had received (Ant., XVI., ix. 2).
This proceeding was misrepresented to the emperor,
who notified Herod, probably in the year 8 b.c,
that henceforth he would treat him as a subject.
Some time afterward the whole nation of the Jews,
except 6,000 Pharisees, took an oath of fidelity to
Csesar and the king jointly (Ant., XVII., ii. 4). Ob-
viously the two acts, the oath and the enrolment,
form part of the new policy of Augustus toward
Herod. The date of the enrolment and the oath
may be the year 6 B.C.; for Herod would have had
little difficulty in obtaining leave from Saturninus
to postpone the numbering until the embassy,
which, after Augustus announced the change of
policy toward him, he was sending to Rome to seek
a reconciliation with the emperor and a restoration
of the old order, should return and report the result
of its efforts. Herod was finally obliged to order
the census, and it was probably taken in the sum-
mer of the year 6 B.C., when Quirinius was a special
legatus Augusti to Syria, invested with the command
of the army and entrusted with its foreign affairs,
such as the relations between its several states and
Rome, particularly where tension existed and mili-
tary intervention might be necessary. Quirinius
stood in exactly the same relation to Varus, the
governor of Syria, as at a later time Vespasian did
to Mucianus. Vespasian conducted the war in
Palestine while Mucianus was governor of Syria;
and Vespasian was legatus Augusti, holding precisely

Quirk
Sabaut

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

879

the same title and technical rank as Mucianus. See
Census, II., §§ 4-5. John D. Davis.

Bibliography: A. W. Zumpt, Comtnentationum epigraphi-
carwn ad antiquitates Romano* pertinentiwn, vol. ii., Ber-
lin, 1854; idem. Das Geburtsjahr Chrirti, Leipeic, 1800;
T. Mommsen, fie* gesta divi Augusti, Berlin, 1865; Bour,
V Inscription de Quirinius et U recensement de St. Luc,
Rome, 1807; W. M. Ramsay, Was Christ Born at Beth-
lehemt London and New York, 1808; SchQrer, Geschichte,
L 322-324, 510-543, Ens. transl., I., i. 351-354, et pas-
aim (consult Index); Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, vol. ii.,
col 1186; DB. iv. 183; EB, iv. 3004-06; DCG, ii. 463-
464. An extensive bibliography of the subject is in
SchQrer, Germ, ed., i. 508-509; good references are also'
given in Thayer's Greek-English Lexicon, p. 365, New
York, 1880. For the Tivoli and Venice inscriptions, eon-
suit T. Mommaen in Ephemeris Bpigraphica, iv. 538;
Ramsay, ut sup., pp. 273-274; SchQrer, Geschichte, i.
324-325, Eng. transl., I., i. 355.

QUIRK, cwurk, JOHN NATHANIEL: Church
of England bishop; b. at A&hton-under-Lyne (6
m. e. of Manchester) Dec. 14, 1849. He received

his education at St. John's College, Cambridge (BJL,
1873; M.A., 1876; D.D., 1902); was made deacon
in 1874, and priest, 1875; was curate of St. Leon-
ard, Bridgnorth, 1874-78, and of Doncaster, 1878-
1881; vicar of St. Thomas, Douglas, Isle of Man,
1881-82; and of Rotherham, 1882-89, being also
chaplain of Rotherham Union, 1883-89, and lec-
turer of Rotherham, 1884-89; vicar of Beverley,
1889-94; and of St. Paul, Newington, 1894-95;
rector of Bath, 1895-1901, serving also as rural
dean of Bath, 1895-1901, chaplain of Bath United
Hospitals, 1898-1901 and proctor of the diocese of
Bath and Wells, 1900-01 ; was consecrated bishop
suffragan of Sheffield, 1901; vicar of Doncaster,
1901-05; chaplain to the corporation of Doncaster,
1901-05; and vicar of St. Mark, BroomhaU, Shef-
field, 1905. He was also canon and prebendary of
Apesthorpe in York cathedral, 1888, and proctor in
convocation, 1898-1901.

RAAMAH. See Table of the Nations, J 6.

RAAMSES. See Moses, § 4.

RABANUS, rd-ba'nus (HRABANUS, RHABA-
NUS), MAURUS: One of the most important
churchmen of the Carolingian period; b. at Mains
between 776 and 784; d. at Winkel (on the Rhine,
10 m. w. of Mainz) Feb. 4, 856. He
Life. writes his name Magnentius Hrabanus
Maurus, Magnentius probably referring
to his Mainz origin; Hrabanus is connected with
Old High German hraban, " raven," and the sur-
name Maurus was given him by Alcuin. He was
educated in the abbey of Fulda, where he entered
the Benedictine order, and was ordained deacon in
801. Then he was sent to Tours to study not only
theology, but the liberal arts with Alcuin, and, re-
turning to Fulda, taught in the school, which flour-
ished under his care. He was ordained priest in 814,
and became abbot of Fulda in 822, showing marked
capacity for the manifold duties imposed upon him
as the head of a great monastery. He completed
the rebuilding of the abbey, begun under his pred-
ecessor, and erected a number of churches and ora-
tories in the surrounding country, besides caring
for the development of various artistic talents among
the monks, and turning them to good account in
the decoration of his churches. He increased the
property and the immunities of the abbey, and de-
fended them from attacks; but his principal atten-
tion was given to his spiritual duties. As abbot he
found time to give instruction in the Scriptures,
and preached zealously to the people round about,
stirring up the neighboring clergy to a like zeal.
After twenty years of rule, he resigned the abbacy
in the spring of 842, and retired to a church which
he had built on the Petersberg, not far away, where
he divided his time between devotional exercises
and literary activity. He was drawn from his retire-
ment in 847 by the call to succeed Otgar as arch-
bishop of Mainz, and held his first provincial synod
in October. Others followed in 848 and 852. Be-

sides showing the same seal for the welfare of souk
that he had exhibited at Fulda, he impressed his
contemporaries by his acts of charity, feeding more
than 300 people daily in the famine of 850. He
still managed to continue writing, and took part in
the controversy aroused by the eucharistic teaching
of Paschasius Radbertus (q.v.). He was acknowl-
edged as the leading authority on Holy Scripture,
later ecclesiastical literature, and canon law in the
whole Frankiah empire. His greatest services were
to the cause of education ; it was he who first made
literary and theological culture at home east of the
Rhine. His life was blameless, and eminent in the
purity of his ideals.

His writings fall into various classes. Among
those of an exegetical nature, the earliest is bis com-
mentary on Matthew, composed between 814 and

822. It is less an original work than a
His Com- compilation, especially from Jerome,
mentaries. Augustine, and Gregory the Great.

During the period of his abbacy, at the
request of Freculf , bishop of Lisieux, he dealt with
the Pentateuch in a similar manner, though here
the allegorical method of interpretation came into
greater prominence. Commentaries followed on the
other historical books of the Old Testament, with
the exception of Ezra and Nehemiah, and including
Maccabees. Then he explained Wisdom and Eccle-
siasticus, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel. To
a later period probably belong the commentaries on
Proverbs, the Pauline epistles, and the Gospel of
John. Of these there are yet unpublished Isaiah
(a twelfth-century manuscript in the possession of
Erlangen University), Daniel and John (Munich
Library).

For the two collections of his homilies, one dedi-
cated to Haistulf (before 826) and one to the
Emperor Lothair, see Homiliartum. In the same
connection should be mentioned the treatise De
videndo Deo (after 842). The De modo pcmUentia
sometimes included with this as a third book is an
independent work, warmly exhorting the reader

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

to true repentance. While still only a monk, he

composed his De clericoTitm instil nlhne dedicated
to Archbishop Haistulf, written to in-
Ecclesias- struct the clergy on the significance
ttcal of their office and things connected
Works, with it. The first book treats of the
Church, holy orders, clerical vestments,
the mass, and the sacrament*; the second of liturgies;
and the third of the theological and general educa-
tion of the clergy. Though OB original work in sub-
stance, it yet owes a good deal (u (tubanus him-
self guys) to older treatises, especially the Inxlittt-
tiones of Cassiodorus and the De ihctri/in Christiana
of Augustine. To the same period belong a gram-
matical work after Priscian and a ehronoloti'-al
Liber de compute (820). While abbot of Fulda, he
acems to have put together his Martyrology, and
after he had retired to the Petersberg to have em-
ploy.-il hi.-, leisure in writing the twenty-two books
De universo, a sort of cni-yckijiedip compendium of
knowledge. To the same interval of quiet belongs
tlie De ecdesiasliea discipliua, partly based on Au-
gustine and partly a recasting of the De dericomm
i-i'hl'iti'iur: only the last book, entitled De agone
Christiana, ■ compendium of ethical teaching, is in-
dependent. During his episcopate he evpanded the
first book of the Dr. clericorum instilutiont into a
more extended treatise De merit ordinibus, eaera-
Kerttis Hieiriix ft e-ct/mrittis siirmlottililni.i. and wrote
a treatise De anima, dedicated to the Emperor
Lothair. Of uncertain date is the Altegoria; a col-
lection of terms used alle;«oricaUy in Scripture, with
explanations! and examples. A few writings on
»■■'■■■.,-':■■■. J discipline remain to !»■ mentioned —
tlie Pteiiitenti'im IHmt, dedicated tut >tc:ir of Main- ;
a Pttnitentialr composed during his episcopate at
the r<")ucst of Hcribald of Auxcrrc; a letter, and a
treatise addressed to Hatto of t'ulda, on degrees of
consanguinity; another De magici* artibua; and a
letter to the rhorepiseopus Reginbald on various
disciplinary questions.

Controversies of the time gave rise to the De ob-
tatione puerorum, an affirmation of the perpetuity
of monastic principles under all conditions occa-
sioned by the decision of the Council of Mainz to
release Gottschalk (q.v.) from his vows, and a num-
ber of letters dealing with the whole controversy
associuted with his name; a memorial to Drogo of
Metz on the position of Chnrepixcnjri (q.v.): a dc-
.fense of Louis the Pious against his sons and the
bishops after the events of 833, and the somewhat
later De ii'tiis et uirtutibu*. In verse he shone, I him-
self, though not a great poei, a competent artist ; to
tins division belong his earliest work, In laudem
aancto- cruris, and a number of epitaphs and other
inscriptions. (A. Haitck.)

Bibuoobapht: The Opera, ed. J. Pnmcli.n. A. rjq Henin,
and G. Cfltveneriuj. wcrr issued in 0 ..ill., <'o]«ari<-. 1620-
1827, reprinted, with orolacMMAa sad n collection of
lives, in MPL. cvii.-cxii. The |HHHw. with prolegomena,
in in MGH. PaH. Lot. ori Carol., ii [1884), 154-244; ud
the Epilola arc in .VHII. Kpi.it.. v M8BS), 37B «qq, 517
nqq, Source* For a life are the Miranda aanctorum of
Rudolph™, ed. O. WtlU in Mf/H. .Script., iv (tS87>,
328 -qq.. rod with cornmentriry in ASB. Feb.. I. S00-o22;
J. F. Bohmer, Rruento orrtiirpinconorum Maaunlinmnwn.
ed. C. Will, pp. jdv.-xxiv., fH sqq... Innsbruck. IS77: ud
the material fathered in SI PI., cvii. Couull further:

J. K. Dnhl. Lebrn and Schriftm da Enbixhofi RabanuM
Maurut, Fulda, 1828: N. Bach, Hrabanut Maurut. drr
Schofpcr da deulrchai Sdiidnarrtu, Fulda. 1835; F.
Kiuuttnaiw, Hrahaniw Maonentini Maura*. Maim, 1841;
H. Colombel, Vita Hndrnni Mauri, Weilburg, 1856: T.
Spongier, Lrbca da heiliaen Rhabanu* -Unurus. ItegBns-
bunj. 1850; C. SchnarU, Zur Frier drr IQOQ-jahriatn
Erimeruw an Rabania Mauru*. Fulda, 1858; E. Danun-
ler, in NA, W. 288-294; idem. QachichU da oK/rdnXi-
tchm Rrichi. i. 2W-.M.1. rts.t-.vm. llerlin, 1862; idem, in
ADB, «tvii. 68-74; E. Kftlilcr. HroAanvt Mauru* and
die Scliute ju Fulda, Leipsit;, 1869; J. C. F. Buhr, Ge-
•ckictde drr riimuchnt Litrratur l'm iurolinoucAm Ztitallrr,
pp.41.") 447, r;lr!.r.,l„.. is7u: .1. n. M„llir,t-,.,: T.'.r-.v. ■/,„„),
o/C*ort«.(*»U™.(, p;i. |:« 157. London. 1877: A. Ebert,
^itoemeine Ottchichtt drr Litrratur da Mitlelaltrr: ii. 12U-
145. Leipaic, 1881); A. Wen, Alcain ami l*« Him o{ tin
Chrittian School*. New York, 1893; H. Raahdall, Uni-
versititt o/ Jiuropr in llir Middli Aoet. Nnr York, 18B5;
Hauck, Kl>, ii. 62(1 sqq.; Mh.hu, Papa, pp. 148-147. 250,
316; Schaff, Christian Church, iv. 4rJl iq.j.. 522. ,12.> •<-,..!
614-615, 713-728: Neaader, CliriKiaa Church, hi. 457
eqq.; KL. a. 607 aqq.

RABATJT (ST. ETIENBE), re'bo, }EAS PAUL:
French Protestant, oldest son of Paul Bnbaut; b.
at Nimes Nov. 14, 1743; d. at Paris Dec. 5, 1794.
As a student he gave evidence of great oratorical
ability. He was ordained to the ministry in 1764;
the next year he became his father's colleague, and
a. " preacher in the Desert." In 17C8 he married,
and was subsequently diverted from hia career as a
preacher into the current of political affairs. He
went to Paris in 1785 to labor for the liberation
from prison of his coreligionists, where he gjiined
the ear of such influential men as Kulliiercs, Mulea-
herhos, and Lafayette, lie was u[>|ioiiited deputy
from hia native town to tlie National Assembly,
and in the memorable wssion of 1 7S9 his arguments
produced such profound impression that the mo-
tion of Count, t'astellane was carried: "No man
should be disturbed because of his opinions or
harassed in the exercise of his religion." On Mar.
14, 1790, he was, in spite of tlie decided opposition
of the Roman Catholic party, elected president of
1 he National Assembly I 'm .:;:; liis -oji .inn in Paris
he devoted himself To literary pursuits, and on Sept.
2, 1792, he was again eleeted to the National Con-
vention. In the trial by that assembly of Louis
XVI. he cast his vote against the latter, urging
clemency, while throughout the proceedincs he
strongly contended against the juris.lict.ion of the
convention in its ease apunst the king. He was
promptly proscribed by the authorities, hut man-
aged to keep in hiding until Dec. 4 of that year,
when, owing to an indiscretion, he was arrested,
atid on the following day beheaded under Robes-
pierre's regime. His collected works appeared in
six volumes, edited by his friend, lloissv ri' Anglos.
(Paris, 1820-26); the most noteworthy "being: Le
PittU Ctrenol, ou aneriiatrn de la rie tVAmbrnise
Bnrrlhf (1770), appearing under different titles 17RS,
IfirJO, 1826, etc., where, interwoven with a family
biography, may be found n thrilling account of the
persecutions and hardships to which the followers
of Protestantism were subjected by the Roman
Catholic party and the French government; Lettre
but la vie <U 'Court de Gthelin (1784); LeOra a M.
BaiUy sur VkUtoire primitive de la Griee (1787);
while the best account, from a historical stand-
point, of the French Revolution may be found in

Bfrbaut
B&berffh

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

878

Almanack historique de la revolution francaise, 1791,
transl., with additions, into Eng., German, and
Dutch, together with Pricis historique de la revolu-
tion francaise, containing a clear and concise treat-
ment of all important events to 1792.

(EUGEN LACHENMANN.)

Bibliography: A sketch of the Life prefaces the collected
works, ut sup. Consult further: Collin de Prancy,
CEuvre* de Rabaut St. Etienne, 2 vols., Paris, 1826; L.
Bresson. Rabaut St. Etienne, *a vie H we* otuvre*, Stras-
burg. 1865; C. Dardier, in Revue chr&ienne. Feb., 1886;
A. Lods. E**ai *ur la vie de Rabaut St. Etienne, Paris,
1893; Tercentenary Celebration of the Promulgation of the
Edict of Xante*, pp. 109, 338, New York, 1900; and the
literature under Rabaut, Paul, especially the work of
A. Borrel.

RABAUT, PAUL: French Protestant reformer;
b. at B&iarieux (20 m. n. of Briers) Jan. 29, 1718;
d. at Ntmes Sept. 25, 1794. He was the leader, as-
sociated with Antoine Court (q.v.), in the restora-
tion of the Reformed Protestant Church of France.
Coming of a pronounced Protestant family, he
joined himself at the age of sixteen to the itinerant
preacher Jean Bltrine, sharing with him all the
dangers and vicissitudes to which the followers of
his faith were subjected by the French government
in the eighteenth century (1734-38). During this
period he received thorough training not only in the
fundamental principles of theology and pastoral
activity, but also as a fearless witness of the Gos-
pel of Jesus Christ, and was, on Apr. 30, 1738, pro-
claimed preacher by the Synod of Lower Langue-
doc, Ntmes and its vicinity becoming his field of
labor. In 1739 he married Madeleine Gaidan of
that city, who for forty-eight years shared with him
the trials and tribulations of his career as " preacher
of the Desert," bearing him eight children, of whom,
however, only three sons survived. In 1740 he en-
tered the theological seminary at Lausanne, founded
by Court, to finish his studies in theology, his wife
remaining at Ntmes. After a stay of but six months
he returned and began his career which he zealously
pursued in the face of the most cruel persecution,
illustrated by the case of Jean Calas. This man
was a respectable Protestant merchant of Toulouse,
whose son, Marc- Antoine, in a fit of melancholy,
hanged himself in his father's house. The Catholics
spread the rumor that the son was about to embrace
Roman Catholicism when the father slew him. The
latter was seized, tried, and condemned to death on
the wheel, and his body was burned, Mar. 9, 1672.
The family property was confiscated, and the fam-
ily in part fled to Geneva. The case was taken up
by Voltaire and others, a reversal was secured, the
family property was restored, and a pension granted
the widow. This case is exceptional only in the
fact that finally justice was done. Rabaut was
small of stature, his personal appearance being in
no way equal to the nobility and steadfastness of
his soul and mind ; but what he lacked in personal-
ity was compensated for by fidelity to his cause,
bravery in the face of danger, and long-suffering in
deprivation and affliction. The powerful influence
which he exerted for well-nigh half a century on the
history of the Reformed Protestant Church of France
is largely accounted for by his undying devotion
to his church and its followers, his unselfishness in

the cause of others, his soundness of mind and doc-
trine, bis coolness in danger, and his love for all
humanity. For, though never officially appointed
as the head of the Reformed Protestant Church of
France, he earned the distinction of being the recog-
nized leader in all matters of importance. He was
vice-president of the General Synod of Aug. 18-21,
1744, and president of the National Synod of 1756.
He seems to have led a charmed life, for, though
hunted like a beast of prey and cornered again and
again, he always managed to elude his would-be
captors. While both he and his family suffered
great hardships, he had the good fortune to see the
triumph of the cause for which he had suffered so
much and had given his all. On June 10, 1763, he
led as moderator the disputations of the national
synod. From that time until Oct. 6, 1785, he set
himself the arduous task of reconstruction and re-
habilitation of his beloved church, in which task he
was ably assisted by his oldest son. On the above
date the consistory of Ntmes fully reinstated him,
restoring to him his title, together with full freedom
of worship and the privileges and salary of a clergy-
man. Even his last years, however, were not un-
troubled, for, in 1794, about six months prior to
his death, he was arrested and confined for several
months in the citadel at Ntmes, obtaining his liberty
after the overthrow of Robespierre, July 27. How-
ever, the recent loss of his wife and his oldest son,
together with his bodily feebleness, hastened bis end.
He died in the house in which for a considerable
time prior to his end he had lived, and was buried,
as was customary (there being as yet no cemeteries
for Protestants) , in the cellar thereof. It is said that
the house still stands and is used as an orphanage.
In the field of literature he did not leave a great
deal, nor could more have been expected of him
under such adverse circumstances. Besides a num-
ber of pamphbts, he wrote: Pr6ds du cattekime
d'Ostervaldy often reprinted; also two sermons: La
Livrie de Veglise ChrHienne, on Cant. iv. 4, and Ia
Soif spirituelle, on John vii. 37.

(EUGEN LACHENMANN.)

Bibliography: The correspondence of Paul Rabaut, ed.
A. Picheral-Dardier and C. Dardier, appeared in 4 vob..
Paris, 1885-01. A brief life is prefixed to vol. L. 1885.
Consult: J. P. de N., Notice biographique *ur Paul Ra-
baut, Paris, 1808; M. Juillerat, Notice biographique «vr
Paul Rabaut, Paris, 1826; A. Coquerel. Hist, de* egHm
du dUert. 2 vols., Paris, 1841; L. G. Michaud, Bioorapku
univerteUe, sub voce, 45 vols., Paris, 1843-65; A. Bond,
Biographie de Paul Rabaut ... el set trot* file, Ntmes,
1854; L. BrMel, Troie tiances *ur Paul Rabat*, Lau-
sanne, 1859; E . and E. Haag, La France proUatante, sub
voce. 2d ed., Paris, 1877 sqq.; E. Hugues, Let Synoda
du desert, 3 vols., Paris, 1885-86; idem, A. Court. Hi*t.
de la rettauration du protettantUme, 2 vols.. Paris, 1872;
T. Schott, in Deutach-evangelieehe Blatter, Dec., 1893;
idem. Die Kirche der Wuate, 1716-87, HaDe. 1893; Lich-
tenberger, ESR, xi. 73-84 (covers the family).

RABAUT, PIERRE: French Protestant, young-
est son of Paul Rabaut, known also as Dupuis and
Rabaut le jeune; b. at Ntmes in Apr., 1746; d. there
1808. He chose a commercial career, but, like his
two brothers, took an active part in politics, being
elected to parliament and later to the bench in his
native city. Of his works the following deserve
mention for their value to French Protestantism
of the eighteenth century: Details historiques et re-

879

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Rabaut
B&berffh

cueil de pieces sur les divers projets qui ont iU con-
cus, depute la Reformation jusqu'a ce jour, pour la
reunion de Unites lee communions chritiennes (Paris,
1806); Notice historique sur la situation des eglises
ekriUennes refomUes en France depuis leur ritablisse-
ment jusqu'd ce jour (1806); and Annuaire ou re-
pertoire eccUsiasHque a Vusage des eglises refomUes
et proteetantes (1807). (Eugen Lachenmann.)

Bibliography : The works by Haag and Borrel given under
Rabaut, Paul.

RAB AUT-POMMIER, JACQUES- A N T O I N £ :
French Protestant, second son of Paul Rabaut (q.v.);
b. at Ntmee Oct 24, 1744; d. at Paris Mar. 16, 1820.
He was, together with his elder brother, educated
at Geneva and Lausanne. In 1770 he was called
to Marseilles as preacher, being the first of his faith
to occupy a pulpit since the abrogation of the Edict
of Nantes. In 1782 he went to Montpellier, where,
with the assistance of some friends he was enabled
to found a large hospital. During his stay in the
southern part of France he was busy with scientific
and medical studies, becoming the first advocate of
vaccination as a preventive of smallpox. In 1790
he was elected to the magistracy of Montpellier,
and in 1792 representative to the national conven-
tion. He was under Robespierre's rule arrested,
but by some error overlooked, and after Robes-
pierre's death was liberated. Napoleon created
him vice-prefect of Vigan. On Dec. 3, 1802, the
consistory of Paris called him (together with Mar-
ron and Jean Monod) to fill a pulpit in the latter
city, where he labored with splendid results until
Mar. 17, 1816, when he was exiled for the part
played by him in the proceedings against Louis
XVI. Two years later Count Boissy d'Anglas
brought about his reinstatement, but, owing to in-
firmities due to the many vicissitudes of his active
career, he died two years later. His only publica-
tions are NapoUon liberateur, discours religieux
(Paris, 1810); and Sermon d'actione de graces sur le
retour de Louis XVIII. (1814).

(Eugen Lachenmann.)

Bibliography: Consult the Notice biographique by Coquerel
in Noxtvd annuaire protestant, pp. 299-325, Paris, 1821;
A. Lods, Le Pasteur Rabaut Pommier, membre de la Con-
vention Nationale. 1744-18*0, Paris, 1893; and the litera-
ture under Rabaut, Paul, especially the work of A. Borrel.

RABBINIC BIBLES. See Bibles, Rabbinic.

RABBUVISM: A term applied to the scholastic
Judaism which developed from the fourth pre-
Christian century till the completion of the Tal-
mud. See Israel, History of, II. 1, 2, §§ 3-4;
Mtdrash; Talmud.

RABBULA, ra'bu-la (RABULAS): Bishop of
Edessa 411-435. He was born at Ginnesrin (Chal-
cis) in Syria of a heathen father and Christian
mother, and was baptized in the Jordan. His name
signifies " chief shepherd." He was the predeces-
sor and opponent of Ibas, and a decided supporter
of the Synod of Ephesus, 432. He was described
as a bishop whom his flock both feared and loved, a
second Josiah in his zeal for the Church, destroying
the synagogue of the Bardesanites and the chapel
of the Arian8, conquering the Marcionites by pa-
tience and the Manicheans by wisdom, and pro-

curing peace by removing Borborians, Audians,
Sadducees, and Messalians, until the heresy of Nes-
torius again caused dissension. On the question
whether the building which he changed into a chapel
of St. Stephen was a synagogue of the Jews or a
place of worship of the Audians cf. Hallier in TU,
ix. 1 (1892), 106. His writings refer chiefly to mat-
ters of church discipline and rules for monks and
clerics. Fragments of his correspondence with An-
drew of Samosata, Gemellinus of Perrhi, and Cyril
of Alexandria (q.v.) are extant. He translated the
treatise of the last-named on the Incarnation (cf.
Bedjan, Acta martyrum, v. 628-696, Paris, 1895;
MPG, Ixxvi. 1144, and Guidi, in Rendiconti dei Lin-
ed, May-June, 1886, pp. 416, 546). There are known
also some church hymns, which seem to be trans-
lated from the Greek, and a sermon preached at
Constantinople on the question whether the Virgin
may be called theotokos. It seems certain that the
revision of the New Testament which is ascribed to
him by his biographer, is the Peshito (cf. Journal
of Theological Studies, vii. 2; Studia Biblica et Eccle-
siastica, v. 231, 1903; and see Bible Versions, A.,
III. Cf. also F. C. Burkitt, Early Eastern Christian-
ity, London, 1904). Whether he is the person men-
tioned in the Syriac inscription " Rabbula made the
throne; his memory be blessed " (Littmann, Sem-
itic Inscriptions, 1905) is not easily decided.

E. Nestle.

Bibliography: The prose writings are in Germ, transl. by
Bickell in Thalhofer's Bibliothek der Kirchenv&ter, x. 153-
271, Kemp ten, 1875. Consult: J. fc>. Assemani, Biblio-
theca Orientalis, i. 198, Rome, 1719; Bar Hebneus, Norno-
canon, in A. Mai, Scriptorum veterum nova collectio, vol. x.,
Rome, 1838 (contains numerous quotations); Tillemont,
Memoires, xiv. 504-506, 563-565; Ephraemi Syri, Rabuim
episcopi Edeeseni, Boloei, aliorumque opera aelecta, ed. J. J.
Overbeck, pp. 152-248, 362-378, Oxford, 1865; Q. Hoff-
mann, V erhandlungen der Kirchenversammlung zu Ephe-
sus, 449, Kiel, 1873; F. Lagrange, in Science catholique,
Sept., 1888; R. Duval, La Literature Syriaque, pp. 341-
343, Paris, 1900. The " lif e " is in P. Bedjan, Acta mar-
tyrum et sanctorum, iv. 398-460, Paris, 1894; cf. L. Kdhler,
in Schweixerische theologische Zeitschrift, xxv (1908), 210-
224 (begins a series of studies in Syriac literature with a
sketch of Rabbula); and especially the work of Burkitt
named in the text; also O. Bardenhewer, Patrolooie, pp.
323-324, 347-348, Freiburg, 1901. The sketch in DCB,
iv. 532-534 is very full.

RABERGH, rd'barH, HERMAN: Finnish bishop;
b. in Abo (150 m. n.e. of Stockholm), Finland, Sept.
4, 1838. He received his education at Helsingfors
(B.A., 1858; Candidate in Theology, 1867; Lie.
and Th.D., 1872); in 1872 he was appointed
privat-docent, and in 1873 professor, of church his-
tory there. Because of prolonged vacancies in the
faculty of theology he was obliged to act as pro-
fessor of practical theology (1876-82) and of dog-
matics (1885-92), besides discharging the duties
connected with his own chair. His earlier researches
were in general ecclesiastical history, his later his-
torical contributions were to Finnish church history.
His personal influence with the students was very
marked, while his activities were extensive as
preacher and as member of various church societies;
he was pastor (1870-75) and rector (1875-84) of the
Deaconess' Home in Helsingfors; president of the
Finnish Missionary Society (1886-90), and director
of the Helsingfors City Mission (1883-93). In 1892
he was made bishop of Borga. As bishop he has

Baoovian Oateohism
Baabiffar

THE NEW SGHAFF-HERZOG

880

been the leader of that faction of the Finnish clergy
which defended confessional-conservative views in
matters concerning the polity and government of
the Finnish national church. He was a member of
the general church assembly of 1886, which adopted
a new hymnal in Swedish and Finnish, three new
series of pericopes, and recommended the prepara-
tion of a new ritual and of a new manual for Chris-
tian instruction. He was a delegate also to the as-
semblies of 1893, 1898, 1903, as well as member of
several commissions on ecclesiastical legislation,
and president of the commission which prepared
the new ritual (1903).

Among his writings are: Nikolaus of Basel %/dr-
hallande till kyrkan og mystikema % del 14. Aarh.
(1870); De reformalor. ideernes utvtcJding intill 1648
(1880); Den evang. predikoverksamhetens grund-
Idggning och ulveckling intill 16/fl (1883); Theo-
logiens studium vid Abo universitet /.-//. (Helsing-
fors, 1893-1902). His ecclesiastical program was
set forth in Folkekyrkan och den separatistiska rord-
sen (1892); while his Minnen och erfarenheter (1907)
is autobiographic. John O. Evjen.

RACOVIAN CATECHISM. See Socinus, Faus-

TU8, SOCINIANISM.

RADBERTUS, rod-bar'tus, PASCHASITJS: Me-
dieval abbot; b. at or near Soissons (56 m. n.e. of
Paris) about 786; d. at Corbie (9 m. e. of Amiens)
Apr. 26, about 865. He was one of the most dis-
tinguished writers of the Carolingian
Life and period. The little that is known of his
Works, life is derived from scattered notices in
his own writings and from a panegyric
on him by Bishop Engelmodus of Soissons (A/PL,
cxx. 25 sqq.; MGH, Poet. Lat. cevi Car., iii. 1886,
pp. 62 sqq.). Brought up by the Benedictine nuns
of Soissons, he entered the monastery of Corbie in
Picardy under the Abbot Adalhard (see Adalhard
and Wala), and gained early distinction for his
theological learning, piety, and moral enthusiasm;
his range of familiarity with classical authors was
remarkable for that period, also with the Fathers,
and the leading authorities of the Eastern and
Western churches; but he probably knew neither
Greek nor Hebrew. Because of his wealth of learn-
ing he became the instructor of the young monks
at Corbie and had a large number of distinguished
pupils; but notwithstanding his eminence he never
became a priest. He was abbot in 844-851, but
retired on account of difficulties arising from efforts
to reform the lax discipline. Of his writings are
extant his expositions (1) of Matthew, in twelve
books, the first four written before his retirement;
(2) of Ps. xliv.; (3) of Lamentations, written in
845-857; (4) De corpore et sanguine Domini, 831-
833; (5) Epistola ad Frudegardum; (6) De partu
virginis, dedicated to the nuns of Soissons, by whom
he was brought up; (7) De fide, spe, et caritate libri
tres; (8) De passione Sancti Rufini et Valerii; (9)
De vita Sancti Adalhardi; and (10) Epitaphium
Arsenii libri duo, a biography of Abbot Wala. The
first of the above biographies is a panegyric and the
other an apology. In exegesis Radbertus was not
original even in aim. His work on faith, hope, and
love shows him to be a follower of St. Augustine,

Views

on the

Eucharist.

and it consists mostly of repetitions of the fetter's
sentences. His character as traditionalist appears
still more pronounced in De corpore, the first com-
prehensive treatise on the Lord's Supper written in
the Christian Church, and the cause of the first con-
troversy over the Eucharist, establishing his reputa-
tion for orthodoxy securely in the eyes of the future.
Radbertus combined the symbolic idea of Au-
gustine with the transformation doctrine of others;
but he was thoroughly convinced him-
self that Augustine believed that the
true historic body of Christ was present
in the Eucharistic elements. Such
thoughts of Radbert as these exhibit
Augustine's standpoint: Christ and his flesh consti-
tute not a material but a spiritual and divine sus-
tenance and serve only as objects of a purely spir-
itual partaking (v. 1-2). To eat the flesh of the
Lord and drink his blood means nothing else than
that the believer abides in Christ and Christ in him
(vi.-vii.). Only faith enables to transcend the visi-
ble and to apprehend from within what the fleshly
mouth does not touch or the fleshly eye does not
see (viii. 2). Christ is food only for the elect, and
only they are worthy to partake of him who are of
his body (xxi. 5, vii. 1). The partaking of the flesh
of Christ by the unworthy seemed to him impossi-
ble, hence he accepted Augustine's distinction be-
tween the sacrament or mystery and the virtue of
the same. Under the term virtue he included not,
as in his later works, only the vitalizing power of
the flesh of Christ, but, in Augustinian mode of
speech, what was offered in the symbols to faith,
or the content of the sacrament, that is, the flesh
of Christ itself with the fulness of his saving virtues.
Accordingly, the unworthy receive not anything but
bread and wine. The priest indeed distributes to
all alike; the high priest, however, distinguishes
between the worthy and unworthy ; and the latter
receive the sacrament or mystery only to judgment,
the former receive the virtue. Spiritual sustenance
in Christ effects the forgiveness of sins (iv. 3, xi.
1, xv. 3), union with Christ (iii. 4), and spiritual
sustenance of the whole man to eternal life (xi. 2-3,
xix. 1-2, xx. 2). So far the points are Augustinian;
parallel with these he places a thought-series teach-
ing a transubstantiation represented in the pseudo-
Ambrosian writings. This teaching is carried by
him to its full conclusion. What by faith is received
in the sacrament is the body born of Mary that suf-
fered on the cross and rose from the grave (i. 2).
It is the body and blood, not the virtue of the body
and blood (Epist. ad Frudegardum, p. 1357); the
sacramental body must be regarded as the natural
body of Christ (cf. De corpore, xiv. 4), which does
not exclude it from being considered as in the state
of glorification (vii. 2). In the consecration the
sensible properties remain unchanged, but the sub-
stance of the bread and wine within are efficaciously
changed into the real body and blood of Christ
(viii. 2). This is done by miracle (i. 2), a creative
act performed by the word of the Creator; more
particularly, through the medium of Christ's words
of institution since he is himself the substantial and
eternal Word. The body of Christ is not percep-
tible by the senses, because that would be super-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

loous (visibility of the presence of the body) and
roukt not increase the reality, and to eat the flush
3 its sensible appearance would clash with human
uatorn (si. 1); because such reception wuulJ m-mu
epulsive and ridiculous to heathen and unbelievers
sui- 1 sqq.); but mostly because the operation
rould no longer be a mystery but a pure miracle,
rbereas the former by concealing the content does
tot originate but excites faith so that this is pre-
erved and its meritorious service is enhanced (xiii.
. aqq-, i. 5). Though upon consecration the bread
md wine are only aueh in appearance, yet not all
rymbols are merely appearances, and these as sym-
bols cover the real presence as content.

The explanation of Radbert'a position in holding
it once such opposite views is found in his attach-
ment to the litend authority of the Scripture.-..
Christ's words, " This is my body," are to be taken

in the crassest litercdness. Christ baa
Influence, only one body and if another body be

offered in the sacrament than the cruci-
fied one, another blood than what was shed, then its
partaking could not effect the forgiveness of sins.
The historical body is the indispensable basis of
the sacramental body, howsoever spiritual the sac-
ramental mystery. Moreover, Christ abides in the
believer by the unity of his flesh and blood which
most be sustained by the real presence in the sacra-
ment. These two disparate views of the patristic
tradition Radbertus approximated but never suc-
cessfully fused. This remained for the strenuous
efforts of the later centuries, as evidenced in the
following elements »f the resulting dogma: (1) The
body of Christ is not created but becomes present
in the consecration though without extension in
■pace: (2) the relation of the presence to the sen-
rible properties is posited under the categories of
mbstance and accidents; and (3) the elements are
lymhols of the presence and the sacramental body
ia iymbol of the mystical body, the sustenance of
both in one constituting the blessing. Two of his
contemporaries opposed the view of Radl>ert,
namely, Rabanus Maurua and Ratramnus (qq.v.),
both of whom MB August.ini an. The former took
offense at the transformation of the elements into
the historical body of Christ, denying that the mys-
tery identified the sacramental with the historical
body. A great many followed along the lines
marked out by Radbert, among whom, of the
ninth century, were Florus Magister, subdeacon of
Reims, Hincmar of Reims, Remigius (rjq.v.), and
Pseudo-Alcuin. (A. Hauck.)

Bibuoobapht: Sirxoondi'a ed. of the Opera, Psria, 1618,
reproduced in t&PL. cm., ia inromijlele. The EpiHola
are in UGH. Epitl.. vi. 132 «qq.; and the pm nw in MGH.
Pott. Lai. mi Cor., ia (18881. 38-53- Th« Vila by En-
■ebnodiu. with other material, is in ASB, Apr., iii.
463-404. ef. Holder-Egg(-r in MtJH, Script., iv. 1 (1887).
453-454. For other lives ef. ASM. iv. 2. pp. 122-138,
587-569. The Carmen by Engclroodujt is ia MGH. Pari.
Lat.m<7ar.,ili(!88n),82-ea. Consult further: J. C. F.
BIbr, Getchiehte der r.imivnrn f.itrratur im kamlinoMien
ZritaUer, pp. 233, 482-171, Carlnruhe, 1840; M. Haus-
herr, Der heiliv* Patchatiui RodberlvJi, Main*. 1882; Ssr-
demaan, Der (Wogtirftc Lrhrgrhalt drr Schriften dtt
PtueJiatiut Sadberlw, Marburg. 1877; E. DOmmler. in
NA, W (187B), 301-305; A Ebrrt. GruchichU drr Litera-
I ur dm Mittdallert, if. 230. Leipsie, 1880; E. Choiny, Pat-
chat Radbert, Geneva. 1889; 1. Ernst, Die lehre da . . .

Patehaiiiu Radbertat n

Dogma, v. 278. 310. 31
Christian Church, vol.
Church, iv. 741-745 e
atii. 628-555.

drr Eucharulit, Froiburj, I
France, v. 287 aqq.; Ham
»qq.. vi. 47, 51. 312; Ncan
iii. pMBim; Schaff, Clirii

RADE, ru'de, PAUL MARTIN: German Lu-
theran; b. at Rennersdorf (a village near Herrn-
but, 9 m. n.w. of Zittau), Silesia, Apr. 4, 1857. He
was educated at the I'niversity of Leipsie (1ST5-
1879), was private tutor (1879-81), and pastor at
Schiiiibaeh-bei-Lnbau (1882-92), and at St. Paul's,
Frankfort (1892-99). In 1899 he removed to Mar-
burg, where he became privat-docent in 1900, and
associate professor of systematic theology in 1904.
Besides editing the Chri/tlliche Writ, which he
founded in 1880, and being assistant editor of Zeit-
schrifl fur Theologie und Kirche, he has written
Damaaua, Bitchqf von Rom (Freiburg, 1882); Be-
darf Luther wider Jamaen der Verteidigung t (Leip-
sie, 1883); Reden uber Trunkaueht (Dresden, 1884);
Dr. Martin Lutkera Lel-tm, Taten, und Meinungen
(3 vols., Neustadt, 1834-87); Hutten und Siek-
ingen (Barmen, 1887); Die Konfetsionen und die
aoiiaU Frage (Leipsie, 1891); Unaere Landegemein-
den und das Gemcindeideal (1891); Der recltte evan-
geliache Glaube (18S2); Spetierin Frankfurt (Frank-
fort, 1893); Zu Chrwtua kin (Freiburg, 1897); Die
lidiuiitrt im modernen Geiatesleben (1898); Religion
und Moral (Giessen, 1898); Die rcligida-eitUiche
Gedankenieelt unxcriT hiduntricarbriler (GiittinEcn,
1898); Die Wahrheit der rhriatlichen Religion (Tii-
bingen, 1899); Rcine Lehre, cine Forderung de,a
Cwidinm und nkht det Rechtts (1900); Die LeihSlie
der eraten und rteeiten Auflagen von Schlciermachers
t.'/iiiiln n.'ti'lire (1904); Unbewuestea Chrixtmtuiii
(1905); Doa religioae Wunder und anderea (1909);
and Die Slellung det Chriatentuma turn Gtachleckla-
leben (1910).

RAEB1GER, re'big-er, JULIUS FERDIRARD:
German theologian; b. at Lohsa (42 m. n.e. of
Dresden) Apr. 20, 1811; d. at Brealau Nov. 18,

1891. He studied at Brealau and Leipsie; entered
the faculty at Breslau in 1838; was associate pro-
fessor, 1847-59; and professor after 1859. He lec-
tured on Old- and New-Testament theology and on
theiiliieiciil eneycJopedia. Opposed to extremes in
theological position, he represented a middle ground
of independent and reality in theology as well as
chureh affairs. He published the Kritiache Unter-
atichungen iiber den Inkatt der beidm Briefe an die
Korinther Gemeinde (Breslau, 1847; 2d ed„ 1886);
De Chrirtalogia Patdhia contra Baurium (1852);
and De libri Jobi sentcntia jrrimaria (I860). His
main work was Theolngik odi-r Fnn/klopddie der
Theologie (Leipsie, 1880; Eng. transl.. Encyclopedia
of Tlf.tbwf. 2 vols., K.lirJiiircli, l.s.s isr,\ in whirh
he held forth that, viewing theology as an independ-
ent science, encyclopedia is neither a mechanical
groupine of the department? of theology nor a mere
methodology, but an independent organic unity,
touching in its circunference the whole sphere of
knowledge. (Jttlifs Dbcke.)

THE NEW SCHAFF-HEBZOG

RAFFLES, rul'ela, THOMAS: English Independ-
ent; b. at London May 17. 1788; d. at Liverpool
Aug. 18, 1863. He studied at Homerton College,
1805-09; waa pastor at Hammersmith, London,
1809-11; and at Liverpool, 1811-62. His ministry
here waa one of great usefulness and his position Cor
a half a century a commanding one. He was one
of the founders of Blackburn Academy for the edu-
cation of Independent ministers, removed after-
ward to Manchester as the Lancashire Independent
College. He published Memoirs of the Life and
Ministry of Thomas Spencer (Liverpool, 1813; 7th
ed., 1836); and Lectures on Practical Religion (1820).
He contributed eight selections of his own to Hymns
by W. B. Collyer (London, 1812), and arranged a
Supplement to Dr. Watts's Psalms and Hymns
{ 1853), including those and thirty-eight others, one
of which was " High in yonder realms of light."

BitUoMtutttt T. 8. Riffles. Utmoin of the Lift and Min-

utry of ... T. Baffin. London. 1804 (by his »n>; J. B.
Brown, T. Rafft*. . . . o Skrtck, ih. 1863: 8. W. Duflwld,
Knftith Hum™- pp. Mi-Ma. Now York, 1888: Julian,
tftfmnoioffv, pp. 048-040.

RAGG, LONSDALE: Church of England; b. at

Wellington l HI in. e. of .Shrewsbury], Shropshire,
(let. 23, 1866. He received his education at Christ
Church, Oxford (B.A., 1889; M.A., 1892; B.D.,
1905), and at Cuddesdon Theological College; was
made deacon in 1890 and priest in 1891; curate of
All Saints', Oxford, 1890; tutor and lecturer at
Christ Church, 1891-95; vice-principal of Cuddea-
don Theological College, 1895-98; warden of the
Bishop's Hostel. Lincoln, and vice-chancellor of
Lincoln Cathedral, 1899-1903; winter chaplain at
Bolngriu. 1904-05; British chaplain at Venice, 19115
sqq.; prebendary of Buckdcn in Lincoln Cathedral.
He has edited II Samuel for Books of the Bible
(London, 1898); and lias written: Aspects of the
Atonement. Atoning Sacrifice ill us I ruled from vari-
ous sacrificial Types of Old Textamrnt, anil from suc-
cessive Stages of Christian Thought (1904); Christ
and our Iilfah; Messnije of tin Fourth Gospel lo mir
Don (1906); Dante and his Italy (1907); The Mo-
hammeilfin Gospel of Barnabas (1907; jointly with
Laura \f. liugc); The Church of the. Apostles. Being
an Outline nf the History of the Church of the Apos-
tolic Age (1909); and The' Book of Books; a Study
of the Bible (1910).

RAHAB, re'liab: A Canaam'tic woman of Jericho,
who received the spies sent by Joshua. It is stated
in .loll. ii. 1-21 that linhak a prostitute, received
into her house in Jericho the two spies sent by
Joshua to re con nr.it er the enemy's country. When
the messengers of the king of Jericho arrived at
Kshnh's house to arrest these spies, she first con-
cealed them and then aided them to escape, asking
a- a reward Hint she nil' I he f family shmil.l be spared
if Jericho fell into the hands of the Israelites: as a
token of recognition she received a red thread to
hang from her window. This promise was kept
when Jericho was taken, and Rahab and her family
were received into the community of Israel.

Not only did (he Jews dislike to bring their an-
cestors into contact with a prostitute, but some
Christian expositors have also taken pains to give
the word zonah or its Greek equivalent porne,

another explanation, although these words ahrsjl
signify prostitute. Joeephus (Ant., V„ L 2, 7) de-
scribes Rahab as the hostess of an inn. Jewish tra-
dition asserted that eight prophets were descended
from her (J. Lightfoot, Horat Rebmica, on Matt.
i. 5). She was said to have married either Joshua
himself or else Salma, thus becoming the mother of
Boaz and therefore an ancestor of David. The lat-
ter supposition seems to be accepted by the geneil-
ogy of Jesus in Matt. i. 2-19 (cf. I Chron. ii. 4 sqq.;
Jerome, on Matt. i. 5). The author of the epistle
to the Hebrews offers Rahab as an example of faith,
and in James ii. 25 she illustrates the value of good
works. Finally, Clement of Rome (/ Epist., i. 12)
sees in the red cord a symbol of salvation by the
blood of Christ. (R. Kittcl.)

Bibuoqhapht: Besides the conuntnuriM on the pun<si
cited in the text [ram the Old ud Mew TaUawis, n4
tbe works on Hebrew hialory cited under Amu. ud
Isbail, HuniT of. consult: A. WOnschs, Hem AiiMn
ib Ertautenav ''" Saatiotliain am Tot-nud and !£*■
roKA, pp. S-4, Gattingen. 1878; F. Weber. S»<™ fa
alttynaO'imltn paWrfinurAm Thtalogii, p. 318. Look,
1SH0; DB, it. 103-194; SB, it. 4007; JS. x. JW;

RAHLFS, ralfs. OTTO GUSTAV ALFRED: Gs-
man Protestant; b. at Linden (now a part of Ban-
over) May 29, 1805. He was educated at the uniw
sities of Halle and Go'ttingen (PhJD., 18S7), wu
inspector of the theological seminary at Gbttingea
(1888-90), became privat-docent at the univeraty
of the same city in 1 891, titular professor in 1896, and
associate professor of Old-Testament exegesis and
Hebrew in 1901. He has written Dee Grraaniu
Abulfarag Anmerkungen zu den saiomonxsehen Sehrif-
ten (Leipsic, 1887); Aril und Anaw in den Psalim
(Gottingen, 1891); Die Berliner-Handtchrift in
sahidischen Psalters (Berlin, 1901); and Septus-
ginta-Studien, vols, i.-ii. (GSttingen, 1904-07). He
is also an editor of the Zeitachrift fur alUeetoment-
Kent Wissenschaft, and of the Tlieologisene LiOen-
turicilung.

RAHTMATflf, rat'mon, HERMANN: CermtB
theologian: b. at Lubeck in 1585; d. at Dating
June 30, 1628. After a course in theology at Ros-
tock, he went to Cologne to study the learning and
dialectics of tbe Jesuits, then to Frankfort and Leip-
sic to continue his studies in philosophy and theol-
ogy and to give instruction. In 1612 he received a
call as deacon to St. John's Church in Danzig; in
1617 he became deacon at St. Mary's Church, and
in 1626 pastor of St. Catherine's Church.

His idealism, in Script unit dogmatic form, is com-
prised in Jesu Christi: dees K/tnigs ailer Konige und
Herrn oiler licrren Gnadcnreich (Danzig, ItiJI j, com-
posed of collocated Bible sentences, with headings
of the various chapters and a very few marginal
notes. Rahtmann's theological .and historical posi-
tion tiials its peculiar sicnifieaneo in an-we>:ie; the

I !■ o-. Wbul Hdy "Vnptun* iv ntii'lc • d.nw

it; and what is its effect? " He derives the Scrip-
tures from divine revelation, not from the inner
light of reason. The direct recipients of Scripture
were the apostles and prophets, among whom the
Spirit also inwardly remained. Scripture, then,
" is a divine outward word or witness of God's holy
will and acts, as revealed by the Holy Ghost through

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Baimundua

a supernal illumination .within the hearts of the
holy Prophets and Apostles " (Gnadenreich, a, iii.
2r). According to Rahtmann, whose affiliations in
thought are with Schwenckfeld, a sharp distinction
k to be drawn between the inward and the outward
word in the way of " cause and effect/1 or " sign
and thing signified." Moreover, the Scriptures can
not yield more than essentially and potentially be-
longs to tbem; they are a beckoning or guiding
" hand by the way, whose operation is just this, and
ao more, that one knows whither he is to go "
(Gnadenreich, 6r). So Scripture is only an index
and a witness of grace. It addresses itself exclu-
sively to the understanding, and creates in the same
the conception of religious objects. If Scripture is
to become the actual means of grace, another power,
the Holy Ghost, must supervene; in fact, both
Scripture and man are alike objects of the illumin-
ing operation of the Spirit. In Rahtmann's theol-
ogy the testimony of the Holy Spirit becomes an
independent, immediate act of the Spirit. This
" preventive," or antecedent grace is " a voluntary
gift which God accords to those whom he, like a
loving father, has destined from eternity to dispose
for conversion " (Gnadenreich, a, iii., v.). This is a
contingent approach to the doctrine of predestina-
tion. In Rahtmann's later apologetic writings there
are no advancements, but only attenuations and
veilings of his fundamental thoughts. Among these,
his valuation of Scripture as fountain of knowledge
is orthodox, while his doctrine of inspiration re-
flects influences from Schwenckfeld and Arndt. His
thought as to antecedent grace appears rooted in
Augustine. In so far as he assigns the operation
of grace to the Spirit, Rahtmann coincides with
Schwenckfeld. By disavowing the permanent im-
manence of the Spirit in the word, Rahtmann was in
accord with Luther and nearly all the Lutheran
theology down to that time; but in that he could
not apprehend Scripture to be an effectual vehicle
of the divine grace, he fell away from the religious
type of Lutheranism.

Because of the views above set forth, Rahtmann
became the object of vehement attacks. His sig-
nificance in the history of theology inheres in the
fact that he, for the first time, made the divine
Word, in its aspect of a means of grace, the main
theme of theological discussion, and thus led the
way toward creating a specific and formally elabo-
rated doctrine of this matter within the pale of
Lutheran orthodoxy. R. H. GRttTfcMACHER.

Bibliography: R. H. Grutsmacher, Wort und Oeist, pp.
220-261, Leipsio, 1902; O. Arnold, Fortsetzung . . . der
. . . Kirchen- und Ketzer-Historie, Frankfort, 1729; J. G.
Walch, Binleitung in die ReligionsstreUigkeiten der evan-
geUschrlutherischen Kirchen, parts i. and iv., Leipaio, 1733-
1739; Engelhardt, in ZHT, 1854; E. Schnaase, Geschichte
der evangelischen Kirche Danzig 8, Dansig, 1863. For an
outline of Rahtmann's works and of those which were in
criticism of them cf. J. Moller, Citnbria literate, vol. iii.,
Copenhagen, 1744; J. G. Walch, Biblioiheca iheologia
, vol. ii., Jena, 1758.

RAIKES, r6ks, ROBERT: Founder of Sunday-
schools; b. at Gloucester Sept. 14, 1735; d. there
Apr. 5, 1811. His father was a printer and the pub-
lisher of the Gloucester Journal; at his death in 1757
the son Robert succeeded to the business. The
latter manifested an interest in philanthropic move-

ments, and in 1768 inserted in his paper an appeal
in behalf of the prisoners at Gloucester. John
Howard (q.v.) visited Gloucester in 1773 and spoke
favorably of him. His attention was early drawn to
neglect in the training of children. The suggestion
upon which he started his movement is variously
described. He himself mentions an interview with
a woman who pointed out a crowd of idle raga-
muffins, and he is said to have taken a hint from a
dissenter, William King, who had set up a Sunday-
school at Dursley. With Thomas Stock, a curate of
a neighboring parish, who had started a Sunday-
school at Ashbury, Berkshire, he engaged a woman
as teacher of a school at a shilling and sixpence
weekly. Raikes afterward established a school in
his own parish, St. Mary le Crypt, July, 1780, a
notice of the success of which he published in his
paper, Nov., 1783, arousing many inquiries. This
became the starting-point for a far-reaching move-
ment. By 1786 it was said that 200,000 children
were being taught in English Sunday-schools, and
in Apr., 1785, a London society was organized for
the establishment of these institutions, which ten
years later had 65,000 scholars. The movement
spread rapidly, gaining favor within and without
the churches. At Christmas, 1787, Raikes was
admitted to an interview with the queen, which
resulted in the opening of schools which were gra-
ciously visited by George III., and copied by Han-
nah More (q.v.) in Somerset. Raikes owes his fame
as the founder of Sunday-schools to the develop-
ment of a sense of the need for instruction for chil-
dren and to his use of his position as publicist in
spreading a knowledge of his cheap and successful
expedient.

Bibliography: A. Gregory, Robert Raikes, Journalist and
Philanthropist. Hist, of the Origin of Sunday Schools,
London, 1877 (from original sources); J. Ivimey, Memoir
of William Fox, London, 1831; G. Webster, Memoir of
R. Raikes, Nottingham, 1873; P. M. Eastman, Robert
Raikes and Northamptonshire Sunday Schools, London,
1880; Robert Raikes: the Man and his Work. Biograph-
ical Notices collected by Josiah Harris, ed. J. H. Harris,
London, 1899; J. H. Harris, Robert Raikes, London, 1900;
DNB, zlvii. 108-170; and the literature under Sunday-
School*.

RAIMUNDUS, rai'mttn'dus, DE SABUNDE
(RAYMUND SABIEUDE): Spanish physician and
educator; b. at Barcelona toward the close of the
fourteenth century; d. at Toulouse in 1437. He
was a teacher of medicine and philosophy and later
of theology at Toulouse 1430-32, and rector of the
high school at that place until 1437. Trithemius
places the time of his literary activity c. 1430. His
fame rests upon a remarkable religious philosoph-
ical work, the earliest Parisian manuscript (in trans-
lation) of which places the date of the original at
1434-36. Originally in Spanish, it appeared in a
Latin translation, Theologia naturalis aeu liber
creaturarum (first, as Liber naturae sive creaturarum,
about 1484; Deventer, before 1488; Strasburg,
1496; French transl., by M. de Montaigne, La Th6o-
logie natureUe, Paris, 1569). The theology of the
Middle Ages had been dominated by the distinction
made by Augustine between " light of nature " and
" light of grace." The latter, more or less in the
ascendency, supported itself by a Platonic, realistic
formulation, giving to reason a place for logical

Raimnndus
Bambaoh

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

884

guidance, metaphysical cognition (even of the idea
of God), and ethical instinct (Anselm, Aquinas).
Formal dogmatism came to deny to speculation the
liberty to investigate on its own account; but em-
boldened by the Arabian Aristotelian philosophy,
speculation arrayed itself against dogmatism, with
the result that reason and faith were ranged as
irreconcilable opposites (William of Occam, q.v.).
Reason was reduced to the office of mere formal
dialectic, while theology was represented as having
nothing to do with reason and no claim to classifi-
cation, but at most to an insight into incomprehen-
sible articles of belief. At this point arose natural
theology to effect a union in the divided field of
human thought, by providing a rational substruc-
ture to the doctrines of revelation.

While orthodoxy represented faith and knowl-
edge, grace and reason, doctrine and self-knowledge,
as antitheses only for imperfect human thinking,
yet by its deficient methods it never consummated
their harmony. Moreover, in Spain scholastics, in
combating Islam, borrowed the weapons of their
erudite antagonists. Close internal resemblance
indicates that Raimund de Sabunde was preceded
in method and object by Raymund Lully (see
Lully, Raymund). Not employing the term
" natural theology " himself, his work must not be
confused with modern representations of the same
title. Far from implying a separation of the ra-
tional and the illumination of faith, and not dis-
avowing the necessity of the latter, he takes over
the main body of traditional theology. After the
medieval method, separating neither the dogmatic
from the ethical nor the natural from the super-
natural, he, nevertheless, exceeded all previous
similar efforts in clearness and unity of presenta-
tion. What is new and epoch-making is not the
material but the method; not of circumscribing
religion within the limits of reason, but, by logical
collation, of elevating the same upon the basis of
natural truth to a science accessible and convincing
to all. He recognizes two sources of knowledge,
the book of nature and the Bible. The first is uni-
versal and direct, the other serves partly to in-
struct man the better to understand nature, and
partly to reveal new truths, not accessible to the
natural understanding, but once revealed by God
made apprehensible by natural reason. As to sub-
ject matter the two cover the same ground. The
book of nature, the contents of which are mani-
fested through sense experience and self-conscious-
ness, can no more be falsified than the Bible and
may serve as an exhaustive source of knowledge;
but through the fall of man it was rendered obscure,
so that it became incapable of guiding to the real
wisdom of salvation. However, the Bible as well as
illumination from above, not in conflict with na-
ture, enables one to reach the correct explanation
and application of natural things and self. Hence,
his book of nature as a human supplement to the
divine Word is to be the basic knowledge of man,
because it subtends the doctrines of Scripture with
the immovable foundations of self-knowledge, and
therefore plants the revealed truths upon the
rational ground of universal human perception,
internal and external.

The first part presents analytically the facts of
nature in ascending scale to man, the climax; the
second, the harmonization of these with Christum
doctrine and their fulfilment in the same. Nature
in its four stages of mere being, mere life, senabfe
consciousness, and self-consciousness, is crowned by
man, who is not only the microcosm but the image
of God. Nature points toward a supernatural crea-
tor possessing in himself in perfection all propertM
of the things created out of nothing (the corner-
stone of natural theology ever after). Foremost is
the ontological argument of Anselm, followed by
the physico-theological, psychological, and moral.
He demonstrates the Trinity by analogy from ra-
tional grounds, and finally ascribes to man in view
of his conscious elevation over things a spontaneous
gratitude to God. Love is transformed into the ob-
ject of its affection; and love to God brings man,
and with him the universe estranged by sin, into
harmony and unity with him. In this he betrays
his mystical antecedents. Proceeding in the sec-
ond part from this general postulation to its results
for positive Christianity, he finds justified by rea-
son all the historic facts of revealed religion, such
as the person and works of Christ, as well ai
the infallibility of the Church and the Scriptures;
and the necessity by rational proof of all the sacra-
ments and practises of the Church and of the pope.
It should be added that Raimund 's analysis of na-
ture and self-knowledge is not thoroughgoing and
his application is far from consistent. He does not
transplant himself to the standpoint of the unbe-
liever, but rather executes an apology on the part
of a consciousness already Christian, thus assuming
conclusions in advance that should grow only out
of his premises. This accounts for his forced de-
fense of a long array of Catholic institutions, along-
side of his rational justification of the doctrines of
redemption and ethics, such as indeed can be founded
neither on the book of nature nor the Bible. In bis
zeal to unify reason and faith, their deeper antitheses
remained for him undiscovered. Yet his is a long
step from the barren speculation of scholasticism,
and marks the dawn of a knowledge based on Scrip-
ture and reason. [Michael Servetus (q.v.) was
deeply indebted to Raimundus. Cf . R. Willis, Ser-
vetus and Calvin, pp. 12 sqq. (London, 1877).

A. H. N.] (K. SCHAARSCHMTDT.)

Bibliography: F. Holberg, De theolooia naturali Ray
mundi de Sabunde, Halle, 1843; D. Matske, Die natir-
liehe Theoloaie de* Raymundu* von Sabunde, Breslau. 1846;
Rothe, Dieeertatio de Raymundo de Sabunde, Zurich, 1846;
M. Huttler, Die Relioionsphiloeophie de* Raimund von
Sabunde, Augsburg, 1851; C. C. L. Kleiber. De Ray
mundi vita et ecriptis, Berlin. 1856; F. Nitxsch. in ZRT,
1859, pp. 393-435; O. Zdckler, Theolooia naturali*. I
40-46. Frankfort, 1860; A. Stuckl. QeechichU der Pktiono-
phie dee MittelaUers, ii. 1055-78, Mains. 1865; D. Beulet,
Un inconner ceUbre; recherche* historique* et critique* sur
Raymond de Sabunde, Paris. 1875; F. Cicchetti-Suriani,
Sopra Raim. S., teolooo, filoaofb e medico del secolo rr..
Aqufla, 1889; J. E. Erdmann. Qrundri** der Getchichtt
der Philosophic, i. 444-459. Berlin, 1878, Eng. transL,
London, 1893; KL, x. 757-758.

RAINBOW BIBLE. See Bible Text, L, 3,
§4.

RAINOLDS, JOHH. See Reynolds (Rain olds),
John.

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

RAIHSFORD, reWford, WILLIAM STEPHEN:

Protestant Episcopalian; b. in Dublin, Ireland, Oct.

30, 1S50. He received bis education at St. John's

College, Cambridge {B.A., 1872); was curate of St.

Giles, Norwich, England, 1873-76; traveled in

the United States and Canada as missionary;

was assistant rector of St. James Cathedral,

1876-83; and rector of St. George's Church, New

fork, 1883-1905. He is the author of Sermons

Preached in St. V.eorgeS Church (New York, 1887);

The Church's Opportunity in the City Today (1895);

Good Friday Meditation (1901); Rcatonableness of

*TaithandOtherAddre4M*ilQQ2i; A Preacher's Story

qt ■■■■■■■ . and The Land of the Lion (1909).

RAINY, ROBERT: United Free Church of Scot-
land; b. at Glasgow Jan. 1, 1826; d. at Melbourne,
Australia, Dec. 21, 1906. He was educated at the
university of his native city (M.A., 1843) and New
College, Edinburgh (graduated 1848). He was min-
iWer of the Free Church at Huntlv, Aberdeenshire
(1851-64), and of the Free High Church, Edin-
burgh (1854-62); professor uf church history in New
College (1862-1900), and principal after 1874. In
theology he was an Evangelical Protestant, and
was the leader in the union of the Free and the
United Presbyterian churches of Scotland. He
wrote Life of William Cunningham (in collaboration
with J. Mackenzie; London, 1S71); Three Lectures on
Uu Church of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1872); The De-
Krery and Development of Christian Doctrine (Cun-
ningham lectures; 1874); The BibU and Critidxm
(London, 1878); The Epistle to the Philippians
(1893); and The Ancient Catholic Church (Edin-
burgh, 1902).

EXBUOG1UFEt>: P. C. Simpson, The Life of Principal Rainy.
2 vol*.. London. 1BU9; It. Mackintosh. Principal Rainy.
a Biographical Study, ib. 1007.

RALEIGH, ro'le. ALEXANDER: Congregation-
alist; b. at The Flock (a farmhouse near Castle
Douglas, 65 m, s. of Glasgow). Scotland, Jan. 3.
1817; d. in London Apr. 19, 1880. He came of
Covenanting stock; when fifteen years of age was
apprenticed to a draper; in 1835 removed to Liver-
pool, where he began to study for the ministry, en-
tering Blackburn College in 1840; he became pas-
tor of the church at Greenock 1845, but ill-health
Compelled his resignation in 1847, and for two years
be traveled in search of health; in 1850 he ac-
cepted a call to Rotherhnm; then removed to the
charge of the West George Street Independent
Chapel, Glasgow, 1855; and in 1858 became pas-
tor of Hare Court Chapel. Canonbury, London, and
coon rose to eminence and great usefulness; in 1865
be was one of the English delegates to the National
Council of Congregational Churches held at Boston,
where his tact was displayed and his fine sense re-
ceived recognition. He was twice president of the
Congregational Union, in lS6Sand in 1879; in 1876
he became pastor of the Kensington Congregational
Church. He was the author of: Quiet Resting Places
and Other Sermons (Edinburgh, 1863); The Story
of Jonah the Prophet (I860); Christianity and Mod-
em Progress (London, 1868); The Little Sanctuary,
and Other Meditations (1872); The Book of Esther
(Edinburgh, 1880); Thoughts for the Weary and the
XL— 26

Sorrowful (ed. his wife, Mary Raleigh; 2 series., 1882-
1884); From Damn to the Perfect Day. Sermon*
(1883). Some of these passed through many editions.

BmuooRAFitr: Mary Raleigh. Alexander Raleigh, Records
of hit Life, Edinburgh, 1881; DNB. xlvii. 207-208.

RAMABAI, ram'a-bai, SARASVATI: Hindu
educator; b. in 1858 in the forests of Southern
India, the daughter of a learned Brahmin, Atlanta
Shastri. Her father had educated her mother and
then his two daughters and his son in Indian lore,
and Ramabai, being remarkably gifted, so drank in
this knowledge that, while still young, she became
n pundit. Her father was once comparatively rich,
but lost his property and also became blind. In
poverty, oftentimes in dire need, the family led a
wandering life and Ramabai saw her parents and her
sister, who was older than she, die of starvation.
She and her brother became lecturers upon the im-
portance of female education, and their fortunes
improved. But then he died and Ramabai was left
alone. However, she had by that time acquired
quite a reputation, and was received with honor in
1 1n highest circles. In 1880 she married in Calcutta
Bi[)in Itihari Meilhavi, a fellow of Calcutta Univer-
sity and a practising lawyer. In nineteen months
she was a widow, with an infant daughter. She
then resumed her lecturing on behalf of the educa-
tion of Indian women and in Poona established the,
Areja Habit* Soma], a society of ladies with this
object and that of discouraging child-marriage. In
1883 she went to England. There she was con-
verted and for three years taught Sanscrit in the
Ladies' College at Cheltenham. In 1886 she visited
America and raised much money by lecturing and
through the unsocial inns which her friend.- formed,
so that on her return to India in 1889 she was iblo
to realize her ambition and to open in Bombay an
iiriseetunari scIkidI for high-caste Hindu girls, espe-
cially child-widows. This school she removed to
Poona in 1891. She carries it on without any re-
ligious tests, but, as was to be expected, many of
her pupils have become Christians. ItB influence
has been most beneficent.
Bibuoqbapht: Pundita Ramabai Suraavati, The Riah-

Cale Hindu Woman, new cd., London. I860: Hi-lei, S.

Dyer. Pandita Ramabai: The Story of Her Life. New York.

1000. 2d ed., 1010.

RAMADAN: The ninth month of the Moham-
medan year, observed as a fast. According to Surah
ii. of the Koran the method of observance is total
abstinence from food during the day, but eating
may be indulged during the night and until it is
possible to distinguish a white thread from a black
one by natural light. It is customary for the leisure
classes to make the daytime a period for sleep, the
nights being seasons of feasting and revelry. The
three days following the fast are days of feasting,
and are called the Little Beiram. See Mohammed,
Mohammedanism, IV., | 3.

RAMAHUJA. Hindu philosopher. See INDIA, I.,
2, j2.

RAMBACH, rtm'baH: A Thuringian family of
theologians.

1. Johann Jacob: B. at Halle Feb. 24, 1693; d.
at Giessen Apr. 19, 1735. After a period of study

Bambaoh
Bampolla

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

at the University of Halle, in the summer of 1715, he
assisted Johann Hcinrich Michaelis in the prepara-
tion of his Hebrew Bible. As a result of these labors
commentaries by Rambach on Ruth, Ecclesiastes,
Esther, Nehemiah, and II Chronicles were published
in the Ubcriores annotationes in hagiographos V. T.
libros. In 1719 Rambach went to Jena and continued
his studies under Franz Buddeus. He at the same
time qualified as an instructor and gave exegetical
lectures that were received with great enthusiasm.
He also included dogmatic theology in his instruc-
tion, and began his extensive literary activities. In
1723 he was called as a member of the theological
faculty at Halle and was made full professor in
1727, where he lectured to large classes and preached
on alternate Sundays. He accepted, in 1731, the
position of first professor of theology and first su-
perintendent at Giessen, and in 1732 was made di-
rector of the Padagogium at Giessen.

Rambach was an exceptionally learned and in-
dustrious theologian, whose numerous productions
went through many editions. This popularity may
be explained by the position that he took be-
tween Pietism and the Wolfian philosophy. His
religious and theological thinking took its start from
Pietism, but he had in addition a love of science and
system and a spiritual independence and modera-
tion that were foreign to Pietistic circles, and these
qualities he owed to Wolf's influence. His sermons
have been regarded as models.

Rambach has also significance as a hymnologist.
He not only made collections but wrote many
hymns. His poetic talent was not slight. The best
of his productions are marked by depth of thought
and of feeling, and no small number may be counted
as the best of the time.

The works for which he is most celebrated are In-
troductio historico-theologica in epistolam Pauli ad
Romanos (Halle, 1727); Commentatio hermeneutica de
sensus mystici criteriis (Jena, 1 728) ; Exercitationes
hermeneuticw (1728); Commentatio theologica (2d
ed., Halle, 1732); Collegium historian ecclesiastical Ve-
teris Testamenti (2 vols., Frankfort, 1737); Collegium
introductorium historico-theologicum (2 vols., Halle,
1738). But the most celebrated are his Betrachtr
ungen which cover several phases of the life and death
of Christ, collected in various editions, one of the
latest being BetraclUungen fiber das gauze Leiden
Chrisli und die sieben letzten Worte des gekremigten
Jesu (Basel, 1865; partial Eng. transl. of earlier
issue, Meditations and Contemplations on the Suf-
ferings of our Lord and Sainour Jesus Christ, 2 vols.,
London, 1763; abridgments or excerpts, London,
1760, York, 1819, and London, 1827).

2. Friedrich Eberhard: B. at Pf ullendorf near
Gotha 1708; d. at Breslau Aug. 16, 1775. He and
Johann Jacob (above) had the same great grand-
father, and his father was Georg Heinrich Ram-
bach, pastor at Pfullendorf. After studying theol-
ogy at Halle, he taught in the Francke Padagogium
(1730). In 1734 he went to Connern as associate
pastor, and in 1736 was appointed pastor at Teupitz.
His fame as a preacher steadily rose. In 1740 he
was diakonus at the Marktkirche, Halle; in 1745
he preached at the Heiligengeistkirche in Magde-
burg; in 1751, was chief preacher at the cathedral; |

in 1756, first pastor of the Marktkirche, Halle, and
inspector of the district of the Saal; and in 1766 be
went to Breslau as chief counselor of the consistory
and inspector of the principality of Breslau. He
was an able philologist, well versed in theological
science and a faithful servant of the church. He
translated works on church history and theology
into German from the English and French, prefix-
ing exhaustive prefaces. His work in this field was
of undeniable service to German theologians.

8. Johann Jacob II.: Son of the preceding; b.at
Teupitz (25 m. s. of Berlin) Mar. 27, 1737; <L at
Ottensen (a suburb of Hamburg) Aug. 6, 1818. He
studied theology at Halle; taught in gymnasium*,
1759-1774, and was rector at Quedlinburg and
chief preacher. In 1780 he became head pastor of
St. Michaelis at Hamburg and in 1801 senior of
the ministerium. As a theologian he stood in
opposition to most of his contemporaries, holding
fast to the Lutheran confession. Of his writings,
mainly sermons, his Versuch einer pragmatuche*
Litterarhistorie (Halle, 1770) deserves special
mention.

4. August Jacob: Son of the preceding; b. at
Quedlinburg (40 m. s.e. of Brunswick) May 28,
1777; d. at Ottensen Sept. 7, 1851. He studied
theology at Halle; on his return to Hamburg be-
came, in 1802, diakonus at the church of St. Jacobi;
in 1818, he succeeded his father as chief pas-
tor at St. Michaelis; and in 1834 became senior of
the ministerium. He became interested in hym-
nology at an early date, the first important result
of his studies being Ueber Dr. Martin Luthert Ver-
dienst um den Kirchengesang (Hamburg, 1813). His
Anthologie christlicher Gesdnge aus alien Jahrhu*-
derten (6 vols., Altona and Leipsic, 1817-33) is a
reliable work and is still indispensable in hymno-
logical investigations. During the years 183342,
Rambach, with five colleagues, produced a hymn-
book which is still used in Hamburg. His hymno-
logical collections were given by his widow to tne
Hamburg city library. (Carl Berteeau.)

Bibliography: In general consult: T. Hansen. Die?***-
lie Rambach, Gotha, 1875; Julian, Hymnology, pp. M9-
951. On 1 consult: the autobiography in Heuixkm
Hebopfer, part vi., pp. 617 sqq., Giessen, 1735; J. P.
Fresenius, Die wohibelohnte Treue ... aU . . . J. J-
Rambach geschieden, Giessen, 1736 (funeral sermon, with
sketch of the life by E. F. Neubauer); D. Buttner. W»
lauf de* J. J. Rambach, Frankfort, 1735; E. E. Koch.O
achichte des Kirchenliede*, iv. 521 sqq., 3d ed., Stuttgart
1860; R. Rothe. GetchichU der Predict, ed. TrQmpd-
monn, pp. 408 sqq., Bremen, 1881; ADB, xxvii. 196
sqq. On 2 consult: J.J. Rambach (II.). LebentmdChonk-
ter F. E. Rambach*, Halle, 1775; J. M. H. Ddring. D*
gelehrien Theologen DeuUchland*, iii. 427 sqq., NeusUdt
1833; ADB, xxviii. 763-764. On 3 consult: A. J. Rambach,
/. J. Rambach, nach seinem Leben und Vcrdieiut QtxhQ-
dert, Hamburg, 1818; J. Geffcken, Die grosse St. Michadi*
kirche in Hamburg, pp. 92 sqq., ib. 1862; J. H. Hock,
Bilder atu der GeschichU der hambttrgischen Kirche $eit iff
Reformation, pp. 258 sqq., ib. 1900; ADB, xxvii. 201 sqq.
On 4 consult: C. Petersen, Memoria Auffusti Jacobi Ram-
bach, Hamburg, 1856; E. E. Koch, Geschicht* de» K\rtht+
liedes, vii. 70. 3d ed., Stuttgart, 1872; J. Geffcken, Djf
hambvrgi&chen NiedersAchaiachen Gcaangbticher, pp. xxvu.
sqq., Hamburg, 1857; ADB, xxvii. 193 sqq

RAMMAN. See Assyria, VII., § 4.

RAMMOHAN ROY, ram-mo-hon': Hindu t heist;
b. at Radhanagar in Bengal, May 22, 1772 or 1774;

387

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Rambaoh
Bampolla

d. in Bristol, England, Sept. 27, 1833. His father
Ramkhant Roy, a man respected for his wealth and
character, was a Vishnuite; his mother, Tarini, was
the daughter of a priest of the Shakta sect. After
finishing his elementary studies in Bengali, he was
taught Persian, then the court language; at the
age of ten he was sent to Patna to learn Arabic,
and later to Benares to learn Sanskrit, returning to
his father's home at about the age of fifteen. Dur-
ing these five years of absence he had changed his
religious beliefs, accepted monotheism, and become
opposed to idolatry. His father was entirely out of
sympathy with these monotheistic ideas, and this
opposition led Rammohan to leave his home the
next year and to travel through different parts of
India and even into Tibet. After about five years
of wandering he was recalled by his father, but
again left his home to reside in Benares, where he
gained an extensive knowledge of Sanskrit, and
still later learned to use English with accuracy and
fluency. His first literary effort was in Persian, with
the Arabic title Tahfat-al-Muwahhiddin, " A Gift to
Deists," teaching that all religions have in reality
a common foundation, the oneness of God, but
that they differ in their interpretation of him.

In 1814 the family took up its residence in Cal-
cutta, and in 1815 Rammohan started the Atmiya
Sabha (see India, III., 1), a small association of
kindred spirits, who, with him, engaged in the reci-
tation of Vedic texts and theistic hymns. This as-
sociation developed later into the Brahma Samaj
(see India, III., 1). His activity in favor of mono-
theism and against idolatry was intensified by op-
position. Through publications and discussions he
sought to prove that polytheism and idolatry were
degraded forms of Hinduism and opposed to the
higher teachings of the Vedas and Upanishads. He
translated many Upanishads into Bengali, Hindi,
and English in order to prove Hinduism to be essen-
tially monotheistic. In 1811 he had witnessed the
immolation of his brother's wife. At first he tried
to persuade her from her terrible intention, but in
vain. When, however, she felt the flames, her
courage failed, and she attempted to escape, but
her relations and the priests forced her to remain
in the flames, her shrieks being drowned in the loud
beating of drums. This horrible cruelty so im-
pressed Rammohan Roy, that he resolved never to
rest until the custom of Suttee should be no more.
He saw his efforts, with those of Christian mission-
aries and others, succeed with the passing of the
Government of India Act against Suttee, Dec. 4,
1829.

In Dec., 1821, he started the Sambad Kaumudi,
* weekly paper, intended to advance the intellectual
and moral welfare of the people, and later, in Per-
sian, the Mirat-al-Akhbar. These early efforts have
given him the title of founder of native journalism
in India. He has also been called the father of
Bengali prose, as up to that time few Bengali prose
works had appeared, and they of little merit. His
prose works are mostly controversial, showing that
the Shastras in their higher teachings are on the
side of monotheism and against idolatry. He also
composed religious songs that hold even to-day a
high place in Bengali hearts.

During this period of residence in Calcutta he
came much in contact with Europeans, including
missionaries, and became familiar with the Bible,
studying both the Hebrew and Greek. The ethics
of the teachings of Christ deeply influenced him,
resulting in his publishing the Precepts of Jesus, the
Guide to Peace and Happiness. This publication
was followed by an unfortunate discussion on the
doctrinal side of Christianity with the Baptist mis-
sionaries of Serampore. In 1828 the Atmiya Sabha,
which he had founded, became the Brahma Sabha,
later known as the Brahma Samaj, and under its
enthusiastic leader many were drawn to a theistic
belief. On Jan. 23, 1830, a building was conse-
crated for its use. In Nov., 1830, Rammohan Roy,
now Raja Rammohan Roy, a title given him in
1829 by the Emperor of Delhi, set sail for England,
where he died. He is entitled to the honor of be-
ing the first modern Brahman to cross the ocean.

Justin E. Abbott.

Bibliography: The beet-known of his writings is Tahfat-
al-Muwahhiddin, or, a Gift to Deists, Eng. transl., Calcutta,
1884; his Eng. works were edited by Jogendra Chunder
Ghose, 2 vols., ib. 1885-87, and appeared also with a
transl. of the Tahfat-al-Muwahhiddin, Allahabad, 1906.
For his life consult: Sophia D. Collett, The Life and
Letters of Raja Rammohan Roy, London, 1900; the
Memoir prefixed by T. Rees to the edition of the Pre-
cepts of Jesus, 1824; L. Carpenter, Review of the Labours,
Opinions and Character of Rajah Rammohan Roy, London,
1833; W. J. Fox, A Discourse on the Occasion of the Death
of Rajah Rammohan Roy, ib. 1833; Mary Carpenter, The
Last Days . . . of Rajah Rammohan Roy, ib. 1866; K. S.
Macdonald, Rajah Ram Mohun Roy, Calcutta, 1879;
Nagendra Nath Chatter ji, Life of Raja Rammohan Roy,
Calcutta, 1880; Nanda Mohan Chatterji, Some Anec-
dotes from the Life of Raja Rammohan Roy, ib. 1881;
Monthly Repository of Theology and General Literature,
vols, xiii., xx.; and the literature under India.

RAMPOLLA, rom-pel'to, DEL TINDARO, MAR-
IANO: Cardinal; b., of noble family, at Polizzi (40
m. s.e. of Palermo), Sicily, Aug. 17, 1843. He was
educated at the Pontificia Accademia dei Nobili
Ecclesiastici, Home; was attached in 1869 to the
Congregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Af-
fairs, and shortly afterward was appointed domes-
tic prelate to the pope. Six years later he was sent
to Madrid, where he was acting papal nuncio, and
in 1877 he was recalled to Rome as secretary of the
Propaganda for the Oriental Rite, becoming secre-
tary of the Congregation of Extraordinary Eccle-
siastical Affairs in 1880. In 1882 he was conse-
crated titular archbishop of Heraclea and returned
to Madrid as nuncio, where he was able to render
important services to both the papal and the Span-
ish governments. He was created cardinal-priest
of Santa Cecilia in 1887, and is also archpriest of
the Basilica and prefect of the Congregation of the
Fabric, and a member of the Congregations of the
Inquisition, Consistory, Propaganda, Propaganda
for the Oriental Rite, Rites, Studies, and Extraor-
dinary Ecclesiastical Affairs. From 1887 to 1903
he was papal secretary of state, and in this office
sought to further the restoration of the temporal
power of the pope. He has written De cathedra
Romana Bead Petri, Apostolorum principle (Rome,
1868); De authentico Romani Pontificis magisterio
(1870); and Del Luogo del martirio e del sepolcro
dei Maccabei (1897).

THE NEW SGHAFF-HERZOG

RAMSAY, r0m's6, SIR WILLIAM MITCHELL:
Church of Scotland layman; b. at Glasgow Mar.
15, 1851. He was educated at the universities of
Aberdeen (M.A., 1871), Oxford (B.A., 1876), and
Gdttingen. He was Oxford University traveling
scholar (1880-82), research fellow of Exeter Col-
lege, Oxford (1882-87), and fellow of Lincoln Col-
lege, Oxford, and professor of classical art and
archeology in the University of Oxford (1885-86).
Since 1886 he has been professor of humanity in the
University of Aberdeen, where he was also Wilson
fellow in 1901-05. He was elected honorary fellow
of Exeter College in 1896 and of Lincoln College in
the following year, and was lecturer in Mansfield
College, Oxford, in 1891 and 1895, Levering lec-
turer at Johns Hopkins in 1894, Morgan lecturer at
Auburn Theological Seminary in 1894, Rede lec-
turer in the University of Cambridge in 1906, and
Gav lecturer at the Southwestern Theological Sem-
inary in 1910. In 1880-91, 1898, and 1901-05 he
traveled extensively in Asiatic Turkey, and re-
ceived the gold medal of Pope Leo XIII. in 1893,
the Victoria gold medal of the Royal Geographical
Society, and the L. W. Drexel gold medal for arche-
ological exploration, University of Pennsylvania.
He has written Historical Geography of Asia Minor
(London, 1890); The Church in the Roman Empire
be/ore 180 A.D. (1893); The Cities and Bishops of
Phrygia (2 vols., 1895-97); St. Paul the Traveller
and the Roman Citizen (1895); Impressions of
Turkey (1897); Was Christ bom at Bethlehem?
(1898); Historical Commentary on St. Paul*s Epis-
tle to the Galaiians (1899); The Education of Christ
(1902); The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia
(1904); Pauline and Other Studies in Early Chris-
tian History (1906); The Cities of St. Paul, their
Influence on his Life and Thought. The Cities of
Eastern Asia Minor (1907); Luke the Physi-
cian, and Other Studies in the Hist, of Religion
(1908); The Revolution in Constantinople and
Turkey; a Diary (1909); The Thousand and One
Churches (1909; in collaboration with Gertrude L.
Bell) ; and Pictures of the Apostolic Church, its Life
and Preaching (1910) ; and has edited Studies in the
Hist, and Art of the Eastern Provinces of the Roman
Empire (1906).

RAMUS, rd-mils', PETRUS (PIERRE DE LA
RAM£E): French humanist; b. at Cuth, near
Soissons (56 m. n.e. of Paris), 1515; d. at Paris
Aug. 24, 1572. He studied at Paris under Johann
Sturm, who lectured from 1529 to 1536 on the
principles of Agricola. In the thesis for his mas-
ter's degree, written at the age of twenty-one,
Quarunquc ab Aristotelc dicta essent, commentitia
esse, Ramus asserted the fallibility of the philoso-
pher and aroused great excitement, which was
increased by the publication in 1543 of the
Aristotelica* ammadtvrsiones and the Dialectics
institutions, in which Ramus tried to show the
inadequacy of the Aristotelian logic. Ramus' works
were a protest against views like those of Peter
Gnlland, according to which Aristotle's philosophy
wks in perfect accord with the Christian religion.
An edict issued by Francis I. forbade Ramus to
teach philosophy and consigned his books to the

flames. Ramus taught rhetoric and mathematki
at the college of Ave Maria until, after the death
of Francis in 1545, the restraint was removed
through the efforts of Charles of Lorraine, the friend
and protector of Ramus. He was allowed to teach
philosophy at the College de Preslee and in 1551
was made professor at the royal college.

Ramus was converted to Protestantism in 1561
after hearing Charles attempt to answer Bea. In
the summer of 1562, when the Calvinists were ban-
ished from the city, Ramus found refuge with the
dowager queen at Fontainebleau until the peace of
Amboise, Mar. 10, 1563, permitted him to return.
He resumed his work at the college. The persecu-
tion of the Reformed on the outbreak of the second
civil war compelled Ramus to flee to the Huguenot
camp at St. Denis, where he joined Condi and
Coligny in the war. He returned to Paris in 1568,
after the peace, but the uncertainty of the situa-
tion induced him to ask leave of absence in older
to visit foreign universities. He set out on his
travels shortly before the outbreak of the third
civil war. At Heidelberg, he occupied for a time
the position of professor of ethics, but his Aris-
totelian opponents made his continuance in the
place impossible, and in July, 1570, he returned to
Paris. His former positions were occupied; he re-
ceived, however, a pension from Charles IX. and
Catherine de Medici, only to perish on St Bar-
tholomew's night.

Ramus was more humanist than philosopher.
He reformed the traditional method of studying
the classics, and infused life into what had been a
tedious exercise, and his pedagogical method vaa
adopted in the next century. Ramus wished also
to free theology from the subtleties of scholasticism
and to establish the Bible as the only standard in
matters of faith. His theological views are given
in his Commentariorum de rdigione Christiana tibri
quatuor, nunquam antea editi (with a biography by
T. Ban os, Frankfort, 1576). His influence was
wide-spread until the latter half of the seventeenth
century, when it was displaced by Carteoanism.
Among his disciples were Caspar Olevianus and
Johannes Piscator (qq.v.), the jurists Hieronymus
Treutler and Johannes Althusius, the statesman
Emdens, and John Milton. (F. W. CuNof.)

Bibliography: Ab sources* besides the life by Banos in
Commentariorum, ut sup., consult: N. de Nascel, Vis it
Ramus, Paris, 1599 (best); and J. T. Freigius, Vita?.
Rami, in Ramus' Pralcctiones in Ciceroni* Orationet, Basil
1574. Consult further: T. Spencer, The AH of bogidt De-
livered in the Precepts of Aristotle and Ramus, London.
1656; A. Richardson, The Logicians Schoolmaster; or, «
Comment upon Ramus' Logick, London, 1657; C. F. La*
Lebensbeschreibung des Ramus, Wittenberg. 1713; P-
Bayle, Dictionary Historical and Critical, pp. 834-842,
London, 1737; C. Schmidt, La Vie et les travauz it Jm
Sturm, Strasburg. 1855; C. Waddington, Ramus, sa rv,
ses ecrits et see opinions, Paris, 1855; £. Saisset. Let Prf-
curseurs de Descartes, Paris, 1862; C. Desmace. P. Ram*.
. . . sa vie, ses ecrits, sa mart, Paris, 1864; A. Stock).
Geschichte der Philosophic des MiUetaUers, iii. 296 W-
Mains, 1867; B. Chagnard, Ramus et ses opinions «f»-
gieuses, Strasburg, 1869; P. Lobstein. Petrus Ramut cb
Theolog, Strasburg. 1878; J. Barni. Les Martyres de Is
libre pensee, pp. 107-135, Paris, 1880; KL, x. 766-767;
Lichtenberger. ESR, xi. 100-105 (worth consulting for
the very full list of the writings of Ramus); America*
Journal of Education* anriv. 131-134, xxx. 450-464; aod
the works on the history of philosophy.

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

RAHD, WILLIAM WILBERFORCE: Reformed
[Dutch); b. at Gorbam, Me., Dec. 8, 1816; d. at
lookers Mar. 3, 1909. He was graduated from
Bowdoin College, 133T, and from Bangor Theolog-
ical Seminary, 1840; licensed to preach as a Cou-
rregational minister, 1840; pastor of the Dutch
Reformed Church of Canastota, N. Y., 1841-14;
sditor for the American Tract Society, New York,
1848-72; and publishing secretary of the same,
1S72-1HU2. He was the author of Songs of Zion
[New York, 1851; revised and enlarged, 1865);
md Dictionary of the Bible for General Use [1800J
enlarged and largely rewritten, 1886), which «n
prepared on the basts of Edward Robinson's Dic-
tionary of the Holy Bible (New York, 1845).

RAHDALL, RICHARD WILLIAM: Church of
England; b. in London Apr. 13, 1824; d. at Bourne-
mouth (24 m. b,w. of Southampton) Dec. 23, 1906.
He was educated at Christ Church, Oxford (B.A.,
1846), and was ordered deacon in 1847 and ordained
oriest in the following year. He was curate of Bin-
ield (1847-51), rector of Woollavington with tirnJT-
bm, Sussex (1851-68), and vicar of All Saints',
Clifton (1868-92); end was dean of Chichester
from 1892 till his retirement from active life in
1902. He was honorary canon of Bristol after 1801
ind rural dean of Chichester after ls'ji), and was
select preacher at Oxford in 1893-1)4. He was
author of Life in the Calholic Church (London,
1889); Addresses and Meditations for a Retreat
[1890); and Some Aspects of the Holy Eucharist,
Communion, Sacrifice, Worship (1897).

RANDOLPH, ALFRED MAGILL: Protestant
Episcopal bishop of southern Virginia; b. at Win-
chester, Va., Aug. 31, 1836. lie was educated
at William mill M:iry College, \\ illi.imsburg, Va.
(B.A.. 1855), and at the Theological Seminary of
Virginia (graduated 1858), He was ordered deacon
in 1 80S and ordained pries! in ISfiO; mm rector of
St. George's, Fredericksburg, Va. (1860-62), chap-
lain in the Confederate Army until the close of the
Civil War; rector of Christ Church. Alexandria, Va.
(1865-67). and of Emmanuel Church, Baltimore,
Md. (1867-83). He was consecrated bishop-coad-
jutor of Virginia (1883), and when this diocese was
divided in 1 892 into the two dioceses of Virginia and
Southern Virginia, he became bishop of the newly
erected see. He has written Reason, Faith, and
Authority in Christianity (New York, 1902).
Biiuoqrapht: W. S. Perry. The Episcopate in Amtrica, p.

27fl. New York, 1895,

RANDOLPH, ran'dolf, BERKELEY WILLIAM:

Church of England; b. at Riverhead (20 m. s.e. of
London), Kent, Mar. 10, 1838. He was educated
at Haileybury and Balliol College, Oxford (B.A.,
1879), Bad was ordered deacon in 1881 and priested
in the following year. He was fellow of St. Augus-
tine's College, Canterbury (1880-83), and principal
of St. Stephen's House, Oxford (1884-85); and
domestic chaplain to the bishop of Lincoln until
1890. He was then vice-principal of Ely Theo-

logical College for a year, and since 1891 has been
principal of the same institution, as well as canon
of Ely and examining chaplain to the bishop of
Lincoln. Theologically he describes himself as a
" Prayer Book Churchman," and has written The
Law of Sinai, being devotional Addresses on the Ten
Commandments (London, 1896); The Threshold of
//,<:■ StHKllKgy, being short Chapters on Preparation
for Holy Orders (1897); Meditation* on the Old Tes-
tament for every Day of the l"rar(1899); The Psalms
of David, unVi brief Note* for Use in Church or at
Home (1900); The Example of the Passion (1901);
M,;!:hfions on the New Testament for every Day of the
Year (1902); The Virgin Birth of Our Lord (1903);
Ember Thoughts (1903); Tlie Empty Tomb (1906);
Christ in the Old Testament (1907) ; Holy Eucha-
rist—Sacrifice and Feast (1908); and Precious Blood
of Christ (1909); and editions of J. Keble's Letters
nf Spiritual Counsel and Guidance (London, 1904),
W. Laud's Private Devotions (1905), and Fenelon's
Letters and Counsels (1906).

RAHKE, ran'ke, ERHST KOIfSTAJttTH : Ger-
man Lutheran; b, at Wiehe (27 m. w.s.w. of Merse-
1'nirg), Saxony, Sept. 10, 1814; d. at Marburg July
30, 1888. He was educated at the universities of
Leipsic (1834-35), Berlin (1835-36), and Bonn
(1836-37), and alter being a private tutor for three
years was called to the pastorate of Buchau in Up-
per Franconia, where he began to collect materials
for his studies on the ancient pericopes of the Ro-
m:in Catholic Church and the Latin translations of
the Bible prior to Jerome. In 1850 he was ealled
to Marburg as professor of church history and New-
Testament exegesis, holding this position until his
death. Ranke was an exceptionally gifted paleog-
raphist, his moBt important contribution here ln-iiii;
his Codex Fuldcnsis Novi Testamcnti Latine (Mar-
burg, 1868), in which he showed that this manu-
script, next to the Codex Ajniatinus, was the chief
witness for the New Testament of Jerome. He
likewise rendered valuable service by hiB two edi-
tions of the oldest Marburg hymnal — Marburger
l7wflHjflllllH von 1549 mil vcrwandtcn Liedcrdrucken
(Marburg, 1866, 1878). He was, at the same time,
an admirable Latin poet, his models being the hu-
manists, especially Konrad Celtes and Hugo Gro-
tius, anil his best work being shown in his Mora
lyrica (Vienna, 1873) and Rhythmica (1881). He
also made a metrical translation of Tobit (Bai-
reutli. 1847) and of selected poeras of Paulus Me-
lissus (Zurich, 18751. while his independent poems
included his Lieder aus grosser Zcit (Marburg, 1872)
and Die Schlaeht am Teutoburgcr Waide (1876).
Besides the works of Ranke already noted, mention
may be made of the following: Das kirchlidie Peri-
kopensystem aus den Sllesten Urkunden der rtymi-
schen Liturgie dargelcgt und erlSutert (Berlin, 1847);
Fragmenta versionis Latino: Avtehieronymiana
praphelamm, etc., e codicc Fuldrnsi (4 parts, Mar-
burg, 1856-68); Par polimpsestorum TPircefrurjen-
sium, antiqui*sima Veteris Tcstamenti versionis
Latino: fragmenta (Vienna, 1871); Cutccntia evan-
gelii Lucani fragmenta Latina (Marburg, 1872);
Chorgesdnge turn Preis der heiligen Elisabeth aus
mittclalterliehen Antipkonarien (Leipsic, 1883); and

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Antiguistimas Vetent Testamenti veniam* Lalintc
fragmcnto Stutgardiana (Marburg, 1S88).

(C. Outrun..)

Bi»lioqhafht : E. fijuit, ErnU Contlanlin tlaidti , . .
Lebtntbild. Leij-ic. IWM; Chnmii drr Vniv*r*iUt Afar-
burg. 1888-89. pp. S-14; F. H. Kankc. Juarndrrinner-
unem- Stutttwt. Issl; il. iiemrki. Wart* drr Erinnmng
. . . vonS.K. Ranit, Marburg. 1S88.

