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With Alphabetical and Analytical Index 
Illustrations, Maps and Diagrams 


19 ,956 

Copyright 1917 

By The New York Times Company 
Times Square, New York City 


Volume VII. 

[This Index constitutes a Table of Contents and an Analytical Index of Authors, 

Subject Matter, and Titles.] 

ABDUL Hamid, 60. 

ABELL, W. S., 106. 

Aerial Attack on Ravenna, 359. 

AERONAUTICS, effect of Zeppelin raid on 
Staffordshire, 11 ; attacks on Paris dis- 
cussed by S. Pichon, 80 ; description of air 
battle on western front, 131 ; insurance 
against bombs in England, 209 ; raid on 
Constantinople r-iade by Smyth-Pigott, 
216 ; value of Zeppelins discussed by A. J. 
Balfour, 249 ; bombardment of Ravenna, 


After Verdun Peace ! 252. 

ALLIES' Economic Conference, resolutions, 
208; countries represented, 399. 

ALSACE-Lorraine, addition to France ob- 
jected to by German Socialists, 74, 79; 
conquest by Germans discussed by G. F. 
Guerrazzi, 334 ; part in events that led to 
war, by N. Kareyew, 510. 

ALTE, Viscount de, 5. 

America Gives $1,200,000 to Red Cross Work, 

America Up Against the Wall, 297. 

America's Opportunity, 509. 

ANDENNE, atrocities in, discussed by P. 
Van Dyke, 271. 

ANDERSON, W. C., 58. 

ANDREYEV, Leonid, "A Bugle Call to 
Duty," 110. 

ARABIA, German plans for terminus of Bag- 
dad Railway at Kuweit blocked by Sheik 
Mubarak, 544. 

ARDOUIN-Dumazet, M., "The Battle of 
Verdun," 418. 

ARENDT, M., 534. 

Armed Liner Issue, 14. 

ARMED Merchant Ships, see SUBMARINE 

Armed Merchantmen and Submarines, 32. 

ARMOR, effectiveness claimed by Dr. Rous- 
sey, 4; for modern soldiers, 123. 

ASQUITH, (Premier) Herbert Henry, ad- 
dress in Parliament on votes of credit, 
49; "The Situation for the Allies," ad- 
dress at opening of Parliament, 96 ; reply 
to Bethmann Hollweg's statement of Ger- 
many's position, 230; announces casualties 
in Irish revolt, 412. 

ATROCITIES, text of evidence in German 
documents, 271. 

Attitude of the American Government To- 
ward the Belligerents, 293. 

Attitude of the German Government, 77. 

AUSTRIA-Hungary, importance to Germany, 
150; history of relations with Italy dis- 
cussed by G. F. Guerrazzi, 332 ; conditions 
in Vienna, 507. 

AVERESCU (Gen.), 9. 

AYLMER (Gen.), 100. 

Vol. VII 

AYMERICH (Gen.), mentioned by Earl 
Kitchener. 101. 


BAGDAD Railroad, status, 167; plan of Ad- 
miral Degouy to cut, 405; policy of Sheik 
Mubarak, 544. 

Bagdad Railway and a Remarkable Arabian 
Sultan, 544. 

BAKER, Newton D., estimate of, 2. 

BALFOUR, Arthur James, attack by 
Churchill, 8 ; " What Britain's Navy Has 
Done," address in Parliament, 247; at- 
tack by Col. W. S. Churchill, 251. 

BALKAN States, German designs on Turkey 
discussed by Count Reventlow, 59 ; situa- 
tion summarized by Count Sazonoff, 103; 
part in causes of present war, stated by 
N. Kareyev, 510. 

BALKAN War (1912), purpose stated by 
Count Reventlow, 61 ; statement by G. F. 
Guerrazzi, 544. 

BALLIN, Albert, 1. 

BARCLAY, R. Norton, on free trade in Eng- 
land, 56. 

BARRES, Maurice, " The Heroism of Chil- 
dren," 357. 

BARRY, Beatrice, poem, " The Woman's 
Part," 95. 

BARZINI, Luigi, " Cadorna : Italy's Idol," 

BASSOMPIERRE, Albert De, " How the 
Great War Began," 526. 

Battle of Verdun, 418. 

Battle That Won Kut-el-Amara, 553. 

BAZIN, Rene, " The Valiant," 356. 

BEDIER (Prof.), 276, 280. 

BEGNIGNI, (Mgr.) Umber to, argument for 
inclusion of the Pope in peace confer- 
ence, 513. 

BEITH, (Capt.) Ian H., "The First Hun- 
dred Thousand," review, 170. 

Belgian Woman's Ordeal, 135. 

BELGIUM, diplomatic events leading up to 
invasion related by A. de Bassompierre, 
526 ; text of German ultimatum, 536 ; Bel- 
gian reply, 537 ; text of treaty guaran- 
teeing neutrality, 538 ; German contention* 
that neutrality was forfeited by annexa- 
tion of Congo discussed by Dr. Rathgen, 

BELL, Edward Price, interview with Sir 
Edward Grey on " Cause of the War and 
Peace Conditions," 481. 

BELLOC, Hilaire, " Germany's Total War 
Losses in Men," 351. 

BELOW-Saleske, (Herr) von, 528, 536. 

BENEDICT XV. (Pope), see ROMAN Cath- 
olic Church. 

BENNETT, Arnold, " Germany's Changed 
Attitude," 505. 

Berlin-Constantinople Express, 166. 

BERWINDALE (S. S.), 238. 



Best Way to Enforce Peace, 465. 

BETHMANN Hollweg, (Dr.) Theobald von, 
" Attitude of the German Government," 
answer to Dr. Scheidemann's interpella- 
tion on peace, 77; speech in Reichstag 
stating- position of Germany, 228; reply of 
Premier Asquith, 230; statement in 
Reichstag on Verdun, 432; quoted on in- 
ability of England to starve Germany, 
457 ; quoted on invasion of Belgium by Sir 
E. Grey, 483 ; criticism of address In 
Reichstag by G. K. Chesterton, 507. 

BIRD WOOD, (Lieut. Gen. Sir) W. f 559. 

BIRRELL, Augustine, resignation as Chief 
Sec. to Ireland, 414. 

BIRTH Rate, diminution in Germany, 124. 

BISMARCK, (Prince) Otto von, policy to- 
ward Italy discussed by G. F. Guerrazzi, 
334; quoted on contraband, 458. 

BLACK Sea, work of Russian torpedo boats, 

BLACKLIST (British), see TRADING with 
the Enemy Act. 

BLASCO-Tbanez, Vicente, " More Manliness 
in Literature," 154. 

BLATCHFORD, Robert, 349. 

BLIND, see RELIEF Work. 

BLOCKADE (British), see ORDER in Coun- 

BOCHE, origin of use, 525. 

BOELCKE, (Lieut.) 131. 

BOKANOWSKI, N., "The Sinking of the 
Provence II.," 496. 

BOOK Reviews, 170-175, 372-376, 480. 

BORAH, (Sen.) William Edgar, speech In 
Senate on armed merchantmen, 21. 

BOTHA, (Gen.) Louis, quoted on South Af- 
rican Union, 539. 

BOURGAIN, Marie, " The French Woman's 
New Ideal," 323. 

BOUTROUX, Emile, " France Gaining- a 
New Status," 152. 

BOWLES, T. Gibson, quoted on Declarations 
of London and of Paris, 294; on arming 
in neutral ports, 295. 

BOY AN, M., " Teutonic Ignorance of Rus- 
sia," 350. 

BRATLSFORD, H. N., " The Reshaping of 
Mid-Europe," 342. 

BRA.UN, Lily, "War and the Duty of 
Motherhood," 324. 

BRIDGE, (Admiral Sir) Cyprian, report on 
shipping losses, 240. 

British and German War Finance, 266. 

BRITISH Assoc. of Chambers of Commerce, 
resolutions on tariff, 57. 

British Disaster at Kut-el-Amara, 551. 

British Enemy Trading Acts, 243. 

British Merchant Marine Losses, 106. 

BRITISH Observer, " Is England Going to 
Abandon Free Trade?" 55. 

British Premier's Reply, 230. 

British View of Armed Merchantmen, 34. 

BRODNEY, Spencer, " Woman's Invasion of 
British Industry," 52. 

BROOKS, Sydney, " Sir Edward Grey and 
His Problems," 88. 

BRYAN, William Jennings, criticised by B. 
Tarkington, 463. 

BRYCE, (Viscount) James, on " War and 
Progress," 209. 

BUFFUM, Douglas, " Origin of the Word 
' Boche,' " 525. 

Bugle Call to Duty, 110. 

BUKOWINA, see CAMPAIGN in Europe, 

Burdens and Dangers from Europe's Colossal 
War Debts, 476. 

Vol. VII 

BUTLER, (Dr.) Nicholas Murray, 403. 


CADORNA, (Gen.) Luigi, sketch by Luigi 

Barzini, 514. 
CADWALADER, John, Jr., " The Best Way 

to Enforce Peace," 464. 
CAMEROON, see CAMPAIGN in Africa. 
CAMPAIGN in Africa, 7, 101. 
CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor, 2, 8, 44, 46, 100, 

207, 213, 216, 256, 404, 405, 438, 441, 546, 

551, 553. 
CAMPAIGN in Europe, Austro-Italian 

Border, 100, 215. 