RANKIN, THOMAS: Methodist, friend of John
TVesk'v; b. at Dunbar (27 ra. e.n.e. of Edinburgh',
.Scotland, in 1738; d. in London May 17, 1810. He
came of pious parentage, and was early inclined to
enter the ministry; but when seventeen and after
the death of his father, he was led into evil courses.
from which he was startled by the devotions of
some pious soldiers; later he came under the influ-
ence of Whitcfield, and again thought of entering
tin- ministry, but instead circumstances compelled
him to sail for America to engage in commercial
pursuit."; in 1759 lie was again in his own country,
accompanied a Methodist itinerant minister uhile
visitm.e societies in the north of England, and then
preached his iir-it. sermons. In 17fil lie had iiitor-
views with John Wesley, and became officially con-
nected with tlu- \\\--liy;:n movement, eft en accom-
panying the leader on his journeys; in 1773 lie was
Bent by Wesley to America, where he called the
lirst Methodist conference held in America, and
there, in the settlement of problems, Rankin took
precedence of Francis Asbury (q.v.), holding the
jHisitiun (if " genera! assistant." In 1778 he was
again in England and remained at work till I7S3.
when at his request be was made a supernumerary.
His mark on Methodism is less pronounced than
that of others of his time, not because he was less
pious or able, but rather because nf inflexibility of
temperament, and deficiencies of education.
BinuiMuriiT : The ,1 ■M^iagrapha wiu published in the
-Ir.inm.m Mngminr. I77U. Cumuli further; W. B.
Spnupir. Annul* aftht Amrrwan /*«/;,« , vii. I'-S M. New
York, IS61; ami, in z»nm\. tl.,. works dealing with the
curly dj.vc-Lopm.-nt ol M.rlm.li-m in England and Amer-
icn, mentioned under Methodists.

RANTERS: The name given by way of reproach
to an antinomian scot of the Commonwealth period
in I'mtland. See Antinomi wish and Avttxomiax
CoNTHOVErtaiFrt, I., i 6. The name was also at one
time o|i|iri>lirii>Li>ly applied to lie1 1'rimitivc Meth-
odists, mainly l>ecause of (he emphasis and loud
tones employed in their preaching and responses.
iSee Methodists. I., 4, IV., 9.

RAPHAEL, re'fu-el: One of the seven Ifour)
nrebiiniTi-ls of post-exilic Hebrew angeloloRy (Tobit
iii. 17. xii. 15; Enoch is., xxi., xl. >; Luke i. 19).
See Angel. II., I I.

RAPHAEL BIBLE. See Bibles, Iuxbthated.

RAPP, tap, JOHAHH GE0R6: Founder of the
TIarmonv Sncietv: b. at Iptingen. near Vaihingen
(15 m. n.w. of Stuttgart), Nov. 1, 1757; d. at Econ-
omy. Pa., Aim. 7, 1847. He was a linen-weaver by
trade and early came under influences of mysticism.
By [785 he had become a separatist and held aloof
from th- public worship and communion of the
Church. By his declaration of his views and
by his eloquence he attracted thousands who

flocked to Iptingen. Their open opposition to the
rites of the Church, refusal to send their children w
the parochial schools, and independent vonhip
called upon himself and his adherents restrictive
measures from the government, incited by the etde-
siastics; but, meanwhile (1803), Rapp had gone
to America to select a site for a settlement, Khitha
he was followed the next year by 700 of las adher-
ents. In Butler County, Pa., he established a col-
ony called Harmony, presumably on a primitive
apostolic model, organised on the basis of a can-
munity of industry and goods, celibacy, and chili-
asm. Rapp was a man of superior ability, tirelasj
industry, sincere piety, commanding eloquence,
and practical skill, which is illustrated by the phe-
nomenal success of the enterprise for a season. For
the history of the enterprise see Coumrmsu, II., 6.
BiauooiUPar: See, in addition to the literatim undo
Comic nimi. II.. 8, C. Palmer, Die (Imcintciatm ud
Srktrn Wamrxtbey: Tubingen, 1877; K. Knort:. fti
chri/itfich -kom nun ittimche Kolonic drr RappimXn, InpK
1SSZ.

RASHDALL, HASTUTCS: Church of England;
b. in London June 24, 1858. He was educated:.!
New College, Oxford (B. A., 1881 ; M. A., 1884),and
was ordered deacon in 1884 and ordained priest t«o
years later. He was lecturer in St. David's Mere.
I-ampeter (1883-84), tutor in the University of Dur-
ham (1884-88), and fellow and lecturer of Hertford
College. Oxford (188S-95). Since 1895 he has been
fellow and tutor of New College, Oxford, and dean
of divinity since 1903. He was chaplain and theo-
logical tutor at Balliol College, Oxford (ISM-SSI.
select preacher at Cambridge (1880-1901], and
Oxford (1895-97), and preacher at Lincoln's Ian
(1898-1903). In addition to contributing to Cm-
tenth VeriloHt (London, 1902), he has written TSt
Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (2 vols.,
London, 1895); Doctrine and Development (tiniver-
sitv sermons; 1898); A'eu> College (in collaboration
with R. S. Rait; 1901); Chrutus in Eceietia (Edin-
burgh, 1904); The Theory of Good and Eril (NOT);
and Philosophy and Religion. (Oxford, 1909).

RASIII, rt-ehi': French rabbi, commentator «■
Bible and Talmud; b. at Troyes (90 m. est. of
Paris) in 1040; d. there July 13, 1105. The nan*
Rasbi is made up of the vocalized initials of his
title and name, Rabbi Solomon (bar) Isaac. Be-
cause of his great natural endowments, he was seal
at a very early age to a talmudie school in Mail*
over which Gershom had presided, where Jacob ben
Yakur became his teacher; later, in the high school
at Worms, he was a pupil of Isaac ben EleaiM
Ha-Levi and Isaac ben Judah. After his return to
his native city he was appointed rabbi, filling this
position without remuneration until his death, and
becoming celebrated far and wide as an authority
on the Talmud.

In Rashi's time the sources for a commentary on
the books of the Old Testament were very meager;
he was therefore compelled to utilise very imper-
fect studies of Menahem ben Saruk and Dunash ben
Labrnt. At that period the French language was
still in its very beginnings, so that it was impossi-
ble for Rasbi to translate the finished Hebrew into

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Rankin
Ratnaiii

that idiom; he was therefore forced to choose He-
brew for the expression of his ideas and theories.
He wrote commentaries on all tho books of the
Did Testament except I and II Chronicles, Bfahe-
miab, andthesecond piirtof Job; these were anno-
tated by the adherents of his school. Starting with
the if assure tic text, which lie scrupulously follow I'd.
Rashi treats the exegctii-a! ditiicult.ies in a clear,
literal, and simple manner. He solves lexicograph-
ical problems by analogous cases and grammatical
difficulties by the citation of a similar or allied
form. Repeatedly lie empha/.e-es his view (hat tin:
simple natural sense of the Biblical passages should
be accepted, and (on Gen. iii. 8) declares as his sole
purpose to explain Scripture in its literal sense;
even the Song of Solomon was so treated. His de-
sire to give the natural sense explains hi- f;v<[iir];i
reference to the targum of Onkelos; wherever " ac-
cording to its targum " occurs, tho targum of On-
kelos is meant. The t-arguni to the prophets is bIbo.
used, and Rashi finds it far superior to Onkelos.
Nevertheless, the influence of the traditional Mid-
rash exegesis with its spiritualized and mystic in-
terpretation was too powerful in France in the
eleventh century for Rashi to escape its iidlvirrm-
altogether; but his sound judgment and fine tact
usually led him to choose tin- one among the many
explanations which cam.' nearest to the literal sense.
In many cases, indeed, Rashi expressly requires
the haggadic interpretation (e.g., in Gen. i. l)i but
Botnetimes the simple exposition is followed by the
most contradictory comments, so that Iiashi seems
only partly to have attained the high aim he pro-
posed to himself. This is partly due to the minute-
ness of his exegesis. Moreover, since ho clings
closely to the literal sense of the words, he is not
successful in interpreting continuous passages,
neither does he attempt to explain any miracle.
Karl Siegfried (iu Archiu fur u'innrnKchaft{ichp. Br-
forschungdesA. T.'x, I., 42S sqq., II., 39 sqq.) has
shown Rashi's influence over Xieolaus of Lyra and
Luther, especially in the exposition of Genesis.

Rashi surpasses all his predecessors as an ex-
positor of the Talmud. With a few well-elms™
words he illuminates the obscurity of the often in-
comprehensible text. The readings he proposed are
still authoritative and he is an indispensable aid to
those who study the Talmud. Mcnaheri] hen Zcmli
justly remarks in his work Zcrfah la-Iicrtlc ("Via-
ticum"; Ferrara, 1554) that without Rashi the
Babylonian Talmud would be as much neglected as
is the Jerusalem Talmud. The commentary to
Benthith rabba ascribed to Rashi is not his work
but that of an Italian contemporary. On his death
in 1 105. he left a flourish inq school of di-ciplcs who
continued his work anil brought it to a close, al-
ways in his spirit. (A. WPnsche.)

. 1M60; the 6

bed. of

title ifibraoth GtdhoIM. For fall information of editions
of the commentary or part* cf, J, Ffint, Bihtiathaa Ju-
daira. ti. 78*qq., Lcipsii:. IMiW; ,f J A', *. 325-326. The
first ed. of the conimrntnrv on (hie Talmud was Venice,
1620-23. On Rashi consul tr M. Lihcr, Raohi. Philadel-
phia, 1908: JE, X. 324-328; L. Zuoi. in Zeitohrift /Br

die Wittaucha/I dn Jvdcniltumi, 1823. pp. 277-:is-t;
J. 11. Joat, GucAichte dtr l«rotliI,n. v. lM3-2-»!>. :t7.i-.!7ri,
Berlin, 1822; H. Grata, Gachiehte der Judrn, vi. 64 *qq.,
Leipaio, 1SQ4: A. Berliner, Btitraet lur Gachiddt da
Ratchi- Kommcnlarr, Berlin, 1903.

RASKOLHIKS. See Russia, II.

RASLE, rel (RASLES, RALE, RALLE), SEBAS-
TLEB; French Jesuit missionary to the North
American Indians; b. at Dole (18(1 m. s.e. of Purist
in 1658; d. at Norridgewock, Me., Aug. 12 (23,
new style), 1724. He arrived in Quebec Oct 13,
1689, and after laboring in the Abenaki mi.-jion

of St. Francis, near the Falls of the ChHodjtre,

seven miles above Quebec and in the Illinois cuun-
try, among the Algonquins (IG91 or 1692), he re-
turned to the Abenakis i.ltm:i or KM), and finally
settled at Xonidgewock n<u the Kennebec. There
he built a chapel (1698), and acquired so much in-
fluence among the Abenakis, that he was popu-
larly believed to have incited them to attack the
I'ruteslant settlers on the coast. A price was set
upon his head. In ITO.i, 1722, and 1724 Norridge-
wock was attacked by the settlers, with the result
that the lirsi time the chapel was burnt; the sec-
ond time the rebuilt chapel and liasle's house were
pillaged, and his papers carried off, among them ji
manuscript dictionary of Abenaki, now in Har-
vard College library, printed in the Memoim of lite
American Ata'lriiiy of Arts and Science*, cd. with
introduction and notes, John Pickering (Cambridge,
IJviU'K ami, the third time, he and seven Indians
who had undertaken to defend him were killed.
BiBLiooRApnr: Consult the Mtmttr by C. Francis in J.
Sparks, Library of Am'-rirnn liii>',:-.ii>i.;. _'/. \i.!-.. Bi.-uui,
1834-47; the massive JeatU RtlatUm* «nj Mtini ii.hu-
mtnU. ed. R. G. Thwaitea, 73 vol*. Cleveland, 1 1., l*0ft-

Noi

RASMUSSEN, rfls-mfl'sen, CHRISTIAN V1L-
EELM: Danish missionary to Greenland; b. in

Skrod>hj;'irg near Kjiige (28 m. s.iv. of Copenhagen),
Denmark, Nov, 25, 1846. He was educated at
llcrlufshohii I.B.A.. lSCS) and Coiwnhagen (Candi-
date in Theology. 1S72); was missionary in .lakobs-
havn in the northern part of Greenland (1878-
lStt.Yl. having charge for about fifteen years of the
uiis.-runary work in the colony of Umanak and
oversight of the work in Egcdesmintle. On his re-
turn to Denmark, he was appointed provost of
Lyugeand Uggelose (18%); since 1904 he has been
lector, giving instruction to the Grcenlandic cate-
chists; he also assists the bishops and the minister
of state in matters pertaining to church and educa-
tion in Greenland, Besides translating Tlalslcv's
Bible History (first Danish ed.. 1844) into Green-
landie, he lias written a valuable Green lam lie tiraivi-
m:ir,Gronhin<hkSprtK,hirr(Co\wiih:<e'.-n. KSSS1. and,
with J. Kjer, has given philology its first llanish-
Grcenlandie dictionary, DaitsJc-GriiiiluiHUk Ordbog
(1S93), In the new Greenlandic Bible, the transla-
tion of the books from Joshua to Esther is his work.
John 0. Evxbn.
RATHERIUS, ra"-ther' i-usr Bishop of Verona;
b. near Liege shortly after 887; d. at Namur (38
m. e.e. of Brussels) 974. As a child of five he en-
tered the monastery of Laubach in Hennegau, but

Bathertaa
Rationalism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

392

showed the genius of neither a scholar nor a monk.
In 926 he accompanied his abbot, Hilduin, to Italy,
where the latter s cousin, King Hugo, attracted by
the young monk's learning and moral character,
promised him the diocese of Verona. His lack of
subservience, however, evidently delayed fulfil-
ment of the promise, for it was not until 931, while
Ratherius was apparently fatally ill, that Hugo
made the formal appointment. Ratherius recov-
ered only to be in strained relations both with the
king and with his see; and when, in 935, Arnulf of
Havana had attacked Verona with the traitorous
connivance of Ratherius, and had been repulsed,
the bishop was imprisoned at Pavia. Here he com-
posed his Prtrloquia, moralizing sermons and ad-
monitions to conversion and repentance. In 936
Ratherius was released, but return to Verona was
impracticable, and after some three years in the
custody of Azo, bishop of Como, he fled to Pro-
vence. Sympathy he found in abundance, but no
assistance in regaining his diocese; and he was
obliged to act as private tutor to a young Provencal,
in this capacity writing a grammar (now lost) en-
titled Spiiroflorsum (" Spare-Back "). This, to-
gether with a biography of Ursmar, sometime abbot
of Laubach, opened to Ratherius the doors of his
old monastery; but it soon became clear that he
could no longer be a monk, and, with the encourage-
ment of Hugo, he started to return to Verona. Be-
fore he could reach his sec city, he was captured
by Hugo's enemy, Berengar, but a few weeks later
was reinstated in his diocese (946). He was unable,
however, to control the see, and two years later was
expelled by the king. He now wandered from place
to place, vainly seeking assistance and recognition,
until he bitterly returned to Laubach, where he ad-
dressed three fruitless letters of appeal to Pope
Agapetus II., the bishops of Italy, France, and Ger-
many, and all the faithful. In 952 he gladly left
Laubach for the royal court of Otto I., where his
talents were recognized and his faults obscured by
his surroundings. He was soon appointed bishop
of Liege, but again he proved his complete unfit-
ness for the episcopate, and, before two years had
passed, he was removed from his see. In protest he
now composed his Conclusio dclibcrativa, and at
Mainz he collected twenty of his letters and other
earlier writings in the Phrenesis. a protest against
his loss of both Verona and Liege. In 955 he be-
came abbot of the little monastery of Alna, a
daughter house of Laubach. Here he wrote his
Excerptum ex dialogo confessionali, in which he ad-
vocated the eucharistic teachings of Paschasius
Radbertus (see Radbertus, Paschasius). This
attitude, however, provoked opposition, and he
accordingly defended himself in his Epi&tdla ad
Patricxim, in which he upheld the doctrine of tran-
substantiation, though without materially advan-
cing the development of the dogma.

At Alna Ratherius still longed for a wider sphere
of activity. Liege and Laubach remained closed
to him, but in 961 Otto restored him to his see of
Verona, where he was soon charged by his clergy
with having connived at the robbery of the relics
of St. Bruno, his reply, the Invectiva, being but a
lame defense. The opposition continued, though

in his De contemptu canonum he endeavored to
strengthen his episcopal position. But his courage
failed at last, and spiritual distress found explo-
sion in his De proprio lapsu and De otioso semonc.
His mistrust and his opponents' hatred alike in-
creased; Ratherius declared the ordinations of his
rival, Milo, invalid, and was forced to retract; his
cordial reception at the court of the two Ottos at
Verona in 967 failed to restore his prestige; and
in 968 an imperial tribunal decided against his ad-
ministration, while the emperor urged him. in the
interests of all concerned, to resign his bishopric
In the same year he returned once more to Laubach,
only to become involved in disputes with the young
abbot of the monastery, who was at last forced
from his position. Possessed of considerable wealth
accumulated at Verona, Ratherius continued to de-
vise all sorts of simoniacal projects, until, in 974. he
died a refugee in the castle of the count of Xamur.
Though deeply versed in both sacred and secular
learning, Ratherius was a scion of his time in his
aversion to original productivity. His writings
were invariably publicist ic and personal, and form
only a commentary on the vicissitudes of his own
life. As contrasted with the calm of the Carolin-
gian period, Ratherius felt the doctrines and precepts
of the Church to be problematical and subject to
criticism. At the same time, he remained loyal,
even though he doubted; he was neither a reformer
nor a promoter of learning; and only his sharply
defined personality renders him perennially inter-
esting. In his Qualitatis conjectura cujutdam (writ-
ten in 965-966) much autobiographical material
is contained. The complete works of Ratherius
were first collected and edited bv Pietro and Giro-
la mo Ballerini (Verona, 1765), and reprinted in
MPL, exxxvi. (Friedrich Wiegaxd.)

Bibliography: Sources arc to bo found in MGH. SmpL
iii (1839), 312, 314, iv (1841). 63-65, 69-70, 269-270."
(1844), 347-349, 352; MPL, clx. 574. Consult: A. Vo*el
Ratherius von Verona und dn# 10. Jahrhunderl, 2 voW..
Jena, 1854; ASM, kpc. v.. pp. 478-IS7: MM. MirairrJt
la France, vi. 339-3S3; A. Ebert, Allgemrine Gixhu+U
der Litteratur de* Miitelalters. iii. 373-383. Leipsic. 1**9:
Hauck, KD, iii. 285-297; Ceillier. Auteurs *acre*. xii. S4fr-
860; KL, x. 789-791.

RATIONAL: A term used ecclesiastically in
three meanings. (1) It is applied to the breastplate
worn by the Hebrew high priest according to Ex.
xxviii. 15 (see High Priest, 1; and Ephod). (-)
It is the name given to an episcopal ecclesiastical
vestment worn when celebrating mass. The first
traces of its employment are not earlier than the
tenth century. In form it was either a small breast-
shield, or an ornamented narrow band which was
worn over the chasuble (see Vestments and In-
signia, Ecclesiastical), passing from oneshouldtf
across the back over to the other shoulder and both
ends hanging down in front. In the latter case it
was the episcopal equivalent of the archiepiscopsl
pallium, though apparently the employment was
restricted to certain bishops (as those of Bambeni.
Eichstatt, Luttich, Minden, and others). In the
thirteenth century it seems to have become obsolete
in France. (3) The word is used to express an
exposition of the significance of divine service, asm
the famous work of Durandua (q.v.).

898

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Batheriufl
nationalism

RATIONALISM AND SUPERNATURALISM.

Origin of the Antithetic (| 1).
Limitation (f 2).
Two Periods (§ 3).
I. Leibnitz- Wolffian.

Elements of Promotion (| 1).
Biblical Form (§ 2).
Dogmatic and Eudemonistio (§ 3).
Effect upon Religion (f 4).
Defense against Rationalism
(J 5).

H. Kantian.

Kant's Critique (| 1).

Effect upon Theology (| 2).

Differentiation (| 3).

Post-Kantian Dogmatic Rational-
ism (i 4).

Post-Kantian Biblical Rationalism
(§5).

Reactionary Supernaturalism (f 0).

Compromise and Overthrow (f 7).

III. Critical Review.

IV. Supplemental.

Deistic Rationalism (| 1).

Anti-Deistic Discussions (| 2).

Prophetic and Evangelical De-
fense (§ 3).

Entrance of Scientific Method
(§4).

Developments 1830-60 (f 5).

Since 1860 (f 6).

Rationalism connotes in philosophy the tendency
of thought that lays special stress, not on the mat-
ter of experience, but on the products

i. Origin of the human reason, whether these
of the consist of innate ideas or a priori con-
Antithesis, cepts. The opposite principle is em-
piricism, which makes knowledge sim-
ply the reproduction of observed facts in their unity.
In theology the term rationalism was first applied
to criticism of church doctrine as practised by the
Socinians and later by the deists. The real point
of its application, however, is the stricter, scholas-
tic form of the theological enlightenment which
was assumed in Germany in dependence upon the
Wolffian and Kantian philosophies. Rationalism
unites itself organically with a universal movement
of emancipation from ecclesiastical authority,
partly in progress beforehand, and partly contempo-
raneous, in France and England, but assuming
its characteristic type from certain philosophical
schools and the German formative environment
as a whole. Rationalism in theology has in com-
mon with rationalism in philosophy the effort to
derive the essential in religious knowledge from
reason as an original source, instead of regarding it as
something received from some other source. This
is in the face of a traditional Protestant theology
which maintained that God's revelation was abso-
lutely given and that the employment of reason in
dealing with it was instrumental and not critical
or normative. Human reason was to engage itself
with, and apply the accepted good, without addi-
tion or subtraction; but was not entitled to sub-
ject it to independent proof, to a resultant reduc-
tion, or other essential alteration. For in such
case, exactly those elements of church belief would
be most affected which were not included in uni-
versal thought, but rested wholly on divine revela-
tion. In concentrating the defense of the system
of church doctrine necessarily upon certain elements
of religious truth held to be supernatural and
superrational, there resulted for the opponents of
the rationalistic criticism the name of supernatur-
alists. The first mention of the term that may be
traced is in Sokratischen Unterhaltungen tiber das
Aeltesteund Neueste aus der christlichen Welt (1789).

The antithesis between the two involves the
source, mediation, and appropriation of the knowl-
edge of Christian truth. Supernatur-

2. Limi- alism bases Christianity upon an im-

tation. mediate and positive revelation of
God. This consists of doctrines to be
proclaimed for human salvation which are unattain-
able by reason of itself; they must be authenticated

by miracles and prophecies, and handed down by
divinely originated Scriptures. This revelation de-
mands an unconditional recognition of its authority.
Rationalism, on the contrary, is convinced that
man is pointed also, in satisfying his longing for
God, to the use of the reason, which, if rightly em-
ployed, affords the knowledge of God in his omnipo-
tent creation, merciful preservation, and just dis-
pensation of reward and punishment. For man's
moral nature and happiness no direct divine in-
struction beyond this is desirable. Miracles and
prophecies are not conclusive; for moderate ra-
tionalism may exercise a certain measure of indul-
gence toward what is offered by church tradition,
or may even appropriate the same, if this is possi-
ble in accordance with its own criteria; but strict
rationalism acknowledges no religious knowledge
except what is begotten of reason. The question
is one of authority: supernaturalism adheres to
revelation, rationalism to reason, to determine the
content and limit of religious truth. A point in
common, however, is the intellectualistic concep-
tion of the content of religion. Supernaturalism
however does not sound the entire Biblical and
Reformation depth and fulness of Christian faith,
for instead of unfolding the equation, as given in
faith, of the person, free or bound, to the vital
movement of revelation, out of the nature of the
case, it labors under the burden of establishing the
plausibility of an authoritative doctrine. While
rationalism represents a one-sided yet clear and
simple principle, supernaturalism scarcely escapes
the contradiction of submitting its content as teach-
able doctrine and yet withholding it from the test
of reason. Kant pointed out that rationalism and
supernaturalism are not mutually exclusive. After
his view, a rationalist may be one who holds only a
natural religion as morally necessary; a supernat-
uralist, one who holds belief in a supernatural
divine revelation for a universal religion to be neces-
sary. A critical rationalism does not involve neces-
sarily the denial of the reality of all supernatural
revelation; such should rather be termed natural-
ism. Rationalism as such does not dispute the
truth and value of revelation per se, but only its
claim to absolute authority; while supernatural-
ism does not contest the competence of the reason
absolutely in matters of the religious life, only its
right of preestablishing religious truth from itself.
While at both extremes, the contradiction was held
to be irreconcilable, yet this was more the result
of an emphasis of feeling than intellectual discrim-
ination of difference. In order to save its foot-
hold in the Church rationalism knew how to com-

Rationalism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

394

promise with the assumption of a special revela-
tion accessible to reason, while supcrnaturalism
made far-reaching concessions. Combined types
were frequent and were even held to offer the only
solution. To deduce the issue of the antithesis as
necessary from Protestantism is superfluous, since
neither the proof of rationalism nor the method of
defense on the part of supernatural ism had then
taken definite shape; although it is true that Prot-
estantism consents to, and continually requires
proof of, the traditional state of doctrine, without,
however, l>eing separable from a historical revela-
tion of redemption.

Before proceeding to outline the history of the
movement, it is well to define the limits of the

periods of rationalism. While most

3. Two Protestants place the beginning at the

Periods, middle of the eighteenth century, G.

Prank dates its principle from the
birth of the critical philosophy, designating the cor-
responding movement before Kant as neology.
Doubtless Kant, by his theory of knowledge and
his moral and religious doctrine, gave the move-
ment of the controversy a new turn and impetus; but
it may l>e questioned whether the difference from the
previous efforts of the same kind is sufficient to
warrant the distinction of the latter by another
term. A common possession of (Jerman theology
was the method of demonstration of Wolff replacing
the traditional ideas with the rational thoughts of
universe, God, and man, and the optimistically col-
ored cosmic theory of Ix»ibnitz; and although not
concentrated into definite schools as after the time of
Kant, yet it was less discursive and unsystematic
than Deism (q.v.) This appearance at the middle of
the eighteenth century may be taken as the begin-
ning. The second period inaugurated by Kant may
l>e called the critical one in the sense of a closer def-
inition of his position and a sharper accentuation of
the question as to the authority of revelation or
the autonomy of reason. This period may be
characterized as practico- moral, anti-metaphysical,
and anti-eudemonLstic. The idealistic philosophy
of Hegel ami his followers is genuinely rationalistic;
yet, in comparison with earlier forms it may be in-
cluded only in a very qualified sense. Hence, there
stand forth the two periods indicated, and the
movement mav l>e said to have terminated when a
more vital view of religion and a more unbiased his-
torical sense crowded the former situation of the
problem from scientific theology. Prom the nature
of the antagonism the periods of su{>ernaturalism
are the same.

I. Leibnitz- Wolffian: Rationalism comprehends
in its origin and extension various theological, phil-
osophical, ecclesiastical, and social movements. An

important condition of its forthcom-

1. Elements ing was (1) the decreasing vitality of

of Promo- orthodox theological scholasticism.

tion. Even recourse to the authority of

Scripture could not stay the decadence,
for the discrepancy between dogma and Scripture
became more and more apparent. Then came (2)
Pietism with its inward devoutness. To be sure,
being non-critical, it domiciled itself in the accepted
dogma; yet its indirect effects resulted in the re-

bound from the fruitlessness of speculation and
the preparation of a tremendous subjective ground-
swell. To release this required only a shattering of
the external authority. This was done by (3. the
philosophy of Christian Wolff (q.v.). It found no
contradiction between reason and revelation. Their
spheres are so contiguous that the line of separa-
tion is all but effaced. Reason also leads to an ab-
solute being and is capable of a series of intelligible
recognitions of it that claim the advantage of being
demonstrable. A rational theology arises, which
indeed does not comprehend all the knowledge of
the divine, but is of greater apologetic senieeable-
ness by virtue of its intellectual derivation. The
content of revelation transcends but does not con-
tradict reason. The supernatural afforded by rev-
elation is fundamentally akin to that of reason, and
together they form an unbroken series. While the
sacrifice of the doctrine of sinful corruption might
arouse suspicion among the Pietists (as the school
at Halle) ; on the other hand, by virtue of its de-
monstrative method, and by integrating theology
with intellectual interests as a whole, it won popu-
larity elsewhere, notably after 1730. The move-
ment enthroned the rational element in thought
and stimulated confidence in thinking for oneself
and in the conviction that the Enlightenment (q.v.)
offered the solution of progress. This (4) was re-
inforced by the influence of the deistic literature of
England and Prance (see Deism). This was trans-
lated and the deistic arguments against the neces-
sity of a special revelation, against the exclusive
truth of Christianity, and against the inspiration
and credibility of the Bible, gained wide acceptance.
(In Germany, moreover, the acceptance of the
teachings of Leibnitz and Wolff obstructed a more
comprehensive influence of the thought of Spinoza.)
A German deistic literature also arose. H. S.
Reimarus (q.v.; see Wolfexbuettel Fragments)
in Schutzschrift fur die rernunftigen Verthrer Gotle*,
a work brought out posthumously by Leasing, op-
poses, critically, to a revealed, a natural religion.
He deems it unthinkable that God reserved his
knowledge for the small Jewish people and for a
Christianity forming only a minority of the human
race. He opposes the account of miracle with the
advanced knowledge of nature; and the ethical
views of individual Old-Testament narrators, with
the requirements of an enlightened morality; and
he calls for the renunciation of supernatural revela-
tion in order to rescue more securely natural relig-
ion and ethics. A final factor in promoting ration-
alism (5) was the changed intellectual spirit and
literary taste; not so much in respect of the nat-
ural sciences as of the development of a doctrine
of State and law, away from theocratic notions,
basing the civilisation of human society upon nat-
ural interests and reasonable objects, and demand-
ing, with reference to religion, a broad toleration.
This development would affect also the concept of
the Church; it would atrip away the garb of a di-
vine ordinance, and pat m its phos either subor-
dination to the flBBssal ideal of the State, or voV
untary hi*™*"* *

395

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

nationalism

Pietism and in the philosophy of Wolff, he demanded
critical analysis with tradition; moved dogma into

the light of historical elucidation, and

2. Biblical measured it by the standard of its

Form. moral utility, and specially championed

a liberal independence of piety from
dogmatic fetters. However, he served rather to
sound the key-note than to offer the program.
J. A. Ernesti (q.v.), conservative in dogmatics and
Wolffian supernaturalist in his view of revelation,
demanded a grammatical exegesis to the exclusion
of all matter foreign to the text. Real rationalism
reached its climax in the third generation of this
school in K. A. G. Keil (q.v.) and others. More
considerate to orthodoxy is J. D. Michaelis (q.v., 3),
who employed his inclination to rationalistic in-
terpretation only where no direct dogmatic interest
was at stake. The triumphantly advancing his-
torical treatment of Scripture crystallized itself by
the formation of the literary method in Biblical in-
troduction (J. G. Eichhorn; q.v.) and in New-Tes-
tament textual criticism (J. J. Griesbach; q.v.).
Their most significant fruit was the founding of
Biblical theology which not only transformed the
Scriptural proof of dogma but sought to create a
secure foundation for the efforts put forth for the
Biblical reduction of dogma. Its beginnings (A. F.
Buesching; G. T. Zachariae; q.v.) assume the char-
acter of a censorship of church doctrine; the orig-
inator of its scientific program, J. P. Gabler (q.v.;
De justo discrimine theologcce biblicce et dogmatic ce,
1 787) , and his followers belong to rationalism. With
W. M. L. de Wette (q.v.) Biblical theology first
enters upon a more historical method. In the field
of dogmatics, it was not so easy to break away from
tradition shielded within symbols. A transition

method arose characterized by a mod-

3. Dog- e rat ion of the boldest extravagances

matic and and by proposing a simple mode of

Eudemon- teaching as an alternative for the tra-

istic. diiional. Important for the history

of dogmatics is J. F. Tollner (q.v.)
thoroughly Wolffian in system, but exercising a
keen criticism on the single point of Christ's obedi-
ence. J. F. Gruner (d. 1778) carried this criticism
to a farther extent; recognized in all Christian
dogma perverting Platonic and Aristotelian influ-
ences; and committed himself to the progress of
theology, historical-grammatical interpretation,
and the ample use of the reason. A further step in
the adaptation of dogmatic material to the rational-
izing process was the substitution by theologians
of the principle of happiness for the supernatural
plan of redemption (eudemonism). As soon as men
were convinced that religious knowledge was to a
great extent accessible to the reason and that ra-
tional knowledge was only unessentially comple-
mented by revelation, the next step was to deter-
mine the result upon human life. But by reason
was understood not so much an ideal principle as the
usual sound common sense, which has its function
in the promotion of human happiness. Eudemoni'^i
became the material principle in dogmatics, corre-
sponding to the formal principle of rationalism.
The preacher no longer sought to prompt the peo-
ple to a higher idealism, but complacently de-

scended to the discussion of practical interests, such
as the benefit of vaccination, of stall-feeding, or how
to obtain a quiet sleep; although it is to be said
that there was no lack of celebrated pulpit speak-
ers. The corresponding pedagogical theory is phi-
lanthropy which aims to advance human happi-
ness along the line of natural development. This
was frequently combined with theological rational-
ism in the persons of its representatives.

A transcript of the average rationalistic dogmatics

of the period is not out of place. Religion was

essentially a matter of the reason. Its

4. Effect essence was to guide a man to a rea-
upon sonable and therefore moral, happy

Religion, life. Revelation was a supernatural
form of instruction which missed its
object when it retained mysteries. It must prove
itself an expansion of natural knowledge, subject
to the criteria of reason. To some, Christianity
was the embodiment of reasonable religion, of
course in its Biblical simplicity, not in its dogmatic
form. Yet this was subject to further reduction,
mostly on the principle of expelling individual,
local, or temporal admixtures, or on the assumption
of the theory that the writer was accommodating
his production to the limited intelligence of his
contemporaries. Others held the theory of the po-
tential perfectibility of Christianity (Semler, W. A.
Teller, Lessing). This position exhibited a greater
measure of historical appreciation than the aver-
age rationalism. It thought to derive the picture
of Christianity from the sources, employing the rep-
resentation of the religion of reason as the critical
norm. The Old Testament was considered within
its time and environment and the Jewish religion
was the main source of the elements of the New
Testament, which were taken to be less in accord-
ance with reason. The doctrine of Scriptural in-
spiration was reduced by accepting only the his-
torical material or limiting its function to the place
of an auxiliary of the divine Spirit. Miracles were
explained by natural causes, by the aid of thunder
and lightning, or assuming for the men involved in
the miracles knowledge of physics, chemistry, or
even pyrotechnics. The principle of parsimony as
to miracles offered by J. D. Michaelis gained wide
acceptance. Original sin was specially attacked;
its guilt was denied, and it was presumed to be
merely a limitation of nature (Tdllner), a physical
corruption to be illustrated, for instance, by the
eating of a poisonous fruit (Michaelis). To man
was ascribed a capacity to fulfil his moral duties,
and all that was left to grace was the function of
supporting and acknowledging human virtue. Pre-
destination was indignantly repudiated or identi-
fied with justification (E. J. Danovius; q.v.). In
Christology the doctrine of the two natures was re-
placed by the assumption of an extraordinary in-
spiration, on the part of conservatives (C. W. F.
Walch; q.v.); rationalists as such maintained a
more or less unconditioned moral preeminence of
Jesus. On the doctrine of the atonement Ernesti
considered the threefold office of Christ a dissec-
tion of the simple Biblical view. Tdllner disputed
the active obedience. Conservative dogmaticians
rested on an Arminian theory, while radicals re-

Rationalism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

396

jccted all thought of satisfaction and forgiveness
as impossible. The salvation of heathen who work
righteousness was conceded. On the doctrine of
justification the view of Trent was approximated;
on the sacraments, that of the Reformed. In
eschatology, only the ideas of immortality and
retribution remained.

The defense against rationalism for this period
was not concentrated, and sums itself up (1) in such
advocates of traditional orthodoxy as the uncon-
ditional authority for the Church as

5. Defense J. B. Carpzov (q.v.) and C. F
against Ra- SartoriuH (d. 1785); (2) the supernat-

tionalism. urallsts of the Wolffian school recon-
structed dogma by the use of con-
cessions of this school to revelation, of whom were
Jacob Carpov (<1. 17(kS) and S. J. Baumgarten
(q.v.); hut this compromise position could not long
be maintained successfully; (3) the supernatural-
ism founded by J. A. Bengel (q.v.) sprang from a
piety more in keeping with .Scripture than the sym-
bolic form of doctrine and bore a scholarly impress;
yet his school opposed critical investigation of the
Scriptures, and their certainty of the systematic
unity of the Biblical body of thought led to the re-
jection of philosophical admixture. Foremost
among these, C. A. Crusius (q.v.) opposed the
Leibnitz- Wolffian determinism, optimism, and spir-
itualism, and unfolded in his " prophetic theology "
an integral plan for the history of the divine king-
dom. There was (4) a group of apologists who de-
fended the challenged points of Christian religion
and philosophy against deism after the fashion of
the Knglish anti-deistic apologetic (Gottfried Less,
J. O. Kosenmueller; qq.v). C. Bonnet advanced
a defense of miracles as preordained modifications
of the laws of nature. A noteworthy support was
found by these theological efforts of a counter-
rationalism in the tendency of the literature of the
time toward increased spiritual depth. Already
Ijessing suffered just acknowledgment to pass upon
the intellectual effort in church doctrine, con-
fronted the profundity of the doctrine of the Trin-
ity with a speculative interest, and for the civil-
ization of the human race he provided a scheme in
which also historical revelation may find an estima-
ble valuation. Justus Moeser (d. 1794) defended
positive religion against the abstractions of the rep-
resentatives of the Knlightenment and philosophers,
especially J. J. Rousseau (q.v.). J. G. Herder
(q.v.) imparted to a wide circle the impression of
the poetical beauty, power, and rich suggestive
depth of Scripture.

II. Kantian: Kant's critical philosophy recasts
the antithesis of rationalism and supernaturalism
and invests it with new relationships. The author-
ities upon which both the criticism

1. Kant's and the apology of dogma had relied

Critique, were overthrown. Natural theology
in the meaning of Wolff and the pop-
ular philosophy disappears. Before the throne of
the pure theoretic reason dogmatic frhgtffn and dog-
matic atheism are alike dismissed. Hie idea of God
survives as a mere ideal or problemmtioal
The moral law alone lifts man above th» 1
phenomena to the dignity of a ntf*

being, conscious also of the intelligible order of hfe
environment. In moral conduct rational concept*
become practical; freedom is the necessary pre-
supposition of self-determination; immortality is
postulated for the perfect attainment of the moral
ideal; and the idea of God, for the unity of the
phenomenal and ethical worlds. Religion can be
based on morality alone. The converse would be
fatal to both; it would rob the moral of its auton-
omy, and religion of its content and purity. Posi-
tive religion is, however, not the offspring of pure
ethics. Bound up with historical phenomena, it
set in motion certain moral basic ideas. It is there-
fore fitting to develop the historical religion into
the pure religion of reason. The religion founded by
Christ approximates the religion of reason u£ closely
as is possible for an ecclesiastical faith. Stripped
of their historical envelopment the doctrines
of sin, satisfaction, regeneration, righteousness,
afford ideas fit for every ethical faith. Revelation
may thus be said to have pointed out to rea-
son the course which it is compelled to pursue by
its own inner laws. If this, however, be granted,
revelation loses its further importance. Miracles
may be dispensed with, since the religion of rea-
son requires no authentication that addresses the
senses. Its historical mediators make room for the
ideal truth which they hitherto witnessed, which
every man may now find in himself. Revealed re-
ligion is materially identical with natural, i.e., pure
moral religion. Ecclesiastical faith can serve only
as the vehicle of pure religion (moral) and it fol-
lows that Scripture must be explained in the light
of the latter, no matter how forced this has been.

By this revolution the previous course of rational
theology stood fundamentally condemned: its op-
timism was accused of being shallow; its eudemon-
ism was declared unmoral ; and its ratiocination was
rejected as presumptuous. The net

2. Effect result, however, is a new rational <ii-
upon recti ve force. A moral interpretation

Theology, is forced upon Scripture; the histor-
ical is considered inconsequent; and
revelation is discarded after fulfilling its service.
The essential substance of Christianity is to under-
go a change. Redemption must give place to an
ideal philosophy leaning upon the moral law. The
order from grace is transposed. A new and more
subtle rationalism could thus follow in Kant's foot-
steps turning the thought of rational freedom,
which had a just ground against cosmic Law, against
religion itself. An interesting commentary on
Kant's religious doctrine may be found in the earli-
est work of J. G. Fichte (q.v.), " Critique of all
Revelation " (1792), which represents moral con-
duct alone as unconditionally necessary, while re-
ligion is conditionally necessary only where the
moral law falls short of determining, for its own
sake, the human will. Revealed religion is then
justified only when the efficacy of the moral law »
so impeded that it requires sensible supernatural
acts to restore it to power, in that it reinforces the
authority of the moral law by the authority of God

can not be regarded as impcsaV
ifcnl ocder it subordinate to the

897

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

nationalism

Kant's statements on the relation of Christianity
to the religion of reason lent themselves to the sup-
port of two opposite views: that his-
3. Differ- toric Christianity has brought into
entiation. reality the pure religion of reason; or,
that the pure religion of reason makes
all revelation dispensable. These gave rise to two
theological tendencies, both capable of being uni-
fied with Kant's critical deductions, inasmuch as
he neither unconditionally affirmed nor denied the
claims of Christianity to revelation. The one al-
lowed the character of Christianity as revelation
to stand, but employed the principle of the reason
for its justification and critical simplification; the
other took reason as the unconditional critical
norm and the adequate source of religious truth as
well. The first may be termed critical supernat-
uralism, while the second beginning with critical
rationalism gradually passes over into dogmatic
rationalism. The critical supernaturalists, a small
group, preferred to accept the synoptic teachings
of Jesus as the picture of real Christianity. Fore-
most of these was J. H. Tieftrunk (q.v.) who in-
terpreted Christian revelation according to moral
postulates without, however, resolving it into mere
moral truths. Especially does he aim to preserve
the position of redemption as presupposed to Chris-
tian ethics. By representing the moral ideal in his
person, Christ makes possible the realization of the
final purpose of the world and he is the foundation
of grace without which a happy observance of the
moral law is impossible (cf. A. Ritschl). Akin to
this K. L. Nitzsch (q.v.) professed the supernatural
form of Christianity, treating its content, however,
ethically, not in accordance with the empirical but
the pure reason. Along the other tendency, criti-
cal rationalism first undertook the criticism of tra-
ditional religious truth. In the spirit of Lessing
and Semler, it sought to ascertain the simple orig-
inal forms as appearing in the example 'and proc-
lamation of Jesus. But the other view pushed more
and more to the front, that reason was the produc-
tive source of religious truth. Thereby natural rev-
elation, which was still retained, was made a mere
name for a content of knowledge at all times acces-
sible to the human reason. The chief representa-
tive of critical rationalism was H. P. K. Henke
(q.v.) who essayed to combat superstition in its
threefold form of Christolatry, bibliolatry, and ono-
matolatry (or dependence on an antiquated ter-
minology and form of doctrine). For him Christian
dogmatics had been too discursive in Messianic doc-
trine, impertinent suppositions of the New-Testa-
ment writers, and Platonic representations. In
fact only a simple matter is involved; to bring
Christ's example and teaching into effect. The
proof of the divine origin of this doctrine asserts
it3elf by its correspondence with the principles of
reason and by the experience of its inherent truth
and excellence. Thus critical simplification serves
the necessary course of all religious revelation, to
lead revealed religion gradually over into the ra-
tional. A similar point of view of starting out with
religious faith from the practical reason is taken by
J. C. R. Eckermann (d. 1837), with, however, a
solicitous concern for "popular religion/' He I

doubts if this can dispense with divinely sent bear-
ers of revelation. In the person of Christ he would
admit a mystery, namely, his union with God, never
quite to be established.

Completely dogmatic is the rationalism of J. A.

L. Wegscheider (q.v.), who maintained that the

progress of history, the knowledge of nature, and

philosophy had overtaken supernat-

4. Post- uraliam. Reason can admit only a
Kantian natural revelation, such as is manifest

Dogmatic in the ordinary course of the world and
Rational- its action upon human knowledge.' He
ism. would insist strenuously upon the dis-
tinction of rationalism and naturalism,
inasmuch as the latter denied all revelation, even
the natural. Belief in a supernatural revelation
concerns an age of inferior civilization, when, with-
out premonition of the real range of the human in-
tellect, the spontaneous perceptions of truth were
misapprehended as divinely wrought. Later such
belief proved itself useful in a political and moral
way. From this, however, the absolute necessity
for such a revelation does not follow. Reason in
this sense is evidently not the critical organ in the
sense of Kant, who finds the open way to religion
only through the moral law; it is thoroughly dog-
matic. Beside the moral argument for the exist-
ence of God are set up the cosmological, physico-
theological, and even the ontological arguments.
Moral debility takes the place of radical sin. Christ
is the herald of reason and the wholly inspired
prototype of man. A labored effort is made to
shelter a compromised notion of the concept of
forgiveness. Others reject this as morally impos-
sible and not to be represented in the Church (J. F.
C. Loeffler; d. 1816). This type of rationalism de-
generated to the common or popular type. Its
classical memorial is J. F. Roehr's (q.v.) Briefe
tiber den Rationaliamua (1813) in which he argues
Christianity as the universal religion on the basis
of its self-evidence and reasonableness for common
human sense and excludes Christology from the re-
ligious system.

More harsh than in dogmatics appeared the forced

and unhistorical rationalistic interpretation of

Christianity in exegesis. To the necessity imposed

by Kant upon interpretation, of finding the fixed

a priori moral truths in Scripture, was

5. Post- now added the object of bringing it
Kantian into harmony with a clarified view of
Biblical nature. Thus the narratives of mir-

Rational- acle were brought into the light of
ism. natural occurrences, for which in addi-
tion to the already available means of
electricity also magnetic powers were pressed into
service. The didactic content was submitted to the
accommodation hypothesis. With the assumption
that Jesus and his apostles, to facilitate their access,
conformed to Jewish representations and the gen-
eral opinions of the day, it was presumed to dis-
tinguish between kernel and husk ad libitum.
This was, in fact, nothing else than attributing
one's own theory of revelation, as the introducing
medium of the truth of pure reason, to the supposed
consciousness of the bearers of revelation them-
selves. Old-Testament exegetes of this order were

Rationalism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

808

K. D. Ilgen (d. 1834), W. F. Hufnagel (d. 1830),
and H. F. W. Gesenius (q.v.); and in the New
Testament, H. E. G. Paulus (q.v.). The influence
of this exegesis upon the Evangelical view of his-
tory shows itself best in the Leben Jesu of D. F.
Strauss (q.v.). Pauline theology had to undergo
ethical correction in order to convert faith into
fidelity to conviction and justification into spiritual
integrity (Paulus). Individual rationalists began
to employ mythical explanations (Wegscheider;
J. P. Gabler; q.v.). In this second period also ra-
tionalism was popularized from pulpit and books of
instruction.

While rationalism prevailed in theological facul-
ties and in learned literature, there were practical
religious spirits that devoted them-
6. Reac- selves to the culture of a strict Bib-
tionary lical Christianity; and there was no
Supernat- total lack of intellectual efforts to de-
uralism. fend Biblical revelation and its super-
natural character. Such a revelation
was accepted by the critical supernaturalism relating
itself to Kant; only, however, dependent upon sub-
sequent verification in accordance with reason.
Standing out more boldly was a Biblical supernat-
uralism in league with the Bengel school, advancing
the authority of revelation. It proposed to estab-
lish the credibility of Scripture as a formal defense
for its positive religious content. The result was a
mixture of rational and authoritative judgments,
whereas in proceeding to the verification of the
content of religious truth only the latter would pre-
vail. The best-known representative of this tend-
ency was O. C. Storr (d. 1805), founder of the older
Tubingen School (q.v.). In his Theologies Chris-
tiana (1807) historical proof is advanced for the
first time that there are reliable accounts of Jesus in
the New Testament. But Jesus himself authenti-
cated his teaching by the claim of divine origin,
and he vouched for this by his moral character and
miracles. Upon his disciples he conferred the con-
tinuation of the office of teaching and promised
them the enlightenment of the Holy Spirit. Paul
has the same rank by his own witness and that of
other apostles. Consequently, the New-Testament
writings possess divine authority. As the New Tes-
tament witnesses to the content and canonical
estimation of the Old, the entire Bible must be
regarded as a book of divine authority, whose re-
quirements are commands of God, and its precepts
and accounts are true. After the leap from the
human trustworthiness of Biblical authors to the
divine truthfulness of the content of Scripture has
been made, dogmatic theology is transformed into
Biblical, in which dogmatic interests ever voice
themselves. In increasing measure, to the formal
supernaturalism of this school is yoked a practical
moralism adapted from Kant (E. G. Bengel; d.
1826). A less centralized group was formed by the
representatives of supernaturalism outside of the
Swabian group. F. V. Reinhard (q.v.) discovered
in loyalty to Scripture an escape from philosophical
skepticism, though his uncertain dogmatics and his
vague ethics formed an unwilling tribute to the
Zeitgeist. A clarion call for the rallying of super-
naturalism was made by Claus Harms (q.v.) in his

ninety-five theses at the third centennial anniver-
sary of the Reformation (1817). August Hahn
(q.v.) in his De rationalitmi . . . vera indole
(1827) called attention to the unreserved natural-
istic character of rationalism, whose devotees he
read out of the Church. The only form of this period
that attained to permanency was the Biblical super-
naturalism. This is readily understood in part
when it is remembered that there was no philo-
sophical system upon which a theology, passing
beyond Kant's moral theory, could venture as
upon a foundation. The religious philosophy of
F. H. Jacobi (d. 1819) indeed assured the right of
religious conviction beside rational cosmic percep-
tion, but in basing itself upon an immediate di-
vine revelation through a rational feeling it offered
no more room for objective historical revelation
than Kant's moral idealism itself.

Soon after the beginning of the nineteenth cen-
tury attempts were made to harmonize the antithe-
sis of rationalism and supernatural-

7. Com- ism, which resulted in the mixed forms
promise and of supernatural rationalism and ra-
Overthrow. tional supernaturalism, depending up-
on the change of emphasis. According
to K. G. Bretschneider (q.v.), the former is a his-
torical authentication of the pure religion of
reason, and therefore concedes to revelation no influ-
ence upon the religious content; and the latter con-
cedes to revelation a supplementation of rational
knowledge, in so far as this is non-contradictory.
These compounds in name merely serve as a sign of
the dissolution of the antithesis. The progress of
theology did not advance from these compromises.
The problem was shifted to other ground as soon
as it became apparent that the intellectualistic for-
mulation of religion and consequently of revela-
tion was irrelevant. Rationalists and their op-
ponents alike had taken for granted that religion
originates from the acceptance of a certain sum of
prescriptions and doctrines, and under this presup-
position, it was a simple alternative whether this
body of dogma or theology was natural or revealed.
With the collapse of such a foundation, the con-
troversy built thereon, if not entirely void, must at
least assume another form. If religion, however,
was a peculiar function of the personal life of the
spirit essentially different from metaphysics and
ethics, then the way was open to see revelation in
a freer, more immediate, and personal character.
With F. Schleiermacher's (q.v.) Reden (1799) a
new view-point was entered which wielded a more
comprehensive influence with the appearance of his
Der christliche Glaube (1821). With the functions
of cognition and practical activity there coordinated
itself the realization in feeling of the immediate
union of man and God. The revelation on which
this union subsisted was not required to be in the
form of final doctrine whether natural or supernat-
ural in origin. Guided by the inwardly experienced
attracting power of the divine, it was able to appro-
priate from reality immediately immanent, or ac-
cessible by way of history. Thus, the doctrinaire
point of view held by rationalism and supernatural-
ism in common was overthrown. This departure
was accelerated by the simultaneous appearance of

890

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Rationalism

Romanticism which took in hand the cause of the
immediate and original and shunned mere rational
analysis as a limitation. It is doubtful, however,
if Schleiermacher's theory of religion would single-
handed have produced a basic reform in theological
method had it not been paralleled by another reac-
tion, which he represented only in part, namely,
the awakening of the historical sense, bringing to
light the treasures of the past, and throwing into a
more modest balance the materials of the present.
The more dogmatic rationalism had lately come
into being, and the more emphatically it asserted
the momentary perception of knowledge for the
reason the more precarious became its insight into
the historical contingency of its rational materials
that from now on rose to the surface. As for dog-
matic supernaturalism, historical research tore
away the shield of formal Scriptural authority, com-
pelling it to seek revelation in the course of history,
and to recognize its criteria not in outer authentic-
ity, but in its vital intrinsic operation. A final
factor to overshadow rationalism in its vague and
speculative methods was the development of post-
Kantian ideal philosophy with its larger standards
of thought and more comprehensive problems (see
Idealism, II.). Individual combats that mark its
steps of decline must be taken as mere episodes.
Rationalism was expelled from thought by an al-
tered tendency of the intellectual and spiritual life;
and with it, for want of a point of resistance, de-
parted supernaturalism in the historic sense.

in. Critical Review: Turning from the historical
to the elementary antithesis between the authori-
tative and critical conceptions of Christianity, it
may be admitted that this has always existed fun-
damentally in varying forms and continues till now.
To Hegel and his speculative school their antago-
nists opposed the historical. In turn followed the
critical method subjecting the accredited facts of
historical revelation to the canon of its principles
of critical investigation and depriving it of its su-
pernatural form. The more the critical, rational
view applied the principle of historical analogy,
recognizing that as true and essential which recurs
in all religions, the more apologetics was forced
upon the rallying-ground of emphasizing the
uniqueness and incomparableness of Christianity
and to base its absoluteness thereon. However, this
further development is not expressible in the terms
of the former antithesis. The category of reason
as the immanent standard has been replaced by
that of the necessary and universal conformity to
law; and that of the supernatural, by emphasis
upon the newness and originality of the content of
life as manifest in history and incorporate in per-
sonality. And it is clearly understood that in these
not historical investigation as such but faith real-
izes the divine revelation. As to their compara-
tive value, it may be said that the authoritative
and the critical, rational elements in Christian faith
are always inseparably united. Faith is conscious
of being determined by a creative, authoritative
power, and can not come to a positive affirmation
of its right and truth without critical proof of its
content. Hence, a comparison of this content with
the ™**Arift]« of the actual spiritual life — that is,

a rational digestion — is always requisite. The one-
sided advance of either will always call forth a re-
action from the other. Unauthorized and barren
is the pretense of either to be the whole truth and
thus to prevent the vital synthesis of both elements
agreeable to faith. The historical course of evolu-
tion has made this clear. Whenever dogmatic ra-
tionalism arrogated to itself a monopoly of truth,
without need of revelation, it became sterile for
theological regeneration. Likewise, whenever su-
pernaturalism denied to reason the examination of
its content and proclaimed the historical proof of
authority as sufficient, it lost contact with vital
religious thinking, because it could no longer show
how revealed truth may become personal convic-
tion. Rationalism has pushed the inner unity of
revelation with the practical moral states of human
soul-life into a clearer light. Especially did the
Kantian form not only recognize with an honest
enthusiasm the moral magnitude of Jesus and his
Gospel, but it brought them to the light of under-
standing in memorable characters. Supernatural-
ism, however, gave witness, against the naked in-
telligibility and superficial self-complacency of the
age, to the renewing and liberating power of the
historically determined Christian revelation, and
preserved the use of its sources. (O. Kirn.)

IV. Supplemental: The foundation of rational-
ism in English thought was laid in the scientific
spirit introduced by Bacon and Newton, in philoso-
phy by the Cambridge Platonists (q.v.) by refer-
ence to immutable and eternal truth, in theology
by Samuel Clarke (q.v.) in his ontologies! demon-
stration of the being and attributes of
i. Deistic God. As a distinctive phenomenon,
Rational- however, rationalism began with the
ism. deistic movement (see Deism), and
was introduced by Lord Herbert of
Cherbury (d. 1648) who was satisfied with a relig-
ion embracing the existence of God, to be worshiped
by virtue and piety, moral sanction operating both
here and hereafter, and with the expiation of sin
by penitence. Redemptive is thus ignored in favor
of natural religion as universally valid. Thomas
Hobbes (q.v.) maintained a dual attitude, allow-
ing to the State sovereign authority over its sub-
jects in matters of traditional religious opinion,
which after all may be only superstition, yet re-
serving an esoteric right of private judgment for
the enlightened thinker. John Locke (q.v.) was,
however, the philosopher through whom came def-
inite emancipation for rational inquiry. Whereas
Robert Boyle and Pascal (qq.v.) had differently
estimated the claims of reason and faith, Locke ad-
justed the conflict by subjecting faith to reason.
Faith might accept a supernatural revelation, yet
reason must judge both the credentials and the
contents of the same (Essay concerning Human
Understanding, " Reason and Faith "). Rational-
ism was thus well established as a method of ascer-
taining truth, a result to which Locke by his essen-
tial idealism and his theory of knowledge had made
an important contribution. Besides, reason had
thrown off the yoke of Roman Catholic authority.
The principle of the Reformation was bearing fruit
in subjective certainty based on the right of private

Rationalism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

400

judgment. Toleration, even if only partial, had
opened the door to wider liberty of utterance, in
which one discovers the effect of Milton's great plea
in Areopagitica, Chillingworth's Religion of Protec-
tants, Jeremy Taylor's Liberty of Propheq/ing, and
Locke's Letters on Toleration. Profound govern-
mental changes had compelled men to find rational
ground for their political convictions. Literary and
historical criticism of the Bible was establishing
positions contrary to traditional beliefs. Calvinists
and Arminians were arrayed against each other, os-
tensibly sheltering themselves behind Scriptural
proofs, but really fortifying their tenets with phi-
losophy, psychology, and metaphysics. John To-
land (q.v.) in his Christianity not Mysterious recog-
nized no revelation which is not wholly luminous to
the human intelligence. Anthony Collins (q.v.) in
his Discourse of Free Thinking advocated the un-
trammeled use of the understanding in all religious
questions; and he (A Discourse on the Grounds and
Reasons of the Christian Religion) and Thomas
Woolston (q.v.; Discourses on the Miracles of
our Saviour) respectively eliminate the two chief
credentials of revelation — prophecy and miracle.
Matthew Tindal (q.v.) in Christianity as Old as
tfie Creation reduces revelation to reason, its con-
tent the law or light of nature or natural religion as
practised by all peoples, additions to which, such as
are presupposed in supernatural revelation, would
be either superfluous, unintelligible, or false. Shaftes-
bury (d. 1713; Characteristics) and Thomas Chubb
(q.v.; PosUiumous Tracts) carried on a sharp po-
lemic against the morality of the New Testament,
and Thomas Morgan (q.v.; The Moral Philosopher)
against that of the Old Testament.

The deistic writers called out a series of replies in

defense of the traditional beliefs of the Church.

Charles Leslie (q.v.; Short and Easy

2. Anti- Method with the Deists) laid down four
Deistic tests to prove the truth of Christianity.
Discussions. Richard Bent ley (q.v.), the sharpest
critic of the time, pulverized Tindal 's
claims to scholarship in the Scriptures and in the
classics {Remarks by Phileleutherus Lipsiensis). John
N orris (d. 1711; Account of Reason and Truth in
Relation to the Mysteries of Christianity, London,
lf)l)7) found a basis for revelation in the scholastic
distinction between things above and contrary to
the reason. Peter Brown (d. 1735; Procedure, Ex-
tent and Limits of Human Understanding, and Things
Supernatural and Divine Conceived by Analogy with
Things Natural and Human) maintained the utter
disparity between human and divine goodness — a
position carried still farther by William Law (q.v.;
Works, vol. ii., " The Case of Reason "), that rev-
elation is to be received not from human judgment
of its excellence but because God has declared it to
be such ; reason is thus our capacity to be instructed.
John Conybeare (q.v.; A Defence of Revealed Re-
ligion) held that there may be distinctions in the
divine nature and qualities of divine action of
which one can be sure only by revelation, which is
not from a human but from a divine source. Daniel
Waterland (q.v.; Scripture Vindicated), the most
learned writer in defense of the supernatural, in
reply to aspersions upon the morality of the Old-

Testament actions, whether those of God or of hi*
servants, contended that the sole question is not
what we a priori think should have been done, but
only what was actually done, which carries its suf-
ficient vindication. William Warburton (q.v.; Tk
Divine Legation of Moses) held that the absence of
belief in a future life among the Hebrews, contrarr
to all other nations and to rational expectation, is
accounted for on the ground that God substitutes
immediate providential rewards and punishments
to the chosen people in the present life — a proof of
miraculous intervention. This group of writes
must be supplemented by Bishop Butler (q.v.; The
Analogy of Religion, Natural and Revealed, to the
Constitution and Course of Nature). Although
Butler's work is a reply to Tindal and brought the
deistic movement to an end, yet its method is es-
sentially rationalistic, save where he betrays a thor-
ough-going distrust of the reason. With the deists
he accepts the doctrine of God, a providential
order, and a future life of rewards and punishments
grounded in reason, and, on the basis of probabil-
ity, derived from reason and experience, establishes
a prejudice favorable to Christianity as a super-
natural religion confirmed by external evidences.
The argument is purely rational in form, with little
reliance on facts drawn from the redemptive order.
The discussions of Hume (q.v. ; Essay on Minder
Dialogues concerning Natural Religion, and Natural
History of Religion) were directed equally against
the traditional belief, on the one hand, and, on the
other, against the deistic positions. In his argu-
ment concerning miracles, ignoring the piecemeal
method of Woolston, he attacks the trustworthiness
of all testimony which would validate so-called
exceptions to universal experience or violations of
the natural order. On the question of theism, he
recognizes no ultimate cause which surpasses the
actual effects experienced in the world; all effects
must be matched by equal causes. There is no per-
manent essential necessity for the existence of a
Supreme Being; the ground of the natural world
may be in itself. The perfect cause which is required
to adjust the inequalities of the present can not be
inferred from the existing imperfect conditions.
Finally, the natural history of religion discloses the
illusory character alike of its beginning and of its
ultimate conclusions.

The numerous replies to the attack on prophecy
limited prophecy to prediction, treated the Old-
Testament passages in relation to those of the New
as if the writers described the future

3. Pro- with equal facility and detail as the

phetic and past, and in an arbitrary, uncritical

Evangelical unhistorical manner found the facts

Defense, and truths of the New Testament in
the Old (cf. E. Chandler, A Defena
of Christianity; T. Newton, Dissertations on Prophr
ecy). The attack on miracles was met by the as-
sumption that miracles are not impossible, and that
testimony for them comes from reliable witnesses
who suffered in behalf of their reports (cf . T. Sher-
lock, Trial of the Witnesses, London, 1729; K.
Lardner, Vindication of Three . . . Miracles, ib.
1729; W. Paley, Evidences of Christianity, ib. 1704).
In addition to the representatives of supernatural

401

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

nationalism

revelation already mentioned are two other move-
ments— Evangelicalism and Wesleyism. The former
as represented by Henry Venn and William Ro-
maine (qq.v.), the latter by the Wesleys and White-
field (qq.v.), are not a scholastic but a religious
phenomenon, depending upon belief in the inspira-
tion, inerrancy, and literal interpretation of the
Scriptures, the fall and total corruption of man in
an, and the immediate consciousness of a renewed
life originated by the Spirit of God.

In America during this period the chief advocate
of supernaturalism as against rationalism was
Jonathan Edwards (q.v.). His essay on The Free-
torn of the WUl and his dissertation on Original Sin
were a reply to treatises on original sin by John
Taylor and by D. Whitby (qq.v.) written from the
Ajminian point of view, in which, by a use of the
3criptures which prevailed among opponents of ra-
tionalism in Great Britain, God is proved to be the
efficient cause of all human action.

The course of rationalism for the next fifty years
or until about 1830 shows less reliance upon indi-
vidual names than upon a general movement regis-
tered in several directions. Authority
4. Entrance whether ecclesiastical or civil in respect
of Scientific of religious beliefs was fast losing its

Method, hold, so that everywhere freedom of
inquiry became less subject to restraint.
The right of the individual consciousness was grad-
ually gaining recognition. The age of experience,
of observation, and verification had arrived wherein
the slow method of induction was substituted for
the " high priori road.'1 In particular, attention
is directed to two features affecting positions sup-
posed to rest, one on the Scriptures, the other on
philosophy. The beginnings of Hebrew history
were subjected to the same criteria as Wolff and
Niebuhr had appb'ed to Greek and Roman history.
The chief representatives here are Bishop Thirl-
wall, Thomas Arnold, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, and
Dean Mil man (qq.v.). The points on which inter-
est centered were the story of creation, the fall and
original sin, miraculous accounts as the burning
bush and the sun and moon standing still, the di-
vine authority of the judges, the integrity and au-
thenticity of the Synoptic Gospels, in a word, many
of the questions which have since become common-
places in literary and historical criticism. The im-
petus to these inquiries was quickened by German
scholars like Eichhorn, Michaelis, and Schleier-
macher (qq.v.). In philosophical directions the
tendencies were either atheistic or social as repre-
sented by Bentham, pantheistic or spiritual as rep-
resented by Coleridge, agnostic or ethical as repre-
sented by James Mill. The empiricism of Locke and
Hume, the idealism of Kant, and the individualistic
and socialistic teachings of the French Encyclo-
pedists together with the matter-of-fact temper of
the English mind were the main forces at work.
The Evangelical movement had grown to large pro-
portions; at the close of the eighteenth century it
included about five hundred clergy, its chief repre-
sentative being William Wilberforce (q.v. ; Practical
View, London, 1797).

In the following period of about thirty years, or
until about 1860, appeared a remarkable group of
IX.— 28

writers, partly theological, partly scientific and

literary, by whom the rational temper of English

thought was still further refined.

5. Develop- Among those of theological significance

ments were John Frederick Denison Maurice,

1830-60. Charles Kingsley, Frederick William
Robertson of Brighton, and Benjamin
Jowett (qq.v.). Positions already assumed are ad-
vanced to yet farther stages. Questions were raised
all along the line: Old- and New-Testament criti-
cism, miracles, natural religion, sin, the nature and
character of Jesus, atonement, eternal life and eter-
nal death. Other contemporary writings were symp-
toms of the new spirit, as, e.g., Robert Chambers,
Vestiges of the Creation; F. W. Newman, Phases of
Faith; R. W. Gregg, The Creed of Christendom;
Harriet Martineau, Eastern Life; also Essays and
Reviews (q.v.) by several writers. The significance
of this movement is understood only when set on
the background of religious thought to which it
was a protest. The Evangelical party continued
the traditions of piety and reliance upon the super-
natural which had marked their predecessors. On
the inspiration and integrity of the Scriptures, the
fall of man and original sin, regeneration, expiation
for sin through the death of Christ, miracles both
as prophecy and as works of power, and eternal
punishment, they were generally agreed, and were
vigorous advocates of the same against all rational-
istic tenets. In common with the Tractarian party,
until the withdrawal of John Henry Newman (q.v.)
to the Roman Catholic Church in 1845, they de-
fended the authority of the ancient symbols and
church authority in general, and they subordinated
reason to faith. Among the representatives of the
Evangelicals were Henry Rogers and Isaac Taylor
(qq.v.). The Tractarian movement went still far-
ther in its antagonism to rationalism, defending
baptismal regeneration, the real presence, exclusive
prerogatives of the priesthood derived from the
apostles, and authority centering in the Scriptures
communicated to the Church. The chief advocates
of these positions were Cardinal Newman, Richard
Hurrell Froude, Edward Bouverie Pusey, and John
Keble (qq.v.). In America the revolt of reason
against traditional, authoritative supernaturalism
found in Theodore Parker (q.v.) its most learned
and outspoken advocate, and in the Unitarian
churches its freest opportunity (see Unitarians).
It was also fostered by Horace Bushnell (q.v.) in
the Christian nurture of children as against the pre-
vailing evangelistic methods of conversion, and in
the growing emancipation of thought in portions of
the Congregational and Presbyterian churches. No
new lines of defense of supernaturalism appeared.

Since about 1860 all the rational tendencies pre-
viously active have rapidly advanced, accelerated
by two new, pervasive, and radically transforming
interests — Evolution and Comparative

6. Since Religion (qq.v.), to which may be
i860. added the idealistic philosophy and the
new psychology, and the vast exten-
sion of the scientific spirit resulting in naturalism.
Rationalism has in many instances issued in athe-
ism (cf. A. W. Benn, History of Rationalism in the
Nineteenth Century, London, 1906), in others in

nationalism

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

40ft

agnosticism (cf. H. Spencer, First Principles, ib.
1884; T. Huxley, Science and Culture, ib. 1881),
and in yet others, where it has not relieved Chris-
tianity of all its supernatural elements, thus redu-
cing it to pure theism, it has set it in a wider natural
order and interpreted that order no longer as simply
mechanical but also as teleological. Perhaps it has
influenced apologetics more profoundly than any
other branch of theological inquiry, whether the
point of view be conservative or liberal (see Apol-
ogetics). The traditional dualism of natural and
supernatural is indeed in some quarters still main-
tained; where, however, the divine immanence is
seriously held, the line between the natural and the
supernatural is disappearing, and the supernatural
is the natural viewed from its causal ground or its
teleological import. Thus the supernatural is rein-
stated not as anomalous and shrouded in mystery,
but as ultimate source and final end of the rational
order (see Polemics and Theology, the end).

C. A. Beckwith.

Bibliography: J. Tulloch, Rational Theology and Chris-
tian Philosophy in England in the 17th Century, 2 vols.,
Edinburgh, 1872; L. .Stephen, Hist, of Eng. Thought in
the 18th Century. 2 vols.. New York, 1881; K. F. St&ud-
lin, Geschichte des Rationalismus und Supranaturalismus,
Gottingcn. 1826; E. B. Puaey, Probable Causes of the Ra-
tionalist Character lately Predominant in the Theology of
Germany, London. 1828; A. Sain tea, Hist, critique du
rationalisme en Allemagne, Paris, 1841, Eng. transl., Cri-
tical Hist, of Rationalism in Germany, London, 1849;
F. A. G. Tholuck, Vorgeschichte des Rationalismus, 4 vols.,
Berlin, 1853-62; idem, Geschichte des Rationalismus, vol.
i., ib. 1865; A. do Gaaparin, The Schools of Doubt and
the School of Faith, Edinburgh, 1854; G. Smith, Rational
Religion, London. 1861; A. F. Arbousse-Bastidc, Chris-
tianisme et Vesprit moderns, Paris, 1862; A. S. Farrar,
Critical Hist, of Free Thought, London. 1862; W. Howitt,
The Hist, of the Supernatural in all Ages and Nations, 2
vols., Philadelphia, 1863; K. R. Hagenbach, German Ra-
tionalism in its Rise, Progress, and Decline, Edinburgh,
1865; W. E. H. Lccky, Hist, of the Rise and Influence of
the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe, 2 vols., new ed.,
London. 1867; G. P. Fisher. Faith and Rationalism, New
York, 1879; J. Cairns, Unbelief in the Eighteenth Century,
London. 1881; J. Cook, Scepticism and Rationalism, ib.
1881; H. Coke. Creeds of the Day, 2 vols., ib. 1883; H.
Heussler, Der Rationalismus des siebzehntrn Jahrhund-
erts, Breslau, 1885; E. Costanzi. II Razionalismo e la
Ragione storica, Rome, 1888; C M. Mead, Supernatural
Revelation, London, 1890; C. Brun, Rationalismen i dens
historiske Sammenltang med dct attends Aarhundredes
Oplysning, Christinnia. 1891; O. Pfleideror, Geschichte der
protestantisc.hen Theologie seit Kant, Berlin, 1891; F.
Utopy, Le Rationalisme philasophique et religieur, Paris,
1891; F. V. A. Aulard, Culte de la raison, Paris, 1892;
J. H. King, The Supernatural: its Origin, Nature, and
Evolution, 2 vols., London and New York, 1892; W. H.
Mallock, Studies of Contemporary Superstition, London,
1895; K. Fischer. Geschichte der neueren Philosophic vols,
iii. vii.. 10 vols., Heidelberg, 1897-1903; J. M. Robert-
son, Studies in Religious Fallacy, London, 1900: idem,
Short Hint, of Free Thought, 2d ed., 2 vols., ib. 1906; A.J.
Balfour, Foundations of Belief, 8th ed., London, 1901; G.
Forester. The Faith of an Agnostic; or, first Essays in Ra-
tionalism, Loudon. 1902; J. F. Hurst, Hist, of Rational-
ism, revised ed., New York, 1902; C. E. Plumptre, On
the Progress of Liberty of Thought during Queen Victoria's
Reign, London, 1902; G. Henslow, Present Day Rational-
ism, ib. 1904; C. Watts. The Meaning of Rationalism, ib.
1905; A. W. Bonn. Rationalism in the Nineteenth Century,
2 vols., ib. 1906, J. M. Robertson, A Short History of
Free Thought. Ancient and Modern. 2 vols., 2d ed.. New
York. 1906; F. Podmore, The Naturalisation of the Su-
pernatural, London, 1908, C. F. D'Arcy, Christianity and
the Supernatural, ib. 1909; the works on the hist, of phi-
losophy by J. E. Erdmann, New York, 1893, W. Windel-
band. vol. iii., London, 1898, and F. Ceberweg, ed. Heinze,

Related literature *ffl bt
Deism; Emm*

vols, iii.-iv., Berlin, 1901-02.
found under Agnosticism;
knmxnt; Materialism, etc.

RATRAMNUS, ra"tr0m'mi8 (RATHRAJOTUS):
Monk of Corbie and one of the most important theo-
logical authors of the ninth century; d. after 868.
Of his life almost nothing is known, even his wri-
tings containing no biographical material; and the

date of his birth, like that of his pro-
Life, fession, can not be ascertained. He

was deeply versed in Biblical and pa-
tristic learning, and theologically was a disciple of
Augustine. He took part in all the theological con-
troversies of his period, and his opinion was fre-
quently sought by Charles the Bald, while his bishop
delegated him to refute the attacks of the Patri-
arch Photius on the Roman Catholic Church. It is
also evident that he was warmly admired by Gott-
schalk (MPL, exxi. 367-368).

The chief work of Ratramnus was the De carport
et sanguine Domini liber, written at the request of
Charles the Bald, probably after Paschasius Rad-
bertus (see Radbehtus, Paschasius) had sent him

his treatise on the same theme. In this

Doctrine work Ratramnus maintained that the

of the eucharistic elements are not the actual

Eucharist body and blood of the Christ of history,

but are mystic symbols of remem-
brance. He might, therefore, be regarded as a sym-
bolist, seeing in the Eucharist a sacrificial meal, the
efficacy of which depends on the intensity with
which the recipient realizes the redeeming passion
of Christ. This does not, however, completely ex-
press his position, for he maintained at the same
time that " according to the invisible substance,
i.e., the power of the divine Word, the body and
blood of Christ are truly present " (cap. xlix.).
This shows that Ratramnus was more than a sym-
bolist, and that he believed in a real presence which
was received by the faithful through the spirit of
God. His eucharistic doctrine is elucidated by his
teaching on baptism. Baptismal regeneration is
not due to the water in itself, but to the Holy Ghost
who enters it at the priestly consecration. Both in
baptism and in the Eucharist, then, a mutable and
transitory element perceptible to the senses co-
exists with an immutable and eternal element which
faith alone can grasp. This distinction between ex-
ternal and internal runs, with slight inconsistencies,
through the entire presentation of Ratramnus, the
concomitance of the two constituting the divine
mystery. The change of the bread and wine into
the body and blood of Christ for those who receive
in faith is denned by Ratramnus as due to the sanc-
tification of the Holy Ghost invisibly contained in
the sacraments, or as the spiritual power of the
Word immanent in the material substances
(" Word " here seeming to mean the words of insti-
tution as spoken by the priest at the consecration of
the elements rather than the Scriptures in general
or the Logos). It would furthermore appear that
he held that the Eucharist is the visible vehicle of
invisible grace, and that in the sacrament the power
of God, under its material veil, secretly works the
salvation to which the Eucharist testifies. The eu-
charistic teaching of Ratramnus thus approximated

408

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

nationalism

side of the doctrine of Radbertus (q.v.), the
difference being merely in their concept of " truly "
in the transformation of the sacramental elements,
Radbertus making this include both symbol and
substance, while Ratramnus understood by the term
a presence cognoscible to the senses, and so combated
it While, therefore, he taught a real change of the
dements, in virtue of priestly consecration, not
only in signification, but also in efficacy, this change
was perceptible only to faith, not to the senses.

The De corpore et sanguine Domini of Ratramnus
has had a strange history. The synod of Vercelli,
in 1050, condemned and burned it as a work com-
posed by Johannes Scotus Erigena (see Scotus
Ebigena, Johannes) at the instance of Charles the
Bald; and during the Middle Ages its very exist-
ence was well-nigh forgotten. In 1526, however,
John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, appealed to it in
his controversy with (Ecolampadius. Attention
was thus again drawn to it, and in 1532 it was ed-
ited at Cologne by Johannes Pracl under the title of
Bertrami presbyteri ad Carolum Magnum im-
peratorem. It was then repeatedly edited and
translated, especially in French and English (e.g.,
London, 1548, 1581, 1624, 1686, 1838, 1880). The
appeals of Protestants, especially of the Reformed
wing, to it rendered it an object of suspicion to the
Roman Catholic Church, and as a Protestant forgery
it was placed on the Index by the censors of the
Council of Trent in 1559. This unfavorable view
was shared by the leading Roman Catholic scholars
of the period, and though others maintained its
authenticity and orthodoxy, it was not removed
from the Index until 1900.

The other writings of Ratramnus may be dis-
missed more briefly. The earliest of his works seems
to have been the De eo quod Christus ex Virgine
natus est, on the contents and relation of which to
Radbertus' De partu Virginia see Radbertus, Pas-
chasius. He was active in the Gott-
Other schalk controversy, was indeed a per-

Writings. sonal friend of the monk of Fulda (see
Gottschalk, 1). In 850, at the request
of Charles the Bald, he wrote his two books, De prw-
desHnatione Dei, in which he defended the doctrine of
twofold predestination to salvation and damnation,
but rejected the theory of a predestination to sin.
Between 853 and 855 he wrote an apology of the
Trina Deltas (now lost), assailing Hincmar's pro-
posed change of te, trina Deltas unaque in the hymn
" Sanctorum mentis inclyta gaudia " into te, summa
Deitas, his reasons being suspected Sabellianism.
Ratramnus gained his chief fame by his four books
Contra Grcecorum opposita, written about 808 in
reply to the attacks of Photius (q.v.) on the Filio-
jue and other differences between East and West.
The first book is devoted to the demonstration from
the Bible of the doctrine of the double proces-
sion, and the second and third to proofs from the
councils and the Greek and Latin Fathers. Par-
ticular interest attaches to the first chapter of the
fourth book, in which Ratramnus touches upon one
of the chief points of difference between the Greek
and Latin Churches. The Eastern Church traces
not only its dogma, but also its ecclesiastical rites
and customs, back to the apostolic age, and forbids

the slightest deviation; while the Church of the
West, especially after the time of Augustine, per-
mits variations in forms of observance according
to the necessities of place and time, though main-
taining the same inflexibility of dogma as the East.
The remainder of the concluding book is occupied
with the justification of distinctively Roman usages,
such as celibacy and the tonsure.

Ratramnus also wrote a curious Epistola de
cynocepkalis ad Rimbertum presbyterum, this Rim-
bert probably being the biographer and successor
of Ansgar (q.v.). Here Ratramnus decides that,
though most theologians are inclined to consider
the cynocephali as animals rather than men, the hu-
man traits in their mode of life imply the possession
of reason, so that there is no good reason to object
to the view that they are descendants of Adam.
In this same work he also denies complete author-
ity to the " Book of St. Clement " (probably the
" Recognitions "), on the ground that it is not
in entire harmony with the doctrines of the Church.
In his De anima Ratramnus polemized against the
theory of a certain Macarius Scotus (who had mis-
understood a passage in Augustine's De quantitate
anima) that all mankind have a single soul in
common. The work, which has never been edited,
is described, from a manuscript apparently now
lost, by Jean Mabillon (ASM, iii. 140; ASB, IV.,
ii. 76). In another work, likewise unedited,
Ratramnus refutes the theory that the soul is
circumscribed, or restricted by limits of space (cf .
L. Traube, in MGH, Poet. Lot. med. am, iii. 2
[1896], 715). All the works of Ratramnus thus
far edited are collected in the reprint in MPL,
exxi. 1-346, 1153-56, while his letters are given in
MGH, Epist., vi. 1 (1902), 149 sqq.

Like Radbertus and most other theologians of
the Carolingian and succeeding centuries, Ratramnus
was a traditionalist, drawing on and systematizing
patristic literature primarily for polemic pur-
poses and for establishing his intense Augustinian-
ism. Through his controversial writings runs a noble
strain, personal attack is avoided, and demonstra-
tion of the truth is the one and only end. He is
likewise noteworthy because of the attention given
his writings in the Reformed Church and during the
period of the Enlightenment, even though he had
been unrecognized by the " Magdeburg Centuries "
and by early Lutheranism. (A. Hauck.)

Bibliography: A. Naegle, Ratramnus und die heilige Eu-
charistie, Vienna, 1903; Hist. littiraire de la France, v.
332-351; J. Bach, Dogmengeschichte dee Mittetalters, i. 193
sqq., Vienna, 1873; A. Ebert, Oeechichte der LiUerotur dee
MiUeloUere, ii. 244, Leipsic, 1880; J. Schwane, Dogmen-
geechichte der mitileren Zeit, pp. 631 sqq., Freiburg, 1882;
J. Schweiser, Berengar von Toure, pp. 150-174, Munich,
1890; J. Ernst, Die Lehre dee . . . Paschasiue Radbertus
von der Eucharistie. pp. 99 sqq., Freiburg, 1896; Harnack,
Dogma, v. 297, 302, 310, 318 sqq., vi. 47-48; Neander,
Christian Church, iii. 482, 497-501; Schaff. Christian
Church, iv. 304, 532, 549 sqq., 746 sqq.; Ceillier, Auteure
sacris, xii. 555-568, 594; KL, x. 802-807.

RATZ, rflts, JAKOB: German Lutheran; b. at
Saulheim (a village s. of Mainz) 1505; d. at Heil-
bronn (26 m. n. of Stuttgart) 156*5. He was edu-
cated at the University of Mainz, and, though an
admirer of Erasmus, seems to have entered a mon-
astery. He later went to Wittenberg to hear Luther

THE NEW SCHAEF-HERZOG

ud Mriaiiclithon, and, after acting in an ecclesias-
tical capacity in Dinkelsbllhl and being deacon at
Crailsheim (1634), was pastor at Neckarbischofs-
heim (until 1540), Neueustadt-on-the-Linde (until
1552), Pforzheim, and probably in the Palatinate
(until l;V>6or 1557), resigning shortly after thcuccts-
aion of Frederick III. In May, 1559, he was called
lo lli'ilbrorin to succeed Menrad Molther (q.v.)
as pastor, a position which he retained until his
death. He was able and gifted, but violent and
somewhat inconsiderate. His writings treat of
several interesting problems of early Protestant
dogma and ethicB, as when he opposed Melchior
Ambach in his vindication of dancing and other
amusements. Among his works mention may also
be made of his disquisition on fasting (1553) and of
his Von dtr Hellm (Nuremberg, 1545).

G. BoSSERT.
Biblkwhafbt: A sketch □( the life ud

RATZEBERGER, rat'se-bSra-er (RATZENBER-
GER), MATTHJEUS: German physician and lay
i!i:M]i-i:mri b. at Wangen (5 m. e. of Stuttgart)
1501; d. at Erfurt Jan. 3, 1559. He was educated
:it Wittenberg, and early made the acquaintance of
Luther, for whom he cherished a lifelong venera-
tion. He left Wittenberg id 1525 to become city
physician at Brandenburg, and there met the elec-
tress, whom he is said to have induced to study the
writing) of Luther. When, however, she fled to
Saxony, Ratseberger's career at Brandenburg was
at an end, and he then became physician to Count
Albrecht of Mansfeld, while in 1538 he entered the
service of John Frederick, elector of Saxony, in the
name capacity. He was a medical adviser of Lu-
ther, with whom be was apparently connected by
marriage, and after the Reformer's death was one
of the guardians of his children. Such was Hatze-
berger's reputation for theological learning that in
1546 Friedrich Myconius (q.v.) proposed him as
one of the speakers at the Conference of Regena-
fcurg (see Regensbuho, Contohe.vce Of). His
meddlesome and officious nature [or. perhaps, his
OonBUllrfiotU performance of duty], however,
brought about his enforced retirement from attend-
ance on John Frederick, whereupon he settled at
KonjhauKO as a practitioner. In 1550 be removed
lo Erfurt, where he watched with increasing dissatis-
faction tbe growth of Philippism.

The chief literary production of Ratseberger was
bis Hirtaria Lutheri (first edited completely by C. G.
Neudecker, Die hanJtchriftl idle Gtxhirhte Ratze-
orrorrs abtr Lather urui >eine ZeU, Jena, 1850). The
Erst part of this work contains a biography of Lu-
ther, but its meager and anecdotic character is dis-
appointing, considering that it was written by one
who had associated so long and so closely with the
Reformer. The second portion is devoted to the
Schmslkald War and "'"■■l»r matters. The rancor
displayed toward the advisers of the elector, and
toward the Wittenberg theologians, especially Me-
fcwfctflOft, renders Raueberger's work valueless as
history, although it b important for its data on thr
Gne^io- Lutherans, and, despite its partisanship, if
tbe controversies of the Interim- (T. Kouu.)

BiBUoauFBT: A. Poach, Yom cfiritUichm AbuJaed . . .
da ... U. ttambtrgtn, Jean, 1559; G. T. Strobe).

Mattbii flaw6«roerj GachiehU. Altdorf. 1771.

RATZEBURG, rat'se-bOrH", BISHOPRIC OF:

A German diocese founded by Archbishop Adalbert

of Hamburg, who consecrated as its first bishop a

Greek named Aristo (between 1062 and 1066). The

uprising of the Wends, however, put an end to

Christianity in their territory, and it was not until

they had been subdued by Henry the Lion that the

diocese could be reestablished. The first bishop of

the revived see was Evermod, who had formerly

been prior of St. Mary in Magdeburg, and as he waa

a Pre monst rate nsian, the chapter of the diocese was

filled with members from that order. Tbe bishopric

was bounded on the north by the Baltic, on the

south by the Elbe, on the east by the FJde, and on

the west by the Bille. In 1167 the diocese wassome-

what diminished by the annexation of Schwerin to

Mecklenburg. [The diocese came to an end in 1554,

when the bishop, Christoph von dem Schulenburg,

resigned and became a Lutheran.] (A. Hauck.)

Bibuoohaphi: Sources are: Udclrrhmvitdut Vrlcundtn-

bvck, 12 vols.. Schiterin, 1863 sqq.: ScAlairio-HoUtein-

Lauenburvi*che Rroatrn vnd Urkvnden, ed. P- Haaae. 3

vob.. Hamburg, 18S8 sqq. Consult: C. F. L. Amdt, lint

ZAMmrrviitcr da Bitvmt Ratatbw. Schoabeis, 1833;

G. M. C. Match. Gockuhte da BiHumt Kttizd,*7Q.

Ltlbeck, ISt IS; G. Dehio. Gttrhirhlr da Enbinttm*

Bambm-Brtmen, 2 vols., Berlin, 1878; M. Schmidt.

Bachrtibung unj Chrenik der Sladl RatitbvrQ. H»Uf

bum, 1882: A. Rudloil, Garhichu Mtckltnburai. Berlin.

1901; Gun*. Stria rpita-porum. p. 304: Hauck. KD.

RAUCH, ro-UH, FREDERICK AUGDSTDS: Ger-
man Reformed educator; b. at Kirchbracht, Hesse-
Darmstadt, July 27, 1806; d. at Mercersburg, Pa.,
Mar. 2, 1841. He entered the University of Mar-
burg in 1824, and studied philosophy and theology
at Giessen and Heidelberg; was extraordinary pro-
fessor of philosophy at Giessen one year and was
appointed ordinary professor at Heidelberg; but on
account of some political utterance which evoked
the displeasure of the government he fled to Amer-
ica in 1831. He obtained a livelihood for a while by
giving lessons on the pianoforte at Easton, Pa. ; but
was soon made professor of German in Lafayette
College. In 1S32 be assumed charge of a clasmcal
academy established by the German Reformed
Church at York, Pa., and a few months later was
ordained and appointed professor of Biblical litera-
ture in the theological seminary, while retaining
charge of the academy, which in 1335 was trans-
ferred to Mercersburg and in 1836 transformed to
Mercersburg College, of which he was the first presi-
dent. 1836-11. Rauch was an eminent scholar in
classical literature, mental and moral science, and
esthetics: and it was his ambition to organize upon
American soil an Angle-German system of thought.
He published only Psytholoyy, or a Vine tf the Hu-
man Soul, induding Anthropology (Sew York, 1840;
3d ed. ,1844): his Inner Life of the Chrittian appeared
posthumously (ed. E. V. Gerh&rt, Philadelphia,
1856).

— • - -l«y by J. W. Nerm is m Mmintn)

i. 535. SS7 «ujq_ 3*4-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

RAUSCHEN, rau'shen, GERHARD: German
Roman Catholic; b. at Heinsberg (33 m. a.w. of
Dusaeldorf), Prussia, Oct. 13, 1854. He was edu-
cated at the University of Bonn (1874-77) and in
1877 was ordained to the priesthood at Roermond,
Holland. He was teacher in a gymnasium at Ander-
nach (1889-92) and at Bonn (1892-97). In 1897
he became privat-docent for church history at the
university of the same city, where he has been asso-
ciate professor of the history of religion since 1902.
He has written Ephemeride* TuUiana (Bonn, 1886) ;
Die Legend* Karts dee Grossen im el/ten und twBtften
Jahrhundert (Leipsic, 1890); Jahrbuch der ehriet-
liehen Kircke unto- Theodosiu* dem Grossen (Frei-
burg, 1897); Das griechisch-rOmieche Schvlwesen
zur Zeit de» au&gehrnde.n Heidentums (Bonn, 1901);
Grwtdriss der Patralogie mil besonderer BerUcksich-
tigung der Dogmengeschichte (Freiburg, 1903); FUrri-
Ugium potrieticvm (7 parts, Bonn, 1904-09); Die
vrichtigeren. neuen Funde aue dem Gebiete der dltesten
Kirchengeschichte (1905) ; text books on church his-
tory, dogmatics, and apologetics (4 parts, 1907-08);
and Eueharistie und Busseakrament in den ersten
eeche Jahrhunderten der Kirche (Freiburg, 1908).

RAUSCHKNBUSCH, AUGUSTUS: Baptist; b.
at Altona (41 m. n.e. of Cologne) Feb. 13, 1816; d.
at Hamburg 1899. He came of a long line of Lu-
theran pastors and authors; studied at the univer-
sities of Berlin and Bonn ; was pastor at Altona in
succession to his father, 1841-45; emigrated in 1845
to America to serve among his countrymen there;
was German secretary and editor for the American
Tract Society, 1846-53; in 1850 he became a Bap-
tist, and served German Baptist churches in Mis-
souri, 1853-58; was bead or the German depart-
ment in Rochester Theological Seminary, 1858-90;
returned to Germany in 1890 and spent the rest of
his life there in literary labors. Among his books
may be noted Gesckichte der Ermdter (New York,
1859); Die Bedeutung dee Futnoaechene Christi
(Hamburg, 1861); Die VorlOufer der Reformation
(Cleveland, 0., 1875); Gehdren die Apokryphen in
der Bibel hinein (Hamburg, 1895); Die Entstehung
der Kindertau/e (1897); Biblische Frauenbilder
(1897) ; Die Entstehung der Kindertau/e im S. Jahr-
hundert nock Christum und die Wiedereinfunrung
der bMieehen Tau/e im 17. Jahrkundert (1898); and
Handbuchlein der Homiletik far freikirehliehe Pre-
diger und fur Stadtmisxiondre (Cassel, 1900).
Biblkkjuafrt: Leben und Wirken van jtupuif Roiucfon-

frutcn. Caaael and Cleveland, Ohio, 1901 (by himself and bla

son Wnlter. q.v.).

RAUSCHEHBOSCH, rau'shen-bush, WALTER:
Baptist, son of the preceding; b. in Rochester, N.
Y., Oct. 4, 1861. He received his education at the
Rochester Free Academy, the classical gymnasium at
GuUrsIoh, Germany (1879-83), University of Ro-
chester (B.A., 1884), Rochester Theological Semi-
nary (graduated 1886), with supplementary studies
in Germany (1891-92 and 1907-08) ; he was pastor of
the Second German Baptist Church, New York City,
1886-97; professor of New-Testament interpreta-
tion in the German department of Rochester Theo-

logical Seminary, 1897-1902; and of church history
in the seminary since 1902. His principal work is
Christianity and the Social Crieie (New York, 1907),
which has run through several editions. Besides
this other works worthy of mention are Da* Leben
Jeeu (Cleveland, Ohio, 1895); Leben und Wirken
von August Rauichenbusch (Cassel, 1901); The New
Evangelism (New York, 1904); For God and the
People (1910; prayers); and the sections dealing
with American church history in the Handbuch der
Kirchengeschiehte, ed. G. Krilger (Tubingen, 1909).

RAUTEHBERG, rau 'ten-barn, JOHAItH WIL-
HELH: German Protestant and one of the fore-
most preachers of his day ; b. at Moorfle t h (a village
near Hamburg) Mar. 1, 1791; d. at Hamburg Mar.
1, 1865. After being forced to flee from Hamburg
in 1813 because of his part in the deliverance of Ham-
burg from the French, he studied at the universities
of Kiel (1813-16) and Berlin (1816-17). Hethenre-
turaed to Hamburg, where he supported himself
chiefly as a private tutor until 1820, when he was
chosen pastor of St. George (now part of the city of
Hamburg). There he labored for nearly forty-five
yenrs, and there, on Jan. 9, 1825, he opened a Sun-
day-school to give elementary secular instruction
as well as religious training to those children who
were deprived of opportunities for such teaching
during the week. Despite much opposition, this
school not only developed into a week-day school
and even into the St. George Stiftskirche, but
was ultimately responsible for the establishment
of the Rauhes Ha us (see Wichern, Jo has n
Hinbich). Rautenberg's theological position was
throughout one of unswerving orthodoxy and devo-
tion. His chief writings were as follows: Denk-
bUUter (13 parts, Hamburg, 1821-33); two volumes
of sermons (ed. H. Sengelmann, Hamburg, 1806-
1867); and two hymnals, Festliche Naehkl&nge
(1805) and Hirtenttimmen 1866; both edited by H.
Sengelmann). (Carl Uehthf.au.)

BiBumurm: H. Sengelnnna, Zum OtdOtMnit Johann
WilMn Rautenbera: Hamburg. 1849: F. A. U*g, Dmt-
vilrditieitm am dim Leben und Wirken dee J. W. Rau-
tenbtras. ib. 1886; J. H. Hack, Biidcr nut der Oadiithte
der hamburtrMicn KinAe. pp. 323 *qq.. ib. 1900; ADB,
xxvii. 457 eqq.: P. Lange. Jahann WWicljn Rautenhen).

RAUTEHSTRAUCH, rau'ten-strauH, FRAHZ
STEPHAK: Austrian Roman Catholic; b. at Plat-
ten (14 m. d. of Elbogen), Bohemia, July 26, 1734;
d. at Erlau (67 m. n.e. of Budapest), Hungary, Sept.
30, 1785. He entered the Benedictine order at
Brewnow, where he taught philosophy, canon law,
and theology. After he had been raised by Maria
Theresa to the prelacy of the united monasteries of
Braunen and Brewnow in 1773, and, in 1774, to the
directorship of the theological faculty of Prague
and later of Vienna, he prepared his Neue aller-
hSchste Instruction fir alle theologischen Facultdlen
in den kaiserlich-kdniglichen Erblanden (Vienna,
1776), in which he insisted upon the study of the
Scriptures in the original, of hermeneutlcs and of
church history, and urged the students not to at-
tend lectures on dogmatics before their third year
of study; then should follow the practical branches,
among which especial stress was laid on catechetics.

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

Polemics should be ihe lost subject, and this should
be so treated that the system of each sect would
first be presented in its entirety and then be re-
futed. Rautcnatrauch actively advocated the re-
forms of Joseph II., but was bitterly opposed by
the Jesuits. Among his writings special mention
should be made of his Institution** juris ecde&ias-
tiri (Prague, 1769) and Synapsis juris a-tlesUmiiH
(Vienna, 1776). (J. J. Hr:»zoct.)

Biii[-i.!i;ii*i-tir: ('. von Wurabaeh. Biaerap'* i«r*" Ltxiam
dn Kai*rrt>iw Ortttrrrirh. uv. 87 K)q„ Vinous., 1S56
«qq.; ADB. zxvii. 450.

RAUT/ENHOFF, rau'ven-hef, LODEWIJX
WILLEM ERHST: Dutch Protestant; b. at Am-
sterdam July 27, 1SU8; d. at Moran (15 m. n.w. of
Bosen), Austria, Jan. 26, 1H89. He was educated

nl ihe universities uf Amsterdam and I-evdcn (IS40-
1852), and was then minister at Mydrecht (1852-
IgSfl), Dort (1M0-51I), and Leyden (1859-60). In
I SCO he wast apjsiinled professor of church history
at Leyden, a chair which he exchanged in 1881 for
that of encyclopedic^ and the philosophy of relig-
ion. The latter position he retained until his death.
Thi'i']' fiddly liiiiiwriihoff was a pronounced and
optimistic r.idicd, utterly contemptuous of ortho-
doxy; but hi' crystallized the vague tendencies and
concepts uf the critical school of Dutch theology,
instead of himself liccoming a pioneer worker and
leader. He was thus a natural advocate of the sepa-
ration of t.'hureh and .Stale and nf the purely scien-
tific teaching of theology in the universities. His
attitude toward church hi si or)'— that the facta of
history are valuable only in their philosophic im-
plications—lind* its expression in his (Jrschiedenis
Tan het jirotcsluiitiamc (3 vols., Haarlem, 1W>.)-71),
in which In- proceeds] from authoritative Christian-
ity to an individualistic religion made to agree with
science and the demands uf modern life. The views
of Kaliwcnhul! mi ihe pliil<i.-.<i[ihy fif religion were
set liirlh in his Wijitlnijtrrfr run i/rn u<*li«tii itxt (Ley-
den. 1.SS7). lie was also the author of many briefer
contributions, one of the. founders and editors of
the Thniliiiiinrh Tijtlxchrift, and for many years a
member of the General Synod.

RAVEWKA, rfl-vcn'nfl: Name of province, city,
and urchbi.-linprie in northeastern Italy. The City
is situated six miles from the Adriatic and sevetity-
I ivii miles south of Venice. It was a naval station
of the Romans under the Empire, and is, next to
Rome, the must important city in Italy in connec-
tion with the hht.ury of Christian art, in-irkim; the
transition from the early to the medieval from the
fifth to the eighth centuries. Tinier Huiiorius (1(12
or 404) it became the seat of empire (102-176) and
it was the capital of the Ostrogoth kings after 493
and the scat of the Byzantine exarchs, 539-752.
Taken by the Lombards (ii.v.) in 752, it was con-
i|uetvd by Pippin in T.Vi and presented in the pone.
Traditionally, the apostle am! first bishop of Ra-
venna was A poll maris, a disciple of Peter (mar-
tyred c. 78). After the removal of the seat of em-
pire from Rome to Ravenna the bishopric was
raised to metropolitan dignity by Vnl.mtinian III.;
and the first archbishop, according to one tradition,
was Johannes Angcloptes, who died in 433. The

sway of the popes over the city, however, did tut
continue undisputed; the city was more or lesi de-
pendent, upon the archbishops and these in turn
upon the resident emperors or exarchs. The seh»
raatic Archbishop Maurus (648-671) rendered him-
self independent of the pope and was sustained bj
Emperor Cons-tana II. For denying the right of
consecration he was anathematised and in ttim
hurled the ban upon the pope. Reparatus (671-
677) and Theodoras (677-688) received the pallium
from the emperor and were ordained by their ml-
frtigans. The conflict to maintain a complete inde-
pendence of Rome continued in varying degreci
until the end of the ninth century; and undo'
Henry III., in 1044, Ravenna became a free imperii!
city and the archbishop an imperial vassal, irith
the result of repeated conflicts with the papal m
(see Papal States). The disturbances between
the Guelfs and the Ghibellines resulted in a racancj,
1270-74. Ravenna was again attached to the papal
realm after 1509 and 1815-60. The city has beadei
the cathedral (built 380) twenty-one churches. Mo*
famous are the baptistery of San Giovanni (430)
containing the earliest known mosaics and re&fi
of the fifth century; the San Naxario e Cctso, or the
mausoleum of Empress Galla Placida, palrones of
church-building, containing her huge sarcophagus.
It is the earliest example of a vaulted cnidlom
structure surmounted at the intersection by a lofty
dome. An example of the Gothic or Arian period
is the San Apollinare Nuovo (504) built as the Arian
cathedral. Surpassing all is the Bylantine i-an
Vitale (526-547) commemorating the patron raint
and martyr and copied after St. Sophia. An inter-
esting and famous monument is the mausoleum of
Theodoric the Great, built by himself about 5-1).
It is known as the Rotoudn or Santa Maria drib
Rotonda. The structure served in the Middle
Ages as the church of the neighlwring Benedirtiw
monastery, but reverted in 1719 to its purpose at
the memorial of the emperor. Here is also tit
famous tomb of Dante (q.v.) who came to this city
in 1320. The present ecclesiastical province include!
the suffragan bishoprics of Bertinoro and Soisifla,
Cervia, Cesenn. Comacehiu. Forli, and Rimini.

Bauvtrkt ran llarmna, Berlin, 1842; J. Hare. Citw 4
Northern and Central Italy. 3 vols.. London. 1ST*: £
Freeman, HiMotvol Ettay*. 3d aeriea, Lnndoa, ISffi
C. Rioci, Cronarhe r Dorumcnti prr la Sioria Ratm*u,
Bologna. 1882: idem, Rocmna, Ravenna, 1903; T.Ho*
kin. llolv and her IncaJeri, vola.. i.-iii., Orion! 19M-
1895; C. Diehl. Barennt. Paris. 1903: Gam.-, a'mafpr
coporum. pp. 716-718. and Hupplemont. p. 5; Kunlwi
ScriptareM, vol. ii (contains the lives of early bbhoni of
Ravenna): KL, i. 820-839.

RAVIGNAM, ra"vi"nyun', GUSTAVE FRABfOIS
XAVIER DE LA CROIX DE: Roman Catholic; b.
at Bayonne Dec. 2, 1795; d. in Paris Feb. 26, 183
He was educated in the Lycee Bonaparte; studio!
law, and had already begun practising as an adiff-
eate in Paris, when he entered the order of the
Jesuits and the Seminary of St. Sulpice. When the
Jesuits were expelled from France, in 1830, he re-
paired to Switzerland, and became a teacher tt
Freiburg; but in 1835 he returned to Prance, W&

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

in 1837 he succeeded Lacordaire as preacher of
Notre Dume. He was considered one of the great-
est preacher? uf his time, vehement in pathos, trench-
ant in irony, audacious but compelling in argument.
In 184S he retired to his convent on account of ill—
lieaith. He published De ('existence el. de I'itwtititte
dm folates (Poris, 1844; 10th ed., 1901). and CU-
ment XIII. et CUment XIV. (2 vols., 1854).

BiBt,ioc:R«PHr: A. it Ponievoy, Tit du R. P. Xovur dt

Roemm.n. •> vols, Paris.. I SIM), En«. tnuisl.. Life al Father

Rary/nan, New York. 1809; J. Poujoulat, he Pert Raaa-

«il Puris, 1859.

RAWLIHSOH, ro-'Kn-stm, GEORGE: Church of
England, commentator and orientalist; b. at Chad -
lingtoa (U to. n.w. of Oxford), Oxfordshire, Nov. 2;),
ISl'J; d. at Canterbury Oct. 6. 1902. He entered Trin-
ity College. Oxford (BX, IS3S; M.A.,ExeterCol!ege.
1841); was ordained deacon 1841, and priest !N42;
was fellow of Exeter College, 1840-46; tutor, 1842-
ISlfi; sun-rector, 1844-45; curate of Murton, Ox-
fordshire. 1846-47; classical moderator at Oxford.
1853-54; public examiner, 185.5-57, 186S-69.
1876-79; Bampton lecturer, 1859; Camden pro-
fessor of ancient history, Oxford, 1861-89; proctor
for the chapter in convocation of Canterbury. 1873-
1S9S; after 1872 canon of Canterbury; and after
1888 rector of All Hallows, Lombard Street.

His publications wem, commentaries on Joshua, I and
II Kiiifp, I and IT Chronicles. Eira. Nehcmuib, and Esther
< London. 1S7:>'. in Th, Bihlt (.Spmin-'i) CammcniaTv; OH
Kxu'liii llss-.i in Ik Oil T.,:,,;„-,,t i:.;nmenlnry by C. J.
Ktlin.lt; a. id on Ksodus (ISSl;i. II Kinui (INMK Earn.
^bcn.rdi. i.tlI IMlicrfl.vsoi. J..I,(lSffi], Isaiah (]"NB-S7i.
n.-i-l r.-:,tF.:~ n*-",-., iii The 1'iJ/iil Commentary. He was the
editor ..I" Hiitriri/ nf Herodotu.1. ivilh (ionium notes and Bp-
Fwndicfv., in r'ollnn.jraiion ivitti H.Tirv ltawlinsistt ;ind .1. '.I.
Wilkin.-.,., i.t v,,K, [..,!,. 1.-..1. IViS-fJl; wilt] not™ abridged
by A. J, Gnint, 2 vol".. I1B7); TV.t Hitturkttl HrLtenee* u/
t'i^ 7Vi.;'p (./ <A« Nmjilur.: /T«W» (Hampton lectures for
1H.W; l*j<J>; n,r f'V,nt™.«J* ,.r < 7,r,,i ,.„,.(„ ,,-iV/r H™H.n ami
J.,-,,', «#■«. (ls.il); 7-*r Fiiw ,,'rral MorutrrAiV. <i.< .""■
. 1 iK )V., i f.',i,r,™ II'. .iM (I vol*.. 1-SOJ-6T); 7'Af -Sirf/i <r7..ir
Orient,:! 1/,. ,1 .1 ,-.-/,., II*")'. 7'Af .SVi'.-ntS (Invif Orimiai AJon-
I]'.',./ 1 IS70. ill.- 1:l.h1 1 Imi-'- rr"nn,,ii1lv ri'p.d.li^licd ivnd rn-
firiiil.'.! ollrcliv.-lv llii.l'.-r the litlf The Keren Ureal Mon-
arrhir, nf Ihe Anrient ICn.ilrrn B'urM: .1 Mcrauu/ 0/ ^ neirnf
Midori, <r. r.. Xcw York. IWiill; Ui*t»rie,il Hhulralio*wo/tAc
Old T.-t.,„„-nl (Ion. Ion. 1871 1; .SI. /W m DaaiOKiur onrf
,1r„(./„ CIS77I; /'',,- »,,.!,. rv . ./ . I Br >Vn< iVj/,X( 2 vol*., 1KSI);
77- . It ■ ,■ i.j ('. . n -■ nfih' A v, i.-n! \V ••i-M :'ls-l'i; Km-.i-i ••<■•! I:-iI-i'-:i
from Srripturr and Profane Soured (1NH4I; liihle TofMi-
r,:ph„ M.-.-ll..; .Id, -i.T.I H-j.,pt (IV7>; n.i-nU-i.1 (lNSU). mill
J-nrll,i.i ii--i:ii. J,, 7V„. M,„.,, ,,,'/),, .V.i'n.B..' jprirs; Xnn"™!
J/iftrj llWi; J/.MM. Hi. f,./r am/ rimoi (ISH7). 1"^
A'iniW -?/ ("r,irl and Jmb,h (1KH0). '*iic ixl ynn.fi (IXW,
and £;ra on.f N,l,.-minh (islll), in 7"nf afm n/ Me Bidle
Bcrioa; and TVie llittvn/ of Phvnicia '18&Q1.

RAWMSLEY, ronu'll. HARDWICKE DRUM-
HOND: Church of Enpland; b. at Henlev-on-
Thames (2:i m. s.e. of Oxford) Wept. 28, 1850." He
was educated at llallioll oIIi-ec Oxford (B.A., 1875),
and iviiK or.len.l dcaenn in 1ST.") anil ordained priest
two yi Wl later. He was curate of St. Barnabas,
Bristol 11875-78); vicar of Low Wray, Lancaster-
shire (1878-83); vicar of Croathwaite, Keawielt,

C'unilierLiiid (sitice 1SS:!"); and has also been rural
■lean of Keswick and honorary canon of Carlisle
since 1893. He has written Book of Bristol Sonnets
(London, 1877); Sonnets ai ihe English Lake* (1881);
Sonnets round Ihe Coaxt. (1887); Edward T bring,
Teacher and Poet (1889]; Poems, Ballads, and Bu-
coiies (1890); St. Kentigern of Crosthwaits and St.

Herbert of Derwenlwater (3d ed., Keswick, 1892);
Notes for the Nile: Hymns of A ncient Egypt ( 1 B92) ;
Valete Tennyson, and other Poems (1S93); Idylls
and Lyrics of the Nile (18B4); Literary An OewftOMJ
of the 'English Lakes (2 vols., 1894); Ballads of Brat*
Deeds (1896); Harvey Goodu-in, Bishop of CtlriSW .
A Biographical Memoir (1896); Henry WlttUhtad,
18SS-96: Memorial Sketch (Glasgow, 1897); Say-
ings of Jesus: Six Village Sermons on the Papyrus
Fragment (1897); Life and Nature at the Suffolk
Lairs (189(11', Son/iris in Kiriturla-nd and Holy (Lon-
don, 1899); JJaftofs of the War (1900); Memories
of the Tennysons (Glasgow, 1900); Ruskin and (he
English Lakes (1901); A Rambler's Note-Book at Ihe.
EiH-ltishLafo-xtUm); Lake Cmtnlrij Sketches (19{V.V)-,
Flower-Time in the Oberland (1904); Venerable Bede,
his Life and Work (London, 1904); Servians on Ihe
Logia (2 series, 1905); Months at lite Lakes (1906);
A Sonnet Chronicle, 1900-05 (1906); Round the
Lake Country (1909); and Poems at Home and
Abroad (1909). He also edited a collection of ser-
mons under the title of Christ for To-Day (London,
1885).

RAYMOND, MARTINI: Spanish Dominican and
rabbinical scholar of the thirteenth century. He
was a native of Catalonia, and was in 1250 one of
Etigfat monks appointed to make a study of oriental
laiiLru;ii;i's with the purpose of carrying on a mission
to Jews and Moors. In 1 264 he was one of the com-
pany appointed by the king of Aragon to examine
Jewish manuscripts in order to strike out from them
any matter assailing Christianity. He worked in
ripain as a missionary, and also for a short time in
Tunis. A document. Immmih; his sii;iia(iirc and dated
July. 1284, shows that he was at that time still livinj;

Raymond's refutation of the Koran is lost. There
is at Bologna a manuscript of bis Capistrum Ju-
daomm, aimed at the errors of the Jews; and at
Toft"sa a rnnitUTiipt roiiti.inin;.' I^jjilminlin xiinbuti
apostolornm at! inz.lilutiimem fiMium has a marginal
note that it was edited by " afratre Ro Mmiini de
online ))r,-i!ico-'t>ruyt." The great work with which
Raymond's name is associatJKi is his Pugiofidei, on
which he was still at work in 1278. This work was
used by Hieronymus de Wancta Fide in his Hebrao-
mastix and elsewhere, was plagiarised by Pet.rus
Galatinus, and was one of the credited sources of
Victor Porchet's Victoria adversus impios Ebreos
(Paris, 1520). About 1620 Bishop Bosquet dis-
covered in the Collegium I'uxense a manuscript of
the Puffin, and from this and three other manuscripts
Joseph de Voisin edited the work with numerous
learned annotations (Paris, 1651; edited again with
introduction by J. B. Corpiov, Lcipsic. 1687). The
first part treats of God and divine omnisiiitice,
creation, immortality, and resurrection from the
dead; the second and third parts are devoted to
refutation of the Jews. The second and third parts
are still of value for missions, and also for science
since there are numerous correctly cited (imitation:.
from the Talmud, Midrashic works, and other early
Jewish literature. Among these cited works is the
Bereshilh Rabba major or magna, a work in part de-
rived from the Yesodh of Moses ha-Darshan. In
bis use of this work the only charge that can be

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

in accordance with his subjective interpretation and
his purpose in writing.

The question, who is meant by the " Rachmon "
often adduced by Raymond, is not definitely an-
swered, some scholars considering that it is a He-
braizing of his own name, and not a character intro-
duced as speaking in the Talmud and Midrash.
(H. L. Strack.)

Hii.u.jMnniv: A. Touron, //■'-.'. da >.„-.■ ■. ,.■.-., <,-.„ de

tordrtdtSl. Dominique, i. 48B-504, Psris, 174;); ArabroM
of AJtnunum, HibliMrm Dtminimna. ed. Rocaberti, pp.
58. 449-455. Rome. 1877; J. C. Wolf, BMiotAeca Hrbraa,
i. 11)16-18. iii. BS9-0H, iv. 06S. Hunbun. 1715-33:
J. Qu£tif und J. Echflrd, Scriptoria ordinit pnrdii-aturum,
" i, 171"

» Si-

omJ fuUined

iafa writings »-»» renewed by A SI, St hillcr-Si messy in
Journal of Philahm. *vi (1S-S7), 131-15:!: rcful mi.Ti of
(he ohargo i* oflVmi by L. Zunz. Mi (wMrWiemf/irArn Vor-
trtos dcr Jaiten, pp. 2*7 -JIM, Hi-riio, in:! J; K. B. Pusey,
Fifty-Third Chapter uf /««<*, rat. ii.. Oxford. 1877; A.
Ncubnucr. fliw* o/ rofttt. pp. vii.-ix., kl-iiv., ib. 1878;
A. Epstein, in Maearin far dir Winemchaft del Jvdtn-
Umi, 1MSS. pp. 85-00. of. I. Levi, in Recue rfri Audu
juim. xvii (1888). 313-317.

RAYMOND, HIKER: Methodist Episcopal; b.
at New York Aug. 29, 1811; d. at Evanston. 111.,
Nov. 25, 1897. He was educated at the Wcslcyan
Academy, Wilbraham, Mass.; became teacher in
the same. 18:14, and was principal, 1848-04; waa
pastor iti MiissuchiiFictts after 1S-11; and professor of
systematic theology in (liirrett Biblical Institute,
Mvanston. 111., from 1864. He published Syitcmatic
Theology [3 vols., Cincinnati, 1877).

RAYMOND, SAINT, OF PENHAFORTE: B. at
Baraelona toward the close of the twelfth century;
d. Jan. 6, 1275. He studied in his native city and at
Bologna; was made canon in the cathedral of Bar-
celona; entered the Dominican order in ]22'2; was
male confessor to Gregory '-V' '" 1230. and general
of his order in I2:i8; but resigned in 1240 in order to
devote himself to the conversion of the heretics ami
unbelievers in Spain. He was canonized in 1B01,
and his 'lay is Jan XI. lie wrote a Comjiilnlii) nnwi
•leiretaliam Gregorii IX. (Strasburg, 14707); Du-
bitalia rtimrrxjmin-imnhiix ml i/iiiirl/im capita mixta ad
ponlilkein (published by J. E. von Srliulte, Vienna,
lt*iW): and a Su-mma de panitenlia ti mntriinotiiti
(Rome, 1603).

Bib li on ba phi: (J. PhEUipa. Kirehmrrcht. iv. 252-303. 7
vols.. RpRPjisbiirK, 1845-72; J. V. v..n .-vhult.-. flf-vKi-Mt
Arr Quellm niul Littratur da rananitchen Rrchtc, ii. 4IJS-
«a, Htuttfirt 1877; KL. i. 755-757.

RAYMUNDUS LDLLDS. See Lullt, Raymond.

RAYNALDUS, ODERICUS. See Rinaldi, Odo-

READER. See Lector.

REALISM. See Scholasticism.

REAL PRESENCE. See Lord's Supper; Tran-

RECHAB1TES, rec'a-boits: A clan of tbe Ken-
ites, noted Tor adherence to the commands of out of
their early elders. The fundamental passage 'dt
knowledge of the Rechabites is Jer. mv, 1 iqa,
According to this, during the siege of Jerusalem by
Nebuchadrezzar, Jeremiah invited into the TemplB
the Rechabites who had Bed to Jerusalem before
the Babylonian armies, and set wine before then.
They refused to drink it in spite of his urging, giv-
ing as their reason the prohibition against vine by
Jonadab, son of Rechab, their ancestor. The fkkJirr
with which the Rechabites observed these command*
served Jeremiah as a text for a denunciation of
faithless Judah, which did not keep tbe com-
mands of its God with equal fidelity. Besides thii
passage, the ancestor, if not the clan, is described
in II lungs x. 15-16 as being in earnest accord «ith
the reforming purposes of Jehu. Finally tbe Reeh-
abitea are noted in 1 Chron. ii. 55 among the " fam-
ilies of the scribes who dwelt at Jabez" as ''tba
Karaites that came of Hamath the father of tut
house of Rechab." This is after the return from
the Babylonian captivity.

There is little doubt that the Rechabites wen
nomads who clung to their primitive habits when
Israel had advanced to the agricultural stage. They
worshiped Yahweh, but it was the Yahweh «hom
Israel had worshiped in the desert. It is, there-
fore, intelligible that, in the days of FJisha and
Elijah, when the worship of Baal threatened to
drive out that of Yahweh, a. religious coramuuiVf
could be formed under the leadership of a Jonadab
ben Rechab, which rejected everything savoring
of Canaanite civilization. The name Rechab wis,
naturally, only a tribal appellation. The esteem
enjoyed by the community is proved by the fact
that Jehu believed he could conciliate the people
after his bloody deeds by having Jonadab with him
on his chariot. The Rechabites who sought refufe
in Jerusalem, in Jeremiah's time, seem to have had
a semi-s pi ritual position, and. in consequence of the
eventi of the time, were forced to give up their
nomadic life. They probably shared the captivitj
of the inhabitants, and after their return seem to
have abandoned their exceptional position and poa-
sibly became a race of scribes. (R. Kittel,)

BiBLiooBAPirr; Commentaries on Jeremiah, e*. V. H. '
Bennett, pp. xxi.-lii.. *i stm- London, 1895; H-Wium.
Mitctllanm hm. Li. 223-237, Amsterdam, 1700: A Cil-
met, Commmlaire UtUraS, Jfrtmie. pp. iliii.-iiii., Pufe,
1731; H. Saholte, O. T. Theolom. - "*- Load™. 181ft
K. Budde, RtHeion ofltrad to (Ar EiHr. pp. 19 »qq..Ke»
York. 18B9; R. Smjnd, Alttrtiamrnilirht AWwkm»»-
Kfiiehtr. pp. B.lsQn-, Tnt>iiiei'n. I Si"; R. Kittel. GmAioUr
da Volfcc-t /.rorf, ii. 361-352. 3S5-3S6. Ldime. IWl
Smith. RtJ. of San., 2d ed.. 4H4 sqq.: Vigouitmi. 0»
ItanmnVf. (use. miv. 1001-1003; DB, iv. 203-2W; MB,
iv, 4019-21; JE, X. 341-342.

RECLDSE (Lat. redusut, indutw): Spedficallj
a particular kind of solitary who lives a life of se-
clusion in a cell (dausa, rcduserium) in the belief
that God is served by so doing. The practise be-
came common in the West, although reports from
the East concerning a temporary or permanent im-
murement of both male and female hermits are
not lacking, firegory of Tours [d. 593 or 5fl4lii
the first in the West to mention a number ol

409

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Baymond

>lnae

recluses of both sexes, and this incloistered life
appears to have been widely extended in Gaul in

the sixth century. Protasius lived
The Early thus at Combronde in Auvergne (Vita
Recluses, patrum, v.), Junianus (d. 530) at

Limoges (Gloria confessorum, cm.),
the widow Monegundis at Tours (Vitce patrum,
xix.), Leobardus (d. 583) at Marmoutier near
Tours, Hospitius at Vienne (Hist. Francorum,
vi. 6), and others. Gregory further tells of the
incloistration of a twelve-year-old lad, Anatolius,
near Bordeaux (Hist. Francorum, viii. 34). He
also describes (Hist. Francorum, vi. 29) the solemn
act of immuring, in the cloister of the Holy
Cross at Poitiers, during the time of St. Rade-
gonde (d. 587). The cell being duly prepared, the
Abbess Radegonde, amid the chanting of psalms,
conducted the new recluse to her cell, attended by
the rest of the nuns bearing lighted tapers. Here
the incloistered one took leave of the nuns with a
kiss, and then followed the sealing of the door. The
Western Church made early provision for an eccle-
siastical regulation and subjection of the inclois-
tered religious under the church authorities. The
synods of Vannes, 465 (canon vii.), Agde, 506
(canon xxxviii.), Toledo, 648 (canon v.), and Frank-
fort, 794 (canon xii.) decreed that permission to lead
the recluse life should be given only to those who
had been regularly brought up and well approved
in the cloister.

In spite of all efforts on the part of the Church to
regulate the system, it retained a certain freedom
and diversity. The recluses only in part affiliated

with Benedictine or other cloisters; a
Classes of system of lay recluses existed, inde-
Recluses. pendent of the orders, who in some

cases annexed their cells to cloisters or
to cathedral churches. Finally, there was still an-
other class of recluses, and these must have been
the least acceptable to the Church, as they lived
isolated as forest and wilderness hermits, and bound
themselves to no rule. The Church tolerated them,
chiefly because the oeople venerated them for their
supposed gifts of miracles and healing; but con-
troversies concerning them were not lacking. There
were recluses associated with the Benedictine clois-
ter of St. Gall. In the ninth and tenth centuries
there were also recluses in connection with other Ben-
edictine cloisters, as at Fulda, Messobrunn, Gott-
weig, St. Emmeram, Nieder-Alteich, and elsewhere.
Recluses were also found in the monasteries of priors
obedient to the Augustinian rule, and in cloisters
of t^e Cistercians and the Premonstrants. The most
renowned unattached recluses who lived in sylvan
solitude are St. Liutbirga, who dwrelt in a cave of
the so-called Rosstrappe, in the nether Bodethal,
from about 830 to 860 (Vila in B. Pez, Thesaurus
anecdotorum, ii. 146-178, 6 vols., Augsburg. 1721-
1723) ; and St. Sisu of Drubeck in Westphalia, who
inhabited her hermitage for sixty-four years (Thiet-
mar, Chronicon, ix. 8).

Efforts to regulate the life of the solitary monks
and nuns connected with cloisters were not lack-
ing. The oldest rule was drawn up by a Frankish
cloistral ecclesiastic Grimilach, probably before the
close of the ninth century (L. Holstenius, Codex

regularum, ed. M. Brockie, i. 291-344, Augsburg,
1 759) . It is based on the Benedictine rule, and that
of Aachen dating from 817. Only
Rules. monks who have passed through the
cloister or secular ecclesiastics approved
by strict tests, and only by permission of the bishop
or abbot, are allowed to become recluses. Amid the
pealing of bells, the prospective solitary entera the
cell prepared for him, and the bishop seals it with
his ring. The privilege of receiving daily commu-
nion is also allowed to the lay recluse. With the
" contemplative life," which conjointly with the ob-
servance of the customary canonical hours obliges
him to ceaseless inward prayer, he is to combine
a life of action, to earn his food by manual labor,
and to distribute, of his surplus, alms to the poor.
This rule, again, forbids exaggerated fasting and
even allows wine. Lastly, the recluse may have as
many as three disciples to serve him, while the aged
and infirm recluses are allowed an attendant, who
also sees to their baths. There is a very compen-
dious rule for solitaries from the Augustinian juris-
diction of Baumburg, which appears to belong to
the eleventh century, and has regard chiefly to the
needs of lay recluses (M. Rader, Bavaria sancta, iii.
114 sqq., Munich, 1624; B. Haeften, Disquisv-
Hones monastics, p. 83, Antwerp, 1644). It gives
precise directions with reference to the nature and
outfit of the cell, which is to be constructed of
stone, twelve feet square, with three windows, one
opening into the choir of the church and serving for
the reception of the communion, a second admitting
food and drink, and the third, provided with glass
or horn, letting in the light. Besides these rules for
male recluses, there are two for women. About the
middle of the twelfth century, Ethelred (d. 1166),
Cistercian abbot of Revesby in the diocese of York,
upon the request of his sister, a recluse, wrote a
rule entitled Aelredi regula sive institutio inclusarum
(Holstenius-Brockie, ut sup., i. 418-440). Above
all he assails the symptoms of moral decline and of
grievous abuses in the contemporary recluse life of
England. He desires complete seclusion from the
outer world, and energetically forbids the distribu-
tion of alms to the poor, and the reception of guests.
His ideal is a purely contemplative life. Yet even
in this respect his " Institution," like Benedictine
monasticism at large, bears an aristocratic stamp.
The recluse nun has in her service an old woman and
a young maid, the latter attending to menial tasks.
Half a century earlier is the Ancren Riwle (" An-
chorite Rule "), composed probably by Bishop Rich-
ard Poor (d. 1237), of Salisbury (B. ten Brink, Ge-
schichte der englischen Litter atur, i. 251-257, Berlin,
1877), for three noble dames living as recluse nuns
at Tarrant in Dorsetshire.

In the later Middle Ages, the solitaries were driven
out by the mendicant orders and the Beguine com-
munities (see Beghardb, Beguines).
Decline and Sporadically, however, they persisted
Disappear- even down to the Reformation period,
ance. Leo X. conceded the same favors to
four recluses of St. Andrew's Chapel
in St. Peter's Church that he had accorded the
Clares (Wadding, Annates minores, ad. 1515 n. 4).
In the seventeenth century they disappeared

Eecolleot
Bed 8a*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

ultt'^'.'tlior, one of the latest being Johanna of
Crttnbry, who had herself immured as a recluse
at St. Andrew's Church, Lille, in 1625, and died
there in 1639 (Helyot, Ordret moitastiques, iv. 33S
aqq.).

In the Evangelical church, intense ascetic seal
urged certain Dutch Reformed extremists to re-
store the medieval recluse life, the best-known being
tli'' solitary Johanu Gennuvit of Venningen on the
ltuhr (d. 1608), who tenanted a lonely cabin (Zock-
lur, p. 576). G. GkOtzaiacher.

Bii.li'.'.h.put: Thn literature or the aubject i» largely

mny bo found in: I. Hauber, Lebm und WirkrnderEinec-
KMoHentn, Schaffliauaen, 1844; h. A. A. P»vy, La Re-
cluKTxa, Lyon*. 1875; C. Kimpiley, Tht HctmUt, Loudon.
1*15: II. ('. Gulcue, Rtxhtrdin iut la rccluteria dr Lyon,
Lyons. 1SS7; A. Basedow, Dit Inkliacn in DtultcJUand
. . . im 13. und 13. JaJirhmdtrt, Heidulbeis. 1895; Linn
EclwroHein, Woman under Manatlieism, Cambridge, 1896;
Mrs. Anna Jamraoa, Ltycnde oflho Monastic Orders, Bos-
ton. 1SU8; O. Zockler, Adta* und M-nclUum, pp. 483
■qt|., Frankfort, 1897; A. W. Wishert, Monti and Monaf-
Irria, ronoult the Indei under " Hermits," Trenton, 1903;
KL, vi. 031 sqq.

RECOLLECT: The designation (from recoUigere,
" to gather again ") applied to certain congrega-
tions inside different monastic orders, because their
memliers returned to the primitive strict rule of life.
So in the latter part of the sixteenth century, there
were recollects "f the Augustiuians, and among the
Fraricii-cuna there were recollects of both sexes.

(J. J. HBBZOGt.)

RECONCILIATIOS. See Atonement.

RECUSAHT: The term used in the Roman
Cut In, lie und Anglican churches to denominate those
who refuse (Lat. recusal, " to refuse ") to attend
church and worship after the manner of those

RED CROSS SOCIETY: Henry Dunant, a na-
tive of S\\ itzerland, having witnessed the great and
unneees«ary suffering of the wounded after the buttle

of fjolferino, in 1K.>!}, and being inspired
The Treaty by the work of Miss Florence Night-
of Geneva, ingalc (q.v.) and other women, during

the Crimean War, wrote a pamphlet
entitled 17m Souivriir ile Sol/erino (3d ed., Geneva,
1SI'i2). This work and his untiring energies aroused
the interest of many of the sovereigns of Europe.
In 18G4, by invitation of the Swiss government, a
convention of the representatives of several powers
was held in Geneva, at which was signed the first
treaty of Geneva, sometimes called the Red Cross
treaty. This treaty was revised by a second con-
vention in 1906, and by the Hague convention its
provisions have been extended to naval warfare. It
hits been ratified by forty countries, representing
all the civilized nations of the world {by the United
Slates of America in Mar., 1882). This instrument
provided that " officers, soldiers, and other persons
of :■■■;, illy uttaehed tosirmies. who are sick or wounded
shall l>e respected and ctin^d for without dist inetions
nf nationality, by Ihe belligerent in whose power
(hey are." Hospital formations, their personnel
and supplies are neutralized and protected by the
In-ttv. which also recognizes and includes under its
provisions the volunteer aid societies of the Red

Cross. Out of compliment to Switzerland, the Swisi
flag, reversed in color (red cross on a white field),
was selected as the universal emblem and distinctive
sign for the protection provided by the treaty. The
treaty provides further that all the sign a ton- poirea
shall obtain, as far as possible, legislation prevent-
ing the use by private persons or by soaetiet,
other than those upon which this convention con-
fers the right thereto, of the emblem or name of tot
Red Cross or Geneva Cross, particularly for com-
mercial purposes (trade-marks).

Under the Treaty of Geneva have grown up the
great national Red Cross societies of the world,

Each society is organised indepenoV
Red Cross ently and according to the customs
Societies, and laws of its respective country. It

must be " duly recognised and author-
ised " by its respective government. AfterasoeietJ
is organised and has secured the necessary recogni-
tion by its respective government, its credentials ire
forwarded to the international committee at Geneva,
which passes upon them. If these are found satis-
factory the international committee informs the
foreign office of the Swiss government, which in its
turn notifies the foreign offices of all the other sig-
natory powers of the official standing of the sorietr.
In the charter granted by congress to the American
Red Cross in 1 90S, the reasons for the formation of
an official volunteer society as stated in the act m
that " The International Conference of Geneva red-
ommends that there exist in every country a com-
mittee whose mission consists in cooperating in
times of war with the hospital service of armies by
all means in its powers," and that a " permanent
organisation is an agency needed in every nation to
carry out the purposes of said treaty," and, further-
more, that " the importance of the work demands I
reincorporation under government supervision."
The purposes of the society " are and shall be to
furnish volunteer aid to the sick and wounded of
armies in time of war in accordance with the sprit
and conditions of the Treaty of Geneva," " to set
in matters of voluntary relief and in accord with lbs
military and naval authorities as a medium of ran-
munication between the people of the United States
of America and their army and navy, and to act il
such matters between similar national societies of
other governments through the international com-
mittee and the government and the people and the
Army and the Navy of the United St-tes of Amer-
ica." In the majority of Red Cross societies the
sphere of work has been broadened to include relist
after national or international disasters. In the
charter of the American Red Cross the additional
duty is imposed upon the society " to continue and
carry on a system of national and international re-
lief in time of peace and apply the same in raitiea-
ting the sufferings caused by pestilence, famine, fire,
floods, und other great national calamities and M
devise and carry on measures for preventing the

The first use of the emblem of the Red Cross in
actual warfare was made by a corps of the Sanitary
Commission in the last year of the Civil War in tht
United States of America. The volunteer societies
of the Red Cross began their most active at

411

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Recollect
Bed Sea

in France and Germany during the war of 1870, and
since that time, in nearly all of the countries

which have signed the Treaty of
History and Geneva societies have been created.
Operations. The training of nurses, the organization

of an active personnel that may be
ready for immediate mobilization, the collecting in
jome countries of hospital materials, including port-
able barracks, hospital trains and ships, and the
formation of local committees or divisions for the
raising of funds and supplies, in case of war, have
been among the duties of the societies. Since their
organization the sufferings of the sick and wounded
have been greatly decreased. This was noticeably
so during the Russo-Japanese War, when the Red
Cross societies of the respective countries rendered
invaluable assistance, provided hospital ships, hos-
pital trains, field hospitals, an immense amount of
other supplies, and a large trained personnel for the
care of the sick and wounded. The Japanese Red
Cross has a membership of 1,522,000, which pro-
vides an annual income of over a million dollars.
In funds this society has over seven millions of dol-
lars and possesses property and supplies valued at a
million or more. The European societies have many
hundreds of thousands of members, in a number of
countries the funds of the Red Cross amoimt to from
one to five millions of dollars, and several organiza-
tions possess also large warehouses of supplies. The
first organization of the Red Cross in the United
States occurred in 1881, a few months before the
treaty was signed by this country. Its first presi-
dent, Miss Clara Barton, remained at the head of
the society until 1904, when she resigned. At that
time it numbered about .300 members. During the
war between the United States and Spain the society
of which Miss Barton was president was mainly
occupied in reconcentrado relief. In New York,
California, and other parts of the United States in-
dependent and temporary Red Cross organizations
grew up for the relief of the sick and wounded.
These independent organizations died out after the
war was over. In 1905 the American Red Cross
was reincorporated by act of congress. Its central
committee of eighteen members (the governing
body) consists of six persons appointed by the
president of the United States, including the chair-
man and representatives of the State, Treasury,
War, Justice, and Navy Departments, of six elected
by the incorporators, and six by the delegates from
its subsidiary organizations. The law requires all
accounts to be audited by the War Department
and that an annual report of its transactions be
made to congress. Its subsidiary organizations con-
sist of state boards, of each of which the governor
Is ex-officio president, a limited number of repre-
sentative citizens of the state constituting the other
members. The duties of these boards lie mainly in
the raising of funds in case of local disaster within
the state, or of serious national and international
disasters ; local chapters consist of local bodies of
nembers in counties, cities, towns, or villages, for the
purpose of aiding the relief work required in time of
xrar or disaster; there are also specialized agencies,
mch as duly elected charity organizations, federa-
tions of trained nurses, relief columns, and the like,

for active relief work. The work of national head-
quarters is segregated under three boards, War, Na-
tional, and International Relief. The chairman and
vice-chairman of each board are members of the
central committee. The duties assigned to these
boards is the study, planning, organization, super-
vision, and control of such relief work as falls under
their respective jurisdiction. From the time of its
reorganization in Feb., 1905, until Jan. 1, 1910, the
American Red Cross has assisted in relief work after
twenty-five disasters, receiving and expending for
this relief over five million dollars, besides large
quantities of supplies. Not included in this amount
is $400,000 raised by the sale of the Red Cross
Christmas stamps to aid in the campaign against
the pestilence of tuberculosis. Since the reorgan-
ization of the American National Red Cross in 1905,
William Howard Taft has been the president, and
the national treasurer has been the representative
of the United States Treasury on the central com-
mittee, and its counselor has been the representa-
tive of the Department of Justice upon this com-
mittee. M. T. Boajidmann.

Bibliography: C. Barton, Story of the Red Crow, New
York, 1904; E. R. F. McCaul, Under the Care of the Jap-
anese War Office, new ed., ib. 1905.

RED SEA, THE (Hebr. Yam suph, "Sea of
Reeds "; Gk. Eruthra thalassa, " Red Sea "; Egyp-
tian, kem-ver, "Black water"): The sea located
in the Bible east of Egypt by the fact that in the
exodus the Hebrews crossed it on the way to Horeb
and Kadesh. The name is given in the Old Testa-
ment both to the Gulf of Suez and the Gulf of
Akaba (Ex. xxiii. 31; Num. xxi. 4; Deut. ii. 1;
I Kings ix. 26). It is still debated whether the
Hebrew name is Semitic or a loan word (from the
Egyptian twfi). In connection with the Exodus it
is necessary to remember that in the time of the
Pharaohs the western arm of this sea extended as
far as Wadi Tumilat, i.e., to about the middle of
the Isthmus of Suez, and that to the northern part
of this arm the Egyptian name kem-ver was given.
The Egyptians called the Red Sea below Suez " the
Sea of Sailing Around." The meaning " sea of
reeds " has been called in question on grounds of
natural history, yet is settled by Ex. ii. 3, 5; Isa.
xix. 6. Beds of reeds arc still to be found in the
region, though not common on the Red Sea, and the
reed grows in fresh water. In attempting to account
for the Greek-Roman name " Red Sea," in Jonah
ii. 5, the meaning " sea grass " has been proposed
for the Hebrew suph, and it is conjectured that the
name is derived from the fact that this reddish sea
growth abounds in those waters. But that name
could not on this ground be applied especially to
this body of water, since the growth is common to
all seas, and the poem in Jonah is not particularly
pertinent to the argument. No very noticeable red
phenomenon is observable in the Red Sea, either of
animal life, vegetation, cliffs, or coral (so C. B.
Klunzinger, Bilder aus Oberdgypten, p. 263, Stutt-
gart, 1877). Ebers has suggested that the name
may have come from Erythraean (" red-skinned ")
inhabitants of the region. Herodotus means by
" Red Sea " the Indian Ocean, and he generally

THE NEW 8CHAFF-HERZ0G

412

calls the Gulf of Suez the " Arabian Gulf/' though
he employs also the term " Red Sea." What now
goes by that name, the waters from the Straits of
Bab-el-Mandeb, northward to the peninsula of Sinai,
has existed since the chalk age, though its area is
growing less through the elevation of the land about
its shores.

Upon the events related in Ex. xiii.-xv., dealing
with the passage of the sea by the Hebrews who
had sojourned in Egypt, some light has been thrown
by the excavations carried on under the Egypt
Exploration Fund (q.v.), especially the investiga-
tions in the Wadi Tumilat under E. Naville in 1883.
It has been shown that a " treasure city " (Ex. i.
11) existed there of which the name was probably
Pi thorn (" sanctuary of the god Turn "). A stone
was found by Naville bearing the inscription Ero
Ca&tra, showing the location there of the Greek city
Heroopolis, the Roman Ero Castra, which the Cop-
tic version of Gen. xlvi. 28-29 brings into connec-
tion with Goshen in the land of Rameses and with
Pithom (cf. Ex. i. 11). The Coptic translator seems
to have known that Heroopolis was the site of the
earlier Pithom. From Greek and Roman writers of
the period 300 b.c -150 a.d. it is known that the
Red Sea reached as far as this place and was nav-
igable. Geological evidence fully corroborates this
testimony, and the recession of the waters has taken
place in the present geological era. The reports of
canal-building in this region by Necho II. and Darius
refer doubtless to the dredging of an old channel.
The stations of the Hebrews as given in the two
narrations of J and P do not accord, as is shown
by a parallel presentation.

J.
Gen. xlv. 10 and Ex.
viii. 22, "land of
Goshen."

Ex. xiii. 17-18, " not the
way of the land of the
Philistines, . . . but
. . . the way of the
wilderness of the Red
Sea."

Ex. xv. 22, 23, 27, " wil-
derness of Shur,"
" Marah," " Elim."

Gen. xlvii. 11, "land of

Rameses"; Ex. xii. 13,
"land of Egypt"; Ex.

xii. 37, " Rameses to

Succoth."

Ex. xiii. 20, " Etham, in
the edge of the wilder-
ness "; Ex. xiv. 2, 9,
circuit to Pi-hahiroth
between Migdol and
the sea, before Baal-
zephon.

Ex. xvi. 1, " Elim."

The data given by J is intelligible in the light of
present knowledge. The " way of the land of the
Philistines " is the old caravan route which passes
by the southeast corner of the Mediterranean. The
" way of the wilderness of the Red Sea " led through
the Wadi Tumilat past Pithom to the region of the
Bitter Lakes and the wilderness of Shur, which,
according to Gen. xxv. 18, was " before Egypt,"
i.e., on its eastern border. Since the Hebrews were
hemmed in by the border fortresses, there was no
alternative but to ford the sea at a shallow spot. It
would appear that the combination of a strong
east wind and an ebb tide, producing a complete
drying-up of the waters, was not an uncommon phe-
nomenon. In the opportune happening of this phe-

nomenon Moses would see the favoring hand of his
God, and he led his people across during the night.
The earlier construction of the passage led Moses
and the Hebrews southward toward Suez ; the dis-
covery of Naville has made this hypothesis unten-
able. The account of P is less intelligible. For the
" land of Rameses "see Goshen. Succoth is equated
with the frequently recurring Egyptian term Thuku
or Thuket, the name of a district in the region of
Pithom. Etham may be the Hebrew rendering of
the Egyptian hetem, " fortress," several of which
guarded the eastern boundary of Egypt against the
nomads. Ex. xiv. 2 by the use of " turn " creates
a puzzle as to the location of the camp. A Migdol is
known to have existed twelve Roman miles from
Pelusium, somewhere near Tell al-Her, but to pass
this would lead the Israelites by " the way of the
Philistines," which was forbidden (J). Piiahiroth
is not yet definitely made out. Present knowledge
does not permit more exact following-out of the
narrative of P. (H. Guthe.)

Bibliography: C. E. Ehrenberg, in Abhandltage* der Ber-
liner Akademie, physikaliache Klaeee, 1832, 1, pp. 164 sqq.
(on the corals); F. Fresnel, in /A, 6 ser., xi (1848), 274
sqq.; C. Ritter, Comparative Geography of PaUstine, I
66-60, 162-166, Edinburgh, 1866; G. Ebere, Dunk Gem
turn Sinai, 91 sqq., 532 sqq., Leipsic, 1881; A. W. Thayer,
The Hebrew* and the Red Sea, Andover, 1883; W. M.
Mailer. Aeien und Europa, Leipsic, 1893; E. C. A. Riehm.
Handworterbuch dee bibliechen Altertume, iiL 986-087. ib.
1894; DB, iv. 210; EB. iv. 4022-24. On the Exodus,
E. Naville, The Store City of Pithom and the Routs of tot
Exodus, London, 1885 (an epoch-making Memoir of the
Egypt Exploration Fund); H. Brugseh, Steimnechrifl ued
Bibelwort, pp. 117 sqq., 226 sqq.. Berlin. 1891; J. G.
Duncan, The Exploration of Egypt and the 0. T.t London,
1908; R. Weill, he Sejour dee iera&itea au dieert et U Swd
dans la relation primitive, Paris, 1910.

REDEEMER, ORDER OF THE (Ordo S. Salter
tori* or S. Redemptoris) : A popular designation of
several Roman Catholic orders. It is incorrectly
given to the Brigittines (see Bridget, Saint, or
Sweden), and to the Ordo de redemptione capti-
vorum, founded by St. Peter Nolasco (see Nolasco).
With more propriety it is applied to the Redemptor-
ists (Societas sanctissimi nostri Redemptoris) of
Alfonso Maria da Liguori (q.v.), though its use
here can easily lead to misunderstanding. The
same is true of the name as designation for a
knightly order (De sanctissimo sanguine S. Re-
demptoris) founded by Vincent I. of Mantua in
1608; it was confirmed by Pope Paul V., but never
attained to much importance. The Greek Order
of the Redeemer, founded by King Otto I. in 1833
to commemorate the liberation from the Turkish
yoke, is a purely secular order of merit. Lastly, a
priest of the diocese of Freiburg, J. B. Jordan by
name (later called Father Francis of the Cross),
founded at Rome in 1881 a Societas divini Salva-
toris, devoted to the work of missions. In 1889 it
was given the apostolic prefecture of Assam in the
East Indies as its field of labor, and in 1895 it also
undertook missionary work in South Africa.

(O. Z6CKLERt)

BrBUooRAPirn: Heimbucher, Orden und Konoregatumm,
iii. 313. 331 sqq., 516, 518, 570-571; M. Gritnwv. RMtr-
und Verdienstorden oiler KuUwrstaaten der Welt im 19.
Jahrhundert, Leipsic, 1893; Currier, Religious 0nferi,pp.
180 sqq., 466 sqq., 673 sqq.

413

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Bedemption

REDEMPTION.

Fundamental Ideas (} 1).

Cognate Ideas (J 2).

Redemption in the Old Testament (f 3).

In the New Testament (§ 4).

In the Early Church and the East (J 5).

In the West till the Reformation (§ 6).

Reformation and Later Doctrine (J 7).

Requirements of the Doctrine (J 8).

The Christian religion, though not the exclusive

possessor of the idea of redemption, has given to it a

special definiteness and a dominant position. If

the term be taken in its widest sense,

i. Funda- as deliverance from dangers and ills
mental in general, scarcely any religion is
Ideas. wholly without it. It assumes an im-
portant position, however, only when
the ills in question form part of a great system
against which human power is helpless. This may
be carried so far that every act of the religious life is
contemplated in connection with the idea of re-
demption, as is the case with Buddhism. The doc-
trine assumes a higher form when it includes or
principally considers deliverance from evil. The
religion of Israel shows a progressive development
from a mainly eudemonistic to a mainly ethical con-
ception; and it is of the essence of Christianity to
regard redemption as primarily a deliverance from
sin, upon which freedom from other ills follows as
a consequence. Where a decided ethical signifi-
cance is given to the term, two separate lines of
thought are followed out, each connected with a
separate conception of sin. On the one hand, sin
is a condition which appears in the light of religion
as a painful burden; on the other, it is a personal
act of the will, which brings with it the conscious-
ness of guilt. Inasmuch as to this is attached the
torturing consciousness of separation from God, the
desire for its removal becomes the dominant thought.
The fundamental question of religion, then, is the
possibility of reconciliation, while sin as a condition
stands first of the ills from which man seeks deliver-
ance. In the most developed form of an ethical
redemptive religion the thought of reconcilia-
tion is thus preeminent. Such a religion has
the deepest conception of sin as an offense
against the moral authority of God, and the
highest personally ethical idea of salvation as a
relation of peace resting upon the gracious disposi-
tion of God. This being the conception which
is characteristic qjf Christianity, it would be more
fitting to consider Christianity a religion of recon-
ciliation than of redemption, in which respect it
rises far above Buddhism, which is a religion of
redemption.

It will, therefore, be well to determine the rela-
tion of the terms " redemption " and " reconcilia-
tion " or " atonement " in Christian dogmatics. The
actual use is somewhat lacking in pre-
2. Cognate cision, largely on account of the way
Ideas. in which they are used in the New Tes-
tament, which employs katattagZ, for
the decisive change in the relation of man to God,
through which eirSnit " peace," is substituted for
echthra, " hostile " (Rom. v. 10, 11; II Cor. v. lg-
20), and deliverance from impending judgment en-
sues (Rom. v. 9). On the other hand, apolutrfcia

sometimes refers to the atoning work of Christ as
the ground of the forgiveness of sins (Rom. iii. 24;
Eph. i. 7; Col. i. 14; Heb. iz. 15), and sometimes
to the final deliverance from the pressure of condi-
tions here (Rom. viii. 23; I Cor. i. 30; Eph. iv.
30). These passages lead to a threefold use of the
word — as denoting (1) the entire saving work of
Christ, the deliverance from guilt, sin, and evil;
(2) the precise method which renders the forgive-
ness of sins possible, buying back at the price of the
death of Christ; (3) the change worked in human
destiny by the removal of guilt. In modern theol-
ogy, despite numerous variations, the weight of
usage is in favor of designating by atonement the
removal of guilt (not merely of the subjective con-
sciousness of guilt), and by redemption the break-
ing of the power of sin and the removal of the mis-
ery consequent upon its dominion. The former
combines the ethical and religious standpoints, the
latter the ethical and eudemonistic (see Atone-
ment).

If the idea of redemption be traced through the
Scriptures, the belief in Yahweh's redeeming power
and purpose is met at the threshold of the national

existence of Israel. This existence is

3. Redemp- established by the redemption of the

tion in people from Egyptian slavery, which

the Old remains the memorial of their election

Testament as the people of God, and the pledge of

further deliverances to come. The
Jewish idea of redemption is originally political; the
object of redemption is the nation, and the foes from
whom they are redeemed are national adversaries.
In the same form the idea appears after the exile.
The subject of Isa. xl.-lxvi. is the redeeming acts
of Yahweh, past and future, and all the prophets
point to his demonstrated faithfulness as a ground
for hope. But with the exile the hope took a new
and more spiritual shape. The national misfortunes
impressed the people deeply with the conditional
nature of the covenant. Israel's guilt separates the
people from its God, and only repentance can open
the way to new salvation. If God restores his peo-
ple, it is a sign that he forgives them and takes
away their guilt. This forgiveness is based upon
the free love of God; it is not gained by the sacri-
fices of the law, but he regards the sacrifice of his
servant, upon whom is laid the iniquity of all. Thus
is reached, at the highest point of the Old-Testa-
ment doctrine of redemption, the idea of an atone-
ment which is not conditioned upon legal sacrifices
and not limited to minor transgressions. Political
aspirations are not lacking even here; but the fun-
damental idea is that of a moral change in the peo-
ple (Isa. lviii. 6-14). Sin is now recognized as the
root of evil, and victory is promised, not merjely
over national foes, but over man's hereditary enemy,
the tempter. But a redemption with moral con-
ditions can no longer be confined to one race ; Israel's
light is to go out to the heathen. And with this
broadening of the conception comes also its indi-
vidualizing; the individual who trusts in God is to
be redeemed by God's intervention from peril and
oppression, and even acquires a hope of resurrection
from death.
The form mwniTntti in the New Testament by the

Redemption

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

414

idea of redemption is not the logical continuance of

this process, but is the result of the revelation of

God in Christ. Though the redeemer

4. In does not correspond to the expecta-

the New tions of a mighty ruler of David's line,
Testament the deeds of healing and help that he
performs, and the fatherly love of God
that he attests, proclaim him the heaven-sent savior.
He himself regards his casting-out of devils as a
sign of the opening of a new period of salvation, of
the coming of the kingdom of God. Finally he gives
his life a ransom for many, making possible a re-
mission of guilt by his voluntary bearing of its con-
sequence. His appearances after his resurrection
convince his disciples that he is still to be with them,
as the head of his invisible kingdom, to the end of
the world. His proclamation of a second coming,
upon which are to follow the messianic judgment,
the liberation of his people from all oppression, and
a change in all the conditions of human life (Matt.
xix. 28), does not alter the fact that redemption in
its fullest sense is the work of his first coming. Ac-
cordingly, in the apostolic preaching the main
points are the death of Christ as the basis of the
atonement, his resurrection as the ground of a new
and spiritual life for his disciples, and his second
coming, wliich shall remove the oppression of evil.
In other words, the New-Testament conception of
redemption puts first the idea of relief from guilt,
next that of deliverance from the power of sin, and
last the removal of evil. Such a religious-ethical
redemption can of course be limited to no one na-
tion, but begins to realize itself wherever faith in
the redeemer is present and an entrance into his
world-wide kingdom is gained.

In Christian theology the doctrine of redemption
has a different history from that of the atonement.
While in the latter is concentrated the struggle to
balance the religious and the ethical elements in
the idea of salvation, the certainty of redemption is
always a fixed background of the Christian con-
sciousness; and the historical development is chiefly
interesting for the way in which the recognition of
the personal ethical nature of salvation, sharply
emphasized by Paul but early obscured, came grad-
ually into full light once more.

The idea of redemption entertained by primitive

Christianity is predominantly eschatological. The

believers feel themselves strangers in

5. In the the world, the destruction of which is

Early at hand, and await their blessedness in

Church and the approaching messianic kingdom.

the East. The Redeemer has indeed brought to
his people knowledge and life (Didache,
ix., x.); but the latter is more an object of hope
than an actual experience; forgiveness of sins is
connected with moral change and fulfilment of the
new law. The Hellenic conception of the Christian
message by the apologists brought prominently for-
ward the knowledge imparted by Christ, who, as the
perfect teacher, shows the way to " incorruption "
by giving his disciples power to overcome evil spirits
and walk in the path of moral purity. This intel-
lect ual-morctl conception of redemption, typically
represented by Justin, had a long life in the Eastern
Church, but only a subsidiary influence. The de-

velopment of dogma was determined by the mjstie-
realistic conception, as worked out by Irencusin
Pauline phraseology. For him, too, immortality is
the goal, which is brought about by an entire re-
construction of humanity on a higher plane; hu-
manity is placed once more in the right relation to
God and receives again his image and a share in his
own immortality. Irexueus touches on reconcilia-
tion, but lays most stress on the removal of death.
How little Greek theology, with its lack of a deep
consciousness of guilt, was qualified to develop the
latter may be seen in Origen, for whom the teaching
office of Christ is still central. The treatise of Atha-
nasius on the incarnation approaches more closely
to the idea of reconciliation than does Irensus; but
even in him the leading ideas are the restoration of
the true knowledge of God by the life, and the abo-
lition of death by the death of Christ. A special
place is held in eastern doctrine by the notion that
the death of Christ was a purchase-price paid to the
devil for the setting free of man, who had fallen
into his power. This idea, wide-spread in the East,
is supported by Origen and Gregory of Nyssa, while
Gregory Nazianzen and John of Damascus repudi-
ate it; in the West it was accepted by Ambrose,
Augustine, Leo I., and Gregory I. At bottom only
an extension of the common Greek idea of libera-
tion from pagan ignorance and the dominion of
death, it yet shows consciousness of the need of an
equitable basis for the redemption, and leads up to
the juristic theories developed in the West.

Western writers were led by their realization of

sin as guilt to regard the removal of guilt as the

principal feature in the work of redemption. Even

as early as Tertullian and Cyprian, it

6. In the was interpreted in legal terms; and be-
West till the fore long there grew up the conception

Reforma- of a legal satisfaction made by Christ
tion. to God. This begins with Cyprian and
is carried on by Hilary and Ambrose.
Augustine takes the legal view in conjunction with
a mystical doctrine of salvation, and thus weakens
it to some extent. For him redemption is a change
in the religious-ethical state, involving freedom from
the devil's power and a progressive repletion with
divine strength. He has in his mind a personal re-
lation of peace with God, but this aspect of salva-
tion he does not carry out to definite dogmatic con-
clusions. The juristic idea of western theology was
further developed by Anselm, who did not, how-
ever, succeed in deducing from the remission of sin
an interior change in the sinner. The formal juris-
tic treatment does not penetrate the depths of the
religious-ethical process. Anselm's theory, there-
fore, called out an opposing theory from Abelard,
resting wholly on the love of God, and was accepted
by later medieval theologians only with modifica-
tions and additions. Thomas Aquinas regards as
the results of Christ's sufferings the forgiveness of
sins, deliverance from the power of the devil, the
removal of the penalty of sin, reconciliation, and the
opening of the gates of heaven. He connects the
ideas of reconciliation and redemption, but makes
" remission of blame " less important than " in-
fusion of grace " and the consequent ethical move-
ment of the will. The historical redeeming work

410

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Redemption

of Christ is presented only as a distant condition
precedent to salvation, the actual accomplishment
of which follows on the supplying of grace through
the medium of the Church. Although mysticism
attempted to satisfy the craving for redemption
partly by evasion of the Church's mediation and
partly by pressing it into the service of the inner
life, it failed to reach a personal ethical conception
of redemption, because it placed the ethical and
mystical union with God above the remission of sin.
Luther, on the other hand, made the remission of
guilt accomplished by Christ's intervention the fun-
damental principle. The holy sufferer bears the
wrath of God and satisfies his justice;
7. Refor- but he is also the mighty conqueror who
mation and delivers us from our tyrants— the law,
Later sin, death, the devil, and hell — and so
Doctrine, abolishes, with sin and guilt, all the
powers of evil whose dominion was
founded by the fall of man. His great conception
was only partially adopted by Protestant dogmatics.
Melanchthon merely developed the notion of legal
atonement as a necessary condition of forensic jus-
tification. Osiander was unable to bring out clearly
the relation between the objective fact of redemp-
tion and the subjective justification. The more the
doctrine of redemption was dominated by the idea
of satisfaction, the less was it possible to include in
a dogmatic system the whole train of salutary con-
sequences which Luther connected with it. The
doctrine of the royal office of the exalted savior gave
the most room for them; but it considered redemp-
tion as but supplementary to the historical work of
salvation. In opposition to this, Pietism, with its
special interest in sanctification and in eschatology,
paid great attention to the doctrine of redemption.
Rationalism, with its hard morality, lost all under-
standing of the remission of sin and thus of redemp-
tion. Kant's deeper moral conception came near
postulating this grace for the eradication of evil ; but
his fixed principle of moral autonomy caused him
to reduce what for him was the symbolic language of
dogma to interior moral processes. Schleiermacher
taught his followers to recognize the central point
of the Christian faith; but his optimistic concep-
tion of sin as an inevitable stage in human develop-
ment, his half-pantheistic idea of God, and his nat-
uralistic-esthetic notion of the religious and moral
life prevented him from fully realizing the Christian
doctrine of redemption. The newer dogmatic writers
have in great part striven to recover more fully
the Scriptural and the Reformation conceptions of
the subject.

It is essential to the completeness of the Christian
doctrine of salvation that it should teach not only
a reconciliation of man with God but a redemption
as well, which transforms the whole life of the re-
deemed and their relation to the world.
8. Require- Redemption in its inmost, religious
ments of the sense is reconciliation, the change in
Doctrine, man's relation to God by the removal
of the guilt of sin. Redemption in its
ethical and its eschatological meanings is the con-
sequence of this. But the close connection of these
elements can be preserved only when the atonement
is regarded as the pledge and the beginning of a

new development for humanity. The believer, his
sins forgiven, is transplanted with his risen Lord
into the supernatural kingdom of God; the domin-
ion of sin is broken forever in him; the source of
his life is not in this world but in that which is above.
Such a redemption carries with it the abolition of
evil, which is already, so far as it is the positive
penalty of sin, removed with sin. The common ills
of life are no longer penalties to the believer, since
they can not harm his relation to God. Even death
has to the Christian no longer the character of a
punishment, since his real life already belongs to
the other world. The entire removal of evil is hin-
dered partly by the results of past sins, partly by the
coexistence in the world of those who reject salva-
tion. The older Protestant dogmatics, therefore, in
harmony with the New Testament, looked for the
conclusion of the process of salvation to follow
upon the second coming of Christ. Modern writers,
inclining to dispute the universal connection of evil
with sin, and looking with Schleiermacher for a
merely subjective conquest of it, do not feel justi-
fied in including a positive abolition of evil in the
idea of redemption. But the hope is inseparable
from Christian belief that God will create new sur-
roundings for the new life of his children, which shall
correspond to their higher nature and allow it to
develop freely and fully. In this connection with
redemption lies the real foundation of Christian
eschatology. (O. Kirn.)

Bibliography: The literature under Atonement (partic-
ularly the works of Baur and Ritachl); the treatises on
the history of doctrine (see Doctrine, History or, espe-
cially the works of Harnack, Seeberg, Loofs, and Shedd);
the subject is explicitly or implicitly discussed in all works
on systematic theology (sec Dooma, Dogmatics for full
list of titles), which often add lists of literature; and, for
the Biblical side, the principal treatises named in and
under Biblical Theology (especially the works by
Oehler, Schultz, Duff, Dillmann, Charles, Davidson, Ben-
nett, Holtxmann, Stevens, Weiss, and Bcyschlag). Con-
sult further: E. Colet, Practical Discourse of God's Sover-
eignty, London, 1673, reissue, Philadelphia, 1854; T.
Wintle, Expediency, Prediction, and Accomplishment of
the Christian Redemption Illustrated, Oxford, 1794; J.
Goodwin, Redemption f Redeemed, London, 1651, reissue,
1840; C. Beecher, Redeemer and Redeemed, Boston, 1864;
R. W. Monsell, The Religion of Redemption, London, 1866;
H. Wallace, Representative Responsibility . . . Divine
Procedure in Providence and Redemption, Edinburgh, 1867;
J. G. Wilson, Redemption in Prophecy, Philadelphia, 1885;
C. Graham, The Glory of God in Redemption, London, 1892;
J. Orr, Christian View of God and the World, pp. 333 sqq.,
Edinburgh, 1893; A. Titius, DieneutestamentlicheLehrevon
der Seliokeit, vols, i.-iv., Freiburg, 1895-1900; W. Shirley.
Redemption According to Eternal Purpose, London, 1902;
G. A. F. Ecklin, Erlosung und Versnhnung, Basel, 1903;
R. Herrmann, Erlosung, Tubingen, 1905; D. W. Simon,
The Redemption of Man, 2d ed., Edinburgh, 1906; DB,
iv. 210-211; DCG, ii. 475-484.

REDEMPTORISTS. See Liguori, Alfonso
Maria di, and the Redemptorist Order.

REDEN, re'den, FREDERICA, COUNTESS OF:
German philanthropist; b. at Brunswick May 12,
1774; d. at Erdmannsdorf (a village near Schmiede-
berg, 31 m. s.s.w. of Liegnitz) May 14, 1854. In
1802 she married Count Red en, who, like herself,
though humanitarian in ideal, was then devoid of
special religious interests. The establishment of
the Prussian Bible society in 1814, however, led him
to found the Buchwald society in the following year

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

and to moke his wife its president. After the count's
death in 1815, she came into contact with the Mora-
vians, for whom she entertained the highest esteem;
she was also led to preside at private devotional
iiKd'tinps which wore almost sectarian in character.
In 1837 the countess was the prime mover in the
settlement of the Zillerthaiers (q.v.) near Erdmanna-
dorf and in providing for their instruction in Prot-
estantism, even though she was confronted by op-
position and discouragement. The closing decade
and a half of the life of the countess of Redcn was
devoted chiefly to her Bible society and to the new
edition of the Hirschberg Bible (Hirschberg, 1844;
see Bibles, Annotated, and Bib lb Si'mmakiks, I,,

5 1. which, under the [':ii:<in:i';r .if i'rei li-ni-k \\ illiam
IV. of Prussia, was destined to replace the rationalis-
tic S-;'inl!'hrfrbibrl of tlustav I'ricdrich Dinter (q.v.).
(Otto Dibeuus.)

Berlin, IBSS; E.
Diwdorf, 191M;

REDENBACHER, re'den-b<lH"er, CHRISTIAN
WILHELM ADOLF: Bavarian Lutheran, conspicu-
ous for his rigid Protestant position; b. at Pappen-
heim (37 m. s.w. of Nuremberg) July 12, 1800; d.
at Dornhauflen (u village in the valley of the Alt-
naUhl) July 14, 1876. He was educated at Erlangen
(lMit-2.il, and after live yea re of work as a private
tutor and vicar been me, in IS.'S. pastor at the village
of Jochsberg. Here he was a sturdy Opponent of
rationalism, particularly in the columns of the
II Hindi tifi ii-liturii'.-flnti A"nn> .t/hjm/i Hzlitatt, and he
became known as a writer of popular devotional
works also. Redenhiiehcr achieved his chief fame,
however, by his public remonstrance, while pastor
at Sulikirchen, against (he order of the Havarian
ministry of war requiring all soldiers, including
Protectants, to genuflect, to the blessed sacrament
when carried in procession (see Iixkelinci Con-
tkovehsv in Bavaria}, In 184! lie declared such
acts on the part of Protestant* to !»■ idolatrous, and
in the fallowing year hi' advocated open defiance of
the order. In Oct., lS-!:i. he was summoned before
the military court at Nuremberg, and in January
he was suspended for disturbing the peace by mis-
use of religion. He now retired to Nuremberg to
await the outcome of his trial, and in Mar., 1845,
was sentenced by the supreme court to a year'a
imprisonment. Such excitement had now been
amused among the Protestants, however, that (he
king remitted RedcubacliiTs imprisonment, al-
though he -till remained .-uspended. hi lSlli the
sympathy felt for Red en barber outside of Bavaria
resulted in his call to the pastorate of Saehsenburg
in Saxony. Here he resumed literary activity, vig-
orously opposini; the freelhinkmg and revolutionary
tt-iidcncies surrounding him. Mean" hile coin I i lions
had so changed in Bavaria that licdenbacher could
accept a call, in 1852, to the pastorate of Gross-
hiislach, where he remained until l-SGO, when he was
culled to Dornhausen, holding the latter pastorate
until his death.

The principal works of Rcdenlwcher were: IFaAr-
heit uiid Lube rXurembere. 18421; Si nam von Cana
(1S42: these two being his protests against genu-
flection); Chri&tlicha AUerUi (4 vols., Nuremberg,

1844-76); Ein/ache Betrachtungen, das Game ia
HeiUUhre um/assend (2 vols., 1844-45); Dae Licit-
freundthum (Dresden, 1846); Gtsckichtliche Zetg-
nisse far den Glauben (2 vols,, Dresden and Ciht,
1846-69); Kurxe Reformationsgeschichte (&1»,
1856); Lestbueh der Weltgeschiehte (3 vols., 1860-
1867); Betrachtungen bei Leichengdngnusm (Aatt-
bach, 1869); EvangdienpottUU (Schweinfurt, 1876);
and the posthumous Epistelpostille (ed. by his n,
T. Redenbacher, with a brief biographical sketch;
Erlangen, 1878). He likewise edited the Neutstt
VotkeUbliothek (7 vols., Dresden, 1847-53), and col-
lected many of his own contributions in his t'oib-
und Jugendsehriften (6 vols., Schweinfurt, 1871-75).

(E. Doss.)
Bibliography; Warit der EHnnfrvng an C. W. A. J3«™-
bacAtr.Aiubuh.lS7e; F. Reulcr, Dir Erlangrr Bur*)**-
•ckaft 1818-33, Eriaugeo, 1896; E. Dora, in BiiMr nr
baycriiAen KirchrnerxhicMc, v. 1-2 (1898); Buhmiu.
io Monattmhrift for Innrm Minim, Juno. 1900; ADB,
xxvii. 510-5 IS.

REDPATH, HEHRY ADEHEY: Church of Eng-
land; b. at Forest Hill, London, June 10, 1848; I
in London Sept. 24, 1908. He was educated it
Queen'B College, Oxford (B.A., 1871), and va or-
dered deacon in 1872 and ordained priest in 1874.
He was curate of Southarn (1872-75) and Luddes-
down (1876-80); vicar of Wolvereote (18B0-8J);
rector of Hoi well Dorset (1883-90); and vicar of
Sparsholt (1890-98); and rector of St. DunstaB-ro-
East, London, after 1898, also examining chaplain
to the bishop of London after 1905. He was also pub-
lic examiner at Oxford in 1893-94, 1898-99. sad
1903, and Grinfeld lecturer on the Septuagint in the
same university in 1901-05. He published Con-
cordance to the Septuagint (in collaboration with
E. Hatch; Oxford, 1896 sqq.) and Christ the Fulfil-
ment of Prophecy (London, 1907).

REED, ANDREW: English philanthropist and
Independent; b. at London Nov. 27, 1787; d. there
Feb, 25. 1862. He entered Hackney College ae i
theological student in 1807; was ordained in 1811;
was pastor of New Road Chapel, 1811-31. and of
Wyclif Chapel. 1831-61. He founded the London
Orphan Asylum (1813-15), the Infant Orphan Asy-
lum (1827), Reedham, another orphan asylum
(1844), an asylum for idiots (1847), and the Royil
Hospital for Incurables (1855); thus establishing
philanthropies at an expense of $636,600. He pub-
lished No Fiction (2 vols., London, 1819); JVorra-
tive of the Visit to the American Churches (2 vols,
1836); and Charges and Sermons (1861). In hym-
nology he issued A Supplement to Dr. Watts's Ptdmi
and Hymns (1817), and The Hymn Book: Prrpmd
from Dr. Watts's Psalms and Hymns (1842). The
latter contained twenty-seven hymns by himself,
one of which was " Holy Ghost! with light divine ";
and nineteen by his wife, Elizabeth Holmes before
her marriage, one of which was " Oh, do not let the
word depart."

Bibuoorapht: A. and C. Heed. Mmoirt of the Lift "*
Philanthropic Labour! of Andrew Rttd. «irt SrfMiwi
from *ii Joumali, 3d ed„ London. 1867 (by his w1:
8. TV. Dufikad, SntHsi Hymn*- p. 218, Ncn York. IsS6;
Julian. Hymnaltn, pp. 953-954; D.VB. rlvii. 388-389.
REED, RICHARD CLARE: Southern Presby-
terian; b. at Harrison, Term., Jan. 24, 1851. He

417

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

neaenoaoner
Reformation

wis graduated at King College, Bristol, Tenn. (A.B.,
1873), and at Union Theological Seminary, Hamp-
dsn-Sidney, Va. (1876); became pastor at Char-
lotte Court House, Va., 1877; Franklin, Tenn.,
1886; of the Second Presbyterian Church, Char-
lotte, N. C, in 1889; and of Woodland Street Church,
Nashville, Tenn., in 1892. Since 1898 he has been
professor of church history in the Presbyterian Theo-
logical Seminary at Columbia, S. C. In theology he
■ a conservative, " loyal to the Calvinistic system
at contained in the Westminster Standards." He
has written The Gospel as Taught by Calvin (Rich-
mond, Va., 1896); History of the Presbyterian
Churches of the World (Philadelphia, 1905); John
Knox, his Field and his Work (Richmond, 1905);
and Presbyterian Doctrines (1906).

REESE, r!s, FREDERICK FOCKE: Protestant
Cpiacopal bishop of Georgia; b. at Baltimore, Md.,

Oct. 23, 1854. He was educated at the University
of Virginia (1872-75) and Berkeley Divinity School,
Middletown, Conn. (1875-76), and was ordered dea-
con in 1878 and advanced to the priesthood in the
following year. He was minister and priest in charge
of All Souls1, Baltimore, as well as curate at the
Church of the Ascension in the same city (1878-85).
and rector of Trinity, Portsmouth, Va. (1885-90)-
Christ Church, Macon, Ga. (1890-1903), and Christ
Church, Nashville, Tenn. (1903-08). He was a
deputy to six general conventions (1892-1907), and
also a trustee of the University of the South,
Sewanee, Tenn. In 1908, on the division of
the diocese of Georgia into the sees of Atlanta
and Georgia, he was consecrated bishop of the
latter.

REEVE, JOHN. See Muggleton, Lodowick,

AND THE MuGGLETONIANS.

L Theories of the Reformation.

1. The Historical View.

2. Views Antagonistic to the Reforma-

tion.
Pralatical Assault on Reformers'

Characters and Motives (J 1).
Minimimng of Religious Element

(12).
II. Principles of the Reformation.
Its Basis (f 1).

THE REFORMATION.

Three Principles of Protestantism
(5 2).
III. The Reformation in the Different
Countries.

1. Germany.

First Period (} 1).
From 1630 to the Thirty Years'
War (| 2).

2. Switzerland.

3. France.

4. Netherlands.

5. Bohemia.

6. Hungary.

7. Poland.

8. Scandinavia.

9. England.

10. Scotland.

11. Italy.

12. Spain.

13. The United States.

Hie Reformation is the historical name for the
religious movement of the sixteenth century, the
greatest since the introduction of Christianity. It
divided the Western Church into two opposing sec-
tions, and gave rise to the various Evangelical or
Protestant organizations of Christendom. It has
three chief branches: the Lutheran, in Germany;
the Zwinglian and Calvinistic, in Switzerland,
France, Holland, and Scotland ; and the Anglican, in
England. Each of these branches has again become
the root of other Protestant denominations, notably
in England and the United States, under the foster-
ing care of civil and religious freedom (for statistics
see Protestantism, II., § 4). Protestantism has
taken hold chiefly of the Germanic or Teutonic
races, and is strongest in Germany, Switzerland,
8candinavia, Holland, the British Empire, and
North America, and extends its missionary opera-
tions to all heathen lands.

L Theories of the Reformation. 1. The Historical
View: It was a salutary religious movement, on the
one hand protesting against abuses in the Church
and, on the other, involving a return to Scripture
in its simple sense. It was primarily neither po-
litical, philosophical, nor literary, but religious and
moral. It was not an abrupt revolution, but had
its roots in the Middle Ages. There were many
" Reformers before the Reformation." The con-
stant pressure in the medieval Church toward re-
form and liberty; the startling tracts of such pam-
phleteers as Marsilius of Padua (q.v.) and George of
Heimburg; the long conflict between the German
emperors and the popes; the reformatory councils
of Pisa, Constance, and Basel; the heretical sects
IX.— 27

such as the Humiliati, Waldenses (qq.v.), and Al-
bigenscs (see Manicheans, II.) in France, northern
Italy, and Austria; Wyclif and the Lollards in Eng-
land; Huss, the Hussites, and the Bohemian Breth-
ren (qq.v.), in Bohemia; Arnold of Brescia and
Savonarola in Italy (qq.v.) ; the spiritualistic piety
and theology of the mystics of the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries; the theological writings of
Wesel, Goch, and Wessel (qq.v.) in Germany and
the Netherlands; [the Brethren of the Common
Life (see Common Life, Brethern of the) in the
Netherlands and Southern Germany]; the rise of
the national languages and letters in connection
with national self-consciousness; the invention of
the printing-press; Humanism (q.v.) and the re-
vival of letters and classical learning under the
direction of Agricola, Reuchlin, and Erasmus
(qq.v.), — all these were preparations for the Ref-
ormation. In all these and similar movements
the impulse was manifesting itself in favor of a
more spiritual conception of Christianity, of the
devotional as opposed to the sacramental view, of
the individualistic as opposed to the hierarchical,
and in favor of the immediate communion of all
Christians with God apart from the sacerdotal aid
of the priesthood. The Evangelical churches claim a
share in the inheritance of all preceding history, and
own their indebtedness to the missionaries, school-
men, fathers, confessors, and martyrs of former ages,
but insist on the immediate authority of Christ and
his inspired organs as final. The Reformation is re-
lated to medieval Catholicism as was the Apostolic
Church to the Jewish synagogue, or the Gospel
dispensation to the dispensation of the law.

Reformation

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

418

8. View AntagonUtio to the Reformation : The
view that the movement was a stage in the legiti-
mate development of the Christian Church is op-
posed by Roman Catholic historians and by writers
of the Anglo-Catholic school in the Church of Eng-
land and the Protestant Episcopal

1. Frelati- church of America. These writers
°*™"*a treat the Reformation as a misfortune

era' Char- or a cnme- " was a cnme m that its
actors and leaders wilfully rent the unity of the
Motives. Western Church. It was a misfortune
in so far as it prevented the orderly
growth of the Church under the conduct of its or-
dained hierarchy and led to a decline of the Church's
influence over the nations and of Christendom in
the world. The chief representatives of this view
are Dollinger, in his early period before 1870, Car-
dinal Hergenrother, Janssen, Denifle, Nicolas Paulus,
Cardinal Newman, and F. A. Gasquet (The Eve of
tlie Reformation , London, 1905). Such Roman Cath-
olic historians as Hcfclc and Funk give to the same
view a moderate statement. The very term
(Neuerung, " Innovation ") which German Roman
Catholics — Denifle, Funk, and others, — give to the
Reformation at once predicates of the movement a
violent rupture with the preceding history of the
Church and departure from the true form of Chris-
tianity. Roman Catholic writers pursue three
methods to show that the Reformation was an in-
salutary and violent rupture: (1) The motives and
character of the Reformers themselves are assailed
as irreligious and sometimes sordid. This method
was applied to the Reformers in their own day or
soon after their death. Luther was charged with
suicide, Calvin with sodomy, and Knox with the
same or other offenses. The producing cause on
the continent is declared to have been the rude
self-will and carnalism of Luther and in England
the sensualism and monarchical pride of Henry
VIII. These men, with Calvin, who is compared
by Dollinger and others with Marsilius of Padua,
coarsely broke with legitimate Church authority,
lawlessly served their own ambitions, and deserved
the title and the fate of heretics. The latest tra-
ducer of the character of the Reformers was the
late Henri Denifle in his learned but intemperate
Luther und Luthertum (2 vols., Mainz, 1904 sqq.).
The assault magnifies the imperfections of the Re-
formers, and leaves out of sight their good qualities
and their purpose to do good. It denies the state-
ments of those who stood nearest to these men, and,
as in the case of Luther, distorts into a confession
of carnalism and debauchery isolated statements
made by Luther himself in his own vigorous and
exaggerated form of speech which probably had no
references to excesses. (2) The doctrines which
the Reformers promulgated are declared not only
unscriptural and contrary to Church tradition but
immoral. Among the first representatives of this
method was Johann Eck (q.v.). There has been no
more able one than Denifle. The latter in a pro-
longed discussion pronounces Luther's doctrine of
justification by faith to be not only the mother of
moral lawlessness but the outcome of Luther's car-
nal habits. Luther, unable and unwilling to re-
strain his appetites, finally gave them full rein and I

invented the doctrine as a cloak for his excesses.
He meant to say, " one may be as immoral as he
pleases, faith will save." Denifle sets over against
this anomic principle the principle he ascribes to
the Catholic Church of salvation through faith work-
ing by love. Love is the element which expresses
itself in obedience and conformity to the moral ex-
ample"of Christ. This element Luther intentionally
left out. In order to make a case Denifle mangfcs
a statement in one of Luther's sermons and then
gives to the fragment an interpretation which an-
tagonizes every principle of fair criticism. (3) The
Reformation is declared to have put a brusk
check upon forces of progress and betterment going
on in the Church. Janssen (History of the German
People at the Close of the Middle Age*, 12 vols.,
London, 1896 sqq.) has presented this view with
subtlety and skill. The work produced a remark-
able sensation when it appeared in German (in 1876
sqq.) and it has passed through nearly twenty edi-
tions (the last, 1896 sqq.) under the hand of Pastor.
Laying stress upon educational forces which were
active, upon certain economic movements in so-
ciety, certain devotional tracts which appeared in
Germany, etc., he confuses the reader into suppo-
sing that these disconnected rills were a great cur-
rent moving toward the ocean of ecclesiastical and
social reform which leaders like Gerson and da-
manges had sighed for and the great reformatory
councils had labored to reach. Luther not only
checked but turned back this movement of prog-
ress and in Germany started an era of social disin-
tegration and individual lawlessness from which
the Western world is still suffering. Janssen (18th
ed., p. 8) distinctly traces the beneficent activity of
the fifteenth century " to the doctrine of the merit
of good works, taught by the Church which in that
age still continued to dominate all minds." This is
not the place to discuss a treatment the plausibil-
ity of which has attracted even members of the
Anglican Church, but is based on insecure founda-
tions. The theory, as handled by Janssen, ignores
the hopeless corruption of the papal court at the
close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the six-
teenth centuries, passes by the utter failure of the
Fifth Lateran Council, which adjourned a few
months before Luther nailed up his theses, to set
reforms on foot, and keeps out of sight the general
distraction of Western Christendom. It also leaves
out of account the fact that the most loyal Roman
Catholic countries since the Reformation era, Aus-
tria, Spain, and South America, have been in mat-
ters of human progress and civilization far behind
the Protestant parts of the world, England. North
America, and Germany. Burckhardt in his History
of the Italian Renaissance declares with no Kttle
probability that the papacy itself was saved by the
Reformation.

Another theory of recent origin goes so far
as to make the religious element secondary in
the Reformation or so to minimize it as to give
it little importance. Thus J. A. Robinson, Study
of the Lutheran Revolt (in American Historical
Review, Jan., 1903), says: " The assertion that
the Reformation can scarcely be called a religious
revolution may prove to be an overstatement, but

419

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Beformation

there are nevertheless weighty arguments which
may be adduced in favor of that conclusion."
This theory involves the singular con-
*" *ini" ception that the modern observer
Sjffto us ^nows better what was in the minds
Element. °f Luther, Calvin, and Latimer, than
these men knew themselves. They
were under the impression that they were moved by
religious considerations and had religious ends in
view, but they were mistaken. Their opponents,
also, were mistaken in opposing them with argu-
ments drawn from religion. Moreover, the vast
literature produced in the age of the Reformation
was written with a mistaken view of what the
struggle going on meant. Lasting social, political,
and economic changes followed the Reformation,
and were involved in its principles, but primarily
the movement was a revolt of conscience against
abuses in the Church and was a reproclamation of
the Gospel. Such, at any rate, was the view of the
Reformers themselves.

IL Principles of the Reformation: The move-
ment started with the practical question, How can
the troubled conscience find pardon and peace, and
become sure of personal salvation? It retained from
the Roman Catholic system all the ob-
x. Its jective doctrines of Christianity con-
Basis, cerning the Trinity and the divine-
human character and work of Christ,
in fact, all the articles of faith contained in the
Apostles' and other ecumenical creeds of the early
church. But it joined issue with the prevailing
soteriology, that is, the application of the doctrines
relating to Christianity, especially the justification
of the sinner before God, the character of faith, good
works, the rights of conscience, the rule of faith,
and the meaning and number of the sacraments.
It brought the believer into direct relation and
union with Christ as the one and all-sufficient source
of salvation, and set aside the doctrines of sacer-
dotal and saintly mediation and intercession. The
Protestant goes directly to the Word of God for in-
struction, and to the throne of grace in his devo-
tions; while the pious Roman Catholic consults the
tithing of his church, and prefers to offer his
prayers through the medium of the Virgin Mary and
the saints.

From this general principle of Evangelical free-
dom, and direct individual relationship of the be-
liever to Christ, proceed the three fundamental doc-
trines of Protestantism — the absolute
a. Three supremacy of (1) the Word and of (2)
Principles the grace of Christ, and (3) the general
of Prot- priesthood of believers. The first is
— fanrtatn called the formal, or, better, the ob-
jective principle; the second, the ma-
terial, or, better, the subjective principle; the third
may be called the social, or ecclesiastical principle.
German writers emphasize the first two, but often
overlook the third, which is of equal importance.
(1) The objective principle proclaims the canonical
Scriptures, especially the New Testament, to be the
only infallible source and rule of faith and practise,
and asserts the right of private interpretation of the
same, in distinction from the Roman Catholic view,
which declares the Bible and tradition to be co-

ordinate sources and rules of faith, and makes tra-
dition, especially the decrees of popes and councils,
the only legitimate and infallible interpreter of the
Bible. In its extreme form Chillingworth expressed
this principle of the Reformation in the well-known
formula, " The Bible, the whole Bible, and nothing
but the Bible, is the religion of Protestants." Prot-
estantism, however, by no means despises or rejects
church authority as such, but only subordinates it
to, and measures its value by, the Bible, and be-
lieves in a progressive interpretation of the Bible
through the expanding and deepening conscious-
ness of Christendom. Hence, besides having its own
symbols or standards of public doctrine, it retained
all the articles of the ancient creeds and a large
amount of disciplinary and ritual tradition, and re-
jected only those doctrines and ceremonies for which
no clear warrant was found in the Bible and which
seemed to contradict its letter or spirit. The Cal-
vinistic branches of Protestantism went farther in
their antagonism to the received traditions than the
Lutheran and the Anglican; but all united in re-
jecting the authority of the pope, the meritorious-
ness of good works, indulgences, the worship of the
Virgin, saints, and relics, the sacraments (other than
baptism and the Eucharist), the dogma of tran-
substantiation and the sacrifice of the mass, purga-
tory, and prayers for the dead, auricular confession,
celibacy of the clergy, the monastic system, and the
use of the Latin tongue in public worship, for which
the vernacular languages were substituted. (2) The
subjective principle of the Reformation is justifica-
tion by faith alone, or, rather, by free grace through
faith operative in good works. It has reference to
the personal appropriation of the Christian salva-
tion, and aims to give all glory to Christ, by de-
claring that the sinner is justified before God (i.e.,
is acquitted of guilt, and declared righteous) solely
on the ground of the all-sufficient merits of Christ
as apprehended by a living faith, in opposition to
the theory — then prevalent, and substantially sanc-
tioned by the Council of Trent — which makes faith
and good works coordinate sources of justification,
laying the chief stress upon works. Protestantism
does not depreciate good works; but it denies their
value as sources or conditions of justification, and
insists on them as the necessary fruits of faith, and
evidence of justification. (3) The universal priest-
hood of believers implies the right and duty of the
Christian laity not only to read the Bible in the
vernacular, but also to take part in the government
and all the public affairs of the Church. It is opposed
to the hierarchical system, which puts the essence
and authority of the Church in an exclusive priest-
hood, and makes ordained priests the necessary
mediators between God and the people.

m. The Reformation in the Different Countries. —
1. Germany: The movement in Germany was di-
rected by the genius and energy of Luther, and the
learning and moderation of Melanchthon, assisted
by the electors* of Saxony and other

Period^ princes, and sustained by the majority
of the people, in spite of the opposi-
tion of the bishops and the Emperor Charles V. It
started in the University of Wittenberg with a pro-
test against the traffic in indulgences, Oct. 31, 1517.

Befonnation

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

420

and soon spread all over Germany, which was in
various ways prepared for a breach with the pope.
At first Luther shrank in horror from the idea of a
separation from the traditions of the past, and he
attacked a few abuses, taking it for granted that
the pope himself would condemn them if properly
informed. But the irresistible logic of events brought
him into irreconcilable conflict with the central
authority of the Church. Leo X., in June, 1520,
pronounced the sentence of excommunication
against Luther, who, in turn, burned the bull. The
Diet of Worms in 1521 added to the pope's excom-
munication the ban of the emperor. The bold stand
of the poor monk, in the face of the combined civil
and ecclesiastical powers of the age, is one of the
sublimest scenes in history, and marks an epoch in
the progress of freedom. The dissatisfaction with
the various abuses of Rome and the desire for the
free preaching of the Gospel were so extensive,
that the Reformation, both in its negative and posi-
tive features, spread, in spite of the pope's bull and
the emperor's ban, and gained a foothold before
1530 in the greater part of northern Germany, espe-
cially in Saxony, Brandenburg, Hesse, Pomerania,
Mecklenburg, Luneburg, Friesland, and in nearly
all the free cities, as Hamburg, Lubeck, Bremen,
Magdeburg, Frankfort, and Nuremberg; while in
Austria, Bavaria, and along the Rhine, it was per-
secuted and suppressed. Among the principal
causes of this rapid progress were the writings of
the Reformers, Luther's German version of the
Scriptures (see Bible Versions, B, VII., § 3) and
Evangelical hymns, which introduced the new ideas
into public worship and the hearts of the people.
The Diet of Speyer in 1526 (see Speyer, Diets of)
left each state to its own discretion concerning the
question of reform until a general council should
settle it for all, and thus sanctioned the principle of
territorial independence in matters of religion which
prevails in Germany to this day; each sovereignty
having its own separate ecclesiastical establish-
ment in close union with the State. The next diet
of Speyer (in 1529) prohibited the further progress
of the Reformation. Against this decree of the
Roman Catholic majority, the Evangelical princes
entered, on the ground of the Word of God, the in-
alienable rights of conscience, and the decree of the
previous diet, the celebrated protest, dated Apr.
19, 1529, which gave rise to the name, " Protes-
tants." The Diet of Augsburg, in 1530, where the
Lutherans offered their principal confession of faith,
drawn up by Melanchthon, and named after that
city, threatened the Protestants with violent meas-
ures if they did not return to the old Church. Here
closes the first, the heroic, and the most eventful
period of the German Reformation.

The second period embraces the formation of the
Protestant League of Schmalkald (see Schmalkald,
Articles of) for the armed defense of Lutheran-
ism, the various theological confer-
:'""! ences of the two parties for an ad just-
Thirty- ment °f *ne controversy, the death of
Years* War. Luther (1546), the imperial "In-
terims " or compromises (see Interim),
and the Schmalkald War, and ends with the suc-
cess of the Protestant army, under Maurice of

Saxony, and the treaty of Passau, 1552, giving legal
recognition to Protestants. This was confirmed at
the diet of Augsburg (see Augsburg, Religious
Peace of). The third period, from 1555 to 1580,
is characterized by the violent internal controver-
sies within the Lutheran Church — the Osiaodnan
controversy, concerning justification and sanctifi-
cation (see Osiander, Andreas) ; the adiaphorkk,
arising originally from the Interims (see Adiaphora

AND THE ADIAPHORI8TIC CONTROVERSIES, f § 6-8);

the synergistic, concerning faith and good worfa
(see Synergism); and the crypto-Calvinistic, or
sacramentarian controversy, about the real pres-
ence in the Eucharist (see Phujppists). These
theological disputes led to the full development and
completion of the doctrinal system of Lutheran-
ism as laid down in the Book of Concord (first pub-
lished in 1580), which embraces all the symbolical
books of that church, namely, the three ecumenical
creeds; the Augsburg Confession and its Apology
(q.v.), both by Melanchthon; the two Catechisms
of Luther (see Luther's Two Catechisms), and
the Schmalkald Articles (q.v.) drawn up by him
in 1537; and the Formula of Concord (q.v.). On
the other hand, the fanatical intolerance of the
strict Lutheran party against the Calvinists and the
moderate Lutherans (called, after their leader, Me-
lanchthonians or Philippists) drove a large number
of the latter over to the Reformed (Calvinistk)
Church, especially in the Palatinate (1560), in
Bremen (1561), Nassau (1582), Anhalt (1596),
Hesse-Cassel (1605), and Brandenburg (1614). The
German Reformed communion adopted the Hei-
delberg Catechism (q.v.) as their confession of faith.
The sixteenth century closes the theological hit-
tory of the German Reformation ; but its political
history was not brought to a termination until after
the terrible Thirty Years' War (q.v.), by the Treaty
of Westphalia in 1648 (see Westphalia, Peace or),
which secured to the Lutherans and the German
Reformed churches (but to no others) equal rights
with the Roman Catholics within the limits of the
German Empire. These two denominations, either
in their separate existence, or united in one organ-
ization under the name of the Evangelical Church
(as in Prussia, Baden, Wurttemberg, and other
states, since 1817), continue the only forms of Prot-
estantism recognized and supported by the German
governments; all others being small, self-support
ing " sects," nourished mostly by foreign aid (the
Baptists and Methodists of England and America).
2. Switzerland; The Reformation here was con-
temporaneous with, but independent of, the German
Reformation, and resulted in the Reformed commu-
nion as distinct from the Lutheran. In all the essen-
tial principles and doctrines, except the mode of
Christ's presence in the Eucharist, the Helvetic
Reformation agreed with the German; but it de-
parted farther from the received traditions in mat-
ters of government, discipline, and worship, and
aimed at a more radical moral and practical refor-
mation of the people. It naturally divides itself
into three periods: the Zwinglian, from 1516 to
1531 ; the Calvinistic, to the death of Calvin in 1564;
and the period of Bullinger and Beza, to the clow
of the sixteenth century. The first belongs mainly

421

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Reformation

to the German cantons; the second, to the French;
the third, to both jointly. Zwingli (q.v.) began his
reformatory preaching against various abuses, at
Einsiedeln, in 1516, and then, with more energy
and effect, at Zurich, in 1519. At first he had the
consent of the bishop of Constance, who assisted
him in putting down the sale of indulgences in
Switzerland; and he stood in high credit even with
the papal nuncio. But a rupture occurred in 1522,
when Zwingli attacked the fasts as a human inven-
tion; and many of his hearers ceased to observe
them. The magistrate of Zurich appointed public
disputations in Jan. and Oct., 1523, to settle the
controversy. On both occasions, Zwingli, backed
by the authorities and the great majority of the
people, triumphed over his papal opponents. In
1526 the churches of the city and the neighboring
villages were cleared of images and shrines; and a
simple mode of worship was substituted for the
mass. The Swiss diet (like the German) took a
hostile attitude to the Reformed movement, with a
respectable minority in its favor. To settle the
controversy for the republic, a general theological
conference was held at Baden, in the Canton Aar-
gau, in May, 1526, with Johann Eck (q.v.), the
famous antagonist of Luther, as the champion of
the Roman, and (Ecolampadius of the Reformed
cause. The result was in form adverse, but in fact
favorable, to the cause of the Reformation, which
was now introduced in the majority of the cantons,
at the wish of the magistrates and the people, by
(Ecolampadius in Basel, and by Haller in Bern, also,
in part, in St. Gall, Schaffhausen, Glarus, Appen-
zell, Thurgau, and the Grisons; while in the French
portions of Switzerland Guillaume Farel and Viret
(qq.v.) prepared the way for Calvin. But the small
cantons around the Lake of Lucerne, Uri, Schwytz,
Unterwalden, Lucerne, and Zug, steadfastly op-
posed every innovation. At last it came to open
war between the Reformed and Roman Catholic
cantons. Zwingli's policy was overruled by the ap-
parently more humane, but in fact more cruel and
disastrous, policy of Bern, to force the poor moun-
taineers into measures by starvation. The Roman
Catholics, resolved to maintain their rights, attacked
and routed the small army of Zurich in the battle
of Cappel, Oct., 1531. Zwingli, who had accom-
panied his flock as chaplain and patriot, met a
heroic death on the field of battle; and (Ecolam-
padius of Basel died a few weeks after. Thus the
progress of the Reformation was suddenly arrested
in the German portions of Switzerland, and one-
third of it remains Roman Catholic to this day. But
it took a new start in the western or French can-
tons, and rose there to a higher position than ever.
Soon after this critical juncture, the great master
mind of the Reformed Church — who was to carry
forward, to modify, and to complete the work of
Zwingli, and to rival Luther in influence — began to
attract the attention of the public. John Calvin
(q.v.), Frenchman by birth and education, but
exiled from his native land for his faith, found a
new home, in 1536, in Geneva, where Farel had pre-
pared the way. Here he developed his extraordi-
nary genius and energy as the greatest theologian
and disciplinarian of the Reformation, and made

Geneva the model church for the Reformed com-
munion and a hospitable asylum for persecuted
Protestants of every nation. His theological wri-
tings, especially the Institutes and Commentaries,
exerted a formative influence on all Reformed
churches and confessions of faith; while his legis-
lative genius developed the Presbyterian form of
government, which rests on the principle of minis-
terial equality, and of a popular representation of
the congregation by lay elders. Calvin left in Theo-
dore Beza (q.v.) a worthy successor, who, with
Heinrich Bullinger (q.v.), the successor of Zwingli
in Zurich, labored to the close of the sixteenth cen-
tury for the consolidation of the Swiss Reformation
and the spread of its principles in France, Holland,
Germany, England, and Scotland.