CAMPAIGN in Europe, Balkan States, 44, 99. 
CAMPAIGN in Europe, Eastern, 214, 255, 259, 

596, 597. 
CAMPAIGN in Europe, Western, 1, 9, 36, 41, 

45, 62, 99, 145, 212, 252, 256, 260, 371, 404, 

418, 432, 440, 442. 
CAMPAIGN in Turkey, 556. 
CANADA, recruiting discussed by Maj. Gen. 

Sam Hughes, 105. 

CAPRIVI, (Count) G. L. von, 458. 
CAPUS, Alfred, " A Limping Peace Im- 
possible," 151. 
CARDOZO, H. G., " General Joffre at Close 

Range," 132. 
CARRANZA, (Gen.) Venustiano, see 

CARSON, (Sir) Edward, manifesto to people 

of Ireland, 414 ; direction of beginning of 

Ulster movement, 415. 

CASEMENT, (Sir) Roger, captured in anti- 
British plot, 409. 
CASUALTIES, English losses stated by 

Count Sazonoff , 104 ; Canadian losses, 

105 ; comparison of losses in civil war with 

those of Germany at present time, 210; 

German, 352. 

CAUSES of War, Prussianism arraigned by 
Count Sazonoff, 102 ; views of Sir E. Grey 
on responsibility of Germany, 481 ; Ger- 
man reply to charge of Count Sazonoff, 
4S5; historical development traced by N. 
Kareyev, 510 ; diplomatic events leading 
up to invasion of Belgium, told by A. de 
Bassompierre, 526 ; text of German ulti- 
matum to Belgium, 536; Belgian reply, 
537; militarism in Germany, 541; state- 
ment by G. F. Guerrazzi, 504. 

CEANNT, Eamonn, execution, 4. 

CECIL, (Lord) Robert, on new policy affect- 
ing contraband, 211. 


CHAMBERLAIN, George E., provisions of 
defense measure, 3. 

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph, 55. 

Changes in the American Spirit, 107. 

Charge That Captured Hill 70, 145. 

CHAUVINISM in Germany, 540. 

CHESTERTON, Gilbert K., " The German 
Chancellor's Speech," 507. 

CHINA, rebellion, 10. 

CHRONOLOGY of the War, 205, 397, 589. 

CHURCHILL, (Col.) Winston Spencer, at- 
tack on Balfour, 8 ; quoted on arming of 
merchant vessels in German memoran- 
dum. 24 ; mentioned by A. J. Balfour in 
address to Parliament, 247, 249; attack 
on Balfour, 251. 

CIVIL War, U. S., 210, 519. 

CLAN Mac Tavish (S. S.), poem, 328; ac- 
count of sinking, 360. 

CLARKE, Thomas J., execution, 414. 

CLEMENCEAU, Jules, " Need of a Lasting 
Peace," 115. 

CLEVELAND, (Pres.) Grover, quoted, 282. 


COLUM, Padraic, " Origins of the Irish Re- 
volt," 415. 


Coming Victory, 147. 

COMMERCE, German disregard of freedom 
of seas, discussed by A. B. Hart, 30; 
promotion in England mentioned by Lord 
Rosebery, 93 ; suggested as means of 
maintaining credit at close of war by 
Premier Asquith, 98; Germany's suprem- 
acy over England, stated by M. Corelli, 
306; future of German trade discussed by 
Dr. Jastrow, 345 ; German invasion of 
French industry, 478 ; German trade con- 
quest declared responsible for war, by 
Milloud, 480. 

ING With the Enemy Act. 

CONGO State, British and Belgian relations 
in, discussed by Dr. Rathgen, 538. 

CONNOLLY, James, execution, 414. 

CONSTANTINOPLE, Russian and German 
interest stated by Count Reventlow, 59; 
air raid made by Smyth-Pigott, 216. 

CONTRABAND of War, new British Order 
in Council, 211 ; Prince Bismarck and 
Count Caprivi quoted in British defense 
of blockade, 458 ; reasons for condemning 
cotton stated in British note to U. S., 521; 
list of articles declared contraband, 523. 

COOKSON, (Lieut. Commander) E. C., death, 

COQUET (S. S.), 362. 

CORELLI, Marie, " The Kaiser's Harvest of 
Death," 305. 

CORFU, 214. 

Corking Up the -Kiel Canal, 125. 

COST of War, approximation of debt, 4; 
English votes of credit, 49 ; general state- 
ment, 84 ; annual cost per capita compared 
with expense of running U. S. Govt., 208; 
statistics of expenditures and debt, 476. 
See also FINANCES. 

COTTON, as contraband, 521. 

COURTNEY (Lord), views on war, 74. 

CRAMMOND, Edgar, comparison of British 
and German war finance, 266. 

CRESPIGNY, (Capt.) Charles D., "Where 
the Path Breaks," review, 172. 

CRIME, British decrease, 209. 

Crisis in History, 299. 

CRISPI, Francesco, 336. 

CRISPOTTI, Filippo, reply to E. Nathan on 
ex-elusion of the Pope from peace confer- 
ence, 512. 

Crushing of Germany, 93. 

CRUSO, H. A., poem, "Verdun," 437. 

CULBERT, Cornelius, execution, 414. 

DALY, Edward, execution, 414. 

DAVIGNON, M., 529, 536. 

DAVIS, Richard Harding, " Sketches from 
the War Zone," 62. 

DECKER, Perl, speech in House In favor of 
McLemore resolution, 22. 

Defense of the British Blockade, 516. 


DEGOUY, (Rear Admiral), summary of naval 
strength of belligerents, 8; "Corking Up 
the Kiel Canal," 125; plan to cut Bagdad 
railroad, 405. 

DELAMAIN (Brig. Gen.), 555. 
DERNBURG, (Dr.) Bernhard, " If Great 

Britain Had Remained Neutral," 467. 
Discontent in Germany and Austria, 506. 
DISCOVERIES (In science), see INVEN- 

Vol. VII 

DITFURTH, (Maj. Gen.) von, on justification 
of acts of soldiers, 275. 

DOBELL (Gen.), mentioned by Earl Kitch- 
ener, 101. 

DODD, (Col.) G. A., see MEXICO. 

Dogs of War That Save the Wounded, 138. 

DUBLIN Transport Workers, 415. 

DYCK, Siegfried, " Changes in the American 
Spirit," 107. 


EAGLE Point (S. S.), 239. 
ECONOMIC Conference, see ALLIES' Eco- 
nomic Conference. 

Economic Demobilization in Germany, 116. 
ELLIS, Havelock, " Is Morality Disappear- 
ing in War? " 301. 
ELST, (Baron) von der, 528. 

Admiralty, secret orders to armed mer- 
chantmen, 241 ; policy discussed by A. 
J. Balf our in Parliament, 247 ; secret 
orders regarding submarines, found on 
steamer Woodfield, 291 ; orders made 
public, 292. 
Aid to France, 406. 
Aims, in present war stated by Sir E. 

Grey, 481; views of A. Bennett, 505. 
Army, Premier Asquith's survey in Parlia- 
ment, 96 ; statement by Kitchener on 
conscription, 101; "Recruiting in Can- 
ada," by Maj. Gen. Hughes, 105; ex- 
emption from service of objectors to 
war, 210; British men under arms in 
present and past wars, 402. 
Cabinet, criticism by R. C. Long, 352. 
Colonies, B. Law on voice in peace ne- 
gotiations, 128. 

Economy, need for, discussed by Lord 
Rosebery, 93; by Premier Asquith, 98. 
Elimination from Continental politics sug- 
gested by M. Revai, 127. 
Finances, votes of credit and cost of war 
discussed by Premier Asquith in Par- 
liament, 49; war measures stated by 
U. Tombesi, 82 ; means of meeting 
burden discussed by Premier Asquith 
at opening of Parliament, 97 ; situa- 
tion, 266 ; new budget and tax assess- 
ments, 401. 
Foreign relations, under Sir Edward Grey, 

Labor, effect of war on economic status 

of woman, 52. 

Navy, survey of work during war, by 
Premier Asquith, 96 ; position dis- 
cussed by A. J. Balfour, 247. 
Preparedness for war, discussed by Lord 

Rosebery, 94. 
Retirement Committee, criticism by Lord 

Rosebery, 93. 
United States, Relations with, see under 

ENGLISHMAN (S. S.), 239. 
ERVINE, St. John, 216. 

ERZERUM, see CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 
ESCHWEGE, Ludwig, " Land for German 

Soldiers," 118. 
EVANS, L. Worthington, 244. 

FALKENHAYN, (Gen.) E. G. A. S. von. 283. 
FERDINAND, King of Bulgaria, toast at 

Schoenbrunn, 235 ; criticism by Pierre Loti, 

FERRERO, Guglielmo, interview on outcome 

of war, 111; "A Crisis in History," 299; 

" Why Europe Was Deceived," 472. 
FIFE, Robert H., Jr., " The German Empire 

Between Two Wars," review, 372. 
Fight of the Clan MacTavish, 360. 
FINANCES, expenditure for war and analy- 
sis of debts, 476. 

See also COST of War and under names 
of various countries. 



Financing the European War, 81, 

FISH, Hamilton, 289. 

Flaming Fokker, 134. 

FLETCHER, (Rear Admiral) Frank Friday, 
proclamation in Vera Cruz, 280. 

Flying Across Mount Ararat, 501. 

Foraging at the Front, 133. 

FOURNIER, August, Napoleon and Hinden- 
burg in Russia, 354. 

FRANCE, Cabinet changes, 6; effect of war 
on finances discussed by U. Tombesi, 81; 
tribute by C. Ferrero, 111 ; appointment of 
P. Painleve to Ministry of War Inven- 
tions, 120 ; work of women, 258 ; women as 
munitions workers, 321 ; analysis of Eng- 
land's aid to France, 400; comparison with 
Germany before the war, by G. Ferrero, 
472 ; German invasion of industry, dis- 
cussed by R. G. Levy, 478 ; Ministry of 
Marine on British blockade, 517. 