8. Franoe: While the Reformation in Germany
and Switzerland carried with it the majority of the
population, it met in France the united opposition
of the court, the hierarchy, and popular sentiment,
and had to work its way through severe trial and
persecution. Many of the first professed Protes-
tants were either put to death or sought safety in
exile. It was only after the successful establish-
ment of the Reformation in French Switzerland that
the movement became serious in the neighboring
kingdom. The first Protestant congregation was
formed at Paris in 1555, and the first synod held in
the same city in 1559. In 1561, at the theological
conference at Poissy, Theodore Beza (q.v.) elo-
quently but vainly pleaded the cause of the Protes-
tants before the dignitaries of the Roman Church,
and there the name " Reformed," as an ecclesias-
tical designation, originated. In 1571 the general
synod at La Rochelle adopted the Gallican Con-
fession (q.v.), and a system of government and dis-
cipline essentially Calvinistic, yet modified by the
peculiar circumstances of a church not in union with
the State (as in Geneva), but in antagonism to it.
The movement unavoidably assumed a political
character, and led to a series of civil wars, which
distracted France till the close of the sixteenth cen-
tury. The Roman Catholic party, backed by the
majority of the population, was headed by the
dukes of Guise, and looked to the throne, then occu-
pied by the house of Valois. The Protestant (or
Huguenot) party, numerically weaker, but con-
taining some of the noblest blood and best talent of
France, was headed by the princes of Navarre, the
next heirs to the throne. The queen-regent, Catha-
rine, during the minority of her sons (Francis II.
and Charles IX.), although decidedly Roman Catho-
lic in sentiment, tried to keep the rival parties in
check, in order to control both. But the champions
of Rome took possession of Paris, while the Prince
of Conde* occupied Orleans. The shameless and
cold-blooded massacre of the Huguenots on St.
Bartholomew's Day, Aug. 24, 1572, disabled but
did not annihilate the Protestant party, and the
ascent to the throne of Henry of Navarre, who,
after the assassination of Henry III. in 1589, be-
came king of France as Henry IV., seemed to de-
cide the triumph of Protestantism in France. But
the Roman Catholic party, still more numerous and
powerful, and supported by Spain and the pope,
elected a rival head, and threatened to plunge the

Reformation

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

428

country into new bloodshed. Then Henry, from
political and patriotic motives, in 1593 abjured the
Protestant faith in which he had been brought up,
saying that " to reign is well worth a mass." At the
same time he secured, in 1598, to his former associ-
ates, then numbering about 760 congregations
throughout the kingdom, a legal existence and the
right of the free exercise of religion, by the celebrated
Edict of Nantes (see Nantes, Edict of). But the
Reformed Church in France, after flourishing for a
time, was overwhelmed with new disasters under
the despotism of Richelieu, and finally the revoca-
tion of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV. in 1685
reduced it to a " church of the desert " (see C ami-
sards; Court, Antoine; Rabaut, Paul). This
survived the most cruel persecutions at home, and
enriched by thousands of exiles the population of
every Protestant country in Europe and America.
See France; Huguenots.

4. The Netherlands: Here the movement was in-
spired in part by Luther's works, but mostly by
Reformed and Calvinistic influences from Switzer-
land and France. Its first martyrs, Each and Voes,
were burned at Antwerp in 1523, and celebrated by
Luther in a poem. The despotic arm of Charles V.
and his son Philip II. resorted to the severest meas-
ures for crushing the rising spirit of religious and
political liberty. The duke of Alva surpassed the
persecuting heathen emperors of Rome in cruelty,
and, according to Grotius, destroyed the lives of a
hundred thousand Dutch Protestants during the
six years of his regency ( 1 567-73) . Finally the seven
northern provinces formed a federal republic, first
under the leadership of William of Orange, and,
after his assassination (1584), under his son Maurice,
and after a long and heroic struggle accomplished
their severance from the Church of Rome and the
Spanish crown. The southern provinces remained
Roman Catholic, and subject to Spain. The first
Dutch Reformed synod was held at Dort in 1574,
and in the next year the University of Leyden was
founded. The Reformed Church of Holland adopted
the Heidelberg Catechism, the Belgic Confession
(qq.v.), and the canons of the Synod of Dort of
1618-19 (see Dort, Synod of). In the Netherlands
the system of Arminianism was constructed by
pupils of Beza, and involved the Dutch church in
long and bitter controversies (sec Arminius, Ja-
cobus, and Arminianism). Arminianism infiltrated
into England in the latter part of the reign of James
I. and under Laud, and was adopted by John Wesley.
[Laud's ant i- August inianism was not Arminianism
but Semipelngianism of the Roman Catholic type.
Wesley's was the latter blended with the old evan-
gelical anti-Augustinianism perpetuated by the
Bohemian Brethren and the Unity of the Brethren
(q<j.v.). A. H. N.]

5. Bohemia: Preparation was made for the Ref-
ormation here by the labors and martyrdoms of
John Huss and Jerome of Prague (qq.v.). Their
followers, the Hussites, would have prevailed in the
wars which followed if they had not been broken
up by internal dissensions between the Calixtines,
the Utraquists, and Taborites. From their rem-
nants arose the Unitas Fratrum or Bohemian Breth-
ren (q.v.). In spite of violent persecution, they

perpetuated themselves in Bohemia and Moravia.
When the Reformation broke out, they sent several
deputations to Luther; and many of them em-
braced the doctrines of the Augsburg Confession,
but the majority passed to the Reformed or Cal-
vinistic communion. During the reign of Maximil-
ian II., there was a fair prospect of the conversion
of the whole Bohemian nation; but the Thirty
Years' War (q.v.) and the Counter-Reformation
crushed Protestantism, and turned Bohemia into a
scene of desolation. A Jesuit named Anton Kon-
iasch (1637) boasted that he had burned over 60,000
Bohemian books, mostly Bibles. The Bohemian
Brethren who had fled to Moravia became, under
Count Ziiusendorf s care, the nucleus of the Mora-
vian Church (see Unity of the Brethren). But
even in Bohemia Protestantism could not be utterly
annihilated, and began to raise its head when the
Emperor Joseph II. issued the Edict of Toleration,
Oct. 29, 1781. The revival of Czech patriotism and
literature came to its aid. The fifth centenary of
Huss was celebrated in Prague, 1869, marked by the
publication of Documenta Magistri Johannis Hut,
ed. F. Palacky (Prague, 1869). See Austria;
Bohemian Brethren; Hungary; Huss, John,
Hussites.

6. Hungary: This country was first brought
into contact with the Reformation by disciples of
Luther and Melanchthon, who had studied at Wit-
tenberg, after 1524. Ferdinand I. granted to some
magnates and cities liberty of worship, and Maxi-
milian II. (1564-76) enlarged the scope. Mityfc
Biro DeVay (q.v.), the first parson and leader, was at
first a Lutheran, but in his later years adopted the
views of the Swiss Reformer. The Synod of ErdGd,
in 1545, organized the Lutheran, and the Synod
of Czenger, in 1557, the Reformed Church. Ru-
dolph II. having suppressed religious liberty, Prince
Stephen Bocskag of Transylvania, strengthened by
his alliance with the Turks, reconquered by force
of arms (1606) full toleration for the Lutherans and
Calvinists in Hungary and Transylvania, which
under his successors, Bethlen Gabor and George
Rakoczy I., was confirmed by the treaties of Ni-
kolsburg (1622) and Linz (1645). In Transylvania,
Socinianism also found a refuge, and has maintained
itself to this day. See Hungary.

7. Poland: Fugitive Bohemian Brethren, or
Hussites, and the writings of the German Reform-
ers, originated the movement in Poland. King
Sigismund Augustus (1548-72) favored it, and cor-
responded with Calvin. The most distinguished
Protestant of that country was Johannes a Lasco
(q.v.), a Calvinist. A compromise between the
Lutheran and Reformed parties was effected by the
general synod of Sendomir (Consensus Sendomincn-
sis), in 1570; but subsequently internal dissensions,
the increase of Socinianism, and the efforts of the
Jesuits blighted Protestantism in that country.
The German provinces now belonging to Russia—
Courland, Livonia, and Esthonia — opened the door
to the Reformation, and adopted the Augsburg Con-
fession. See Poland.

8. Scandinavia: The Reformers of Sweden were
two brothers, Olav and Lars Petri (see Sweden).
disciples of Luther, who, after 1519, preached against

423

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Beformation

the existing state of the Church. They were aided
by Lorenz Anderson (q.v.). Gustavus Vasa, who
delivered the country from the Danes in 1523,
favored Protestantism; and the whole country, in-
cluding the bishops, followed his example. In 1527
the Reformation was legalized ; and, in 1593, the
Synod of Upsala confirmed and completed the work
by adopting the original Augsburg Confession, to
the exclusion of every other. Sweden retained the
episcopal form of government in the closest union
with the State. This country did great service to
the cause of Protestantism in Europe through its
gallant King Gustavus Adolphus, in the Thirty
Years' War. In 1877 complete religious freedom
was granted. Denmark became likewise an exclu-
sively Lutheran country, with an episcopal form
of State-church government, under Christian III.
The new bishops received presbyterial ordination
through Bugennagen, and are therefore merely su-
perintendents, like the bishops in the Evangelical
Church of Prussia.* A diet at Copenhagen in 1536
destroyed the political power of the Roman clergy,
and divided two-thirds of that church's property
between the crown and the nobility. The remain-
ing third was devoted to the new ecclesiastical or-
ganization. From Denmark, the Reformation
passed over to Norway, in 1536. The archbishop of
Drontheim fled with the treasures of the church to
Holland; another bishop resigned; a third was
imprisoned ; and the lower clergy were left the choice
between exile, and submission to the new order of
things, which most of them preferred. Iceland, then
subject to Danish rule, likewise submitted to the
Danish reform. See Denmark; Norway; and
Sweden.

0. England: The struggle between the old and
the new religion lasted longer in England and Scot-
land than on the continent, and continued in suc-
cessive shocks down to the end of the seventeenth
century; but it left in the end a very strong im-
pression upon the character of the nation, and af-
fected deeply its political and social institutions.
In theology, English Protestantism was dependent
upon the continental reform, especially the ideas
and principles of Calvin; but it displayed greater
political energy and power of organization. It was
from the start a political as well as a religious move-
ment, and hence it afforded a wider scope to the
corrupting influence of selfish ambition and violent
passion than the Reformation in Germany and
Switzerland; but it passed, also, through severer
trials and persecutions. In the English Reforma-
tion five periods may be distinguished. The first,
from 1527 to 1547, witnessed the abolition of the
authority of the Roman papacy under Henry VIII.,
the culminating deed being the passing of the Act
of Supremacy, 1534, making the king " the only head
on earth of the church of God called the Anglicana
eccleaia." Henry quarreled with the pope on purely
personal and selfish grounds, because the latter re-
fused consent to his divorce from Catharine of Ara-

* Hie Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States,
after its separate organisation, first sought episcopal ordina-
tion from Denmark; but, before the negotiations were com-
pleted, an act of Parliament was passed, which empowered
the Archbishop of Canterbury to ordain bishops for a foreign
country.

gon. " The defender of the faith," a title given him
by the pope for his defense of the seven sacraments
against Luther, remained in doctrine and religious
sentiment a Roman Catholic to the end of his life;
and at his death the so-called " bloody articles " —
which enjoined under the severest penalties the
dogma of transubstantiation, auricular confession,
private masses, and the celibacy of the priesthood
— were in full force. He punished with equal sever-
ity Protestant as well as Roman-Catholic dissenters
who dared to doubt his headship of the Church of
England. But, while he thus destroyed the power
of the pope and of monasticism in England, a far
deeper and more important movement went on
among the people, under the influence of the re-
vived traditions of Wyclif and the Lollards, the
writings of the continental Reformers, and chiefly
of the English version of the Scriptures (see Bible
Versions, B, IV., §§ 3-4). The second period em-
braces the reign of Edward VI., from 1547 to 1553,
and marks the positive introduction of the Refor-
mation. Its chief ecclesiastical agent, Cranmer, was
assisted in the work by Ridley and Latimer (qq.v.),
and by several Reformed divines from the continent
whom he called to England, especially Butzer (q.v.)
of Strasburg, who was elected professor at Cam-
bridge, and Peter Martyr of Zurich, for some time
professor at Oxford. The most important works of
this period and in fact of the whole English Reforma-
tion, next to the English version of the Bible, are the
Forty-two Articles of Religion (subsequently reduced
to thirty-nine; see Thirty-nine Articles), and the
Book of Common Prayer (see Common Prayer,
Book op).

The third period is the reign of Queen Mary,
from 1553 to 1558, and presents the unsuccess-
ful attempt of that queen and Cardinal Pole,
archbishop of Canterbury, to restore the Roman
Catholic religion and the authority of the pope. The
papal interim did more to consolidate the Reforma-
tion in England than Henry, Edward, and Eliza-
beth. Hundreds were martyred in this short reign.
Others fled to the continent, especially to Geneva,
Zurich, Basel, and Frankfort, where they were hos-
pitably received and brought into closer contact
with the Reformed churches of Switzerland and
Germany. The fourth period is the restoration and
permanent establishment of the Anglican Reforma-
tion, during the long reign of Elizabeth (1558-1603).
The Roman Catholic hierarchy was replaced by a
Protestant; and the Articles of Religion, and the
Common Prayer Book of the reign of Edward, were
introduced again, after revision. The ecclesiastical
supremacy of the crown was likewise renewed, but
in a modified form; the queen refusing the title
" supreme head " of the Church of England, and
choosing, in its place, the less objectionable title
" supreme governor." The Anglican Church, as
established by Elizabeth, was semi-Roman Catholic
in its form of prelatical government and liturgical
worship, a sort of via media between Rome and
Geneva. It suited the policy of the court, but was
offensive to the severe school of strict Calvmists who
had returned from their continental exile. The re-
sult was the prolonged conflict between Anglican-
ism and Puritanism in the bosom of the English

Reformation
Reformed Ohuroh

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

424

church. The Acts of Uniformity (see Uniformity,
Acts of), requiring strict adherence to the letter of
the Prayer Book in every particular without omis-
sion or addition, embittered the Puritan party and
also resulted in a depletion of its numbers. After
the defeat of the Armada, some Puritan repre-
sent ntiven were put to death, while others
sought religious freedom by fleeing to Holland.
The fifth period begins in 1603 with the reign
of James I. The unhealthy religious policy of
tliat king and his successor Charles I. stirred the
Puritan spirit of the realm, and the agitation cul-
minated in the Westminster Assembly (q.v.), in
which Puritanism had a memorable but temporary
triumph. Under Charles II. (1660-85) episcopacy
was reestablished. After the final overthrow of
the Stuarts, who had adopted Roman Catholicism,
the Dissenters secured a limited liberty by the Acts
of Toleration of 1689 (see Liberty, Religious;
and England, Church of).

io. Scotland: The first impulse to the Reforma-
tion in Scotland proceeded from Germany and
Switzerland. Copies of the writings of the continen-
tal Reformers found their way to the far north.
Among its first martyrs here were Patrick Hamil-
ton and George Wishart (qq.v.), who spent some
time on the continent and were condemned to the
stake by Archbishop Beaton. The movement was
carried to a successful conclusion under the guid-
ance of John Knox (q.v.). The Parliament of 1560
formally introduced the Reformation, and adopted
the First Scotch Confession, drawn up by its ap-
pointment by Knox, Spottiswoode, Row, and three
others, and prohibited, under severe penalties, the
exercise of Roman Catholic worship. This con-
fession remained the law till the adoption of the
Westminster Confession in 1648. In 1561 the first
Book of Discipline was issued, and gave the new
church a complete Presbyterian organization, cul-
minating in a general assembly of ministers and
elders. The mode of worship, provided for in the
Book of Our Common Order adopted 1564, was
reduced to the greatest simplicity, with a decided
predominance of the didactic element. Knox
followed closely the model set by the Church of
Geneva, which he esteemed " the best school of
Christ since the days of the apostles." When
the unfortunate Mary Stuart began her reign,
in Aug., 1561, she made an attempt to restore
the Roman Catholic religion. But her own im-
prudence and the determined resistance of Knox
and the nation, frustrated her plans. After her
flight to England (1568), Protestantism was
again declared the only religion of Scotland, and
received formal, legal sanction under the regency of
Murray. The second period in the Scotch Refor-
mation includes the determined conflict between
Andrew Melville (q.v.), the champion of presby-
tery, and James VI., who was bent upon the over-
throw of the Presbyterian forms of government
and worship and the introduction of episcopacy
after the model in vogue in England.

ii. For Italy, see Italy, Reformation in.

12. For Spain, see Spain, Reformation in.

13. The United States: Protestantism was
planted here by the first Protestant emigrants to the

various colonies, from the Puritans in New Eng-
land to the Dutch, Swedes, Germans, and French
of the Middle colonies, and the Anglican and Hu-
guenots of Virginia and the Carolinas. All types of
the continental and the English and Scotch-Irish
Reformations obtained a firm foothold before the
close of the seventeenth century.

(Philip ScHAFFf.) D. S. Schafp.
The general survey of the course of the Refor-
mation given above may be supplemented for its
details by the accounts given in this work of the
lives of the Reformers, greater and lesser, most of
whom are mentioned in the text. The article Prot-
estantism should also be consulted, and such other
topics as Christopher, Duke of Wuebttembero;
Augsburg Confession and its Apology; Augs-
burg, Religious Peace of; Heidelberg Cate-
chism; Huguenots; Inner Austria; the articles
on the various confessions resulting from the Ref-
ormation, and on the colloquies and conferences
held during its course.

Bibuograpbt: The chief sources are the writinp of the
Reformers, named in the articles on them in this work.
The reader is also referred to the lists of literature ap-
pended to those articles, many of the entries dealing with
particular phases of the movement. On the preparation
for and principles of the Reformation consult the litera-
ture under Protestantism, and: E. de Bonnechose, B&
formateurs avant la riforme, 2 vols., Paris, 1844. 2d. ed.,
1846, Eng. transl., Reformer* before the Reformation, Edin-
burgh, 1851; C. Ullmann, Reformer* before the Refoma-
Hon, 2 vols.. Edinburgh, 1874-77; H. Worsley, TheDavn
of the English Reformation; its Friend* and its Enema,
London, 1890; F. A. Gasquet (Roman Catholic), The
Eve of the Reformation, New York, 1901; H. B. Work-
man, Dawn of the Reformation, London, 1901: G. Bonet-
Maury, Lee Precursiurs de la rSforme et de la Hberti de
conscience dans des pays latins du zii. Steele au xvi. tiide,
Paris, 1903; A. O. Meyer, Studien eur Vorgeschkhte der
Reformation, Munich, 1903; Schaff, Christian Chunk, v.
2, chap. v.

The General History of the Reformation is treated
in the great works on church history, listed in Chubch
History. For the English reader the best works are:
T. M. Lindsay, The Reformation, Edinburgh, 1882; idem,
Hist, of the Reformation, 2 vols., ib. 1906-07; and Cam-
bridge Modern History, vol. ii.. New York, 1904 (contains
elaborate bibliography). Consult further: D. SchenkeL
Die Reformatoren und die Reformation, Wiesbaden, 1856;
idem, Das Wesen des Protestantismus, 3 vols., Schafl-
hausen, 1862; M. de Aubigne, Hist, de la reformation, 5
vols., Paris, 1835-53; idem, Hist, de la reformation au
temps de Calvin, 5 vols., ib. 1862-75 (in Eng. transl. in
many editions, e.g., the two in 13 vols.. New York, 1879).
L. Hflusscr, Geschichte des Zei taller s der Reformation, Ber-
lin, 1868, Eng. transl., The Period of the Reformation, ed.
W. Oncken, Edinburgh, 1885; A. R. Pennington. God in
the History of the Reformation in Germany and England,
and in the Preparation for it, London. 1869; F. Seebohm,
Era of the Protestant Revolution, London. 1874; M. J.
Spalding (Roman Catholic), Hist, of the Protestant Refor-
mation, Baltimore, 1875; K. R. Hagenbach. History 0/
the Reformation, 3 vols., Edinburgh, 1880-81; A. Laugd
La Ri forme au xvi. siecle, Paris, 1881 ; S. A. Swaine. Tkt
Religious Revolution, London, 1882; C. Beard. The Refor-
mation in it* Relation to Modern Thought and Knourledor,
London, 1885 (able); H. Schmidt, Handbuch der Symbolik,
Berlin, 1890; L. Koenig, Die papstliche Kammer untff
Clemens V. und Johann XXII., Vienna, 1894; J. A.
Babington, The Reformation, London, 1901; W. Walker.
The Reformation. New York. 1901; B. J. Kidd. The Con-
tinental Reformation. London, 1902; A. H. Newman,
Manual of Church History, vol. ii., Philadelphia. 1903;
J. M. Stone, Reformation and Renaissance, 1377-1610,
London. 1904; C. Beard. The Reformation, London, 1906;
G. P. Fisher, Hist, of the Reformation, New York. 1906;
K. von Hase, Handbook of the Controversy uHth Rome, ed.
J. W. Steane, 2 vols., London, 1906; P. Whitney, The

4*6

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Reformation
Reformed Church

Reformation; Outline of the Hi*, of the Church, 1603-1648,
New York, 1907; J. 8. Schapiro, Social Reform and the
Reformation, ib. 1909; H. Wace, Principle of the Refor-
mation, Practical and Historical, London, 1910.

On Germany consult: Schaff, Christian Church, vol. vi
(with rich and well-arranged lists of literature); J. Slei-
dan, The General History of the Reformation of the Church
from the Errors and Corruptions of Rome, Begun in Ger-
many by Martin Luther 1617-66. With a Continuation to
the Council of Trent 166$, by E. Bohun, London, 1689;
P. Marheinecke, Geschichte der teutschen Reformation, 4
vols.. Berlin, 1831 (excellent, popular); C. P. Krauth, The
Conservative Reformation, Philadelphia, 1872; A. Schmel-
ser, Die deutsche Reformation, Merseburgh, 1883; L. Keller,
Die Reformation und die aJteren Reformparteien, Leipsic,
1885; C. Beard, Martin Luther and the Reformation in
Germany until the Close of the Diet of Worms, ed. J. F.
Smith, London, 1889; F. von Besold, Geschichte der
deutschen Reformation, Berlin, 1890; J. P. Edmond, Cata-
logue of a Collection of Fifteen Hundred Tracts by M.
Luther and his Contemporaries, London, 1903; W. Frie-
densburg, Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte, Berlin, 1903;
L. von Ranke, History of the Reformation in Germany,
translated by S. Austin, London, 1905; W. Walther, Fur
Luther under Rom, Halle, 1900; F. Thudichum, Die deutsche
Reformation 1617-87, vols, i.-ii., 1617-57, Leipsic, 1907-
1909.

On Switzerland consult: Schaff, Christian Church, vol.
vii (with selected lists of literature); A. Ruchat, Hist, de
la reformation de la Suisse, 7 vols., Paris, 1835-38; A. L.
Herminjard, Correspondance des riformateurs, 9 vols.,
Geneva, 1866-97; Archiv fur die schweiterische Reforma-
Hons-Geschichte, Freiburg, 1869 sqq.; J. Strickler, Acten-
sammlung zur schweizerischen Reformationsgeschichte, 5
vols., Zurich, 1878-84; E. Egli, Actensammlung zur Ge-
schichte der Zurcher Reformation, Zurich, 1879; Berner
Beitr&ge zur Geschichte der schweizerischen Reformations-
kirchen, Bern, 1884; E. Issel, Die Reformation in Kon-
stanz, Freiburg, 1898. Consult also A. Piaget, Documents
inidits sur la reformation dans le pays de Neuchdtd, Neu-
chatel, 1909.

For France the literature is given under France; and
Huguenots. For the Netherlands the literature is
given under Holland; Reformed Churches. Consult
further: Q. Brandt, The History of the Reformation in and
about the Low Countries; from the Beginning of the Eighth
Century down to the Great Synod of Dort, 4 vols., London,
1720; D. van Pelt. A Church and her Martyrs, Philadel-
phia, 1889. For Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland,
the literature is in part given under Austria; Bohemian
Brethren. Consult further: V. Krasinski, Sketch of the
Religious History of the Slavonic Nations. Bohemia, Edin-
burgh, 1851; idem, Historical Sketch of the Reformation
in Poland, 2 vols., London, 1840; F. Palacky, Geschichte
von Bohmen, 4 vols., Prague, 1864; O. Koniecki, Geschichte
der Reformation in Polen, 2 vols., Breslau, 1872.

Literature on Scandinavia will be found under Den-
mark; Norway; and Sweden. Consult further: L. A.
Anjou, History of >the Reformation in Sweden, New York,
1859; C. M. Butler, The Reformation in Sweden, New York,
1883; R. T. Nissen, De nordiske Kirkers Historie, Christi-
ania, 1884; A. C. Bang, Den norske Kirkes Historie, 1686-
1600, Christiania, 1895; T. B. Willson, Hist, of Church and
State in Norway, London, 1903.

For England and Scotland, besides the literature
under England, Church of; and Presbyterians, consult:
Q. Burnet, Hist, of the Reformation, ed. Pocock, 7 vols.,
Oxford, 1865; P. Heylyn, Ecclesia Restaurata; or. The
History of the Reformation of the Church of England, with the
Life of the Author, by J. Barnard, ed. J. C Robertson, 2
vols . . London , 1 849 ; H . Soames, Hist, of the Reformation of
the Church of England, 4 vols., London, 1826-27; C.Geikie,
The English Reformation. How it came about, and why
we should uphold it, New York, 1879; J. H. Blunt, The
Reformation of the Church of England: its History, Prin-
ciples and Results {A.D. 1614-47), London, 1882; W.
Fitzgerald, Lectures on Ecclesiastical History, Including
the Origin and Progress of the English Reformation from
Wickliffe to the Great Rebellion, ed., W. Fitzgerald and
J. Quarry. With memoir of author's life and writings.
2 vols., London, 1885; S. R. Maitland, Essays Connected
with the Reformation in England, New York, 1889; G.
Cooke, History of the Reformation in Scotland; with an
introductory Book, and an Appendix, 3 vols., London,

1819; W. M. Hetherington, History of the Church of Scot-
land, from the Introduction of Christianity to the Period of
the Disruption, May 18, 1848, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1853;
P. Lorimer, The Scottish Reformation. A Historical
Sketch, London and Glasgow, 1860; W. Maccoll, The Ref-
ormation Settlement, London, 1901; F. W. Maitland, The
Anglican Settlement and the Scottish Reformation, London,
1902; D. Hay Fleming, The Reformation in Scotland. Its
Causes, Characteristics, and Consequences, ib. 1910.

REFORMATION, CELEBRATION OF. See

Feasts and Festivals, II., § 3.

REFORMED CATHOLICS: A small body origi-
nating in New York City about 1879. Priests of
the Church of Rome, who had left that communion,
formed a few congregations, chiefly in New York,
and began evangelistic work on a Protestant basis
of belief. The leader of the movement is Rev.
James A. O'Connor, the editor of The Converted
Catholic, New York City, which protests against
features of the Roman system of doctrine, govern-
ment, discipline, and practise, and teaches Protes-
tant doctrine as understood by the Evangelical
churches. Opposition to the sacramental system
of the Roman Catholic Church is a pronounced
feature of this body. The salvation of the believer
is not dependent on his relation to the Church, but
comes directly from Christ. Hence, there is no
need of intermediaries or other mediators. All can
come directly to God by faith in Christ, the only
high priest. The Holy Spirit is the only teaching
power in the Church. There are six churches, eight
ministers, and about 2,000 communicants.

H. K. Carroll.

Bibliography: H. K. Carroll, Religious Forces of the United
States, pp. 82-83, New York, 1896.

REFORMED CHRISTIAN CHURCH. See Pres-
byterians, VIII., 1, § 1.

REFORMED CHURCH IN AMERICA. See
Reformed (Dutch) Church, II.

REFORMED CHURCH, CHRISTIAN: A de-
nomination which originated in Michigan in 1857
when four congregations led by Rev. K. Vanden-
Bosch withdrew from the Reformed (Dutch) Church
(q.v.) with which the Hollanders who had settled
in western Michigan in 1847 had united in 1849.
This withdrawal was caused by dissatisfaction with
the teaching and practise of the Reformed Church.
The True Holland Reformed Church, as the new
denomination was called, increased but slowly and
not without struggling until 1882, when it received
a welcome accession of half a dozen Michigan con-
gregations which had left the Reformed Church be-
cause of the refusal of its general synod to legislate
against freemasonry. In 1890 the True Reformed
Dutch Church located in New Jersey and New York
united with the Christian Reformed Church. This
body had left the Reformed Church in 1822 claim-
ing it had become corrupt in doctrine and discipline
(see Reformed [Dutch] Church, II., 7). However,
while the Christian Reformed Church (so named
since 1890) originated in these secessions from the
Reformed Church, the great majority of its mem-
bership never belonged to that denomination,
but joined after the separations alluded to had
occurred, coming direct from the Netherlands,

Reformed Church
Reformed (Dutoh) Church

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

436

almost exclusively from the " Christian Reformed
Church " (now " Reformed Churches ") of Hol-
land (q.v.).

Largely because of the strong emigration tide the
Christian Reformed Church in America has increased
very rapidly during the last two or three decades.
From a mere handful of members in Michigan in 1857,
it has grown into a denomination numbering, in 1910,
75,905 souls, nearly 29,000 communicants, and 193
congregations, located in nearly every one of the
northern states of the Union, from ocean to ocean.
In Canada also a foothold has been obtained. The
church is the strongest in Michigan, Iowa, Illinois,
and New Jersey. In Grand Rapids, Mich., its theo-
logical seminary and John Calvin College is located,
numbering 200 students and 12 professors. This
institution, started on a small scale in 1876, trained
nearly all of the 140 Christian Reformed ministers
now in active service. Over half a dozen of them
labor in home-mission work, chiefly among the
scattered Hollanders in the United States. Mission
work is carried on also among the Navaho and Zuni
Indians in New Mexico. Rehoboth, near Gallup,
N. M., is the principal station. The Chicago He-
brew Mission is largely supported by this denom-
ination. Most of the congregations as yet speak
Dutch; half a dozen, German; about twenty use
the English language exclusively, in public wor-
ship. The Psalms constitute the chief manual of
praise. The Banner, founded in 1866 and now pub-
lished in Grand Rapids, Mich., is the American
weekly devoted to the church and its principles.
The standards are the Belgic Confession, Heidel-
berg Catechism, and Canons of Dort, and to these

loyal adherence is given. Members of secret socie-
ties are excluded. The government is preabyterial,
based on the constitution of Dort, 1618-19. In ac-
cordance therewith each congregation is ruled by
a consistory composed of elders and deacons, pre-
sided over by the pastor. Representatives of these
in a given district form a classis, meeting from two
to four times each year. Six delegates from each
classis (at present there are twelve of these bodies)
meet biennially as a synod. This synod, the high-
est church court, rafliniajnw fraternal relations with
the stricter Calvinistic churches of America, Europe,
and South Africa. The Christian Reformed Church
lays much stress on catechetical instruction and
house-to-house visitation, and favors Christian
primary schools. Nearly all congregations main-
tain Sunday-schools and young people's societies.

Henry Beetb.

Bibuogkapht: Acts and Proceedings of the Clamit ssd
General Synod of the True Reformed Protestant Di*A
Church (1822-66); B. C. Taylor, Annals, Classis of Bag*,
New York, 1867; Notulen, Chr. Oeref. Kerk, 1857-1910;
Brochure der Ware HoU. Oeref. Kerk, Holland, Miclu, 1889;
F. Hulat, Zamenspraak, Holland, Mich., 1874; G. K.
Hemkes, Rechtebeetaan der HoU. Chr. Oeref. Kerk, Grind
Rapids, Mich., 1803; H. Vander Werp, Outlines of tk*Hu-
tory of the Christian Reformed Church, Holland. IGeL,
1898; H. Beets, articles on Dr. S. Froeligh and Rev. K.
Vanden Bosch in Oeref. Amerikaan, 1900-02; idem, in
Journal of Presbyterian Hist. Society, Mar., 1907. tod
especially in Oedenkboek van het Viftigjario JuWevn <*»
Christelijke Oerefbrmeerde Kerk, 1867-1907, Grand Rapid*
Mich., 1907.

REFORMED CISTERCIANS. See Trappists.

REFORMED COVENANTED PRESBTTERIAHSL
See Pbesbyterianb, VIII., 10.

REFORMED (DUTCH) CHURCH.

I. In the Netherlands.

Events Prior to the Synod of Em-
don (S 1).

The Synod of Emden (S 2).

Results of Expulsion of the Span-
ish (§ 3).

Struggles Between Reformed and
Roman Catholics (ft 4).

Final Organisation (S 5).
II. In America.

1. The Background.

2. First Period, 1628-04.

3. Second Period, 1664-1708.
Results of English Conquest (S 1).
Attempts to Impose Anglican

Church (f 2).

4. Third Period. 1708-47.

5. Fourth Period, 1747-92.

6. Fifth Period, the Independent

American Church, 1792-1909.
The Constitution (S 1).
Ecclesiastical Bodies; New Growth

(§2).
Educational Institutions (S 3).

7. The True Reformed Church.
III. In South Africa.

1. Dutch Reformed Church in Cape

Colony.

2. Dutch Reformed Church in the

Orange Free State.

3. United Dutch Reformed Church in

Transvaal.

4. Dutch Reformed Church of NataL

5. Reformed Church in South Africa.

6. " Hervonnde " Church of Trant-

vaai.

I. In the Netherlands: The establishment of the
Reformed Church in the Netherlands was gradually
brought about despite every effort of the Roman
Catholic Church to prevent it. Though for a time
it seemed that sacramentarians and
i. Events Anabaptists were destined to gain con-
Prior to the trol, before long Reformed tenets made
Synod of headway, and the triumph of Calvin-
Emden. ism was assured. This was the condi-
tion of affairs as early as 1567, when
the duke of Alva was sent to the Netherlands for
the extirpation of heresy. The stern measures
adopted by him rendered even secret assemblies of
the Protestants full of peril, and the exodus of ad-
herents of the new doctrines rapidly increased. Eng-
land and France afforded harbors to the refugees, but
their chief centers were the important cities of Em-

den, Wesel, Cologne, Aachen, Frankenthal, and
Frankfort. The need of organization was strongly
felt, and in 1571 the foundation was laid for a defi-
nite ecclesiastical system by the synod held at
Emden, which marks the beginning of the Reformed
Church in the Netherlands. But before this, by the
creation of consistories there had been expressed
the conviction that the members of each local body
formed an organic whole, and provincial synods
were established to bring the churches in different
localities into closer union. This was perceived to
be inadequate, and there developed a desire for
more definite organization and for a formal state-
ment of the unity in doctrine already prevailing-
On Nov. 3, 1568, about forty preachers and elders
. met at Wesel, apparently under the presidency of
I Petrus Dathehus, to draw up a tentative church

487

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Beformed Ghuroh
Beformed (Dntoh) Church

Older. This informal assembly, to receive official
recognition, must necessarily be followed by a synod
of duly qualified delegates of the various congrega-
tions, empowered to draft rules and regulations
KiwHing on the entire Dutch Reformed body. In
the actual realization of this synod — that held at
Emden — the leader was Marnix van St. Aldegonde
(q.v.). Deeply impressed with the need of a gen-
eral synod, he had devoted the period of his cap-
tivity in Germany (beginning with 1567) to the
realisation of his ideal. With this end in view, he
seems to have written the open letter which, in
1570, was widely distributed, in the name of the
congregations at Heidelberg and Frankenthal. The
chief ideas advanced by Marnix in this letter were
discussed at the Synod of Emden and became the
bases of specific resolutions. In this letter Marnix
invited the congregations to whom he wrote to dele-
gate men to a conference to be held at Frankfort in
Sept., 1570, which led up to the Synod of Emden,
though a provisional synod was first held at Bed-
bur on July 4-5, 1571, attended by delegates from
Germany and Brabant as well as from Jtilich. Here
the definitive synod was resolved upon, and Gerard
van Kuilenburg and Willem van Zuylen van Nije-
velt were empowered to confer with the congrega-
tion at Emden, and after first securing the approval
of the congregations at Wesel and Cleves, they also
won the sanction of the Emden Reformed. The
result was that the two delegates named, together
with four others, were entrusted with the prepara-
tions for the general synod.

The committee thus formed chose Emden as the
place and Oct. 1, 1571, as the date on which to
convene. The only opposition to the synod came,
curiously enough, from Holland. The grounds for
these objections are unknown, but they appear to
have been regarded as trivial. The
2. The Walloon and Flemish congregations at
Synod of Cologne, on the other hand, appealed
Emden. to the prince of Orange to induce the
Dutch Reformed to send delegates to
the synod; and the synod was attended by a num-
ber of Reformed pastors from Holland. Thus the
first general synod of the Dutch Reformed Church
was held at Emden on Oct 4-13, 1571. The presi-
dent was Gaspar van der Heyden, preacher at
Frankenthal; the vice-president, Jean Taffin, pas-
tor of the Walloon congregation at Heidelberg; and
the secretary, Joannes Polyander, pastor of the
Walloon congregation at Emden. The attendance
was twenty-nine, five of whom were elders. This
synod laid the foundations of the Dutch Reformed
Church. The delegates were fully aware that they
had been called to prepare binding regulations, and
that they were the authorized representatives of
their church. Besides adopting three of the Wesel
articles (the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-
first of the Emden articles), the synod utilized the
French church order of 1559, the two often corre-
sponding word for word. On the other hand, the
Emden acts can not be considered a mere amplifi-
cation of the French church order. The acts of this
synod are distinctly Calvinistic, and the organiza-
tion which they propose is presbyterial and syn-
odal. The sole bond of union between churches is

consensus in doctrine; fellowship is desired with
the churches of other lands, provided they are Re-
formed in doctrine. The standards adopted were
the Belgic Confession and the French; the Geneva
Catechism was to be used in French congregations,
and the Heidelberg Catechism in the Dutch, though
churches employing any other corresponding cate-
chism might retain it. The administration was to
be conducted by consistories, classes, synods, and
national synods. Of these, only the consistories
were to be permanent, the members of the other
bodies being chosen for each assembly. Each church
or congregation was to have a consistory, consisting
of preachers, elders, and deacons, and the consistory
was to meet at least weekly. Every three or six
months a classis " of several neighboring churches "
was to meet; and synods were to be held annually
of the congregations in Germany and East Frisia,
of the English congregations, and of the Dutch con-
gregations. About every two years a national synod
" of all the Belgic churches together " was to be
held. Each congregation, while independent,
formed part of an organic whole, being subject suc-
cessively to the classis, the synod, and the general
synod, in each of which it was represented by dele-
gates chosen either directly or indirectly. The synod
arranged for classes in the various countries and
prepared a number of regulations governing the in-
ternal administration of the Reformed congrega-
tions, as on the calling of pastors, the choice of
elders and deacons, and the length of their terms,
baptism, the Lord's Supper, marriage, discipline,
and the like.

The next synod was to meet in the spring of 1572
in case the congregations in England should be will-
ing and able to send deputies, otherwise it was to be
postponed to the spring of the year following; and
the Palatinate classis was authorized to convene it.
It was, however, never held, for, though
3. Results the congregations in England ap-
of Expul- proved, at least in general, the decisions
sion of the of the Synod of Emden, and though
Spanish, they desired to form classes and send
delegates, they could not obtain the
requisite consent of the English government. Never-
theless, deputies from England were present at the
national synods of Dort (1578) and Middelburg
(1581), and a conference was held at London on
Aug. 28, 1599. The acts of the Emden Synod were
adopted, so far as practicable, by the congrega-
tions in the Palatinate, Emden, Julich, and Berg,
and by the classes of Cologne and Wesel. Gradu-
ally, however, these congregations lost their Dutch
character, and their bond with the Dutch Reformed
Church was dissolved. Within six months after this
synod, determined resistance to Spain had begun,
and the expulsion of the Spanish from city after
city was followed by a corresponding increase in
the number of Dutch Reformed churches. On July
15, 1572, the States General convened at Dort, and
Marnix, as the representative of the prince of
Orange, demanded equal rights for Roman Catholics
and Reformed, provided the former abstained from
all acts of disloyalty. In the following year, how-
ever, public worship was denied the Roman Catho-
lics, the prince of Orange went over to the Reformed

Reformed (Dutoh) Church

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

428

faith and Alva retired from the Netherlands. This
unexpected change of conditions was most happy
for the Reformed, especially as its organisation was
ready to hand. In Aug., 1572, the first synod of
North Holland convened and passed a number of
resolutions concerning the admission of ex-priests
to the Reformed ministry, infant baptism, marriage,
and funeral sermons. Of the next synod, at Hoorn,
nothing is known. The third synod, held at Alk-
maar in Mar., 1573, determined that subscription
to the Belgic Confession should be required, and
that the Heidelberg Catechism should be taught
and preached. It likewise began the partition of
North Holland into classes. In June, 1574, a pro-
vincial synod was held at Dort with Caspar van
der Heyden, pastor at Middelburg, as presiding
officer. This synod, which was practically national,
was convened by the three provinces which had
expelled the Spaniards, South Holland, North Hol-
land, and Zealand. The rulings of the Synod of
Emden were, in general, approved, though it was
determined that henceforth subscription should be
made only to the Belgic Confession, and that the
Heidelberg Catechism alone should be used and
taught. No national synod was held until 1578.
Meanwhile, the peace of Ghent, in 1576, had been
distinctly favorable to the extension of Reformed
tenets in the south of Holland* and even outside the
Netherlands, in Brabant, Gelderland. Utrecht,
Overyssel, and Frisia, the Reformed held open or
secret services, often with the connivance or ap-
proval of the authorities. New congregations arose
everywhere, and the first national synod on Dutch
soil was held at Dort. June 2-18. 1578. Petrus
Dathenus (q.v.) was the presiding officer, Dutch
and Walloon churches were represented, and dele-
gates were present from the classes of Holland,
Zealand. East and West Flanders, the Palatinate,
Cleves, England, and apparently from Gelderland.
The classis of Cologne, on the other hand, refused to
send deputies, holding the synod to be a private
gathering. The conclusions previously reached at
Emden and Dort were made the basis of a church
organization harmonizing in all essentials with that
of Emden. Professors of theology were required to
subscribe to the Belgic Confession: the Walloon
congregations, like those of Wesel anil Emden. were
permit ted to use the Geneva Catechism, but the
Dutch congregations were restricted to the Heidel-
berg Catechism, though the Corie ov.dersoeck des
gheioo/s was also permitted. Finally, a division of
all Netherlandish provinces into distinct synods
was proposed.

The peace of Ghent, though intended to promote

peace between Roman Catholics and Reformed, had

contented neither: and the proposed religious peace

set forth by the prince of Orange on

4. Struggles July 22. I57!v in the name of the States

Between General, granting liberty of conscience

Reformed and a limited degree of religious free-

and dom. hail no better result. In conse-

Roman quence t here arosca separation between

Catholics, southern Netherlands, where the an-
cient faith steadily regained ground,
and northern, where Reformed tenets were spread-
ing constantly. In Mar.. 1578. John of Nassau, a

decided Calvinist and brother of the prince o(
Orange, became stattholder of Gelderland, where
the Reformed at once were predominant. Though
the majority of the population were still faithful to
their ancient Church, the Reformed tenets were
gradually firmly planted, especially by the Amheim
preacher Johannes Fontanus (q.v.), and in Aug, ,
1579, the first synod was held at Amheim, where
the results of the national Synod at Dort in 1578
were supported. Roman Catholic worship was for-
bidden in Gelderland in 1582. Overyssel had ac-
cepted the religious peace, and by 1579 had the
three classes of Zwolle, Kampen, and Deventer,
the first synod of the province being held at Deven-
ter in Feb., 1580. The peace of Ghent was accepted
by Frisia in Mar., 1577, Reformed refugees poured
back, and in 1580 Roman Catholic worship was for-
bidden, while the property of the ancient church
was turned over to support Reformed preachers and
teachers, and in May, 1580, the first Frisian synod
convened at Sneek. In southern Netherlands, on
the other hand, the Reformed cause made no prog-
ress, and on Jan. 6, 1579, the Union of Atrecht (a
secret alliance between Atrecht, Henegouwen, and
Douay) was formed to defend the Roman Catholic
Church and the authority of the king. This was
opposed by the Union of Utrecht, formed on Jan.
23, 1579, between Gelderland, Holland, Zealand,
Utrecht, and Groningen. It was the work of Jan
of Nassau, who led the prince of Orange to abandon
his policy of reconciling the Roman Catholics and
the Reformed. While ostensibly permitting each
province to make its own regulations concerning re-
ligion, the practical results were, as might have
been expected, prejudicial to the Roman Catholic
cause. On July 26, 1581, the States General re-
nounced allegiance to the king of Spain. It took
considerable time, however, for the religious situa-
tion to become settled in all provinces. Thus, in
Utrecht political and ecclesiastical conditions com-
bined to prevent organization, nor was it until 1618
that affairs decisively changed. After the great
Synod of Dort (1618-19), however, the church order
there established became authoritative for all the
churches of the province. In Groningen no Re-
formed organization could be effected until the city
had been retaken from the Spaniards by Prince
Maurice in 1594; but on Feb. 27, 1595, a church
order was promulgated which remained in force
until 1316. The first Synod of Groningen was held
July 14-17. 1595. The taking of Groningen had
also wrested Drenthe from the Spaniards, and, as
stattholder. Count William Louis of Nassau organ-
ized the Reformed Church there, so that on Aug.
12. 1598. the first classis convened at Rolde.

Meanwhile, there had been no cessation of na-
tional synods. At the one held at Middelburg in
1581, a Carpus disci piinct was drawn up. based on
the articles of the Dort Svnod of 1578.

5. Final Or-At the national synod held at The
ganizatkra. Hague in 1586 a church order was
drawn up which, though little differ-
ent from the one formulated at Middelburg. made
concessions to the desire of the civil authorities to
share in ecclesiastical administration. Holland.
Zealand. Gelderland, and Overyssel accepted the

429

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Reformed (Dutch) Church

church order. The church orders of the other
Netherlandish provinces were in harmony, except
for minor details, with that formulated by the Synod
of The Hague. This latter synod had done all in
its power to unite all the Reformed churches of the
Netherlands into an organic whole; and its church
order, essentially the same as that of Emden, re-
mained the basis for the organization and admin-
istration of the Dutch Reformed Church. Thus
was the Reformed Church founded in the Nether-
lands. Its doctrinal standards were the Belgic Con-
fession and the Heidelberg Catechism; it possessed
an admirable system of organization; it was divided
into classes and synods which met regularly and
carefully guarded its interests; its consistories con-
tributed more and more to orderly conditions of
the congregations; and while at first there was a
dearth of preachers, this was remedied by the uni-
versities of Leyden (1575), Franeker (1585), and
Groningen (1614). It enjoyed the protection and
the financial support of the State, even though en-
tire harmony in administration and doctrine did
not prevail. Its Calvinistic character was assailed
by the Remonstrants (q.v.), but by their condem-
nation and expulsion by the national Synod of Dort
in 1618-19 its true nature was vindicated, and the
unity begun at Emden and completed at The Hague
was powerfully strengthened. For statistics and
present status see Holland. (S. D. van Veen.)

IL In America: 1. The Background; The Re-
formed Church in America, known until 1867 as the
Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, is a body of
Christians in the United States composed originally
of settlers from the Netherlands, but now greatly
intermixed with elements from other sources. In
the Netherlands the Reformation met with a hearty
welcome. Entering first from Germany, it subse-
quently received its great impulse from Switzerland
and France, whence its distinct type of Reformed
doctrine, and its more democratic Presbyterian
polity. In the Netherlands, as elsewhere, there had
been a great preparation made by Reformers before
the Reformation. Reference can be made only to
Geert Groote (q.v.) and his Brotherhood of the Com-
mon Life (see Common Life, Brethren of the).
They studied the Bible and preached and prayed
in the vernacular. The Bible was translated into
Dutch as early as 1477 (copies of this old version
are in the Lenox Library and the library of the Col-
legiate Church, New York). The monks, John Esch
and Henry Voes, for their Evangelical preaching
were burned at Brussels as early as 1523, and were,
perhaps, the first martyrs of the Reformation. The
Reformed Church of the Netherlands began its more
formal existence in 1566, when the so-called " League
of Beggars " was formed. Field preaching and the
singing of evangelical hymns rapidly spread the
Reformed doctrine. During the next two decades
were held the conventions or synods which formu-
lated a liturgy and rules of church government (see
I., above).

8. First Period, 1629-64: The Dutch first came
to America for purposes of trade. The West India
Company was chartered in 1621, and settled many
thousands of Dutch and Walloons in New York and
New Jersey. After religious services had been con-

ducted for five yean, 1623-28, by Sebastian Jansen
Krol, a comforter of the sick (Van Rensselaer-
Bowier MSS., page 302), the First Church of New
Amsterdam was organised by Domine Jonas Mi-
chaelius in 1628, who was its pastor for not less than
four years. This is now the strong and wealthy
organization known as the Collegiate Church of
New York City, with its half-score of churches or
chapels and fourteen ministers. The West India
Company formally established the Church of Hol-
land in New Netherland and maintained the minis-
ters, schoolmasters, and comforters of the sick.
Calls upon ministers were not valid unless endorsed
by the company. In 1624 the Synod of North Hol-
land decreed that any classis, within whose bounds
either of the two great commercial companies had
their chambers or offices, might take charge of all
ecclesiastical interests in such colonies as were under
the care of that office (Ecclesiastical Records of New
York, i. 38). Thus the classis of Amsterdam came
to have charge of the churches in New Netherland.
During the government of the West India Company,
or until the English conquest in 1664, fourteen
churches had been established, chiefly along the Hud-
son and on Long Island, but including one in Dela-
ware, and one at St. Thomas, in the West Indies
(Corwin, Manual, p. 1073, ed. of 1902); and six-
teen ministers had been commissioned for these
fields. There were seven Dutch ministers in service
at the time of the surrender of the Dutch colonies
to the British in 1664 (Corwin, Manual, p. 1045).

8. Second Period, 1664-1708: During this period
occurred the struggle of the church to maintain her
ecclesiastical independence under English rule. At
the conquest there were about 10,000 Hollanders
in the colony, but Dutch immigration then prac-
tically ceased. The relation of the Dutch churches
to the Classis of Amsterdam was somewhat modi-
fied by the change of political sover-

1*«?6"i<lti? eigaty ^d tne destruction of their re-

Conauest. lation to the West India ComPany- Xt
was a question whether these churches

could survive under such circumstances. Although
helped to a trifling extent at first, they were soon
thrown for support on their own resources. The
Dutch had, indeed, secured at the surrender liberty
to worship according to their own customs and
usages. But, while still under the ecclesiastical care
of the Classis of Amsterdam, they were now subjects
of the British empire, yet they did not legally come
under the class of English dissenters. During the
first decade under English rule, the English popu-
lation being yet very small, there was not much
opportunity for friction with the English governors.
But after the revolt of the Dutch in 1673. and their
re-surrender to the English by treaty of the Nether-
lands government in 1674, although it was stipu-
lated that the former freedom of worship and disci-
pline was to be maintained (Eccl. Records of New
York, i. 662-663, 669-672), preliminary but unsuc-
cessful efforts began to be made to impose the
Church of England upon the Dutch colony. For in
1675 Governor Andros attempted to force the Rev.
Nicholas Van Rensselaer (son of the first Dutch
patroon of that name, one who had been, indeed,
licensed to preach by the Classis of Amsterdam, but

Reformed (Dutoh) Ohuroh

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOQ

480

had been ordained as a minister of the Church of
England, and who was therefore a Dutch Episco-
palian) upon the Dutch church of Albany, and also
to allow him to intrude his services upon the Dutch
church of New York. But he was stoutly resisted
in these attempts and not allowed to officiate until
he had subscribed to the regulations of the Church
of Holland (Ecd. Records of New York, i. 649, 650,
678-690; Corwin, Manual, pp. 51, 844, 850). In
1679 the four Dutch ministers then in the country,
at the request of this same Governor Andros, or-
ganized themselves into a classis, and ordained
Petrus Tesschenmaker, a licentiate of the Univer-
sity of Utrecht, to the ministry, to supply the press-
ing need, and this act was subsequently approved
by the Classis of Amsterdam (Ecd. Records of New
York, ii. 724-735, 737, 739); but when directed by
Governor Nicholson, in 1709, to ordain Van Vleck
as chaplain to certain Dutch troops, the ministers
of that period refused to obey (Ecd, Records of New
York, iii. 1760).

With renewed persecutions in France, many
Huguenots began to flock to America about 1680,
who naturally fell into the fold of the Dutch Church.
During the reign of Charles II., 1660-85, and of
James II., 1685-88, full liberty of conscience was
ostensibly granted to all denominations in America,
but this was done with the sinister ob-
2. Attempts j^ 0f gajning entrance for Romanism.

° JJ^f The outcome was the severe legislation

Church. °* *ne c°l°ny °f ^cw York in 1700, al-
together prohibiting Romanism under
severe penalties, so that that system was virtually
extinct in New York until the American Revolu-
tion. In 1682, Dorninc Selyns, who had left the
country at the surrender in 1664, returned, and
exerted a great influence in delivering the Dutch
Church from governmental interference. The un-
fortunate complications brought about by the Leis-
ler episode, 1689-91, put the Dutch ministers for a
time in a false position, as if they opposed the acces-
sion of William and Mary. This was not by any
means the case, but they only desired that changes
in New York should be made in a legal manner.
But with the return of the Protestant succession,
the normal policy of the English government was
restored, and determined and persistent efforts were
made to impose the Church of England upon New
York, although the population was overwhelmingly
Dutch. The public commissions of the governors
were liberal in spirit for those times, respecting re-
ligion, but they had secret instructions looking
toward an English Church establishment. Hence,
after two years' efforts, the passage of the so-called
Ministry Act of 1693 was secured. The intention
of the government in seeking this act, was to estab-
lish the Church of England over the whole colony;
but when finally enacted it was found to cover only
four counties out of ten, namely, New York, West-
chester, Queens, and Richmond. Also the Church
of England was not even alluded to in the act, but
only that Protestant ministers should be supported
by a system of taxation in these four counties.
Neither would the assembly yield to the governor's
wish for an amendment to give him the right to in-
duct all ministers. And when the governor falsely

assumed that this act established the Church of
England, the assembly declared by resolution the
contrary; that a dissenter could be called and sup-
ported under the provisions of the act; that it was
entirely unsectarian. But the Dutch Church of
New York City saw her danger and resolved to pro-
tect herself by a charter. This was finally secured
in 1696, but not without overcoming great difficul-
ties. Besides securing thereby their growing prop-
erty and the other usual legal rights, it gave them
complete ecclesiastical independence. They could
call and induct their own ministers in their own
way, and manage all their own church affairs with-
out any interference from the civil authorities. And
following this example and having this precedent,
many of the other Dutch churches also obtained
similar charters, although these were repeatedly
denied to the churches of all other denominations,
except the Church of England, down to the Revo-
lution. Trinity Church obtained its charter in 1607,
in which it is often declared that the Church of
England is " now established by our laws," refer-
ring to the act of 1693; but as is evident, there is
nothing in that act to sustain the assertion (cf. a
comparison of these two earliest church charters,
printed side by side in Ecd. Records of New York,
ii. 1136-65; Corwin, Manual, pp. 78-85). The Eng-
lish Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in
Foreign Parts, organized in 1701, sent over a num-
ber of English clergymen to provide for the serv-
ices of the Church of England in the colonies and
to teach the Indians. These missionaries expected
to be supported by the provisions of this act, but
lawsuits followed instead, and no income was de-
rived from the act for nine years. Meantime the
oppressions of Governor Cornbury drove a large
number of Dutch families into New Jersey, 1702-10,
where they settled on the banks of the Raritan and
its tributaries, and this territory was for a century
and a half considered the " garden of the Dutch
Church." During this period, and notwithstand-
ing the struggle for their rights, the Dutch churches
increased from fourteen to thirty-one, and twenty-
five ministers in all officiated.

4. Third Period, 1708-1747: This may be termed
the period of spiritual awakening and efforts for
American ecclesiastical organization. During this
period many Palatines arrived and settled chiefly
on the upper Hudson and along the Mohawk. In
course of time about twenty German churches were
organized, which came also generally under the
supervision of the Classis of Amsterdam. It was a
time of comparative peace— of the " Great Awak-
ening," as it was called. Whitefield aroused the
people throughout the land, while Bertholf and
Frelinghuysen were the evangelists of the Dutch
Church, especially in New Jersey. The necessity of
more ministers was deeply felt, but few were willing
to leave the Fatherland to come to America. The
expense and danger of sending American youth to
Holland for education and ordination were very
great. Joseph Morgan, a Presbyterian, served sev-
eral of the Dutch churches, 1709-31, in Monmouth
County, N. J., while John Van Driessen went to
Yale College for ordination in 1727. In 1729 the
Classis of Amsterdam permitted the ministers in

481

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Beformad (Dutoh) Church

New York City, in their name, to ordain John Philip
Boehme for service among the Germans in Penn-
sylvania; while Haeghoort and Erickson were per-
mitted to ordain John Schuyler for service in Scho-
harie County, New York. Several ordinations which
were deemed irregular also occurred, to satisfy the
great demand for ministers. The Frelinghuysens
therefore proposed that some sort of ecclesias-
tical assembly should be established in America,
and also urged the necessity of institutions in which
to prepare young men for the ministry. In 1737,
accordingly, the first formal move was made to or-
ganize an assembly, which they styled a coetus.
There were three times as many churches as pas-
ton. Three-fourths of a century had passed since
the "English conquest, and the ties which bound
them to the Fatherland were becoming weakened.
In 1738 the plan of a coetus was sent to Holland
for approval. Differences of opinion prevailed on
each side of the ocean, and a long delay ensued.
Meantime the Classis of Amsterdam was honorably
engaged in correspondence, seeking to bind together
the Dutch, the Germans of Pennsylvania, and the
Presbyterians, 1743, in one ecclesiastical assembly,
but the effort was not successful. At length, when
the appeal of the German churches was answered by
the Synods of North and South Holland in the send-
ing over of Rev. Michael Schlatter, 1746, with sev-
eral rninisters to organize the Pennsylvania Germans
into a coetus, the Classis of Amsterdam could no
longer resist the appeal of the Dutch of New York
and New Jersey, and a coetus of each body was or-
ganized in 1747. About forty ministers began their
labors during this period, and about forty-four new
churches were organized.

5. Fourth Period, 1747-1702 : This was the period
of organization and ecclesiastical independence.
The desired results, however, were only attained
after considerable debate and strife, and all the
plans were modified in their development by the
entire change wrought in civil affairs by the Revo-
lution. During the seven years of the undivided
coetus, 1747-54, efforts were made to supply the
churches with ministers. Only three, however, were
ordained by the coetus, while six passed by that
body, and went to Holland for ordination. Eight
ministers were sent from Europe. Nine new
churches were organized. It was, therefore, soon
discovered that the coetus, as constituted, was an
inefficient body. It could not license or ordain
without special permission in each case, and the
classis now appeared to be jealous of its own pre-
rogative. Neither could the coetus finally deter-
mine cases of discipline. Appeals could be carried
to Holland. This caused endless delays and vexa-
tions. Hence in 1753 the coetus proposed to trans-
form itself into a classis and assume all the author-
ity of the same. This was accomplished in the
following year. But with this transaction a secession
of some of the more conservative members took
place, who styled themselves a Conference, but
claimed to be the true and original coetus. They
also had possession of the records. The principal
points of discussion were the right and propriety of
independent American ecclesiastical bodies and
American institutions of learning. The personal

ambition of one of the members of the Conference
led that body finally to become willing to unite with
King's (Columbia) College, to secure educational
advantages therefrom; but the American classis
feared the influence of an Episcopal college, and
moreover could not approve the means by which
that institution had obtained its charter in 1754,
and especially of the manner in which a professor-
ship of divinity for the Dutch in that institution
had been secured in 1755 (Eccl. Records of New
York, vol. v.; many documents and letters between
pages 3338 and 3526, cf. summaries of same in
Table of Contents, vol. v., pagesxiv.-xxvii.). Ten
years later, in 1764, the Conferentie formally or-
ganized into an " Assembly Surbordinate to the
Classis of Amsterdam." The American classis, after
several ineffectual attempts, secured a charter from
the governor of New Jersey, 1766, for Queen's Col-
lege, to be located in that state. An amended char-
ter was secured in 1770. This, with several amend-
ments, is the present charter of Rutgers College,
New Brunswick, N. J. In 1771 the two parties
united on certain articles of union, which granted
substantially, but in somewhat obscure terms, all
that the American classis of 1754 had contended
for, including the organization of a general body
(equivalent to a particular synod in most respects),
and five special bodies (equivalent to classes in
most respects). The power of licensing and ordain-
ing was now given to this general body. A happy
and speedy consummation seemed within reach, as
brethren on each side gave up many cherished con-
victions for the sake of peace. A theological pro-
fessor would have been quickly appointed, when
the breaking-out of the Revolution delayed every-
thing for a decade. The Dutch churches suffered
especially during the war, which was largely on
their territory; but with peace and civil liberty
came to all denominations ecclesiastical autonomy,
with all that it involved — independent organiza-
tions, a new sense of responsibility, literary and
theological institutions, with benevolent boards for
the increase of Christ's kingdom at home and its
dissemination to the ends of the earth. In 1784
the names of synods and classes, denied before, were
assumed by the bodies constituted in 1771 without
further ceremony, and the Classis of Amsterdam
was simply informed of the fact. In 1788, at a
general convention, it was declared that the con-
stitution of a church must contain its standards of
doctrine, its modes of worship, and its forms of gov-
ernment. A committee was appointed to translate
into English the standards of doctrine, the liturgy,
and the rules of church order of the Church of Hol-
land, omitting all that belonged in government to
a state church; and to add explanatory articles to
adapt the former rules to American circumstances.
This was accomplished in 1792, and the volume
containing all this was issued in 1793. Thus was
the organization of the church completed. During
this period, 1754 to 1792, there were added to the

church ninety-one ministers and sixty-six churches.
6. Fifth Period, the Independent American
Church, 1702-1010: As to the constitution, the
standards of doctrine have remained unchanged.
As to the liturgy: additional offices have from

Reformed (Dutoh) Ohuroh

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

48ft

1. The

Oonstltu-

tion.

time to time been added, but these, with much
else in the liturgy, are considered only as speci-
mens, and are optional as to use. Only
the sacramental and ordination forms
are obligatory. Abridgments of the
sacramental forms were adopted in
1905, and the use of either the longer or shorter
forms is permitted. Revised ordination forms were
adopted in 1906. As to the rules of church gov-
ernment, the original articles of 1619 and the explan-
atory articles of 1792 were fused together in 1833,
with such additions as the experience of forty
years suggested. In 1867, after a prolonged dis-
cussion, the name or title of the Church was
amended from " The Reformed Protestant Dutch
Church in North America " to " The Reformed
Church in America." In 1874, the rules of church
government, popularly known as the constitution,
were again revised, and various amendments to
them have been adopted since.

The rules of 1792 provided for a general synod.
This body held its first session in June, 1794. Tri-
ennial sessions were held until 1812, when they were
made annual. At first, all the minis-

8 rti^Li"1" ters ^^ an e^er *rom eSL€^1 cnurcn
^^ formed its constituency; but in 1812

New * it became a representative body. In
Growth. 1819 ft was incorporated under the
laws of New York, and is the legal
trustee for all endowments for theological profes-
sorships and the real estate pertaining to its theo-
logical seminaries; also for the moneys of the
"Widows' Fund"; of the "Disabled Ministers'
Fund "; of some of the scholarships, and of some
of the missionary moneys of the Church. These
funds and other properties arc managed by a board
of direction, whose members arc appointed by the
general synod. The income of the synod was lim-
ited in 1819 to $10,000; in 1869 an act was passed
allowing $15,000 more; and in 1889, by a general
act, all corporations organized for benevolent pur-
poses arc permitted to hold property to the amount
of $2,000,000. The provisional general body of
1771, which assumed the name of Synod in 1784,
became a particular synod in 1793, under the new
constitution. This body was divided into the two
particular synods of New York and Albany in 1800,
to which were added the particular synod of Chi-
cago in 1856, and the particular synod of New
Brunswick in 1869. The classes have increased
from 5 in 1792 to 36 in 1910; the churches from
about 100 in 1792 to 700 in 1910. The number of
ministers did not equal the number of churches until
1845, when there were 375 of each. In 1846 began
a new Dutch immigration which settled in the Mid-
dle West, but is now penetrating even to the Pa-
cific coast and to Texas. Most of these newcomers
came into the fold of the old Dutch Church, and
there are now about 250 churches from this source,
and as many ministers. In 1910 the Reformed
Church in America reports about 700 churches, 740
ministers, 65,000 famines, and 117,000 communi-
cants, with about the same number of children in
the Sunday-schools. Nearly half a million dollars
arc reported as given to benevolent objects, and
more than a million and a half for congregational

purposes. Churches exist in New York, New Jer-
sey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, In-
diana, Illinois, the two Dakotas, Minnesota, Kansas,
Nebraska, Montana, South Carolina, Oklahoma,
and Washington. The denomination has beer espe-
cially successful on the foreign mission field, in
India, China, Japan, and Arabia, having sent out
about 225 missionaries, male and female. In 1902
the wonderfully successful Classis of Arcot, India,
with 25 regularly organised churches, many of
them having native pastors, was formally trans-
ferred in the interests of church union to the synod
of South India, of the South Indian United Church.
The missions in China and Japan are working in
hearty union with the missions of other denomina-
tions.

The history of Rutgers College at New Bruns-
wick, N. J., has often been written. First chartered
in 1706, it received an amended char-

Uontd ££ ter m 1770' In 1825 ite name **
■titutiona. changed from Queen's to Rutgers Col-
lege, in connection with which is a
scientific school leading to the degree of bachelor
of science. On the 4th of April of the same year,
New Jersey made it " The State College for the
Benefit of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts/' By
an act of Mar. 2, 1888, the United States associated
with such state college a department known as " The
Agricultural Experiment Station." A theological
seminary also exists at New Brunswick dating brick
to 1784. Its history was elaborately written at ite
centennial in 1884. It is well equipped in all de-
partments. Its Sage Library contains about 50,000
volumes. Hope College and the Western Theolog-
ical Seminary are located at Holland, Mich.

7. The True Reformed Dutoh Church : This in-
stitution was formed by the secession of Rev. Sol-
omon Froeligh with four suspended ministers in
1822, giving as their reasons, " errors in doctrine
and looseness of discipline." It was in fact the cul-
mination of an old feud that had started two or
three generations before. In 1830 they attained to
the number of 30 congregations and 10 ministers.
By 1860 the congregations had decreased to 16,
and in 1890 the feeble remnant joined " The Chris-
tian Reformed Church" (see Reformed Church,
Christian). E. T. Corwix.

HI. In South Africa. — 1. Dutch Reformed Church
in Cape Colony: This is the oldest and largest of
the Protestant denominations in South Africa. It
was founded practically when the Dutch East In-
dia Company formed its first permanent settlement
at Capetown under Commander J. A. Van Riebeek,
Apr. 6, 1652, though the first regular minister was
Rev. Johan van Arckel, who arrived in 1665 [in
1685 another was placed at what is now* Stellen-
bosch]. In 1688, 200 Huguenot refugees sent by the
Netherland authorities considerably strengthened
the settlement and church [a grant of land being
made at Drachenstein and the locality becoming
known as " French Mountain "]. The French fel-
low believers after one or two generations thoroughly
assimilated with the Dutch. A few new congrega-
tions were formed in the vicinity of Capetown. TV
pastors of these struggling churches were paid and
practically controlled by the company, although

483

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Beformed (Dutch) Churoh

they were under the ecclesiastical supervision of the
Gassis of Amsterdam, which ordained and sent the
ministers. The creed was of course the same as
that of the mother church. At first the Psalms were
sung exclusively, but since the beginning of the
nineteenth century the Dutch " Evangelical hymns "
are used. From 1795 until 1802 and again since
1806 the English took the place of the Dutch East
India Company and controlled the church. About
1822 several Scotch ministers came to help the Hol-
land churches, which at that time were fourteen in
number. The first synod met in 1824, but this body
was entirely dependent upon the government until
1842, when more liberty was obtained. In 1849 the
official organ of the Dutch Reformed Church, De
Kerkbode, was started. In 1859 the Theological
Seminary at Stellenbosch opened its doors, its pur-
pose being to prevent the entrance of rationalistic
ministers from the Dutch universities, who for a
season threatened the orthodoxy of the church. At
present it has a faculty of four professors. Through
the labors of Rev. Andrew Murray the Cape Colony
church extended beyond the Orange and Vaal rivers
among the kinsmen who had moved northward with
the " great trek " of 1836. But in 1862 objections
made against the representation of the Free State
and Transvaal congregations in synod led to a legal
decision which compelled these latter to assume a
separate existence (see below). At present the
Cape Colony church numbers about 150 congrega-
tions, some of them in Rhodesia and Ma&honaland,
with 1 16,000 members and 270,000 adherents. These
churches are grouped in thirteen " rings " or pres-
byteries. The highest church-court, the synod, is
composed of the pastors and one elder from each
congregation, and meets triennially in Capetown.

Mission work is carried on among the natives of
Cape Colony and the South African protectorates;
over fifty " mission churches " have been organ-
ised, most of which have been grouped into " rings "
and also form a synod. The actions of these bodies
are controlled by the Home Mission Committee of
the Cape church. In Wellington and Worcester are
training-schools for missionaries and other Christian
workers. The Capetown School of the Dutch Re-
formed Church was opened in 1878 for the educa-
tion of teachers. An institution for the mute and
blind, also denominational, is located in Worcester.
Several other philanthropic societies are supported
and a number of Bible societies are actively at work.
Nearly every congregation has a Christian Endeavor
Society. The church is imbibing much of the spirit
of the British churches, although trying to remain

Calvinistic.
9. The Dutch Befonned Churoh in the Orange

Free State: This organization became independ-
ent in 1862. It now numbers forty-two churches,
forming five " rings." The synod meets triennially
in Bloemfontein. There are nearly 100,000 adher-
ents, and 45,000 communicants. It carries on a fine
home mission work in ten mission churches and
supports flourishing stations in Nyassaland and
northeastern Rhodesia.

8. United Dutch Beformed Churoh In Transvaal s
This denomination is likewise an offshoot of the
Cape Colony church, and originated under similar
IX.— 28

circumstances as the Orange Free State sister body.
Originally called The Dutch Reformed Church, it
took its present name " Nether Dutch Hervormd or
Reformed Church," from a union consummated in
1885 with a number of congregations of the Dutch
" Hervormde " Church of Transvaal (see below).
It is composed of five " rings," and its synod meets
triennially in Pretoria. It numbers 42 congrega-
tions, 85,000 adherents, and 38,000 members. Con-
nected with it are 8 mission churches among the
natives. The official organ is De Vereeniging.

4. Dutch Beformed Churoh of Natal : This is the
smallest of the Dutch Reformed churches in
South Africa. It has but one higher church court,
the General Church Assembly, composed of the
ministers and two delegates from each consistory.
Its history is very much the same as that of its sister
churches in Transvaal and the Orange River Col-
ony. It numbers 4,258 adherents and 2,052 mem-
bers, forming 5 congregations.

The Dutch Reformed Churches mentioned above
formed in 1906 a federal council, which is bringing
them nearer again to their original united condi-
tion. This council is composed of the four officers
of the Cape Colony synod and ten other members,
and the general synodical committees of the other
bodies. In 1909 it decided to unite the four churches
of Cape Colony, Free State, Transvaal, and Natal in
one general synod composed of all ministers in active
service and one elder from each congregation. The
number of the clergymen of these four churches is
nearly 300; ordained missionaries, 100; 240 con-
gregations, and about 220,000 members. The in-
ternal government is regulated by Wetien en Be-
palingen, in eleven chapters.

5. The Beformed Church in South Africa: This
denomination originated on Feb. 10, 1859, in Rus-
tenburg in Transvaal. It is composed of the most
conservative of the Dutch Boers, frequently called
" doppers," a corruption of the Dutch word damper,
" a man intellectually behind the times." These
conservatives lived in the outlying districts of the
Cape Colony, and many of them formed the " great
trek." Rev. D. Postma was sent to them by the
Christian Reformed Church of the Netherlands in
1858. Under his guidance they left the Dutch Re-
formed Church, mainly because of their opposition
to the use of the evangelical hymns, and also be-
cause of the libera] spirit of some of the Dutch Re-
formed pastors at the time. Postma organized con-
gregations in Transvaal, the Orange State, and the
Cape Colony.

The statistics for 1909 are as follows: in the
Transvaal 24 churches with 11 ministers, 7,400 com-
municants, 8,233 baptized members, 15,633 adher-
ents. In the Orange Free State 12 churches, with 7
ministers, 2,934 communicants, 3,051 baptized mem-
bers, 5,985 adherents. In Cape Colony 17 churches
with 13 ministers, 4,853 communicants, 5,204 bap-
tized members, 10,057 adherents. Most churches
having a pastor have two services on Sabbath; dur-
ing one of these services a Lord's Day of the Hei-
delberg Catechism is explained. Vacant charges
usually meet* on one Sunday of each month, and
every quarter they have services led by ministers.
Every Sunday, except during the quarterly com-

Reformed (Dutoh) Charon

(Dutoh) Ohurol

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

484

munion services, those who live too far away from
the church hold meetings in private homes, led by
the elders of the several districts. The church is
supported by voluntary contributions of the mem-
bers. The official organ of the church is Het Kerk-
blad, a monthly. The spirit of the denomination is
strictly Calvinistic, in harmony with the three doc-
trinal standards of all Reformed Churches of Holland
origin. The leaders of this church are largely influ-
enced by the writings of Drs. Kuyper and Bavinck
of the Netherland Reformed churches. The theo-
logical school of the denomination was opened in
1869 in Burghersdorp, Cape Colony, and since 1905
is located in Potchefstroom. Its faculty consists of
four professors. This church more and more real-
izes the need of mission work, and is carrying it on
in a few places within and without its domain. The
Church Order of Dordrecht forms the basis of the
church government.

6. " Hervormde "Churoh of the Transvaal t This
church is composed of Reformed Dutch people who
followed Rev. D. Van der Hoff, who at first, in 1856,
had joined the Dutch Reformed Church of the Cape
Colony, but later on seceded because he considered
that church too rigidly Calvinistic. The Hervormde
Church is very much akin to the State Church in
the Netherlands, being quite rationalistic in its doc-
trines and loose in its discipline. It numbers 21
churches, with about 10,000 members. Its general
assembly is composed of the ministers, one-half of
the eldership of each congregation, and two deacons
of each consistory, and meets biennially.

Henry Beets.

Bibliography: For the Netherlands oonsult: I. Le Long,
Kort historisch Verhaal van de Oorsprung der Ned. Gere-
formeerde Kerken onder 't Cruis, Amsterdam, 1751; J. J.
Altmeyer, Lee Pricureewe de la riforme aux Paye Bat, 2
vols., Paris, 1856; C. Hooijer, Oude Kerkordeningen der
Ned. Hero. Gemeenten (1663-1638), Zaltbommel, 1865;
J. Knappert, De nederlandsche Hervormde Kerk, Ley den,
1883; M. G. Hansen, Reformed Church in the Netherlands,
New York, 1884; J. Gloel. Hollands kirchliches Leben,
Wittenberg, 1885; H. J. M. Everts, Onze Kerken, *s Bosch-
Zwoller, 1887; H. G. Kleyn, Algemeene Kerk en Plaat-
selijke Gemeente, Dordrecht, 1888; W. H. de S. Lohman,
De Kerkgebouwen van de Gerfformeerde-Hervormde-Kerk,
Amsterdam, 1888; J. I. Good, Ramble* round Reformed
Lands, Reading, Pa., 1889; J. H. Gunning, Het Protes-
tantsche Nederland onzer dagen, Groningen, 1889; F. L.
Rutgers, Acta van de Ned. Synoden der zestiende Eeuw,
The Hague, 1889; idem, De Gddigheid van de oude Ker-
kenordening der Ned. Gereformeerde Kerken, Amsterdam,
1890; J. H. Gunning, Opmerking en over het liturgische
Element in den Gereformeerden CuUus, Groningen, 1890;
Boehl, Prolegomena voor eene gereformeerde Dogmatiek,
Amsterdam, 1892; P. J. Muller, Handboek der dogmatiek,
ten dienste der Ned. Hervormde Kerk, Groningen, 1895;
W. E. Griffis, Brave Little Holland and What she Taught
us, Boston, 1894; and the literature under Holland.

For the church in America as sources consult: Minutes
of the Coetus, 1737-71, of the Provisional Synod, 1771-
1793, of the General Synod, 1794 sqq. (official); Constitu-
tion of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, New York,
1793 (republished as needed); Documentary History of
New York, 4 vols., Albany, 1850-51; Documents Relating
to the Colonial Hijt. of New York, 14 vols., Albany, 1856-
1883; Magazine of the Reformed Protestant Dutch Church,
4 vols., 1827-30; A. Gunn, Memoir of Rev. John H.
Livingston, New York, 1829, 2d ed.. 1856; J. K. Brod-
head. Hist, of the State of New York, 2 vols., New York,
1853-71; E. B. O'Callaghan. New Netherland, 2 vols..
New York, 1855; Ecclesiastical Records of the State of
New York, 6 vols., Albany, 1901-05. On the history
consult: D. D. Demarest. Hist, and Characteristics of the
Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, New York, 1856, 2d

ed., with title. The Reformed Church in America. Its
Origin, Development, and Characteristic*, 1889; E. T.
Corwin, Manual of the Reformed Dutch Church, New York,
1859, 4th ed., 1902; idem, in American Church Hufery
Series, vol. viii., ib. 1895 (both volumes contain nuti*
pensable lists of literature); W. B. Sprague, inasb ♦/
the American Pulpit, vol. uc. New York, 1869; Cewtsmud
Celebration of Rutgers College, Albany, 1870; J. Banker-
hoff. Hist, of the True Reformed Dutch Church, New York,
1873; Centennial Discourses of the Reformed Chmk n
America, 2d ed., New York, 1877; Centennial of the Theo-
logical Seminary, New Brunswick, N. J., New York, 1885;
N. H. Dosker, De hoUandsche Gereformeerde Kerk in Amer-
ica, Nijmegen, 1888; Historic Sketch of the Reformat
Church in N. C. (by a board of editors under the Qssm
of N. C), Philadelphia, 1908.

For doctrine and legislation refer to: W. Hatoe, The-
ology of the Reformed Church in its Fundamental FriMt»
pies, New York, 1904; E. T. Corwin, Digest ofCoU&s-
tional and Synodical Legislation of the Reformed Chunk «
America, New York, 1906; M. J. Boama, Exposition of
Reformed Doctrine: a popular Explanation of the mod
essential Teachings of the Reformed Churches, Grind
Rapids, Mich., 1907; and the literature under Honor
bebo Catechism, and Dobt, Stnod or.

On Africa: C. Spoelstra, Van Zoeterwonde naar Prdork,
Capetown, 1898; and the minutes (Acta) of the Syncxk

REFORMED CISTERCIANS. See Traffists.

REFORMED (COVENANTED) PRESBYTE-
RIANS. See Presbyterians, VIII., 10.

REFORMED EPISCOPALIANS: The Reformed
Episcopal Church formally separated from the Prot-
estant Episcopal Church, under the leadership of
Bishop George David Cummins (q.v.), at a meeting
composed of prominent Protestant
Origin and Episcopal clergymen and laymen, held

History, in New York Dec. 3, 1873. The cause
of the separation was found in the
rapid rise and advance of ritualism and of its con-
trolling influence in the Protestant Episcopal
Church. The establishment of an independent
episcopal church was necessitated for the purpose
of preserving the Low Church Evangelical princi-
ples and practises of the English Reformers of the
sixteenth century, and of the early Protestant
Episcopal Church in America, which fundamental
principles and customs were becoming obliterated
in the spread of the Oxford or Tractarian move-
ment (see Tractarianism) in England and in Amer-
ica, and in the consequent rapid and successful
substitution of Roman dogma and rites for the his-
toric and Biblical Reformed doctrine and Protes-
tant liturgical worship of the old Reformed Church
of England and of the Protestant Episcopal Church
of the early days of American history. The Re-
formed Episcopal Church therefore claims to be
the old Protestant Episcopal Church in the full
meaning of the title, and takes its name from the
historic title of the Reformed Church of England,
and the great English Reformers and Protestant
martyrs. Bishop Cummins immediately conse-
crated Charles Edward Cheney (q.v.) bishop of the
West, now the synod of Chicago, which charge he
still holds.

The church in 1910 reports 5 synods and mission-
ary jurisdictions in the United States and Canada, 94
parishes, 7 bishops, and 99 other clergy, about 10,500
communicants, about 11,000 in the Sunday-schools,
a church property, free of incumbrances, valued
at about $1,670,000, controls property in use,
valued at about $1,835,000, and holds and is heir

48*

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Beformed (Dutch) Church
Reformed Episcopalians

to, denominational endowment funds amounting to
about (350,000, not including large parochial en-
dowments. It has a well-equipped
The Church and endowed theological seminary in
in America. Philadelphia, with an aliimni roll of 64
names. It is represented in two church
papers: The Episcopal Recorder, published weekly
in Philadelphia, founded 1822, formerly a Protes-
tant Episcopal organ; and The Evangelical Epis-
copalian, published monthly since 1888 in Chicago.
The church maintains a large mission work among
the colored freedmen of the South, under the care
of a white superintendent An extensive foreign-
mission work is conducted in India, including at
Lalitpur orphanages and schools, and at Lucknow
a hospital and dispensary, all under the charge of
clergymen educated in the Philadelphia Theological
Seminary.

The church has a considerable following in Eng-
land, where it was introduced in 1877, now under the
episcopal jurisdiction of Bishop Philip
The Church X. Eldridge, of London. The English
in England, branch now constitutes an independ-
ent but affiliated church, and reports
28 ministers, 1,990 communicants, 6,000 sittings,
and 256 teachers, and 2,600 pupils in its Sunday-
schools.

While the Reformed Episcopal Church perpetu-
ates the historic church as represented in the Evan-
gelical English Reformation, it differs from the
Protestant Episcopal Church of mod-
Doctrines era days fundamentally in doctrine,
and Ritual, as well as in ceremonial and ritual.
Possessing and preserving the historic
episcopate, it holds that the episcopate is not a sep-
arate order in the ministry, but is an office within
the presbyterate, and that the bishop is among the
presbyters primus inter pares. It " recognizes and
adheres to episcopacy, not as of Divine right, but
as a very ancient and desirable form of church
polity." And it repudiates the dogma of Apostolic
Succession (q.v.; see also Succession, Apos-
tolic), and " condemns and rejects " as "er-
roneous and strange doctrine, contrary to God's
Word, that the Church of Christ exists only in one
order or form of ecclesiastical polity." It recog-
nises the validity of all Evangelical orders, con-
firmed in the laying on of hands of the presbytery;
and holds communion with, and exchanges pulpits
with, all Evangelical Protestant Churches, and re-
ceives from them by letters dimissory, clergy and
laity without reordination or reconfirmation, and
dismisses to them, as to parishes in her own com-
munion.

It denies that Christian ministers are " priests "
in any ecclesiastical sense, and has eliminated this
title, as so applied, from the Prayer Book. It " re-
jects " the " strange doctrine " that " the Lord's
Table is an altar on which the oblation of the Body
and Blood of Christ is offered anew to the Father,"
and " that the Presence of Christ in the Lord's
Supper is a presence in the elements of Bread and
Wine." And it forbids the erection of any such
altar in the church, where may be found only the
honored, historic, plain communion table. It de-
nies " that Regeneration is inseparably connected

with Baptism " of water, as taught in the old for-
mularies, and has expurgated from the Prayer Book
statements to such effect. It has adopted as the
model for its Prayer Book the thoroughly Evan-
gelical and Protestant Book of Bishop White, the
first American Prayer Book of 1785, which followed
the Reformed doctrinal standard of the Second
Book of Edward VI. of 1552, rejecting the later
American Prayer Book of 1789, and of present use
in the Protestant Episcopal Church, for the assigned
reason that it followed the High-church standard
of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, which in turn had
followed the half-reformed First Book of Edward VI.
of 1552.

The Reformed Episcopal Prayer Book, retain-
ing all the beautiful historic forms of worship, is
entirely free from any germs of Roman Catholic doc-
trine, and, having been in constant use for thirty-
seven years, is the only Low-church revision of the
Prayer Book that has had a history of actual service
in common use for a period of more than four years.

W. Russell Collins.

The "Declaration of Principles" set forth at the
organization of the Reformed Episcopal Church in
1873 took the following form: —

I. The Reformed Episcopal Church, holding
"the faith once delivered unto the saints," declares
its belief in the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New
Testaments as the Word of God, and the sole Rule
of Faith and Practice; in the Creed "commonly
called the Apostles' Creed"; in the Divine institu-
tion of the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's
Supper; and in the doctrines of grace substantially
as they are set forth in the Thirty-Nine Articles of
Religion.

II. This Church recognizes and adheres to Epis-
copacy, not as of divine right, but as a very ancient
and desirable form of church polity.

III. This Church, retaining a Liturgy which shall
not be imperative or repressive of freedom in
prayer, accepts the Book of Common Prayer, as it
was revised, proposed, and recommended for use
by the General Convention of the Protestant-
Episcopal Church, a.d. 1785, reserving full liberty
to alter, abridge, enlarge, and amend the same, as
may seem most conducive to the edification of the
people, "provided that the substance of faith be
kept entire."

IV. This Church condemns and rejects the fol-
lowing erroneous and strange doctrines as contrary
to God's Word:

First, That the Church of Christ exists only in one
order of ecclesiastical polity:

Second, That Christian Ministers are "priests
in another sense than that in which all believers are
"a royal priesthood":

Third, That the Lord's Table is an altar on which
the oblation of the Body and Blood of Christ is
offered anew to the Father:

Fourth, That the Presence of Christ in the Lord's
Supper is a presence in the elements of Bread and
Wine:

Fifth, That Regeneration is inseparably connect-
ed with Baptism.

Bibliography: Mm. Annfe D. Price, But. of the Formation
and Growth of the Reformed Epieeopal Church 187$-t90£,

»>

Reformed (German) Ohttroh

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

436

Philadelphia, 1902; B. Ayerigg, M •maris* of the Reformed
Episcopal Church, New York, 1875, new ed.( 1882; Mrs.
G. D. Cummins, Memoir of O. D. Cummins, ib., 1878; C.
C. Tiffany, in American Church History Series, vii. 634-
636, New York, 1895; H. K. Carroll, in the same, i. 325, ib.
1896.

REFORMED (GERMAN) CHURCH IN THE
UNITED STATES.

I. History.

Period of the Coetus (f 1).
Period of the Synod (f 2).
Statistics and Agencies (f 3).
II. Doctrine, Worship, and Government.

I. History: The Reformed Church (German) in
the United States traces its origin back to Zwingli
(q.v.) in northeastern Switzerland, who began

preaching the Evangelical Gospel at

z. Period Einsiedeln in 1516. These doctrines,

of the as further developed by Bullinger and

Coetus. Calvin, passed over into Germany.

Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate
caused the Heidelberg Catechism to be written by
Ursinus and Olevianus and published it at Heidel-
berg Jan. 19, 1563. The founders of the church in
this country were colonists from the Palatinate and
other parts of western Germany and also from Swit-
zerland. The first minister, Samuel Guldi (q.v.),
came from Bern to America in 1710. The first
purely German congregation was founded at Ger-
mania Ford, on the Rapidan, Va., 1714. But the
first complete congregational organization took
place 1725, when John Philip Boehm, a schoolmas-
ter, organized the congregations at Falkner Swamp,
Skippach, and White Marsh, Pa., according to the
principles of Calvin, and adopted as standards
the Heidelberg Catechism and the Canons of Dort.
George Michael Weiss came in 1727 and organized
the Philadelphia congregation. Boehm was ordained
1729 at New York by the Dutch Reformed minis-
ters under the authority of the classis of Amster-
dam in Holland. In 1742 Count Zinzendorf tried to
unite all the German churches and sects in Pennsyl-
vania into one organization with the Moravians as
the leading body. This was opposed by Boehm and
Guldi (q.v.). In 1746 Michael Schlatter (q.v.) came
from St. Gall, Switzerland, commissioned by the
Reformed Church of the Netherlands to organize
the Germans of Pennsylvania. After traveling much
among the congregations, he completed their or-
ganization, begun by Boehm, by forming the coe-
tus at Philadelphia Sept. 29, 1747, at which there
were present four ministers and representatives
from twelve charges. The second coetus (1748)
completed the organization by adopting as its
standards the Heidelberg Catechism and the Canons
of Dort. It also adopted a constitution, which was
Boehm 's constitution of 1725 somewhat enlarged.
In 1751 Schlatter returned to Europe, traveling
through Holland, Germany, and Switzerland seek-
ing aid for the Pennsylvania churches, and returned
with six young ministers appointed by the Reformed
Church of the Netherlands. Some effort was made,
1741-51, toward union with the Dutch Reformed
and Presbyterians, but the attempt failed. The
coetus continued under the control of the Reformed
Church of the Netherlands, which sent thirty-eight
ministers to America and spent about $20,000 on

the American churches. The actions of the coetus
were reviewed by the deputies of the Synods of
North and South Holland and by the classis of Am-
sterdam. This relation to Holland continued until

1792, when the coetus virtually declared itself in-
dependent (see Reformed [Dutch] Church, II.,
3-6).

The first synod was held at Lancaster Apr. 27,

1793. The church then consisted of 22 ministers,
178 congregations, and about 15,000 members. Its

first problems were the education of

2. Period of ministers and the change of language

the Synod, from German to English. After a

number of conflicts as at Philadelphia
and Baltimore, the latter was solved by the gradual
introduction of English into the services. The
former was solved by the education of young men
privately by different ministers. Of these, three
were especially prominent, Christian Lewis Becker
of Baltimore, Samuel Helffenstein of Philadelphia,
and L. F. Herman of Falkner Swamp. In 1820 the
synod divided itself into classes and decided to
found a theological seminary, which, however, was
not opened until 1825. The Ohio classis broke off
in 1824 and organized itself into an independent
synod. In 1822 the free synod of Pennsylvania
also broke away but returned in 1837. Similarly an
independent synod was organized in Ohio in 1846,
but returned about 1853. From 1829 to 1844 a re-
vival wave spread over the church. From 1845 to
1878 was the period of controversy. In 1844 Philip
Schaff (q.v.) delivered his inaugural address on " The
Principle of Protestantism/1 which led to the for-
mation of the Mercersburg theology. This was for-
mulated (1847) by the publication of The Mystical
Presence by John Williamson Nevin (q.v.) and by
What is History t by Phijip Schaff (q.v.) . Soon after
the Mercersburg theology appeared, a liturgical
movement began at the synod of 1847. In 1857
the provisional liturgy was published. In 1863 the
tercentenary of the Heidelberg Catechism was cele-
brated by a convention at Philadelphia, and in that
year the Ohio synod united with the old synod in
forming the general synod. In 1867 the order of
worship was published. In 1867 the Myerstown
convention was held to protest against the tendency
toward ritualism in the church. This convention
resulted in the founding of Ursinus College. In
1869 the western (or low-church) liturgy was pub-
lished. Both the order of worship and the western
liturgy were permitted by the general synod to be
used, but neither was adopted constitutionally by
being voted upon by the classes. The h'turgical
controversy continued until 1878, when the general
synod appointed a peace commission, which formu-
lated a basis of union. This commission was ap-
pointed by the next general synod (1881) to pre-
pare a new liturgy — The Directory of Worship. This
was finally adopted constitutionally by the
general synod (1887) after the classes had [voted
upon it.

Home-mission work was carried on by the church
almost from the beginning (A. C. Whitmer, One
Hundred and Fifty Years of Home Missionary Ac-
tivity, Lancaster, 1897). Foreign missionary work
was begun 1842 by the appointment of Benjamin

437

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Reformed (Oerman) Church

Schneider as missionary at Broosa, later at Ain-
tab, in Asia Minor, under the American Board of
Foreign Missions. This continued till 1866. In
1879 the first missionary was sent
3. Statistics to Japan and in 1900 to China (cf. H.
and K. Miller, History of the Japan Mis-

Agencies, sion, 1904). The church had (in 1908)
1,170 ministers, 1,681 congregations,
288,271 communicants, 1,716 Sunday-schools,
25,333 Sunday-school teachers and officers, 232,746
Sunday-school scholars, and 221 students for the
ministry. The contributions for congregational
expenses were $1,886,610, and for benevolence
$403,779.

The first theological school was founded at Car-
lisle, 1825. This was removed to York in 1829, and
to Mercersburg in 1836. Its classical school, begun
1831, grew into Marshall College, 1836, removed in
1853 to Lancaster and united with Franklin College
to form Franklin and Marshall College. The theo-
logical seminary was removed to Lancaster in 1871.
In Ohio efforts were made to found a theological
school at Canton (1838), then at Columbus (1848),
but no permanent school was founded till in 1850,
when Heidelberg College and Theological Seminary
were founded at Tiffin, Ohio. The latter was united
with Ursinus School of Theology in 1907 to form Cen-
tral Theological Seminary, located at Dayton, Ohio,
1908. A German Mission house was founded in
1870 at Franklin, Wis., where there is now a college
and theological seminary. Other colleges are Ca-
tawba College, Newton, N. C; Ursinus College,
Collegeville, Pa. (with theological department re-
moved to Philadelphia, 1898-1907). Female colleges
are Allentown Female College, All en town, Pa.,
Woman's College, Frederick, Md., and Claremont
Female College, Hickory, N. C. Preparatory
schools are Mercersburg College, Mercersburg, Pa.;
Massanutten Academy, Woodstock, Va., and In-
terior Academy, Dakota, 111. The church has or-
phans' homes at Womelsdorf, Pa., Greenville, Pa.
(formerly Butler, Pa.), Fort Wayne, Ind., and
Crescent, N. C; also deaconess homes at Alliance,
Allentown, and Cleveland. It publishes twelve
church papers in English, German, and Hungarian,
and sixteen Sunday-school publications.