France Gaining a New Status, 152. 

FRANCIS Joseph, Emperor of Austria, toast 
at Schoenbrunn, 235. 

FREDERICK the Great, military ideal, 302. 

FREE Trade, see TARIFF. 

FREEDOM of the Seas, see SEAS. 

FRENCH, (Gen. Sir) John, tribute by Kitch- 
ener, 101. 

French Humor in War Time, 314. 

French Woman's A T etc Ideal, 323. 

French Women as Munition Makers, 321. 

Frenzied German Trade a Cause of the War, 

From a Waiting Ambulance, 227. 

Full Meaning of Our Position in the Lusi- 
tania Case, 270. 

FUNSTON, (Maj. Gen.) Frederick, see 

Future of German Trade, 345. 

Future of Serbia, 168. 

GAIFFIER, Baron de, 532. 
GALICIA, see CAMPAIGN in Europe, East- 
GALLIENI, (Gen.) Joseph Simon, replaced 

by Gen. Roques, G. 
GARDINER, J. B. W., "Month's Military 

Developments," 45, 256, 438. 
GAUTHIER (Asst. Quartermaster), 497. 
General Joffre at Close Range, 132. 
German Birth Rate in War Time, 124. 
German Case Against Germany, 221. 
German Chancellor's Address, 228. 
German Chancellor's Speech, 507. 
German Inventiveness in War Time, 121. 
German Submarine Issue, 230. 
German White Book on Armed Merchantmen, 


German Woman's Work in War Time, 315. 
GERMANS in America, spirit discussed by S. 

Dyck, 107 ; discussed by G. B. Shaw, 221. 

Aims, domination of Central Europe, dis- 
cussed by Prof. Masaryk, 150 ; views of 
J. Cadwalader, Jr., 464. 

Army, land for soldiers, 118 ; inefficiency 

discussed by G. B. Shaw, 223, 226; 

war usages from official documents 

discussed by P. van Dyke, 270. 

Arraignment, by Count Sazonoff , 102 ; by 

M. Vesnitch, 115. 

Belgium, ultimatum to, and reply, 536. 
Bundesrat, discontent in, 10. 
Cabinet, changes, 6. 
Conditions in Berlin, stated by M. 

Likiardopoulo, 506. 

Economic Conditions, measures for pre- 
venting instability at close of war dis- 

Vol VII 

cussed by Dr. Riesser, 116 ; struggle 
of middle class, 144. 
Efficiency, declared overrated by G. B. 

Shaw, 221. 

Expansion, views of E. Haeckel, 232. 
Finances, preparation for war discussed 
by U. Tombesi, 82 ; compared with 
British, 266 ; Govt. appeal to public to 
subscribe to fourth war loan, 267. 
Food Supply, discussed by Dr. Scheide- 
mann, 7&; facsimile of latest bread 
card, 159; treaty with Rumania for 
surplus food materials, 259 ; facsimile 
of butter and potato cards in Berlin, 
France, comparison before war, by G. 

Ferrero, 472. 

Government, opinion of G. B. Shaw, 221. 
Inventions, in war time, described by 

Heinrich Goehring, 121. 
Labor, employment of women, 315. 
Navy, policies of William II. discussed by 
Count Reventlow, 59. 
See also SUBMARINE Warfare. 
Portugal, declaration of war with, 11. 
Position, stated in Reichstag by Dr. Beth- 
mann Hollweg, 228; reply of Premier 
Asquith, 230. 
Preparedness for War, commented on by 

E. Verhaeren, 153. 
Socialist, see SOCIALISTS. 
Turkey, Relations with, discussed by 

Count von Reventlow, 60. 
United States, Relations with, see SUB- 
MARINE Warfare. 

" Germany Hid a Stone in Her Bosom," 102. 
Germany's Changed Attitude, 505. 
Germany's Fourth War Loan, 207. 
Germany's Invasion of French Industry Be- 
fore 'the War, 478. 
Germany's Mental Isolation, 347. 
Germany's Note on Submarine Activities, 238. 
Germany's Peace Conditions, 72. 
Germany's Peace Terms, 232. 
Germany's Reply to Sazonoff s Charges Re- 

gardiny Outbreak of the War, 485. 
Germany's Total War Losses in Men, 351. 
GIOLITTI, Giovanni, fall in 1892 discussed 
by G. F. Guerrazzi, 330 ; corruption and 
effect on Italian politics, 502 ; opposition 
to Italy's entry into war, 500. 
GLENN, (Col.) Edwin F., 3. 
GOEHRING, Heinrich, ".German Inventive- 
ness in War Time," 121. 
GOETTSCHE (Under Officer), 278. 
GOETZ, Karl, 459. 

GOLTZ, (Field Marshal Baron) Kolmar von 
der, proclamation on hostages, 272 ; death, 

GORE, Thomas P., introduces Senate resolu- 
tion on armed merchantmen, 15, IS. 
GORIZIA, see CAMPAIGN in Europe, Aus- 

tro-Italian Border. 
GOTESCH (Gen.,) 9. 

GRASSET, (Rear Admiral) A., " French Of- 
ficial Report' on the Sussex," 237. 
Great Teutonic Plan, 150. 

GREECE, placed in difficult position by Al- 
lies' plan to transport Serbian troops, 214. 
GREY, (Sir) Edward, character and career 
analyzed by S. Brooks, 88 ; tribute by 
Lord Rosebery, 94; interview on "Cause 
of the War and Peace Conditions," 481; 
tribute by Count A. H. Tolstoy, 500 ; re- 
ply to U. S. protest against interference 
with neutral trade, 516. 
GROOM, (Capt.) Arnold C. B., " Sunk at 

Sea by a U-Boat," 362. 
GROSSE, O., "Mail Service in the World 

War," 164. 

GUERRAZZI, G. F., "Why Italy Went Into 
the War," 332, 560. 




HAECKEL, Ernst, " Germany's Peace 

Terms," 232. 
HAGLUND, Patrick, " Germany's Mental 

Isolation," 347. 

HAGUE Conventions, on conversion of mer- 
chant vessels into warships, 286 ; article 
on fitting out vessels in neutral ports, 

HAIG, (Gen. Sir) Douglas, tribute by Kitch- 
ener, 101. 

HALE, Walter, " By Motor to the Firing 
Line," review, 173. 

HALLIFAX, E. W., "The Self-Revelation 
of the German War Party Before the 
War," 540. 

HANOTAUX, Gabriel, " How the War Will 
Be Viewed by History and Art," 85; 
"America Up Against the Wall," 297; 
" Work of the Women," 358. 

Hard Struggle of Middle-Class Germans, 144. 
HARDEN, Maximilian, " Peace or Desperate 

War," 112. 

HARDINGE (Lord), 545. 
HARRISON, John D., " Sunk and Saved by 

a U-Boat," 497. 
HART, Albert Bushnell, " Freedom of the 

Seas," 30; "Armed Merchantmen and 

Submarines," 32. 
HASHAGEN, I., " Political Lessons of the 

War," 119. 

HAT, Ian, see BEITH, Ian H. 
HAT, James, provisions of measure for de- 
fense, 3. 

Heard on the Balkan Express, 369. 
HEDIN, Sven, " Hindenburg," 367. 
HENDERSON, Arthur, view on peace, 72. 
HENRT, Prince of Reuss, 546. 
Heroism of Children, 357. 
HEUSTON, J. J., execution, 414. 
HEWITT, Mrs. Peter Cooper, 67. 
HINDENBURG (Field Marshal), "Hard 

Struggle of Middle-Class Germans," 144; 

Sketch by Sven Hedin, 367. 
HOHENBORN, (Gen.) Wild von, statement 

on Verdun in Reichstag, 432. 
HOLT, Winifred, 67. 
HOLZENDORF (Baron), 2. 
HOROWITZ, M. D., " L'Organisme des 

Etats-Tampoons Gardiens de la Paix," 

review, 175. 

HOSTAGES, German treatment of, 273. 
How England is Paying for the War, 49. 
How Soldiers Blinded in Battle Find New 

Hope, 66. 

How I Entered Germany, 498. 
How the British Left Gallipoli, 556. 
How the Great War Began, 526. 
How the War Will be Vieioed by History and 

Art, 85. 

How They Died for France, 129. 
HUGHES, (Maj. Gen.) Sam, "Recruiting in 

Canada," 105; sketch of career, 106. 
Human Documents of the War Fronts, 129, 

356, 490. 
KURD, Archibald, " A British View of 

Armed Merchantmen," 34. 

IBANEZ, see BLASCO-Ibanez. 
// Great Britain Had Remained Neutral, 467. 
Important War Books in Press, 170, 372. 
In. the Forest of the Vosges, 63. 
" In Three Months London Would Have 
Fallen," 149. 

Vol. VII 

INDIA, Moslem troops, 215. 

INSURANCE, British rates of insurance 
against aircraft, 209. 


INTERNATIONAL Police, plan of J. Cad- 
walader, Jr., 466. 

International Status of the Pope, 329. 

Interpretations of World Events, 6, 212, 404. 


INVENTIONS, French Ministry of Inven- 
tions for Military Defense, 120; German 
discoveries in war time, 121. 

IRELAND, article by G. B. Shaw to prove 
that England is not an enemy, 217 ; edito- 
rial comment on revolt, 405 ; story of the 
revolt and work of Sinn Fein, 409 ; atti- 
tude of Irish-Americans, 413 ; resignation 
of officials, 414 ; attitude of Ulster in 1913 
and origin of the revolt, by P. Colum, 415 ; 
taxation, 417. 

IRISH in America, 217. 

Irish Nonsense About Ireland, 217. 

IRON, plans for cutting off German supply, 

7s England Going to Abandon Free Trade? 

7s Morality Disappearing in War? 301. 

" It Will Take Europe at Least Fifty Years 
to Recover," 111. 

Italian Humor of the War, 341. 

Italian Prisoners in Austria, 160. 

Italian Prisoners in Russia, 162. 

ITA.LT, finances discussed by U. Tombesi, 
83 ; historical sketch and reasons for en- 
tering the war, by G. F. Guerrazzi, 332, 
560; German control of Banca Com- 
merciale Italiana discussed by G. F. 
Guerrazzi, 562. 

JAGOW, Gottlieb von, statement on armed 
liners, 15 ; submits note to U. S. on at- 
tacks on various steamers, 238 ; presents 
reply to Amer. note on submarines. 452 ; 
note giving results of investigation of 
Sussex case, 458. 

JAPAN, attitude toward U. S., as expressed 
by Japanese naval officer, 126. 

Japanese Menace to America, 126. 

JASTROW, (Dr.) I., " The Future of German 
Trade," 345. 

JEFFERSON, (Pres.) Thomas, quoted on 
English government, 295. 

JELLICOE, (Admiral Sir) John, views on 
British blockade, 516. 

JINGO, origin of use, 407. 

JOFFRE, (Gen.) Joseph, sketch by H. G. 
Cardozo, 132. 

JORDAN, David Starr, " Ways to Lasting 
Peace," review, 174. 


K. D. M. S., Jr., poem, " Passing of the 

Clan MaoTavish," 328. 
KAHN, Otto, interest in relief work for 

blind soldiers, 68. 
Kaiser's Harvest of Death, 305. 
KAREYEV, N., " Origin and Meaning of the 

War," 510. 

KENT, Thomas, execution, 414. 
KIEL Canal, plan for bottling up German 

fleet outlined by Rear Admiral Degouy, 


KIPLING, Rudyard, " The Puzzled Ger- 
man," 490. 
KITCHENER, (Earl) H. H., " Review of 

Military Events," speech at opening of 

Parliament, 99. 
KLEINT (Officer), 275. 



KUROPATKIN, (Gen.) Alexei, estimate of, 

6 ; strategy on Dwina, 214. 
KUT-EL-AMARA, 551-555. 

See also CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 

LABOR, see WOMEN; also under names of 


Land for German Soldiers, 118. 

LANDSBERG, (Deputy), " A Social Demo- 
; cratic View," 78. 

LANSING, (Sec.) Robert, statement on Villa 
punitive expedition, 3 ; notice to Ambas- 
sador Bernstorff concerning armed liners, 
14 ; cables to Gerard about Sussex, 236 ; 
note to England on enemy trading act, 
243 ; statement on armed liners, 290 ; note 
to Germany on Sussex disaster, 444 ; 
statement of facts in case, 447 ; reply to 
German note conceding reform of sub- 
marine warfare, 456. 

LARKIN, James, 415. 

LAROO, Renzo, " Italian Prisoners in Rus- 
sia," 162. 

Latest German Bread Cards, 159. 

LAW, Bonar, 128. 

LEOPOLD II., King of Belgium, 538. 

LETTERS from French soldiers, 492. 

Letters from the Wife of a Russian General, 

LEVY, Raphael Georges, " Germany's In- 
vasion of French Industry Before the 
War," 478. 

LIEBKNECHT, (Dr.) Karl, on militarism, 
speech in Reichstag, 355. 

LIKIARDOPOULO, M., " Discontent in Ger- 
many and Austria," 506. 

Limping Peace Impossible, 151. 

LINCOLN, Abraham, on attacks on mer- 
chant ships, 20. 

LIST, Carl, " Two Weeks on a Submarine," 

LITERATURE, effects of the war discussed 
by V. Blasco-Ibanez, 154. 

LLOYD GEORGE, David, statement on fu- 
ture conditions if Germany should win, 

LODGE, Henry Cabot, speech in Senate on 
armed liners, 19. 

LONDON, Declaration of, repudiated, 294. 

LONDON Morning Post, on the tariff, 57. 

LONG, Robert Crozier, " What's Wrong with 
the War," 352. 

Lord Rosebery's Only Fear, 71. 

LOREBURN (Lord), statement on unsatis- 
factory position of England, 74. 

LOTI, Pierre, " The Two Gorgon Heads," 

LUBOMIRSKI (Prince), 113. 

LUDWIG, Emil, " Heard on the Balkan 
Express," 369. 

LUSITANIA Case, discussed by P. van Dyke, 
281 ; description of medal commemorating 
sinking, 459. 

LVOFF, (Prince) G., " The Spirit of Russia 
and the War," 344. 


McBRIDE, (MaJ.) M. John, execution, 414. 

McCUMBER, Porter James, views on armed 
liner controversy, IS. 

MacDIARMAD, S., execution, 414. 

MacDONAGH, Thomas, execution, 414. 

MACDONALD, Ramsay, 74. 

MACH, (Dr.) Edmund von. "The Attitude 
of the American Govt. Toward the Bel- 
ligerents, 293. 

Vol. VII 

MacINTYRE, Michael, " The Fight of the 
Clan MacTavish," 360. 

McKENNA, Reginald, on tariff, 56. 

McLEMORE, Jeff: resolution on armed mer- 
chantmen prepared, 15 ; vote on, 21. 

MacNEILL, John, 416, 417. 

Magazinists of the World on the War, 112, 
342, 505. 

Mail Service in the World War, 164. 

MAILS, effect of war in belligerent coun- 
tries, stated by O. Gross, 164; seizure of, 
protest of U. S. and reply, 211. 

MALLON, Michael, execution, 414. 

MANCHESTER, England, Chamber of Com- 
merce declares against free trade, 56. 

MANCHESTER Engineer (S. S.), 239. 

MARGAN Abbey (S. S.), 497. 

MARKIEWICZ, (Countess) Georgina, sur- 
render, 412 ; sentence, 414. 

MASARYK, (Prof.), " The Great Teutonic 
Plan," 150. 

MASON, Gregory, " Poland's Future ; Rus- 
sian or German?" 114. 


MELLENTHIN, H. H., "After Verdun- 
Peace!" 252; "Verdun: The Epic of the 
War," 432. 

MERCHANT Ships, status in international 
law, article by C. Tower, 285 ; losses, 
402 ; Amer. memorandum on status, 450. 

MERCIER, (Cardinal), speech at Ghent, 165. 

MEXICO, attack on Columbus, N. M., by 
Villa bandits, and U. S. punitive expedi- 
tion, 2; attitude of Carranza, 3; account 
of punitive expedition ; work of Funston, 
Dodd, and Pershing, 244 ; agreement be- 
tween Carranza Govt. and U. S. that 
each patrol border, 403. 

MILAN. Rene, " On a French Cruiser in 
War Time," 308. 

MILITARISM, German, arraigned by Count 

fcazonoff, 102 ; triumph predicted by Gen. 
von Reichenau, 296 ; article by H. Ellis, 
301 ; virtues of, discussed by M. Revai, 
348 ; denunciation by Dr. Liebknecht, 355 ; 
growth in Germany discussed by E. W. 
Hallifax, 540. 

Military Survey of tlie War, by K. Witt- 
genstein, 41. 
MILITARY Training, 106. 

MILLIOUD, Maurice, " The Ruling Caste 
and Frenzied Finance in Germany, ' re- 
view, 480. 

MILYUKOFF, (Prof.), quoted on Russia and 
Germany in Turkey, 407 ; " What Russia 
Is Fighting For," 488. 

MOEWE, encounter with Clan MacTavish, 

MOHAMMEDANISM, holy war of followers 
a myth, 215. 

MONITORS, modern use, 408. 

MONRO, (Gen. Sir) Charles, " How the 
British Left Gallipoli," 556. 

Monroe Doctrine for Europe, 127. 

MONTAGU, E. S., 56. 

Month's Military Developments, 45, 256, 438. 

MORALITY, effect of war on, discussed by 
H. Ellis, 301. 

More Manliness in Literature, 154. 


MUBARAK, Sheik of Kuweit, 544. 

MUNITIONS of War, exported from New 
York, 4 : decision of Pres. Wilson on ex- 
port, and Declaration of London, 295. 

My England, 284. 




Napoleon and Hindenburg in Russia, 354. 

NATHAN, Ernesto, reply to, by Filippo 
Crispotti, 512. 

NATHAN, (Sir) Matthew, 414. 

NATIONAL City Bank, New York, state- 
ment of German financial situation, 266. 

NAVAL Battles, see NAVAL Manoeuvres. 

NAVAL Manoeuvres, Russian raids on Turk- 
ish shipping in Black Sea, 136; sinking 
of Clan MacTavish, 360. 

NAVAL Supremacy, see SEAS, Freedom of. 

Need of a Lasting Peace, 115. 

NIPPOLD, (Dr.), on increase of Chauvinism 
in Germany, 540. 

NIXON, (Gen. Sir) John, "The Battle That 
Won Kut-el-Amara," 553. 

NORDMANN, Charles, " M. Painleve, Min- 
ister of War Inventions," 120. 

NUR-Ed-Din, 553. 


Officer's Story, 491. 

O'HANRAHAN, Michael, execution, 414. 