TJL Doctrine, Worship, and Government: The Re-
formed Church was in language allied to the Lu-
theran Church, being German (although probably
about three-fourths now use English at the church
Bervices). But otherwise it was allied historically
with the Calvinistic family of churches and is a
member of the Alliance of Reformed Churches hold-
ing the Presbyterian System. Its early ministers
(1725-92) adopted the Calvinistic creeds of Hol-
land, the Canons of Dort, and the Heidelberg Cate-
chism. When the church became independent of
Holland, it adopted as its standard only the Ger-
man creed, the Heidelberg Catechism. Certain
tendencies toward a diminished Calvinism appeared
with even some traces of Arminianism, though the
church in the main was Calvinistic. But many pre-
ferred to be called Zwinglian rather than Calvinistic.
[n 1840, when J. W. Nevin was called from the Pres-
byterian Church to be professor of theology at*
Mercenburg, it was looked upon as cementing the

ties with the other Calvinistic churches. But the
Mercersburg theology departed from the earlier sys-
tem in claiming to be neither Calvinistic nor Ar-
minian but Christocentric. It emphasized, how-
ever, what it conceived to be Calvin's doctrine of
the Lord's Supper, though this was denied by the
opponents of Mercersburg theology. It was claimed
for the Mercersburg theology that it held to the
" spiritual real presence " while the old Reformed
held to the real spiritual presence as against an
imaginary presence or no presence of Christ at all
at the Lord's Supper. Mercersburg theology em-
phasized the objective efficacy of the sacraments
and also the objective in the visible Church. With-
in the last twenty years there has arisen a reaction
against these High-church views in a more liberal
school of theology, the leader of which was the late
William Rupp of the Lancaster Theological Semi-
nary, which is inclined toward Broad-church posi-
tions. On worship the church has been semi-
liturgical, that is, its Sabbath worship was free, but
its services for sacraments, marriage, and ordina-
tions were prescribed in a liturgy. For over a cen-
tury the Palatinate liturgy was used by the minis-
ters. No liturgy was officially published by the
synod till the Mayer liturgy of 1841, which has
services only for sacraments and the like, but none
for Sabbath worship. A small liturgy, based on
the Palatine, was published by the Ohio synod
(1832), but it also had no forms for the Sabbath
services. Coincident with the rise of Mercersburg
theology there was a development of liturgical wor-
ship for the Lord's Day services also. A provisional
liturgy was published and later the order of wor-
ship was introduced into many of the eastern con-
gregations; but the western and German part of
the church retain the free services. Baptism is by
sprinkling and the Lord's Supper is generally cele-
brated by the communicants coming forward to
and standing at the chancel. Confirmation is prac-
tised as a public act of confession of faith. In wor-
ship, the congregations usually sit during the hymns
and stand during prayer. In government the church
is Presbyterian, having as its courts, rising in their
order, congregation, consistory, classis, synod, and
general synod. Historically its government has
been more democratic than that of the Presby-
terian Church in this country, its congregations re-
serving more rights. The Mercersburg party, with
its high idea of worship, also urged higher ideas of
government and thus emphasized aristocratic Pres-
byterianism. They stressed the authority of the
higher church courts while the Old Reformed party
emphasized the liberty of lower church courts. The
church, however, is a synodical organization rather
than a general-synod organization, as its synods
reserve certain important rights, such as the found-
ing of theological seminaries. But latterly the gen-
eral synod has been gaining in authority as the
general activities of the church in home and foreign
missions, Sunday-school work, ministerial relief, and
the like are being centered in it. The general synod
meets once in three years. James I. Good.

Bibliography: On the history: J. I. Good, The Origin of
the Reformed Church in Germany, Reading, Pa., 1887;
idem, Hietory of the Reformed Church in Germany, 1680-
1890, ib. 1894; idem, Historic Handbook of the Reformed

Reformed (Hungarian) Church THTC NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

488

Church in U. S.t Reading, 1897, Philadelphia, 1902; idem,
Hist, of the Reformed Church in V. S. {1726-9$), Reading,
1899; idem. Women of the Reformed Church, Philadel-
phia, 1902; J. O. Buttner, Die hochdeutsch-reformirU
Kirche in den Vereinigten Staaien, Schleiz, 1844; L. Mayer,
A History of the German Reformed Church, vol. i., Phila-
delphia, 1851; H. Harbaugh and D. G. Heisler, The
Fathers of the German Reformed Church in Europe and
America, 6 vols., Reading, 1857-88; G. W. Williard, The
History of Heidelberg College, Cincinnati, 1879; J. H.
Dubbs, Historic Manual of the Reformed Church in the
U. S., Lancaster, 1885; idem. The Founding of the Ger-
man Churches in Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1893; idem,
in American Church History Series, vol. viii.. New York,
1895; idem. The Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, Lan-
caster, 1902; S. R. Fisher, History of Publication Efforts
in the Reformed Church, Philadelphia, 1885; T. Appel,
The Beginnings of the Theological Seminary, ib. 1886;
H. J. Ruetenik, Handbuch der christlichen Kirchenge-
schichte, Cleveland, 1890; J. L. Fluck, History of the Re-
formed Churches in Chester County, Norristown, 1829;
J. I. Swander, The Reformed Church, Dayton, n.d.

On doctrine and liturgy: S. Helffenstein, The Doctrines
of Divine Revelation, Philadelphia, 1842; P. Schaff, The
Principle of Protestantism, Chambersburg, 1845; J. W.
Nevin, The Liturgical Question, Philadelphia, 1862; idem,
Vindication of the Revised Liturgy, ib. 1867; J. H. A. Bom-
berger. The Revised Liturgy, Philadelphia, 1867; idem,
Reformed not Ritualistic. A Reply to Dr. Nevin' a " Vin-
dication," ib. 1867; I. A. Dorner, The Liturgical Conflict
in the Reformed Church in N. A ., Philadelphia, 1868; G. B.
Russell, Creed and Customs, Philadelphia, 1869; E. V.
Gerhart, Institutes of the Christian Religion, 2 vols., New
York, 1891-95.

REFORMED (HUNGARIAN) CHURCH IN
AMERICA: In the earlier stages of the Hungarian
immigration to this country those who were identi-
fied with the Reformed churches of their own land
to a considerable degree united with the Reformed
Church *n the United States or with the Presbyterian
Church in the United States of America. As their
congregations increased in numbers, a separate
classis in the Reformed Church in the United States
was organized for them, but there were quite a
number who desired closer connection with the
Mother Church in Hungary, especially with a view
to securing pastors familiar with their own language.
Appeals were made to Hungary, resulting in the
visit in 1902 to this country of Count Joseph De-
genfeld, curator-general of the Reformed Church in
Hungary. As a result of his observations and of a
report made by him on his return, the General Con-
vention of the Reformed Church in Hungary de-
cided to assist such congregations as were willing
to submit themselves to its care and supervision,
both by sending ministers and by rendering finan-
cial aid.

The Hungarian Reformed Church in America
was organized on Oct. 7, 1904, in New York City,
with 6 congregations and 6 ministers. At the time
of the census (1906) there were 16 organizations,
with 18 ministers and 5,253 members, worshiping
in 11 church edifices and 4 halls, owning church
property valued at $123,500, besides 6 parsonages
worth $26,500. The membership included 3,404
males and 1,549 females. There were 4 Sunday-
schools with 179 scholars.

Edwin Munsell Bliss.

REFORMED LEAGUE FOR GERMANY (RE-
FORMIERTER BUND FUER DEUTSCHLAND) :

An association, inspired in part by the Alliance of
the Reformed Churches (q.v.), founded in Aug.,

1884, at Marburg on the occasion of a meeting of
Reformed pastors and elders to celebrate the four-
hundredth anniversary of Zwingli's birth. Mar-
burg was chosen as the place because the Zurich
Reformer had been there at the celebrated colloquy
of 1529 to endeavor to secure harmony with Luther
in regard to eucharistic doctrine. The meeting of
1884 accordingly stood for the irenic principles of
Zwingli, who had declared that he would rather be
at one with Luther than with any one else, and, as
a result, a program was drawn up to bring together
the scattered members of the Reformed Church
throughout Germany. The union was to be vol-
untary in character, and was in no way intended to
interfere with territorial divisions or with the vary-
ing legal status of the Reformed Church bodies. It
was made plain in the resolutions passed by the
meeting that the league was not directed against
the Lutheran Church nor against the union, where
it existed, of both the Protestant communions, the
intention being simply to strengthen the internal
life of the two churches and to render each other
all possible assistance, with express declaration of
the equality of both communions and avoidance of
all interference in internal administration. Provi-
sion was also made for the financial support of
needy congregations and for the organization of
foundations to conserve Reformed principles. The
movement has proved successful; its membership
has increased each year; and it now extends over
nearly the entire German Empire. Conventions are
held biennially, while in the intervening year the
moderator presides over less formal meetings in
various Reformed communities. So far as the
finances of the Reformierter Bund permit, institu-
tions for clerical education have been founded, and
a number of religious journals, especially weeklies,
have been established. (F. H. Braxdes.)

Bibliography: The " Proceedings " of the conventions
have appeared in the Reformierte Kirchemeitung and in
special issues at Elberfeld, while reports by G. D. Matbew*
have been given in the Quarterly Register of the Preabyte*
rian Alliance.

REFORMED PRESBYTERIANS. For the vari-
ous bodies bearing this name see Presbyterians,
I., 5, III., 2, VIII., 5, 7, 11. Also see Scotland.

REFORMED SYNOD OF THE SOUTH, AS-
SOCIATE. See Presbyterians, VIII., 5.

REGALE (Lat., " royal prerogative ") : The alleged
right of the State to share in the administration of
the Church, especially to enjoy the incomes of a
diocese during a vacancy of the see and to appoint
to all benefices falling vacant in the bishopric dur-
ing this period, except to such as involve the cure
of souls. The earliest allusions to the claim in Ger-
many date from the reigns of Henry V. (d. 1125)
and Conrad III. (d. 1152), and in 1166 Barbarossa
expressly set forth his claims to regalia both of

revenues and of service in regard to
In Germany, the archdiocese of Cologne, basing his

demand on custom as well as on ancient
imperial and royal law. It is evident, moreover, that,
at least toward the end of his reign, this emperor ex-
tended the term of the regalia to a year and a day
after the enthronement of a new diocesan. The

489

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA S^K?"1 (Hungarian; Church

Curia, on the other hand, sought to do away with
the regalia and to make the incomes in question its
own, the result being the system, which still in part
exists, of annates (see Taxation, Ecclesiastical).
It was not, however, until the pontificate of Inno-
cent III. that the German monarchs surrendered
their claims to the regalia, Philip of Swabia, in
1203, being the first to do so. His example was fol-
lowed not only by his rival, Otto IV. (1209), but
also by Frederick II. (1213, 1219), the latter em-
phasizing his renunciation by the Wurzburg privi-
lege of 1216. Nevertheless, practise and profession
did not harmonize, probably because the surrender
of the regalia was construed to apply to the annates
only. Accordingly, in 1238 a decision of a court of
^Frederick II. explicitly affirmed the imperial right
to all incomes of a vacant see until the election of a
new bishop, and similar prerogatives were implied
by the sixth canon of the second council of Lyons
(1274). It is clear that the regalia extended even
to the smaller churches, and it is equally certain
that the ultimate source of the system was the in-
stitution of patronage (q.v.), for the patron who
received certain fees and service from the incum-
bent would naturally lay claim to the entire rev-
enue during a vacancy. The custom had been in
vogue long before it received the name of regalia in
the twelfth century. Then, when the old principle
of church control based on property rights had de-
cayed, the claim of regalia was evolved from the
earlier system as one of a number of usufructs, and
it received its name as including all secular posses-
sions and prerogatives granted as royal fiefs to
bishoprics and abbeys after the concordat of Worms
in 1122. The regalia no longer applied to the more
humble churches, as had originally been the case,
but to the imperial churches, probably because of
their feudal relations since the rise of the house of
Hohenstaufen. The name, but not the right in-
volved, was later transferred to non-royal churches.
The theory of regalia, like the closely related con-
cepts of the right of spoils (see Spoils, Right of)
and Investiture (q.v.), proceeded from the idea that
the diocese, abbey, or parish was the property of
the patron, i.e., the temporal lord. The regalia
must have been extended to the imperial churches
at an early period. The initial stages may be traced
in the Carolingian period, when, during the vacancy
of a see, there was a double system of ecclesiastical
and royal administration; and the later develop-
ment of the law of regalia in France conclusively
proves that similar usage regarding sees and abbeys
in West Franconia had been fully evolved before
the decay of the Carolingians and the rise of the
Capets, probably, therefore, in the course of the
tenth century.

In France the institution of regalia, with its ex-
tension to a year after the enthronement of a new
bishop, is mentioned by Bernard of
In France Clairyaux in 1143 and by Louis VII.
and in 1147. Subsequent allusions are f re-
England, quent, although all dioceses were not
subject to the law of regalia, nor were
the regalia the exclusive prerogative of the king.
From Normandy the law of regalia was extended
to England, where it was expressly declared by

William II. in 1089, together with the right of
spoils. This date serves to confirm the theory that
the law of regalia was evolved during the period of
private ownership of churches, and that it was not
called into being by the termination of the investi-
ture controversy or the recognition of the regalia
as a fief. It long existed in England, with tempo-
rary limitations and abrogations, as is shown, for
example, by the twelfth chapter of the Constitu-
tions of Clarendon (1164). In France, until the
union of the great fiefs with the crown, the right of
regalia was possessed by the dukes of Normandy,
Brittany, Burgundy, and others, as well as by the
counts of Champagne, and, for a time, of Anjou.
The entire situation during the rule of the Capets
seems to indicate that it was inherited from the
Carolingians. On the other hand, the ecclesias-
tical provinces of Bordeaux, Auch, Narbonne, Aries,
Aux, Embrun, and Vienne were exempt. The right
of regalia in France was administered by royal
stewards and normally was restricted to the tem-
poral emoluments of the see, while the rights of the
deceased bishop's legatees were scrupulously rec-
ognized. At the same time the French kings held
strenuously to the spiritual regalia, i.e., the appoint-
ment, during the vacancy of a see, to any benefice
not involving pastoral care. This phase of the re-
galia is traceable to the feudal relation between the
bishop and his clergy beginning with the ninth cen-
tury; and it likewise gave the king the opportunity
to put into office clergy devoted to his interests,
and ultimately, through canons of this type, to in-
fluence episcopal elections. All this, however, gave
rise to grave disputes, tried at first in the king's
court, and after the thirteenth century before the
parliament of Paris. The spiritual regalia, more-
over, brought the kings of France into conflict with
the papal claims to the general right of making
ecclesiastical appointments. Boniface VIII. (q.v.),
by his bull AuscuUa fili (Dec. 5, 1301), vainly en-
deavored to compel Philip the Fair to modify his
claims of regalia, and in 1375 Gregory XI. unre-
servedly admitted the royal rights of regalia.

The law of regalia received marked extension
and intensification in France in the sixteenth cen-
tury, when the power of the monarchy became ab-
solute. The regalia, now construed by the jurists
of the parliament of Paris to mean " royal laws "
instead of " royal prerogatives," were made to in-
clude the entire kingdom. The clergy protested,
but though, by his edict of Dec., 1606, Henry IV.
restored the regalia to their traditional limits, the
parliament refused compliance. A similar ordi-
nance by Louis XIII., in 1629, was equally ineffec-
tual, and finally the edict of Louis XIV., dated Feb.
10, 1673, bound the clergy to submit to the univer-
sal extension of the law. In two breves (Sept. 21,
1678, and Dec. 27, 1679) Innocent XI. required
the French king to abrogate his edict, but the clergy
of France, including such Iansenists as Antoine
Arnauld (q.v.), and moved by a variety of motives,
not the least of which was Gallicanism, were on the
royal side, their attitude being voiced by the famous
" General Assembly of the Clergy of France " at
Paris in 1681-82 (see Gallicanism, § 2). In an
edict of Jan., 1682, the king repeated his claims on

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

440

the regalia with due consideration for the require-
ments of canon law, but Innocent XI. (breve of
Apr. 2, 1682) and Alexander VIII. (constitution
Inter multiplices, Jan. 31, 1691) both condemned
the measures adopted by the General Assembly, and
on Sept. 14, 1693, the king and his clergy formally
surrendered to Innocent XII., the decree of Mar.
22, 1682, being formally revoked. Nevertheless,
there was little practical alteration in the royal atti-
tude toward the regalia, and the laws in question
were actually abrogated only by the confiscation of
the property of the Church at the French Revolu-
tion. The regalia were, however, revived for a brief
time by Napoleon in his decree of Nov. 6, 1813
(arts. 33-34, 45), and from 1880 until the separa-
tion of Church and State in France, which went
into effect Jan. 1, 1906, the Third Republic again
applied the law with increased exactions.

(Ulrich Stutz.)

Bibliography: Documents are quoted in Reich, Docu-
ments, pp. 303-307, 370 sqq., and in Thatcher and McNeal,
Documents, nos. 83, 103. On the general subject and for
Germany consult: E. Friedberg, De finium inter ecclesiam
et civitatem regundorum judicio, pp. 220 sqq., Leipsic, 1861;
J. Berchtold, Die Entwicklung der Landeshoheit, pp. 65
sqq., 128 sqq., Munich, 1863; P. Scheffer-Boichoret,
Kaisers Friedrichs I. letzter Streit mil der Kurie, pp. 189
sqq., Berlin, 1866; G. Waits, Deutsche Verfassungsge-
schichte, vol. viii., Kiel, 1877; C. Frey, Die Schicksale des
kdniglichen Gutes in Deutschland unter den letzten Staufen,
pp. 241 sqq., Berlin, 1881; C. W. Nitzsch, Oeschichte des
deutschen Volkes, ii. 255-259, 3 vols., Altenburg, 1883-
1885; H. Geffcken, Die Krone und das niedere deutsche
Kirchengut unter Kaiser Friedrich II. (IS 10 bis I860), pp.
120 sqq., Jena, 1890; G. Blondel, £tude sur la politique
de Vempereur Frideric II. en AUemagne, pp. 243 sqq.,
Paris, 1892; H. Krabbo, Die Besetzung der deutschen Bis-
turner unter der Regierung Kaiser Friedrichs II., Berlin,
1901 ; and the works on the German law by E. Friedberg,
Leipsic, 1903, and R. Schroder, ib. 1902.

For France consult: C. Gerin, Recherches historiques
sur VassembUe du clerge de 1682, Paris, 1869; idem, Louis
XIV. et le saint-siege, 2 vols., ib. 1894; J. T. Loyson,
L'AssembUe du clergi de 1682, Paris, 1870; G. Phillips,
Das Regalienrecht in Frankreich, Halle, 1873; E. Michaud,
Louis XIV. et Innocent XL, 4 vols., Paris, 1883; F. H.
Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Biicher, ii. 560 sqq., Bonn,
1885; A. Luchaire, Histoire des institutions monarchiques
de la France sous les premiers Capttiens, ii. 59 sqq., Paris,
1891; idem, Manuel des institutions franchises, passim,
ib. 1898; Imbart de la Tour, Les Elections episcopales dans
VSglise de France du 9. au 12. siecle, pp. 127 sqq., 453 sqq.,
Paris, 1891; L. Mention, Documents relatifs aux rapports
de clerge avec royauU, 1682-1706, Paris, 1893; P. Viollet,
Histoire des institutions politiques et administratives de la
France, ii. 158, 345 sqq., Paris, 1898; Ranke, Popes, ii.
417-427.

For England consult: F. Makower, Die Verfassung der
Kirche von England, pp. 326 sqq., Berlin, 1894; H. Bohm-
er, Kirche und Stoat in England und in der Normandie
im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert, Leipsic, 1899.

REGENERATION.

Definition and Implications (J 1).

Biblical Doctrine ($2).

In the Early and Medieval Churches (§ 3).

In the Reformation ($4).

Pietism ($5).

In Modem Theology (5 6).

The Doctrine Presented (§ 7).

Regeneration means the entrance into the Chris-
tian state of salvation as a new beginning of life,
involving also the abandonment of the former mode
of existence as well as the far-reaching conse-
quences of the course entered upon. In connection
with the Christian doctrine of Atonement and

Redemption (qq.v.) the idea of regeneration coo-
tains the following factors : (1) The state of salva-
tion is unconditionally the work of
z. Defini- God; (2) this state signifies such a
tion and rupture with the past that the claims
Implies- of sin, the law, and the world no
tions, longer have validity; (3) it is the crea-
tion of a new type of life, determined by
God, which needs to be developed and matured, but
does not require anything else by which it may
receive its character as a state of salvation; (4) it
opens to the new personality the path of a growth
and an activity, the tendency and goal of which are
determined by the beginning set by God. The
effort to assign to regeneration a coordinate place
among the more specific concepts in the scheme of
salvation, such as conversion, justification, and
sanctification, has always led to unstable results.
Either the term threatened to absorb the others,
or it was limited in a way not consistent with
the comprehensive range of the Biblical view.

An exact equivalent of regeneration is found in
the New Testament only in a few passages. The
Greek word palingenesia, which corresponds most
directly, is used only in Titus iii. 5,
a. Biblical where it refers to the individual re-
Doctrine, newal of life, which there is connected
with baptism; and in Matt. xix. 28,
where it refers to the eschatological renewal of the
world. In I Pet. i. 3 the resurrection of Christ is
mentioned as the act that effects regeneration; in
i. 23 the living and eternal Word of God appears as
the productive seed. But indirectly the thought
of a renewal of life by faith in Christ lies at the
basis of a number of passages in the New Testa-
ment. In the Old Testament it is prepared by the
prophecy of a conversion of Israel to be wrought
by God (Jer. xxxi. 18, 33 sqq.; Isa. lx. 21). It is
described as the gift of another heart and of a new
spirit (Ezek. xi. 19 sqq., xxxvi. 25 sqq.; Ps. Ii. 12).
With this prophecy John the Baptist connects his
demand of repentance with which is associated the
symbol of the cleansing of baptism (Matt. iii. 1 sqq.)-
The religious and moral demands of Jesus rest upon
the testimony of a prevening act of God which
enables a new attitude (Matt, xviii. 23 sqq., xv. 13,
xix. 26). It is necessary to make a new beginning
(Matt, xviii. 3), and the death of Jesus is designated
as the decisive act of salvation that originates a
new relation to God (Mark x. 45; Matt. xxvi. 28).
The apostolic preaching represents the operation of
a thoroughgoing renewal of life in consequence of
the death and resurrection of the Redeemer. Paul
does not use in the older epistles the term " regen-
eration," but the idea of a new creation occupies
an important part. God fulfils in Christ, the sec-
ond Adam, a new creation of humanity (I Cor. xv.
45). Christ's death is the end of the old, his resur-
rection the beginning of a new life, which from him
is transferred to his adherents (Rom. vi. 4 sqq.;
II Cor. iv. 10, v. 17; Gal. ii. 1&-20; Eph. ii. 5-6;
Col. ii. 12). The Christian therefore is a new crea-
tion (Gal. vi. 15); a new man (Col. iii. 10; Eph.
iv. 24). The entrance into this new state of life is
connected with baptism (Rom. vi. 3 sqq.; Col. ii.
11 sqq.), which, however, is not without faith (Gal.

441

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Regale
Beffeneration

iii. 26-27). In this new state of life there are to be
distinguished two aspects: justification, which de-
livers man from the guilt and the condemnation of
sin (Bom. v. 18-19; Gal. ii. 16), and the endow-
ment with the Spirit of God (Gal. iii. 5, iv. 6; Rom.
viii. 2); although Paul did not strictly discriminate
between the two. Objectively the new creation
consists in the mission and work of Christ; sub-
jectively in the faith called forth by it. The de-
markation of the new creation from the subsequent
unfolding of the new life is made difficult in that
sanctification appears now as, with justification, a
newly implanted life tendency (I Cor. vi. 11), and
again as a continuous task (Rom. vi. 19-22), and
in that the new life is even represented as ever un-
dergoing a retransformation (Rom. xii. 2, xiii. 14;
Eph. iv. 22 sqq.). I Peter connects the new crea-
tion with the resurrection of Christ (i. 3). The
means of this renewal of life consists of the Word of
God (i. 23) ; this serves also the growth and strength-
ening of the newly born babes (ii. 2 sqq.). In the
Johannine writings birth is represented from God
(John i. 12 sqq.), or the birth from above is a fre- .
quent designation of the state of the Christian.
This divine generation of the new man produces
the state of the children of God, which is here res-
toration of a relation with the being of God. The
possibility of such a state is produced by the incar-
nation of the Logos (John i. 12); its realization is
the work of the Spirit (iii. 6, 8). To the Word is
ascribed mediation in so far as it is the medium of
the Spirit (vi. 63). As a further medium of the
spiritual new birth is mentioned the water of bap-
tism (iii. 5) ; but it is merely a step preparatory for
the renovation by the Spirit. Regeneration must
be experienced by faith (John i. 12; I John v. 1).
In some passages of the Johannine writings the life
from God appears as a possession which excludes
not only apostasy, but also the sinning of the new
man (I John iii. 6, 9). According to other passages
not only may Christians sin (I John i. 8 sqq., ii. 1),
they may sin even unto death (v. 16). With
John, therefore, regeneration is represented as the
transposition into a new stage of life which is essen-
tially relationship with God; but also with him the
transition takes place through faith, and the new
state of life is conditioned by the moral preserva-
tion of the endowed character.

The conception of regeneration has no definite
place in the terminology of the doctrine of salvation
in the early and medieval Church, and no connected
history; because in the post-apostolic
3. In the time there reigned a moralistic con-
Early and ception of salvation. It indeed offered
Medieval room for the acts of human self-activ-
Churches. ity which introduce and accompany
the new life, such as repentance, recog-
nition of the truth, fulfilment of the law, with but
alight connection of these with the divine operation
and the mediator of salvation; but this jejune con-
ception was supplemented by a faith in the magic
and supernatural effect of baptism and the Lord's
Supper. The Eastern Church recognized the univer-
sal regeneration of humanity in the incarnation of the
Logos, but it knew little of the renewal of life in
the individual. Augustine traced regeneration en-

tirely to the effect of grace; but he associated this
with the mediation of the Church, and as he saw in
the new life not so much a possession of faith as
the activity of love, he confounded the conceptions
of regeneration and sanctification. Scholasticism
resolved the cultivation of the new life into a num-
ber of the Church's importations of grace and the
corresponding efforts of will, which scarcely ad-
mitted of a unified conception of regeneration.
Thomas Aquinas preferred the most impersonal
expression which the New Testament offers for the
idea of regeneration, " participation in the divine
nature " (Summa, ii. 110). For the Council of Trent
regeneration was only another name for justifica-
tion (Ses&io, vi. 3), which found its consummation
in the " infusion of love." For the mystics who
have a special preference for the picture of regen-
eration, it meant essentially union with God af-
forded to the soul that was emptied of the world
and selfhood. But this individual experience of
the pious absolved itself in the moment of subjec-
tive feeling, and was not sobered by a firm hold
upon the historical divine will of grace.

The Reformation restored to regeneration its
firm connection with God's act of salvation in Christ.
In the forgiveness of sin man finds the basis of a
new existence. The faith that receives this blessing
is the immediate reality of a new life. Faith itself
is, according to Luther, the new birth.
4. In the In faith we are both justified and sanc-
Reforma- tified. This view was not affected by
tion. Luther's association of regeneration
and baptism. He assumed even the
difficulty of the idea of faith in infants in order to
maintain the same saving operation in children and
adults. The same intimate connection of justifica-
tion and new life is found in Melanchthon's Loci of
1521 and in the Apology. The latter does not limit
the term " justification " to the conception of a
mere declaration of being just, but unhesitatingly
denotes " justification " as " regeneration " and
faith as the " lightness of heart " demanded by
God as " obedience toward the Gospel." Justifica-
tion included moral renewal and the endowment of
the Spirit. This merging was due to the appre-
hension of justification not as a transcendent act
of God but as a human experience; but in the
commentary on Romans (1532) Melanchthon began
to connect more strictly the judgment of God de-
claring man as just with Christ's work of atone-
ment and to exclude from it every reference to the
transformation of man that begins with faith.
Calvin conceived regeneration as " penitence " and
restricted it to the moral act of the mortification of
the old man and the generation of the new. The
Formula of Concord (q.v.) left the conception of
regeneration vague, while it, on the other hand,
clearly defined justification, thus exposing the re-
lation of faith to morals, now excluded from justi-
fication, to neglect. The period of the Reformation
left to later theology a number of unsolved ques-
tions regarding regeneration, such as the relation
of the Spirit to the individual. The Augsburg Con-
fession (q.v.) states that the Spirit effects faith
(Art. 6) and that faith conditions the possession of
the Spirit (Art. 20). These statements are not con-

Regeneration
Helens turg-

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

448

tradictory if by the Spirit that effects faith is
understood the Spirit of God incorporate in the
Word and the congregation, and by the Spirit that
is imparted to faith the individualized spirit dwell-
ing in the believer. But as this distinction was gen-
erally unobserved, there resulted a different inter-
pretation of regeneration in the process of salvation.
If Luther's conception of regeneration as the " gift
of faith " was to be adhered to, it must neccessarily
be considered as the presupposition of the life of faith
in general and consequently as preceding justifica-
tion. But if one holds the idea that only the indi-
vidual possession of the spirit effects regeneration,
then regeneration is the consequence of the sonship
attained in faith. In the latter instance regenera-
tion is reduced to a secondary position but receives
a richer ethical import. Still more important for
the later development of the doctrine was the ques-
tion in regard to the relation of regeneration to bap-
tism. Some dogmaticians adhered to the bold thesis
of Luther that the baptism of infants and the re-
generation of adults by faith in the Word were essen-
tially the same process. But the later theologians
taught in connection with the doctrine of baptism
a regeneration which was not at the same time a
renovation of life, but communicated to the soul
chained by hereditary sin the capacity to believe.
In this way the conception of regeneration was con-
siderably emptied and placed where it could no
longer serve as an expression of the experience of
salvation.

Pietism opposed this shallow conception of re-
generation, representing it as an experience of faith,
and was intent upon insuring its de-
5. Pietism, velopment into a new moral attitude.
Spener (q.v.) taught that in the mo-
ment of regeneration, which coincides with that of
justification, there is posited in the believer a new
principle of life that develops into sanctification.
The Lutheran doctrine of justification was the basis
of the certainty of salvation also for Zinzendorf
(q.v.), but in one period of his life he held a mysticc-
theosophic theory of regeneration, representing it
not so much as an experience of faith as a mysteri-
ous penetration of the power of the blood of Christ.
Similar thoughts of a substantial or physiological
interpretation of regeneration are found in P. Nicolai
(q.v.) at the beginning of the seventeenth century,
in the Swabian Pietism, in J. A. Bengel, F. C.
Oetinger, and Michael Hahn (qq.v.). Also in mod-
ern Pietism frequently Methodistic thoughts appear
of a second experience of grace after justification
that is to lead man to the threshold of sinless per-
fection. In this the fact is overlooked that justify-
ing faith conceived in its Biblical and Reformation
depth includes already this second act of self-sur-
render.

The treatment of the conception of regeneration
in modern theology presents a variegated if not
confused picture. A stimulating influence upon the
development of dogma was Immanuel Kant's pos-
tulate of radical evil and the deepening of the idea
of personality by the distinction of the "intel-
ligible " and the empiric character. What R.
Eucken, following J. G. Fichte, indicates as "We-
8ensbildung " is essentially a philosophical parallel

to Christian regeneration. The fruit of philosoph-
ical idealism was made especially productive for

theology by Schleiermacher, who taught

6. In that regeneration on the subjective

Modern aide as the reception of the individ-

Theology. ual into the life communion of Christ

corresponds to redemption as the
communication of sinless perfection and blessed-
ness. It is the foundation of a new character,
while sanctification is its unfolding. The change
that has begun with regeneration may be re-
garded either as a changed form of life, conver-
sion, the elements of which are repentance and
faith; or as a changed relation to God or a changed
feeling of life, justification. Most of the theologians
who followed Schleiermacher returned to that sense
of justification according to which it is grounded
upon a divine judgment, without, however, relin-
quishing the thought that this judgment accrues to
the believer only in so far as he is in real union with
Christ. Thus in avoiding an empty concept of
faith, they returned to the original Reformation
idea. Four other types parallel to the above may
be distinguished: (1) The adherence to the com-
bination of regeneration and baptism, involving the
belabored efforts of integrating the turning to God
or conversion later in life with infant baptism;

(2) the theosophical representation of regeneration
is that of a transubstantiation. Richard Rothe
(q.v.), with his followers, approaches from his con-
ception of the spirit as the unity of the ideal and the
natural existence. From regeneration there follows
the positing of a spiritual nature which is to unfold
in organic growth toward imperishable results.

(3) Another group of theologians, among them es-
pecially Albrecht Ritschl (q.v.), replaces the concep-
tion of regeneration by that of justification in order
to prevent every Pietistic obscuration of the doctrine
of grace. Regeneration, if the term is preferred, is
not to be distinguished from justification or adop-
tion. Ethical transformation is hereby secured in
that, in reconciliation, the purpose of the kingdom
of God is appropriated and by doing good, freedom
from the world, or eternal life, is attained. Johann
Georg Wilhelm Herrmann (q.v.) insists that regen-
eration can not be established externally as a fact,
but only by a judgment of faith. This judgment
bases itself not upon our possession, but upon the
attitude which God in Christ assumes toward us.
According to Julius Wilhelm Martin Kaftan (q.v.)
the divine act of redemption fulfilled in Christ, espe-
cially in his death and resurrection, becomes by
faith a personal experience involving ethical re-
newal. In the conception of regeneration these
three elements are by faith perceived as a totality.

(4) Richard Adelbert Lipsius (q.v.) designates re-
generation as the ethical side of the state of grace
in distinction from justification as its religious side.
Regeneration accordingly is called the logical con-
sequence of justification.

Regeneration is here represented as the divinely
wrought origin of a new, personal existence. But
the term can denote only its origin; the preserva-
tion and growth of the new life are not included
in the conception, but are to be represented as
the state of the children of God. Moreover, there is

443

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Regeneration
Reffensburg-

no need to include the objective basis of salvation
in the conception of regeneration, although the
New Testament occasionally expresses
7. The the close connection of the new person-
Doctrine ality with the person and work of the
Presented, mediator of salvation (Eph. vi. 6, 10;
I Pet. i. 3). For the historical basis of
salvation there are used other conceptions, Atone-
ment and Redemption (qq.v.), and the idea of re-
generation is more appropriate for application to
individuals than to the comprehensive followship.
There is no reason to break with the view offered
by the Reformation in connecting regeneration with
the origin of faith, or as Luther has it, that the new
birth is faith. By faith not only is the divine judg-
ment of justification appropriated but a union is
effected with Christ transforming the believer into
a new person. Faith has thus not only a religious
but an ethical meaning, in that it represents a re-
ceptive attitude toward the vivifying and deter-
mining influence of the Redeemer. Man's relation
to God can not be measured by the diagnosis of the
state of his own soul, but merely by the worth of
Christ, the object of his faith; hence the certainty
of salvation is not jeopardized. Owing to the con-
dition of appropriation by faith, it is impossible to
ascribe to the baptism of infants unconditionally
the effect of regeneration; for the realization of the
state of grace offered in baptism is not completed
with that act. The advent of a new personality
can only proceed in the light of self-consciousness.
Moreover, the conceptions of regeneration and con-
version form an indivisible unity; they denote the
same beginning of a new life, only that regeneration
characterizes it as an act of God and conversion
as a new tendency of life assumed by the believer.
It does not follow either from Scripture or the na-
ture of the case that the new life of regeneration
can not be lost, as the Reformed degmaticians hold
concerning the elect and as Rothe infers from the
metaphysical essence of the spiritual existence.
But it may be said that the communion with Christ
having once become the fundamental tendency of
life possesses an incomparable power to give a firm-
ness to the unstable will, and that the surrender of
it must appear intolerable to a person that has be-
gun to experience the value of the blessing of sal-
vation. (O. Kirn.)

Bibliography: The subject is treated in many of the works
cited in and under Biblical Theology (q.v.), and of
courae in the works on systematic theology (for titles,
etc., see Dogma, Dogmatics). Special treatises are:
P. Gennrich, Die Lehre von der Wiedergeburt in dogmen-
geschichtlicher und relioionsgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung,
Leipsic, 1907; idem, Wiedcrgcburt und Heiligung mil
Bezug auf die gegenw&rtigen Stromungen dee religidsen
Lebens, ib. 1908; G. Duffield, Spiritual Life; or. Regenera-
tion, Carlisle, 1832; G. S. Faber, The Primitive Doctrine
of Regeneration, London, 1840; S. Charnock, The Doctrine
of Regeneration, Philadelphia, [1843]; E. H. Sears, Re-
generation, Boston, 1853; E. C. Wines, A Treatise on Re-
generation, Philadelphia, 1863; A. Phelps, The New
Birth; or, the Work of the Holy Spirit, Boston, 1866; W.
Anderson, Treatise on Regeneration, 2d ed., Philadelphia,
1871; A. Ritschl, Die christliche Lehre von der Rechtferti-
oung tend Versdhnung, vol. iii., Bonn, 1874; G. T. Fox,
Doctrine of Regeneration, London, 1880; G. Thomasius,
Christi Person und Werk, iv., {{ 75-76, 2 vols., Leipsic,
1886-88; K. Heckel, Die Idee der Wiedergeburt, ib. 1889;
G. N. Boardman, Regeneration, New York, 1891; E.

Wacker, Wiedergeburt und Bekehrung, Gutersloh, 1893;
A. B. Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Christianity, chaps,
x.-xiii., xvii., New York, 1894; C. Thieme, Die sittliche
Triebkraft des Glaubens, Leipsic, 1895; R. Eucken, Der
Kampf um einen geistigen Lebensinhalt, ib. 1896 ; idem,
Der Wahrheitsgehalt der Religion, ib. 1901; J. B. Mayor,
Commentary on James, pp. 186-189, London, 1897;
C. Andresen, Die Lehre von der Wiedergeburt auf theisti-
scher Orundlage, Hamburg, 1899; H. Cremer, Taufe, Wie-
dergeburt, und Kindertaufe, Gutersloh, 1901; J. Hersog,
Der Begriff der Bekehrung, Giessen, 1903; O. Scheel, Die
dogmatische Behandlung der Taufe in der modernen posi-
tiven Theologie, Tubingen, 1906; P. Lessau, Wiedergeburt
in der Taufe, NeumOnster, 1909; N. H. Marshall, Con-
version; or. The New Birth, Ithaca, 1909; DB, iv. 214-
221; DCO, ii. 485-489; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, fasc.
xxxiv. 1020-21; and the literature in Conversion.

For notices of a cognate idea in other religions cf.:
E. Crawley, Mystic Rose, 305, 270 sqq., New York, 1902;
idem. Tree of Life, pp. 56-57, London, 1905; G. Anrich,
Das antike Mysterienwesen, Gdttingen, 1894; B. Spencer
and F. J. Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia,
p. 246, London, 1899; and much of the literature under

MlTHRA, MlTHRAISM.

REGENSBURG, re'gens-burg", BISHOPRIC OF:

A German diocese founded in the eighth century.
Christianity evidently entered Regensburg previ-
ous to the reign of Constantine, but after the Ro-
mans withdrew, the community of Roman Chris-
tians disappeared. After the refoundation of the
city, when the Bavarians had conquered the coun-
try, the ducal house of Agilolfings, apparently of
Frankish descent, was Christian, and it may be
conjectured that here, as in Bavaria, the land be-
came Christianized through the combined influence
of the Franks and of Celtic missionaries. Although
the region was long controlled by abbots with quasi-
episcopal authority, it was not until the eighth cen-
tury that the see of Regensburg was formally
erected. For more than two centuries a Benedictine
monastery took the place of a cathedral chapter,
but in 974 the diocese and abbey were sepa-
rarated. The ancient diocese was practically conter-
minous with the modern, for though Bohemia was
long administered as a missionary province of Re-
gensburg, Bishop Wolfgang (971-994) surrendered
it so that it might be made a separate see.

(A. Hauck.)
With the Reformation Regensburg became a
stronghold of Protestantism, and the adherents of
the ancient faith were compelled to struggle against
intense opposition. Nevertheless, constant efforts
were made to reform all that was amiss in matters
pertaining to the Roman church, and education
made progress, especially under Jesuit auspices.
The campaigns of Gustavus Adolphus in the seven-
teenth century again struck heavily at the diocese,
but after this peril was over, the Roman Catholics
of Regensburg once more bent every effort to the
improvement of religion and education. From
1805 to 1817 Regensburg was made a metropolitan
see of somewhat uncertain ecclesiastical standing,
and in the latter year was degraded to a suffragan
diocese of Munich-Freising. In 1821, however, it
regained the independence as a separate see which
it still enjoys. It now forms part of the archdiocese
of Munich-Freising, and had, in 1909, 470 parishes
and 32 deaneries, 1,086 secular and 147 regular
priests, a seminary and lyceum at Regensburg, and
a Roman Catholic population of 826,751.

Berenstrarff Book
Be*ula Fidel

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

444

Bibliography: T. Ried, Cod*x chronologico-diplamaHcui
tpxicopatut Ratiabonen&U, 2 vol*., Regensburg. 1810; M.
Hanais, D§ tpitcopatu Ratitbonmui prodromut, Vienna,
1764; F. Janner, OttchichU der Bischdfe von RtQwrttbxav,
3 vol*., Regensburg, 1889; Hauck, KD, paitim. Lists
of the bishops are in MGH, Script., xiii (1881), 350 sqq.f
and Gams, SerUt epucoporum, supplement, pp. 76-78.

REGENSBURG BOOK. See Regensburg, Con-

FEHENCE OF.

. REGENSBURG, CONFERENCE OF: A confer-
ence held at Regensburg in 1541, which marks the
culmination of attempts to restore religious unity

in Germany by means of conferences.

The It was a continuation of negotiations at

Conference. Hagenau (June, 1540; see Hagenau,

Conference of) and at Worms (q.v.),
where the deliberations began on Jan. 14, 1541, on
the basis of the Augsburg Confession and the Apol-
ogy, but after four days were adjourned by the
emperor to the session of the diet which was soon to
meet at Regensburg. On Dec. 15, 1540, a secret
conference took place between Johann Gropper,
canon of Cologne, and Gerhard Veltwick, the im-
perial secretary, on the one side, and Butser and
Capito, the delegates of Strasburg, on the other.
An agreement was reached on the questions of orig-
inal sin and justification, but the concession made
by the Roman Catholics at Hageiuvu, to negotiate
on the basis of the Augsburg Confession and the
Apology, was withdrawn. On Jan. 5 Butzer laid
a German draft of the conclusions reached before
the Landgrave, who approved it as preliminary to
an agreement and sent it to Joachim II., elector of
Brandenburg, with the request to communicate
it to Luther and the other princes of the Protestant
league. The document was essentially identical
with the later so-called Regensburg Book, which
formed the basis of the Regensburg Conference in
place of the Augsburg Confession. It was divided
into twenty-three articles, some of which closely
approached the Evangelical view; but it decided
no dogmatic question and did not exclude the Ro-
man conceptions. On Feb. 13, 1541, the book was
in the hands of Luther. In spite of the apparent
concessions made in regard to the doctrine of justi-
fication, he perceived that the proposed articles of
agreement could be accepted by neither party. On
Feb. 23 the emperor entered Regensburg. In con-
sideration of his difficult political situation, espe-
cially of the threatening war with the Turks and
the negotiations of the French king with the Evan-
gelicals, it was his desire to pacify Germany. The
conference was opened on Apr. 5. The interlocutors
were Gropper, Pflug, and Eck on the one side, But-
icr, the elder Johannes Pistorius, and Melanchthon
on the other. Besides the presidents, Count Pala-
tine Frederick and Cardinal Granvella, six witnesses
were present, among them Burkhardt and Feige,
chancellors of Saxonv and Hesse, and Jakob Sturm
of Strasburg. The first four articles, on the con-
dition and integrity of man before the fall, on free
will, on the cause of sin. and on original sin, passed
without difficulty. The article on justification en-
countered great opposition, especially from Eck,
but an agreement was finally arrived at; neither
Elector John Frederick nor Luther wm satisfied

with this article. With respect to the artidei on
the doctrinal authority of the Church, the hierarchy,
discipline, sacraments, etc., no agreement wis pos-
sible, and they were all passed over without result
On May 31 the book with the changes agreed upon
and nine counterpropositions of the Protestants
was returned to the emperor. In spite of the oppo-
sition of Mainz, Bavaria, and the imperial legate,
Charles V. still hoped for an agreement on the bass
of the articles which had been accepted by both
parties, those in which they differed being post-
poned to a later time. As it was perceived that all
negotiations would be in vain if the consent of
Luther were not obtained, a deputation headed by
John of Anhalt arrived at Wittenberg on June 9.
Luther answered in a polite and almost diplomatic
way. He expressed satisfaction in reference to the
agreement on some of the articles, but did not be-
lieve in the sincerity of his opponents and made his
consent dependent upon conditions which he knew
could not be accepted by the Roman Catholics. Be-
fore the deputation had returned, the Roman party
had entirely destroyed all hope of union. The
formula of justification, which Contarini had sent
to Rome, was rejected by a papal consistory. Rome
declared that the matter could be settled only at
a council, and this opinion was shared by the stricter
party among the estates. Albert of Mains urged
the emperor to take up arms against the Protes-
tants. Charles V. tried in vain to induce the Prot-
estants to accept the disputed articles, while Joa-
chim of Brandenburg made new attempts to bring
about an agreement. With every day the gulf be-
tween the opposing parties became wider, and both
of them, even the Roman Catholics, showed a dis-
position to ally themselves with France against the
emperor.

Thus the fate of the Regensburg Book was no

longer doubtful. After Elector John Frederick and

Luther had become fully acquainted

Its with its contents, their disinclination

Outcome, was confirmed, and Luther demanded
most decidedly that even the articles
agreed upon should be rejected. On July 5 the
estates rejected the emperor's efforts for union.
They demanded an investigation of the articles
agreed upon, and that in case of necessity they
should be emendated and explained by the papal
legate. Moreover, the Protestants were to be com-
pelled to accept the disputed articles; in case of
their refusal a general or national council was to be
convoked. Contarini received instructions to an-
nounce to the emperor that all settlement of relig-
ious and ecclesiastical questions should be left to
the pope. Thus the whole effort for union was al-
ready frustrated, even before the Protestant estates
declared that they insisted upon their counter-
propositions in regard to the disputed articles.

The supposed results of the religious conference
were to be laid before a general or national council
or before an assembly of the empire which was to
be convoked within eighteen months. In the mean
time the Protestants were bound to adhere to the
articles agreed upon, not to publish anything on
them, and not to abolish any churches or monas-
teries, while the prelates were requested to reform

445

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Heg-ensburff Book
Beffula Fidel

their clergy at the order of the legate. The peace
of Nuremberg was to extend until the time of the
future council, but the Augsburg Recess was to be
maintained. These decisions might have become
very dangerous to the Protestants, and in order
not to force them into an alliance with his foreign
opponents, the emperor decided to change some of
the resolutions in their favor; but the Roman Cath-
olics did not acknowledge his declaration. As he
was not willing to expose himself to an interpella-
tion on their part, he left Regensburg on June 29,
without having obtained an agreement or a humilia^
tion of the Protestants, and the Roman party looked
upon him with greater mistrust than the Protes-
tants. (T. Kolde.)

Bibliography: Sources are: M. Butaer, Acta colloquii in
comitiis imperii Ratisbonce, Augsburg, 1542; idem, AUe
Handlungen und Schriften zu VergUichung der Religion
. . . zu Regenspuerg, ib. 1542; J. Eck, Apologia . . . ad-
versus mucores et calumnias Bttceri, Ingolstadt, 1542;
idem, Auff Butzera folsch auszschreiben Schutzrede, ib. 1542;
idem, Replica adversus scripta secunda Buceri, ib. 1543;
J. Calvin, in CR, xxxiii. 509 sqq. Consult: M. Lens,
Briefwechsel Landgrafs Philip mil Bucer, 3 vols., Leipeic,
1880; K. T. Hergang, Das Religionsgesprach zu Regens-
burg . . . und das Regensburger Buck, Cassel, 1858; T.
Brieger, Gasparo Contarini und das Regensburger Kon-
kordienwerk, Gotha, 1870; idem, De formula concordias
Ratisbonensis origine et indole, Halle, 1870; H. Schafer,
De libri Ratisbonensis origine atque historia, Bonn, 1870;
F. Dittrich, Regesten und Briefe des . . . Contarini,
Braunsberg, 1881; idem, Gasparo Contarini, ib. 1885;
Ranke, Popes, i. 110 sqq.; Moeller, Christian Church, iii.
139 sqq.; and literature on Butzeh; Contarini; Eck;
Luthkb; and the Reformation in Germany.

REGINO, rd-gi'nS: Abbot of Prttm; b., accord-
ing to a sixteenth-century tradition, at Altrip (a
village near Ludwigshafen, 36 m. s. of Mainz) in
the ninth century; d. at Treves 915. He entered
the monastery of Prum, and in May, 892, was
chosen abbot, but was forced by jealous opponents
to resign in 899. He then went to Treves, where
Archbishop Ratbod entrusted to him the restora-
tion and administration of the monastery of St.
Martin, which had been destroyed by the Normans.
Since, however, he was buried in the monastery of
St. Maximinus near Treves, it would seem that he
was not in control of St. Martin's at the time of his
death. All the known works of Regiuo were com-
posed at Treves. In 906 he wrote his Libri duo de
synodalibus causis et disciplinis ecclesiasticis (best
ed. by F. G. A. Wasserechleben, Leipsic, 1840) to
further episcopal discipline; he also composed a
treatise on the theory of church music, the De har-
monica in8titutione (ed. C. E. H. de Coussemaker,
Scriptores de musica medii cevi, Paris, 1863-76, ii.
1-73). His most important work, however, was
the Chronica, from the birth of Christ to 906, which
was completed by 908 and was the first German
attempt at a universal history (best ed. by F.
Kurtze, MGH, Script rer. Germ., Hanover, 1890).
The work falls into two books, from 1 to 741 and
from 741 to 906, the latter portion being practically
restricted to Frankish history, especially of the
western Frankish kingdom. This second part is of
great value for Lothringian history, and it was con-
tinued to 967 at the monastery of St. Maximinus,
apparently by Adalbert, subsequently archbishop
of Magdeburg. (O. Holder-Egger.)

Bibliography: J. C. F. B&hr, Geschichte der rOmischsn
LUeratur im karolingischen Zeitalter, pp. 184-186, 535-
538, Carlsruhe, 1840; E. DOmmler, in Jahrbucher der
deutschen Geschichte, Jahrbucher des ostfrankischen Reiches,
3 vols., Leipeic, 1887-88; H. Ermisch, Die Chronik des
Regino bis 81S, Gdttingen, 1872; J. Hartung, in Forsch-
ungen der deutschen Geschichte, xvii. 362-368, ib. 1878;
J. Loserth, in Archiv fur bsterreichische Geschichte, lxi
(1880), 4-19; P. Schulx, Die Chronik des Regino vom
Jahr81S an, Halle, 1888; A. Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte
der Litteratur des Mittelalters, iii. 226-331, Leipsic, 1889;
H. Isenhart, Ueber den Verfasser und die GlaubwHrdigkeit
der ConHnuatio Reginonis, Kiel, 1890; Wattenbach, DGQ,
i (1904), 311-314; F. Kune, in NA, xv. 293-330; ADB,
xxvii. 557.

REGIONARIUS, re"gi-on-a 'ri-us: In the pre-
medieval Roman Church an official, primarily a
deacon, placed over one of the ecclesiastical regions,
originally seven in number, of the city of Rome.
The institution is ascribed by the Liber pontificalia
to both Gement I. and Fabian, the latter being
the more probable. Each deacon was assisted by a
subdeacon and a notary, while the Ordo Romanus
also mentions regionary acolytes, and Gregory I.
seems to have established " regionary defenders."
The seven regionarii of Rome later became the car-
dinal deacons, whose number was raised to fourteen,
and the regionary notaries were developed into the
prothonotaries (see Prothonotary Apostolic).

(A. Hauck.)

REGIUM EXEQUATUR. See Placet.

REGULA FIDEI ("RULE OF FAITH "): A

term used so frequently in early Christian literature
from the last quarter of the second century that an
understanding of it is necessary to a correct idea of
the religious conceptions of that period. Different
forms with more or less the same meaning occur.
Ho kanon tes alitheias (" canon of truth "), regvla
veritatis (rule of truth), probably the oldest form,
was used apparently by Dionysius of Corinth (c.
160), then by Irenseus, Clement of Alexandria, Hip-
polytus, Tertullian, and Novatian; ho kanon Us
pwteos, regvla fidei, by Polycrates of Ephesus,
Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, and by the later
Latin writers. The equivalent use of these two ex-
pressions is important for the determination of the
original significance attached to them. The truth
itself is the standard by which teaching and prac-
tise are to be judged (cf. Irenseus, Hear., II., xxviii.
1; ANF, i. 399). It is presupposed that this truth
takes for the Christian community a definite, tangi-
ble form, such as the law was for the Jews (Rom.
ii. 20), in a body of doctrine not merely held and
taught by the Church, but clearly formulated. Be-
sides the expressions already discussed, another is
worth mentioning, found only in Greek writers and
the versions from them — ho ekkle&iastikos kanon or
ho kanon tes ekklisias (Clement of Alexandria and
Origen).

The ante-Nicene church never considered as the
Rule of Faith the Bible or any part of it. Certain
expressions of recent writers show that it is not un-
necessary to point out that the word kanon, with
or without qualifying additions, is never used until
after Eusebius to designate the Bible, and that
even after the word had begun to be applied to the
collection of Scriptural books, the sense mentioned

Been
Bold

la Fidel

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

446

above is never given to it by the Greeks. This is
explained by the fact that the early Church used
this word for something else — the baptismal form-
ula. It is quite evident that in the oldest and most
explicit witnesses for the use of the word, Irenaeus
and Tertullian, this was known primarily as the
rule of faith. When the former (I., ix. 4) says " he
who retains unchangeable in his heart the rule of
the truth which he received by means of baptism/'
the expression " rule of truth " can not mean any
sum total of truths as to which instruction has been
conveyed before or after baptism, but only a formula
which the neophyte has made his own by a profes-
sion of faith made at the time of baptism. This was
" the faith," which the convert received from the
teaching Church and was to keep as the standard
for his subsequent life and for the testing of all doc-
trines presented to him. With Tertullian the regvla
fidei is identical with the sacramentum fidei, the rule
of faith with that which he so often designates as
the oath of allegiance of the soldiers of Christ (Ad
martyra8t iii.). The prevalent view in both these
authors is the same as that expressed by Augustine
when he says to the catechumens at the traditio
symboli, " receive, sons, the rule of faith which is
called ' the symbol ' " (Serm., ccxiii.; Serm. i., ad
catechumeno8 de symbolo). That similar expressions
are occasionally used of the Nicene creed shows at
least that the Rule of Faith was a formulated con-
fession, and thus that in the ante-Nicene period it
could not refer to anything but the baptismal creed,
the only one then existing. In a word, the early
Fathers considered Christ himself as the giver of
the Rule, though they admitted freely that its ac-
tual words were an expansion of the nucleus re-
corded in the Gospels, regarding it as only a devel-
opment of the baptismal formula; and, on the other
hand, the whole body of teaching current in the
undisputed Catholic Church was to them but an
expansion of the creed, and thus the term " Rule
of Faith " could be, as it is occasionally found, ap-
plied to this whole body. (T. Zahn.)

REGULARS: A term used ecclesiastically to de-
note those of either sex observing a common rule
of life and bound by monastic vows. It expresses
membership in an order, as opposed to secular,
which involves living in the world.

REHOBOAM, r^'ho-bo'cim: Son and successor of
Solomon, first king of Judah after the division, his
own imprudence being in large measure the cause
of that division. His dates according to the old
chronology were 975-957; according to Kittel
937-920. Sources are I Kings xi. 43-xii. 24,
xiv. 21-31; II Chron. ix. 31-xii. The Book of
Kings relates that after the death of Solomon, the
Israelites went to Shechem to make Reboboam
king. Naturally, this does not signify election, since
Israel was not strictly an elective monarchy; never-
theless, the people seem to have retained the right
to impose conditions under which it would recog-
nize succession. At Shechem, the leaders of the
northern tribes demanded a lessening of the bur-
dens imposed upon the people. Rehoboam, at first
inclined to consent, was induced to listen to the
advice of his younger counselors, and harshly re-

fused; whereupon he was rejected and his rival
Jeroboam was chosen in his stead. Although the
ostensible reason was the heavy burden laid upon
Israel because of Solomon's great outlay for build-
ings and for luxury of all kinds, the real reason
must rather be sought in the inborn opposition
between the north and the south. The two sec-
tions had acted independently until David (q.v.)f
by his victories, succeeded in uniting all the tribes,
though the Ephraimitic jealousy was ever ready to
develop into open revolt. Religious considerations
were also operative. The building of the Temple
was a severe blow for the various sanctuaries scat-
tered through the land, and the priests of the high
places must have supported the revolt. Josephus
(Ant., VIII., viii. 3) makes the rebels exclaim: " We
leave to Rehoboam the Temple his father built."

Rehoboam's reign was uneventful, and he opposed
but a feeble resistance to the revolt of the north.
The only event of importance was the campaign of
Shishak of Egypt, which occurred in Rehoboam's
fifth year and revealed the weakness of divided
Irsael. The notice in II Chron. xi. 6 sqq., that Re-
hoboam built fifteen fortified cities, indicates that
the attack was not unexpected. Nevertheless, in
spite of its strong position, Jerusalem appears to
have offered no serious defense, and the treasures
collected by Solomon became the booty of the
Egyptians. The cities mentioned in Shishak's in-
scription at Karnak indicate that his campaign ex-
tended beyond Judah, and it seems that Jeroboam
was not spared, since the Megiddo of the inscription
must be the well-known city of the northern king-
dom. Possibly this may signify that Jeroboam, al-
though the instigator of Shishak's invasion, had
placed himself under the protectorate of Egypt,
and that his cities were regarded by Shishak as his
own. W. Spiegelberg regards the Egyptian account
as untrustworthy and thinks the accounts of the
Old Testament alone reliable (Aegyptologische Band'
glo88en zum A. T., Strasburg, 1904).

(R. Ktttel.)

Bibliography: Besides the works on the history of Israel
named under Ahab and Israjcl, History of, consult:
F. Vigouroux, La Bible et les decowertes modem**, iii.
407-427, Paris, 1896; idem, Dictionnaire, fssc xxxiv.
1102-05; Maspero, in Journal of the Transaction* of the
Victoria Institute of Great Britain, zxvii. 63; DB, iv. 222-
223; EB, iv. 4027; JE, x. 362-363; and the commen-
taries on the sources.

REICHEL, roi'shel, OSWALD JOSEPH: Church
of England; b. at Ockbrook (33 m. s. of Sheffield)
Feb. 2, 1840. He received his education at Queen's
College, Oxford, where he was Taylorian scholar,
Ellerton theological essayist, and Johnson and Den-
ver theological scholar; was made deacon and priest,
1865; served that year as curate of North Hinck-
sey, Berkshire; was vice-principal of Cuddesdon
College, Oxford, 1865-70; and vicar of Sparsbolt
with Kingston-Lisle, 1869-86. He translated E.
Teller's Socrates and the SocraHc Schools (London,
1868), and his Stoics , Epicureans, and Sceptics
(1870) ; edited and continued the family tree from
documents begun and continued by ancestors in
1620, 1690, 1787, and 1820 (1878); and has written
The Duty of the Church in Respect of Christian Mis-
sions (1866); The See of Rome in the Middle Ages

447

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Bepula
Beld

Fidei

(1870) ; SparshoU Feast (1883) ; English Liturgical
Vestments in the Thirteenth Century (1895); Solemn
Mass at Rome in the Ninth Century (1895) ; A Com-
plete Manual of Canon Law (2 vols., 1895-96) ; and
a number of brochures on local history and antiqui-
ties.

REID, HENRY MARTYN BECKWITH: Scotch
Presbyterian; b. at Glasgow Mar. 22, 1856. He
was educated at the high school in Dundee and at
St. Andrew's University, graduating with honors
(M. A., 1877; B.D., 1879); was assistant to the pro-
fessor of humanity in St. Andrew's, 1878-79; was
licensed to preach, 1879, and served as assistant in
Anderston Parish, Glasgow, and in Glasgow cathe-
dral, 1881; was ordained minister of Balmaghie,
Kirkcudbrightshire, 1882, whence he removed in
1903 to become professor of divinity in the Univer-
sity of Glasgow. Works of his which have interest
for theology are: Lost Habits of the Religious Life
(Edinburgh, 1896) ; A Cameronian Apostle. Being
some Account of John Macmillan of Balmaghie
(Paisley, 1896); Books that Help the Religious Life
(Edinburgh, 1897); Historic Significance of Epis-
copacy in Scotland (1899); and A Country Parish.
The Parish as it might be (1899) ; A Scottish School
of Theology (1904) ; and Movements of Theological
Thought (1908). He also edited W. Maxwell's One
of King William's Men (1898) and issued The Lay-
man's Book (1900 sqq.).

RED), JOHH MORRISON : Methodist Episcopal;
b. in New York May 30, 1820; d. there May 16,
1896. He graduated at the New York University
1839, and Union Theological Seminary, New York,
1844; was principal of Mechanics Institute School,
New York, 1839-44; admitted to conference and
served in Connecticut, Long Island, and New York,
1844-58; was president of Genesee College, Lima,
N. Y., 1858-64; and became editor of the Western
Christian Advocate, Cincinnati, 1864; of the North-
western Christian Advocate, Chicago, 1868; and cor-
responding secretary of the Missionary Society of
the Methodist Episcopal Church, New York, 1872.
He was the author of Missions and Missionary So-
cieties of the Methodist Episcopal Church (2 vols.,
New York, 1879).

REID, THOMAS: Philosopher; b. at Strachan
(19 m. s.w. of Aberdeen), Kincardineshire, Scot-
land, Apr. 26, 1710; d. at Glasgow Oct. 7, 1796. He
graduated at Marischal College, Aberdeen, in 1728,
where he was librarian 1733-36; was ordained in
1737, and presented by King's College, Aberdeen,
to the living of New Machar twelve miles from the
city. He engaged in speculative studies and in 1748
contributed an Essay upon Quantity, attacking
Francis Hutcheson's application of mathematical
formulas to ethical questions. In 1751 he suc-
ceeded to the regentship of King's College, which
meant the professorship of philosophy, and his lec-
tures included mathematics and physics as well as
logic and ethics. In 1758 he was one of the founders
of the Philosophical Society which lasted till 1773,
and from its discussions and his personal study,
especially of the writings of David Hume (q.v.),
arose An Inquiry into the Human Mind, on the Prin-
ciples of Common Sense (Edinburgh, 1764), which

led to the title, " philosophy of common sense," by
which his system and that of his successors came
to be known; and also, in 1764, to his election to
the professorship of moral philosophy at Glasgow,
which he held until his death, lecturing on theology,
ethics, political science, and rhetoric.

Starting out with the empiricism of Locke and
the philosophy of ideas unsupported by reality as
culminating in Hume, Reid went further and claimed
that our belief in an external world of space must
be accepted as original datum of common sense.
" Common sense " was not, however, to be taken
as mere vulgar opinion, but as knowledge common
to rational beings as such, or the principles of the
human understanding. Reid set himself the task
of developing a system for the refutation of the
skepticism of Hume, against the theory of ideas
previously in favor among philosophers. But in
doing this he acknowledged that he was indebted
to Hume for rousing him to the task of criticizing
the popular philosophy, and of endeavoring to re-
place it by another which could endure the test of
skeptical argumentation. His Inquiry into the Hu-
man Mind is an investigation into the relations of
mind to the special senses, dealing in succession
with smelling, tasting, hearing, touch, and sight.
The work shows that Reid had given considerable
attention to the physiology of the senses. His main
purpose is to show ample warrant for trusting the
information gathered by the senses, and construct-
ing a theory of things by the application of rational
principles. Unhappily his favorite phrase, " com-
mon sense," is at times used with apparent contra-
diction, but he means to disavow common sense as
called in support of the current philosophy of ideas
which had furnished skepticism with its weapons;
and, on the other hand, to make common sense the
basis of his principles of universal knowledge. Thus
he wrote: " In reality, common sense holds nothing
of philosophy, nor needs her aid. But, on the other
hand, philosophy (if I may be permitted to change
the metaphor) has no other root but the principles
of common sense " (Inquiry, iv.). By this he means
that the essential conditions of intelligence are given
to all men, so that intellect does not wait on phi-
losophy for warrant of her procedure; while, on
the contrary, all sound philosophy must start with
unreserved acknowledgment of the principles of in-
telligence, which he would name " common sense."
To find out what these principles are was to him
the necessary and most momentous task of a phi-
losophy.

The form of philosophy which Reid had thus de-
scribed and introduced he further vindicated and
developed in his Essays on the Intellectual Powers of
Man (1785), and Essays on the Active Powers of Man
(1788). His first and essential position was gained
in showing that the use of the senses implies con-
stant exercise of judgment, and that this implies
fundamental principles of thought which could be
neither demonstrated, disputed, nor dispensed
with. His next position was reached in laying open
to view certain first principles in reasoning which
are essential to intelligence. " The judgment fol-
lows the apprehension of them necessarily; and
both are equally the work of nature and the result

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

of our original powers" (Intellectual Powers, essay
vi., chap. iv,). These are axioms, first principles,
principles of common sense, common notions, self-
evident truths. His third position was reached
when lie entered the domain of morals, and main-
tained, in reference to knowledge of mora] truths,
that there " must be in morals, as in other s.dcnet's,
first principles which do not derive their evidence
from any antecedent principles, but may be said to
lie intuitively discerned " (Intellectual Powers,
vii. 2). In treating of judgment us the ruling
power in mind, be distinguished two functions:
to reason, and to recognize first principles apart
from reasoning. " We ascribe to reason two offices
or two degrees. The first is to judge of things
self-evident; the second is to draw con elusions
that are not self-evident from those that are. The
first of these is the province, and the sole province,
of common sense; and therefore it coincides with
reason in its whole extent " (I iitdleclual Power*,
vi.2).

Bihijijuramu: Rrid's Works, id. D. Hlcwart. with Lift,
were published, ■! vol*.. KJlnl.umh. I Kin, New V.,rk. lii_';
with not™ by O. N. Wriiitit, -' vnls.. Loral™, IS-LS; u-ilh
prelaw. notes, tie., by Sir William Hamilton, Edinburgh.
1846, 1858. reissued and ml., H. Mansel. ib. 1S03. On
the life of Reid. besides D. Stewart. Account of the Lift
and WriUngt of Thomai Reid. indrp™tr-ui|v. I vlii.l. m:!,.
10IW. and prcfiied to inoil of the editions of the ffor*«,
consult: A. C. Fnuwr, Thomai Reid. Edinburgh. 1898;
DNB. ilvii. 434-43B. Ou his philosophy consult: J.
Priestley. An Elimination of Dr. Reid't Inquiry into the
Human Mind. Unrion. 1774; [A. Lysll), A Bn™ of the
Principle, of Neceteary and CiinlinocrU Truth in Reference
chiefly la the Doetrinet of Hume and Reid. London, 1830!
V. Cousin, Philosophic morale: fcate fcoEiaitc, Paris.
1840; A. Gamier, Critiiiut de la philosophic dt T.
Reid. Pnris. 1840; P. H. Mobire, Philotophiaue de T.

d an ettoi lur ia ,./„.'.,.„„ .).„■ /,-,... ...n>r. Paris. 1844; T.

Brawn, lectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind,
20th ed.. London, 1800; F. I>. Mauri™, Modern Philoso-
phy. Loud™, JS..VJ: J. Mrf'nsh, Scottish I'hilo-ophy. New
York, 1874; L. .si,.|,hi'u. Hi.!. .•/ Knoli>h Thought in the
ISIh Century, t vi!'.. New York. 1881; L. Dnuriac. le
Rfalitmc de tint. 1'aris. I Sflfj; 11, Kappw, Dc "Common
Snut" ols Princip dcr (leuissheit in iter Philnsouliir ,/..
Schotten Thom,u Reid. Munich, is*); <■',. rSrtli. SmttiJi
Philosophy. 2d cd., EdiiiFtureh. ISDI'I; anil ihc discussions
in The works en t h l ■-.- liise.irv cif iiliilosophy.

REID, WILLIAM JAMES: United Presbyterian;
b. at South Arevle, Washington ( 'ourity, \. Y-, Aug.
17, 1834; & at Pittsburg, Pa., Sept. 22, 1902. Ho
was graduated at- Union ( 'nlleye, Schenectady, N. Y.,
1855, and at Allegheny Theological Seminary, Pa.,
ISO-'; was pastor at. Pittsburg from 1S02; princi-
pal clerk nf the General Assembly of the United
I'rc-liyk'rian Church after 1,173; and corresponding
secretary of the United Presbyterian Hoard of Home
Missions. 1868-72. He was the author of Lectures
on the Recclation (Pittsburg, 1878); and United
PresbyterianUm (1881).

REIFF, rif (BEIER, BEYER), LEONHARD:

< Senna u Reformer; li.nl Munich c. 1495; d. at Iiiis-
trin (17 m. n.e. of Frankfort-nii-thi-' Uer! shoitlv
;.fter 15S2. He was educated at Wittenberg (1514-
1516), and, after entering the Augustiniun order,
was taken by Luther to the disputation at Heidel-
berg to defend his teacher's doctrines in forty theses
(Apr. 25, 1518). In the autumn of the same year
he accompanied Luther to Augsburg, and on Oct.

7 notified Cardinal Cajetan of Luther's arrival, while,
after the latter's departure, he presented the car-
dinal with the Reformer's appeal to the pope (Oct
20). In 1522 Reiff was sent to Munich with the
theses of the Wittenberg Augustinians, only to be
placed in close confinement. Liberated at the be-
ginning of 1525, he returned to Wittenberg, whence
Luther sent him to Gubcn in Niederlausits, where,
as pastor, he combated libertinism and endeavored
to establish order and morality. In 1531 he re-
signed his pastorate at Gubcn, and in the follow-
ing year was appointed pastor and superintendent
at Zwickau. Here his advocacy of the Wittenberg
system involved him in many controversies, though
he enjoyed the complete confidence of Luther and
the elector. In 1538 he, together with Jonas and
Spalatin, made a formal visitation at Freiberg,
where Reiff remained some time to establish Prot-
estantism. Four years later John Frederick, elector
of Saxony, took him with him as a field chaplain in
the campaign against Henry of Brunswick, and in
1544 he accompanied the same prince to the Diet of
Speyer. When, in 1547, Zwickau passed into the
possession of Maurice of Saxony, who made con-
cessions to the emperor regarding the Interim, Reiff
(edgped and went to the court of Hans, margrave
of Brandenburg, at Kostrin, being made pastor of
Kottbus ( 1 552) and perhaps superintendent of
Kiistrin, and during these latter years signalised
himself as an opponent of the teachings of Osianuer.

G. Bossekt.
Bibuoobapht: Houreen to be uaed aw the leflers of Lu(h«.

ed. De Wette and Seidanann. 8 vols., Berlin, 1B25-5*.

and other editions (see under Lutheb). Consult: G.

Boeeert. in Jahrliuch far brandenbttraitcht Kiithengt-

REIHUIG, roi'hing, JAKOB: German Lutheran;
b. at Augsburg Jan. 6, 1579; d. at Tubingen Hay
5, 1628. He was educated at the Jesuit University
Of !nu;'iUtLiilt, and in 1597 became a novice in the
Society of Jesus. He taught at Munich and Ingol-
stadt until 1613, when he was transferred to Dillin-
gen. In the same year he was professed and was
then appointed chaplain to the count palatine, Wolf-
eanji Willielm, whose ('(inversion to the Roman
I 'at I nil ie faith In' justified in his Muri civitatis sanc-
tce, hoc est religion ix Cat/irilicu * jundamenta daodecim
iCnloijne. 11515), Einihin- ei-angeHc.fr riritatU mncta
(1617), and his German Enchiridion CathoUcwn.
Reining Rave valuable assistance to the count pala-
tine in the Counter- Reformat) on in Pfali-Neuburg,
but his own convictions were changed by the sturdy
Protestantism of the artizans. by his study of the
Bible, and by reading Luther's Postils. On Jan.
15, 1621, he fled to Stuttgart, where he was exam-
ined for four days, after which he was sent to TQ-
bingen. There, on Nov. 23, 1621, he formally re-
nounced his former faith, publishing his reasons in
his L/H/itci ■p/iiifi/icii contriti (Tubingen, 1621). The
Roman Catholics sought . to win him back by
flattering promises, but when these failed, they
attacked him with unfounded charges and with
scurrilous pamphlets. Reining was now appointed
assistant professor uf polemics at Tubingen, where
he became lull professor of theology, as well a; su-
perintendent of the theological seminary, in [♦>-•>,

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

holding both these positions until his death, three
years later. G. Bohbbrt.

BiBLioottAFHT: The funeral sermon by Lulcaa Oiinnder,

Tubingen, 1628; J- H. R&uscher. Laudotio funebrit, ib.

1829; Oehler, in Per imAre Prolalanl. iii. 1 [IBM), Wfcfefc

a of high value; ADB, ntvii. 688-700.

RELMARTJS, HERMAHH SAMUEL. See Wol-

FTCUBUETTEL FRAGMENTS.

REINECCIUS, rci-nec'i-us (REHECCITJS), JA-
KOB: German Lutheran; b. at Salzwcdcl (54 m.
n.n.w. of Magdeburg) 1572 (1571); d. at Hamburg
June 28, 1613. He was educated at Wittenberg,
and after being pastor at Tangerniilnde, was called,
in 1601, to St. Peter's, Berlin, as pastor and prov-
ost. In 1609 he was installed as pastor of St.
Catherine's, Hamburg, and after 1612 was also in-
spector of a new gymnasium erected at Hamburg.
His chief writings, besides collections of sermons,
were as follows: Panoplia sive armatura theologica
(Wittenberg, 1609); Clavis sacra- theologia (2 vols.,
Hamburg, 1611); Fragslucke vom heiligen Abend-
mahl (1611); Veteris oc Nooi Teetamcnti conve-
nientia et differentia (1912); Calvinianorum ortus,
curmi* et exitut (1612); Theologize- libri duo (1613);
Vera ecelesiie invenlio et dixpositia (1613); jusium
Ckristi tribunal (1613); and the posthumous Epis-
tola contra fadera (Rostock, 1625).

(Karl Rudolf KLos&f.)
Biilhwhaput: H. Schroder, Ltxiknn drr Hamburatr
ScnrilultUtr, vi. 212 nqq., Hamburg, 1883.

REIlfHARD, roin'hort, FRAHZ V0LKMAR:
German Lutheran; b. at Vohenstrauss (42 m. n.e.
of Regensburg) Mar 12, 1753; d, at Dresden Sept.
6, 1812, He was educated at the University of
WiilctjU'rg, where he became privat-doccnt for
philosophy and philology in 1777, being appointed
associate professor o[ philosophy in 1780 and full
professor of theology in 17SJ, .-till retaining his phil-
u-iij>!ii( ■;[! courses. In 1784 he was also made prov-
ost of the castle and university church, as well as
assessor in the Wittenberg consistory. He declined
a call to the University of Helmstedt in 1790, but
two years later accepted an invitation to become
chief court chaplain, ecclesiastical councilor, and
member of the supreme consistory at Dresden,
.Despite the existence of serious doubts during his
career as a university professor, he became one of
the leaders of the supernaturalistic school, which
sought not only to oppose the rationalism of the
period and to defend the divine supremacy and au-
thority of the Bible, but also to prove the truth of
divine revelation by psychologically intelligible
demonstration and to bring it inlo harmony with
the demands of reason. Both in his dogmatic lec-
tures and in his sermons he sought to establish the
truth of Lutheninispti by rationalistic arguments,
but as a pulpit orator he won wide fame through-
out Germany, and at the same time exercised a
powerful influence on Saxony, since, as ecclesias-
tical councilor and member of the consistory, he
also supervised the appointment of teachers in the
universities and seminaries. With advancing years.
especially in the second half of his Dresden activ-
IX.— 29

ity, he advanced to a deeper sense of Christianity
and to a more profound conviction of justification
solely by the grace of Christ as the center of Chris-
tian doctrine; and after 18Uo his themes dealt no
longer with mere imperfections and moral weak-
nesses, but with sins and vices, with Christ as the
sole mediator between God and man. Reinhard
was the main factor in introducing an improved sys-
tem of pericopes in the Saxon church with a con-
sequent raising of the standard of preaching. A
most prolific author, his sermons were collected in
thirty-nine volumes (Sulibach, 1793-1837), and
mention should also be marie of his System tier christ-
lichen Moral (5 vols., Wittenberg, 1788-1815);
Versuch fiber den Plan, welchen der Stifter der christ-
lichen Religion . . , entwarf (1798; Eng. t roust.,
Plan of the Founder of Christianity, by O. A. Tay-
lor, from the fifth German edition, New York, 1831};
Vorh\'.um)fii b'ii tlu- i~><*)i»<ilik (ed. J. G. J. Berg,
Sukbach, 1S06); and Gestandnisse meine Predigten
und meine Bildung turn Prediger belreffend (1810;
Eng. trunsl,, under the title Memoirs and Con-
fessions, by O. A. Taylor, Boston, 1832).

(David ERDMANNt.)
Bibliography: Kkclrhrsof the life were written by K. H.L.

PDlita, Leipsic, 1S13; F. A. Katbe. Jena, 1812; K. A.

Bot tiger, Dresden. 1SIU; M. F. Siheiblrr, Lelpaio. 1823;

and in ADB, xxviii. 32-33. Consult nlao F. !.il,.-li.:H.

BeitrUge sw attchnxhen Kirchenorjiehictitf, vii. :i0-'.U,

Leipair, 1302.

RE1NKEHS, JOSEPH HUBERT: First bishop
of the Old Catholics; b. at Burtscheidt (now part
of Aachen) Mar. 1, 1821; d. at Bonn Jan. 5, 1896.
He was educated at tin1 University of Bonn (l.S-1-1-
1847) and the theological seminary at Cologne
(1.S47-1.S), and, after ordination to the Roman
Catholic priesthood in 18-1S. resumed his studies at
Bonn (Th.D., Munich, 1849). In 1850 he went to
Breslau as privat-docent for church history, and
published his De Clfmcnic ■prrsbijtero Alciandrino
(Breslau, 1851). He was appointed associate pro-
fessor in 1853, this period being marked by his
Clemens hh Rom und andere Lcgcnden (Breslau,
IS5.Y) and Dos Somtaerkind, oder der Grand der
Vdlkencanderung (Paderborn, 1858). In 1857
Reinkens was promoted to a full prufi-sorsliip, ln.il
he now began to give evidence of views differing
from the official po-i(iou of his communion in his
attack on Thomism, entitled Vademecum oder die
Tomisch-katholischc. Lehre von der Antliri/f/nlyii ,
published under the pseudonym of Christian Franks
(Giessen, 1860). He was likewise charged with
maligning the Silesian clergy in his Die i'lmrrsitiit
Breslau vor der Vereinigung mil der Frau/./i ;,--,', r
(Breslau, 1S61), though he succeeded in proving
the accusation false. On the other hand he also
wrote during this professorial period his Hilnrius
von Poitiers (Schaffhausen, 1864); Die Einsiedler
di's lieilitjt'h Flitrrmymua (1S64); and Martin von
Tours (Breslau, 1866). Meanwhile his health was
failing, and in ISfi" it became necessary for him to
obtain leave of absence for a year. He was for a
time in Munich, Venice, and Florence, but his long-
est residence was at Rome, only to be confirmed
in his distrust of the aims, methods, and conditions ■
of the Curia He returned to Germany and plunged

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

into work for distraction, in this spirit producing
his Aristoteles uber Kunst, besonders lifter Tragddie
(Vienna, 1870); but the pronouncement of the
dogma of papal infallibility {.see Infallibility of
the Pope; Vatican Council) had brought mat-
ters hi a crisis, and Reinkens endeavored to assist
the minority who protested against the new decrees
by writing liis I'ii /.wit und Papstlum nach der Zeich-
nung des heiligen Bernard von Clairvauz (Minister,
1870}, following this with his Ueber die pdpttlicke
VaftHbarbti (Munich, 1870). Despite all prohibi-
tions, Reinkens persisted in his course of opposition
to tin* decree, of tho Vatican Council both in wri-
ting unil in counsel, and attendance on his lectures
ma accordingly forbidden. Cm Nov. 20, 1870, ho
was finally suspended by the prinee- bishop of
Breslau.
In the years following Reinkens, residing partly

:il Munich and partly on the Kliine. attended Ukl
Catholic congresses and lectured far and wide in
behalf of the ruovement. In 1872 he made the
journey to Switzerland which resulted in the eslab-
lishjiienl til (he ' )|<l ratlieJir's there, and in the fol-
lowing year ho was elected bishop of tlie new or-
K:ini/.aliiTi, He was consecrated by the Janaenist
bishop of De venter, Heykamp, on Aug. II, 1873,
and was recognized by Prussia on Sept. 19, by
Baden on Nov. 7, and by Hesse on Dec. 15. Ba-
varia, on the other hand, refused to recognize him,
and on Nov. 21 the OH Catholic.-? and their bishop
were excommunicated by the pope. The sympathy
with the movement felt by the theological faculty
of Bonn led Reinkena to take up his residence in
that city. He presided over fourteen synods held in
different parts of Germany, in which many sweep-
ing departures from the Roman Catholic system
were introduced (see, in general, Old Catholics).
He was continually active in episcopal visitations
throughout a diocese stretching from Kiiniybcrg
in the northeast to Constance in the southwest, and
from Krefeld in the northwest, to Silesia and Pas-
sau in the southeast. He lived to see a steady
growth in clergy, parishes, and communicants, and
he founded at Bonn a seminary for candidates for
the jirii'i-lli'iod. He likewise was a potent- factor in
keeping the Old Catholics from falling into the
perils of German Catholicism (c].v.), and he stead-
ily resisted all effort* to induce him to lie reconciled
with the Roman Catholic Church. In 1895 failing
health forced him to ask for a coadjutor, and Theo-
dor Weber was accordingly consecrated.

Besides the works already mentioned, Reinkens
wrote, among others, the following: Die barmher-
siijtii SdiHVstt'rn nun heiligen Carl Borromeo zu
Xmu-ij fJd i.'d.. SehulThaiiscii, IS.Vi), limtl'iliini und
Kif'-ln- (IJiinii, iSTfj); LuUe llense! und iliri- Littler
(1877); Amalie Mfl La*n\di cine Bekennerin (1878);
,\l,ji:)*iar rim Dii-pr'nlmn:!; (I.eipsic, 1883); and Legg-
ing iiber Tolerant (1883). He was likewise the
author of many sermons and of fourteen episcopal
charges. English Iran -l.it ions have appeared of his
First Pastoral Letter (11 Aug. 1873) and $p—& on
Bible Reading, by G. E. Broade (London, 1874),
and of his Speeches on Christian Union und Old
Catholic Prospect*, by J. E. B. Mayor (1874).

{J. II i.i ski; ssi.)

StBLlooOAFBT: J. M. Reinkens. Joseph Hnirr! RtaJum
Gotbo, 1906: F. Rolert. Bitclvif Heintciu und ir
LdpHC 1S88; W. Beyschlag. Bitdw/ Scniau
dtuitchc Altkaiholiii-tmu*. Berlin. ISM; F. NippcW.
"■ \ofReinktn ' '

literature in

ir Old Catholics.

REISCHLE, roi'shle, MAX WILHELM TREO-
DOR: German Protestant; b. in Vienna June 19
1858; d. at Halle Dec. 11, 1905. He was educated
at the universities of Tubingen (1876-80), Catting-
en, and Berlin (1882-83), interrupting his studies
while vicar at Ground, Wurttemberg, in 1881-81
He was a lecturer at the theological seminary at
Tubingen (1883-88), having official permission to
lecture in the university of the same city. He *ai
then a teacher in a gymnasium at Stuttgart (1888-
1892); professor of practical theology at the Uni-
versity of Giessen (1892-95); was called to Getting-
en as professor of systematic theology (1895); :uid
in the same capacity to the University of Halle
(1896). In theology he belonged to the school of
Ritschl. He wrote: Bin Wart bit Kontrovau 61
<1U- M[,.-:tik in der Theologie (Freiburg, 1886); tti
F rage nach dem Weeen der Religion, Gnnu%nnj
zu einer MeUtodologie der Religianspkilowphie (1SS9);
Das akademische Stadium und der Kampf um die
WUlai.m-Iiauuna (Gottingen, 1894); Die Spain itr
Kinder in seinem Ertiehungtneert (1897); Chnth
liclic Glaubcnslehre in LeitsStxen far cine akatlrm-
ische Vorlesung entunckeU (Halle, 1899); rFdturfnle
und Glaubensurteile (1900); Jem WorU am tor
ewigen Bestimmung der MensekenseeU in rtHgm*-
geschichllicher Beleuchtung (1902); ThedagU wd
Religionsgeschichte (Tubingen, 1904); and the pos-
thumous A ufeotze und VortrSge, ed. T. Hiring ind
F. Loots (1906), contains biographical introduction.

REITZ, raits, JOHAHH 1
Reformed and mystic; b. at Oberdiebach (■ village
near Bacharach, 22 m. s.s.e. ofCobleni) 1655; d.it
Wesel (32 m. n.w. of Dusseldorf) Nov. 25, 1720.
He was educated at Leyden and Bremen, in the
latter city coming under ptetistic influences. Com-
pleting his studies at Heidelberg, he taught at Fran-
kenthal, until 1631, when he was called to the pas-
torate of Freinsheim. Here he remained until com-
pelled to flee by the War of the Palatinate ia 16S9,
and during this first pastorate completed his Latin
translation of the Moses and klaxon of ThoniM
Godwin (Bremen, 1684). He then became iospff
tor of churches and schools in the district of Utdcs-
burg, only again to be driven out by war. He cert
preached for a time at Asslar, and a few years later
was made inspector at Braunfels. Here, howerar,
his attempt to convert a mystic to the ways of faith
led to his own fall from orthodoxy, and he wm de-
posed and expelled. For a time he was pastor at
Homberg-vor-der-Hbhe, and then went to Frank-
fort, justifying his tenets in his Kurtxer Begriffii*
Leidens, der Lehre und det Verhaitens J. ft. ReiOrt
(Offenbach, 1698), manifesting a mixture of Re-
formed orthodoxy and ehiliasm. He now wandered
about with other enthusiasts, founding " Philadel-
phian " societies, and enjoying the favor of noble
sympathizers. For some three years he resided at
Offenbach, attacking the Heidelberg Catechism in
his Kurtxer Vortrag von der Gercchtigkeit, die a*

401

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Reinkens
Belie

auss und in Jehova dutrch den Glavben haben (n.p.,
1701) and preparing a translation of the New Tes-
tament (Offenbach, 1703) which was colored by his
peculiar views. In 1702-04 he was director of a
Reformed Latin school at Siegen, but was removed
for attending meetings for private devotion. He
then wandered for some years from place to place,
finally becoming administrator for the widowed
princess of Nassau-Siegen, then residing at her
castle of Wisch, near Terborg. Finally, in 1711, he
went to Wesel, where, having wearied of his former
extravagances and returned to orthodoxy, he set
up a successful Latin school, over which he presided
until his death.

The chief work of Reitz was his collection of brief
biographies entitled Historie der Wiedergebarenen
(7 parte, 3d ed., Berleburg, 1724-46), and his wri-
tings also include: Gedffneter Himmel, Erkldrung
der sonderbarenfieheimnisse des Himmelreichs (Wetz-
lar, 1707); and the posthumous Nachfolge Jesu
ChrisH (Leipsic, 1730) and Verborgene Offenbarung
Jesu ChrisH aus dreien BUchern, der inneren und
dusseren Natur, und der Schrift erkldrt (Frankfort,
1738). In all these wide scope is given to the " inner
light," as among the Anabaptists and Quakers, as
well as, under the influence of Cocceius, to contempt
of the observance of Sunday and disparagement of
the Old Testament. Creeds and an ordained ministry
are also lightly regarded as secondary in impor-
tance, restorationism is taught, all sorts of mystical
ideas are advanced, and it is maintained that Christ
assumed, not the flesh of the first Adam, but, as
Paul taught, the peccable nature of fallen man.

(F. W. CuNof.)

Bibliography: M. Gdbel, Geechichte des christlichen Lebens
in der rheiniech'weetph&liachen evangeliachen Kirche, vol.
ii.f Coblents, 1852; C. W. H. Hochhuth, H. Horche und
die philodelph. Gemeinden in Heaaen, Gfltersloh, 1876;
F. W. Cuno, GedOchtniabuch deutacher FUraten und Furet-
innen reformirten Bekenntniaaea, vol. ii., Barmen, 1883;
E. Sachsse, Ur sprung und Weaen dee Pietismus, Wiesba-
den, 1884; T. GOmbel, Geachichte der proteatantiachen
Kirche der Pfalx, Kaisenloh, 1885.

RELAND (REELAND, RELANT), ADRIAN:
Dutch orientalist and geographer; b. at Rijp (a
village near Alkmaar, 20 m. n.n.w. of Amsterdam)
Jury 17, 1676; d. at Utrecht Feb. 5, 1718. He was
educated at Amsterdam (1686-88) and Utrecht
(1688-03), completing his studies at Leyden. In
1699 he was appointed professor of physics and
metaphysics at Harderwijk, but in the following
year was called to Utrecht as professor of oriental
languages and sacred antiquities, retaining this
chair until his death. His studies ranged over clas-
sical philology, Persian and Arabic literature, the
languages of India and Farther India, China, Japan,
and South America. He devoted special attention,
however, to the Bible and cognate subjects. His
writings of theological interest were as follows:
Analecta Rdbbinica (Utrecht, 1702); Antiquitates
sacra velerum Hebroeorum (1708); Dissertatumes
quinque de nummis veterum Hebrceorum qui ab in-
scriptarum liierarum forma Samaritani appellantur
(1709); PalasHna ex monumenHs veteribus illus-
trala (1714); and De spoliis templi Hierosoymitani
in area Ttiiano (1716), as well as a number of essays
in his Dissertatumes miscellanea* (3 parts, 1706-08).

The PalcBsHna is still indispensable. He was the
author also of the De religione Mohammedica Ubri
duo (Utrecht, 1705; Eng. transl. by A. Bobovius,
3 parts, London, 1712). (H. Guthe.)

Bibliography: Niceron, Memoir**, i. 339-349, x. 02-63;
K. Burmann, Trajectum eruditum, pp. 293-301, Utrecht,
1738; L. O. Michaud, Biographie univereelle, xxxvii. 308-
311, Paris, 1824 sqq.; A. J. Van der Aa, Biographiach
Woordenboek der Nederlanden, x. 45-47, Haarlem, 1874;
R. Rdhricht, Bibliotheoa geographica Pcdastincs, pp. 296-
297, Berlin, 1890.

RELIC: The body, or some part of the same, of
a saint, or an object supposed to have been con-
nected with the life and person of Christ, a saint,
or a martyr, and preserved for religious veneration,
especially in the Roman Catholic and Eastern
Churches. The term was received from the clas-
sical Latin meaning " remains from dead bodies "
(reliquiae" ashes "), and was applied to relics
from the martyrs. Later it was extended to in-
clude the bodies themselves (Vita Sancti Maxentii;
ASM, i. 567) and everything that had come into
contact with the saints or their bodies (Gregory the
Great, Dialogorum, II., xxxviii.). In " The Epist.
of the church at Smyrna concerning the martyr-
dom of Polycarp" (xviii.; Eng. transl., ANF, i.
43) the bones of the martyr, after the body was con-
sumed in the fire, are represented as " more precious
than the most exquisite jewels, and more refined
than gold " and (xvii.; Eng. transl., i. 42) many
" desired to become possessors of his holy flesh."
In the next century Cyprian and Dionysius of Alex-
andria bear witness that congregations considered
it their right and duty to bury the bodies of their
martyrs (Cyprian, Epist., viii. 3, xii. 1 ; Eng. transl.,
ANF, v. 281, 315; Eusebius, Hist, eccl., vii. 11, 22;
Eng. transl., NPNF, ser. 2, i. 301, 307). The pos-
session of the body, or at least the relics, was taken
as securing a continuation of fellowship with the
deceased. This view throws light upon the custom
of assembling at the graves of the martyrs to cele-
brate the agape and the Eucharist (Epist. de mar-
tyrio Polycarpi, xviii.; Eng. transl., ANF, i. 43;
Cyprian, Epist., xxxix. 3; Eng. transl., ANF, v.
313), and of the desire for burial in the vicinity of
the martyr. The aversion to touching the bodies
of the dead apropos of the survival of the ceremonial
law of the Jews could not long impede this develop-
ment.

The transition from the veneration of entombed
bodies to that of relics occurred during the latter
half of the third and the beginning of the fourth
centuries, and evidently falls into connection with
the persecutions under Decius, Valerian, and Dio-
cletian. In Egypt the dead bodies of saints were
not buried but retained for veneration in the houses
(Vita Antonii magni, xc; ASB, ii. 120-141). Op-
tatus (De schismate DonaHstarum, i. 16) speaks of a
certain Lucilla of Carthage, who kissed the bone of
a martyr; and of the Christians at Tarragona it is
said that after the death of Fructuosus (q.v.) and
his associates each one appropriated, so far as pos-
sible, some of their ashes (Acta Fructuosi, vi.; ASB,
ii. 339-341). In each of those three instances the
act was disapproved by the church leaders, but in
spite of this the veneration became general. In
addition it was soon believed that the inanimate

B«lic
Beligion

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

462

body had miraculous virtue, acquired by the long
habitation of the soul. Egypt, particularly; seemed
to have been a rich treasure-house of these objects.
The church in Jerusalem was famed for possessing
the chair of James (Eusebius, Hist. ecd.} vii. 19;
Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 305) and a remnant
of the oil miraculously multiplied by Bishop Nar-
cissus (Eusebius, ut sup., vi. 9; Eng. transl., i. 255).

The advance to superstitious veneration occurred
principally m the period of Constantine; and the
bringing of the relics of Timothy, Andrew, and
Luke to Constantinople (356-357) points to the
transference of relics as begun under Constantius.
At this time appears the practise, instead of bury-
ing the remains of martyrs, of dividing them for
wider distribution (Gregory of Nyssa, in his third
address on the forty martyrs; MPG, xlvi. 783).
The Greek authorities of this and the next period
are unanimous in commending the religious ven-
eration of relics. In the West Ambrose brought to
light the relics of Protasius and Gervasius, which
was the beginning of a series of similar discoveries
and translations. Jerome and Paulinus of Nola
particularly promoted this form of piety, the latter
almost to the borders of creature-worship (" a local
star and a cure," Poemata, xix. 14, xxvii. 443).
Nothing indicates better the broadcast possession of
these objects than the frequent mention of forged
relics. However, there was no lack of protests, at
least against accretions. Pope Damasus discredited
the effort to obtain burial near the tombs of mar-
tyrs. The rescript of Theodosius for the protection
of the bodies of martyrs was ineffectual in the East;
in the West Gregory the Great, in a letter (Epi&t.,
iv. 30; Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser. xii. 154-156)
to the Empress Constantina, declared that the
practise in the East of touching and removing
the bodies of martyrs must be taken as sacrilege,
and that permission was given only to bring cloths
to the tombs with which to touch the bodies, and
that these cloths were henceforth relics. While
parts of the bodies of saints appear here and there
in the West; yet the dismemberment of bodies was
openly censured. In general it may be assumed
that the majority of relics in the West at this time
consisted of memorials of the graves and places of
the saints supposed to be endowed with miraculous
and sanctifying virtues; such as, parts of clothing,
a key from the tomb of Peter, and water from their
wells. This restriction, however, could not be main-
tained against the popular demand. In the ninth
century most relics were bodies or parts of them,
and the Synod of Mainz (813; Hefele, Concilienr
geschichte, iii. 763, canon 5), which renewed the
prohibition against removals, sanctioned the per-
mission given by rulers, bishops, and synods. The
Church promoted the veneration by the decision
that relics shall be deposited within every altar.