On a French Cruiser in War Time, 308. 

Only a Dog, 504. 

Only a Long War Can Bring Peace, 153. 

OPPENHEIM, (Prof.), 291. 

ORDER in Council, British, new policy af- 
fecting contraband, 211 ; effect on Ger- 
man commerce discussed by Dr. Jastrow, 
345 ; contention by British that blockade 
is impartial, 401 ; German comment in 
note to U. S., 454; British reply, German 
comment, 456 ; British note to U. S. in 
reply to protest, 516. 

Origin and Meaning of the War, 510. 

Origin of the Word " Boche," 525. 

Origins of the Irish Revolt, 415. 

OSUCHOWSKI, Antoine, 113. 

PAGE, Walter Hines, 243. 

PAINLEVE, Paul, appointment to French 
Ministry of Inventions, 120. 

PAINTING, war painters encouraged in 
Germany, 122. 

PARES, Bernard, " Day by Day with the 
Russian Army," review, 171. 

PARIS, Declaration of, 294. 

Paris and German Zeppelins, 80. 

Paris Owes, $400,000,000 for Rents, 313. 

Passing of the Clan MacTavish, 328. 

PAYNE (Commodore), work commended by 
A. J. Balfour, 249. 

PEACE, interpellation of Dr. Scheidemann 
in Reichstag on Socialists' attitude, 74; 
reply of Bethmann Hollweg, 77 ; views 
of Deputy Landsberg, 78 ; views of M. 
Harden, 112 ; views of Jules Clemenceau, 
115; "Limping Peace Impossible," by A. 
Capus, 151 ; effect on France, discussed 
by E. Boutroux, 152 ; conditions discussed 
by Bethmann Hollweg in Reichstag, 229 ; 
reply of Premier Asquith, 230; German 
terms discussed by Ernst Haeckel, 232 ; 
Pres. Poincare on, 400; latest terms, 406- 
views of Sir E. Grey, 481; maintained by 
international policing of seas, plan of J 
Cadwalader, 466; views of A. Bennett, 
505 ; desire for in Berlin and Vienna, 
stated by M. Likiardopoulo, 506 argu- 
ments by F. Crispotti and U. Benigni for 
inclusion of the Pope in peace confer- 
ence, 512; Italy's stand stated by G. F. 
Guerrazzi, 568. 

Peace or Desperate War, 112. 

PEARSE, Padraic H., proclamation of Irish 
republic, 412; execution, 414. 

Vol. VII 

PEARSE, William, execution, 414. 

PEARSON, C. Arthur, 68. 

PERSHING, (Brig. Gen.) John, see 

PERSIA, conditions at time of arrival of 
Russian troops, 546 ; history of Cossack 
Brigade and Persian Army, 548. 

PETRENZ (Dr.), 273. 

PHOTOGRAPHY at the front encouraged by 
German Staff, 123. 

PICHON, Stephane, " Paris and German 
Zeppelins," 80. 

PLUNKETT, Joseph, execution, 414. 


Barry, Beatrice, " The Woman's Part," 


Cruso, H. A., " Verdun," 437. 
K. D. M. S., Jr., " Passing of the Clan 

MacTavish," 328. 

Sindici, Magda, " From a Waiting Am- 
bulance," 227. 
Winter, William, " My England," 284. 

POINCARE, (Pres.) Raymond, on peace, at 
Nancy, 400. 

POLAND, conditions in and denial of mis- 
application of relief funds by H. Sien- 
kiewicz, 113 ; discussed in Reichstag by 
Bethmann Hollweg, 228 ; reply of Premier 
Asquith, 230; Russian autonomy dis- 
cussed by G. Mason, 114 ; criticism of ad- 
dress of Bethmann Hollweg in Reichstag 
by G. K. Chesterton, 508. 

Poland's Future; Russian or German? 114. 
POLETTI, Paolo, " The Aerial Attack on 

Ravenna," 359. 

Political Lessons of the War, 119. 
Pope and the Peace Conference, 512. 
POPOVIC, Pavle, " The Future of Serbia,"' 

PORTUGAL, treaty with England and entry 

into war, 5; relations with Germany, 11. 
POU, Edward A., 18. 

POURTALES (Cpunt), prememoria on Rus- 
sian mobilization, 485. 

Predicts the Triumph of Militarism, 296. 


PRESAN (Gen.), 9. 

PRESIDENTIAL Campaign, attitude of Ger- 
man-Americans discussed by S. Dyck, 

PRISONERS of War, Cardinal Scapinelli's 
report of his investigation of camp at 
Mauthausen, 160; camps in Russia, 162. 

PROVENCE IT., (cruiser), account of sink- 
ing by N. Bokanowski, 496. 
Punitive Expedition into Mexico, 244. 
Purpose of the Kaiser, 59. 
Puzzled German, The, 490. 


QUERIES and Answers, 176-180.' 

RACOWSKY, (Dr.) C., "Why Rumania Is 
Neutral," 326. 

Raiding on the Black Sea, 136. 
RAILROADS, Berlin-Constantinople ex- 
press, account of journey on, 166. 
See also BAGDAD R. R. 

RATHGEN, (Dr.) Karl, discussion of Bel- 
gian and British relations in Congo, 538. 

RAVENNA, 359. 

RE A, George Bronson, " Japanese Menace to 
America," 126. 

Real Letters from the Front, 492. 

Recruiting in Canada, 105. 

RED Cross, see RELIEF Work. 


REDMOND, John E., cable on Irish revolt, 
and support by United Irish League of 
America, 413 ; manifesto to Irish people, 

REICHENAU, (Gen.) von, statement on in- 
crease of militarism, 296. 

RELIEF Work, for blind soldiers in France 
and England, described by R. H. Davis, 
66 ; denial by H. Sienkiewicz of misap- 
plication of Polish Relief Funds, 113; ac- 
tivities of German hospital dogs, 138; 
Amer. contributions and work of French 
and Serbian Red Cross, 304. 

RENTS, in France, 313. 

REPINGTON (Col.), 442. 

Reshaping of Mid-Europe, 342. 

REUTER, (Col.) von, 283. 

REVAI, Maurice, " A Monroe Doctrine for 
Europe," 127; "Virtues of Militarism," 

REVENTLOW, (Count) Ernst, " The Pur- 
pose of the Kaiser," 59. 

Review of Military Events, 99. 

Revolt in Ireland, 409. 

RIBOT, Alexandre, 1. 

RICHTER, K., "Winging His Seventh 
Flier," 131. 

RIESSER, (Dr.) Jacob, " Economic Demo- 
bilization in Germany," 116. 

RIVIERES, (Gen.) Sere De, 425. 

ROLLAND, Remain, on war, 75. 

ROMAN Catholic Church, international 
status of the Pope discussed by K. von 
Stengel, 329; "The Pope and the Peace 
Conference," 512. 

ROPSHIN, V., " An Officer's Story," 491. 
ROQUES, (Gen.) Pierre Auguste, appointed 

War Minister, career, 6. 

ROSKBERY (Lord), on premature peace, 71; 
" The Crushing of Germany," address be- 
fore Rotary Club, Edinburgh, 93. 
ROUSSEY, (Dr.) B., 4. 
Royal Toasts at Schoenbrunn, 235. 
RUMANIA, preparations for war, 9; lack of 
representation at funeral of " Carmen 
Sylva," 10; commercial treaty to supply 
surplus foodstuffs to Germany, 259 ; rea- 
sons for neutrality given by Dr. C. Ra- 
cowsky, 326. 

Aims, need for outlet to free sea stated 

by Prof. Milyukoff, 488. 
Army, women in, 365; German docu- 
ments on mobilization, 485. 
Economic Conditions, article by Prince 

Troubetskoy, 156. 

Foreign Relations, with Balkans, Sweden, 
and Far East discussed by Count Sa- 
zanoff, 103. 

Germany, Relations with, in Orient, 59, 
407; at outbreak of war, 485; aims in 
Orient stated by Prof. Milyukoff, 488. 
Politics and government, German igno- 
rance of, discussed, by Bayan, 350. 
Spirit, discussed by Prince Lvoff, 344. 
Russian Fight for Trebizond, 364. 
Russia's Economic Strength, 156. 


Saving the Life of Poland, 113. 

SAZONOFF, (Count) Sergius, on militarism, 
5; declaration of Russia's aims, 59; " Ger- 
many Hid a Stone in Her Bosom," 102; 
" On Russia's Foreign Relations," speech 
in Duma, 103 ; German reply to his charge 
of responsibility for war, 485. 

SCAPINELLI (Cardinal), " Italian Prison- 
ers in Austria," 160. 

SCHEIDEMANN, (Dr.) Philipp, "What the 
Socialists Desire," interpellation in 

Vol. VII 

Reichstag, 72; reply by Bethmann Holl- 

weg, 76. 
SCHEUERMANN, W., " War Painting and 

War Photography," 122. 
SCHIEMANN, (Dr.) Theodor, " A Slander," 

review, 376. 

SEAS, Freedom of, German attitude dis- 
cussed by A. B. Hart, 30; international 

policing suggested by J. Cadwalader, Jr., 

Self-Revelation of the German War Party 

Before the War, 540. 
SELTER, (Dr.) Ing., "Armor for Modern 

Soldiers," 123. 
SERBIA, views of P. Popovic on future, 168 ; 

use of Corfu as base for army, 214. 
SHAW, George Bernard, " Irish Nonsense 

About Ireland," 217; "German Case 

Against Germany," 221. 
SHERRILL, Charles H., " Modernizing the 

Monroe Doctrine," review, 374. 
SHIPPING, losses stated by Lloyds, 106; 

tabulated list by Admiral Bridge, showing 

merchant vessels sunk, 240. 

See also MERCHANT Ships. 
SHUVAYEFF, (Gen.) Dmitri S., sketch, 404. 
SIENKIEWICZ, Henryk, " Saving the Life 

of Poland," 113. 
SIMAIS, E., "With the Russians in Persia," 


SIMPSON, H. Derwent, 56. 
SINDICI, Magda, poem, " From a Waiting 

Ambulance," 227. 
Sinking of the Provence II., 496. 
SINN Fein Society, see IRELAND. 
Sir Edward Grey and His Problems, 88. 
Situation for the Allies, 96. 
SKEFFINGTON, F. Sheehy, execution, 414. 
Sketches from the War Zone, 62. 

SKOULOUDIS, (Premier) Stephanos, protest 
against use of Greece for transportation 
of Serbian army, 214. 

Slaughter at Douaumont, 371. 

SMUTS, (Gen.) Jan Christian, 539. 

SMYTH-Pigott, J. R. W., air raid on Con- 
stantinople, 216. 

Social Democratic View, 78. 

SOCIALISTS, attitude toward peace dis- 
cussed by Dr. Scheidemann in Reichstag, 
72 ; reply of Bethmann Hollweg, 77 ; views 
of Deputy Landsberg on peace, 78 ; answer 
of Prof. Milyukoff to charge that war 
was begun by Governments, not by people, 

SONNINO, (Baron) Sydney, 565. 

Spirit of Russia and the War, 344. 

Status of a Merchant Ship, 285. 

STEIN, (Dr ; ) Ludwig, "The Berlin-Con- 
stantinople Express," 166. 

STENGEL, Karl von, " International Status 
of the Pope," 329. 

STONE, William J., letter to Pres. Wilson 
in armed liner controversy, 15. 

Submarine Crisis, 444. 

SUBMARINE Warfare, downfall of von 
Tirpitz policy, 1 ; editorial summary of 
armed merchant ship controversy, 14; 
Gore resolution, 15; Wilson-Stone letters, 
15 ; speeches in Congress, 18 ; vote on Mc- 
Lemore resolution, 21 ; German memoran- 
dum to neutrals, 24 ; reply of British Ad- 
miralty, 26; German note to U. S. ex- 
plaining policy, 27 ; British reply, 29 ; A. 
B. Hart on freedom of seas, 30; A. B. 
Hart on " Armed Merchantmen and Sub- 
marines," 32; British view discussed by 
A. Hurd, 34; editorial comment on 
possible effect of break in relations, 207 ; 



method of determining location of sub- 
marine, 213; declared by Asquith to have 
been begun by Germans before British 
Order in Council, 231 ; crisis between U. S. 
and Germany brought on by Sussex 
disaster, 236; official report of Rear Ad- 
miral Grasset on Sussex, 237 ; German 
note to U. S. on cases of various steamers, 
239; British secret orders to gunners on 
armed merchantmen as given in German 
White Book, 241 ; Lusitania case discussed 
by P. van Dyke, 281 ; " Status of a Mer- 
chant Ship " discussed by C. Tower, 285; 
attack of submarine on Coquet, 362 ; Ger- 
many yields to demands of Pres. Wilson, 
402 ; U. S. note to Germany on Sussex 
disaster, 444 ; statement of facts in Sussex 
case, 447 ; Pres. Wilson's address to Con- 
gress, on action, 448 ; German reply con- 
ceding to U. S. demands, 452 ; answer of 
U. S., 456; British reply to criticism of 
blockade in German note to U. S., 456; 
German note admitting sinking of Sus- 
sex, 458; " Two Weeks on a Submarine," 
by Carl List, 494 ; account of sinking of 
Provence II., 496; sinking of Margam 
Abbey, 497. 
See also SHIPPING. 

SUEZ Canal, importance to England dis- 
cussed by M. Revai, 128. 

Sunk and Saved by a U-Boat, 497. 

Sunk at Sea by a U-Boat, 362. 

SUSSEX (S. S.), editorial, 207; crisis between 
Germany and U. S. caused by sinking, 
237 ; French official report made by Rear 
Admiral Grasset, 237; German note to U. 
S. on case, 239 ; U. S. note to Germany on 
sinking, 444; statement of facts in case, 
447 ; German reply to Amer. note, 452 ; 
German note admitting sinking, 458. 

SUTHERLAND, George, support of Pres. 
Wilson's armed liner policy, 22. 

TARIFF, possibility of England's abandon- 
ing free trade, 55 ; statement of Lord 
Rosebery, 93. 

TARKINGTON, Booth, " Why Americans 
Are Pro-Ally," 461. 

Teutonic Ignorance of Russia, 350. 

THAYER, William Roscoe, " Germany vs. 
Civilization," review, 375. 

THOMA, Ludwig, 543. 

THOMSON, (Lieut.) Sinclair, 497. 

Thousand Merchant Vessels Sunk Since the 
War Began, 240. 

Three Great World Powers, 84. 

THYSSEN (Herr), 478. 

TIRPITZ, (Grand Admiral) Alfred von, res- 
ignation, 1. 

TOEPLITZ, Jean, " German Woman's Work 
in War Time," 315. 

TOLSTOY, (Count) Alexei H., " What the 
British Are Doing," 500. 

TOMBESI, Ugo, " Financing the European 
War," 81. 

TOWER, Charlemagne, " The Status of a 
Merchant Ship," 285. 

TOWNSEND, (Maj. Gen.) Charles V., cam- 
paign, 101 ; campaign and surrender, 551 
mentioned by Gen. Nixon in report, 555. 


TRADING with the Enemy Act (British), 
note from Sec. Lansing to England and 
reply, 243. 

TREATY of Washington, 1871 287. 

TREBIZOND, see CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 

TRIPLE Alliance, formation discussed by G. 
F. Guerrazzi, 335; withdrawal of Italy, 
stated by G. F. Guerrazzi, 565. 

TROUBETZKOY, (Prince) Eugene, "Rus- 
sia's Economic Strength," 156. 

Vol. VII 

TUCK, (Lieut.) A. M., "The Charge That 
Captured Hill 70," 145. 

TURCO-Italian War, 563. 

TURKEY, death of heir apparent, 8; Ger- 
many's aims discussed by Count Revent- 
low, 60; Germany and Russia in, 408. 

Twenty Soldiers Captured by a Girl, 143. 

Two Gorgon Heads, 468. 

Two Weeks on a Submarine, 494. 



UNITED Irish League, 413. 


Army, pursuit of Villa, 3; instruction on 
treatment of wounded, 279 ; on re- 
prisal, 281 ; provisions of bill in Con- 
gress for enlarging, 400. 
Attitude toward the war, discussed by G. 
Hanotaux, 297 ; of people toward Ger- 
many, discussed by B. Tarkington, 

Civil War, casualties compared with Ger- 
man losses at present time, 210 ; block- 
ade measures cited in British note, 

Congress, controversy over armed liners, 

Defenses, discussed by Col. Glenn, 3. 

England, Relations with, protest over 
seizure of mails, and reply, 211 ; note 
and reply on enemy trading act, 243 ; 
correspondence about equipment of 
cruisers in neutral ports, 288; blockade 
problem, 401 ; British note in reply to 
U. S. protest on blockade, 516. 

Foreign Relations, policies of Wilson con- 
demned by Dr. von Mach, 293. 

Germany, Relations with, see SUBMA- 
RINE Warfare. 

Government, cost of running, 208. 

Navy, occupation of Vera Cruz compared 

with Germans in Rheims, 280. 
USHER, Roland G., "The Challenge of the 

Future," review, 174. 

Valiant, The, 356. 

VAN DYKE, Paul, " The Full Meaning of 
Our Position in the Lusitania Case," 270. 

VERDUN, see CAMPAIGN in Europe, West- 

Verdun, poem, 437. 

Verdun : The Epic of the War, 432. 

Verdun: The World's Greatest Battle, 260. 

Verdun's Traps and Mazes, 62. 

VERHAEREN, Emile, " Only a Long War 
Can Bring Peace," 153. 

VESNITCH, Milenko, arraignment of Ger- 
mans in oration at Sorbonne, 115. 

VILLA, (Gen.) Francisco, see MEXICO. 

VILLIERS, (Sir) Francis, 528. 

Virtues of Militarism, 348. 


WAR, general discussion by G. Hanotaux, 85 ; 
article by L. Andreyev, 110 ; declared by 
Lord Bryce to retard progress of man, 
269 ; viewed as a crisis by G. Ferrero, 
299 ; moral effect by H. Ellis, 301 ; figures 
showing extent to which world is involved, 

War and the Duty of Motherhood, 324. 

War Events from, Two Viewpoints, 41, 252, 

War Painting and War Photography, 122. 

Wartime Changes in England, 70. 

Wartime Humor in Italy, 79. 

WASHBURN, Stanley, " Victory in Defeat," 
review, 373. 


WATTERSON, (Col.) Henry, on German 
hopes, 463. 

WELLS, Herbert George, prophecy about 
world powers at close of war, 84 ; " Amer- 
ica's Opportunity," 509. 

What Britain's Navy Has Done, 247. 

What Changes Will the War Bring f 150. 

What Russia Is Fighting For, 488. 

What the British Are Doing, 500. 

What the Socialists Desire, 72. 

What's Wrong with the Warf 352. 

Why Americans Are Pro-Ally, 461. 

Why Europe Was Deceived, 472. 

Why Italy Went Into the War, 332, 560. 