The beginning of the collocation of martyr's
tomb and church can not be traced farther back
than the fourth century, when the churches of St.
Peter and St. Paul appeared upon the sites of " the
trophies of the apostles " at the Vatican and the
Ostian way (Eusebius, Hist, eccl., ii. 25; Eng. transl.,
NPNF, 2 ser., i. 130). Ambrose refused consecra-
tion to churches without relics and Pope Severinus

(640) collected them in great numbers for the border
churches on the Danube. The seventh ecumenical
council (Nicea, 787) forbade the bishops to conse-
crate churches without relics under penalty of ex-
communication. The English Synod of Celchyt
(816) allowed exceptions (Haddan and Stubbs,
Councils, iii. 580); yet the more relics multiplied,
the less frequently the exceptions occurred, so that
the Synod of Mainz (888) presupposed also relics
in portable altars. The belief that the relics are
instruments of divinely wrought miracles still
firmly prevails in the Roman Catholic Church
(Council of Trent, xxv. 469). (A. Hauck.)

While the principle of veneration of Christian
relics is not derived from ethnic practise, the diffu-
sion of the custom reflects a profound sense of regard
for men who have served their race in religious de-
velopment. Thus it is reported that Gautama's
body was burned and the relics, apportioned among
his disciples, were widely dispersed, of which the
"Stupas" (q.v.) are monuments. India may be
called the home of relics, a large proportion of its
smaller shrines being built around objects of this
class. The cult is found even in Mohammedanism,
in spite of its rigid monotheism, and was an occa-
sion of the rise of the Wahabis and an object of
attack by them.— g. w. g.

Bibliography: Early treatises are: Guibert of Nogent, in
MPL, clvi. 607-609, cf. A. Lefranc, in fitudes tThist. du
moyen Age, dediees a Gabriel Monod, Paris, 1896; Peter
the Venerable, De miraculis, in MPL, clxxxix. A very
useful and comprehensive treatment is to be found in
DC A, ii. 1768-65. Consult further: J. Launoy, De cura
ecclesia pro Sanctis et sanctorum reliquiis, Paris, 1660;
J. Mabillon, Lettre cTun B&nSdictin touchant le discerne-
ment de* anciennes reliques, ib. 1700; G. de Cordemoy,
TraiU des saintes reliques, ib. 1719; J. A. S. C. de Plancy.
Dictionnaire critique des reliques, ib. 1821; £. 8. Harts-
home, Enshrined Hearts, London, 1861; P. Parfait, La
Foire aux reliques, Paris, 1879; 8. Beissel, Die Verehrung
der Heiligen und ihrer Reliquien in Deutschland, Freiburg.
1890; P. Vignon, The Shroud of Christ, New York, 1903;
H. Siebert, Beitr&ge zur vorreformatorischen Heiligen- und
Reliquienverehruna, Freiburg, 1907; F. Pfister, Der Re-
liquenkult im AUertum. 1. Das objekt des Relinquen-
kults, Giessen, 1909; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 1, pp.
844 sqq.; KL, x. 1030-41. For interesting lists of relics
consult: Gelenius, De adtniranda sacra et civQi magni-
tudine. Colonics, Cologne, 1645; Mai, Nova collectio, i.
37-52; H. Canisius, Thesaurus monumentorum. III., ii.
214 sqq., Antwerp, 1725.

RELIEF ACT: An act ot parliament passed in
1791 (31 George III. c. 32) relieving Roman Catho-
lics of certain political, educational, and economic
disabilities. It admitted Roman Catholics to the
practise of law, permitted the exercise of their re-
ligion, and the existence of their schools, relieved
them of the oath of supremacy and declaration
against transubstantiation and of the necessity of
enrolling deeds and wills. On the other hand,
chapels, schools, officiating priests and teachers
were to be registered, assemblies with locked doors,
as well as steeples and bells to chapels, were forbid-
den; priests were not to wear their robes or to hold
service in the open air; children of Frotestants
might not be admitted to the schools; monastic
orders and endowments of schools and colleges were

prohibited.

Bibliography: J. H. Overton and F. Relton, The English
Church (1714-1800), pp. 226-227, London, 1906.

RELIEF SYNOD. See Presbyterians, I.

453

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Belie
Religion

L General Treatment.
Inner Experience Necessary (| 1).
Science of Religion Possible?

(I 2).
Comparative Method (| 3).
Introspection (| 4).

RELIGION.

Telio Consciousness; Freedom (| 5).
Religion and God (| 6).
Regeneration (| 7).
Summary (| 8).
II. Special Methods of Study.

Pcemible Modes of Studying Religion

(ID.
History of Religion (| 2).
Science of Religion (| 3).
Psychology of Religion (| 4).
Philosophy of Religion (| 5).

L General Treatment: A knowledge of religion
can express only the individual's participation in
it. Those to whom it is foreign will either confess
ignorance of it, or will declare it to be an illusion,
to be resisted or used. If it be regarded as an illu-
sion, it is taken as an accumulation of
i. Inner human fears and as the cultivation of
Experience such delusions in order to conceal the
Necessary, fate producing them. This explana-
tion finds support in the fact that the
reality of which religion speaks is not to be discov-
ered in the experience before whose necessities hu-
man aspiration and concern must remain silent. It
can also not be concealed that religion, while tran-
scending this experience accessible to all, is inti-
mately connected with inner human needs. Natu-
rally the charge that religion originates from them
is regarded by religion itself as a hostile act; but to
refute it with arguments so as to convince every
one is not possible. It is not even desirable; for
were this possible, an antithesis upon which the life
of religion itself depends would disappear; the an-
tithesis of its mystery with the profane. However,
religion can otherwise meet the effort to reduce it
to an illusion. Where realized as an awakening
from illusions, its purpose to be unreservedly vera-
cious can not remain unrecognized in its environ-
ment. It fortifies itself outwardly by acquiring
inner firmness and clearness, capable of challenging
from without inquiry concerning its truth. It can
then make reply to everyone who states that re-
ligion is an illusion of human necessity by saying
that he fails to know its real life. Those who prefer
to regard religion as either conscious or unconscious
self-deception are not to be convinced by argument;
but all those who have experienced religion as an
internal conquest of self-deception stand on the
common ground of possessing, and of being capable
of possessing, knowledge of religion. Religion can
be apprehended only by participating in it. In this
respect it is no worse off than every purely historical
phenomenon, whose origin, unlike a simple fact of
nature, can not be pursued farther than to the inner
processes in particular individuals. Such a phe-
nomenon can be grasped only as one (^experiences
the inner processes in which it is rooted. As a par-
allel, he who from native resources is incapable of
contributing to the creation of the state, is unable
to know what the state is. This is preeminently
characteristic of religion, which will appear the
more evident the more the source of its vital energy
is discovered in contrast with all other historical
phenomena..

It is true of religion beyond all other empirical
life that it affords no objective perception. His-
torical phenomena, however, approximate the ob-
jectivity of demonstrable reality in proportion as,

in their origin, universally disseminated and tangible
psychological tendencies of the human soul-life coop-
erate. This is true, in a high degree,
2. Science of the State, for by those who come to
of Religion regard the same as an illusion of dee-
Possible ? potism, not only are their active in-
terest and a sense of the dignity of
the State sacrificed, but in addition certain natural
tendencies exercised in political conduct. Religion
in its realization makes requisition upon all the mo-
tives of life, but that in which it enters life can not
be apprehended as a product of those powers and
is to be viewed only as an incident. The field of
religious perception is therefore introspection, and
to deduce the nature of religion from the compari-
son of a multitude of examples results in self-decep-
tion. For, first, no one to whose life religion is for-
eign can possibly realize how it determines in others
the character to assert itself. Secondly, he who is
religiously conscious can only rediscover in others
traces of his own, perhaps retarded or transposed,
perhaps developed in a degree impossible to him.
He who could properly estimate the religions in his-
tory would have to possess a view of his own, un-
satisfiable by anything else. But if such has grown
out of his own religious life only and he can not
impart it in the form in which he possesses it, there
is no possibility for a science of religion. For science
is the knowledge of an objective or demonstrable
actuality. But neither what religion proposes to
be for itself nor the actuality which it envelops is
so constituted that others can be led by proof to
perceive anything in it but suppositions. This
opinion of the situation begins to spread at the
present time. Striking is its appearance in that
quarter where an effort is held forth to produce an
assumed science of religion; i.e., in comparative
religion. One of its advocates remarks as follows:
" It is self-evident that a real understanding of re-
ligion is only possible if the different religions are
studied entirely impartially and purely from the
historical standpoint " (E. Troeltsch, Die Philoso-
phie im Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts, i. 134, 1904).
" Impartial " study is here utterly impossible; for
what religion presumes to be, or the reality it
asserts, is evident only to him who in his own
existence attains to religious life. His own religious
self-existence is filled in every impulse with an
incommunicable conviction. A man thus knowing
religion in the reality asserted by itself, opposed to
others in his personal conviction, is from the out-
set partizan, and is qualified for the inner fellowship
which unites human beings altogether differently
from the grouping of objective perception, or sci-
ence. If, for instance, in the attempt at compara-
tive generalization the various elements of simple
supernaturalism of all religions be disregarded, the

Religion

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

454

philosophy of religion has on the whole lost its sub-
ject. But if upon the assumed science of religion
be imposed the recognition of all these in any other
sense than psychological fact, namely, in the sense
of thoughts arising from inner conviction, and if
religion is treated in accordance with what it claims
to be, the result is no longer science, whose deduc-
tions are universally accepted, where the powers
of intellectual culture have developed, but theol-
ogy, which, by means of scientific logic, seeks to
describe and clarify the religious content prevalent
within a particular life-circle. The philosophy of
religion that would be adequate to religion is from
the outset theology; for no one released from his
own individual position can have a conception of
the reality of religion.

A correct sense of the essence of religion contracts
considerably the significance of comparative relig-
ious history. If religion appears to us only by what
it self-evidently is in us, no solution can be expected
by a retrospect of historical examples
3. Com- of religions so-called. So much is se-
parative mitted. But not so much the religious
Method, processes as the primitive forms of re-
ligion are to be determined, and types
abstracted from these are to afford the understand-
ing of the higher religions. That little was to be
accomplished over against the higher religions with
the categories of the history of religion as hitherto
wrought out from the materials of primitive forms
is not surprising, seeing that whoever would under-
stand and estimate religion must first know its nat-
ural and intact reality. But it is likewise admitted
that such research is unconcerned about what re-
ligion is in itself, what phenomena are primary,
what secondary, or what have nothing to do with
religion. A science that contents itself thus can
only incidentally contribute anything to throw
light on religion of the higher order, and the ac-
knowledgment that it has accomplished little to
this effect is not unexpected. It is also difficult to
perceive how a collection of ethnological material,
the original significance of which is unknown, can
ever provide safe contributions to the understand-
ing of religion. The history of religion can not es-
tablish the understanding of religion, for this it
presupposes. If it thus fails, it reduces itself to a
mere collection of ethnological curios. He who by
virtue of his own religious life can view that of
others may become aware of the limitations of his
own; but the analysis of a religious manifestation
in another can not furnish him with the understand-
ing of religion on the whole, much less can the pur-
suit of highly improbable generalities among the
remnants of primitive development. Whoever at-
tempts to make religion an object of scientific knowl-
edge or to include it in the demonstrable reality of
things, has either no clear idea of religion or does
not know what science is. All that science touches
is dead. * Religion is life. It is absurd that one

* la not botany a science, and do not flowers live T Simi-
larly it may be remarked that anthropology is a scienoe, and
so of other branches of knowledge. Modern opinion is de-
cidedly trending against the assumption that the application
of scientific study to religion is either barred or impossible.
Indeed, theologians are growing more favorable to science as
furnishing aid in establishing a firmer basis for theology.

should experience the reality of the living spirit
and then surrender this to science, which it tran-
scends, as if it did not deserve real worth until sci-
ence had passed it through its process. In biology
just as soon as life is treated within the scope of
conceivable reality it has ceased to be life and has
become mechanism; so with religion. Personal
piety does not originate from an heirloom, but is
vital in its origin. To aim to apprehend it in a cate-
gorical correlation with another is to annul it for
oneself.

The first thing encountered in an examination of
subjective experience is its state of concealment.
The field of inquiry is, for the pious, his inner life,
and the community where individuals of similar
inner experience approach each other in confidence.
Religion is actual only in the exami-
4. Intro- nation of inner states in which the sub-
spection. ject distinguishes himself from the
world of experience, which is corre-
lated by law and admissible to all. This takes place
by attention to the inner processes which afford a
sense of the self-existence and exclusiveness of the
subjective life. The intuition of the inner life is
made possible by the desire for self-expression. In
the exercise of will the conscious living being dis-
tinguishes between that which it includes with its
self-existence and that which it deducts from self,
so as to be aware of that activity and of that which
it puts in relation with itself; therefore in its fear
and hope, in its hate and love, the human subject
obtains a perception of its inner life. In this inner
private order, in distinction from the universal outer
order, the fact of religion is to be sought. This does
not mean that religion is the product of the desire
of self-assertion; no man is pious who includes self-
seeking in what he regards as religion. Genuine
piety involves voluntary passiveness to truth and
reality. Religion can not arise from desire but from
the recognition of the actual, or knowledge. Here
begins also science; but no scientific knowledge
however sublimated can belong to the forces of the
religious life; for that lies in the open light, this
wells up in the undisclosed. But the knowledge in
which only religion can subsist is of a peculiar kind.
It is not the apprehension of the objectively actual
but reflection upon subjective experience. The dis-
advantage appears here over against objective
knowledge, in that conformity with law in relation
to the latter facilitates the discrimination of truth
from appearance. As to the former, on the con-
trary, there is no method of discrimination that
may illustrate itself by comparison with others, for
there is no formal unity of the representations ac-
cording to law, such as obtains for the universal.
Only this remains to consider, how the clear cer-
tainty of genuine experiences springs up, which is
capable of guarding against evanishment in the
further development of life. To promote this, it is
not necessary as in objective cognition to set bounds
to the will of self-expression so that cognition be
not interfered with, for the activity of this volition
alone creates scope for subjective experience; but
security against deception is to be gained here in
that the will of self-expression becomes really true
in itself.

455

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Religion

The veritableness of volition or desire consists in
the unchangeableness of the end or aim assumed
by the conscious willing subject out of its own
knowledge. A real willing occurs only where the

subject connotes all that he under-

5. Telic takes in time in a supreme voluntary

Conscious- act which possesses an eternal end.

ness; But in no momentary act of self-ex-

Freedom. pression can the individual regard his

existence as eternally warranted; hence
in every act of will another element acts in combi-
nation with the impulse, namely, the consciousness
of its final object. The abstraction from momen-
tary self-existence and concentration upon the eter-
nal purpose reflects the dawn of the consciousness
of the human will unchangeable. An inner life of
a higher order with an imperishable content is the
result. This will grounded upon the eternally valid
is the ethical sense. In the true willing of the eth-
ical, positive self-denial becomes self-expression.
What is directly willed is not the life of the soul,
but the overcoming of mere appearance in obedi-
ence to the truth and in the tendency of the telic
aim. The first impulses of ethical perception lead
the soul toward the consciousness of freedom. This
is attained not in a state of individual seclusion but
in society amid the stream of historical life. Con-
tact with morally awakened fellow beings stimu-
lates confidence and respect, the experience of which
is the dawn of moral perception in every human
being. A true power of will is born in him who, in
the experience of a love which concerns itself for
him, becomes conscious of a state of life in men,
imperceptible to sense, and has confidence in
them. But in this the capacity of religious ex-
perience has come into being. When that is
earnestly practised which is given in this con-
duct of trust, there is a sense of being possessed
of a power affording an experience of some-
thing otherwise entirely remote. This wonder has
oftentimes been conceived and described in its
glory. Wherever religion has given itself expres-
sion the wonder has at least been touched upon.
The incomparable boon given in the impulse of
trust is the inner situation in which the human sub-
ject may be wholly overwhelmed. Men in whom
this is not possible are isolated by their inner ex-
clusiveness. It is a rescue from darkness to ap-
proach a power that has open access to the soul.
This takes place the moment in which one bows in
trust and reverence before the beneficence of a
personality, which becomes noticeable by the act
of transfixing one in the motive of those impulses.
Release from deadly isolation, or unfree selfishness,
is possible if in trust in a person one becomes con-
scious of him so as to impose an unconditional re-
quirement upon himself. Naturally one confides
in another only so far as the other inspires the con-
viction that he is not self-seeking, but acts in obe-
dience to an absolute command given by the single-
ness of his willing. But there must also arise in the
subject the recognition of the unconditionally nec-
essary to which his will adheres, or candid trust
becomes impossible. As one trusts another that
he is inwardly true, he becomes such himself. As
one sets up before himself what shall bind him eter-

nally, there arises in him the sense of freedom, in
which he realizes himself as wholly in submission.

The consciousness of freedom emerging from the
elementary ethical transaction is a condition of the
life of religion. For reflection upon religion that is
experienced reveals that therein one
6. Religion knows himself dependent upon a power
and God. from which there is no escape. A hu-
man being who finds himself in the
movement of history, because by voluntary serv-
ice to others he is promoted to confidence and there-
fore to ethical perception, is on the way to religion,
if the challenge to unqualified reality embraces also
those individual experiences. Only in the complete
contemplation of all the real can God be approached.
Religion can be a blessed certainty only to one who
can uprightly confess that when he found it he con-
fronted naught but reality in all its terrors. Most
important of all experiences must be that in which
that power by which man is conscious of being
wholly vanquished becomes distinct. This becomes
possible only where, by voluntary service of others,
one arrives at ethical self-determination, or the ex-
perience of love. Were there in a man no echo of
grateful respect to others, he would be God-forsaken.
Only from recollections which awaken in the soul
does the irresistible inward-ruling power arise. But
this experience vanishes again when much appears
in the same person that militates against such con-
fidence. Men themselves afford the means, in the
ascent to ethical knowledge, of comparing them with
that which reveals their human limitations. Relig-
ion becomes real in that moment when the spiritual
power already known in experience is abstracted
from the individual places of revelation and asserts
itself for human consciousness as a self-existent life
which answers to pure submission in human expe-
rience. How this transpires is unknown, but where
it occurs it means, first, the surrender to the power
of the good, or morality, and also the revelation of
God as the power from which there is no escape and
which reveals itself as seeking love. It is the same
power that, in individual impulses to confidence,
moves man to humility and benevolence, but is
now extended as omnipotent goodness over all
existence.

To make the power or the certainty of religion
more evident one must not only consider its source
but also its operation. It was a felicitous step when
the Reformers designated faith or obedience to
the experienced revelation of God as regeneration.
With every closer approximation of
7. Regen- the inner life to God, affording a new
eration. and deeper grounding of faith in him,
the certainty of religious assurance ad-
vances. The spiritual power which overcomes man
in this act of self-surrender ever carries him beyond
the previous limits of his strength. Every moment
in which man is inwardly possessed, God is to him
the one who rules supremely in all the depths of his
being; and yet, at the same time, he is brought to
the full realization of his inward autonomy. The
inner self-existence of the truly vital is possessed
only as one breaks through the confines within
which he moved before. That which is retained of
the past the blind instinct of self-preservation of

Belig-ion

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

456

the natural life attempts to assert. Therefore in
every vital impulse death is prepared. But to find
God means the overcoming of this fate. During
every moment experienced in religious progress,
whose import is regarded as of divine operation, the
old and lifeless is simply discarded so that there is
nothing to assert itself against the spiritual power
that ever effects new miracles of complete victory
and free submission.

The essence of religion is the awakening of man
to self-contemplation. The first vital impulse is
reverence for the real. A further step is the reflec-
tion upon one's utmost experience, the inquiry con-
cerning the might in whose power all are. This
proves to be the power which alone overcomes him,
gains possession of his inmost self, and
8. Sum- approaches in beneficence to humiliate
mary. him and sacrifice itself for him. Total
realization of religion follows when, in
the divine revelation received by experience, this
spiritual power abstracts itself from the times and
places of its manifestation, and becomes the sum
of life. Then religion consists in intercourse with
God, which is the immanence of the omnipotence of
God and the obedience of a full submission that
would conceive his presence and accept his com-
mand in every experience. The operation of re-
ligion in man is to the effect that the enemies of
life are overcome and eternal life is imparted to
him. This eternal life means not endless time-space
but power to vanquish death, a life whose days are
creative and whose inner riches overflow its envi-
ronment as love and goodness. All vital religion
in history requires to resolve itself again and again
upon these simple fundamentals of all true relig-
ion. Its wholeness involves also the grateful re-
spect for the human and for men through whom it
is connected with the creative power of God. A
fatal danger in connection with this is the tempta-
tion, in regarding the mediators of redemption, to
overlook redemption, even God himself. In Chris-
tianity this danger is averted if Jesus Christ becomes
known to men in his actuality and in the undeniable
power of his inner life. For then, and only then, is
piety toward him submission to the one God.

(W. Herrmann.)
H. Special Methods of Study: Even if there be a
secret and incommunicable element in religious ex-
perience, this does not preclude a legitimate inquiry
into the place and nature of religion in
i. Possible human historical life. The depart-
Modes of ments into which this investigation
Studying naturally falls are the history, science,
Religion, psychology, and philosophy of religion.
Religion has embodied itself in cus-
toms, institutions, and ideals, and may therefore be
studied in its historical conditions. It is, moreover,
subject to the same laws of scientific explanation
as are other human facts. As a matter of inner per-
sonal experience, it is amenable to psychological
analysis and description. So far as religion involves
a theory of reality — of first cause and final end, of
the grounds of knowledge and the validity of the
ideal, of man's relation to ultimate Being and to the
infinite future — it invites the aid of philosophy and
metaphysics. In actual practise these four depart-

ments can not be so separated that one is treated
irrespective of the others; the divisions which are
logical and made for convenience tend continually
to fade out or to merge one into the other.

The history of religion deals with religious facts

as facts. At every point the human race as it

emerges in history already practises religion. Of

the religious life of prehistoric man

2. History many facts are indeed hopelessly lost,
of Religion, but many may still be recovered by the

aid of archeology, ethnology, historic
peoples in undeveloped condition, and analogy (see
Comparative Religion, II. -V.). The aim here is
to bring to description every custom, ordinance,
myth, doctrine, and institution which rises in or
expresses the religious feeling. The particular his-
torian may conceive as his task to present these in
concrete images without attempt at analysis or
even at correlation (so Herodotus, in his " History") ;
or his purpose may be to fit these facts into a scheme
of religious interpretation (Herbert Spencer, Prin-
ciples of Sociology, London, 1882). As a result of
this historical process, three facts stand out; that
religion is a social phenomenon, that its object or
objects are personal even though in the form of
symbols, and that its development is associated
with objects so different in form that no one of these
can be held to be essential to religion.

The science of religion is concerned with expla-
nation of the facts provided by historical inquiry.
Its field is the same as that of the history of relig-
ion— beliefs, customs, institutions, and

3. Science ideals which have been determined by
of Religion, man's relation to the supernatural. It

is to be observed, however, that it con-
siders religiqus phenomena only on their human
side; it is in no way concerned with the reality of
God and his self-revelation, with the truth of man's
relation to God, or with the ground of his hopes.
The science of religion treats its material after the
manner of other sciences. It makes use of psychol-
ogy as disclosing the nature of consciousness; of
sociology as occupied with social relations; of an-
thropology as revealing the history of man. It in-
volves judgments in arranging religions as lower
and higher, and determining the various stages of
religious development and degeneration, together
with the aspects that are pathological; and the
judgments must be impartial, i.e., not without
prejudice but free from unscientific bias. This sci-
ence of religion aims, through discovering the stages,
the direction, and the laws of development, to de-
termine under what conditions religion develops or
deteriorates, and finally to ascertain what is essen-
tial to it. It is legitimate to seek for the highest
type of religion, partly by disclosing the element
common in all religions, and partly by tracing this
sentiment as it embodies itself in those religions in
which it has come to its freest and most natural
expression (see Comparative Religion).

Psychology opens a different pathway into the
interpretation of religion. Inquiries here resolve
themselves into various directions: the psycholog-
ical origin of religion, the method and means of its
development, the essential unity of the phenomena,
the varieties which characterize these, and particular

457

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Religion

aspects of religious experience. Psychology traces
the religious sentiment to the feeling of dependence

and the feeling of mystery or awe.

4. Psy- The feeling of dependence involves

chology of ethical causality and teleology. In

Religion, the feeling of mystery is involved

reverence for the indefinitely great
or the infinite. The process here is twofold: that
of " ejection/' by which the self reads into the
other (or God) the contents of its own feeling; and
that of reading back into one's self both the known
qualities of the other (or God) derived from the
sense of dependence, and the unknown or mysteri-
ous qualities of God which give rise to the feeling
of awe or reverence. This investigation of religion
is confirmed by a study of the genesis of personal
self-consciousness in the child. Religion is thus
traced not to an instinct but to an impulse which is
incapable of further analysis. In the development
of religion, anthropology shows that no one thought-
content is essential to religion, that the objects of
religious sentiment are symbolic and yet ever per-
sonal, and that religion as an experience is a social
phenomenon. The unity of religious experience is
interpreted from the normal action of conscious-
ness, in which appears the social nature of religion,
the personal object of it, and the unfolding of this
type of consciousness as a function of personal de-
velopment wherein religion is seen to be an integral
part of normal human consciousness. Its non-ap-
pearance in adult life is an indication of arrested
development. The varieties of religious experience,
whether normal or pathological, are referred to per-
sonal idiosyncrasies, due to expansive or repressive
emotions, to ideas which arise from different philo-
sophical postulates, and to alterations of personal-
ity which set up distinct or separate centers of ac-
tion within the same individual. Psychology has
also its inquiry concerning particular aspects of the
religious hie as, e.g., with reference to conversion
as an adolescent phenomenon cr as an adult expe-
rience, the nature of religious belief (J. B. Pratt,
The Psychology 0/ Religious Belief, New York, 1907),
mysticism (W. James, Varieties of Religious Expe-
rience, ib. 1907), and the psychology of suggestion
and the crowd (Boris Sidis, The Psychology of Sug-
gestion, ib. 1909; E. A. Ross, Social Psychology, ib.
1908). In this field exploration has scarcely more
than blazed the way, but already the work entered
upon unconsciously by Augustine in his " Confes-
sions," by Jonathan Edwards (q.v.) with clear pur-
pose in his Treatise on the Religious Affections, and
by Horace Bushnell (q.v.) in his Christian Nurture
has produced results of massive and rewarding
worth (cf. E. D. Starbuck, The Psychology of Re-
ligion, London, 1899; G. A. Coe, The Spiritual Life,
New York, 1900; J. M. Baldwin, Social and Ethical
Interpretations in Mental Development, ib. 1899;
F. M. Davenport, Primitive Traits in Religious Re-
vivals, ib. 1905; J. M. Baldwin, Dictionary of Phi-
losophy and Psychology, ii. 458 sqq., ib. 1902; G. B.
Cutten, The Psychological Phenomena of Christian-
ity, ib. 1908. So f ar as religion is conceived of as
consciousness of social values, it is an attitude, a
"construct," built up through overt activities of
primitive groups which were either spontaneous

and playful or with reference to practical needs of
the process of life, for the most part socially medi-
ated. This view finds strong allies in ethnology
and functional psychology. The activities and
attitudes mutually condition each other, and their
difference in different individuals and races is ac-
counted for by reference to the varying social
conditions in which they appear and of which they
are products (cf. I. King, The Development of Re-
ligion, ib. 1910; E. S. Ames, The Psychology of
Religious Experience, Boston, 1910).

The philosophy of religion assumes data drawn
from the science of religion and seeks for the ultimate
grounds of the beliefs there given, or by an epistemo-

logical process endeavors to prove the

5. Philoso- limitations of human knowledge and

phy of so found religion on revelation alone.

Religion. As a name it has displaced " Natural

Theology." It is susceptible of many
kinds of treatment. (1) It may involve the problem
of our real knowledge of the Absolute as opposed to
agnosticism, to pure feeling, to immediate intuition,
and to logical demonstration; the problem of the
necessity of religion and the essential meaning of
revelation; and the problem of the ultimate inter-
pretation of the idea of religion in the identity of
God and man as self-conscious Spirit, resulting in a
moral idealism wherein is affirmed the unity of all
spiritual life — of finite persons among themselves,
and of these with the Infinite (cf. J. Caird, An In-
troduction to the Philosophy of Religion, Edinburgh,
1880). (2) The philosophy of religion may be re-
stricted to theism. Accordingly, its aim is to es-
tablish the validity of belief in the supreme reality
of the world or God. This is attempted from vari-
ous points of view in harmony with the particular
philosophical assumptions by which different wri-
ters are guided. Thus the inquiry is based wholly
on revelation as the source of religion (H. Mansel,
Limits of Religious Thought, London, 1858), upon
evolutionary doctrine and personalism (J. Fiske,
Idea of God, Boston, 1885), intuitional philosophy
(S. Harris, The Philosophical Basis of Theism, New
York, 1887), mystical idealism (C. B. Upton, Bases
of Religious Belief, London, 1893), ethical considera-
tions (A. Seth, Two Lectures on Theism, Edinburgh,
1897), transcendental idealism (J. Royce, The World
and the Individual, New York, 1900-01; cf. A.
Caldecott, Philosophy of Religion, ib. 1901). (3) The
philosophy of religion may aim at a still wider scope
and in so doing traverse most of the questions which
arise in systematic theology. Thus it investigates
the nature, origin, and development of religion, the
nature and relations of man to a higher being, re-
ligion as a life both in what it offers and in what it
realizes, the reconciliation of the ethical idea of God
with the scientific and philosophical doctrine of the
world, and the destiny both of things and of per-
sons in their relation to the infinite and absolute
self (cf. G. T. Ladd, Philosophy of Religion, ib.
1905). (4) The philosophy of religion may en-
deavor to establish the truth of its axiom of the
conservation of value by considerations drawn from
epistemology, psychology, and ethics (cf. H. Hoff-
ding, Philosophy of Religion, London, 1906).

C. A. Beck with.

Religion

Beliffion and Literature

THE NEW SCHAFF-HEHZOG

458

Bibliography: Consult, besides the literature named in
the text: C. R. £. von Hartmann, Das religi&se Beumsst-
sein der Menschheit, Berlin, 1882; P. de Broglie, Prob-
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E. Buraouf, La Science dee religions, Paris, 1885; Eng.
transl.. Science of Religions, London, 1888; H. Deren-
bourg. La Science dee religion*, Paris, 1885; J. E. Car-
penter, Place of the History of Religion in Theological
Study, London, 1890; Henry R. Marshall, Instinct and
Reason, New York, 1899; A. J. Balfour, The Foundations
of Belief, ib. 1901; H. Fielding-Hall, The Hearts of Men,
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bryology of Religion, Edinburgh, 1902; G. Treepioli, Sag-
gio per uno studio sulla conscienta socials e giuridica net
codici religiosi, Parma, 1902; V. Staley, The Natural Re-
ligion, Oxford, 1903; J. A. Picton, The Religion of the
Universe, London, 1904; R. Euoken, Der Wahrheitsge-
halt der Religion, Leipsio, 1905; L. R. Farnell, Evolution
of Religion. An Anthropological Study, London, 1905;
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de Lanessau, La Morale des religions, Paris, 1905; J.
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1905; A. Drews, Die Religion als Selbst-Bewusstsein Oottes.
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ligion, Jena, 1906; F. B. Jevons, Religion in Evolution,
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Religion, London, 1909; H. E. Sampson, Progressive Crea-
tion. A Reconciliation of Religion with Science, 2 vols., ib.
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Evolution of Religion, Peoria, 111., 1910; J. H. Leckie,
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Essence of Religion, Boston, 1910.

RELIGION AND LITERATURE.

Common Origin of Religion and Literature (ID.
Their Common Appeal to Life (| 2).
Similarity in Methods (§3).
Literature's Indebtedness to Religion (| 4).
Illustrations; Pope, Goethe (| 5).
Wordsworth (§ 6).
Browning (§7).
Tennyson (§8).

Religion and literature spring from the same
fundamental sources. Religion is the relation which
man bears to ultimate Being. It is concerned with
the substance which lies behind phenomena, and
also with the duty which man owes to
i. Common this Being, universal and eternal. It is
Origin of concerned, too, with the questions
Religion what, whence, whither. Literature, in
and its final analysis, represents the same
Literature, fundamental relationship: it seeks to
explain, to justify, to reconcile, to in-
terpret, and even to comfort and to console. The
Homeric poems are pervaded with the religious at-
mosphere of wonder, of obedience to the eternal,
and of the recognition of the interest of the gods in
human affairs. A significant place is held by relig-
ion in Greek tragedy. A Divine Providence, the
eternity, universality, and immutability of law, the
inevitableness of penalty, and the assurance of re-
ward represent great forces in the three chief Greek
tragedians. Less impressively, yet with significance,
the poems of Vergil are bathed in the air of religious

mystery and submission. The great work of Lucre-
tius, De rerum natura, is, of course, an expression
of the human mind in its attempt to penetnte the
mysteries of being. The mythology, too, of the
non-Christian nations of the north, as well as the
literature of the medieval peoples, is concerned
with the existence and the work of the gods. In
Scandinavian mythology, literature and religion are
in no small degree united.

Not only do religion and literature spring from

the same fundamental sources, they also are formed

by the same forces. They both make a constant

appeal to life. They assume the pres-

2. Their ence and orderly use of the reason; they
Common accept the strength of the human emo-
Appeal to tions of love, fear, curiosity, reverence,

Life. — and they both presume and accept
the categorical imperative of the con-
science and the freedom and force of the will of man.
Both gain in dominance, prestige, and usefulness as
they are the more intimately related to life. The
great themes of religion and literature are similar
and are vital: sin, its origin, penalties, and deliver-
ance therefrom; love — the passion, and the will — its
place and its limitations; righteousness, and the re-
lation of men to each other. In illustration of the
identities of the themes of religion and literature,
one may refer to Dante's " Divine Comedy," which
is concerned with the passing from and through Hell,
where live those who knew not Christ in the earthly
life, or, if they knew him, refused to obey, through
Purgatory, where dwell those whose sins are not
mortal, and into the Paradise where dwell the right-
eous in an eternity of light and of love. The great
poem of the Middle Ages is at once great literature
and a certain type of religion. French literature is
also pervaded by the religious atmosphere. The
religious element in the system of Descartes — both
philosophy in literature and literature in philoso-
phy— and of his followers is marked, and from
them later French literature drew religion and in-
spiration. This inspiration, be it said, was both
emotional and intellectual. The whole field of
modern fiction abounds in examples of the con-
nection between literature and religion; Haw-
thorne significantly represents the more modern
unity in America of the two forces, and among all
his works The Scarlet Letter and The Marble Faun
are in this respect most notable. In English fic-
tion George Eliot exemplifies this unity, and of
her works Adam Bede is an impressive illustration.
Religion and literature, moreover, adopt meth-
ods not dissimilar. They stand for the value of the
imagination; they represent the artistic, rather
than the scientific, methods of inter-

3. Simi- preting life and phenomena. If theol-
larity in ogy, which is the science of religion,
Methods, lends itself to definition and to ra-
tional processes largely, religion be-
longs to the realm of the sentiments and sensi-
bilities— the heart, the conscience, and the will.
Literature, too, likewise declines to enter the realm
of the formal definition ; it is the product of the im-
agination, and to the imagination it makes its pri-
mary appeal, especially in poetry and, to some ex-
tent, in noble prose composition. Neither argues or

459

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Religion

Bellffion and Literature

dogmatises; both intimate, suggest, and seek to
interpret; neither holds definite and precise intel-
lectual judgments regarding things eternal, univer-
sal, or divine, but each possesses general beliefs and
assurances respecting the divine and the eternal.
Neither has a system, a scheme, but each has an in-
tellectual interpretativeness and emotional sym-
pathy with the personal in life and in being.

Religion gives to literature, moreover, vast and
rich materials. Its sacred books themselves con-
stitute great literatures and also furnish materials for

great literature. The translation of

4. Litera- the Bible into Gothic by Ulphilas not

tare's In- only preserved the Bible, but also helped

debtedness to create and to perpetuate literature.

to Religion. Luther's translation of the Bible and

the King James' Version are not only
themselves great literatures, but also have helped to
form great literatures in modern life. German and
English speech, as well as letters, have been made
more pure, more intellectual, and more inspiring
by these great translations. It may be also added
that the sermons of Robert South and of Isaac Bar-
row (qq.v.) are themselves worthy pieces of litera-
ture and might be compared with Burke's Orations.
It is also to be remembered that the institutions of
religion, as the monasteries and cathedral chapter-
houses, were, for a thousand years, the custodians
of the most precious treasures of literature. The
medieval period was dark and damaging to human-
ity's highest interests. In times of war not only
are laws silent, but also literature. It was the
monks who preserved the manuscripts of ancient
Greece and of Rome, copying and re-copying and
commenting from the year 500 till the invention of
printing. As the priests were astronomers, not only
in Europe, but also in India, in order to fix and to
preserve the feast and other holy days, so the monks
of the Middle Ages in Europe, if not literary men
themselves, were the guardians of the holy lamp of
letters.

The religion which has made the strongest ap-
peal to English and German literature in the last
two centuries has been of two types: first, the uni-
versal or natural, and, second, the distinctively

Christian; and the poetry to which

5. Ulustra- the appeal has been chiefly addressed

dons; Pope, has given back a noble response. In

Goethe, illustration of the universal type, the

religion which relates itself to litera-
ture, one selects three poets, Pope, Goethe, and
Wordsworth. The " Universal Prayer " of Pope, a
famous passage in " Faust," and the " Ode to Im-
mortality " are the most representative of all pas-
sages of the three. Pope's " Universal Prayer,"
dedicated to Deo Optimo Maximo, declares in its
first two verses:

" Thou Great First Cause, least understood!
Who all my sense confined
To know but this, that thou art good,
And that myself am blind;

Yet gave me in this dark estate.
To see the good from ill:
And binding nature fast in fate
Left free the human will."

And closes with the lines:

" To Thee, whose temple is all space,
Whose altar, earth, sea, skies.
One chorus let all being raise;
All nature's incense rise ! "

Between these two sets of verses are found petitions
of a distinctive Christian character, as —

" Teach me to feel another's wo,
To hide the fault I see;
That mercy I to others show.
That mercy show to me." *

The same type in essence, although still more gen-
eral, is found in Faust. In a passage which is
supposed, by some, to represent Goethe's own ideas
of religion, Faust says:

" The All-enfolding,
The All-upholding,
Folds and upholds he not
Thee, me. Himself?
Arches not there the sky above us?
Lies not beneath us, firm, the earth?
And rise not, on us shining.
Friendly, the everlasting stars?
Look I not, eye to eye, on thee*
And feel'st not, thronging
To head and heart, the force.
Still weaving its eternal secret,
Invisible, visible, round thy life?
Vast as it is, fill with that force thy heart.
And when thou in the feeling wholly blessed art,
Call it, then, what thou wilt, —
Call it Bliss! Heart! Love! God!
I have no name to give it!
Feeling is all in all:
The Name is sound and smoke.
Obscuring Heaven's clear glow." f

With greater eloquence and definiteness, a similar
lesson is taught by Wordsworth. The
6. Words- teaching has reference to the imma-
worth. nence of divinity and also to the pr
existence of the soul.

" Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting:
The Soul that riseth with us, our life's Star,
Hath had elsewhere its setting,
And cometh from afar:
Not in entire forgetfulness,
And not in utter nakedness,
But training clouds of glory do we come
From God, who is our home:
Heaven lies about us in our infancy!
Shades of the prison-house begin to close
Upon the growing Boy,
But He beholds the light, and whence it flows
He sees it in his joy;

The Youth, who daily farther from the east
Must travel, still is Nature's Priest,
And by the vision splendid
Is on his way attended;
At length the Man perceives it die away,
And fade into the light of common day."

" Those first affections.
Those shadowy recollections,
Which, be they what they may,
Are yet the fountain light of all our day,
Are yet a master light of all our seeing;
Uphold us, cherish, and have power to make
Our noisy years seem moments in the being
Of the eternal silence: truths that wake,
To perish never;

Which neither listlessness, nor mad endeavor,
Nor Man nor Boy,
Nor all that is at enmity with joy,

* Pope's Works, ii. 463-464.

t Taylor's translation of Goethe's " Faust," vol. i.,
XVI., pp. 221-222.

Religion and Literature
Religion, Philosophy of

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

460

Can utterly abolish or destroy 1

Henoe in a season of calm weather

Though inland far we be, *

Our souls have sight of that immortal sea

Which brought us hither,

Can in a moment travel thither.

And see the Children sport upon the shore,

And hear the mighty waters rolling evermore." >

The teaching of the greatest poets of the last
fifty years gives forth lessons even more religious,
and also more impressively Christian.
7. Brown- The poems of Browning embody a re-
ing. ligion more Christian than is found in
either Wordsworth or Pope. That
God is a Divine Father, almighty and loving, and
that Jesus Christ, his Son, is our Lord, are doctrines
which embody both the statement and the atmos-
phere of Robert Browning. The Pontiff says in
" The Pope " in an address made to God:

" O Thou, — as represented here to me
In such conception as my soul allows, —
Under Thy measureless, my atom width!

Our known unknown, our God revealed to man.
Existent somewhere, somehow, as a whole;
Here, as a whole proportioned to our sense, —
There (which is nowhere, speech must babble thus!),
In the absolute immensity, the whole
Appreciable solely by Thyself, —
Here, by the little mind of man, reduced
To littleness that suits his faculty.
In the degree appreciable too." *

In other passages Browning speaks of " a need, a
trust, a yearning after God." The air is called
" the clear, pure breath of God that loveth us."
(Crowell's ed., vii. 203.)

The divinity of Christ is also a doctrine taught by
Browning. In " Christmas Eve " Christ stands
forth

" He who trod.
Very man and very God,
This earth in weakness, shame, and pain;" ■

In the coordinate poem of " Easter " Christ is like-
wise spoken of as " Thou Love of God." In other
passages, too, is found a similar teaching.

" Believe in Me,
Who lived and died, yet essentially
Am Lord of life." '

" The very God! think, Abib; dost thou think4
So, the All-Great, were the All-Loving, too." >

" And thou must love Me, who have died for thee." 4

" Call Christ, then, the illimitable God." •

" He, the Truth, is, too, the Word." •

" The Great Word which makes all things new." '

" The Star which chose to stoop and stay for us."

" That one Face, far from vanish, rather grows.
Or decomposes but to recompose.
Become my universe that feels and knows." 9

> Wordsworth "Ode to Immortality."

« The Ring and the Book, Crowell's ed. " The Pope," x.
1303—18.

' Christmas Eve, ib., iv. 286-327. The whole poem is full
of the divinity of Christ.

• An Epistle of Karshish, ib.f v. 10-22, 306-307, 311.

• A Death in the Desert, ib., v. 686.

• The Ring and the Book; " The Pope," x. 375-376, ib.,
vii. 175.

T Dramatic Lyrics; " By the Fireside," xxvii., ib., iv. 131.

• Dramatis Persona; 1( Epilogue, Third Speaker," xii.,
Ib., v. 280.

These quotations might be continued, but they

are sufficient to prove the distinctive Christian

message of one of the greatest of poets. Tennyson

is not so definite in his teaching of

8. Tenny- Christianity as Browning.1 But Tenny-
son. ' son's greatest poems contain many
passages which embody most direct
Christian lessons, expressing as well, with an im-
pressiveness which no other poet has ever attained,
the lesson of the soul's immortality. Tennyson is,
above all, the apostle of the immortal life. The
argument for the life immortal, if an argument it
can be called, arises from the infinity and the eter-
nity of love, and also from the fact that even on
the evolutionary hypothesis man is made by God.
The essence of the creation is personal. God is im-
manent, not only in man, but in the universe. The
union of all men in God creates brotherhood, and
this union, also, evolves into righteousness and love.
God is immortal love; God is also immortal life,
and immortal life and immortal love belong to those
who are in God. The evolutionary hypothesis was
declared, and had come to be generally accepted in
Tennyson's life-time. The last poems indicate his
acceptance of evolution. His belief was that evolu-
tion would carry man, through God, unto perfec-
tion. He declares " Hallelujah to the Maker. It is
finished. Man is made." Near his death he wrote,
in " God and the Universe," " The face of death is
toward the Sun of Life — his truer name is ' On-
ward.' " *

In these illustrations of tho relation of religion
and literature, no reference has been made to either
Shakespeare or Milton. The reason is that in the
older and greater poet, almost no mention is made of
religion. That Shakespeare was, to a certain degree,
impressed by the fundamental truths which con-
stitute religion, there can be no doubt, but also it is
clear that his great inspiration he drew from human,
and not from divine, relationships. At the opposite
extreme stands John Milton, who was far more a
theologian than a religious poet. If Shakespeare
represents the inspiration arising from human rela-
tionships, John Milton represents inspiration drawn
from those dogmatic formulas which represent the
skeleton, but not the life, of the Christian system.

It is apparently singular that the larger share of
the illustrations used to present the relations exist-
ing between religion and literature are drawn from
poetry. The singularity is, however, only super-
ficial. For poetry is the highest and richest form
and expression of literature; it represents the high-
est notes of the scale of thought, feeling, and imag-
ination. Religion is the highest type of being, for
it represents the relation of man to God and of God
to man. Each, therefore, rises the highest in its
own scale of being; each, therefore, becomes more
clearly and closely akin to the other than are the
other higher forces of humanity. They are related
to each other far more intimately and constantly
than can any type of prose literature be related to
religion, either Christian or natural.

Charles F. Thwinq.

1 E. Berdoe, Browning and the Christian Faith, pp. 42, 43,
45 (London, 1896).

* S. A. Brooke, Tennyson: his Art and Relation to Modern
Life, p. 30 (New York, 1894).

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Bibuooiuifb-t: W. S. Tyler, Theology of the Greek Poett. Ao-
dover. 1897; 6. A. Brooke. Theohav in lot Englith Fort.,
C owner. Coleridge. Wordmwih, andBunu, New York, 1878,
new ed., 1910; idem. Development of Theology . . . inEng-
tish Poetry, ITS0-1S30, ib. 1803; idem, Religion in Litera-
tim and Religion in Life, ib. 1901; G. McCrie. Religion
0/ Oar Literature. London. 1875; J. C. Sbsirp, Cvtttin and
Religion. Edinburgh. IB7S; V. J. Abbey, lleligunu Thought
in Old Enoliih Ytree, London and New York, 1892; -
W. Hunt, Ethical Teachings in Old English Literature, 1

York. 1892: L. Campbell. Religion in Greet Literature.
London end New York, 1898; S. L, Wilson. Theology of
Modtm Literature, New York. 1890; W. 8. Lilly, Studiet
in Religion and Literature. St. Louis, 1905; C. O. Shaw,
Precinct a! Religion in the Culture of Humanity. New York.
1908: E. G. Sihler. Testimonium ultima. New York. 1908;
K. S. Guthrie, Spiritual Menage of Literature. Chicago,
1909; E. M. Chapmen, Enalith Literature and Religion.,
1800-1900, London. IB 10,

RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY OF.

I. History.

3. Modern.

Herbert and Lotae (| 9).

Desoartee: Spinoia (| 1).

Von Hartmann; Rltachl (I 10)

Early Greeks (| 1).

Laibait* (| 2).

Contemporary Thought (| 11).

Plato and Aristotle (| 2).

The Enlightenment; EsmMsb and

II. Analysis of Religion.

Neoplatonism (13).

French Deists (| 8).

Method (1 11.

Stoicism (| 4).

Kant and Criticism (J 4).

Representation (| 2).

Eclecticism (| 8).

Fieht*; Bcbellinc (1 8).

Feeling (I 3).

The Church Fathers (1 8).

Sohleiermecher (1 0).

Will (| 4).

2. Medieval.

Hecel (f 7).

Generalisation (I 8).

Anselm and Successor, (f 1).

Post-Hegelian (| 8).

Relative Estimation (| 6).

The philosophy of religion is that aspect of phi-
losophy which employe itself with the fact of re-
ligion in view of its intellectual formulation. The
conception of the philosophy of religion differs not
only according as religion is defined, but also as the
relation of philosophy to it is formulated. Religion
may constitute the content of philosophy, so that
the latter may absorb the former and become itself
religious. Philosophy may easily become tbeoso-
phy, or may even approximate mysticism, while
satisfying all religious requirements. To such an
extreme a religious philosophy would be superflu-
ous. Again, as soon as a system of thought deals
with the idea of God, and regards this as essential
to its completion, or perhaps to the understanding
of the entire world of experience, a religious philo-
sophical side can not be denied to the same. Re-
ligion would always be touched upon, although
such a thought-system would be unsatisfactory to
a deeply susceptible religious disposition. If in
these two related varieties a philosophical explana-
tion is to be secured, this does not obtain for the
later view of the philosophy of religion, the object
of which is to recognize and explain religious phe-
nomena or religion in general, both subjective and
objective, by means of thought. This must take
place on the basis of psychological investigation and
the collection and use of historical materials. The
first is to determine religion aa such; the second is
to present the evolution of religion and at least
throw some light on its primal forms. This differs
from the old view according to which religion was
more or less philosophy, and the philosopher was
assumed to be religious himself; or he at least pro-
fessed the truth of the views about God and divine
things set forth by him. Here the object of inves-
tigation is religion itself, and the investigator is not
necessarily an adherent of such religion, or even re-
ligiously minded. An approximation to the first
would occur where the investigator would preclude
the impartiality of the result by bringing his own
convictions into the test. The two forms are occa-
sionally combined and first demand a historical

L History. — 1. Ancient: Strictly considered
every philosophical system of the universe involves

a religious tincture, even if no religious feelings are
brought to light. Here only those are to be selected

1 Barlv m w'"c'1 a philosophy of religion comes
Oronka ul*° prouiinence, and of such only the
principal ones. The statement of
Xenophanes that the heaven or the world was God,
appears as a religious affirmation, especially when
compared with his vigorous attacks on anthropo-
morphism. Anaxagoras in his distinction between
matter and spirit, in which he assigned the construc-
tion of order from chaos to the latter, did not call
spirit by the name of the deity; yet he introduced
the principle of dualism and furnished the basis
for the development of the later deism. Socrates
was a man of pious mind as shown in his teaching
of the " demon " and in his conviction that the dis-
tinction between the lightness and wrongness of
certain actions was to be referred directly to the
deity, with which he believed himself to be in con-
nection. For theology and the philosophy of relig-
ion he struck the keynote for the future in founding
teleology as a world theory and relating all things
in the interest of human welfare to the ordaining
benevolence of the first cause from whose reason
the human understanding is descended.

Plato's view of the world was not only ethical but
religious. God is conceived as the absolute good;
the phenomenal world is the sphere of evil and
wickedness. The object of man is to flee to the
world of ideas and so become like God,
a although this world is a copy of the
Aristotle higher one and can not be therefore
contemned. The kinship of the soul to
ideas, that is, the supra mundane, constitutes its
immortality. A considerably developed philosophy
of religion appears In the metaphysics of Aristotle
(q.v.) though the inner religious element as found
in Plato is retired; yet Aristotle's system exerted
a deep and manifold influence upon the philosophy
of religion. He excludes from his ethics the inquiry
of Plato into the metaphysical good or idea as the
impulse of acquiring and practising good qualities
In his " First Philosophy," which he named also
theologiie, he presents his idea of God more definitely
and clearly in strict deduction from his metaphys-
ical principles. He distinguishes between the poesi-

Religion, Philosophy of

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

468

ble or potential and the actual. Every change into
actuality requires an actual as agent. God must be
the first agent, and must be pure energy, which is
absolute form or immaterial spirit, and therefore
unchangeable and one. As Spirit he thinks and
the object of his thought is himself, and this is his
activity, in which he enjoys the supreme felicity.
In relation with the world he moves all, but neither
creates nor transacts, he is the good or end toward
which all things strive, just as one beloved, though
unmoved and at rest, always exercises an influence
upon the lover. The world, uncreated, always
existed and will never cease to be; and, ever gain-
ing in form and losing in matter, it strives after
perfection, toward a similarity with God, the high-
est form of all. The idea of deification as it occurs
in the later mystics indeed did not materialize in
Aristotle, but the efficacious forms in nature may
be taken as the representative content of God. God
is in the world with his ideas, and while elsewhere
Aristotle holds firmly to the transcendence of God,
here there appears an immanence. It would follow,
that, alongside of an expressed theism, there exists
a pantheism Aristotle sought to illustrate the re-
lation by that of a general who is outside of the
army yet prevails within with his authoritative
plans. He became the esteemed authority for
scholasticism, by his doctrine of God as well as by
his logic, physics, and ethics.

Neoplatonism (q.v.), starting from the idealistic

tendencies of these two prototypes, far exceeded

them in subtle speculation and emphasis upon the

_ -_ religious. Not stopping at knowledge

platonism. or menta^ activity as the highest aim
* of man with Aristotle, it pursued the
example of Philo (q.v.) in the supreme union with
the highest principle by means of ecstatic trans-
port, indeed, only transiently, since the corporate
soul can not wholly release itself from the earthly.
In this unity which ultimately becomes continuous
and eternal, man becomes deified, and a duality of
the seeing and seen ceases in a complete unity
called by Photinus, aplosu. Where the limit of in-
telligible thought is thus transgressed, it is doubt-
ful if philosophy of religion can cover the ground.
Certainly such doctrine issues not from speculation
but inner experience; and those offshoots ci super-
stition, such as the theurgy and magic of Jamblicus,
must be excluded. But the theodicy is the most
developed of all antiquity, and the prototype of
that of the present. In Plotinus' argument for the
divine justification, the individual must be viewed
in the harmonious unity of the whole, and the worst
fits into the harmony to set off the excellence of the
good. He shrinks from denning the deity or unity,
following Philo and the eclectic Platonists in re-
garding it as transcending all thought and being, of
which there was to be predicated merely that it for-
bade all difference, multiplicity, or similarity. Here
Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite (see Dionysius),
Scotus Erigena (q.v.), and other German mystics
fixed their points of contact. The last of this school,
Proclus, presents the world development from unity.
Stoicism (q.v.) was preeminently entitled to the
name of religious philosophy. Although it was
materialistic, both in principle and results, and

4. Stoioism.

pantheistic, yet it not only presented the deity
theoretically, but was richly tinged with religion, a
fact which serves to account for its wide-
spread popularity in the Roman world.
The most distinguished save one of this school, the
poet Cleanthes, proves his piety in his hymn to
Zeus by praising the omnipresent, eternal reason of
deity, which rules all and restores what human folly
has subverted. The last representatives of the Stoic
school, Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius (qq.v.), dis-
play deep piety in connection with their philosophic
thoughts. On the physical side, the Stoics follow
the Heraclitean principle that the primal matter
was fire. The active power in the whole cosmic
process is deity, giving all things form and support,
permeating the world as a warm breath, as reason
ordering all things, and containing within itself the
separate rational germ forms from which individual
appearances develop. The beauty and adaptabil-
ity of the whole world and its parts point to the
existence of a thinking, foreseeing, creating Spirit.
The universe or God is to be regarded as having a
consciousness, and from this follows the conclusion
that the world has conscious parts; and as the
whole is more complete than any part, it must have
consciousness in a real measure. If deity is abso-
lute reason it must reign everywhere, and all that
is must be logical or rational. Thus on the phys-
ical basis there was optimism; on the ethical other-
wise. Chrysippos compared men to maniacs. Hu-
man life was full of errors and moral faults, and it
was the most woful of all dramas. like the later
Neoplatonists, whom they anticipated in some
essential elements, the Stoics had to develop a the-
odicy, in order to save their logical deistic principle.
However, to win ordinary acceptance for their doc-
trine, they were wont to make application to the
individual and carry it to the absurd. Moral evil,
on the other hand, was a burden, imposed upon
guilty man. The Stoics were fond of the antithesis
that on the physical side ruled the law of necessity
by the inevitable connection of cause and effect; on
the ethical side, if it was a question of will and act,
man should be capable of free choice. The efforts
to demonstrate the transition from the possession
of the Logos to the bad as well as the relation of
necessity and freedom were unsuccessful. An inter-
esting side to Stoicism is its explanation of myths,
in which it is the successor of Cynicism. Anxious
to make a connection with the popular mind and
unable to adopt polytheism and its myths, it re-
sorted to the allegorical method. Myths were ex-
plained as allegories of natural or moral life, and
the gods as personifications of powers. This method
was taken over by Jewish writers, particularly
Philo, and became popular in patristic Christian
Scripture interpretation. As the supernatural or
supramundane did not come within the horizon of
the Stoics, their physical theory was theocentric in
the nature of their hylosoic heritage, and their
ethics was in close adjustment with nature as a
whole, as shown by their sharp ethical interest in
necessity and freedom. To live in harmony with
nature and reason was not infrequently a religions
enthusiasm. Religious philosophy touches upon
Epicureanism (q.v.) so far as this undertook to ex-

468

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Religion, Philosophy of

5. Eclecti-
cism.

plain religious ideas by ignorance and fear and
looked upon them as causes of the worst evils.

Though Stoicism permeated Christian thought
with its influence, it was not transplanted like Neo-
platonic idealism or mysticism. Pseu-
do-Dionysius in coupling Neoplatonism
with Christianity took much from
Proclus. In his " negative theology " God the
nameless transcends both positive and negative
predicates. In his " affirmative theology " God the
all-named embraces all realities. In addition a
symbolic theology takes its nomenclature from the
world of sense. Essential is the abstraction from
all positive and negative attributes as God, a sort
of mystical negation of knowledge combined with
a transport to God and a " theosis," or deification,
the final ideal of the Neoplatonists as well as of the
Church Fathers, such as Clement, Origen, Hip-
polytus, pnd Athanasius. Closely following him in
identifying true philosophy with religion and in
the distinction of negative and positive theology
was Scotus Erigena (q.v.). The procession of in-
dividual things from deity, which he conceives
somewhat like the emanation theory of the Neo-
platonists, he calls unfolding; the reunion of mul-
tiplicity in God is effected by the Logos. Pure
pantheism, represented by Amalric of Bena and
David of Dinant (qq.v.), was doubtless related from
Scotus and with him branded as heretical, but mys-
tics like Bernard and Hugo and Richard of St.
Victor (qq.v.) were tolerated, although they in-
dulged transport and absolute submission to God
as the highest aim not to be attained by human
will and power, but by divine grace. Not specula-
tion, but practical mysticism in the fullest form
appears with Meister Eckhart (q.v.) and his fol-
lowers, who were professed pantheists. The souls
fall into ecstatic transport while the body is as dead;
and upon their return, no expression of what tran-
spired is possible in words. It claims to have been
where it was before its creation, where God is and
he alone.

The Christian Gnostics (see Gnosticism) may be

said to have made the first attempt at a Christian

philosophy of religion. Their system consisted not

so much of speculative conceptions as

Church °^ *ke Preparation of a fantastic world,

Fathers. or Christian mythology, which was not
to be acknowledged by the Church.
Aloof from this kept Justin Martyr (q.v.) who, the
first of the apologists, regarded himself a Christian
and philosopher, and assumed all the true and ra-
tional to be Christian also. Hellenic in speculation,
he presents God as nameless and indescribable, yet
one, eternal, unbegotten, and unmoved. He reigns
over the heavens and first begat the Logos by whom
he created the world. Less pronounced as Christian
were Athanagoras and Minucius Felix. The former
argues for monotheism on rational grounds. The
gods are supposed to be localized, but this is impos-
sible as God, who created the world, was in the
space outside the world, where no other God could
be; and, if localized there, could not concern those
in the world; and he would, as circumscribed in
his presence and operation, be no true God. The
latter deduces the knowledge of God, though in-

complete, from the order of nature and organic
adaptability, and monotheism from the unity of
nature. The earliest originality of thought appears
with the Alexandrine school, which entered a closer
inquiry into the relation of believing and knowing;
and employed philosophy to lift the former to the
latter. According to Clement (q.v.) no positive
knowledge of God is possible; knowable is the Logos,
the mediator between God and the world, where-
fore the order of the world is rational. Indebted to
Philo, yet he exceeds him and the subsequent Neo-
platonists in teaching that the real gnostic becomes
not only like God but is incarnate god himself; and
that he swathes divinity not only in special ecstatic
hours but enjoys eternal rest in God. With Origen
(q.v.) the conception of " restitution " takes the
place of theosis; after being cleansed from sin, men
are restored to the original state of happiness and
goodness. His " First Principles " is an attempt
to systematize Christian dogma, and presents much
for the philosophy of religion; especially, in the be-
ginning, where God is declared to be the eternal
ground of all existence, and much that is Neopla-
tonic appears. Dependent on him are the Greek
Fathers of whom Gregory of Nyssa (q.v.) was the
speculative representative and the precursor of
medieval scholasticism by explaining that the name
God stands for the essence of deity and not the per-
sons (hypostases), so that the three divine persons
constitute one deity. His superior speculative gifts
are evidenced also in the attempt to prove the church
doctrines by reason, in which the Scripture was in-
cluded. Augustine (q.v.) was as much philosopher
as theologian, so that he may well-nigh rank as a
Neoplatonist; but above speculation rises his strong
religious feeling. The ground of all knowledge is in
the consciousness of man's spiritual processes. The
only eternal truth is God, who embraces all true
being and is the supreme good. The Aristotelian
categories can not be applied to him. He is " good
without quality, great without quantity, a creator
without want, reigning without position, upholding
all things without condition, everywhere whole
without place, eternal without time " (De trinitate,
v. 2; Eng. transl., NPNF, 1st ser., iii. 88). He
is the supreme essence, has given being, though not
the highest, to things created in graded series, and
upholds the world by incessant re-creation, without
which it would sink into primal nothing. Here be-
side transcendence is immanence. The " City of
God," which presents historical development from
the religious point of view, at the conclusion car-
ries the temporal over into the eternal, and marks a
distinction for all time between the eternally blessed
and the eternally damned.

2. Medieval: Augustine's influence upon scho-
lasticism was considerable, especially by the Pla-
tonic and Neoplatonic elements. The axiom of
Anselm of Canterbury (q.v.), " I believe that I may
understand," was taken from him, and
1. Anselm from the Alexandrines preceding. Rea-
a an son is above faith like a superstructure

'above the foundation; not to dispute
its right and content, but, assuming at the outset
what is to be proved, to set it forth in a clearer
light. Beside the cosmological argument that the

Beliffion, Philosophy of

THE NEW SGHAFF-HERZOG

464

ascending series of the created things must presup-
pose a final self-existent being as first cause, An-
selm definitely formulated the ontological argument,
that the highest which is God must be not only in
thought but in reality as well, otherwise a higher
could be thinkable. In the history of the argument
for the existence of God, Anselm's position is one
of the most eminent; for it must be acknowledged
that the being of God, as securely established for
the religious consciousness, can never be omitted
from the definition. His doctrine of the Trinity,
that the speaker and the spoken word are two and
yet one so that there occurs a " reflex/' is some-
what artificial. In his atonement theory he con-
ceives the guilt of mankind, because committed
against the infinite God, to be infinitely great, to be
atoned for by an infinite punishment or its equiva-
lent. The whole human race, unable to give satisfac-
tion would fall under total condemnation; hence,
satisfaction could be only vicariously rendered, and
by God himself, that is, by the second person of the
TYinity, who must needs become incarnate. The
death of Christ is a positive act, satisfying God's
justice by virtue of his goodness, not by a penalty.
Anselm had advanced so far in his rational proofs
of even specific doctrines that the leading scholastic
successors had to retrench. Albertus Magnus (q.v.)
gave up the proof of the Trinity and introduced a
distinction sharpened by his pupil Thomas Aquinas
(q.v.), between such propositions as, given by reve-
lation, were above, though not contrary to, reason;
and such as were established by reason alone, the
Trinity being among the former. In the proof of
the unity of God, he rests on the monotheism of
Aristotle, who is his philosophic basis throughout.
Anselm's argument for the existence of God is, for
him, not binding. Although it is a matter of faith,
yet Aquinas offers a series of proofs partly Aristo-
telian. On the other hand, even before Anselm,
there were among scholastics partizans of the rea-
son. Berengar of Tours (q.v.) stated that contrary
to truth is equivalent to contrary to reason, a sen-
tence that could be readily inverted. Abelard (q.v.)
went so far as to invert the axiom of Anselm into,
" I understand that I may believe," to rationalize
Christian verities, and to designate the persons of
the Trinity as power, wisdom, and goodness. Ray-
mond Lully (q.v.) declared that all Christian dog-
mas could be proved; while the nominalist William
of Occam (q.v.) affirmed that whatever is beyond
experience must be resigned to faith, and that the
existence of God could not be shown either by ex-
perience or on rational grounds. Thus, the rela-
tion between believing and knowing, revelation
and reason, philosophy and theology, occupied the
place of prominence from Clement throughout the
Middle Ages. The same problem continued in the
Renaissance, in which an independent philosophy
of religion was reawakened, in more or less indebted-
ness to antiquity. Without mentioning further the
schools hitherto treated, which continued in their
philosophical significance, among those contribu-
ting peculiar aspects of thought appears Nicholas
of Cusa (q.v.), who was indebted to Neoplatonism,
Meister Eckhart(q. v.), and, particularly, to scholasti-
cism. Denving with the nominalists that Christian

dogmas are to be demonstrated by reason, he
teaches that God is the absolute maximum and ab-
solute minimum, present in all things, resolving in
himself irreconcilables, unknowable in his essence,
cognised by the negative of knowing (docta ignoron-
Ha), and immediately to be perceived, yea by ec-
stasy to be reached. The world of phenomena is the
unfolding of what is contained in God, and each in-
dividual thing represents the infinity of God. The
search for the truth constitutes religion, which is
knowledge apprehending God, and its end is blessed-
ness. On the whole he shows himself a pantheist
and mystic in what is characteristic of his views,
and his advance step is his inclination to the exact
sciences; particularly, the infinity of space and
time in the universe, taken up by his pupil Gior-
dano Bruno (q.v.). To Bruno the universe is deity,
and he scarcely distinguishes between God and
nature. The three ideal principles of form, moving
cause, and object he makes one in the organism
with matter. Tomaso Campanella (q.v.) sought to
prove that all religions were originally one and the
same, namely, purely natural, and that all things
strive for self-preservation, which is to return to
their real principle, which is the deity. The four
varieties of this process are the four kinds of re-
ligion: natural, animal, rational, and supernatural.
Beside reason supplemented by revelation there is
an " inner touch," united with the love of God.
For God's existence, he adds to innate and super-
natural knowledge another proof. Man as a finite
being can not originate the representation of the
infinite being which he possesses; therefore, the
infinite which causes it necessarily exists.

8. Modern: The same argument was reproduced
by Descartes (q.v.), who thought to prove the exist-
ence of God beyond a mathematical certainty. The

above he develops into a particular

1. Descartes; cosmological argument: man, inas-

Splnoaa. much as he possesses a realisation of

God, would not exist if God did not
exist. Had he created himself he would have given
himself all possible perfections; but sprung from
his ancestry, there must be for the series of descent
a first cause. The ontological argument is stated
differently from Anselm. All perfections are to be
predicated of the being or idea of God; existence
is a perfection; therefore, God necessarily exists.
God is the eternal, unchangeable, omniscient, om-
nipotent, self-existent substance, and this created
the extended thinking substances. Matter is inert
and all changes take place by cause and effect.
God's control of nature is the mechanical ; the sum
of matter and movement is constant. Though he
was lacking in religious inwardness, yet a concern
for religion in putting up these arguments for the
existence of God can not be denied to Descartes.
Spinoza (q.v.) in his Tractates theologico-poUticus
endeavors to point out the essential difference be-
tween religion and philosophy. Each has its own
peculiar object; reason dealing with truth and wis-
dom, theology with piety and obedience. It is not
necessary to reconcile them, and not possible, since
the Bible deals with moral laws only. In the phi-
losophy of the identity of spirit and matter he is
wholly a pantheist (deity being equivalent to sub-

465

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Religion, Philosophy of

2. Leibnitz.

stance or that which is) and a naturalist. He may
be regarded as a strong religious personality, if ab-
sorption in the universal, in love for the universal
or God, which rests upon intuition, may be called
religion; but irreligious if the counter-relation of
God and man be included. The personality of
God is excluded since even will and reason
are denied to him; and there can be no designing
providence, since the process of becoming follows
after mechanical, mathematical laws. All things
proceed from the nature of God by inevitable ne-
cessity, and his power and being are identical. The
good is a conception of the human imagination,
which obtains for man only; and there is no abso-
lute good. God is both spirit and body. The es-
sence of spirit is thought which issues in the intui-
tion of God, bringing perfection, freedom, salvation
from suffering, and joy, which is love, to its object.
In place of the dead mechanism of Spinoza, Leib-
nitz offers his postulate of a development from
within, toward distinct ends, by a scale of monads
instinct with life and power. With this
he attempts to combine the mechan-
ism. On the antithesis of faith and reason, he
maintained that some acceptable truths of revela-
tion are incapable of rational proof; but they are
valid, if only they be not contrary to reason. The
latter he limits to what is contrary to the eternal
and absolutely necessary truths; and thus he makes
room to accept the church doctrines as possible,
including that of the Trinity. God is the final ab-
solute monad, the primal unity and highest good,
yet present to all the individual monads. He ne-
cessarily exists, as the cause common to all the finite
monads; otherwise the mutual adaptability be-
tween the monads and between body and soul
would not be possible, whereas the universal har-
mony among them must be a preestablished one.
The first cause has so organized each monad that
it reflects the whole more or less perfectly. The on-
tological argument he deemed valid only if the idea
of the perfect being be shown to be possible, which
he regarded to mean as including no limits or nega-
tion. The cosmological argument he construes so
that, starting out with the contingency of finite
things, a necessary absolute first cause must be
presupposed. Inasmuch as every monad is a re-
duced reflex of the highest, God's attributes may
be deduced by exaggerating those of the soul to
the utmost. The world composed of distinct monads
rising in their scale according to the clearness of
representation must be the best possible world;
for, if not, God either would not or could not create
a better. The first is contradicted by his goodness;
the second by his omnipotence. In his theodicy he
recognizes metaphysical, physical, and moral evil
which he explains as a negative condition of the
imperfection of the finite monads. In addition,
without evil there would be no good; moreover, it
multiplies the good, like Adam's sin, the occasion
for Christ's redemption. On the ground that the
being of all monads is representation, religion is
based on the representation of the highest monad,
that is, God. This knowledge of the perfect toward
which the human monad strives originates love for
it. Human souls have a sense of kinship to God,
IX.— 30

whose attitude toward them is not as to creatures
but like that of sovereign to subject or father to
children. Here is the point of departure for the
antithesis of the kingdom of nature and the king-
dom of grace. Inasmuch as love to God is depend-
ent on correct representation or cognition, intel-
lectualism is implanted upon the domain of relig-
ion. Ascending degrees of illumination bear with
them corresponding degrees of religion, morality,
and happiness. The path is open to the Enlighten-
ment of the eighteenth century.

Christian Wolff (q.v.), chief representative of
this period, sets himself the task of providing a
clear, distinct knowledge, without which the aim of
mankind or happiness can not be
8' The Bn" reached. In his Theologia naturalis he
t' "R1" *rea^iS extensively the proofs of God's
li«h and ' exis*ence an<^ attributes. He prefers
French *ne a posteriori argument that the con-
Deists, tingency of the world presupposes
necessarily a first cause, without which
it is not intelligible. But to be considered an
adequate ground for the world, reason and free
will must be ascribed to him, and he must
be infinite Spirit. To this, the a priori concept of
his predecessors is added. Revealed theology is
not disputed, and revelations transcending reason
are not contrary to reason. As God is omnipotent,
he can afford immediate revelation by miracle.
H. S. Reimarus (q.v.) is to be classed as a deist so
far as he denied all divine miracle save that of the
original creation. Any miiacles in addition would
negate the wisdom and perfection of the Creator,
since they would imply later interference as neces-
sary. Most distinguished in the rationalistic En-
lightenment was Lessing (q.v.), who conceded to
historical revelation a temporary significance to be
superseded as soon as reason had deduced its truths
from its own ground. The early English philoso-
phers show a minor appreciation for the religious.
Francis Bacon (q.v.) entertained the idea of paral-
lels; religion and science can not be merged. The
result of mixing science with religion is unbelief;
vice versa, fantasy. Thomas Hobbes (q.v.) finds
the motive of religion as well as of superstition to
be fear of the unseen powers. It is the former when
acknowledged by the State, otherwise the latter.
To oppose personal conviction to the faith enjoined
by the sovereign is tantamount to revolution. Her-
bert of Cherbury (see Deism, I., § 1) asserts the in-
dependence of reason in the domain of religion,
finding the " marks in common," and obtaining five
natural truths of religion, to which belong the exist-
ence of God, duty, and retribution. It is customary
to regard him as the first deist. His view that the
idea of God is innate is denied by Locke in his em-
piricism. The existence of a Supreme Being is more
certain, however, to him than the reality of the
external world, but by way of reflection, supported
by the cosmological argument. Divine revelation
is not denied, but must not contradict reason. John
Toland (q.v.), the first to be designated " free think-
er," claimed that Christianity did not necessarily
contain anything mysterious and that the Christian
doctrines presented nothing above or contrary to
reason. A chief work of English deism was William

Religion, Philosophy of

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

466

TyndalTs (q.v.) Christianity as Old as the Creation,
in which it is taught that natural religion was per-
fect from the beginning, and was restored! by Christ.
Radical opposition to rational dogmatism in relig-
ion, as well as against deism and natural religion,
appears with David Hume (q.v.) in his skeptical
theory of knowledge. Religious principles can not
be proved by reason, but must be accepted by faith.
In his Natural History of Religion (1755) he laid
the permanent foundation for a philosophy of re-
ligion, the purpose of which is psychological analy-
sis and the investigation of historical development.
This method did not present monotheism but poly-
theism as the primitive form. The roots of religion
were passive, fear and hope, not the perception of
nature and reflective thought. Pressed by natural
necessities, and anxious and restive before the un-
certain accidents of life and impending evil, par-
ticularly death, men asked what the future would
bring, and encountered with surprise traces of deity.
To refer all to one being was not possible among
the varying circumstances; and the tendency of
comparison with self led to the anthropomorphic
conception. Monotheism came not by reflection
and the perception of a universe conformable to
law, but from practical reasons beginning with the
idea of God as Creator and Ruler. Oscillations be-
tween monotheism and polytheism occur later, even
in Christianity. As regards tolerance, monotheism
is behind the other, which by nature may admit
contemporary forms. The principles of English
deism were transferred to French soil by Voltaire
(q.v.), whose famous sentence was: " If God did not
exist he would have to be invented, but all nature
acclaims that he is." He attacked Christianity vio-
lently as based on illusion, and spreading fanati-
cism and superstition. [In justice to Voltaire it
should be borne in mind that his antagonism was
not to religion itself, but to degenerate religion as
exemplified by the extremely corrupt forms and
practises current in the France of his day.] Baron
d'Holbach (q.v.), on the other hand, in his Systeme
de la nature (1770) taught radical atheism, claiming
that the divine potencies were products of a de-
ceived imagination, prompted by fear and ignorance,
and that the idea of God was unnecessary and in-
jurious, the cause of unrest instead of comfort.

Kant (q.v.) revolutionized the status of religion
in shifting the basis to morality, though he belongs
to the Enlightenment. In his earlier AUgemeine
Naturgeschichte und Theorie des Himmels (1755) he

postulates a first cause upon the pur-

di Pos*ve operations of the powers of

Criticism na^ure- ^ h*8 && ein&Q mdgliche

Beweisgrund zu einer Demonstration
des Daseins Gottes (1763), a skepticism about proofs
for the existence already appears. He states that
Providence did not leave the views necessary to
happiness dependent upon subtle deductions, but
to the immediate perceptions of natural common
sense. Yet he reasons a priori that it is impossible
that nothing exists; for that would mean that all
that is requisite for the possible was made void;
but that whereby all possibility is removed is itself
impossible. In the statement at this place, that it
is necessary that one convince himself of the exist-

ence of God but not necessary that he demonstrate
it, he anticipates the foremost conclusion of his
critical work; that, where knowing ends faith be-
gins, wnich has a sure foundation on the moral
Significant is it that intellectualism for religion was
here dethroned. In the " Critique of Pure Reason "
the proofs for the existence of God are subjected to
severe criticism. The ontological argument is void
because existence can not belong to the real predi-
cates of the most perfect being along with the
others, but is rather a judgment of the object to-
gether with all its predicates. The coemological
and physico-theological arguments require the on-
tological for their completion, and are therefore not
conclusive. Even if the coemological were conclu-
sive, it would yet fall short of proving the perfect-
ness of the final cause, which the idea of God calls
for; and if the teleological argument would show
a supermundane being, such would not be an om-
nipotent Creator but the cosmic architect, in view
of universally manifest design. Proceeding to posi-
tive theology in the search for the certainty of the
existence of God, Kant does not diBmiss rational
belief from philosophy, as was formerly done in the
absolute separation of knowledge and faith, but he
does not admit it as knowledge. The existence of
God obtains as a practical postulate alongside
of freedom and immortality. The combination of
virtue and happiness is an a priori-synthetic judg-
ment and thus necessary, but does not become
actual on account of the non-agreement of the nat-
ural and moral laws. Hence a supernatural being
is postulated holy and just, who effects this recon-
ciliation by reason and will. This is known as the
moral argument, the central point in the moral
theology in the " Critique of the Practical Reason."
Again, belief in God's existence is based on the
conscience, as the consciousness of the inner court
in man, which appears in dual personality of ac-
cuser and judge. The accuser must conceive him-
self under another being, almighty but moral, God.
The fact remains undetermined whether this is a
real or an ideal person invented by reason. The
keyword of Kant's ethics is duty, the categorical
imperative in man, whereby he legislates for his
own choice and conduct. All duties are divine com-
mands; wherefore God and the legislator in man
would coincide. This might point to a form of
pantheism, which Kant, however, could never have
confessed. The moral ground or moral conscious-
ness of " religion within the limits of reason alone "
is emphasized by the omission of other motives of
religion; he would mark the limits against whatever
of revealed religion is not rationally apprehended.
All religious practise or conduct which issues not
from ethical law is sham. The moral order is in-
verted by the ceremonial element in religion, which
is fetish worship. Such also is prayer considered as
an inner formal act of service, as a means of grace.
The spirit of prayer is the consciousness with every
act, of doing it in the service of God. In the " Cri-
tique of Judgment," with reference to the existence
of God, all things are to be explained, of course, by
mechanical laws, but this does not exclude the re-
flection, with reference to forms of nature or even
to nature as a whole, upon the fundamental princi-

467

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

IBeliffion, Philosophy of

pie of their objective causes. Not to be able to
escape the idea of purpose argues for the depend-
ence of the world upon, and origin from, a being
existing beyond the world, and this is rational be-
cause of design. God's existence, however, is not
proven but here merely rests upon reflection upon
design in nature.

J. G. Fichte (q.v.) in his Versuch drier Kritik
aller Offenbarung (1792) at first adopted Kant's
moral view of rational faith; but, in addition, as-
sumed that, where there is a state of moral deprav-
_. _ ity, miracle and revelation may serve

Schellins* as s^11111^*8 *° morality. Later in
his treatment of the ground of faith in
a divine government of the world, which gave rise
to the atheistic controversy, he made religion to be
faith in the moral order, which in its energy and
operation is God. To assume beyond this that God
is a special substance is impossible and contradic-
tory, and his opponents are the real atheists who
have no God, inasmuch as they set up an idol which
debases the reason and multiplies and perpetuates
human misery. The positive religions are institu-
tions which morally preeminent men have set up
to effect in others the development of the moral
sense. They employ symbols to present abstract
thoughts to sense and propagate religion in wider
circles; but the essential element is that of some-
thing supersensible not contained in nature, and the
end of the development is the rational ethical
faith. Soon after, however, Fichte passed from
subjective idealism or the absolute Ego over to the
absolute as the middle ground of philosophy. God
is absolute being, in whose absolute thought nature
is opposed as the unreal non-ego. Religion is no
longer mere morality, a mystical strain is added.
The world of changeable phenomena is merely un-
satisfying appearance, a mirage. To think oneself
and all the universe in terms of unchangeable being
is faith. True life is in God, the really unchange-
able being, and this is the love of God. Philosophy
and religion are identified. Finite being has a share
in deity, varying according to degrees of conscious-
ness. Religion is merely assertory; philosophy ex-
plains the how. Hence there must underlie a cos-
mic theory, so that metaphysics is the immediate
element of religion, even religion itself. Schelling
(q.v.), far from being religious, regarded matter or
nature itself as the divine, in his natural philosophy
(1797-99). But in his philosophy of identity (1800-
1802), the absolute, which is the identity of subject
and object, and is the condition of the existence of
every individual thing, is to him as God. Philoso-
phy and religion consist in the intellectual percep-
tion of the infinite or absolute in the finite. Pagan-
ism consists in degrading the infinite to the finite;
Christianity reverses the process. He approximates
a mysticism of the kind of Jakob Boehme (q.v.) in
his Untersuchungen iiber das Wesen der menschlichen
Freiheit (1809) and in his reply to F. H. Jacobi
against the charge of atheism and naturalism he
states that God is to him first and last; the former
as impersonal indifference or the absolute; the
latter as personality, the subject of existence. The
usual theism was impotent and empty; the mys-
tical and irrational are the real speculative. In his

" Positive Philosophy," which is religious, philo-
sophical, and mystical, he would not show from the
concept of God his existence, but from existence
would demonstrate the divinity of that which exists.
If a positive exists as transcendent, it is to be taken
up with the historical religions. But religion is either
mythology or revelation, i.e., incomplete or complete.
Therefore positive philosophy is essentially philoso-
phy of mythology and revelation. Though furnish-
ing no united system, Schelling stimulated much
activity in the field of philosophy of religion. Of
his followers, the fantastic K. A. Eschenmayer at-
tempted to convert philosophy into its negative,
or religious faith; and K. C. F. Krause, who called
his doctrine panentheism, sets forth fundamentally
God or being as the one good, and the perception
and inner appropriation of the same as religion, or
the participation in the one life of God.

From the ethicized types of religious philosophy
of Kant and Fichte, Schleiermacher (q.v.), in his
Reden (1799), made a signal departure, and from the
rationalistic as well, not without a certain degree
of shallowing. The same views are essentially re-
a a to i produced in his Dicdektik (1811) and

mache*r"I)er chri9tliche Gtavhe (1821)- H*
finds in man as the basis of religion a

particular faculty, the pious sense or feeling, for the
thought of which he was indebted to Romanticism
(q. v.). By means of it there is an immediate intui-
tion or feeling of the infinite and eternal amid the
finite. To feel everything as a part of the whole and
to become one with the eternal is religion. Piety or
subjective religion is neither a matter of cognition
nor action, but a determination of feeling or self-con-
sciousness. When it is stated that religion is based
upon the feeling of absolute dependence, it follows
that in this consciousness the infinite being of God
is given with the being of self. This feeling springs
from the sense of contingency in everything, where-
from the self and the external universe are related
back to a final ground, the deity. No cognition of
God precedes this feeling but every judgment of God
arises from it. God is the absolute unity of the
ideal and the real. As we think only in antitheses,
we can not apprehend the notion of God clearly in
thought. Attributes of God do not represent real
aspects of his being or activity but obtain only for
the religious consciousness; the same is true of per-
sonality. Life, however, is the one thing necessary
in God, whereby Schleiermacher escapes the inert
idea of Spinoza. Pantheist he has been declared,
not unjustly in view of such statements as that
God could never have existed without the world.
The unity of nature in relation to consciousness
precludes interference or miracle. A determinist,
freedom to him is no more than development of
personality. Natural or rational religion is a mere
abstraction. The various religions are representa-
tions of the idea of religion rising in scale according
to the degree of the feeling of God and the elimina-
tion of differences in generalization. The influence
of Schleiermacher must be taken as a wholesome
reaction from the sterile rationalism and hard
ethicism of the eighteenth century.

More one-sided is the view of religion of Hegel
whose panlogistic or even pantheistic system is the

Religion, Philosophy of

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

468

science of the evolving, absolute reason, whose evo-
lution for thought and being is one and the same.
Religion is a stage in the unfolding of
e8r * spirit and takes its place in the last
part of his philosophy of spirit, that of absolute
spirit, which is the combination of the objective and
subjective spirits. This means the spirit in the
form with reference to self, and the spirit which
objectifies itself in right, morality, and ethics. The
absolute spirit reveals itself in the objective form
of sense as art; in the subjective form of feeling
and representation as religion in the narrower sense,
while in the wider sense the absolute spirit is re-
ligion on the whole, and in the subjective-objective
form of truth it is philosophy, which is the self-
thinking Idea, the self-apprehending consciousness,
the self-realizing truth. The content of religion is
also truth; not as it appears to the really appre-
hending consciousness, but as it appears in the
lower stages of representation as images and myths.
Philosophy is to engage itself with religion as with
art, either to operate or abolish it. This does not
mean a degradation of religion, but that philosophy
is to justify the exalted content of religion for the
thinking consciousness and reason. Though he
places representation in the forefront, this does not
deny the place of feeling, which he occasionally
strongly emphasizes. It is of importance to him
that in feeling is the ground for the assumption of
the existence of God, though inconceivable from this
source; yet he would place it in the earliest stage
of development. The different religions represent
stages of development, of which the Christian only
is the complete. Bound by his dialectic method of
triads he finds three main divisions: the religion of
nature, of spiritual individuality, and the absolute
religion. Each of these has its three stages. The
first includes the stage of immediate naturalism,
that of the bifurcation of consciousness, where God
the absolute power towers over the individual; and
that of the transition to freedom. The second in-
cludes the religions in which God is viewed as sub-
ject; that of sublimity, the Jewish; that of beauty,
the Greek; and of the practical, which is the Ro-
man. Christianity is the absolute religion, know-
ing God as externalizing himself to finiteness and
in unity with the finite; revealed, realizing that
God comes to consciousness in the finite ego, first
apprehending God as Spirit. The nature of spirit
being to posit something outside of and then to re-
enter self, three forms result: God, the eternal Idea
in and with itself, the kingdom of the Father; the
form of manifestation, the difference, the eternal
Idea in consciousness and representation, which
is the kingdom of the Son; the return to itself, the
atonement, the kingdom of the Spirit. If a contra-
diction be pointed out in this idea of the Trinity,
it remains that all the living is contradiction in
itself and in the Idea the contradiction is resolved.
Expressions in the idea of the Trinity objectionable
to reason such as son, begotten, occur because rep-
resentation can not free itself from the intuitions
of sense.

The influence of Hegel in this field was more tre-
mendous even than that of Schleiermacher. The
left and right wings ranged themselves with refer-

ence to the position to be given to religion; whether,
as basis of church doctrine, it was to retain its in-
dependent right, since Hegel had de-
Hegelian termined *** content and that of phi-
losophy as the same; or religious
dogma was overthrown by philosophical concept
The one supported theism and individual immor-
tality, the other took up pantheism, inasmuch as
God came to self-consciousness only in man, and
it accepted only the idea of the eternity of spirit in
general. Distinguished on the left are D. F. Strauss
and L. A. Feuerbach (qq.v.). The former, in his
Leben Jesu (1835-36) and GlaubensUhre (184<M1),
taught that Hegel himself early overthrew the rep-
resentative form; that Biblical narrative rested
mostly on myths; that Christian dogmas had to
exterminate themselves in their development; and
that God was not a person but an infinite substance,
thought in all the thinking, life in all the living,
and existence in all being. Feuerbach illustrates in
his sentence, " God was my first thought; reason
my second, man my third and last," his passage
from Hegelian pantheism to radical anthropomor-
phism or naturalism. In Das Wesen des Christen-
turns (1841) religion and philosophy are claimed
to be distinct, related like fancy or sensibility to
thought, the sick to the healthy. Considering re-
ligion in humanity in its source, it is found that its
object is not to know or represent but to satisfy.
The necessities, the egoism, have so ordered relig-
ion that it has a thoroughly eudemonistic charac-
ter. Man projects his own being into the infinite,
places this opposite himself and reveres it as deity,
in the hope of procuring his wishes otherwise un-
attainable. Feuerbach does not mean to deny God
but to rescue his reality from theological contra-
dictions and absurdities. His anthropomorphism
is here evident, but also his naturalism in assign-
ing as the ground of religion the feeling of depend-
ence upon nature and its purpose to liberate itself
from this. God is contrasted with nature, but the
properties attributed to him are of nature. Many
philosophical thinkers attached themselves to Hegel
but compromised with Schleiermacher or pursued
their own courses. E. Zeiler places the origin of
religion in the necessities of sense or fear and hope,
but estimates its value by its importance for the
spiritual life. Religion is to be comprehended as
neither intellectual nor moral alone, but as pertain-
ing to the whole life of man. In Wilhelm Vatke's
Religionsphilosophie (1888) religion is attached es-
sentially neither to morality nor reason, but is a
state of the inner feeling concealing within itself
an insoluble mystery, and employing itself with the
perfection of the ethical personality, by the prac-
tical mediation of the finite with the infinite, or God.
Most zealous and prolific in this department has
been Otto Pfleiderer (q.v.), Rdigionsphilosophie
(1878-94), who apprehends God as the Ego in dis-
tinction from all the finite, who at the same time
has all things not in, but in subjection to, himself.
Thus a monotheism is to be vindicated by the over-
throw of deism and pantheism. A. O. Biedermann
(q.v.), in successive works, holds that religion is
not wholly a matter of the representative faculty,
but includes also moments of volitional acts and

469

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Religion, Philosophy of

states of feeling. Infinity is the formal and spirit-
uality is the material element, and the two together
constitute the idea of God, the absolute Spirit, from
which the idea of personality must be far removed.
On the other side, C. H. Weisse, Herman Ulrici, and
I. H. Fichte (q.v.) specially emphasize the person-
ality of God and thus violently attack the Hegelian
doctrine > although much indebted to it. With still
greater positiveness, they threw themselves against
materialism, but availed themselves of the idea of
experience in order to bring philosophy nearer to
theology. Their avowed object was to demonstrate
a speculative theism.

An altogether different course from that of Hegel
was taken by J. F. Herbart, who wrote no religious
philosophy, but expressed religious views sporad-
ically in his works. Religious belief is to proceed
from the view of nature. The higher organisms
a H bart esPecially argue a designing intelli-

and Lotze. 8ence» SJ1^ ^ can no* ^ safety assumed
* that this teleological feature exists only
in representation and not in nature itself. Still,
no binding proof of this intelligence can be ad-
duced; a natural theology is impossible; and to
bring the representative concept of God in compari-
son with nature or the real results in contradictions.
Hence God can be more closely apprehended by the
ethical predicates — wisdom, holiness, power, love,
righteousness — derived from practical ideas but
not adaptable to a pantheistic conception. Her-
bart has a high esteem for religion on account of its
solacing and disciplinary efficacy. Wilhelm Dro-
bisch (1840) carries out Herbart's position more
fully, not without some impressions from Kant.
The sense of impotence and limitation — physical,
intellectual, and moral — gives rise to desire for
liberation and the ascent above the finite. A divine
existence is not only to be wished for but must be
subject of proof for the sake of objective signifi-
cance. The inadequate teleological argument must
be supplemented by practical moral reasons of
belief. The moral world-ideal is to be realized as
the highest good; but this is possible only if God
is the cause of that ideal as well as of the means in
nature necessary to its realization. J. F. Fries, fol-
lowed by E. F. Apelt and W. M. L. de Wette (q.v.),
is notable for emphasizing the esthetic element for
religious philosophy. In the beautiful and the sub-
lime are viewed the finite as manifestation of the
eternal. The esthetic view of the world subserves
the ideas of faith. Of more recent thinkers the
most influential in this connection is Hermann
Lotze (q.v.), who produced no philosophy of re-
ligion but furnishes glimpses in his lectures and
his " Microcosm." He does not find the main field
of religious philosophy in the analysis of the mo-
ments of consciousness, but would inquire first how
much light reason alone can afford concerning the
supersensuous world, and then how far a revealed
religious content may be combined with these fun-
damental principles. The central point for him is
the existence of God, for which he, however, does
not furnish adequate proofs. In support of it, he
lays considerable stress upon a form of the onto-
logical argument: it is impossible that the greatest
thinkable object does not exist; therefore, there

must be a greatest. The universal substance, at
once the ground of the real and the ideal world,
attains its full content first in the concept of God;
and God may not be thought without personality,
to which the antithesis to a non-ego or actual external
world is not essential. Personality is spirit already
when in antithesis with its own states; that is, with
its own representations, it knows itself as the simple,
uniting subject upon which they are merely contin-
gent. The being of the personal God appears only
imperfectly in the known, empirical personality; it
must, in a measure, be superpersonal, whereby the
concept of personality seems again to vanish. The
relations of God to the universe, subjoined to the
three categories of creation, preservation, and gov-
ernment, occasion the designation of attributes
(see Providence); of which the metaphysical
determine God as the ground of all reality in the
finite, and the ethical satisfy the desire to find in
the supreme existence also the supreme values.
The religious feeling transcends cognition, in that
man apprehends himself as divine being, as united
with God, who conditions his being and reveals
himself in him. Here Lotze approximates panthe-
ism as he does also in his metaphysics, inasmuch as,
for him, the single substantial cosmic ground com-
prehends all individual realities. Gustav Glogaus,
upon whose views a cult was established after his
death, held that the existence of God was the sum-
mit of all philosophy. Its certainty is deduced
from that of self-existence. From God are derived
the ideas of the true, the beautiful, and the good,
which constitute the essence of the spirits created
by God after his image. Opposing extreme intel-
lectualism, he regards feeling and experience of
God as the essentials of religion. The same tend-
ency as Lotze 's is shown by Guenther Thiele, in Die
Philo8ophie des Selbstbevmsstseins (1895), depend-
ing also upon J. G. Fichte. At the root of the acts
of the individual ego appearing in the succession
of time is the absolute supertemporal Ego. The
concept of God has its termination in the absolute
Ego rising from animism to the god of the sun or
the celestial sphere, and thence to the absolute sub-
stance, implying necessarily the concept of the all-
wise and omnipotent Creator. Much deserving rec-
ognition has been accorded to Hermann Siebeck,
who in his Lehrbuch der RdigionsphUosophie (Frei-
burg, 1893) defined this subject to be the applica-
tion of philosophy, as the science of the nature and
activity of the spiritual life upon the fact of relig-
ion, for its particular, distinct formulation. He
defines religion as the intellectual, emotional, and
active practical conviction of the existence of God
and the supramundane and, in connection there-
with, of the possibility of redemption. The aim of
science and metaphysics is to gain a knowledge of
the ground of things and their unity as an imper-
sonal subject, and it arrives at the idea of a spirit
immanent in the world, which may, not inconse-
quently, be thought of as personality. On the
other hand faith or religion concerns itself with the
consciousness of a personal relation of man with the
divine ground of things and with knowledge only
so far as it mediates this consciousness. As this
does not lie in the empirical world, therefore faith

Beligion, Philosophy of

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

470

postulates and seeks a personal highest and abso-
lute beyond the empirical unity.

A diametrical opposite to the above is Eduard
von Hartmann (q.v.) in his works on the philosophy
of religion — Das religiose Bewusstsein derMenschheit
im Stufengang seiner Entwickelung and Die Religion
des Oeistes (1882), of which the first (historical-
critical) part treated of the religious consciousness of
humanity in the scale of its evolution and the second

i /> it (systematic) part presented the " Re-

Haitma^n- ligion of the SPirit" He Puts the im"
Bitschl. * Per80nality °f G°d directly as postu-
late of the religious consciousness.
Deity is for him as absolute Spirit one, and as such
the absolute subsistence of the world. The conse-
quence is cosmic monism; and this includes the
real multiplicity as its internal manifold. From
the ground of immanence is necessarily derived the
impersonality of God. The world is in need of re-
demption; hence, pessimism is justified; but since
the world is capable of redemption, teleological op-
timism is likewise warranted. At this point ap-
peared a proposed total separation of religion or
theology and metaphysics on the part of A. Ritschl
(q.v.), and his followers, chief of whom are J. G. W.
Herrmann and J. Kaftan (qq.v.), who are more or
less attached to Kant but do not place their value-
judgments of the religious perception on the same
plane with their ethical judgments and do not pro-
fess the derivation of these from them. These value-
judgments call forth feelings of pleasure or dis-
pleasure, whereby man maintains his supremacy
over the world which he acquired by the help of
God, or dispenses with such help for this end. The
religious truths or facts of redemption must be
realized in experience, without which there is no
religious certainty. Certainty of the reality of God
is dependent on the experience of the divine opera-
tion in man, arousing feeling and will; a sense of
sin and a desire for blessedness are present, to which
correspond an angry God and a merciful God. Ad-
ditional proofs of the existence of God can avail
no more than the recognition of him as the supreme
law of the world. Only the moral proof is of value.
More influenced by Kant on the side of the theory
of knowledge is R. A. Lipsius (q.v.), who lays stress
upon the antithesis between the empirical depend-
ence in the world and moral freedom within. Re-
ligion is the ascent of the spirit to inner freedom
in transcendent dependence upon God; a recipro-
cal relation between God and man, based upon the
authentication of the Spirit of God in the spirit of
man or divine revelation. With ethics as the basis
of religion he would break entirely.