Why Rumania Is Neutral, 326. 

WIART, (Mme.) Carton de, "A Belgian 
Woman's Ordeal," 135. 

WILLIAM II., Emperor of Germany, naval 
policy discussed by Count Reventlow, 59 ; 
blundering- policies discussed by M. 
Corelli, 304; criticism by Pierre Loti, 468. 

WILSON, (Pres.) Woodrow, orders pursuit 
of Villa forces, 3 ; armed liner controversy 
with Congress, 15 ; letter of Sen. Stone 
and reply, 16; criticism of, by Vienna 
Zeit, IS ; attitude of German-Americans 
discussed by S. Dyck, 108; comment on 
stand on submarine warfare, 207 ; consid- 
ers crisis brought by sinking of Sussex, 
236; reciprocal agreement with Pres. Car- 
ranza, 244 ; views on American use of bel- 
ligerent vessels, in letter to Sen. Stone, 
283; foreign policies criticised by Dr. von 
Mach, 293 ; stand on submarine attacks 
and German influence in U. S., stated by 
G. Hanotaux, 297 ; note to Germany on 
Sussex disaster, 444 ; address to Congress 
on action in submarine crisis, 449; memo- 
randum on armed merchantmen, 450; re- 
ply to German note, 456. 

WIMBORNE, Baron, resignation as Lord 
Lieut, of Ireland, 414. 

Winging His Seventh Flier. 131. 

WINTER, William, poem, "My England," 

WIRELESS Telegraphy, use on French 
cruiser, described by R. Milan, 311. 

With the Russians in Persia, 546. 

WITTGENSTEIN, Kurt, " Military Survey 
of the War," 41. 

Woman's Invasion of British Industry, 52. 

Woman's Part, 95. 

WOMEN, effect on economic position in Eng- 
land of present entry into labor, 52 ; per- 
formance of men's work described by R. 
H. Davis, 70 ; " Twenty Soldiers Cap- 
tured by a Girl," 143; work in England, 
France, and Germany, 209 ; article by 
Jean Toeplitz on employment of women 
in place of men in Germany, 315; French 
women as munitions makers, 321 ; Marie 
Bourgain on the French woman's new 
ideal, 323 ; Lily Braun on war and mother- 
hood, 324; work in France, 358; as Serb- 
ian and Russian soldiers, 365. 

WOODFIELD (S. S.), 291. 

Work of the Women, 358. 

WORLD Events of the Month, 1, 207, 399. 

WORLD Powers, prophecy of H. G. Wells, 84. 

Young Girls Fighting on the Russian Front. 


YUDENITCH, (Gen.) Nicholas, sketch, 408. 
YUSEF Izeddin (Prince), death, 8. 

ZABERN Incident, 282. 


ALEXEIEFF, (Gen.) M. V., 526. 
BAKER, Newton D., 1. 
BAKHMETEFF, George, 128. 
BAKHMETEFF, (Mme.) George, 129. 
BALFOUR, Arthur J., 247. 
BELGIAN Royal Family, 399. 
BETHMANN Hollweg, (Dr.) Theobald von, 


BIRRELL, Augustine, 414. 
CASEMENT, (Sir) Roger, 414. 
CECIL, (Lord) Robert, 350. 
DAVIS, Richard Harding, 16. 
EUGENE, Archduke of Austria, 527. 
FERRERO, Guglielmo, 472. 
FRANCIS, David R., 1. 

GOLTZ, (Field Marshal Baron) von der, 302. 
GREY, (Sir) Edward, 96. 
GUSTAV V., King of Sweden, 543. 
HANOTAUX, Gabriel, 81. 
HOLT, Winifred, 97. 
HUGHES, (Maj. Gen.) Sam, 33. 
JOFFRE, (Gen.) Joseph, 207. 
KUROPATKIN, (Gen.) Alexei, 287. 

LLOYD George, (Hon.) David, 334. 
LOTI, Pierre, 468. 

MARKIEWICZ, (Countess) Georgina, 414. 
MONRO, (Gen. Sir) Charles C., 556. 
MORGENTHAU, Henry, 17. 
MUBARAK, Shiek of Kuweit, 544. 
NICHOLAS II., Czar of Russia, 526. 
PASHITCH, (Premier) Nicholas, 542. 
PEARSE, Padraic H., 414. 
PETAIN (Gen.), 80, 207. 
ROQUES, (Gen.) Charles, 335. 
SAID Halim Pasha, 145. 
SHAW, George Bernard, 217. 
SIENKIEWICZ, Henryk, 144. 
STONE, William J., 32. 
TARKINGTON, Booth, 461. 
TOWER, Charlemagne, 284. 
TOWNSHEND, (Maj. Gen.) Charles, 351. 
VAN DYKE, Paul, 270. 
WILLIAM II., Emperor of Germany, 48. 
.WILLIAM, Crown Prince, 49. 
WIMBORNE, Baron, 414. 
ZEPPELIN, (Count) Ferdinand, 495. 


ACCOUTREMENT of Modern Soldiers, 254, 

ALLIES' Economic Council, 431. 

BUTTER and Potato Cards in Berlin, 525. 

CONGRESS, U. S., Addressed by Pres. Wil- 
son, 430. 

DUBLIN After the Revolt, 415. 

ERZERUM, Entrance of Grand Duke, 286. 

FRENCH Front, 447. 

GAS Attack Seen from a Biplane, 446. 

GERMAN Bread Card, 158. 

GORIZIA Under Bombardment, 239. 

LUSITANIA Medal, 460. 

NIGHT Patrol in the Dolomites, 238. 

REGIMENTAL Aid Post, 223. 

RETURNING from a Difficult Mission, from 

painting by Lady Butler, 399. 
RHEIMS, Effect of 'German Shell in, 494. 
VERDUN, 207, 478. 
WOEVRE Plain, 222. 
YPRES Cathedral Ruins, 479. 


ASIA Minor Campaign, 47, 439, 552. 
DUBLIN, showing area of fighting, 411. 
KUWEIT, Arabia, 545. 
MEXICO, Villa Punitive Expedition, 245. 

PERSIA, Russian Campaign, 547. 
VERDUN, 42, 253, 418. 

WORLD, showing countries engaged in war, 


181-204, 377-396, 569-588. 

Vol. VII 


Oar New Ambassador to Russia, Formerly Governor of .Missouri 


Newly Appointed Secretary of War, Formerly Mayor of Cleveland, Ohio 

(Photo Lawrence- Figley) 



Period April, 1916 June, 1916 


A7TER the war had been in progress 
nineteen months, eventful as the 
conflict of the nations had so far 
been, still more momentous hap- 
penings were destined to fill the record 
of these moving times. Some of them 
fell within the period which extended 
from the 1st of March to the last day of 
May, 1916, that is, the twentieth, twenty- 
first, and twenty-second months of the 
war. In regard to the actual fighting 
no bloodier chapter had ever been written 
in the history of warfare than those re- 
quired to describe the German offensive 
for the possession of Verdun. Yet, if 
the battle of Verdun held the attention 
of the world by reason of its protracted 
violence and slaughter, the great naval 
engagement between the British and Ger- 
man fleets off the coast of Jutland, last- 
ing but a few hours, produced a vibrant 
thrill throughout the world. The success 
of the German plan at Verdun might 
have conquered the Allies on land and 
made the Central Empires masters of 
Europe, but a decisive victory for the 
German fleet would have been the un- 
doing of the British Empire and the re- 
casting of the balance of power through- 
out the world. For that reason the naval 
battle on May 31 had an importance far 
greater than any event since the begin- 
ning of the war. 

Nor was it the only occurrence which 
tried the temper of Great Britain during 
the period under review. The defeat and 
surrender of a British army in Meso- 
potamia, though not a serious blow in a 
military sense, was certainly humiliating 

Vol. VII 

and did have an adverse effect upon Brit- 
ish prestige and political influence. 
Again, the ill-considered attempt to hoist 
the flag % of rebellion in Ireland was easily 
enough suppressed, but it helped ma- 
terially to aggravate the unhappy situa- 
tion which made Ireland a thorn in the 
side of Great Britain instead of a loyal 
and helpful partner in a common cause. 
The battle off Jutland, the struggle for 
Verdun, the British disaster in Meso- 
potamia, and the rebellion in Ireland, 
these were the most important events of 
the three months under review as far as 
the belligerents were concerned. But, in 
the light of what happened nearly a year 
later, an act of far-reaching consequence 
was the warning issued to Germany by 
President Wilson, in the name of the 
United States, that, unless the Kaiser's 
Government changed its methods of sub- 
marine warfare, diplomatic relations be- 
tween the two countries would be broken 
off. . 

The Battle off Jutland 

The battle off the coast of Jutland, 
near the Skagerrak, was the greatest 
naval engagement in modern times, both 
on account of the number and size of the 
ships which took part in it and of the tre- 
mendous power and skill with which 
science and invention had equipped the 
fleets. The great dreadnoughts, how- 
ever, did not participate in the action till 
the end of the battle, and then without 
the chance of testing their strength to 
the full. 

On the afternoon of May 31 the Brit- 
ish Grand Fleet, under the command of 



Sir John Jellicoe, was patrolling the 
North Sea, when the cruiser division un- 
der Rear Admiral Sir David Beatty, 
which was doing duty as an advance 
guard, sighted the cruisers acting in a 
similar fashion for the German High 
Seas Fleet under Admiral von Scheer. 
Beatty at once proceeded to attack the 
^nemy, while the British main fleet, now 
informed by wireless that the German 
Navy had at last come out of its safe 
quarters behind the mine fields and coast 
defenses of Heligoland and the Kiel 
Canal, was steaming at full speed to 
reach the scene of action. 