Among thinkers of most recent date philosophy
of religion is placed on a par with science of relig-
ion. The Dutch scholar C. P. Tiele (q.v.) in Ele-
ments of the Science of Religionf Gifford Lectures,
1896-98 (2 vols., Edinburgh, 1897-99) and Grand-
riss der Religionswissenschaft (1904), in which he
presents the two divisions of Morphology and On-
tology of the Philosophy of Religion, took the ground
that the philosophy of religion was neither philo-
sophical dogma on religion, nor a confession of a
so-called natural religion, nor that part of the old
philosophy which dealt with the origin of things; but

that if, was a philosophical investigation of the
universal phenomenon ordinarily called religion.

It is to attempt to comprehend the

11,0ontem" religious in man, and thus announce

frS^fTl its nature and establish its origin. For

this purpose it is necessary to ob-
serve its historical evolution, its various tendencies,
and the conditions and laws to which it is subject.
An analysis is to follow; that is, a study of its
various elements and revelations as psychological
phenomena, in order to ascertain what is common
and permanent in all religions. According to Tiele,
religion is a spiritual state, or piety, which appears
in word and act, representation and conduct, doc-
trine and life. Its nature is worship— religious re-
spect to a superhuman, infinite power, as the basis
of the existence of man and the world. Max Muller
(q.v.) lays far more stress upon the historical, espe-
cially comparative history. He has the distinction
of bringing into the science of religion the service
of philology. True philosophy of religion is to him
nothing else than the history of religion. He de-
fines religion as the realization of the infinite, which
he amends later, to the effect that only such real-
izations of the infinite come under the category of
religion as are capable of influencing the ethical
character of man. George Runze, who emphasizes
the philological basis in his Sprache und Religion
(1889), would condition all thinking by the nature
of language to construct metaphor and myth. Re-
cently an abundant literature has sprung up. In
Holland, L. W. £. Rauwenhoff, Rdigionsphiloso-
phie (Brunswick, 1887), postulates belief in the
supersensible. Much recognized has been L. A.
Sabatier'8 (q.v.) Esquisse d'une philosophic de la
religion d'apres la psychologie et Vhistoire (Paris,
1897; 6th ed., 1907; Eng. transl., Outlines of Re-
ligious Philosophy boxed on Psychology and History,
London, 1897), the tendency of which is shown by
the title. In England Edward Caird in the Evolu-
tion of Religion, Gifford Lectures, 1890-92 (Glas-
gow, 1893), presents the religious principle as a
necessary element of consciousness; John Caird
(q.v.) in Introduction to the Philosophy of Religion
attempts to reconcile faith and knowledge; and
G. J. Romanes in Thoughts on Religion (London,
1895) would combine the doctrine of evolution
with the concept of God. Among Italians, L. Valli,
in // fundamento psicologico deUa Retigione (1904).
has treated the subject in an individual but very
sensible manner.

IL Analysis of Religion: After this historical
review, it is in order to assume a position in regard
to certain questions already raised : Is, on the whole,

a philosophy of religion warranted? Is
i. Method, it necessary? As soon as a scientific

philosophic investigation is opened the
religious side becomes a subject of inquiry, other-
wise an element of first importance would be ab-
sent from human knowledge. Besides, philosophy
of religion must constitute a part of the whole phil-
osophic system. Philosophy of religion as such in
name dates from the close of the eighteenth cen-
tury. Previously its problems were treated in con-
nection with metaphysics or ethics. Its position
is properly after the series composed of metaphysics,

47X

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Religion, Philosophy of

psychology, and, possibly, after ethics and esthetics.
If it forms the conclusion of the philosophic series,
then it is also the climax, since it pertains to the
most momentous transactions of the soul-life. As
to the division, the first step is an investigation of
what is essential in all religions, upon a historical
and psychological basis. This is to include not only
what appeals to the susceptibility of a refined re-
ligious consciousness, but everything to which a
possible standard of value may be applied to what
constitutes the essence of religion from the lowest
stages of development to the highest. As there is
no common definition of religion, it depends upon
every individual investigator how far he will ex-
tend the inclusive limits of religious phenomena,
hoping that he may not be too much at variance
with universal opinion. If the nature of religion in
its essence is presumably found, the next step is
to estimate the truth- value of religion and the rep-
resentations formulated by religious persons.
Should this vanish wholly and only an estimate of
feeling remain, such representations could not
maintain even this, for the intellect might possi-
bly present them as nugatory. Here is the point
of contact with metaphysics.

The activities and processes in the human soul
are to be viewed in the threefold distinction of rep-
resentation (cognition), feeling, and will; though
it is understood that these are operated by the
soul in complex combinations. This

2. Repre- division is of advantage, since the three

sentation. leading modern contributors to the
problem distinguish themselves ac-
cordingly: Kant representing the religion of ethics
or will; Schleiermacher, of feeling; and Hegel, of
the intellect. That religion was a matter of repre-
sentation, thought, knowledge, was always held,
and intellectualism prevailed from the age of Soc-
rates. Wherever religion has been recognized rep-
resentations play their part, and generally of a su-
perhuman being; in the highly developed forms, of
the transcendent spiritual being, God, the One.
However, does the possession of truth, even the
highest, constitute religion? Aristotle claimed
knowledge of the prime Mover of things, but was
not therefore religious. If any one knew God and
divine things from the innermost unity of nature,
if he even possessed absolute certainty of the be-
yond, and yet did not realize a relation with this
supramundane or universal, or had not reconciled
the variance between the infinite and himself the
finite, or did not at least make the attempt, he
would not possess what is called religion. Not
even if for knowledge were substituted faith in the
usual sense; that is not submission to the super-
human, but the lower step, as in the Alexandrine
sense of " faith " in comparison with " knowledge/'
He could not be called pious, because the attitude
toward the higher or highest is not yet present.
Every religion develops representations, which
supplant metaphysics. The mystic sets the high-
est before his mind, before he sinks into it; the
Buddhist must have representation of Nirvana;
yet either is concerned about something wholly
different.

Feeling, on the other hand, plays a part, without

which a religion is unthinkable. This occurs first
in a sense of dependence, which may be upon any
incidental object to which power is ascribed (fetish) ;

or a useful or harmful part of nature
3. Feeling, (animal worship, star-cult, Sabaism,

and perhaps animism) ; or nature with
its inflexible laws as a whole, regarded either as ani-
mate or as pure mechanism (naturalism, Stoicism,
Spinoza); or upon spirits, particularly of the de-
ceased (ancestor-worship, and with it totemism).
See Comparative Religion. Many like Herbert
Spencer would derive all religion from the revering
of the departed or ancestors. The mythological
gods probably originated from the personification
of the powers of nature, as at a later stage the gods
of the myths were allegorically reversed to powers
of nature. By knowledge of his dualistic nature,
man could conceive of the powers as persons and
as spiritual, not without some degree of material
form. The final view was that the infinite great-
ness and power over all was a spirit upon whom
man was in all things dependent, yet possessing a
certain self-existence and freedom. With these
representations of the powers or of dependence upon
them, feelings are bound up, either of like or dislike.
The latter may accompany a representation of the
contraction of human power and the diminution of
the sense of self, and become strong aversion, such
as fear of impending natural calamity. This feel-
ing is still more intensified, if the sense of guilt be
added. If feeling of dependence involves no more
than fear, it is not religion. In the religious fear
of God the element is much reduced, and the sense
passes over into obedience and reverence. Neither
can it be said that fear created the gods, because it
must have been preceded by the representation of
superhuman powers. The sense of fear or the re-
sultant pain, physical or spiritual, leads to libera-
tion from necessity, or salvation, which is hoped
for or petitioned from the deities. This hope of
salvation, which may pass over into certainty, is
bound up with great joy over the sense that a be-
neficent power watches over man, so that no harm
can befall him. A mode of fellowship or union with
God develops, though not necessarily mystical;
a vanishing of consciousness, though not a theosis;
but a complete rest in God, the state of being hid
in him, which constitutes blessedness. This is the
climax of religion; it is joy without end. The feel-
ing of dependence which starts with the utmost
displeasure culminates with the highest bliss of sub-
mission to God, of the dissolution of personality,
as in Buddhism; in Christianity the union with
God in the celestial. The ultimate aim of religion
is thus a feeling of good fortune, to use the expres-
sion; and as a practical concern of human spirit,
religion thus corresponds to ethics.

If this be the case, desire next claims considera-
tion with reference to the nature of religion. It
must be admitted that religious phenomena in
their evolution can not be understood without the

activity of the will. Necessity, or the
4. Will, desire to escape it, impels to a relation

with the highest principle, by which
liberation, salvation from evil, or even the escape
from individual isolation from God are sought

Beligion, Philosophy of
Religious Corporations

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

472

First, the desire seeks earthly goods, then the higher,
for this life and the next. Beside and above phys-
ical necessity appear mental anxiety, earnest con-
cern for the safety of the soul, and the desire for in-
dividual immortality. Necessity begets prayer.
Sacrifices for the most part represent the effort to
avert necessity. Specially active appear the relig-
ious phenomena when the moral precepts are taken
as the commands of God, and their violation ob-
scures the relation with the divine, or threatens
with estrangement from God. Painful remorse re-
sults; in the lower stages with fear of punishment
here or hereafter, in the upper in view of the inner
longing for the highest. The ethical life may lose
its self-dependence and be absorbed in the religious
or at least be intimately complicated with it. At
all events, in the case of a man who is inwardly
religious, morality can not subsist without religion,
but he must also be moral in practise. The relig-
ious state of life will then include all of man's ac-
tivity, all of life; so that it may be observed as a
continuous service to God. A conclusion of relig-
iousness can not be made from acts which out-
wardly seem moral, not even those known as the
forms of worship, often divided into prayer and
sacrifice. To these performances belong the most
manifold ceremonies, which are characteristic of
all religions, and are, in part, symbolic in signifi-
cance. For the greater multitude, the essential in
religion manifests itself in these forms of worship;
and, though they can not originate, they may rein-
force the content, specially in communal fellow-
ship. As the incorporation of the religious spirit
of the community, they are symbols of unity as well
as the medium of consensus on articles of belief.
Through both, objective religion is constituted. It
is striking how those who have rejected the previ-
ous metaphysics and all objective religion, like A.
Comte, nevertheless revert to the construction of
a ritual to the minutest detail, embracing both
prayer and sacrament. Outward worship, though
indispensable to objective religion, is not absolutely
such to subjective religion. Those who realize su-
preme satisfaction in inner communion with the
highest superhuman and feel themselves freed from
all bodily and spiritual necessities may be said to
possess religion, although they do not bring their
inner states to outward representative acts of
manifestation. For many the external must be re-
garded as a great aid in mediating the subjective
with its supreme infinite object, though it be not
regarded as essential. Self-expression is only nat-
ural, and the continued association of form with
spirit clothes it with a validity that seems indis-
pensable to the inner life.

To generalize from the foregoing, it may be said
that religion pertains to the entire soul-life. It is

practical not theoretical; though the

5. General- latter is warranted in the sphere of

ization. representation. The religious process

opening with a feeling of necessity
proceeds to desire of relief and happiness, and cul-
minates in the reconciliation of the aim with the
transcendent or immanent infinite. Optimism and
pessimism are thus interrelated. Redemption (or
salvation) is the most adequate term in the relig-

ious vocabulary. It implies first something to be
released from, then, in succession, the inclination,
the inmost yearning, and the final attainment Law
and Gospel, sin and grace, are the antitheses in
Christianity, to be reconciled in salvation; the
latter appearing also in Buddhism, although, as
also in the Kantian ethics, here man must save
himself. Although the common principle of all re-
ligions, from the lowest fetishism, is the aspiration
for redemption, yet the representation of the higher
powers as the objective of the desire is very much
diversified; variously, according to geographical
situation, customs, stages of civilization, as also
the creative imagination, and, specially, according
to the tremendous influence of divinely gifted per-
sonalities as mediators of a revelation, who deepen,
illumine, and inspire, not only the representations
but also the entire religious life. In Christianity
thus is presented the God-man as Redeemer.
Though representations are indispensable to relig-
ion, subjective and objective, yet they can not claim
to belong to the concept or essence of religion.
Monotheism may or must be assumed to satisfy
religious requirement; yet it is not exclusively the
only religious form. In the sphere of representa-
tion evolution takes place, while the essential re-
mains constant. On the whole, it is to be assumed
that evolution was ascending toward the purer and
more spiritual; but it is uncertain whether the orig-
inal form was not monotheistic, and there was a
downward process. Ethnic religions would not then
be primitive, but degenerate growths. To regard
henotheism as primitive is impossible because it can
occur only with polytheism. Proper is it, indeed,
not to assume only one primitive form but various
forms that have developed gradually in different
zones.

To estimate the relative truth- value of religion,
it is necessary to distinguish between the religions
that turn toward a higher universal for redemption
and those that seek it by themselves. The latter
are represented by Buddhism, al-
6. Relative though this soon, for the greater
Estimation, masses, reverted to the other form.
The question of truth depends on
whether its aim is actualized, and there is no doubt
that this comes to reality in experience. The same
standard must hold true for the other religions as
well. However, there is involved also in this esti-
mation of the true reality of a religion its relation
to the representations of its highest being or beings.
The question would then be whether the represen-
tations correspond to the reality which philosophical
thought professes to attain. In monotheistic faiths
and Christianity, which are regarded as the highest
forms, a foremost subject of consideration is the
existence of God with reference to which the
community is to be established, and its closer deter-
mination. Briefly, scientific thought arrives at the
certain assumption of a being, which is absolute, in-
finite, and as such is unity, and is all-inclusive, even
of man. If man finds himself constrained to re-
gard the ultimate elements of being, as analogous
to his subjective self, to be apprehended as spir-
itual, inasmuch as this is immediately given in con-
sciousness and matter dissolves in the effort to con-

478

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Religion, Philosophy of
Religions Corporation*

ccive it, then infinite being as such is spiritual,
and man has his ground in the infinite spiritual
Being, and is dependent upon it. If the religious
consciousness assumes this final universal as God,
it is easy to regard the same as transcendent, with-
out this being essential for religion. If it further
ascribes to God personality and ethical attributes,
these involve the conception of the being of God in
contradictions, and can not define the same meta-
physically; they become matters of faith, or objective
conceptions adaptable to human need, whose satis-
faction may be regarded as necessary; but accord-
ing to their content these determinations defy
proof. The intellectual proofs for the divine exist-
ence from the time of Aristotle, as also the apolo-
getic arguments, are not final. Most convincing is
the teleological, yet this halts before the evidence
of much that is not purposive, and before evil in
the world, which is regarded by the religious as be-
longing to the plan of the whole and is overcome,
but not convincingly explained, by intellectual
thought. The weakest is the moral argument,
which assumes unproved premises. Though not
final, these arguments at most increase probability.
Proofs for other specifically religious, in a measure
Christian, dogmas, such as that of the Trinity, are
still less convincing. Here appeal must be made to
faith, not to reason. See Religion; God, IV.

(M. HEINZEf.)

Bibliography: For the history of the philosophy of relig-
ion consult: J. Berger, Geschichte der Religionsphiloso-
phie, Berlin, 1800; C. Bartholmess, Hist, critique des doc-
trines rcligieuscs de la philosophic moderne, 2 vols., Paris,
1855; A. Stdckl, Lehrbuch der Religionsphilosophie, Mains,
1878; B. Punjert Geschichte der christlichen religionsphi-
losophie seit der Reformation, 2 vols., Brunswick, 1880-
1883; idem, Grundriss der Religionsphilosophie, ib. 1886;
G. Runze, Der ontologische Gottesbeweis. Kritische Dar-
steUung seiner Geschichte, Halle, 1881; H. K. H. Delff,
GrundzUge der Entwickelungsgeschichte der Religion, Leip-
sic, 1883; A. Gilliot, fttvdes historiques et critiques star les
religions et institutions comparies, Paris, 1883; L. Carran,
La Philosophic religieuse en Angleterre depuis Locke j'us-
qu'a nos jours, Paris, 1898; O. Pueiderer, Religionsphi-
losophie auf geschichtlicher Grundlage, 3d ed., Berlin,
1896, Eng. transl., Philosophy of Religion on the Basis of
its History, 4 vols.. London, 1897; idem, Philosophy of
Religion, 2 vols., London, 1894 (Gifford Lectures); A.
Caldecott, The Philosophy of Religion, in England and
America, London, 1901; N. H. Marshall, Die gegenw&r-
tigen Richtungen der Religionsphilosophie in England und
ihrt erkenntnisstheoretischen Grundlagen, Berlin, 1902.

For studies in the philosophy of religion consult: J.
Matter, Philosophic de la religion, 2 vols., Paris, 1857;
A. M. Fairbairn. Studies in the Philosophy of Religion and
History, London, 1876; I. Richard, Essai de philosophic
religieuse, Heidelberg, 1877; H. Lotze, GrundzUge der
Religionsphilosophie, Leipsic, 1882; J. Martineau, Study
of Religion, its Sources and Contents, Oxford, 1888; idem,
Seat of Authority in Religion, 2d ed., London, 1890; R.
Seydl, Religionsphilosophie in Umriss, Freiburg, 1893;
J. Caird, Introduction to the Philosophy of Religion, 6th
ed., Glasgow, 1896; A. Sabatier, Esquisse aVune phUoso-
phie de la religion, 7th ed., Paris, 1903, Eng. transl. of
earlier ed., Outlines of a Philosophy of Religion, London,
1897; F. Engels, Religion, philosophic, socialisme, Paris,
1901; R. Eucken, Der WahrheitsgehaU der Religion, Leip-
sic, 1901; A. Dorner, Grundriss der Religionsphilosophie,
Leipsic, 1903; G. Galloway, Studies in the Philosophy of
Religion, Edinburgh, 1904; E. Trdltsch, in Die Philoso-
phic zu Beginn des SO. Jahrhunderts, Festschrift fUr Kuno
Fischer, pp. 104-162, Heidelberg, 1904; J. Watson, Phi-
losophical Basis of Religion, Glasgow, 1907; B. Wehnert,
Wissenschaft, Philosophic, Kunst und Religion, Dortmund,
1910. Much of the literature in and under Rbuoion 1b
pertinent.

RELIGION, PRIMITIVE. See Comparative
Religion, VI., 1.

RELIGIOUS CORPORATIONS IN THE
UNITED STATES.

Legal Basis (I 1).
Method of Incorporation (| 2).
Corporations Sole and Aggregate (f 3).
Objects of Incorporation (| 4).
Powers (} 5).

The corporation formed for the purposes of relig-
ion is an important element in American ecclesias-
tical organization. The American religious corpo-
ration differs in origin, function, and
i. Legal power from the ecclesiastical corpora-
Basis, tion known to European law which is
the product of canon law, and has been
developed by analogy from the corporation of the
civil law based upon the Roman law. It is not an
American development of the English legal ecclesi-
astical corporation, which is composed entirely of
ecclesiastical persons and subject to ecclesiastical
judicatories. The religious corporation in the
United States belongs to the class of civil corpora-
tions, not for profit, which are organized and con-
trolled according to the principles of common law
and equity as administered by the civil courts.
Distinction is necessary between the corporation
and the religious society or church with which it
may be connected. The church is a spiritual and
ecclesiastical body, and as such does not receive in-
corporation. It is from the membership of the re-
ligious society that the corporation is formed. The
corporation exercises its functions for the welfare of
the church body, over which, however, it has no
control. It can not alter the faith of the church, or
receive or expel members, or dictate relations with
other church bodies. While the religious corpora-
tion is frequently organized to carry on some relig-
ious enterprise without connection with a local
church body, the greater number of religious cor-
porations in the United States are directly con-
nected with some local church body, and it is in this
connection that their powers and duties will be
considered.

Only a sovereign power can create a corporation,
and this power now rests with the legislative branch
of the state governments and of the
2. Method federal government. Prior to the
of Incor- American revolution religious corpo-
poration. rations were created either by royal
charter or by provincial authority de-
rived from the crown. After the revolution they
were incorporated either by special acts of the state
legislatures or under the provisions of general stat-
utes. In its charter are contained the organic law
of a corporation and the legal evidence of its right
to the exercise of corporate franchises. When in-
corporation is effected under the provisions of a
general statute, the terms oi such a statute applica-
ble to that particular corporation are by law read
into its charter. Such a charter is a grant of powers
by the State, and it also has the nature of a contract
in such a sense that it can not thereafter be altered
or revoked without the consent of the corporation
unless the State has reserved to itself the right so
to alter or revoke. The general statutes under which

Beliffious Corporations
Beliffioua Dramas

THE NEW 8GHAFF-HERZOG

474

religious corporations can now be formed in most
of the American states contain provisions authori-
sing the legislature to alter, amend, or repeal any
charter granted. Another limitation of corporate
powers is that charters granted to corporations by
the State may be seized either for non-use or mis-
use of powers. Further, the granting of a charter
does not prevent a state from exercising to a rea-
sonable extent its police or judicial powers. In
some states the duration or life of a religious cor-
poration is limited by statute. If no limit is speci-
fied, the corporation may enjoy a perpetual exist-
ence. The life of a religious corporation dates in
law from its organisation, not from the time it be-
gan to exercise its corporate powers. That a relig-
ous corporation is a corporation de facto may be
proved by showing the existence of a charter at a
prior time, or by showing some law under which it
could have been created and an actual use of the
rights claimed to have been conferred. Where such
a body has for a number of years and in good faith
exercised the privileges of a corporation, its legal
incorporation will be presumed. If the statute
which provides for the incorporation of religious
societies does not make incorporation obligatory
upon such societies but merely prescribes the mode
of incorporation, in case there is no evidence that
a society took any of the steps prescribed or as-
sumed to act as a corporation, its incorporation
under the statute will not be presumed. But a mere
use of corporate powers limited to the maintenance
of religious observances is not sufficient to estab-
lish a corporation de facto (Van Buren vs. Reformed
Church, 62 Barb. N. Y. 495).

Classified as to the number of natural persons
vested with corporate powers, religious corpora-
tions are either aggregate or sole. By far the greater
number are aggregate, composed of
3. Cor- three or more persons. The corpora-
porations tion sole is found where one person
Sole and holding an ecclesiastical office is by
Aggregate, law vested with all the attributes of a
corporation. Such corporate attributes
attach to the office and pass to each succeeding in-
cumbent, thereby maintaining continuously the
life of the corporation. During a vacancy in the
ecclesiastical office the law regards the corporate
functions as suspended merely and not as destroyed.
The ecclesiastical corporation sole has not been
favored in American legislation. It is expressly for-
bidden in the states of Delaware, Michigan, New
York, and Pennsylvania. It is provided for by
statute in the states of Oregon and New Jersey.
Massachusetts and several other states have granted
charters of incorporation to single church officials
by special legislative acts. The object of the
churches in securing such incorporations was to
make more effective certain features of their poli-
ties. Incorporation of this kind has been sought by
denominations having an episcopal form of polity.
Thus the Oregon -statute provides for the granting
of corporate powers to bishops, overseers, and pre-
siding elders. The composition of the religious cor-
porations aggregate depends upon the provisions
of the statute in each state, and in this matter the
states are broadly divided. The language of many

statutes is to the effect that any religious society
or church may become incorporated by following a
prescribed procedure. The language of other stat-
utes is to the effect that religious societies or
churches having appointed or elected trustees, the
same may become a civil corporation. This differ-
ence is not as radical as would appear, for in cases
where the law permits churches to be incorporated,
provision is made for the election or appointment
of trustees in whom are vested the corporate func-
tions, thereby leaving to the church body the sole
duty of producing such trustees. Under either sys-
tem the corporations have the same functions in
law. In a number of states supplemental provi-
sions have been enacted to provide corporations
composed of certain officials for the benefit of
churches of particular denominations.

The primary object of religious incorporation in
the United States is the care of real property de-
voted to the purposes of religion. In

4. Objects the corporation as such is vested the
of Incor- title to church property. Along with
poration. the vesting of such title go all the, at-
tributes of legal ownership, to be ex-
ercised, however, solely for the benefit of the relig-
ious body which the corporation serves. In this
relation the corporation is a trustee and the church
is the party with the full beneficial interest. While
the corporation so serves the church, it is not with-
in the jurisdiction of the church judicatories, but is
responsible for the proper performance of its duties
to the civil courts, before whom it may be brought
by any party in interest. The courts have recog-
nized, in addition to the primary trust for the hold-
ing of specific property and its right use for the
benefit of a certain religious body, religious corpo-
rations as possessing the inherent capacity of exe-
cuting additional trusts of a distinctly religious,
charitable, or educational nature if not too far re-
moved from the primary object of the particular
corporation acting as trustee. With this sanction
many special trust funds have developed in the
hands of local religious corporations. The dissolu-
tion of a local church body does not cause the dis-
solution of the corporation so long as there is real
property to be held or transferred or trusts to be
administered.

In order properly to perform their functions re-
ligious corporations are now vested with ample
powers. The granting of increased

5. Powers, powers was a marked feature of legis-

lation during the second half of the
nineteenth century. Conspicuous was the increase
in the amount of real property which religious cor-
porations might hold. Moreover, all the normal
powers of private corporations have been recog-
nized as belonging to religious corporations. Spe-
cifically, these corporations have power to preserve
their existence by filling vacancies. They may for
their own government adopt by-laws, which, how-
ever, may not be inconsistent either with the pro-
visions of the statute under which the corporation
was organized or with the rules adopted by the
church body with which the corporation is con-
nected. If the local church is a member of some
denominational organization, the by-laws of a local

475

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Religious Corporations
Religious Dramas

religious corporation may contain nothing adverse
to the denominational connection of the local
church body. If a corporation is found to have
adopted such by-laws, the remedy is in the civil
courts where such by-laws and all corporate acts
based upon them will be nullified. Another power is
that of adopting and using a corporate seal. This
seal is affixed to all formal documents signed by
the officers of the corporation as such and should
appear over all instruments intended to bind the
corporation. The religious corporation must act
as a body in regular meeting. The separate and
individual acts of members of the corporation, even
though such acts are by a majority of the whole
number, are not binding upon the corporation and
can not of themselves create corporate liability.
A power either specifically granted or necessarily
implied is that of purchasing, leasing, exchanging,
or mortgaging all forms of real property, provided
that such property is necessary and convenient for
the purposes of the church body. This question is
decided by the civil courts alone. A religious cor-
poration may not engage in business transactions
for profit. It may, however, hold revenue-produ-
cing property, not used by the church, as invest-
ment in the form of an endowment. It has the im-
plied if not the express right to contract money
obligations to be evidenced by bonds or notes.
The mortgaging of real property by a religious cor-
poration generally requires the consent of some su-
perior ecclesiastical authority, as well as an order
of court. Because one of the objects of religious in-
corporation is to give a legal person standing in
court; such corporations have the right to sue and be
sued, to plead and be impleaded, in courts of law
and of equity. It is in the civil courts and not in the
ecclesiastical courts that the religious corporation
has standing; and it is from the civil courts that
orders or writs will issue, directing or restraining
corporate action. A corporation has the right to be
represented by counsel, and the necessary cost of
litigation is recognized as a legitimate expense. Un-
like private corporations, the religious corporation
can neither merge nor dissolve without the consent
of the local church body and the higher church au-
thorities. The statutes provide when and how
there can be a consolidation of such corporations,
• and also under what circumstances a religious cor-
poration can proceed to its own dissolution.

The American law of religious corporations has
developed largely with reference to local churches;
yet the practise of incorporation by superior eccle-
siastical bodies and by special organizations, such
as mission and educational boards, has become
general. These general corporations do not differ
in their legal character from the local corporations;
but because their property interests are widely dis-
tributed throughout the possessions of the United
States and in foreign lands, they come more often
under the jurisdiction of the federal courts and the
tribunals of foreign countries.

George James Batles.

Bibliography: W. H. Roberts, Laws Relating to Religious
Corporations: Collection of the general Statutes of the States
and Territories, Philadelphia, 1896; Laws Relating to
General Religious and Non-Business Corporations (New
York), Albany, 1800; R. C. dimming, Membership and

Religious Corporations, ed. A. J. Danaher, ib. 1000-04;
C. T. Corr, General Principles of the Law of Corporations,
New York, 1905. ,

RELIGIOUS DRAMAS.

Origins and Earliest Specimens (ID.

Gradual Extension of Action (J 2).

Rise of Objections; Vernacular Plays (§ 3).

Increasing Elaborateness of Production (§ 4).

Literary Style; Corpus Chris ti Plays and Moralities (| 6).

Early Protestant Attitude (ft 6).

The Oberammergau Passion Play (§7).

The Christmas Plays (§8).

The religious drama, as setting forth events re-
corded in the Bible or moral lessons to be drawn
from religious teaching, is distinctively medieval in
character, and in origin is closely connected with
the services of the Church. At a very early period

a quasi-dramatic effect was given by
i. Origins the division of the choir into anti-
and phonal semi-choruses and in the re-
Earliest sponses of the congregation to the
Specimens, clergy, though it was not until the

tenth century that there was any ap-
proximation to dramatic action. Then, however,
tropes, or texts interpolated during the service, as
in the introit, were added, the oldest specimens
being contained in a St. Gall manuscript of about
900. In many monasteries the crucifixion and res-
urrection were dramatically represented from Good
Friday to Easter; and the custom thus inaugurated
received accretion after accretion, such as a scene
between Mary Magdalene and Christ, added in the
twelfth century. In like manner the antiphon and
the trope sung at Christmas gave rise to a little
drama, probably modeled on the Easter playlet, the
earliest Easter tropes extant dating from the
eleventh century; and similar provision was made
for the feasts of Holy Innocents and Epiphany. As
a specimen the little drama acted on the latter
feast may be described. Three of the clergy, robed
as kings, came from three sides of the church and
met at the altar, whence they solemnly proceeded,
with a star swinging before them from a cord, to
the crib, where they were received by two priests
vested in dalmatics. Having offered their gifts, they
were warned by an angel (a white-robed boy) to
escape the wrath of Herod, whereupon they made
their exit from the church through the transept. A
combination of Christmas, Holy Innocents, and
Epiphany was also effected by having the three
kings brought before Herod while on their way to
Bethlehem, the introduction of that king giving
the moment of opposition and thus inaugurating
true dramatic life in Christian drama. Yet an-
other drama was evolved from a homily attributed
to Augustine and read as a lesson on Christmas.
Assailing the Jews for their stubborn refusal to
hear their own prophets concerning the Christ, the
opportunity was afforded, in the eleventh century,
of presenting not only the prophets, but also Vergil
(on account of the fourth Eclogue), Nebuchadrez-
zar, and the Sibyl. The feasts of the Annunciation,
Easter Monday, and the Ascension gave rise to minor
dramas; while the dramatic representation of escha-
tological events, e.g., the wise and foolish virgins,
traces its origin to the gospel for the twenty-fourth
Sunday after Pentecost, the last of the church year.

Beliffious Dramas

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

476

In all this the Church endeavored not only to
provide a substitute for pagan and secular plays,
but also to teach the masses, who were ignorant of
Latin, the lessons of Scripture and
2. Gradual doctrine which they would not other-
Extension wise comprehend. The gradual ez-
of Action, tension of the text gave increasing in-
dependence of diction, and new pas-
sages in prose and poetry were gradually added to
the mosaic of passages from the Bible and the
chants of the Church which make up the oldest re-
ligious plays. The richness of the popular Latin
poetry of the period is a component in the Daniel
of Abelard's pupil Hilarius, the first definite per-
sonality in the history of the religious drama (b.,
probably in England, about the middle of the
twelfth century), as well as in the eleventh century
Antichrist, preserved in a manuscript from the
monastery of Tegernsee. Beginning with the twelfth
century the Easter plays manifest a tendency to
extend the time of action, one of the early thirteenth
century beginning with the calling of Peter and
Andrew, and, though now ending abruptly with the
negotiations between Pilate and Joseph of Arima-
thea concerning the sepulcher of Christ, once evi-
dently carried on to the resurrection. This is, ac-
cordingly, the oldest specimen thus far known of
the Passion play, which was to become the chief
theme of medieval drama; but this type was not
developed from the liturgy for Good Friday in the
same sense as the Easter play from the liturgy for
Easter, the deep solemnity of Good Friday forbid-
ding free play to dramatic imagination. The twelfth
century also witnessed the rise of dramas dealing
with the saints, although these seem to have been
intended primarily for schools, since they all deal
with St. Nicholas, the patron of younger pupils,
with the exception of one, which is devoted to St.
Catherine, the patron of the older scholars.

The departure of the religious drama from its
original limits was unpleasant to some of the more
rigorous, and complaints were made as early as the
twelfth century, when Gerhoh of Reichersberg and
Abbess Herrad of Landsberg both attacked the
drama as the work of the devil, the latter especially
objecting that, while the plays were laudable and
useful in their primary form, they had degenerated
into irreligion and license. The costuming of monks
as warriors, women, and devils, instead of symbolic
renderings of the rdles, was evidently offensive, and
the abbess particularly objected to the horse-play,
thus evidencing a further departure from classic
models in the melodramatic mingling of comic and
tragic elements. The production of plays in churches
was finally forbidden, though the prohibition seems
to have been aimed at unworthy productions rather
than at religious dramas proper, the latter being
expressly excepted from condemnation in the de-
cretals of Gregory (" Decretals," book III., tit. i.,
chap. xii.).

The first traces of the use of the vernacular in
religious dramas date from the twelfth century. In
Germany this was effected by a spoken German
paraphrase following the chanted Latin sentence,
and with the triumph of the vernacular over Latin
also went the gradual supremacy of spoken over

chanted lines. The earliest extant specimen of
the vernacular religious drama is the twelfth-
century French Adam. A number of

3. Rise of French dramas of the saints have also
Objections; been preserved, the most important of
Vernacular which is the St. Nicholas of Jean Bodel

Plays. of Arras (c. 1200), which, as in the
later romantic style, combines religious,
knightly, and imaginative elements with a realis-
tically burlesque presentation of everyday life. A
later cycle of dramas shows how the Virgin miracu-
lously intervenes in time of need or danger to suc-
cor those who adore her. The grotesque element
comes to the fore in certain fourteenth-century
German Easter plays, especially in those scenes
where Satan, having lost so many souls through
the descent of Christ to hell, sends the devil to re-
coup, this affording an opportunity for the satiriza-
tion of the most varied estates of man. To the
same period belongs the play of The Wise and Fool-
ish Virgins, an eschatological drama. No texts of
religious dramas in England have been preserved
from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries,
though it is certain that such plays were then pro-
duced; and the only Spanish play of the period is
a fragment of an Epiphany drama of the twelfth
century, which, like the French Adam, is a very
early specimen of the vernacular religious drama.
In Italy the beginnings of national religious drama
came, not from the Latin liturgy, but from the
songs, rich in dialogue, of the Flagellants of the
thirteenth century (see Flagellation, Flagel-
lants, II., § 5); and apparently after the Flagel-
lant brotherhoods had been permanently organ-
ized, the dramatic elements of their songs were
given appropriate theatrical action.

Though numerous specimens have been preserved
of the Latin drama, which may be said to have
come to an end about 1200, few examples survive
of the national plays of the oldest period (1200-
1400), so that their process of development must
remain uncertain; yet the dramatic merit of even
the earliest vernacular plays is far su-

4. Increa- perior to the Latin mysteries of the
sing Elabo- closing medieval period. In the cities

rateness of the presentations became more im-
Production. posing and the casts larger; in the great

squares were erected stages, the loca-«
tion permitting the action to proceed without need-
ing change of scenery; above was the throne of God
and heaven, whence angels could descend to aid the
good; and at the end of the stage was the abyss of
hell, from which figures of grotesque devils constantly
ascended. Since such productions required fair
weather, the time of presentation tended to aban-
don the seasons of Christmas and Easter; and with
increasing frequency the time of action extended
throughout the earthly life of Christ, or even from
the creation to the last day, the actual time of pres-
entation now covering several days. This growth
also involved the increasing introduction of the
laity, although the clergy jealously arrogated to
themselves the preparation of texts and the train-
ing of actors. The presentation of a religious drama,
moreover, was held to be essentially pleasing to God,
and was often motived either by thanksgiving for

477

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Belifious Dramas

divine protection or to deprecate threatening calam-
ity, while occasionally indulgences were attached
to such presentations. While the educational pur-
pose, already noted, was frequently stressed, there
are only rare allusions to the moral influence of the
plays, although it is once remarked that sin-
ners would be terrified by the tortures of the
damned or of those in purgatory represented on
the stage. The cycles dealing with the saints often
advocated openly the veneration of their heroes,
and the Passion plays were designed to awaken a
living sympathy with the agony of Christ and to
call forth the grace of tears; while the plea was also
advanced that man needs amusement, and that the
religious drama was better adapted for this than
many other forms of enjoyment. There is scant
trace in the Middle Ages of the modern scruples
against the dramatic representation of sacred
themes, and the attitude in general toward them
finds its modern counterpart in the Oberammergau
Passion Play.

Not only was the medieval playwright gifted with
scanty dramaturgic art, but the length of time and
the number of roles at his disposal led him into pro-
lixity and unessential details. In the psychology of
the leading parts and in the evolving of motives, he
was mainly dependent on the theologians, especially
those of the contemplative school who
5. Literary had pondered long upon the Passion.
Style; From these sources are borrowed such
Corpus pathetic scenes as that in which the
Christi Virgin intrusts Christ to the care of
Plays and the traitor Judas, and also scenes of
Moralities, horror. The greatest originality is dis-
played in comic scenes, although the
wit here was of a breadth that sometimes caused
the clergy to interfere. Thus, in the scene of the
crucifixion, the Jews executed a grotesque song and
dance with exaggerated caricatures of contempo-
rary Jewish characteristics; and the beggars and
cripples on whom the saints worked miracles like-
wise came in for their share of satire. In critici-
zing medieval religious dramas, however, it must be
borne in mind that their authors did not aim at
literary style, but only at the conversion from narra-
tive to drama of their Biblical and legendary themes.
Yet even the weakest plays mirror forth the thought
of their time; and the uniformity of development
in various countries likewise finds its explanation in
the common source, the Latin literature of the
Church, as well as in the uniform religious conditions
prevailing throughout Western Christendom, not in
international communication.

International communication did, however, have
some part, and the people here most concerned were
the French, among whom the religious drama, here
called " mystery," attained its richest and highest
development, aided by dramas of the legends of the
saints, especially those in which their intercession
aids those who venerate them, these dramas of the
saints being specifically termed " miracle plays."
Yet another form of religious drama was evolved
from the Corpus Christi processions dating from
the latter part of the thirteenth century. Here it
became possible to represent the entire history of
the world, the division of the presentation between

the various gilds and parishes heightening the mag-
nificence of the whole, especially as the different
scenes were given at designated places along the
route. This form of drama reached its zenith in
England, as in the " York plays," Spain not com-
ing to the fore until much later. The older Latin
liturgical dramas still lingered on, though steadily
declining until they disappeared altogether, except
for a few modern attempts at revival.

In addition to plots taken from the Bible and
legend, the later Middle Ages developed the alle-
gorical drama, or " morality." The idea of a con-
flict between the virtues and the vices was, indeed,
no new one, but the first dramas built upon such
plots date from the last decades of the fourteenth
century, and reached perfection only in the fifteenth
century, especially in France, the Netherlands, and
England. To this category belongs, for example,
the English Everyman, showing how each one, in his
progress to the judgment of God, is deserted by
kindred, wealth, and friends, only Good Deeds
clinging to him. A variant of the moralities was
afforded by the dance of death, apparently first de-
vised by a preacher, probably a Franciscan, to illus-
trate the power of death over all classes, each of
which, represented by a character appropriately
costumed, holds dialogue with death before passing
to the grave.

The spread of the Reformation naturally affected

the religious drama. The adherents of the ancient

faith redoubled their zeal in France in

6. Early the production of mysteries, but the
Protestant civil authorities no longer were as fav-

Attitude. vorable as in the past; many points,
such as the coarse jests of the comic
scenes, were now regarded as exposed to Protestant
attack; the Roman Catholics themselves, under the
literary influence of the school of Ronsard, came to
regard the medieval drama as barbarous and devoid
of style; and there was apprehension of the faulty
presentation of the doctrines of the Church. The
attitude of the Calvinists was at first not unfavor-
able to the religious drama, but about 1570 the posi-
tion changed, and the synods of Ntmes (1572) and
Figeac (1579) condemned them. In German Swit-
zerland the Protestants took delight in religious
dramas until late in the sixteenth century, and
Luther, at least once supported by Melanchthon,
expressly approved them if presented reverently
and without unseemly levity. The numerous Ger-
man dramas now written were modeled largely on
Terence and on the Latin school-plays based on the
Bible; and the best specimen of this type, the Aco-
lastus of Gnapheus, based on the parable of the
prodigal son, was produced in 1529, while an Eng-
lish translation was published by John Palsgrave in
1540. The Protestant religious drama likewise
mingled polemic elements in its plots, the priests
of Baal in Old-Testament plays being favorite covers
for attacks on the Roman Catholic clergy. This
spirit, however, was especially manifest in the
moralities from the earliest decades of the Reforma-
tion period. An entire cycle of French moralities
represent sick faith seeking assistance in vain from
a scholastic theologian, and find healing only from
Text of Holy Writ; or permit Simony and Avarice

Religious Dramas
fteliffious Pedagogy

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

478

to imprison Truth until she is freed by a layman
versed in the Bible. The English Everyman was
Protestantized by having the hero saved by Faith
instead of by Good Deeds. The Roman Catholics
long lacked, both in the drama and elsewhere, such
determined protagonists as their opponents pos-
sessed, nor was the situation changed until toward
the end of the sixteenth century, when the Jesuits
began their dramatic propaganda with the aid of
all the refinements of the Barocco style. In Spain,
beginning with the middle of the sixteenth century,
the Corpus Christi processions assumed the form of
moralities rigidly Roman Catholic in spirit, filled
with hatred of heresy, and usually exalting the mys-
tery of transubstantiation. In the following cen-
tury, through the genius of Calderon, they attained
their zenith, and by their rich mysticism, allegory,
and diction they impressed even the Protestant
mind.

While dramas based on the Bible and on legends
of the saints maintained their existence in Roman
Catholic lands, and even spread to such countries as
Poland and Croatia, they gradually retreated from

the cities to the rural districts, where

7. The they may still be witnessed. By far the

Obcrammer- most famous of this type is the passion

gau Passion play of Ober-Ammergau (q.v.), which

Play. in its original form, represented by a

manuscript of 1662, was-a combination
of a fifteenth-century Augsburg passion play with a
sixteenth-century passion play of the Augsburg mei-
stersinger Sebastian Wild, who drew from the Cri&-
tus redivivus of the Englishman Nicholas Grimald
(1519-62). In 1750 the play was entirely revised,
at the request of the villagers of Ober-Ammergau, by
a Benedictine friar, Ferdinand Rosner, who intro-
duced scenic effects borrowed from the Jesuit stage
as well as arias and choruses modeled on Italian
opera. The most striking innovation, however, was
the representation of prefiguration of New-Testa-
ment events in the Old Testament. This motive,
apparently found in the Middle Ages only in the
Heidelberg passion play (manuscript of 1513),
which, for instance, prefigures Jesus and the woman
of Samaria by Eliezer and Rebecca at the well, was
a favorite device in the Jesuit drama, whence Rosner
incorporated it in the Ober-Ammergau play. In the
second half of the eighteenth century the mocking
spirit of the Enlightenment caused the governments
of Bavaria and Austria to assume an unfavorable
position toward the religious drama, and the pro-
duction of passion plays was forbidden. In 1780,
however, after " amendment " by the clergy of
Ettal, the Ober-Ammergau play was excepted from
the prohibition, and though again forbidden in 1801,
it was officially sanctioned after 1811. By 1850 the
text had again been revised and the verse of the
dialogue had been turned into prose, while it now
contained clear traces of the influence of the senti-
mentalism of the eighteenth century and of the re-
ligious poetry of Klopstock. The play as now
presented is exceedingly impressive and reverent;
each actor is chosen in conformity with his charac-
ter and is schooled both by tradition and practise;
but the stage is no longer that of medieval times.
The success of the Ober-Ammergau Passion Play has

led to the revival of the religious drama in other
parts of southern Germany, as at Brixlegg in the
Tyrol and at Httritz in Bohemia.

The Christmas plays, still produced even among
Protestants, are less ambitious. As already noted,
the late Middle Ages witnessed a tendency to trans-
fer the drama of the birth and child-
8. The hood of Christ from Christmas to the

Christmas summer, but the Christmas play proper
Plays. still survived, though in simpler form.
Among the German Christmas plays
special interest attaches to one of the fifteenth cen-
tury in the Hessian dialect, presenting many traits
which became traditional in the cycle, such as the
humorous character of the aged Joseph and the
comic shepherd scenes with their allusions to con-
temporary peasant life. The scenes of the three
kings and Herod are often reminiscent of the Ent~
pfengnu88 und Gebvrdt Johannis und Christi of Hans
Sachs, and they were often amalgamated with the
Christmas play, which was also sometimes combined
with the Advent play, in which the Christ-child goes
about to see whether the children have been good
and industrious. See also Poems, Anonymous, of
the Ancient Church, 18; Roswttha.

(Welhelm Creieenach.)

Bibliography: Among texts may be noted: Digby Miracle
Plays, ed. W. Sharpe for Abbotsford Club, Edinburgh,
1835; Towneley Mysteries, ed. J. Raine for 8urteeB Society,
Durham, 1836; T. Wright, Early Mysteries and other
Latin Poems of the lBth and ISth Centuries, London, 1838;
Ludus Coventrio), ed. J. O. Halliwell for Shakespeare So-
ciety, London, 1841; The Chester Plays, ed. T. Wright
for Shakespeare Society, 2 vols., London, 1843-47; W.
Marriott, Collection of English Miracle Plays or Mys-
teries, London, 1843; Migne, Dictionnaire de mysteres,
Paris, 1854; Digby Mysteries, ed. J. F. Furnivall, London,
1882; Miracles de nostre dame par personnages, ed. Q.
Paris and U. Robert, 7 vols., Paris, 1876-80 (cf. H.
Schnell, Untersuchungen uber den Verfasser dee Miracles
. . . , Marburg, 1885); A. Greban, Mystere de la passion,
ed. G. Paris and G. Raynaud, Paris, 1878; L. T. Smith,
York Plays, Oxford, 1885; Miracles de la bienheureuse
Vierge Marie, ed. C. Bouchet, Orleans, 1888; Misters de
S. Bernard de Merthon, ed. Lecoy de la Marche, Paris,
1889; Misters du Vid Testament, ed. J. de Rothschild,
Paris, 1891; C. Davidson, Studies in the English Mystery
Plays, New York, 1892; Mystere de la passion, ed. J. M.
Richard, Paris, 1894; A. W. Pollard, English Miracle
Plays, Moralities, and Interludes, 4th ed., Oxford and
New York, 1904; Everyman: a morality Play; with an
Introduction by A. T. QuHler-Couch, New York, 1908;
W. Meyer, Fragmenta burana, Berlin, 1901.

Discussions are: J. L. Klein, Oeschichte des Dramas,
iii. 599-754, iv. 1-242, viii. 218-296, ix. 412-489, xL 2,
pp. 602-654, xii. 293-362, 711-754, xiii. 1-121, 13 vols.,
Leipsic, 1856-76 (deals with medieval plays in Italy,
Spain, and England); W. Hone, Ancient Mysteries De-
scribed, especially the English Lyrical Plays /bunded on
Apocryphal N. T. Story, London, 1823; F. J. Mone,
Schauspiele des MittdaUers, 2 vols., Carisruhe, 1846; E. L.
N. Viollet le Due, Ancien theatre Francois, 10 vols., Paris,
1854-57; E. Norris, Ancient Cornish Drama, 2 vols., Ox-
ford, 1859; C. E. H. de Coussemaker, Dromes liturgiques
de moyen age, Rennes, 1860; C. Wilken, Oeschichte der
gcistlichen Spiele in Deutschland, Gottingen, 1872; M.
Sepet, Les Prophites du Christ, Paris, 1878 (fundamental
for this class of play) ; idem, Origines catholiques de theatre
moderne, ib. 1901; idem, Le Drame rdigieux au moyen
Age, ib. 1903; K. A. Hase, Miracle Plays and Sacred
Dramas, London, 1880; W. Blades, Account of the Ger-
man Morality Play " Depositio cornuti typographici,"
London, 1885; L. Gautier, Hist, de la poesie Kturgique au
moyen Age, vol. i., Paris, 1886; Petit de Julie ville, Les
Mysteres, 2 vols., Paris, 1888 (the main work for France);
F. M. Stoddard, References for Students of Minds-Plane

470

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Religion* Dramas
Religious Pedagogy

and Mysteries, Berkeley, Cal., 1888; A. d'Ancona, Origini
del teatro italiano, 2d ed., Turin, 1801; K. Froning, Dae
Drama dee Mittelalters, 3 vols., Stuttgart, 1891; L. Bates,
The English Religious Drama, New York, 1893; W.
Creasenach, Oesehiehte dee neueren Dramas, 3 vols., Halle,
1893-1903; W. Seelmann, Die Totentanze des MittelaUers,
Nordlingen, 1893; J. E. Wackemell, AUdeutsche Passions-
epieU aus Tirol, Grai, 1897; R. Heiniel. Besehreibung des
geistlichen Schauspiels im deutschen Mittelalter, Leipaic,
1898; A. W. Ward, Hist, of English Dramatic Literature,
i. 1-157, new ed., 3 vols., London, 1899; E. K. Chambers,
The Mediaval Stage, 2 vols., Oxford, 1903; E. Lintilhac,
Le Theatre serieux du moyen Age, Paris, 1904 (indispensa-
ble); Worp, Oeschiedenis van het Drama . . . in Neder-
lana\ vol. L, Groningen, 1904; H. Aus, Die lateinischen
Magierspiele, Leipaic, 1905; C. M. Gayley, Plays of our
Forefathers and Some of the Traditions upon which they
were founded. New York, 1907; H. Diemer, Oberammer-
gau and its Passion Play. A Survey of the History of
Oberammergau and its Passion Play from their Origin down
to the present Day, 2d ed., London, 1910; Schaff, v. 1, pp.
869 sqq.

RELIGIOUS EDUCATION ASSOCIATION: An
organization effected in 1903 aiming so to unite
workers in religious and educational fields that the
religious shall permeate the educational and the
educational shall permeate the religious forces at
work in the country. The stimulus came from the
late William R. Harper, and the executive offices
are in Chicago. The membership is composed of four
classes — active, sustaining, life, and corresponding
or honorary members, the last class limited to fifty
who are not residents of America and pay no dues.
Members receive without further charge than the
dues the volumes containing the proceedings of the
ftnniml conventions, as well as Religious Education,
the bimonthly of the association. The general
officers are a president and sixteen vice-presidents
elected yearly, treasurer, recording secretary, and
general secretary; the last-named is the active ex-
ecutive, upon whom devolves the oversight of the
issue of printed matter and extensive travel in the
interests of the association, as well as the arrange-
ments for the general conventions. There is a board
of directors consisting of forty-seven members, one
representing each state, territory, and province
which has twenty-five members in the association;
twenty members are chosen at large; this board
decides where the meetings of the association are to
be held. Annual conventions have been held at
Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston, Rochester, and
Washington, at each of which about 100 addresses
were delivered by leaders in religion and education.
More than 200 local conferences have been held
under the auspices of the association. The execu-
tive board is the corporate body and manages the
finances. Besides the bimonthly named above and
the Proceedings, many pamphlets upon special sub-
jects are issued, as well as bulletins, programs, plans,
and the like. Up to 1908 over $65,000 has been ex-
pended in behalf of education.

The departments of work are: the council of
religious education, universities, and colleges, theo-
logical [seminaries, churches and pastors, Sunday-
schools, secondary schools, elementary schools, fra-
ternal and social service, training of teachers, Chris-
tian associations, young people's societies, the home,
libraries, the press, foreign mission schools, summer
assemblies, and religious art and music — seventeen
in all. Each department has an executive commit-

tee, consisting of president, a recording and an ex-
ecutive secretary, and from three to seven other
members, the executive secretary being the responsi-
ble officer. Departments often have special meet-
ings, but the annual assemblies of the departments
furnish the most important feature of the great con-
ventions. Departmental action becomes action of
the association when approved by the executive
board, which publishes special researches and papers
prepared by departmental experts. Other depart-
ments than the council obtain their membership by
special registration of members of the association,
who choose their department of work. The council
has sixty members, half elected by the executive
board and half by its own members. Its functions
are to reach and to disseminate sound thinking upon
all general subjects relating to education in religion
and morality; to initiate, conduct, and guide in-
vestigation of important educational questions
within the scope of the association. It is thus the
brain center of the association, and its meetings are
more numerous than those of any other department,
and include summer conferences. It has prepared
and issued an address to the higher educational in-
stitutions upon the necessity of courses for training
leaders in religious and educational science, for
workers in Sunday-schools, and for teachers and
skilled workers in industrial and social reconstruc-
tion. It has also arranged for the publication of
a bibliography of religious education, with editor
and editorial board. The department of Sunday-
schools has organized a bureau of information for
the compiling of statistics, and a committee of
twenty-one experts to formulate a Sunday-school
curriculum; it has also begun a bibliography for
Sunday-school teachers, and has furnished an ex-
hibit, which is being constantly increased, of Sun-
day-school literature.

Interest in the work is being manifested in foreign
lands, the general secretary having received invita-
tions to organize associations in Japan, India, and
Norway, and to speak in several other countries.

Richard Morse Hodge.

RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. See Liberty, Relig-
ious.

RELIGIOUS PEDAGOGY, HARTFORD SCHOOL

OF: An institution organized and equipped solely
for the purpose of accomplishing in religious educa-
tion what the high-grade normal school or college
does in secular education. Founded by the Rev.
David Allen Reed at Springfield, Mass., it was in-
corporated Jan. 28, 1885, under the name " School
for Christian Workers." Its course of study was
enlarged in 1892, and again in 1897, when it was
given the name " Bible Normal College." In Mar.,
1902, it was moved to Hartford, Conn., that it might
carry on its work in affiliation with Hartford Theo-
logical Seminary. At the same time the require-
ments for admission and graduation were still fur-
ther strengthened in anticipation of a more strictly
professional type of work. On Apr. 14, 1903, the
school was reincorporated under the laws of Con-
necticut and received its present name, together
with authority to confer the bachelor's, master's,
and doctor's degree in religious pedagogy.

Beligious PedaffOffy
Remonstrant*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

480

The school is interdenominational and is open to
both men and women. The increasing demand from
churches and other religious organizations for thor-
oughly trained teachers is conclusive evidence that
a new profession is rapidly developing within the
church. To pioneer this new profession, and to se-
cure and thoroughly equip men and women who
are qualified by nature and preliminary training to
fill it, is the central design of the school.

The work involves three central ideas: The Bible;
the child; and the teacher. It is grouped into three
departments of study, namely: studies relating to
the Bible; studies relating to man; and studies re-
lating to teaching. These studies are designed to
afford an accurate, teaching knowledge of the Bible
and cognate subjects; an understanding of the in-
dividual and social nature of man, with special ref-
erence to the child; and the training of the teacher
in the essentials of scientific pedagogy. They are
intended to give students a professional equipment
for positions as Sunday-school superintendents;
normal, field, city, district, and primary superin-
tendents; city, home, and foreign missionaries;
pastors' assistants, and superintendents and teach-
ers in reformatory and charitable institutions.

The school is under the direction of a board of
eighteen trustees. In number of students it has had
a sure and steady growth. The number enrolled in
all courses, both regular and special, in 1904 was
64; in 1910, 130. The faculty is constituted as fol-
lows: President William Douglas Mackenzie, D.D.,
of Hartford Theological Seminary, president of the
institution and professor of Christian doctrine; Rev.
Charles Stoddard Lane, A.M., vice-president and
professor of church history; Rev. Edward H.
Knight, D.D., dean of the faculty and professor of
New-Testament language and literature; George E.
Dawson, Ph.D., professor of psychology; Edward P.
St. John, Pd.M., professor of pedagogy; Rev. Ed-
ward E. Nourse, D.D., professor of Old-Testament
language and literature; Miss Orissa M. Baxter,
professor of home economics.

The school has no endowment, and meets its an-
nual expenses (in 1910, $13,000) chiefly by gifts from
individuals, churches, and Sunday-schools.

Edward Hooker Knight.

RELIGIOUS TRACT SOCIETY. See Tract So-
cieties, III., 1.

RELLY, JAMES: Universalist; b. at Jeffreston
(70 m. w.n.w. of Cardiff), Pembrokeshire, Wales,
about 1722; d. at London Apr. 25, 1778. He at-
tended the Pembroke grammar-school, came under
the influence of George Whitefield, probably in the
latter's first tour of Wales in 1741, and became one
of his preachers. His first station was at Rhydd-
langwraig near Narbeth, Pembrokeshire; and in
1747 he made a report of a missionary tour to Bris-
tol, Bath, Gloucestershire, and Birmingham. He
broke, however, with Whitefield on doctrinal
grounds and is known to have been in controversy
with John Wesley in 1756. About the same time
he adopted Universalism and occupied meeting-
houses in various parts of London until his death.
One of his converts in 1770 was John Murray (q.v.),
the founder of Universalist churches in America.

His chief publications were: The Tryal of Spirits
(London, 1756); Union; or a Treatise of the Con-
sanguinity between Christ and His Church (1759);
The Sadducee Detected (1754); and Epistles, or the
Cheat Salvation Contemplated (1776).

Bibuoorapht: W. Wilson, Hist, and Antiquities of Dis-
senting Churches in London, i. 358-369, iii. 184, 385, 4
vols., London, 1808-14; L. Tyerman, Life and Timet oj
John Wesley, i. 536-637, ii. 240. 400. London, 1870-71;
R. Eddy, in American Church History Series, x. 348, 392,
473, New York. 1894; DNB. xlviii. 7-8.

REMENSNYDER, rem'en-enai"der, JUNIUS
BENJAMIN: Lutheran; b. at Staunton, Va., Feb.
24, 1843. He was graduated from Pennsylvania
College, Gettysburg, Pa. (B.A., 1861), and the
Gettysburg Theological Seminary (1865). He served
in the 131st Pennsylvania Volunteers in 1862-63,
and after his ordination in 1865 held pastorates at
St. John's, Lewistown, Pa. (1865-67), St. Luke's,
Philadelphia (1867-74), Church of the Ascension,
Savannah, Ga. (1874-80), and St. James', New
York City, of which he has been the head since
1881. In theology he is conservative and is op-
posed to rationalism, favoring progressive and con-
structive, not destructive, criticism; he advocates
educational rather than emotional methods in re-
ligion and in worship holds to the historic liturgies.
He has written Heavenward: or, The Race for the
Crown of Life (Philadelphia, 1874, new ed., 1908);
Doom Eternal: The Bible and Church Doctrine of
Everlasting Punishment (1880); The Work and Per-
sonality of Luther (New York, 1882); Lutheran
Literature: Its Distinctive Traits and Excellencies
(1883); The Six Days of Creation: Lectures on the
Mosaic Account of the Creation, Fall, and Deluge
(1886); The Real Presence (1890); The Lutheran
Manual (1892) ; The Atonement and Modem Thought
(Philadelphia, 1905); and Mysticism: Psychology,
History., and Relation to Scripture, Church, and
Christian Life (1909).

REMIGIUS, re-mij'i-us, OF AUXERRE: Me-
dieval scholar; b. in Burgundy before 850; d. about
908. He entered the Benedictine order at the mon-
astery of St. Germanus at Auxerre, where he studied
under the famous Heiricus; was called, about 882,
by Archbishop Fulco to Reims to reorganize with
Hucbald the two schools located there; and after
the archbishop's death (900) taught at Paris the
liberal arts and probably theology, counting as one
of his scholars Odo of Cluny. Besides his commen-
tary on the work of Marcianus Capella (on book
IX., MPL, exxxi. 931 sqq.) on the seven liberal
arts, and his glosses on the works of Donatus and
Priscianus (the fruit of his teaching of grammar,
dialectic, and music, and widely used in the Middle
Ages), were his commentaries on Genesis (MPL,
exxxi. 51 sqq.), Psalms (pp. 133 sqq.), Canticles
(cxvii. 295 sqq.), Minor Prophets (pp. 9 sqq.), Epis-
tles of Paul (pp. 361 sqq.), Revelation (pp. 937
sqq.), Matthew, and Mark; homilies on texts from
Matthew (twelve in MPL, exxxi. 865 sqq.); and
De celebratione missce et ejus significatione (ib., ci.
1246 sqq., under the name of Alcuin), a treatise on
the mass, following the view of Paschasius Rad-
bertus (q.v.). (R. Schmtd.)

481

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Beliffious Pedagogy
Remonstrants

Bibliography: Hist. litUrairt de la France, vi. 99 sqq.;
A. Ebert, AUgemeine Oeschichte der LitUratur das Mittd-
alters, iii. 234, Leipeic, 1887; Ceillier, Avteurs sacrts,
xii. 763-700; NA, 1901, p. 563.

REMIGIUS OF LYONS: Archbishop of that
city; d. there Oct. 28, 875. Nothing is known of him
prior to his elevation to the episcopate on Mar. 31,
852. He played a prominent part in French eccle-
siastical history. He was Archicapellanus (q.v.)
from 855 to 863, which was a position of great in-
fluence. He figures among the leading members of
several synods, indeed presided over the Synod of
Valence in 855. He participated in the predestina-
tion controversy which had been precipitated on the
church by the unhappy monk Gottschalk (q.v.),
whom, like some other leaders, he defended. This
brought him up against the still more powerful
Hincmar, who, in the Synod of Chiersy held in 853,
got the endorsement of his four chapters on predes-
tination. But these the synod of Valence refused
to ratify and, on the contrary, passed six canons
(Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, iv. 193 sqq.) against
Hincmar's position, and they were reaffirmed by
the Synod of Langres in 859, which was proof of
Remigius' influence. In the national Synod of
Savonieres which immediately followed Remigius
presented these canons to Charles the Bald.

Remigius was an able and faithful prelate. When
he came into his rule he found that certain sources
of revenue which he thought properly belonged to
his diocese had been taken from it. He set about
regaining this lost revenue and brilliantly succeeded.
For these and other services his grateful people
canonized him. Various writings have been attrib-
uted to him, but he does not seem to have been a
writer and the attributions are probably false.

Bibliography: Bouquet, Receuil, viii. 388 sqq.; Ceillier,
Avteurs sacris, xii. 614 sqq.; ASB, Oct., xii. 878 sqq.;
Hist, littiraire de la France, v. 449 sqq.

REMIGIUS OF REIMS: Bishop of that city;
b. at Laon (87 m. n.e. of Paris) about 437; d. at
Reims, probably Jan. 13, 532 or 533. In his twenty-
second year he became bishop; and his fame rests
upon the record, according to Gregory of Tours, of
his converting the Frankish king Clovis to Chris-
tianity (baptized, Christmas, 496). With this is con-
nected the legend of the ampulla (see Ampullae).
It had its origin with Hincmar of Reims (q.v.).
When Remigius crowned Charles the Bald at Metz
(869) the sacred oil was produced and alleged to
have been used by Remigius at the consecration of
Clovis. This was to validate the right of the king
of the West Franks over Lotharingia by establish-
ing a connection, if traditional, with the Merovin-
gians. The vial reappeared at the coronation of
Philip II. in 1179 and was broken by a revolution-
ist in 1793. That Remigius exerted influence over
Clovis and his sons may be surmised but can not be
substantiated in detail, owing to the legendary
character of the records. The letter in which Pope
Hormisdas appears to have appointed him vicar of
the kingdom of Clovis is proved to be spurious; it
is presumed to have been an attempt of Hincmar to
base his pretensions for the elevation of Reims to
the primacy, following the alleged precedent of
Remigius. Four letters of Remigius are all that are
IX.— 31

preserved of his writings (ed. Gundlach, in MGH,

Ejnst., iii. 112-116). (A. Hauck.)

Bibliography: For review of the literature on Remigius:
H. Jodart, Bibliographic dee ouvrages concernant la vie
et le culte de S. Remi, Reims, 1891. For early sources
consult: The Vita, formerly ascribed to Venantius Fortu-
natus, in ASB, Oct., i. 128-131, with commentary, pp.
59-128; MPL, lxxxviii. 527-532; and ed. B. Krusch, in
MQH, Auct. ant., iv. 2 (1885), 64-67, with commentary,
pp. xxii.-xxiv (the Vita gives little information). Other
materials of little value are in ASB, Oct., i. 167-176;
MPL, cxxv. 1187-98; and Analecta Bollandiana, iv
(1885), 337-343. Further sources are: Gregory of Tours,
Historia Francorum, ii. 27, 31, viii. 21, ix. 14, x. 19; idem.
In gloria confessorum, lxxix.; and Sidonius Apollinaris,
Epist., ix. 7. Consult further: F. Dahn, Urgeschichte
der germanischen und romanischen Vdlker, iii. 49-61, Ber-
lin, 1885; J. Dorigny, Vie de S. Remi, Chalons, 1714; P.
Armand, Hist, de St. Remi, Paris, 1846; H. Ruckert,
KuUurgeschichte, vol. i., chaps, xii.-xiv., Leipeic, 1853;
P. Heber, Die vorkarolingischen chrietlichen Olaubens-
helden am Rhein, Frankfort, 1858; C. von Noorden, H ink-
mar, pp. 393 sqq., Berlin, 1863; H. Schrdrs, Hinkmar, pp.
446-454, 508-512, Freiburg, 1884; E. d'Avenay, Saint
Remi de Reims, Reims, 1896; L. Carlier, Vie de Saint Remi,
Paris, 1896; A. Handecoeur, Saint Remi, evtque de Reims,
Paris, 1896; Hist. litMraire de la France, iii. 66 sqq., 155
sqq., Friedrich, KD, vol. ii., } 5; Hauck, KD, i. 119-120;
DCB, iv. 541-542.

REMONSTRANTS.

I. History to 1618.

The Remonstrance (I 1).
Doctrines (| 2).
Counter-remonstrance (| 3).
II. From 1618 to 1632.

III. From 1632 to 1795.

IV. The Period of Independent Existence.

Remonstrants is a name given to the adherents of
Jacobus Arminius (q.v.) after his death, from the
" Remonstrance " which they drew up in 1610 as
an exposition and justification of their views (see
below). Their history may be divided into four
periods, the first extending to the Synod of Dort,
1618; the second comprising the years of persecu-
tion until 1632; the third the time of toleration
during the existence of the Republic of the United
Netherlands until 1795; the fourth the period of
their existence as an independent church com-
munity.

L History to 1618: After the death of Arminius
(see i. 296 sqq. of this work) those who shared his
conviction drew together more closely. They re-
pudiated the name Arminians, but upheld the prin-
ciple that the free investigation of the
i. The Re- Bible should not be hampered by sub-
monstrance, scription to symbolical books. They
addressed themselves to the States of
Holland, urging the convocation of a synod for the
reconsideration and examination of the Netherland
confession and the Heidelberg Catechism. On the
invitation of Oldenbarneveldt, the Dutch liberal
statesman and a sympathizer with the Remon-
strants, forty-one preachers and the two leaders of
the Leyden state college for the education of preach-
ers met in The Hague on Jan. 14, 1610, to state in
written form their views concerning all disputed
doctrines. The document in the form of a remon-
strance was drawn up by Jan Uytenbogaert (q.v.)
and after a few changes was endorsed and signed by
all and in July presented to Oldenbarneveldt. It
treats of the value of formulated confessions of faith,
of the effect of the grace of God in opposition to

Remonstrant*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

482

their Calvinistic opponents, and of the power of
secular authorities in the affairs of the Church. The
Remonstrants did not reject confession and cate-
chism, but did not acknowledge them as permanent
and unchangeable canons of faith. They ascribed
authority only to the word of God in Holy Scrip-
ture and were averse to all formalism. They also
maintained that the secular authorities have the
right to interfere in theological disputes to preserve
peace and prevent schisms in 'the Church.

Their views concerning the operation of divine
grace they expressed in the following five articles

TW^ ("The Five Articles of Arminian-
2' 1Joctrme8- ism »), the positive part of the
Remonstrance:

Article I. — That God, by an eternal, unchangeable
purpose in Jesus Christ, his Son, before the foundation
of the world, hath determined, out of the fallen, sinful
race of men, to save in Christ, for Christ's sake, and through
Christ, those who, through the grace of the Holy Ghost,
shall believe on this his Son Jesus, and shall persevere in
this faith and obedience of faith, through this grace, even
to the end; and, on the other hand, to leave the incorri-
gible and unbelieving in sin and under wrath, and to con-
demn them as alienate from Christ, according to the word
of the Gospel in John iii. 36: " He that believeth on the
Son hath everlasting life; and he that believeth not the
Son shall not see life; but the wrath of God abideth on
him," and according to other passages of Scripture also.

Abt. II. — That, agreeably thereto, Jesus Christ, the
Savior of the world, died for all men and for every man, so
that he has obtained for them all, by his death on the cross,
redemption, and the forgiveness of sins; yet that no one
actually enjoys this forgiveness of sins, except the believer,
according to the word of the Gospel of John iii. 16: " God
so loved the world that he gave his only-begotten Son, that
whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have
everlasting life "; and in the First Epistle of John ii. 2:
" And he is the propitiation for our sins; and not for ours
only, but also for the sins of the whole world."

Abt. III. — That man has not saving grace of himself,
nor of the energy of his free-will, inasmuch as he, in the
state of apostasy and sin, can of and by himself neither
think, will, nor do anything that is truly good (such as
having faith eminently is); but that it is needful that he
be born again of God in Christ, through his Holy Spirit,
and renewed in understanding, inclination, or will, and all
his powers, in order that he may rightly understand, think,
will, and effect what is truly good, according to the word
of Christ, John xv. 5: " Without me ye can do nothing."

Art. IV. — That this grace of God is the beginning, con-
tinuance, and accomplishment of all good, even to this ex-
tent, that the regenerate man himself, without that prevenient
or assisting, awakening, following, and co-operative grace,
can neither think, will, nor do good, nor withstand any
temptations to evil; so that all good deeds or movements
that can be conceived must be ascribed to the grace of God
in Christ. But, as respects the mode of the operation of
this grace, it is not irresistible, inasmuch as it is written
concerning many that they have resisted the Holy Ghost,
— Acta vii., and elsewhere in many places.

Art. V. — That those who are incorporated into Christ by
a true faith, and have thereby become partakers of his life-
giving spirit, have thereby full power to strive against
Satan, sin, the world, and their own flesh, and to win the
victory, it being well understood that it is ever through the
assisting grace of the Holy Ghost; and that Jesus Christ
assists them through his Spirit in all temptations, extends
to them his hand; and if only they are ready for the con-
flict, and desire his help, and are not inactive, keeps them
from falling, so that they, by no craft or power of Satan,
can be misled, nor plucked out of Christ's hands, according
to the word of Christ, John x. 28: " Neither shall any man
pluck them out of my hand." But whether they are capa-
ble, through negligence, of forsaking again the first be-
ginnings or their life in Christ, of again returning to this
present evil world, of turning away from the holy doctrine
which was delivered them, of losing a good conscience, of

becoming devoid of grace, that must be more
determined out of the Holy Scriptures before we ourselves
can teacn it with the full persuasion of our minds.

• The Conf essionalists presented to the States of
Holland a Counter-remonstrance in which the view
of the Remonstrants was sharply condemned. The

States requested six deputies of both

3. Counter- parties to discuss the five articles be-

remon- fore them. There participated in this

■trance. Conference of The Hague (1610), Uy-

tenbogaert and Episcopius on the one
side and Festus Hommius and Ruardus Acronius,
two preachers, on the other; but the dissenting
parties agreed neither here nor at another conference
held two years later at Delft. As the dissensions
led to disturbances, the States in 1614 passed a
resolution of peace in which the discussion of dis-
puted points was forbidden in the pulpit. Owing
to the influence of Oldenbarneveldt and of the
States, the controversies assumed a political char-
acter. Zealous Calvinists separated from the con-
gregations of the Remonstrants and held special
church services. The majority in the States of Hol-
land persistently refused to convene a national synod
as advocated by the Counter-remonstrants, but
matters changed as soon as Prince Maurice publicly
avowed the cause of the latter. A national synod
was convoked (May 30, 1618) by the States-general
at Dort, where the five articles of the Remonstrants
were condemned (see Dort, Synod of).

H. From x6x8 till 1632: By the decrees of the
Synod of Dort, the church services of the Remon-
strants were prohibited. Episcopius, with the other
Remonstrants summoned before the synod, was de-
posed, as were more than 200 preachers. Those
who were not willing to renounce all further activity
as preachers, were banished. They united in 1619
at Antwerp, where the basis for a new church com-
munity was laid, under the name Remonstrant
Reformed Brotherhood. Uytenbogaert and Episco-
pius, who had found a refuge in Rouen, and Grevinc-
hoven, formerly a preacher of Rotterdam, now in
Holstein, assumed the leadership of the Brother-
hood while three exiled preachers secretly returned
to their country to care for the congregations left
there; for in spite of the unfavorable decree, there
was still left a considerable number who would not
hear the doctrine of absolute grace preached, and
there were not wanting deposed preachers who
dared to serve them. In 1621 Episcopius drew up
a Confessio sive dedaratio sententice pastorum qui
Remonstrantes vocantur, which found a large circu-
lation in its Dutch translation. Its value to-day is
only historical. Owing to the lack of preachers,
there originated in Warmond a movement in favor
of the lay sermon, the adherents of which settled
later at Rynsburg and founded the Society of Col-
legian ts (see Collegiantb). On the invitation of
Sweden and Denmark some preachers went to
Gluckstadt, Danzig, and other places, founding con-
gregations, which, however, were only of short dura-
tion, except that of Friedrichstadt, under the favor
and protection of Duke Frederick of Holstein. The
congregations in Holland which had separated from
the Reformed Church were harassed and persecuted.
The preachers were punished with lifelong imprison-

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Bemonatrui ta

meat at the castle of Loevestein. The conspiracy
of tho sons of Oldenbarne veldt against Prince
.Maurice (1623) gave new impulse to the persecu-
tion. It was only after the latter's death (1625}
that a bettor time dawned for the Remonstrants.
Prince Frederick Henry was of a milder spirit, so
that Episcopius and Uytenbogaert could return
from exile. All captives, seven in number, fled in
1631 from the castle of Loevestein, without any
serious attempt being made to rearrest them.
Churches were built, and the congregations received
their own preachers. Thus the Brotherhood was
established as Mir Remonstrant Reformed Church

Com

nity.

m. From 163a till 1795: The Remonstrants
were tolerated, but not officially recognized until
1705. They were not, allowed to build their churches
on the street and hud to support their preachers
by voluntiiry gifts. In the beginning there were
forty congregations, mostly in South Holland. In
North Holland there were only fourandas many in
Utrecht: others wen- in 1 lelderland, I K-erys'scl, and
Fncsland. The delegates of these congregations
met every year alternately iit Rotterdam ; 1 1 1 ■ ] Am-
sterdam. At one of the first, meetings there was
established a rliuri-li order. I'ytenliogui'rt wrote an
Ondencyringe in de chriatelycke retiyir in strict ac-
cordance with the confession A theological semi-
nary was founds at .Amsterdam, with Episcopius
at its head, who in lint delivered his first lectures;
I his instil ut ion educate*! runny distinguished preach-
ers. Gerard Brandt and his suns Caspar, Johannes,
an' ! (lerard the Younger belonged |o (he in 'si prcaeh-
crs of the country in the seventeenth century. As
the Remonstrants were not bound by any eonfes-
-iiii). schism frequently .-Kmcd Use!!' among I hern,
while tendencies toward Socinianism and Rational-
ism were not wanting.

IV. The Period of Independent Existence: When
Church and State were separated, after tho revolu-
tion of 1795, the Brotherhood of the Remonstrants
was recognized as an independent church commu-
nity, and they then made an attempt to unite all
Protestants. In Sept., 1706, the convention of the
Brotherhood sent a letter to the clergymen of all
Protestant churches ill which the plan was fully
discussed; but the Reformed Church refused
iijx'ration. The chief tenet of the Reiminsl rants
was to confess and preach the Gospel of Christ
freedom and loloranee. Their communities suffered
considerably during the French rule, hut after the
restitution of the curlier conditions their cause '
gan to Sourish. Many country congregation? died
out in the last century; but new congregations orig-
inated in cities like Arnheim. Groningcn, and Dort,
where the adherents of the modem tendency 111 the
N'clhr'iland Reformed Church joined the Brother-
hood under the pressure of ronfesaionalism. It
numbers at present twenty-seven congregations
with about 12.300 members, all of the congregations
being in a flourishing condition.

(H. C. ItoOGEf.)
Bibuoubafbt: Betid™ tho works In ,«imo« Ejicsrr'iiiii*.
Philippus van Limboreh, and Jan I'yteuhiijjfuTt. and ilic
literature under the article* on theni. consult: The life
o( CooUuai by H. C. Rogge, 2 vols.. Amsterdam. 1866-
1^,1, o! tkxnahtn by F. D, J. Mooitw*. Nijmegco- 1SS7-

and by C. Lonsotien, Jena. 1880; G. Brandt, Hielorie der
Refomatie, 4 parts, Amsterdam, 1671-1704, Eng. trus]..
Hilt, of the Reformation . . . in ... the Laic Counlriet.
t vols., London, 1730-23; A. a Cattenburgb. Bibtiothtca
tcriptemm Remomtrn'ttium. *!!■!■ Illaffl. 1728; J. E. I.
Walch. Rcliffi&naitrtitiykeiten ouster der Ivlheriachen
Kirche. iii. M0 aqq., 10 vols., Jena, 1733-39; J. Regen-
boq?, Historic der Retrurnetranten. 2 parts, Amsterdam,
1774-76: F. Odder. Menoirt of Simon Bpieeopiut. Lon-
don. 1838: A. dea Ansrir van der Hoeven, Hei twtede
EeuwfM con het Seminarium der ftnmmafrnnfcn, Lw.11-
warden. 1840; J. Tideman, De Remowtr. Broederecnap,
Haarlem, 1847; idem, De Remonetralie en het Remon-
etratieme, ib. 1851; idem. De calcchetitche Literatuur der
Remonetranten. Rotterdam, 1852: idem, De .Vlichting der
Remomtr. Broedererhap. ieiB-3*). 2 vols.. Amsterdam,
1871-72; A. Schweitser. Die proteetantiecnen Ccntrnl-
dogmen. H. 88 aqq.. Zurich. 1S56; G. Frank, SssnMdlM im
proteetnntiKhen Theoloair, i. 403 aqq., Leqnic, 1882; W.
Cunningham. Hiatal ft ■! TKeotiiaj. ii. -'.'I Jl-I. Ivlinlmrul,.
1884: Gedenkichrifi pan het tSO jario Saltan At Remonetr.
Broedereehap. Rotterdam. 180B: P. H. Ditehfield. TKt
Church in the Netherlandt. London, 1803: H. Y. Groene-

1, Slew;

q.; the I

. Wuen

REMPHAN, rem'fan: Tho name of a deity men-
tioned only in Acts vii. 43. The readings of the
name in the manuscripts are numerous, including
the forms Rompha, Romphan, Rempha, Rephan,
Uuiphan, and Riiphim. The passage is a free quo-
tation from Amos v. 26, in which the New-Testa-
ment (A. V.) "Reropban" (R. V., "Rephan";
Westcott and Hort, Rompha) displaces the Old-Tes-
tament " Chiun " (Babylonian K'lirwemu, " Sat-
urn "), here following the Septuagint manuscript p.
BAQ, which read Raiphan or Rephan. No deity
named Remphiin or Hephnii is known, nor is the
fiiim known to occur as a title or name for Saturn.
On the ground that the change from the form Chiun
to Remphan, etc., occurs in the Septuagint, which
was made in F-gypt, explanations have been at-
tempted, but have proved unsatisfactory, which
take into account supposed Egyptian names or com-
hiriations, e.g., a Coptic form meaning "king of
heaven " (it seems far to go to Beek a Coptic form,
and the Egyptian equivalent of this Coptic would
hear no resemblance to '" Remphan "), or an alleged
title of Seh I -Saturn) meaning "youngest of tho
gods " (which is far-fete lied, unusual, and unlikely).
The hest anil generally accepted explanation is that
the Sepluaginl form, which Acts borrows, is a mis-
take in the reading of the Hebrew for " Chiun," a
mistake easily cxplieahle when the form of the let-
ters is taken into account. Geo. W. Gilmore.

.s'hri.l.T. AMY', ,,. 4CJ. not(> 1. 410 note 6; idem, in

TSK. 1874, pp. 324 aqq.

REKAH, re-nun', JOSEPH ERHEST: French
orientalist; b. at Treguier (60 m. n.e. of Brest and
5ra. from English Channel J.Brittany, Feb. 27, 1823;
d. at Paris Oct. 2, 1892. Having lost bis father at
the age of five, his early training was received from
his mother and his lister Henrictte. eleven years
older than himself, in the pious atmosphere of his
Rreton home. In 1S38 he went to Paris and studied
four years in the petit sf minaire of St. Nicholas de
Cbardonnet, after which he studied philosophy at
the grand se'minaire of Issy (1842-44) and theology
at St. Sulpice (1844-45). Even at Iasy the skepti-
cism had been aroused which wts later to lead him

Ben&udot

THE NEW 8CHAFF-HERZOG

484

to break with the Church, for the arguments of
Locke, Leibnitz, Malebranche, Cousin, Jouffroy,
and others often seemed to Renan more cogent than
the arguments advanced against them. The proc-
ess of revolt was completed at St. Sulpice largely
through the study of oriental philology and the
books of German Protestant theology, which led
him to a mad enthusiasm for German thought, still
further enhanced by the influence of German Prot-
estantism. The crisis came as the time approached
for his ordination, and disregarding the grief of his
mother and the entreaty of his teacher, he left the
seminary on Oct. 6, 1845, firmly convinced that he
could remain true to Christ only by separating from
the Church. Declining to avail himself of the 1,200
francs saved by Henriette, who, filled with similar
doubts, had encouraged her brother in his step,
Renan, after a brief engagement at the Jesuit Col-
lege Stanislas, received free board and lodging in
return for teaching two hours daily in a small school.
This gave him ample time to prepare for the univer-
sity examination, and in May, 1848, he completed
a dissertation on the medieval study of Greek, be-
coming agregi de philosophic in September of the
same year. At the same time he studied Hebrew,
Arabic, Syriac, and Sanskrit, and worked in myth-
ology, in the history of religion, and in German the-
ology. By June, 1849, he had written his L'Avenir
de la science (Paris, 1890; Eng. transl., The Future
of Science, London, 1891), which was to give his
theories of the universe and the plans of his life-
work. At the advice of his friends, the book was
not then published; and realizing, in the revolution
of 1848, the impracticality of its visionary philo-
sophical and political ideals, Renan plunged into
history and philology. Gradually, however, he be-
came more and more attracted to Semitic philol-
ogy, so that in 1857 he was nominated for the pro-
fessorship of Hebrew at the College de France,
though his appointment was not confirmed by the
government until Jan. 11, 1862.

Meanwhile Renan had gone to Palestine with his
sister Henriette (d. at Byblus, now Jebeil, 20 m.
s.w. of Tripoli, in 1860), and there he wrote in the
hut of a Maronite on Mt. Lebanon his Vie de Jesus
(the first volume of his Origines du christianisme),
which made a sensation both within and without
religious circles throughout Europe. A flood of re-
plies from Roman Catholics and Protestants alike
£ave the book a distinction which it did not merit.
Yet as contrasted with D. F. Strauss' work of the
same title Renan's book marks an advance. The
unhistorical method of presenting the origin of
Christianity upon the scheme of the Hegelian phi-
losophy is given up. The myth theory of Jesus was
changed to a legend theory, and the personality of
Christ was sought from the geographical, social,
cultural, and religious conditions under which he
lived and worked. Amid the locally colored picture
of the land and the people of Galilee the figure of
Jesus is given a setting; not in accordance with the
laws of historic truth, but with the esthetic motives
and philosophical preconceptions of the author.
With the most unbridled license in the treatment
of his sources, of which the Fourth Gospel was the
most expedient for his esthetic object, he produced

a romance which would have been an admirable
tribute to his poetic power had his hero been a
character less ethical than Jesus. To him Jesus was
a gentle Galilean, the darling of women, and an ex-
quisite preacher of morality, dreaming of no other
than the paradise of fraternal fellowship of the chil-
dren of God upon earth; yet filled with ambition,
vanity, sensual love, and undisguised deceit. The
first sojourn of Jesus in Galilee was a delightful
idyll; for a year, perhaps, God was on earth; a
constant charm as of magic proceeded from Jesus.
But the Baptist transformed him into a religious
revolutionary, a sinister prophet, who assumed the
role of the Messiah, accommodating the desire for
the miraculous of his simple disciples, and perishing
in the battle with orthodox Judaism. The great
mistake of Jesus with Renan was to forget that the
ideal is fundamentally ever a Utopia and in conflict
with the material for realization loses its purity.
Then he who lives for the true, the beautiful, and
the good is nearer to God than the man of deeds.
The forgetting of this was the tragical in the life of
Jesus. The moment Jesus entered the battle with
evil and sought to reclaim souls for the kingdom of
God, Renan's understanding and sympathy ceased.
Was Jesus doubtless possessed of " captivating
beauty," Paul, on the other hand, was a Jew of
hideous appearance, barbarous in speech, and
clumsy in thought. He was the first Protestant,
the father of a horrible theology which taught pre-
destined damnation. On the day when Paul wrote
his first letter, the decadence of Christianity
began. The scientific value of the later volumes
of the Origines du christianisme was higher, since
the pen of Renan was less swayed by personal
sympathy or antipathy. The Vie de Jesus was
a decisive factor in its author's career. After
delivering his inaugural address at the College
de France on Feb. 21, 1862, he was suspended;
though the agitation did not rest until, on June
11, 1864, Napoleon authorized his recall. An
honorable position in the national library was
declined that he might devote himself to his
studies, but in 1871 he was restored to his profes-
sorship, and in 1879 became a member of the
Academy. From 1884 to his death he was admin-
istrator of the College de France.

The life of Renan was essentially twofold; he
was, on the one hand, the serious and accurate
scholar, on the other, a wit and a dillettante. For-
tunately he always valued his scientific activity
more highly than his philosophy, and laid far more
stress on such contributions as his History of the
People of Israel and his labors on the Corpus in-
scriptionum Semiticarum than on his loose and
sprightly philosophical writings, the pyrotechnic of
which enraptured all Europe. Nevertheless his less
worthy activity is that by which he has become
best known both to his contemporaries and to pos-
terity. More and more, as his early ideals proved
impracticable, Renan lost his intellectual bearings,
ending in an abysmal skepticism which clothed
itself in jest and frivolity. The universe was to him
a bad joke and a merry life was its best commentary:
such was the quintessence of his philosophy. like
Voltaire, Renan was willing to be " the god of

485

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Banaudot

fools/' and, unfortunately, did not feel himself
above the boldest blasphemy. For a skepticism of
this type moral standards could no longer exist, and
religion and ethics were resolved into mere esthetic
sensations. Religion as he represented it — an inerad-
icable longing of the human soul — was the esthetic
and sensationalistic impulse toward the infinite,
whether expressed in the renunciations of great
ascetics or in the mystical effusions of lovely Mag-
dalens. What is beautiful is good; what pleases is
beautiful. Yet with all this mad philosophy, Re-
nan's personal life was irreproachable.

Other works of Renan, which are of linguistic and his-
torical value, some of which have run through repeated
editions and been translated into many languages, are as
follows: Histoire generals et systems compart des langues
stmitiqucs (Paris, 1855); Etudes a" histoire religieuse (1857;
Eng. transl.. Studies in Religious History, London, 1863,
another 1893) ; De Vorigine du langoge (1858) ; he Livre de Job
traduit (1858; Eng. transl., London, 1889); Essais de morale
et de critique (1859); LeCantique des cantiques (1860; Eng.
transl., London, 1864) ; VAverroes et Vaverroisme (1860) ; His-
toire des origines du christianisme (8 vols., La vie de Jesus,
1863, Les Apdtres, 1866,5. Paul, 1869, V Antechrist, 1873, Les
tivongiles, 1877, L ftglise chrttienne, 1879, Marc-Aurele, 1882,
Index general, 1883; Eng. transl. of all except the last volume,
London, 1864-99, with numerous translations of his "Life
of Jesus " of other dates); Mission de Phenicie (1865-74);
Observations Spigraphiques (1867); NouveUes observations
iTipigraphie hebraique (1867); La Rt forme intellectuelle et
morale (1871); Dialogues et fragments philosophiques (1876;
Eng. transl., Philosophic Dialogues, 1883); Melanges d'his-
toire et de voyages (1878); Conferences d'Angleterre (1880;
Eng. transl.. Influences of the Institutions of Rome on Chris-
tianity, 1880); L'Ecclesiaste (1882); Souvenirs d'enfance et
de jeuncsse (1883; Eng. transl., Recollections of my Youth,
1883); NouveUes Hudes d'histoire religieuse (1884; Eng.
transl.. Studies in Religious History, 1886); Discours et con-
ferences (1887); Histoire du peuple d1 Israel (5 vols., 1887-
1893; Eng. transl.. History of the People of Israel, 1888-1891 ) ;
Lettres intimes dErnest Renan et d'Henriette Renan (1896;
Eng. transl., Brother and Sister. A Memoir [of Henriette,
by Ernestl and the Letters of Ernest and Henriette Renan,
1896) ; Etude sur la politique religieuse du regne de Philippe
le Bel (1899); Lettres du seminaire, 1838-46 (1901); and
Melanges religieux et historiques (1904).

(EUGEN LACHENMANN.)

Bibliography: The best list of books dealing with Renan
or his works is in H. P. Thieme, Guide bibliographique de
la litUrature francaise 1800-1008, pp. 338-345, Paris,
1907 (indispensable for a complete study) ; a fairly good
list of works is in Baldwin, Dictionary, iii. 1, pp. 438-439.
His life has been written by: E. Ledrain, Paris, 1892,
H. Desportes and F. Bournand, Paris, 1893; S. Pawlicki,
Vienna, 1894; F. Espinasse, New York, 1895; Mrs. A. M.

F. R. Darmesteter, New York, 1897; E. Platshoff, Leip-
sic, 1900; and W. Barry, New York, 1905. Consult
further: B. Bauer, Philo, Strauss und Renan und das
Urchristenthum, Berlin, 1874; P. Bourget, Ernest Renan,
Paris, 1883; idem, Essai de psychologie contemporaine,
. . . M. Renan, ib. 1885; F. Tarroux, Jisus-Dieu et M.
Renan philosophe, Paris, 1887; M. Millioud, La Religion
de M. Renan, Paris, 1891; Sir M. E. Q. Duff, Ernest
Renan: in Memoriam, New York, 1893; G. Monod, Les
Mattres de Vhistoire, Renan, Taine, Michelet, Paris, 1894
(crowned by the French Academy); G. Seailles, Ernest
Renan. Essai de biographic psychologique, Paris, 1894;
R. Allier, La Philosophic <f Ernest Renan, Paris, 1895;

G. Paris, Penseurs et poetes, Paris, 1896; J. Simon, Quatre
portraits: Lamartine, Lavigerie, E. Renan, GuiUaume II.,
Paris, 1896; E. Renan and M. Berthelot, Correspondance,
1847-189*, ib. 1898; C. Denis, La Critique trriligieuse de
Renan, ib. 1898; H. G. A. Brauer, The Philosophy of
Ernest Renan, University of Wisconsin, 1904; G. Sorel,
Le Systems historique de Renan, Paris, 1906; Vigouroux,
Dietionnaire, fase. xaoriv. 1041-43.

RENATA OF FERRARA. See Kiwis of
Francs.

RENATO, re-na'to, CAMILLO: Italian antitrin-
itarian and Anabaptist; b. in Sicily early in the
sixteenth century; d. after 1570. As a fugitive he
came in 1542 to the Valtellina, where he was em-
ployed as a private tutor in various families. At
Chiavenna, in 1545, he became involved in violent
dogmatic controversies with the Zwinglian preacher,
Agostino Mainardo, since, recognizing baptism as
efficacious only in so far as it is an act of profession
of faith, he declared it to be inadmissible in the case
of children. He also maintained other doctrines
attributed to the Anabaptists, such as that the soul
dies with the body, and that at the last day the re-
generate alone share in the resurrection, their bodies
being completely spiritualized, while regeneration
itself arises reflexively and immediately from the
kindling of the divine spirit in man. He won a
number of adherents, but in 1547 the Council of
Chur interfered and summoned both Mainardo and
Renato to appear for hearing. The latter ignored
the summons, although in the following year he sub-
scribed an act of agreement. Since, however, he
continued his sectarian teachings, he was excom-
municated by a synod in 1550. A new doctrinal
regulation was then expected to put an end to all
Anabaptist activity, but despite the system adopted
by the Swiss Federation in 1553, some traces of
Renato's influence long persisted, especially in view
of his close friendship with Laelius Socinus after
1547, and particularly after 1552. The execution
of Servetus led Renato to inveigh against Calvin in
a Latin poem (ed. Trechsel, ATititrinitarier, i. 492).
Since such pupils of Renato as Fiori in Soglio and
Turriano in Plurs continued religious agitations and
attracted Italian refugees who had been received
into the churches, the doctrinal regulations of 1553
wereTeenforced in 1561, all who refused to subscribe
being excommunicated. Mainardo died in 1563;
Renato, who became blind, was still living at Cas-
pano in the early part of the eighth decade of the
sixteenth century. K. Benkath.

Bibliography: P. D. R. de Porta, Historia Reformations
ecclesia Rhatica, vol. i., Leipsic, 1771; F. Trechsel, Die
protcstantischen Antitrinitarier vor Faustus Socin, vol. i.,
Heidelberg, 1839; Bullingers Korrespondenz mil den
GraubUndnern, vol. i., ed. Schiess in Quellen sur Schweit-
zer Geschichte, vol. xxiii., Basel, 1904.

RENAUDOT, re-nau'dS, EUSEBE: French Ro-
man Catholic; b. at Paris July 20, 1646; d. there
Sept. 1, 1720. He was educated by the Jesuits, and
for a month was an Oratorian, after which he be-
came a secular priest. In 1700 he accompanied
Cardinal Noailles to the conclave at Rome, and on
his return began a series of works on the history of
the East and the harmony of the Greek and Ro-
man churches as regards the Eucharist. These com-
prise: Defense de la perpituiU de la foi catholiquc
(Paris, 1708); La PerpttuiU de la foi de Vtglise
caiholique Umehant V eucharistie (1711); De la per-
pituiU de la foi de Viglise sur les sacrements et autres
points que les reformateurs ont pris pour pritexte de
lew sckisme (2 vols., 1713); Gennadii patriarchs
ConstanHnopolitani homilias de eucharistia, MeLetii
Alexandrini, Nectarii HierosolymUani, Miletii Syrigi
et aliorum (1709); Historia patriarcharum Alexan-
drinorum Jacobitarum a Sancto Marco usque ad

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOC

finem saxtdi tertii decimi <1713) ; and Lilurqiarum
orientalium coUectio (2 vols., 1716-16; Eng. tranal.,
A Collection of the Principal Liturgies, P. Le Brun,
Dublin, 1822). Mention should also be made of his
Aneiermes relations dcs Indes el de la Chine de deux
voyageurs mahomltans (Paris, 1718; Eng. tranal.,
Ancient Accounts nf India and Chitm. London, IT:;;:.)
<C. Ptexoeh.)

Dibuiiiiiufhi: Nioeron, Memoirtt, jtii. 25sqq., na.-. Bore.
Hitl. de I'acuitimie ilea inscriptiona. vol. v.. J-n<r<uil Jfll
■wnli, 1889, Paris. 17U9; KL, x. WS4-5,r>: Uchtwi-
tjerger. ESR, li. 210-211.

RENDALL, GERALD HEHRY: Church of Eng-
land; b. at Harrow (10 m. n.w. of London] Jan. 25,
1851. He was educated at Trinitv College, Cam-
bridge (B.A., 187-1; fellow, 1S75; M.A., 1877; B.D.,
19G0), where he was fellow and assistant tutor until
18S0; waa made deacon, 1898, and priest. 1890;
was lecturer and assistant tutor at Trinity I 'ollcgc.
Cambridge (1875-80); waa principal and Glad-
stone professor of Greek »t University College,
Liverpool (1S81-9S); vice-chancellor of Victoria
T 'diversity (1890-B-t); a member of the Gresham
["nivcrsity Committee (1802 it:i); and Lady Mar-
garet preacher at Cambridge, 1901. Since 1898 lie
has been head master of the Charterhouse School.
In theology he is a liberal Anglican. Hi.' prepared
tin edition, transition, and commentary of tin1 F. pis-
tie- of Barnabas for W. Cunning ham's DiaMrtation
on the L/iixllf of Saint Iitiriiirfuis (2 parts. London,
1877) and the life of Pliny for J. E. li. Mayor's
edition of the third book of the Rpisloltv (1880).
liesiiles translating (lie " Meditations " of Marcus
Aureiiua(lS98); and has written The Emperor Ju-
lian, Paganism, and Chrixtiunilii (Cambridge, 1879.1;
The Cradle of -the Aryans (London, 1889); and The
Jij.ri.:ll-'n nf St. Paul to the Corinthian*: a Study per-
gonal and historical of the Date and OpMJwrfKtM "(
the Epistles (1909).

REHDTORFF, FRAHZ: German Protestant; b.
atGutergotz (a village near Potsdam) Aug. 1, ISfiO.
He waa educated at the universities of Kiel, Er-
latigeu, and Lcipsic from 187!) to 1883. He waa
Domkandidat at Berlin in 1S83-84; pastor at Wes-
terland-Sylt (1884-88); preacher at the theological
seminary at Eisenach 1 1888--1H), monastery preacher
at Preetz (1891-901, and director of studies at the
preachers' seminary in the same city (1890-1902);
privat-docent for practical theology in the Univer-
sity of Kiel (1902-08); professor of the same (1908-
1910); removed to Lcipsic in the same capacity
in 1910, He has written Die xc/itcxwly-iiiilatriii-
isi:ln:ii Krhuhtrdiiuniii-ii rom nn-hxlm/fii bis mm An-
fang des achtzehnten J ' ahrhundcrts (Kiel, 1902) and
Die Tmtfe im Urchristtntiim im Lichte der neueren
Forschungen (Leipsic, 1905).

RENEE, re-ne', OF FRANCE (RENATA OF FER-
RARA): French Protestant, daughter of King
Louis XII. of France and wife of Ercole II., duke
of Ferrara; b. at Blois (100 m. s.w. of Paris) Oct.
25, 1510; d. at Montargii (38 m. e. of Orleans) June
12, 1575. Having been early orphaned, she was
brought up by the devout Madame de Soubise. She
waa married in Apr,. 1528, and received from Francis
I. an ample dowry and annuity. Thus the court that

she assembled about her in Ferrara corresponded to

the tradition which the cultivation of science and
art implicitly required, including scholars like Ber-
nardo Tasso and Fulvio Pellegrini. Her first child,
Anna, born in 1531, was followed by Alfonso, in
1533; Lucrezia, 1535; after these, Eleonora and
Luigi; whose education she carefully directed. In
1534 the oKi duke died, and Ercole succeeded to the
throne. Hardly had he rendered his oath of alle-
giance to the pope when he turned against the
French at his own court. Both their number and
influence displeased him; and, besides, he found
them too expensive; so he by direct or indirect
means secured their dismissal, including the poet
Clement Marot. And while the Curia was urging
the duke to put away the French that were sus-
pected of heresy, there came to Ferrara no less a
heretic than John Calvin, whose journey to Italy
must have fallen in Mar. and Apr., 1536. Calvin
passed several weeks at the court of Rcnee, though
the persecution had already begun, and about the
Htne rime a chorister by the name of Jehannet,
also one ComilJan, of the attendants of the duchess,
together with a cleric of Tournay, Bouchefort, were
taken prisoners and tried. In a "man of small
stature," whom the Inquisition likewise seized as
under suspicion, although he made his escape, is to
be recognized not Calvin, but I 'l-'ment. Marot.

McCrie, Bonnet, and others have asserted that
Renec's attitude toward the Reformation in Italy
was favorable. Fontanu, reinforced by much new
material, has strongly coruliatled this view, although
lie must admit that the visit nf Calvin s|>-aks against
his contention. Cornelius also combats the infer-
ence drawn from Calvin's visit. But both Fontana
and Cornelius were unacquainted with the decisive
documents brought to light by Paolo Zendrini in
1900. The.se show that Banes was not only in cor-
n-pon:lence with a very large number of Protes-
tants abroad, with intellectual sympathisers like
Vergerio, Camillo lienato, Giulio di Milano, and
Francisco Dryander. but also that on two or three
occasions, about 1550 or later, she partook of the
Lord's Supper in the Evangelical manner together
with her daughters and fellow believers. Mean while,
notwithstanding iis external splendor, her life had
grown sad. The hist of her French guests, the daugh-
ter and son-in-law of Madamede Soul rise of Pons,
had been obliged, in 1543, by the constraint, imposed
by the duke, to leave the court. The drift of the
Counter- Reformat ion, which bad been operative in
Home since 1542, led to the introduction of a special
court of the Inquisition at Ferrara, in 1545, through
which, in 1551 ) and 1551, death sentences were de-
creed against Evangelical sympathizers (Fannio of
Taenia and Giorgio of Sicily), and executed by the
secular arm. Finally Duke Ercole lodged accusa-
tion against licrx'-e before King Henry 11. of France,
and through the Inquisitor Oriz, whom the king
charged with this errand, Kenee was arrested as a
heretic, and declared forfeit of all possessions un-
less she recanted. She thereupon yielded, made con-
fession on Sept. 23, 1554, and once again received
communion at mass. " How seldom is there an ex-
ample of steadfastness among aristocrats," wrote
Calvin to Farel under date of Feb. 2, 1555.

487

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Randall
Benewal

Rente's longing to return home was not satisfied
until a year following the death of her husband on
Oct. 3, 1559. In France she found her eldest daugh-
ter's husband, Francois de Guise, at the head of the
Roman Catholic party. His power, indeed, was
broken by the death of Francis II., in Dec., 1560,
so that Renee became enabled not only to provide
Evangelical worship at her estate, Morntargis, en-
gaging a capable preacher by application to Calvin,
but also generally to minister as benefactress of the
surrounding Evangelicals. In fact, she made her
castle a refuge for them, when her son-in-law once
again lighted the torch of war. This time her con-
duct won Calvin's praise (May 10, 156*3), and she
is one of the frequently recurring figures in his corre-
spondence of that period; he repeatedly shows rec-
ognition of her intervention in behalf of the Evan-
gelical cause; and one of his last writings in the
French tongue, despatched from his deathbed (Apr.
4, 1564), is addressed to her. While Renee con-
tinued unmolested in the second religious war (1567),
in the third (1568-70) her castle was no longer re-
spected as an asylum for her fellow believers. On
the other hand, she succeeded in rescuing a number
of them from the massacre of St. Bartholomew's
night, when she happened to be in Paris. They left
her personally undisturbed at that time; though
Catherine de'Medici still sought to move her to re-
tract. But she died in the Evangelical faith. In
consonance with Rente's last fifteen years, her will
(given by Bonet-Maury in the Revue hi&torique, 1894)
bears witness of her Evangelical goodness.

K. Benrath.

Bibliography: J. Bonnet long collected materials for a
biography which he put into form in Bulletin de la eoci-
Hi de Vhiat. du protectant francaie, 1866, 1869, 1877-81;
very rich sources are tapped in B. Fontana, Renata di
Francia, 3 vols., Rome, 1889-99, and in the same author's
DocumenH Vaticani, ib. 1892 (in Archivio della Soc.
Romano, di Storia patria); the material accumulated by
Bonnet (ut sup.) was worked over by E. Rodocanacchi,
Une protectrice de la reformie en Italie et en France, Paris,
1896; G. Bonet-Maury, Beeprechung von Fontana, in
Revue hietorique, 1894. Biographies were written also
by J. P. Q. Catteau-Oolleville, Berlin, 1781; £. J. H.
Munch, Aachen, 1831; I. M. B., London, 1859; anony-
mous, Gotha, 1869; F. BlOmmer, Frankfort, 1870; 8. W.
Weitsel, New York, 1883; and literature under Mobata,
Olimpia. Consult also: A. F. Girardot, Procee de Renie
de France . . . contre Charles IX., Nancy, 1858 (?); L.
Jarry, Mai, 1669. Renie de France a MontargU. Episode
dee Querree reliaeuaee, Orleans, 1868. There are letters to
her from Calvin, dated Oct., 1541, Aug. 6, 1554, May 10,
1563, in the Eng. transl. of Bonnet's ed. of Calvin, i. 295-
306, iii. 50-52, iv. 313-316; and a letter from her to Bullin-
ger, dated Oct. 24, 1542, in A. L. Herminjard, Correspond-
ance dee riformatewre, viii. 161-163, Paris, 1893.

RENEWAL: The terms " renew," " renewing "
occur in the English New Testament only in the epis-
tles (Paul and Hebrews) where they give expression
to a wide conception which embraces the entire sub-
jective side of salvation. This they represent as a
work of God issuing in a wholly new creation (II Cor.
v. 17; Gal. vi. 15; Eph. ii. 10). The absence of
these terms from the Gospels does not argue the
absence of the thing expressed by them. In point
of fact it is taught throughout Scripture that man
has by his sin not merely incurred the Divine con-
demnation but also corrupted his own heart, and
needs therefore for his recovery not merely, object-

ively, pardon, but, subjectively, purification; neither
of which can he have except by a work of God. In
the Old Testament the sin of our first parents is
represented as no more inculpating than corrupting,
and all that are born of woman are declared to be
corrupt from the womb (Job xv. 14-16; Ps. Ii. 5).
It is God alone who can " turn " a man " a new
heart " (I Sam. x. 9; Ps. Ii. 10) and the saints rest
on the divine promise that he will do so (Deut.
xxx. 6; Jer. xxxi. 33; Ezek. xxxvi. 26). Jesus
began his ministry as the dispenser of the Spirit,
and his distinction lay precisely in the fact that his
baptism with the Spirit works the inner purifica-
tion which the baptism of John only symbolized.
Accordingly he teaches expressly that the kingdom
of God is not for the children of the flesh but the
children of the Spirit (John iii. 3), and everywhere
he presupposes that the corrupt tree of human na-
ture must be first cleansed before good fruit can be
expected of it (Matt. vii. 17). The broad treatment
of such a theme characteristic of the Gospels gives
way measurably in the epistles, where discrimina-
tions of aspects and stages begin to show themselves.
The stress continues to be laid, however, on the
main points, that man is dead in sin and is vitalized
to righteousness only by a creative work of the Holy
Spirit in his heart.

The church has retained, on the whole, with con-
siderable constancy the essential elements of this
Biblical teaching. In all types of historical Chris-
tianity the teaching is persistent that salvation con-
sists in its substance of a radical subjective change
wrought by the Holy Spirit. By virtue of this
change, the tendencies to evil native to man as
fallen are progressively eradicated and holy dispo-
sitions are implanted, nourished, and perfected.
The most direct contradiction which this teaching
has received in the history of Christian thought was
that given it by Pelagius at the opening of the fifth
century. Asserting the inalienable ability of the
will to do all righteousness, Pelagius necessarily de-
nied that man had been subjectively injured by sin
or needed subjective divine operations for his per-
fecting. The vigorous reassertion by Augustine of
the necessity of subjective grace for the doing of
good put pure Pelagianism once for all outside the
pale of recognized Christian teaching. In more or
less modified forms, however, it has persisted as a
wide-spread tendency conditioning the purity of the
supernaturalism of salvation which is confessed.

The strong emphasis laid by the Reformers on
the fundamental doctrine of justification threw the
objective side of salvation into such prominence
that its subjective side, which was not in dispute
between them and their most immediate oppo-
nents, seemed to pass temporarily out of sight Oc-
casion was taken, if not given, to represent it as
neglected if not denied. In the first generation of
the Reformation movement, men of mystical tend-
ency like Osiander reproached the Protestant teach-
ing as if it recognized only an external salvation.
The reproach was eminently unjust. With all the
emphasis which Protestant theology lays on justifi-
cation by faith as the central fact of salvation, it has
never failed to lay equal stress on regeneration as
its root and sanctification as its crown. I^east of all

HopentanoB

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

can the Reformed theology with its insistence upon
"total depravity" and "irresistible grace" be
justly accused of failure to give its righta to the
great fact of supernatural " renewal." In ita view
justifying faith is itself the gift of God, operating
subjectively upon (he soul, and as justification thus
issues out of a subjective ofioct wrought in the bou!
by God, bo it issues into a subjective effect, the
saiictifiration of the soul through the indwelling
Spirit.

The debate at this point of the Protestant system
■with that of Rome does not concern the ncce.ssi(y
or tin' reality of the cleansing of (ho soul from sinful
tendencies and dispositions, but the relation of this
cleansing operation to the reception of the -inner
into the divine favor. Protestant theology insists
that God does not wait until we deserve his favor
before lie is gracious to us; it feels that if that were
so, our doom were sealed. In its view God first re-
ceives us into his favor and then makes Us worthy of
it. Tliis is commonly given expression in the form-
ula that justification underlies sand ideation, and
sanctilicalion is a consequence of a precedent justi-
fication. But Protestant theology has never imag-
ined (hat the sinner could get along with justifica-
tion alone. It has rejoiced in the provision of the
Gospel for relieving the soul of its intolerable weight.
of guilt and condemnation. But it has rejoined
equally in the provision made for relieving the soul
of its it) lull Table burden of corruption and pollu-
tion. If it has refused to think of salvation as
.grounded in our holiness, it has equally refused to
think ijl il i ■ issuing in anything el*; lull holiness.
However fur off the perfecting of this holiness may
seem to be removed, it has never been willing to
discover the substance of salvation in anything other
than a perfected holiness.

Benjamin B. Wahfieij).

REHODF, PETER LE PAGE: Roman Catholic
BgyptologUtj b. on the isle of Guernsey Aug. 23,
18-22; d. at London Oct. 15, 1897. He was edu-
cated at Pembroke College, Oxford; entered the
Church of Rome. 1842; became professor of ancient
hislory and Eastern languages on the o|iening of the
Roman Catholic Cniversiiy (>f Ireland, ISa.i; royal
inspector of schools. ISlio; and was keeper of orien-
tal antiquities in the British Museum, 1886-92. In
l)jS7 he became president of the Society of Biblical
Archeology. He was the author of The Conifomtia-
tian of Piijie Honoring (London, 1868); The Case of
llfiHiiriim R, ciei <itl'Tt<! irilli Reft react to Recent Apot-
e-y/c.t ilSiiil); An Elementary Grammar of the An-
rirnl Kgyptmn Language- (1*75; 2d ed.. 1K90); and
Ledums on the Origin and Growth of Religion tps
I II a .itriilid lii/ lh' Relit/ion of A nfienl Kijii/'t ' Hibborl
Lectures for 1879; 1880).

1st -.■-;,.». ..f Tht- Ut.-W.irk .>j F.l.T I.. I'ao- /{■■».'«;. ,-.l!
C. Ma.ir.rro, W. H. KvlamK „rul L. N:,vi]l.:. I'-iri-., I'."!.'-
1B07.

RENUNCIATION OF THE DEVIL IN THE
BAPTISMAL RITE: A ceremony which, accord-
ing to ancient usage, in many rituals precedes the
application of water in baptism. In the Book of
Common Prayer of the Anglican communion, the
offices for the public and private baptism of infanta

and of those of riper years contain the question:
" Dost thou . . . renounce the devil and all his
works, the vain pomp and glory of the world . . . !"
The question is addressed to the sponsors in (Ik
offices for infant baptism and to the candidates ia
the office for those of riper years. Similarly in the
Anglican Catechisms of 1549 and 1662 in reply to
i he third question : " What did your godfathers and
godmothers then (i.e., in baptism) for you T " the
answer is: " They did promise and vow - . . that
I should renounce the devil and all his works, the
pomps and vanity of this wicked world, and all the
sinful lusts of the flesh," and this ia retained in the
eatecoism in current use. This renunciation has a
long ancestry and a wide application, a very few
rather notable exceptions alone prohibiting asser-
tion of the universality of its use in the Christian
Church in all its branches since the second century.
Indeed, attempts were made very early to trace in
the New Testament evidences of the use of this re-
nin iciai inn tip tie- \pii-iolic I I lurch. These attempt*
were based partly upon I Tim. vi. 12: " thou bast
professed a good profession before many witnesses."
Examples of this are given in the commentary on
the passage in the works of Jerome and Ambrose,
attributed to Hilary the Deacon and Pelagius, the
uonlrf being explained: "Thou hast confessed a
good confession in baptism, by renouncing the world
and its pomps, before many witnesses " (" world
and its pomps " being regarded as equivalent to
" the devil and his pomps " found in many of the
formulas; see below). A second alleged testimony
to the Apostolic use of this formula is found ia
I Pet. iii. 21: "The answer of a good conscience
toward God," which is interpreted as recalling the
question and answer in the prebaptismal service.
Tertullian derives the practise " if not from Scrip-
ture " yet from custom supported by enduring tra-
dition {De corona, iii., given in ANF, iii. 94), and
Basil derives it directly from the a])o.-tles (" On the
IIolv Spirit," xxvii.; Eng. trans!, in NPNP, 2 ser.,
vi ii . 42. and by G. Lewis, in Christian Classics Series,
vol. iv., London, 1888). While this assertion of
Apostolic origin can not be sustained by cogent

proof, the evidence is clear that in the second cen-
tury formal renunciation of the devil was custom-
ary immediately preceding baptism.

The first explicit testimony to the use of a definite
formula comes from Tertullian (De corona, EL),
where he says: " When we are going to enter the
water, hot a little before, in the presence of the con-
gregation and under the hand of the president, we
solemnly profess that WE disown the devil, and his
pomp, and his angels"; and in De spectaculis, iv
(A.XF , iii. 81), he employs almost the same words,
and proceeds to explain them with reference to the
temptations current at the time. In third-century
ii-sage, as shown by the Canons of Hippolytus (canon
xix.), the catechumen turned to the West (symbol-
ically the region of darkness) and repeated: " I re-
nounce thee, .Satan, with all thy pomp." Cyril of
Jerusalem (" Catechetical Lecture," xix. 2-9; Eng,
transl, in NPNF, 2 ser., vii. 144-146) lengthens the
formula to: " I renounce thee, Satan, and all thy
works, and all thy pomp, and all thy service," the
candidate facing the West and stretching out his

469

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Xtcnowal
Bapentanoe

arm. Cyril adds a running commentary, in which
the significance of the act in its several parts is
given with reference to the life of the times.

The establishment of the formula is proved by its
entrance into the church orders of the fourth cen-
tury, sometimes varied slightly, as in the form: " I
renounce thee, Satan, and all thy service and all
thy (unclean) works." The " Testament of the
Lord " (ii. 8) makes the candidate turn to the West
and recite: " I renounce thee, Satan, and all thy
(military) service (literally, " wills "), and thy
shows (literally, " theaters "), and thy pleasures,
and all thy works " (Testament of our Lord, ed. J.
Cooper and A. J. Maclean, p. 126, cf. 213, Edin-
burgh, 1902). The Apostolic Constitutions (vii. 41)
has a longer formula: " I renounce Satan, and his
works, and his pomps, and his worships, and his
angels, and his inventions, and all things that are
under him " (ANF, vii. 476). While it is abund-
antly evident that the foregoing is primarily the ut-
terance of adults in their own persons, it is also
clear that sponsors took upon them these vows in
behalf of children (Tertullian, De baptismate, xviii.,
ANF, iii. 678 — Tertullian is arguing in this place
against the admission of children to baptism;
" Canons of Hippolytus," " Testament of our Lord,"
ii. 8). The form in use at Rome at least as early as
the eighth century consisted of a triple question
and answer: " Dost thou renounce Satan? I re-
nounce (him). And all his works? I renounce
(them). And all his pomps? I renounce (them)."
In the original English form there were also three
questions and answers: " Dost thou forsake the
devil and all his works? I forsake them all. Dost
thou forsake the vain pomp . . . desires of the
same? I forsake them all. Dost thou forsake the
carnal desires . . . nor be led by them? I forsake
them." (J. H. Blunt, Annotated Book of Common
Prayer, p. 413, New York, 1908).

This usage is confirmed by the Mis&ale Gallicanum
and the missal of Sarum, and the formula occurs in
the office of the Orthodox Eastern Church for ma-
king a catechumen. The Armenian form is: " We
renounce thee, Satan, and all thy deceitfulness, and
thy wiles, and thy service, and thy paths, and thy
angels." Practical uniformity is preserved also in
the Jacobite, Coptic, and Ethiopic rites (cf. Den-
zinger's work, in bibliography).

Bingham (Origines, XL, vii. 4-5) calls special
attention to these facts: (1) the baptisteries con-
tained two rooms, and it was in the anteroom that
the renunciation was made; (2) the direction in
which the catechumen faced was (invariably) the
West; (3) the renunciation was emphasized by
gesture and act — by extension of the hands (prob-
ably with a triple gesture of repulsion), by striking
of the hands together (thrice), even by (triple) ex-
Bufflation or spitting (Gregory Nazianzen, OraHo,
xl., De baptismate; Dionysius, De hierarchia eccle-
siastica, ii. 3). Geo. W. Gilmore.

From the medieval baptismal rite renunciation
came into Luther's TaufbHchleint and thence into
the Lutheran ritual of baptism. The validity of
baptism, however, was not made dependent on the
renunciation; it is missing in some sixteenth-cen-
tury forms, as the Wurttemberg Kirchenordnung of

1536. It was wanting in Zwingli's form for bap-
tism, from which all additions, not founded on the
Scriptures, are omitted, and in the Geneva ordi-
nances, but is retained in the English baptismal
liturgy. Since the rise of rationalism an effort has
been made among Lutherans to abolish the renun-
ciation because of the denial of the devil's existence,
the offense which the cultured took at the practise,
and the fear of promoting superstition. Further-
more, it has been regarded as a species of Exorcism
(q.v.). Toward the end of the eighteenth century
clergymen began to relax in their strict observance
of church ordinances, and the renunciation disap-
peared in many congregations of Germany, but was
more generally retained in the country. Many of the
modern liturgies either omit it altogether or retain
it in modified form. W. Caspari.

Bibliography: Cyril of Jerusalem, " Catechetical Lectures
to the Newly Baptized," first lecture, Eng. transl. in
NPNF, 2 ser., vii. 144-146; Apostolic Constitutions,
vii. 41, Eng. transl. in ANF, vii. 476; S. Basil, De Spiritu
Sancto, xx vii., Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser., viii. 42;
Bingham, Origines, XI., vii. 1-5; J. Vicecomes, Observa-
tiones ecclesiastica in quo de antiquis baptismi ritibus . . .
agitur, II., xx., Paris, 1618; W. Cave, Primitive Christian'
ity, I., x., London, 1672, Oxford, 1840; J. S. Assemani,
Codex liturgicus ecclesia universal, i. 174, ii. 211, Rome,
1749-66; W. Maskell, Monumenta ritualia ecclesia. Ang-
licana, i. 22-23, 3 vols., London, 1846-47; J. M. Neale,
Hist, of the Eastern Church, ii. 945, 5 vols., ib. 1850-73;
R. F. Littledale, Offices from the Service Books of the East-
ern Church, p. 134, ib. 1863; H. J. D. Densinger, Ritus
Orientalium, i. 19S, 223, 234. 273, 279, 304, 321, 340, 354,
385, 2 vols., Wurzburg, 1863-64; F. E. Warren, Liturgy
and Ritual of the Ante-Nicene Church, London, 1897; L.
Duchesne, Christian Worship, pp. 304-334, ib. 1904; Rit-
uale Armenorum, ed. F. C. Conybeare, Oxford, 1905; J.
H. Blunt, The Annotated Book of Common Prayer, pp. 412-
413, New York, 1908.

RENZ, rents, FRANZ: Roman Catholic; b. at
Altenstadt (38 m. s.w. of Augsburg) Oct. 3, 1860.
He received his education at the gymnasium and
high school at Dillingen and at the University of
Munich; was ordained priest in 1884 and served as
city chaplain at Nordlingen, 1884-85; was prefect
at the boys' seminary at Dillingen, 188&-91; sub-
regent at the theological seminary at Dillingen,
1891-97; director of the boys' seminary there,
1899-1901 ; regent of the theological seminary at the
same place, 1901-03; went to Monster as professor
of dogmatic theology, 1903; and to Breslau in the
same capacity, 1907. He is the author of Opfer-
charakter der Eucharistie nach der Lehre der V&ter
und KirckensckriftsteUer der ersten drei Jahrhunderte
(Paderborn, 1892); and Die Geschichte des Mess-
opfer-Begriffs, oder die alte Glaube und die neuen
Theorien aber das Wesen des unblutigen Opfers
(2 vols., Freising, 1901-02).

REORGANIZED CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST
OF LATTER DAY SAINTS. See Mormons, III.

REPENTANCE: Ethically repentance is the
feeling of pain experienced by man when he be-
comes conscious that he has done wrongly or
improperly in thought, word, or deed. It always
presupposes knowledge of fault, and is usually
combined with judgment. It is a natural and in-
voluntary feeling of pain, and is not the result of
education, habit, or reflection, nor is it essentially
a religious or moral duty. It is manifested in many

B6Mh

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

490

ways, but must not be confused with the perma-
nent state of mind termed penitence. In dogmatic
phraseology repentance is " godly sorrow " (II Cor.
vii. 10) and the pain caused by having wronged God
through sin (Ps. li. 4). This contrition is carefully
distinguished from attrition, which fears only the
punishment and the evil consequences of sin. Re-
pentance, moreover, even though necessarily re-
newed daily by the Christian, is only a process
through which sorrow must be put away by an act
of will wherein the Christian casts sin from him and
surrenders himself to the grace of God. Where- this
act of will is not performed, repentance is fruitless,
and therefore painful. There is no ground for as-
serting, on the other hand, that a certain amount of
penitential pain is necessary to obtain forgiveness,
and still less can stress be laid on outward signs of
repentance.

The term repentance is also applied to the dis-
pleasure felt when good intentions turn out to be
ineffectual, and when toil and trouble are taken in
vain. Here one can scarcely fail to feel that in some
way he has discerned his ill success, but where one
really believes himself to be in the right, he should
repent of no exertions undertaken in a good cause,
nor should he be discouraged or disheartened from
the pursuit of right aims. In the latter sense the
Bible occasionally speaks of the repentance of God,
as in the creation of man (Gen. vi. 6) and in ma-
king Saul king of Israel (I Sam. xv. 11, 35), as well
as in cases where he refrained from inflicting pun-
ishment as he had intended (Ex. xxxii. 14; Ps. cvi.
45; Jer. xviii. 8, 10, xxvi. 3, 19, xlii. 10; Joel ii.
13-14; Amos vii. 3, 6; Jonah iii. 9-10). On the
other hand, such passages as Num. xxiii. 19; I Sam.
xv. 29; Ps. ex. 4; Jer. iv. 28; Ezek. xxiv. 14; and
Rom. xi. 29 show in what sense repentance is ex-
cluded from the nature of God. See Penance.

(Karl Burger-)*.)
Bibliography: The subject is, naturally, a frequent sub-
ject of pulpit discourse, and classic examples are: G.
Whitefield, Works, vi. 3 sqq., London, 1771; J. Saurin,
Sermons, Eng. transl. by R. Robinson, iii. 245 sqq., ib.
1812; T. Scott, Discourse upon Repentance, Works, i.
125 sqq., ib. 1823; S. Davies, Sermons on Important Sub-
jects, iii. 462 sqq.. New York, 1851. Consult also: J.
Arndt, True Christianity; a Treatise on sincere Repentance,
true Faith, etc., Philadelphia, 1868. It is usually treated
in the works on dogmatic theology, e.g., W. Q. T. Shedd,
Dogmatic Theology, ii. 534 sqq., New York, 1889.

REPHAIM. See Canaan, Canaanites, § 5;
Giants in the Old Testament.

REPINGTON (REPYNGDON), PHILIP: Bishop
of Lincoln, cardinal, and formerly a follower of
Wyclif ; d. some time before Aug. 1, 1424. He was
possibly a native of Wales though coming of Eng-
lish ancestry; he received his education at Broad-
gates Hall, Oxford, where in early manhood he
preached in accordance with Wyclif's doctrine on
the sacrament of the altar, becoming the Reformer's
most prominent advocate at Oxford. In 1382 he
especially offended by a sermon at St. Frideswide's,
and the report goes that a result was insurrection
on the part of the people. This was on June 2, and
by July 1 he was condemned and excommuni-
cated at Canterbury, and there was coupled with
this a prohibition to harbor him at Oxford. He
soon recanted, and was restored to his position by

the archbishop of Canterbury Oct. 23, and made
public abjuration of his " heresies " at Oxford, Nov.
18. In 1394 he became abbot of St. Mary de Pi*,
and in this capacity probably he became intimate
with Henry IV., whose favor he won, becoming
royal chaplain. In 1404 he became bishop of Lin-
coln, and in 1407 he was charged, and probably
correctly, with persecuting the Lollards. He was
made cardinal with the title of Sts. Nereus and
Achilleis by Gregory XII. (q.v.), though the depo-
sition of this pope and annulment of his acts after
May, 1408, left Repington's status under a cloud.
Whether he acted as cardinal is not clear, and in
1410 he was back in England and active officially.
Notices of him after this period are scanty, and
usually show him as an active member of the hier-
archy. Apart from this, his reputation is that of
" a God-fearing man, a lover of truth and hater of
avarice " (Wood, Fasti, p. 35, see bibliography).
He did not carry into effect the decree of the Coun-
cil of Constance ordering the exhumation of Wyclif's
remains, although this was done. He left in manu-
script a number of sermons, which are extant in sev-
eral of the libraries at Oxford, and other writings
are with less assurance thought to be his.

Bibliography: Sources are: Fasciculi xizaniorum, ed.
W. W. Shirley, pp. xliv., 289-329, London, 1858; Adam
of Usk, Chronikon, ed. E. M. Thompson, ib. 1876. Con-
sult further: A. a Wood, Hist, and Antiquities of the Col-
leges and Halls in the University of Oxford, i. 492, 502-
510, 541, 555, and Fasti, pp. 34-36, Oxford, 1786; J.
Foxe, Actes and Monuments, ed. G. Townsend, iii. 24 sqq.,
et passim, London, 1844; R. F. Williams, English Car-
dinals, ii. 1-32, ib. 1868 (inaccurate); G. V. Lechler, John
Wiclif and his English Precursors, ii. 265-271, ib. 1878;
J. H. Wylie, Hist, of England under Henry IV., 3 vols.,
ib. 1884-96; G. H. Moberly, Life of William of Wykeham,
pp. 179-180, ib. 1887; G. M. Trevelyan, England in the
Age of Wydiffe, pp. 301-307, 2d ed., ib. 1899; J. Gaird-
ner, Lollardy and the Reformation in England, L 21-27;
ib. 1908; CQR, xix. 59-82; DNB, xlviii. 26-28.

REPROBATION. See Predestination.
REPUBLICAN METHODISTS. See O'Kelly,

JAMESi

REQUIEM: The mass for the dead or for the
repose of the souls of the faithful. The name is de-
rived from the opening words of the introit, Re-
quiem odernam dona eis (" rest eternal grant unto
them "). It forms the principal part of the Roman
Catholic burial service, since only with

Reason and the offering of the eucharistic sacrifice
Time of of the requiem mass does the act of the

Celebration. Church become an effectual interces-
sion with God for the soul of the faith-
ful. Normally the requiem should be immediately
connected with the burial service and precede the
interment; and it should, therefore, follow the re-
ception of the body by the Church. In the Greek
Church, this is the permanent custom; the Roman
Church, on the other hand, permits deviation when
local, hygienic, or liturgical reasons make it inad-
visable to celebrate the mass for the dead before in-
terment. In this case, it must follow the burial,
either on the same day, if possible, in connection
with the burial ceremonies, which should then take
place early in the morning; or else on one of the
two days following. According to the rule, the
coffin should be brought into the church and placed

491

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Bepentanoe
Besoh

before the altar to signify the connection of the
eucharistic sacrifice with the dead, and to charac-
terize it as an act performed expressly in his be-
half. If the burial has already taken place, a
catafalque, draped in black, is substituted for the
coffin. The burial service is incomplete without the
requiem; the latter, on the other hand, in itself
constitutes a full and sufficient act. It is repeated
at regular intervals, as on the anniversary of death;
in the early Church and in the Greek Church on the
third, ninth, and fortieth day after death; and in
the Roman Church on the third, seventh, and thir-
tieth day.

The basis of the requiem is the same as that of
every other mass, but the special occasion, the
mourning, the profound underlying
Ritual, resignation, and the particular pur-
pose of intercession for the repose of
the soul of the faithful are clearly emphasized by
the character imparted to. the ordinary of the mass.
Black, being the color of mourning, is appropriate
to the requiem. As during the Passion-tide, the
hallelujah is omitted after the gradual; in its stead
appears the tract and the sequence " Dies irae,"
with the exception of the original three opening
verses and the addition of the closing one. The se-
quence originally used on the first Sunday of Ad-
vent was incorporated in the office for the dead.
Neither the Gloria nor the creed is said or sung, the
latter omission being peculiar to the requiem. In
the Agnus Dei, dona eis requiem (sempUemam) is
substituted for miserere nobis and dona nobis pacem.
The closing benediction is not used, since the ab-
solution and the benediction of the dead immedi-
ately follow. Instead of the Ite, missa est, the words
Requiescant in pace are pronounced. Besides this,
as the office concerns only the departed, all com-
memorations of a festival nature and for the living
are omitted, such as the incensing of the faithful
and the blessing of the water at the sacrifice. After
the close of the mass, the priest, with the minis-
trants, descends the steps of the altar, approaches
the coffin (or the catafalque), and, while it is in-
censed and aspersed, pronounces the absolution
and benediction according to the prescribed ritual.
The early Church was content with appropriate in-
terpolations (cf. the form of intercession for the
dead in the Apostolic Constitutions, viii. 41), many
of which have been preserved in the Roman missal.
The Greek Church has no special form for the mass
celebrated at the burial, or for that said for the
dead; at the prothesis a portion of the oblates is
designated by the name of the dead for whom the
mass is celebrated, and a short commemoration is
incorporated in the prayer. A requiem mass may
be either public (or solemn), or private. In the
former case it is choral, incense is used, and two or
more of the clergy officiate; in the latter case the
mass is simply read and a single priest officiates.

Strictly speaking, even in a choral requiem the
music should be kept in the background; the organ
should not accompany the responses; and the very
character of the requiem forbids the use of other
musical instruments. The singing should be con-
fined to a musically embellished enunciation of
the words of the liturgy. If given in a dignified

and appropriate manner, a choral rendering of a
requiem mass is, from a musical point of view, a
unity, and a deeply impressive artistic
Musical creation. Nevertheless, it is quite corn-
Settings, prehensible that a more developed
musical art, when once admitted to
a share in the liturgy, should turn with special
favor to the requiem. Indeed, the " Dies irae,"
with its wealth of varying emotions and its imag-
ery, seems almost to challenge creative fancy to a
musical reproduction and representation. Accord-
ingly, all periods and styles of modern music have
participated in the composition of requiems. It is
true that in these efforts musical art has not con-
fined itself to the limits set by the liturgical pur-
pose of the requiem, since in the interest of a fuller
rendering all means of expression and all the wealth
of orchestral harmony have been employed. The
requiem has thus become an independent musical
creation, artistically complete in itself and suggest-
ing the oratorio; it no longer has the sacrifice but
the " Dies irae " for its central point; and only the
designation of the separate parts suggests its litur-
gical origin. H. A. KosTUNf.

Bibliography: Missa pro defunctie . . . ex missali Ro-
mano desumtm, Regensburg, 1903; Officium defunctorum,
Choramt fUr die Abgestorbcnen, new ed., Paderbora, 1903;
V. Thalhofer, Handbuch der katholischen Liturgik, ii. 323
aqq., Freiburg, 1890; J. Auer, Das Dies ires in den gesttno-
enen Requiem-Messen, Musica sacra, Regensburg, 1901;
J. Erker, Missa de requie juxta rvbricas a Leone XIII.
reformatas, Laibach, 1903; F. X. Rindfleisch, Die Re~
quiem-Messe nach den gegenvtirtiaen liturgischen Rechte,
2d ed., Regensburg, 1903; P. Wagner, in Qreoorianische
Rundschau, no. 11, Gras, 1904. For the musical side
consult: H. Kretxschmar, Ftihrer durch den Konzertsaal,
ii. 1, pp. 220-267, Leipeic, 1895; Tursot, in Le Guide
musical, no. 8, Brussels, 1900.

RESCH, resh, ALFRED: German Lutheran; b.
at Greiz (49 m. s. of Leipsic) Apr. 21, 1835. He was
educated at the universities of Leipsic (1853-56)
and Erlangen (1856-57), after which he was suc-
cessively first teacher of religion and instructor in
ancient languages at the Lutheran gymnasium at
Wiborg, Finland (1857-59), a teacher at the Biirger-
schule in Greiz (1860-61), and head teacher at the
normal school in the same city (1861-63). From
1863 to 1900 he was first pastor and school-inspector
at Zeulenroda, but since 1900 has lived in retirement,
first in Jena and, since 1902, in Klosterlausnits,
near Jena, in Saxe-Al ten burg. In theology he
is a conservative and orthodox member of his de-
nomination. He has written the following works
on theological subjects: Die lutherische Rechtferti-
gungslehre dargesteUt und gegen ihre neueste VerfBl-
schung verieidigt (Berlin, 1868); Melodienbuch zu
dem Landesgesangbuch der preussischen Landeskirche
(Zeulenroda, 1875) ; Das Formalprinzip des Protes-
tantismus, neue Prolegomena zu einer evangelischen
Dogmatik (Berlin, 1876); Agrapha, aussercanonir
sche Evangelienfragmente (Leipsic, 1889; 2d ed.,
1906) ; Aussercanonische ParaUeltexte zu den Evan-
gelien (5 vols., 1893-97); Die Logia Jesu nach dem
griechischen und hebrdischen Text wiederhergesiellt
(1898); Das lutherische Einigungswerk (Gotha,
1902); Der Paulinismus und die Logia Jesu in
ihrem gegenseitigen Verhdltnisse untersucht (Leipsic,
1904); and Das lutherisclie Abendmafd (1908).

Saaervation

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

492

RESERVATION, ECCLESIASTICAL: In Ger-
many the historic principle legally settled that any
clerical belonging to one of the three recognised state
religious establishments who passes from one to the
other loses his position and his stipend, both re-
turning into the possession of the church to which
he belonged. The question first came up in the
negotiations of the Religious Peace of Augsburg
(q.v.) in 1555, on the question whether the terms of
peace should be extended to those who afterward
went over to the Lutherans. The Roman Catholics
proposed that archbishops, bishops, and members of
chapters, orders, and the like be excepted; that an
apostate from the older religion lose his position and
office; and that the chapter or other body be un-
molested in the election of his successor from the
older faith, who should remain peacefully in pos-
session, while the matters of elections, foundations,
presentations, and properties of chapters, churches,
and dioceses should maintain their former status.
The Protestants regarded these proposals as in the
highest degree prejudicial not only to principle and
person but also to religion. They proposed in turn
that where any ecclesiastical territory had altered
its religion it be turned over to no temporal author-
ity or heritage, but in the case of the death or res-
ignation of an ecclesiastic, such territory be left
unmolested in its election, administration, and
properties, the matter to be left open for further
negotiation by the two parties; and this without
trespass upon the majesty and usage of the secular
powers. King Ferdinand favored the Roman Cath-
olic position in the interest of the conservation of
rights and of peace. The Lutherans made certain
concessions, agreeing to the contention of the other
side with the proviso of not anticipating future
conventions. These provisions did not really settle
the difficulty. The archbishoprics, bishoprics, ab-
beys, and prelatures, were in the hands of the
younger princes of Roman Catholic houses; the
canonries usually were given to the younger sons
of counts and knights of the realm, many of whom
were Protestants. By being excluded from these
ecclesiastical positions, the 300 Protestants felt that
their material interests were damaged. The Roman
Catholics were afraid that by allowing the Protes-
tants to occupy these positions they would secure
a majority of votes in the imperial diet. Soon after
the edict of religious peace had been issued the
Lutherans protested against the article, and threat-
ened to disregard it. They repeated their protests
at every successive diet and further demanded the
recognition of Protestant administrators in the spir-
itual provinces and their admission to the sessions of
the diets, but in vain. In North Germany the res-
ervation was unobserved and many districts were
in the hands of the Lutheran administrators. More-
over, where ecclesiastical foundations were not im-
mediately dependent on the empire, as in the case
of Brandenburg and elsewhere, the article was not
applied, exemption from it being claimed. In
Strasburg compromises in 1604 maintained the
mixed religious state of the district. Further prog-
ress was opposed by the Jesuits under whose influ-
ence the Roman Catholic constituents insisted at
the Diet of Regensburg (1613) on the thorough

carrying-out of the directions of the religious peace
with respect to the ecclesiastical reservation. The
question was again brought to an acute stage in the
Thirty Years' War. After the successes of the Ro-
man Catholic arms the Emperor Ferdinand II., Mar.
6, 1629, issued the so-called edict of restitution.
According to this, the Protestant estates, in accord-
ance with the terms of the Passau compromise
(1552), had no right to appropriate ecclesiastical
foundations, and to violate the reservation with
reference to archbishoprics and bishoprics. Roman
Catholics, on the other hand, had the right to de-
mand the appointments of their archbishops, bish-
ops, and prelates in immediate imperial provinces
and monasteries. The emperor announced that he
would dispatch commissions; and a considerable
number of restitutions had been undertaken, when
changes in the fortunes of war prevented the imme-
diate execution of this measure. The question was
settled by the Peace of Westphalia (see Westpha-
lia, Peace of), whereby the right of ecclesiastical
reservation was not only upheld but also legalized
for the benefit of Protestants as well. From that
time it has been in practise. (£. Fkiedbebo.)

Bibliography: L. Ranke, Zur deuUchen Oeschiehie torn
Religion* frieden bis turn dreissiojahrigen Kriege, Leipsic,
1869; T. Tupes, Der Streit tan die geistlicKen GQUt vnd
das RemtUutumsedikt {1699), pp. 12 sqq., 77 sqq., Vienna,
1883; J. H. Gebauer, Kurbrandenburg vnd da* Reditu-
tionsedikt, Halle, 1899.

RESERVATION, MENTAL: A secret mental
restriction or repression in thought, an offense
against the duty of truthfulness by which a part of
the truth is concealed, and so an intentional deceit
prepared. It may refer either to the past or the
future; to the statement of what is alleged to have
happened or to be at hand, or to an assurance of
something to be rendered or kept. The assertory as
well as the promissory oath can thus give occasion
to its commission. It may also occur in daily social
intercourse. Mental reservation plays a consider-
able rdle in the lax moral system of the Jesuits.
Many of their authors as well as some Roman Cath-
olic moralists outside supported the use of this
reservation. Among the former J. Caramuel was
the most thorough-going in his Haplotes de restric-
tUmibus mentalibu8 (Leyden, 1672). Antoninus
Diana (d. 1663) taught that " if any one voluntarily
offers to take an oath, by necessity or for some
utility, he may use double meanings, for he has a
just ground for using them " (Resolution** morales,
II., tract 15, 25-26, III., tract 5, 100 and 6, 30).
So if any one requests a loan from another which
the other can not give, he may say that he does
not have it, reserving the mental addition, in order
to loan it to him. If one is asked about a crime of
which he is the only witness, he can say that he
does not know it, adding mentally, as an openly
known crime. On proper grounds, an ambiguous
oath does not involve perjury, if, without change
of form, the ambiguous sense may be produced; one
does not need to confess to a committed offense be-
fore a court, if thereby an injury to self is invited;
one can deny having committed it, with the reser-
vation in mind, " in prison." Knowingly to lead any
one to take a false oath is no sin because the person

498

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Reservation

v.ho takes the oath is knowingly doing no evil; and
to swear falsely from habit is a pardonable sin. For
numerous parallel instances of the older and later
moralists cf. Count P. von Hoensbroech, Das
Papsttum, vol. ii., Die ultramontane Moral, pp. 223
sqq. (Leipsic, 1902), among which occur the scan-
dalous example from J. P. Gury's Casus conscienticB
(Lyons, 1864) of Anna the adulteress, and the
author's own citation from the Roman Analecta
ccclesiastica of June, 1901 ; both of which cases in-
volve an equivocating denial of an offense after
absolution.

Protests against the system of mental reserva-
tion are found not only among Protestants of all
classes, but the more serious Roman Catholic the-
ology either denned it more or less closely or else
condemned it positively; as, for example, the au-
thor on moral theology, G. V. Pautuzzi (d. 1679),
Ethica Christiana (Venice, 1770). The methods of
modern Jesuit moralists are said to be wholly sub-
servient to the apology and justification of moral
restrictions. A. Lehmkuhl (KL, x. 1082-89) rep-
resents, as the only correct view, that which asserts
that cases may arise in which a restrictio late men-
talis, or external reservation or ambiguous state-
ment, may be employed. In such cases the one
speaking does not deceive so much as the one ar-
riving at an erroneous judgment deceives himself.
In such cases where the reservation is permissible,
if the matter is of sufficient importance, the state-
ment may be reenforced by oath without commit-
ting perjury. See Jesuits, II., § 6.

(O. ZdCKLERf.)

Bibliography: Apologetic treatment is found in: J. P.
Gury, Casus conscientia, 6th ed., pp. 183-184, Paris, 1881;
A. Lehmkuhl, Theologia moralis, i. 251-252, 453, Freiburg,
1890; F. Kdssing, Die Wahrheitsliebe, pp. 106 sqq., Pader-
born, 1893; V. Catrein, MoralphUosophie, ii. 75 sqq., 86 sqq.,
Freiburg, 1899; J. Adloff, ROmisch-katholische und evan-
gelische Sittlichkeitskontroverse, Strasburg, 1900. Critical
discussions are: H. Reuchlin, Pascals Leben, pp. 108 sqq.,
346 sqq., Stuttgart, 1840; F. Q. L. Strippelmann, Der
christliche Eid, i. 137 sqq., Cassel, 1855; J. Huber, Der
Jesuitenorden, pp. 293-294, Berlin, 1873; W. Herrmann,
Romische und evangelische Sittlichkeit, Marburg, 1901;
Graf von Hoensbroech, Das Papsttum, ii. 223-244, Leip-
sic, 1902.

RESERVATION, PAPAL: The act of the pope
in reserving to himself the right to nominate to
certain benefices. From the close of the twelfth
century instances occur in which, when clericals
from elsewhere died at Rome, the vacancies were
disposed of by the pope. Thus Innocent III. (1 198-
1216) in the first year of his pontificate gave the
prebend in Poitiers of Aimericus de Portigny, who
died at Rome, to his nephew who was serving in
the papal chancellery, and repeatedly thereafter
disposed of vacant places in like manner. The bish-
ops thus interfered with tried to meet the encroach-
ment upon their powers by means of procurators
at Rome. The popes, however, were loath to forego
the privilege they had gained, and Clement IV. in
1265 made a formal " reservation of churches, dig-
nities, patronages, and benefices which happen to
become vacant in the presence of the Apostolic
seat," to which Honorius IV. added, in 1286, the
case of one who had resigned his benefice into the
pope's hands. Gregory X. ordered that appoint-

ment must take place within a month, in default
of which the right would return to the bishops or
their vicars general. Boniface VIII. reaffirmed this
ordinance; construed " in the presence of the apos-
tolic seat " to be a radius within two days' jour-
ney of the residence of the Curia, for the respective
cases; and ordered that parochial churches that
had become vacant during the disoccupation of the
papal chair or that the pope had not filled before
his death, were excepted. Another papal reservation
related to the cathedral churches and exempt prel-
acies. The right to approve their suffragan bishops
was gradually, from the beginning of the thirteenth
century, taken away from the metropolitans by the
popes, and constructed into a formal reservation
by Clement V., John XXII., and their successors.
After the removal of the popes to Avignon the res-
ervations increased in scope and were exercised in
such ways as to arouse bitter complaints. The
Council of Basel (q.v.) ordered a general limitation
of reservations, which was in the main accepted in
France, but again modified in favor of the pope by
the Concordat of 1516 between Leo X. and Francis
I. (see Concordats and Delimiting Bulls, III., 2).
In Germany the older regulations were resumed
in the Vienna Concordat of 1448, between Nicholas
V. and Friedrich III. (see Concordats, etc., III.,
1, § 2). Papal reservations were henceforth to be:
(1) benefices becoming vacant in curia, in the orig-
inal sense; (2) places in cathedral churches and im-
mediate cloisters and foundations in which canon-
ical election prevailed, in case the pope could not
approve an election or accept a postulation; (3) like-
wise in case of deposition, withdrawal, transference,
or renunciation, in which the pope took part; (4) a
place left vacant by the holder because of the ac-
ceptance of another offered by the pope; (5) the
benefices of cardinals, papal emissaries, and vari-
ous Roman palace officials; and (6) benefices va-
cated in the odd months (see Menses Papales).
Fresh extensions and interpretations of these reser-
vations led to renewed complaints, which found ex-
pression at the Diet of Nuremberg in 1522 in the
proposed abolition of the Gravamina (q.v.). The
Council of Trent effected some reforms in favor of
chapters and bishops relating to incompatibles as
well as to the " mental reservations " introduced
by Alexander VI., according to which a canonical
election is anticipated by reserving in mind another
aspirant as an intendant for the benefice (expect-
ancy). The attempts of the popes from Pius V.
to claim anew various reservations were dismissed,
in Germany at least, by reference to the Concordat
of 1448. Especially was the privilege denied, in
the case of a resignation, where there existed a right
of patronage. The above-mentioned reservations,
however, remained in force generally, until the dis-
solution of the Holy Roman Empire. Since the
restoration of ecclesiastical institutions in modern
times and as a result of specific conventions between
the German governments and the papal see, the
papal reservations have been greatly modified, re-
serving to the pope mainly the highest appointments,
and here and there vaguely admitting the reserva-
tions in curia and of incompatibles. Outside of
Germany, also, there continues here and there a

Be*
see

serration of the Sacrament
urreotion of the Bead

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

494

restricted papal reservation, while in France and the
Netherlands it has ceased. (E. Friedberq.)

RESERVATION OF THE SACRAMENT: The

keeping back from the public service of the Holy
Communion of portions of the consecrated bread
and wine for subsequent use. The earliest mention
of this practise is in Justin Martyr
In the (/ Apol., lxv., lxvii.; ANF, i. 185-
Early 186). Describing the Sunday worship
Church, of Christians, he says that distribu-
tion is made to each of his share of the
elements which have been blessed, and to those
who are not present it is sent by the ministry of the
deacons. Tertullian (200 a.d.) speaks of the Lord's
body being reserved and carried home from the
public service for later private consumption (De
oratione, xix.; Eng. transl., ANF, iii. 687; Ad
uxorem, II., v., Eng. transl., AJVF, iv. 46-47). Euse-
bius (Hist ecd., VI., xliv. Eng. transl., NPNF,
2 ser., i. 290) quotes an account by Dionysius of
Alexandria of an aged man who, under persecu-
tion, had joined in an act of idolatry, but in his
last sickness earnestly desired reconciliation with
the Church, to whom a small portion of the
eucharist was sent by a messenger. Basil (350 a.d.)
writes of the custom among the religious solitaries:
" All those who live in solitudes as monks or her-
mits, where there is no priest, keeping the commu-
nion in their houses, take it with their own hands.
And in Alexandria and in Egypt each, even of the
lay people, for the most part has the communion in
his own house, and when he wills communicates
Ijimself . For when once the priest has consecrated
the sacrifice and has delivered it, he who has once
received it as a whole, and partakes of it day by day,
ought to believe that he partakes and receives from
the hand of him who has given it" (Epist., xciii.,
cf. NPNF, 2 ser., viii. 179). This custom was natur-
ally resorted to in times of persecution. An allusion
of Jerome (Epist., cxxv., NPNFf 2 ser. vi. 251)
implies that in some cases and places the sacra-
ment was thus taken home: " None is richer than
(a bishop of Toulouse), for his wicker basket con-
tains the body of the Lord, and his plain glass
cup the precious blood." From Chrysostom's ac-
count of the attack on the bishop's church on
Easter eve it appears that the sacrament was re-
served in both kinds in a sacristy of the church
" where the sacred vessels were stored " (Epist. to
Innocent I., hi.). Irenaeus (180 a.d.) gives the
earliest known instance of the sending of the eucha-
rist to a distance as a pledge of communion (Frag-
ment iii. of his Epist. to Victor of Rome). This
practise was later forbidden by the Synod of Lao-
dicea (365) and the use of eulogia (a blessed, but
not consecrated bread) was substituted. A similar
custom obtained in the sending of portions of the
elements (called the fermentum) consecrated at the
bishop's Eucharist to other churches under his care,
where they were mingled with the elements conse-
crated by the local priest. This was more especially
a custom of the church at Rome.

By degrees other uses besides that of communion
were made of the consecrated elements. Bread was
carried as a charm for protection when traveling,

or in undergoing trial by ordeal; it was buried with
the dead, or in an altar; documents were signed
with a pen dipped in the wine. The
Medieval Synod of Carthage (397) and that of
and Auxerre (578) forbade administering
Eastern the eucharist to the dead. As the
Usage, theory of our Lord's presence in the
sacrament was developed, the elements
came to be used more distinctly for worship " as a
center of prayer." The events of Holy Week (q.v.)
were dramatised, the host (or consecrated wafer)
being carried in procession on Palm Sunday, placed
in a sepulcher on Good Friday, and carried in the
procession on Easter Day (see Processions). The
festival of Corpus Christi (q.v.) was instituted in
the thirteenth century in honor of the doctrine of
Transubstantiation (q.v.) and it was probably in
the next century that the sacrament was first pub-
licly exposed on Corpus Christi Day for the venera-
tion of the faithful. In the sixteenth century it be-
came common to expose the sacrament at other
times. The devotion of the forty hours' worship
of the exposed sacrament was due to a Capuchin
of Milan, who died in 1556. In 1592 Pope Clement
VIII. provided for the perpetual public adoration
of the sacrament on the altars of the different
churches in Rome, the forty hours in one church
succeeding to the forty hours in another. Of the
custom of benediction with the sacrament, J. B.
Thiers (Traits de V exposition du saint sacrament de
Vautel, Paris, 1673) declares that he found no men-
tion in any ritual or ceremonial older than about a
hundred years. In the Eastern Church, at the
present day, as in primitive times, the sacrament
is reserved for the purpose of communion only. For
this use, some of the consecrated bread is steeped
in the chalice, and is preserved in a box usually be-
hind the altar. In the Latin Church since the Coun-
cil of Constance (1414) only the actual celebrant
of the mass partakes of the cup; so that the wafer
alone is reserved, and that in a receptacle called
a pyx (see Vessels, Sacred), which was in earlier
times placed on or above the altar but is now (ex-
cept when in use for exposition or benediction) itself
contained in a locked tabernacle above the altar.

At the Reformation the different Protestant
confessions vigorously denounced these uses of the
sacrament; e.g., Melanchthon's " Saxon Confes-
sion " declared, "It is a manifest profanation to
carry about and worship a part of the
In the Lord's Supper (art. xv.); cf. J. W.
Evangelical Richard, Philip Melanchthon, pp. 353-
Churches. 354, New York, 1898), and so the West-
minster Confession (XXIX., iv.; cf.
Schaff , Creeds, iii. 665) . Art. XXVIII. of the Thirty-
nine Articles is much more moderate in its wording,
simply declaring that " the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper was not by Christ's ordinance reserved,
carried about, lifted up, or worshiped." The first
English Prayer Book (1549) made provision for the
reservation of the sacrament for the communion
of sick persons under certain restrictions, which pro-
vision was withdrawn from the second Prayer Book
(1552), and provision was made only for the pri-
vate celebration in the sick man's house of the
ordinary service in a shortened form, including the

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

consecration. The question of the lawfulness in
the Church of England of reserving the sacrament
for the sick ni considered at a formal hearing be-
fore the archbishops of Canterbury and York (Drs.
Temple and Maelagan) in ISM, and their opinion
was adverse. In the Scottish Episcopal Church
there has been a continuous tradition sanctioning
the practise; Liini recognised Anglican divines, such
as Herbert Thomdike (d. 1672), have advocated
it. Arthur C. A. Hall.

Bihlio.jr.ii.ht: W. Polmer, Origina lUvroica, ii. 233,
London. 1S32 (collect! rxnmplm of rarly uaaac); W.
M»bell, Manumenla riluolia eccleti* Anglicana, i. p,
cr«iii.. ib. 184(1; W. H. Button. Thr Eniih-h fhurcli
(iet6-17H>. up-'- -l-"J ;j:t'l. ">. I'M); F. Procter and W. H.
Frere. Ntv Hiti. of thr float 0/ Common Prayer, pp. 77,
82, 12). 602, ib. 1905; J. H. Blunt. Ainolaltd Book of
Common Praver, pp. 399, 472-473, Naw York. 1908.

RESERVED CASES. See Casttb Reservati.

RESIDENCE: The obligation on all holding
ecclesiastical benefices of any kind to remain dur-
ing definite periods in the districts assigned for their
administration. It is a natural consequence of the
requirement that every official must normally dis-
i-liiirge his duties in person, an obligation particu-
larly needful in the case of the clergy. .So often,
however, did the clergy leave the benefices to which
they had been assigned, that synods passed strin-
gent prohibitions of such abuses as early as the
fourth century. Secular legislation here came to
the alii of the Church, while residence was likewise
stressed in the Frankish kingdom. Later the clergy
were forbidden to travel without permission, nor
was a plurality of benefices permitted to interfere
with residence. Subsequently, however, the laws
<>f residence were relaxed, not only as a result of
[>lar;ililie--, but also because canons, after the de-
cline of chapter life, were frequently represented
by vicars, while the prelates wen.- often obliged to
be absent on affairs of state. The Council of Trent
accordingly renewed the requirements of residence.
eimetirii; that if any priest or prelate should be ab-
sent for six months in suece*sion without good and
sufficient reason, he should be mulcted of a fourth
of 1 lis income for the year. An absence of six months
more was to involve a loss of another quarter of the
yearly income; still longer absence should be re-
ported to the pope within three months, and the
offending clergy should he replaced by more worthy
incumbents. Tin1 council likewise stressed the re-
quirement, of personal residence for all. except in
oases of evident necessity, the provincial synod be-
ing directed to guard against all abuses. Absence
was, however, permitted for two, or at most three,
months each year, provided it involved no detri-
ment to the cure of soula. The permanent privi-
lee.es hitherto given for non-residence and income
were now abolished, but temporary dispensations
were still allowed, although the bishop was required
to appoint, proper vicars to obviate any neglect of
pastoral care. Canons might not he absent more
than three months. Those who violated this rule
should be mulcted of their incomes, and permanent
disobedience rendered the offender liable to trial in
the ecclesiastical courts.

Besides the "dignitary" and "double" (in-
volving the cure of souls) benefices to which the

laws of residence just cited apply, there are also
" simple " benefices in which residence is not ob-
ligatory. A distinction is accordingly drawn be-
tween residentia pracisa, in which residence is re-
quired under penalty of forfeiture of the benefice,
and residentia caasitiva, where non-residence in-
volves only loss of the income of the benefice in
question. If, however, an incumbent is absent
from his benefice legally, he is regarded, by legal
fiction, us resident, except in cuses where actual
personal attendance is necessary, as for receiving
presence fees (see Piu:sr- \<i: and Presence Fees).

In the Lutheran Church in Germany actual resi-
dence is always presupposed, the ecclesiastical au-
thorities providing the proper substitutes if the in-
cumbent is prevented from fulfilling his duties.
Generally speaking, leave of absence must bo ob-
tained from the president of the consistory.

(E. Fried berg.)

RESPIGHI, res-pi'gi. PLETRO: Cardinal; b. at
Bologna, Italy, Sept. 22, 1843. He was educated
at the seminary of his native city and the Roman
Seminary, and was then rector of a parish in Budrio
until 1891, when he was consecrated bishop of
Ciiastiilla. Five years later' he was enthroned
jjcli!>i-!iop of Ferrara and in 1899 was created car-
dinal priest of Santi Quat.tro Coronati. Shortly
afterward he was called to Rome to fill bis present
position of cardinal- vicar, and in this capacity is
president of the Congregation of the Apostolic
Visitation and prefect of the Congregation of the
Residence of Bishops.

RESPONSES. See Antiphon.

RESTARICK, HENRY BOND: Protestant Epis-
copal bishop of Honolulu; b. at Holcomb, Somer-
setshire, England, Dec 26, 1854, He was educated
at King James' Grammar School, BridgewateY,
Somerset- hire, -in. 1 Griswold ( 'ullege, Davenport,
la. (A.B., 1882), and was ordered deacon in 1881
and advanced to the priesthood in the following
year; was curate of Trinity Church. Muacatina. la.
(1881-82); rector of St. Paul's, San Diego, Cal.
(1882-1902), when he was consecrated first Protes-
tant episcopal bishop of Honolulu. In theology lie
is a positive Churchman, and has written Lay Haid-
ers; Their History, Organization, and Work (New
York, 1894), and The Love of God: Addresses on
the Last Seem Words (1897).

RESTITUTION, EDICT OF. See Westphalia,
Peace or.

RESTORATION. See Apocatabtasis.

RESURRECTION OF THE DEAD: The Chris-
tian hope of a renewal of life after death was to a
certain extent anticipated by the expectation of
redemption current among the Jews
Basis of the before the time of Christ; but its real

Doctrine, basis is found in the teaching of Christ
and in his own resurrection, though it
is true that the Christian exposition of the doctrine
presuppose^ the Jewish. While a thorough inves-
tigation of the history of the latter is rendered dif-
ficult by the uncertainty which prevails in regard
to the age of the sources, a tolerably clear idea of

Resurrection of the Dead
Betti*

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

496

the nature of the hope may be gained by a com-
parative study of the passages which relate to the
subject.

The first trace of an expectation that some dead
men (not the dead in general) will rise is found in
lea. xx vi. 19 (Hos. vi. 2, xiii. 14; Ezek. xxxvii.
1-14, refer to the restoration of the national and
spiritual life of Israel) . In this passage
Hebrew and the hope of a resurrection appears in
Jewish Rep- connection with that of a glorious future
mentation, for Israel. The prophet anticipates
a time when the righteous Israelites
shall awake from death to a share in the blessings
of the period of redemption. A fuller conception
is found in Dan. xii. 2, where for the first time
is contemplated a resurrection of both just and un-
just, though still only of Israelites. Upon this fol-
lows a judgment, which will assign to the just eter-
nal life in the Messianic kingdom, and to the wicked
exclusion from that kingdom, " shame and ever-
lasting contempt." Here again the close connec-
tion between the Messianic hope and that of a res-
urrection is to be noted. Frequent attempts have
been made to adduce passages from the Psalms
(such as xlviii. 14, lxviii. 20, xvi. 10-11, xvii. 15,
xlix. 15); but a careful examination will show that
they can not be pressed. In the deutero-canonical
and extra-canonical Jewish writings of the pre-
Christian era the doctrine is not strongly expressed.
To conclude that it was not extensively held among
the Jews of that age would be rash, but it probably
had no uniform and well-defined shape. The Psalms
of Solomon speak of a resurrection of the just to
endless life in the Messianic kingdom, and predict
everlasting death for the ungodly. Josephus (War,
II., viii. 14) ascribes the same view to the Pharisees.
On the other hand, II Mace. xii. 43-45, vi. 26, ex-
press the belief that both just and unjust Israelites
shall rise and be judged. The authors of Enoch
(li. 1), II Esdras (vii. 32), and the Apocalypse of
Baruch (xxx. 1-5, 1. 1 sqq.) expect a universal res-
urrection, either before or at the end of the Mes-
siah's reign.

The doctrine proclaimed by Christ and the New-
Testament writers, while having points of contact
with the foregoing, develops along its own lines.
In the discussion with the Sadducees
The New- (Matt. xxii. 23-32) Jesus offers a spe-
Testament cial proof of the resurrection of the
Doctrine, righteous (who alone are considered
here) ; but in other sayings of his the
resurrection of the ungodly is taken for granted
(Matt. xi. 24). Apparently he treats both as simul-
taneous (cf . also John v. 28, 29) ; only in Luke (xi v.
14, xx. 35) is there an apparent separation, and
this may be the effect of Paul's influence on Luke.
Paul himself distinguishes two resurrections, or
rather three — that of Christ, that of those who have
died believing in him, which takes place at his sec-
ond coming, and that of the other dead (I Cor. xv.
21-24). He does not define the interval between
the two latter; the Apocalypse places a thousand
years between them (Rev. xx. 4). Of more im-
portance than the question of time are the proofs
which Christ and Paul offer of the fact. The former,
in the passage of Matthew cited above, demon-

strates the resurrection of the righteous by the fact
that God calls himself the God of the patriarchs,
which can mean only that they will return to life,
and that life, to be complete, must be a bodily life.
What is true of them, is true also, as Luke puts it
with a slight change of thought (xx. 38), of all the
righteous. In John (xi. 25) Jesus bases his state-
ment about the resurrection of the just on the fact
that he himself is the b ringer of life; the life that
he now communicates to them is the pledge of their
future resurrection. The argument for resurrec-
tion, and now of all the dead, is carried to its height
by Paul, who finds his warrant for this in the ac-
complished fact of Christ's resurrection (I Cor. xv.
21-22; I Thess. iv. 14). In and by it, men are ob-
jectively freed from the guilt of sin (I Cor. xv. 17-
18); and this carries with it the annulment of the
penalty of sin, which is death. The New-Testa-
ment writers accordingly have no doubt of the cer-
tainty of a future resurrection; the Epistle to the
Hebrews enumerates it (vi. 1) among the first
" principles of the doctrine of Christ."

The agent in this resurrection in all the Pauline
passages is God the Father (Rom. iv. 17, viii. 11;
I Cor. vi. 14; II Cor. i. 9); in John v.
The Agent 21, the Son is named as cooperating
with the Father, and in John vi. 39,
40, 44, is the sole agent. These two conceptions are
reconciled in that of the relations of God and Christ.
All the dead in rising again experience the power
of God (I Cor. vi. 14; Heb. xi. 19); but in the case
of the ungodly this is a purely external operation,
while in the righteous it is the result of the working
of the spirit of life within them. This working must
not, however, be limited to the maturing of a seed
of life already within; the New-Testament concep-
tion is rather that to the spiritual life already begun
a corresponding bodily life is added (cf. Rom. viii.
11), and so life in the full and complete sense is re-
established.

As to the nature of the resurrection body, both
Christ and Paul tell- something. Both, however,
speak exclusively of that of the righteous (Matt,
xxii. 30; I Cor. xv. 35 sqq.; II Cor.
The Resur- v. 1 sqq.; Phil. iii. 21). Christ says
rection that a higher bodily existence than
Body. before shall be bestowed, referring it,
in order to make it credible, to the
power of God (Matt. xxii. 29), and asserting that
the methods of reproduction employed here shall
no longer prevail there — though he does not assert
that difference of sex shall disappear. Paul gives
fuller indications. The origin of the resurrection
body is from heaven (II Cor. v. 1 sqq.) ; it is a spir-
itual body (I Cor. xv. 44), " fashioned like unto
Christ's glorious body " (Phil. iii. 21 ; I Cor. x v.
49). The designation of the body as pneumatic
does not imply that spirit forms its substance, for
this would not harmonize with the parallel " spir-
itual body " of I Cor. xv. 44, but that it is a body
entirely adapted to express the spiritual life pos-
sessed by the risen saints. It is no longer an ob-
stacle to the knowledge of God face to face (I John
iii. 2; Matt. v. 8; Rev. xxii. 4); it makes possible
unrestricted intercourse with the other saints, and
the exercise of authority over the world (I Cor. iv.

497

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Bestirreotlon of the Dead
Bettig

8; Rom. v. 17; Rev. xx. 4, 6). A whole series of
contrasts follows between this and the present nat-
ural body (I Cor. xv. 42 sqq.). Dishonor, conse-
quent upon the weaknesses of the present body,
gives place to glory; weakness to strength; it has
not even the material substance of the present
(I Cor. xv. 50). What its substance is, Paul does
not tell; but his insistence on the differences be-
tween the two must not be pressed. If the new
body were conceived as a wholly different body,
there would be no real victory over death, which
would then have its prey, God repairing the loss by
a new creation. In I Cor. xv. 36-38, Paul describes
the relation between the two under the analogy of
the grain which " is not quickened except it die."
But what is the kernel of the new body contained
in the old? Since it is obviously not the substance
of the old, it can scarcely be anything but the in-
dividual, characteristic form, which has remained
constant throughout all the changes of the earthly
life. Paul's view would thus be that God develops
this form to meet the needs of a new corporal exist-
ence which shall correspond to the spiritual life of
the risen soul. As noted above, he gives no indi-
cation of the nature of the bodies to be assigned to
the wicked at the resurrection. It is clear, how-
ever, that a " pneumatic body " can not be be-
stowed upon them, if only because this is an im-
perishable body, incapable of being touched by the
" second death." His idea probably is that those
who did not die in the faith and fellowship of Christ
will rise in the same bodies which they formerly
possessed — those of them who are justified at the
judgment then receiving their spiritual bodies, while
the rejected go down, body and soul, to the second
death. See Eschatology, § 6. (E. Schaeder.)

Bibliography: The subject is treated from the Biblical
side in the commentaries on the passages cited, and in
the works on Biblical Theology (see the lists given in and
under that article); and from the dogmatic standpoint
in the works on systematic theology (see in and under
Dogma, Dogmatics) and especially on Eschatology (q.v.).
Special note may be made of: 8. Drew, An Essay on the
Identity and General Resurrection of the Human Body . . .
in Relation both to Philosophy and Scripture, London,
1822; Q. Bush, Anastaeie; or the Doctrine of the Resur-
rection of the Body Rationally and Scripturally Considered,
New York, 1845; R. W. Landis, The Doctrine of the Res-
urrection of the Body, Philadelphia, 1846; B. F. West-
cott. The Gospel of the Resurrection. Thoughts on its Re-
lation to Reason and History, London and New York, 1865;
H. Mattison, The Resurrection of the Dead, Considered in
the Light of History, Philosophy, and Divine Revelation,
Philadelphia, 1866; A. H. Klostermann, Untersuchungen
sur alUestamentlichen Theologie, Gotha, 1868; A. H.
Cremer, Die Auferstehung der Todten, Barmen, 1870;
idem, Ueber den Zustand nach dem Tode, 3d ed., Guters-
loh, 1892; Jahrbucher fur deutsche Theologie, 1874, no.
2 (by Staehelin), 1877, no. 2 (by Kostlin); J. Hail, How
are the Dead Raised, and with what Body do they come t
Hartford, 1875; D. W. Faunce, Resurrection in Nature
and in Revelation: an Argument and a Meditation, New
York, 1884; C. £. Luthardt, Lehre von den letsten Dingen,
3d ed., Leipsio, 1885; H. W. Rinck, Vom Zustand nach
dem Tode, Basel, 1885; F. Splittgerber, Tod, ForUeben,
und Auferstehung, 4th ed., Halle, 1885; R. Kabisch,
Eschatologie des Paulus, Gottingen, 1893; W. Milligan,
The Resurrection of the Dead. An Exposition of 1 Cor-
inthians xv., Edinburgh, 1894; C. S. Gerhard, Death and
the Resurrection, Philadelphia, 1895; P. Giannone, II
Triregno (Delia Resurretione de Morte), 3 vols., Rome,
1895; W. F. Whitehouse, The Redemption of the Body,
London, 1895; E. Huntingford, The Resurrection of the
Body, ib. 1897; J. Maynard, The Resurrection of the Dead,

IX.— 32

ib. 1897; J. Hughes-Games, On the Nature of the Resur-
rection of the Body, ib. 1898; J. Telfer, The Coming King-
dom of God, ib. 1902; L. Kessler, Rdigifise Wirklichkeit.
Von der Gewissheit der Auferstehung, Gottingen, 1903;
E. Wolfsdorf, Die Auferstehung der Toten, Bamberg, 1904;
J. H. Hyslop, Psychical Research and the Resurrection,
Boston, 1908; C. K. Staudt, The Idea of the Resurrection
in the Ante-Nicene Period, Chicago, 1910; D. V filter, Die
Entstehung des Glaubens an die Auferstehung Jesu, Stras-
burg, 1910; J. G. Bjorklund, Death and Resurrection from
the Point of View of the Cell Theory, Chicago, 1910.

RETABULUM. See Altar, III., 1, b, c

RETTBERG, refbarH, FRIEDRICH WILHELM:
German Lutheran; b. at Celle (22 m. n.n.e. of
Hanover) Aug. 21, 1805; d. at Marburg Apr. 7,
1849. He was educated at the University of Got-
tingen (1824-27; Ph.D., 1829), and after teaching
at the gymnasium of his native city from 1827-30
went to Gottingen as lecturer in theology, where he
was associate professor (1834-38), and assistant
pastor at the JakobiMrche after 1833. In 1838 he
was called to Marburg as full professor of theology
and retained this position until his death. His most
important writings are those on church history, be-
ginning with a monograph on the life and work of
Cyprian (Gottingen, 1831), and continuing with a
volume treating of the papal history of the thir-
teenth century to carry on J. E. C. Schmidt's Hand-
buck der christlichen Kirchengeschichte (Giessen,
1834). Rettberg's chief work, however, was his
Kirchengeschichle Deutschlands (2 vols., Gottingen,
1846-48), extending from the earliest period to the
death of Charlemagne. He was also the author of
an apologetic monograph Ueber die Heilslekren des
Christentums nach den Qrundsdtzen der evangdisch-
lutherischen Kirche (Leipsic, 1838), and of the pos-
thumous RdigionsphUosophie (Marburg, 1850).

(J. A. WAGENMANNf.)

Bibliography: The funeral sermon by E. Henke contain*
an account of Rettberg's writings and services to the Uni-
versity of Marburg, and the same writer wrote the neoro-
log in Kasselsche Zeitung, no. 15, 1849, and issued an ap-
preciation in Latin, Marburg, 1840. Consult also O.
Qerland, Hessische GeUhrten-, SchriftsteUer- und KunsUer-
Geechichte, i. 108 sqq., Cassel, 1863.

RETTIG, HEUfRICH CHRISTIAN MICHAEL:

Protestant theologian; b. at Giessen July 30, 1709;
d. at Zurich Mar. 24, 1836. He studied in his na-
tive city, became teacher at the gymnasium there
and privat-docent at the university in 1833; and
was called to the newly founded University of
Zurich in 1833. His earliest writing was De tem-
pore quo magi Bethlehemum venerint (Giessen, 1823).
This was followed by De quatuor evangdiorum car
nonicorum origine (1824), discussions concerning
the Fourth Gospel; next came some philosophical
treatises dealing also with the Greek classics (1826-
1828) ; Das erweislich dlteste Zeugnis /fir die Echtr
heit der in den Kanon des Neuen Testaments aufge-
nommenen Apokalypse (Leipsic, 1829); and Quces-
Hones PhUippenses (Giessen, 1831) — in all of which
he displayed rationalistic leanings. But in his next
book, though not bound by ecclesiastical orthodoxy,
he appeared as a faithful adherent of Biblical teach-
ing concerning Christ as the Son of God, Die freie
protestanHsche Kirche oder die kirchlichen Verfas-
sungsgrundsdtze des Evangdiums (Giessen, 1832) ; in
the first part of this he dealt with the relation of

Beublin
Beuohlin

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

498

Church and State, arguing for the freedom of the
Church; in the second part he worked out in detail
a plan for a free organisation. The work showed
great originality, and he seems to have hoped that
it would have as great influence upon the Church of
his time as the counsel of Melanchthon had had in
its time; he dedicated it to the princes and nobles
of the two Hesses. After his call to Zurich he issued
a facsimile of the Codex Sangallensis of the Gospels
(Zurich, 1836). (G. KrOgeb.)

Bibliography. K. W. Justi, QrundlaQe zu drier heeetichen
QtUhrten- . . . QeechichU, pp. 632-535, Marburg, 1831.

REUBLHf, reib'lin (ROEUBLI, RAEBL), WIL-
HELM: Swabian Anabaptist; b. at Rottenburg-
on-the-Neckar (24 m. s.w. of Stuttgart) about 1480;
d. after 1559, probably at Znaim (47 m. n.n.w. of
Vienna). His name appears in a great variety of
forms— Reiblin, RSubli, Roublin, Reubel, Rftbl,
Rabel, Reble, Rubli, Rublin, being some of the al-
ternative spellings. Nothing is known of his early
life. It is to be presumed that his parents were
somewhat well-to-do, as in 1559 (the last notice of
him) he asks King Ferdinand for permission to avail
himself of his inheritance in Rottenburg. He seems
to have received priestly orders before his matricu-
lation at the University of Freiburg in 1507. After
two years' study at Freiburg he removed to the
University of Tubingen, where he was enrolled Aug.
21, 1509. On July 2, 1510, he was appointed pas-
tor at Greisheim in Schaffhausen. On July 24, 1521,
he became people's priest at St. Albans in Basel,
having no doubt already alined himself with the
opponents of the old order. His eloquent procla-
mation of the Gospel and bold denunciation of the
prevailing corruptions and superstitions attracted
audiences estimated by contemporaries at 3,000.
The trade gilds gave him their enthusiastic support.
The veneration of images and the keeping of eccle-
siastical fasts he strongly discouraged. In the Cor-
pus Christi procession of 1522 he carried a large
Bible instead of relics, saying, " This is the truly
sacred thing, the others are merely dead bones."
For this reckless zeal he was banished by the coun-
cil June 27. He was invited to a pastorate at Lauff-
enburg, but the Austrian authorities prevented his
acceptance. In the autumn following he was in
Zurich, where he frequently preached in the city
and surrounding towns and villages, and in 1523 he
settled at Wytikon. He was married to Adelheid
Leemann Apr. 28, 1523. Soon afterward he began
to call in question the Scriptural authority and the
propriety of infant baptism. Acting on his advice
several parents withheld their infants from christen-
ing and incurred severe punishment therefor. The
antipedobaptist sentiment extended to Zollikon
and the punishment of recusants called forth dec-
larations against infant baptism by Rrotli, Grebel,
Blaurock, Castelberg, Manz, and others. In the
Zurich disputation of Jan. 17, 1525, on infant bap-
tism Reublin was one of the antipedobaptist speak-
ers and he was among the first, shortly before or
shortly after the disputation, to introduce believers'
baptism. Banished from Zurich he went first to
Greisheim and then to Waldshut, where he induced
Hubmaier (q.v.), already convinced against infant
baptism, to lead his adherents in submitting to be-

lievers' baptism. About Easter, 1525, he baptized
Hubmaier and about sixty others and shortly after-
ward Hubmaier baptized about 300 more. After
months of successful itinerant preaching he spent
some time in Strasburg in 1526. Afterward in as-
sociation with Michael Sattler (q.v.) he labored with
remarkable success at Rottenburg, his home town,
and from there extended his evangelizing activity
to Reutlingen, Ulm, and Esslingen, where he was
commonly known among antipedobaptists as " Pas-
tor Wilhelm." He is next found a second time in
Strasburg, where he asked for a public disputation
with the ministers. His request was denied by the
council on prudential grounds, but private discus-
sion with the ministers was arranged for. He was
thrown into prison Oct. 22, 1528. Having become
" miserably sick and lame " he was released (Jan.,
1529) and banished with the threat that drowning
would be the penalty of returning. Failing to se-
cure permission to reside in Constance, he made his
way with wife and children to Moravia, where he
entered the Austerlitz household of the commu-
nistic antipedobaptist society whose head was Jacob
Wiedemann. Wiedemann, no doubt, suspected
from the first in Reublin lack of sympathy with the
ideals of the community and may have been
unwilling to have the eloquence of the learned
newcomer brought into comparison with his own
uncultured preaching. Reublin is said to have criti-
cized severely the disorder that prevailed and Wiede-
mann resented his expression of opinion. Though
urged by several of the members to invite Reublin
to preach he persistently refused and when, after
his return from a journey, he was informed that
Reublin had preached without his permission he
was so indignant that he denounced and excom-
municated him and refused to give him a hearing
though urged to do so by Reublin *s friends. With
about 150 sympathizers, Reublin made his way al-
most empty-handed to Auspitz, where a new com-
munity was formed that suffered great hardship.
In Jan., 1531, he was denounced and excommuni-
cated by Jacob Huter, who had been invited by the
Austerlitz and Auspitz communities to assist them
in settling difficulties that had arisen, on the ground
of his imperfect observance of the principle of ab-
solute community of goods which the latter and
the majority of the brethren regarded as of the very
essence of the Gospel. He disappears from view
for over twenty years, discouraged no doubt by his
inability to work harmoniously with the Moravian
antipedobaptists and being excluded from the lands
in which his early years had been spent by the gen-
eral execution of the sanguinary edict of Speyer of
1529. In 1554 old and infirm he returned to Basel
and begged for permission to reside there and en-
gage in humble service for the sick and poor. He
was not encouraged to remain, but a considerable
sum of money was given him to defray his expenses
at a health resort. He returned to Moravia and is
last heard of in 1559 (as above).

A. H. Newman.
Bibliography. A sketch of the life is furnished by G. Bos-
Bert in Blatter fUr WUrUembergiaeKe KirchenQeschichte,
1889, nos. 10-12, 1890, nos. 1-2. Consult further: C. A.
Cornelius, Geechichte dee mUneUreehen Aufruhrg, Leipsie;
1855-60; £. Egli, Die ZQrcher WiedertAufer, Zurich, 1878,

490

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Beublin
Beuohlin

idem, Actensammlung rur Geeehichte der Zurcher Reforma-
tion, ib. 1879; J. Beck, Geechichtebtlcher der Wiedertaufer
in Oeaterreich-Ungarn, Vienna, 1883; L. Keller, Die Re-
formation und die alteren Reformparteien, Leipsic, 1885;
R. NiUche, Geeehichte der Wiedertaufer in der Sehweiz mut
RcfirmatiomeW. Einsiedeln, 1885; C. Gerbert, Geeehichte
der Straeeburger Sektenbewcjunj, 16S4-S5, Straaburg, 1889;
A. H. Newman, Hist, of Anti-Pedobaptiem, pp. 105 sqq.,
Philadelphia, 1897; A. Hulshof, Geeehiedenie van den
Doopegexind en Straaesburg, 1626-67, 1905. For Reublin's
justification of himself and complaint of ill-treatment at
the hands of the Moravian communists cf. his letter to
Pilgram Marbeck in C. A. Cornelius, ut sup., vol. ii.,
BeUage.

REUCHLIH, reiH"lin' (CAPNION), JOHANNES:
German humanist; b. at Pforzheim (24 m. n.w. of
Stuttgart) Feb. 22, 1455; d. at Bad Liebenzell (20
m. w. of Stuttgart) June 30, 1522. After a brief
course at the University of Freiburg, where he was
matriculated May 19, 1470, he was a chorister in
his native town and then gained a place at court in
the chantry of the Margrave Charles I. The latter
sent him as companion to his son to the University
of Paris, where he began the study of Greek. In
the summer of 1474 he worked at Basel (B.A., 1475;
M.A., 1477), still continuing his study of Greek. At
this period he composed his Vocabularius brevilo-
quus (1475), but his teaching of Aristotelian philoso-
phy brought him into conflict with the " sophists "
of the university. He accordingly returned to Paris
and resumed his Greek studies, then went to Or-
leans in 1478 to study jurisprudence, receiving his
degree in law in the following year and supporting
himself by teaching. He continued his legal studies
at Poitiers and became licentiate of law in 1481.
Reuchlin then returned to Germany and intended
to lecture at Tubingen, but was requested by Count
Eberhard im Bart to accompany him to Rome.
After his return to Germany he was the counselor
of the count and also practised law in Stuttgart. In
1484 he received a scat among the court judges, and
two years later was Eberhard 's envoy to the Diet
of Frankfort, besides attending the coronation of
Maximilian at Aachen. Meanwhile Reuchlin had
begun the study of Hebrew. He visited Rome a
second time in 1490 as the companion of the nat-
ural son of Eberhard, and two years later the count
sent him to the court of the Emperor Frederick at
Linz on a diplomatic mission. The emperor hon-
ored Reuchlin by conferring on him the title and
privileges of a palsgrave, and here he secured in-
struction in Hebrew from the emperor's physician-
in-ordinary, the learned Jew Jacob Loans. He now
devoted himself to the mystery of the Cabala (q.v.),
and in 1494 his De verbo mirifico appeared, in which
he sought to show that God and man meet through
the revelation of the mysteries contained in the
marvelous names of God, especially in the tetra-
grammaton, the ineffable first becoming utterable
through the most marvelous of all names (which he
transliterated Jhovh, Jesus, recalling the tetragram-
maton Yhwh), wherein man is united with God and
saved.

The death of Eberhard (Feb. 24, 1496) brought
Reuchlin in peril of his life from the unbridled Eber-
hard the Younger and the Augustinian Konrad
Holzinger, who were opposed to him. He fled from
Stuttgart to Heidelberg and was appointed coun-

selor and chief tutor by the Elector Palatine Philip,
Dec. 31, 1497. In 1498 Reuchlin again went to
Rome on a mission for his patron, finding oppor-
tunity to continue his Hebrew studies with a learned
Jew, Obadiah Sforno, and meeting Aldus Manucius
at Venice. In Apr., 1499, he was again at home.
During the period of his residence at Heidelberg,
which was now to end, he had written, besides Latin
poems and epigrams, two Latin comedies in imita-
tion of Terence, Sergius, and Henno.

Meanwhile Eberhard the Younger had been de-
posed in Wurttemberg, and it became possible for
Reuchlin to return to Stuttgart, where he was one
of the three judges of the Swabian alliance until the
end of 1512. In the midst of his official duties and
his private practise, he found time to publish at
Pforzheim, in 1506, his De rudimentis Hebraicia.
This was followed in 1512 by a Hebrew edition of
the seven penitential Psalms with a literal Latin
translation and grammatical explanation for the
use of beginners; and in 1518 by his De acceniibus
ei orthographia Ungues Hebraicce. In the mean time
he had published in 1517 his De arte cabbalistica, in
which the cabala was held to have been revealed
to Adam by an angel and to have been preserved in
unbroken tradition to the time of the great syna-
gogue and then transmitted by it to the writers of
the Talmud. The cabala was further asserted to
be in harmony with the Pythagorean philosophy,
which had drawn from Egyptian, Jewish, and Per-
sian sources. The esoteric doctrines of the cabala
were emphasized and the various methods of gema-
tria were explained and exemplified.

During this period Reuchlin became involved in
the controversy which was to embitter the closing
years of his life. As early as 1505, in his missive,
Warumb die Juden so lang im elend rind, he had held
that the wretchedness of the Jews was a punish-
ment for their rejection of the Messiah and their
stubborn unbelief. At the same time, he did not
wish them persecuted, but prayed that God might
enlighten them. But Johann Pfefferkorn, a con-
verted Jew, acted differently. He sought to compel
the Jews to surrender all books contrary to the Chris-
tianfaith and to attend sermons preached for their
conversion. Pfefferkorn's course won the approval
of the emperor, who, on Aug. 19, 1509, issued a
mandate requiring compliance with his plans.
Reuchlin declined to cooperate with Pfefferkorn,
while Uriel, archbishop of Mainz, forbade Pfefferkorn
to work in his archdiocese until further notice.
Meanwhile the Jews of Frankfort had complained
to the emperor that Pfefferkorn was ignorant in these
matters, and Maximilian placed Uriel in charge of the
confiscation, at the same time directing him to as-
semble certain scholars and others, including Reuch-
lin, and then to decide the matter. But Uriel de-
layed, and on July 6, 1510, Pfefferkorn obtained from
the emperor a new requirement that the archbishop
should merely secure the written opinions of those
he had before been directed to consult, these deci-
sions being intended for the emperor's consideration.
On Oct. 6, 1510, Reuchlin accordingly delivered his
opinion. He distinguished between obvious impie-
ties, such as the Nizafyon and the Toledoth Yeshu,
which should be destroyed after legal investigation

Reuchlin

THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG

500

and condemnation, and the others, which should be
preserved. The latter were divided into six cate-
gories, characterized partly as having no bearing
on Christianity (as philosophy and natural science),
partly as unobjectionable (liturgies), partly as in-
dispensable for understanding the Bible (commen-
taries), partly as defending the Christian faith (the
cabala), and partly as containing much of value
along with superstition (the Talmud). He likewise
held that the Jews were not heretics, but could
claim legal protection. The opinions of the other
scholars were radically different, and Maximilian
determined to lay the matter before the diet, but
no actual steps were ever taken.

The literary controversy, however, still dragged
on, and Pfefferkorn finally offered to be judged by
the emperor, the archbishop of Mainz, a university,
or the inquisitor. Reuchlin replied to Pfefferkorn in
his Augen8piegd (1511), but the pastor at Frankfort,
Peter Meyer, judging the book heterodox, inhibited
it and sent a copy to the Dominican Jakob Hoch-
straten, inquisitor of the province of Mainz, who
submitted it to the theological faculty of Cologne.
Arnold of Tungern and the Dominican Konrad
Kollin, commissioned to examine it, required Reuch-
lin to withdraw all copies and publicly to beg his
readers to consider him a true Catholic and an
enemy of the Jews and especially of the Talmud.
This was demanding too much, and after a series of
further polemics, including Reuchlin's Ain dare
Verstentnus (1512) and Defensio contra calumniatores
(1513), the emperor was prevailed upon to silence
both parties in June, 1513. Reuchlin now endeav-
ored, through Frederick the Wise, to have the man-
date extended to all his opponents; and the at-
tempt of a Dominican to malign Reuchlin to the
elector led both Luther and Carlstadt to express
themselves in his favor. Frederick answered the
Dominican with diplomatic reserve; but meanwhile
the Cologne faction had secured from the emperor
the confiscation of the Defensio, while Hochstraten
had gained the condemnation of the Augenspiegd
from the universities of Louvain, Cologne, Mainz,
Erfurt, and Paris. Reuchlin was accordingly cited
before the court of the inquisition at Mainz (Sept.
9, 1513). He failed to appear, but appealed to the
pope, and then went to Mainz in the hope of a peace-
able understanding. Failing in this, he again ap-
pealed to the pope, who entrusted the decision to
the Palsgrave George, bishop of Speyer (Nov., 1513).
George cited the parties concerned and delegated
judgment to the learned canon Thomas Truchsess,
a pupil of Reuchlin's. On Mar. 29, 1514, judgment
was rendered in favor of Reuchlin, whereupon Hoch-
straten appealed to the pope, and a committee of
twenty-two was finally appointed, which, on July
2, 1516, decided in Reuchlin's favor. At this mo-
ment, however, a papal mandatum de supersedendo
was issued, and judgment was postponed indefi-
nitely, though Hochstraten remained for a year in
Rome, vainly endeavoring to secure the condem-
nation of the Augenspiegd.

Reuchlin had the sympathy of the Humanists, as
was evidenced both by their letters addressed to him,
which he published as Clarorum virorum epistolct
(Tubingen, 1514, and Zurich, 1558) and Epistolct
obscurorum virorum (q.v.). He had a powerful pro-
tector in Franz von Sickingen (see Sickingen, Franz
von), who warned the Dominicans, and especially
Hochstraten, to leave Reuchlin in peace. A final
court was now determined upon, which met at Frank-
fort in May, 1520, and, condemning Hochstraten 's
attitude, recommended that the provincial should
prevail on the pope to end the controversy and
enjoin silence on both parties, while the Dominican
chapter deposed Hochstraten from his offices of
prior and inquisitor. At Rome, however, Reuchlin
was now considered to be in sympathy with Luther,
and on June 23, 1520, the papal decision was ren-
dered in favor of Hochstraten. Reuchlin appealed
in vain to Rome, and Sickingen with equal futility
to the emperor. But interest in the controversy
was at an end — the problem of Luther had appeared.

On Feb. 29, 1520, Reuchlin was appointed by
Duke William of Bavaria professor of Greek and
Hebrew at Ingolstadt, but early in the following
year the plague compelled him to go to Tubingen,
where he lectured in 1521-22.

The indirect services of Reuchlin to the Refor-
mation were considerable. In 1518 he recommended
his great-nephew Melanchthon as professor of Greek
at Wittenberg; yet his own attitude toward Luther
was unsympathetic, as was his feeling toward the
Reformation in general. (G. Kawerau.)

Bibliography: A notable source is the Acta judiciorum in-
ter Fr. Jacobum Hochstraten . . . et Johannem Reuchlin,
Hagenau, 1518. Lives have been written by J. H. Mai,
Durlach, 1687; H. von der Hardt. Helmstadt. 1715;
8. F. Genres, Carisnihe, 1815; £. T. Mayerhoff, Berlin,
1830; F. Barham, London, 1843; J. Lamey, Pforzheim,
1855; and L. Geiger, Leipsic, 1871. Consult further:
Melanchthon's Oratio continent historiam J. Capnionis, in
CR, xi. 999 sqq.; L. Geiger, Johann Reuchlin* Briefwech-
sel, Tubingen, 1875; idem, in Vierteljahrsschrift fur Kultur
und LUteratur der Renaissance, i (1886), 116 sqq.; E.
Schneider, in Zeitschrift fur Qeschichte des Ober-
rheins, xiii. 547-599; F. W. H. Cremans, De J. Hochstrati
vita et scriptis, Bonn, 1869; L. Geiger, Das Studium
der hebraischen Sprache in Deutschland, Breslau, 1870;
idem. Renaissance und Humanismus, pp. 504 sqq.,
Berlin, 1882; D. F. Strauss. Ulrich von Hutten,
Leipsic, 1871; Horawits, in the Sitsungsberichte of
the Vienna royal academy, philosophic-historical class,
1877; K. Hartf elder, Deutsche Uebersetxungen klassischer
Schriftsteller ausdem HeideVberger Humanistenkreis, Heidel-
berg, 1884; G. H. Putnam, Books and their Makers, L
426 sqq., ii. 172, 202, 226. 237, New York, 1897; idem.
Censorship of the Church of Rome, i. 83 sqq., 233, 335 sqq..
ii. 44 sqq., 217, ib. 1907; J. Janssen, Hist, of the German
People, iii. 44 sqq., St. Louis, 1900; F. A. Gasquet. The
Eve of the Reformation, 159-160, 163-165, New York,
1901; Cambridoe Modern History, i. 572 sqq., ii. 695-
696, New York, 1902-04; N. Paulus, Die deutschen Domi-
nikaner im Kampfe gegen Luther, pp. 94 sqq., 119 sqq.,
Freiburg, 1903; T. M. Lindsay, Hist, of the Reformation,
i. 67 sqq., New York, 1906; the introduction to the E pis-
tola obscurorum virorum, ed. F. G. Stokes, London, 1909;
Schaff, Christian Church, v. 2, pp. 625-630; O. Pfleiderer,
Development of Christianity, 177-179, New York, 1910;
Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, viii. 774 sqq. ; KL, x. 1 101-1 109.
Most of the works which deal with the Reformation and
the early Reformers have tome discussion of Reuchlin.

END OF VOLUME IX.

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Full text of "The new Schaff-Herzog encyclopedia of religious knowledge : embracing Biblical, doctrinal, and practical theology and Biblical, theological, and eclesiastical biography from the earliest times to the present day, based on the 3d ed. of the Realencyklopädie"

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