How far Jellicoe was away may be 
judged by the fact that it was three and 
a half hours before he came into contact 
with the German fleet. The greater part 
of the battle was therefore fought on 
the British side by Beatty. The five 
German battle cruisers, commanded by 
Rear Admiral Hippar, on being sighted 
by Beatty's squadron, began to run south- 
west toward the German main fleet. 
Beatty pursued with his six heavier and 
more powerful ships, supported further 
off by four ships of Rear Admiral Evans- 
Thomas's battle squadron. At a distance 
of nearly eleven miles the action between 
the battle cruisers began. The British 
lost an important ship almost at once. 
This was the battle cruiser Inde- 
fatigable, which went down with all its 
crew of 900 officers and men, except 
two survivors. 

The battle squadron, now only a mile 
behind Beatty's battle cruisers, opened 
fire and one of the German ships was 
seen to be on fire. Then the British lost 
another battle cruiser, the Queen Mary, 
which sank in the midst of a terrific ex- 
plosion. Out of a crew of 1,000 only a 
score or so were saved. 

The first part of the battle lasted about 
an hour, and a new phase began with 
the arrival on the scene of three divisions 
of the German battle fleet. The odds 
were now heavily against Beatty. He 
thereupon changed the course of the 
cruiser squadron and, followed by Evans- 
Thomas's battle squadron, ran to the 
northwest, his object being to draw on 
the German main fleet so that it would 
Vol. VII 

have to fight the British dreadnoughts 
under Jellicoe. 

During this phase of the operations 
Beatty's squadron, which had been re- 
duced from six to four battle cruisers 
through the loss of the Indefatigable and 
the Queen Mary, executed a daring ma- 
noeuvre by crossing in front of the Ger- 
man fleet so that not only would the way 
be clear for Jellicoe's dreadnoughts, but 
also the German fleet would be cut off 
from its base. Evans-Thomas's battle 
squadron bore the brunt of the fighting 
against the four German cruisers sup- 
ported by the German battleships. One 
of the German cruisers were sunk just 
a little while before the first of Jellicoe's 
ships were sighted by Beatty's squadron. 

This was a few minutes before 6 
o'clock, and twenty minutes later the 
third British battle cruiser squadron un- 
der Rear Admiral Hood opened fire at a 
range of about four and a half miles. 
Hood's flagship, the Invincible, was sunk, 
only six of the crew surviving and Hood 
himself being among those who perished. 
The two other battle cruisers which had 
been under Hood's command joined 
Beatty's squadron. 

Now came what promised to be the 
most terrible of all naval battles. Jelli- 
coe's great fleet of dreadnoughts, dis- 
posed in three squadrons, arrived on the 
battle area and prepared to throw the 
weight of the greatest navy the world 
has ever seen against the German fleet. 
But at this dramatic point the mists 
which hung over the water blotted out 
the German fleet from sight, thus pre- 
venting a decisive engagement and giv- 
ing the German ships a chance to escape, 
which they at once availed themselves of. 
There was, however, some spasmodic 
fighting for the next couple of hours, but 
when night fell the battle was practically 
at an end except for the attacks of the 
British light cruisers and destroyers, 
which inflicted considerable damage on 
the escaping enemy. Jellicoe decided not 
to pursue the German fleet too far be- 
cause of the dangers of the mine fields. 
The British fleet remained on the battle 
area till next day, when it returned to its 
base near the Orkneys. 

The German ships, which arrived at 



their base first, claimed a victory, and a 
startled world for at least a day believed 
that Britain's naval power had been 
shattered until the material fact emerged 
that, while the German fleet had has- 
tened back as quickly as possible to the 
safety of port, the British were still in 
control of the high seas. The British 
Admiralty freely admitted that its losses 
were heavy. In addition to the Queen 
Mary, 27,000 tons; the Indefatigable, 18,- 
750 tons, and the Invincible, 17,250 tons, 
the British lost three armored cruisers 
and eight destroyers, the total tonnage 
amounting to 114,100, while the officers 
and men who had perished numbered 
5,613. Though no battleship was lost, the 
Marlborough was torpedoed, but contin- 
ued to act as a flagship for nearly eight 
hours afterward and, until the German 
fleet retreated, maintained a heavy fire. 
The Warspite had an extraordinary ex- 
perience. Through damage to its steer- 
ing gear, it ran into the German lines 
and came under the concentrated fire of 
six German battleships without being 
sunk. Both the Marlborough and the 
Warspite were taken back to port. 

About the German losses there was 
considerable doubt. It was admitted that 
they included the battle cruiser Liitzow, 
26,600 tons, the battleship Pommern, 13,- 
200 4;ons, four light cruisers, and five de- 
stroyers, the total tonnage being 63,015 
and the loss in officers and men 3,966. 
But according to the reports from the 
naval commanders received by the Brit- 
ish Admiralty, the Germans lost four 
battleships, three of which were seen to 
sink, while the total number of vessels 
of all kinds was eighteen, with a tonnage 
of 113,435. 

Admiral Jellicoe's estimate gave a still 
higher number, enumerating twenty-one 
ships as probably lost. For several days 
the British and German Admiralties is- 
sued statements impugning the truth of 
one another's reports both in regard to 
losses of ships and the details of the bat- 
tle, but, as was more than once pointed 
out, the British fleet still held the sea, 
and it was therefore illogical to speak of 
a British defeat. 

Admiral Beatty gained the greatest 
share of the credit among the British 

Vol. VII 

commanders for his bold attack on the 
German fleet at the beginning of the bat- 
tle and for his daring tactics in holding it 
in action when heavily outnumbered and 
manoeuvring for the British main fleet to 
get its opportunity. Only the haze and 
mist saved the German fleet from the 
ordeal of facing Jellicoe's superior force 
and crowning Beatty's efforts with com- 
plete success. 


Verdun is the name which stands out in 
vivid letters of blood during the fighting 
on the western front, which occupied 
nearly all the first half of the year 1916. 
In no war that history has recorded have 
there been bloodier struggles or more 
wholesale slaughter. On several occa- 
sions during these months of March, 
April, and May, artillery fire attained a 
concentration that had previously been 
thought impossible. The Germans once 
more used the massed formation, hurling 
forward whole divisions of men at a time 
and having them slaughtered in thou- 
sands. In the valleys between the hills 
and other points of vantage, for the pos- 
session of which hundreds of thousands 
of lives were sacrificed, the dead could be 
seen lying in heaps literally as thick as 
flies. There was a great reason for Ver- 
dun becoming a focus of destruction and 
devastation, since, commanding the valley 
of the Meuse, it had helped to spoil Ger- 
man strategy in the movement on Paris 
in the first weeks of the war and it had 
remained throughout the keystone of the 
French defense. Without Verdun neither 
could the German Army advancing on 
Paris have free communication with 
Germany, nor could there be any sure 
protection for Metz. Besides, the Ger- 
mans had a special interest in gain- 
ing a firm hold on this region on account 
of its resources in iron ore. After the 
first furious onslaughts (described in the 
previous volume) with which the Ger- 
mans opened the battle there was a slight 
pause, and then an increase of artillery 
fire west of the Meuse. The bombard- 
ment lasted four days and was followed 
by the first German infantry attack on 
the west bank. The fighting was also re- 
newed east of the Meuse. 


Nearly the whole of the month of 
March was spent by the Germans in cost- 
ly but fruitless attempts to reach the 
main French line. Around Dead Man 
Hill (Le Mort Homme) and Hill 304, the 
vital points in the advance line held by 
the French west of the Meuse, the strug- 
gle raged with particular fury. Then, 
after a rest of about a week, the Ger- 
mans began and maintained a determined 
offensive on both banks of the Meuse, 
which lasted four weeks with hardly an 
interruption. The French counterat- 
tacked several times. 

During this phase the Germans capt- 
ured Malancourt, on the extreme left of 
the French line, Haucourt and Bethin- 
court, but were driven out of several oth- 
er positions almost as soon as they occu- 
pied them. 

After two months' fighting the situa- 
tion was that the Germans had reached 
the French main line east of the Meuse 
and gained possession of a small part of 
Douaumont, but they had not been able 
to get to the main position west of the 
Meuse nor secure a permanent footing on 
Dead Man Hill or Hill 304. 

Early in May the Germans once more 
attempted to occupy those two hills and 
Avocourt Wood to the westward. After a 
heavy bombardment, lasting three days 
and nights, German infantry gained a 
foothold on the edge of Dead Man Hill, 
but on 'May 10 the French regained the 

A week later came one of the deadliest 
struggles of the whole war. The Ger- 
mans now tried to get at Dead Man Hill 
by an attack on Avocourt Wood. Again 
there was a three-day bombardment, fol- 
lo\ved by an infantry assault. This was 
successful in establishing the Germans 
on the northern side of the hill. Three 
days later, (May 23,) the Germans occu- 
pied the position at the foot of Hill 304, 
but the French were still firmly in- 
trenched on the western side. Next day 
the French were driven from Cumieres. 
On May 28 the Germans in a tremendous 
attack to capture the French lines be- 
tween Dead Man Hill and Cumieres main- 
tained for twelve hours what is said to 
have been the heaviest concentration of 
artillery fire in the whole history of war- 

fare. When it concluded, five fresh divis- 
ions of the German Army were hurled 
against the French lines, but so deter- 
mined was the resistance that the attack 
failed, and with this the German offen- 
sive west of the Meuse practically came % 
to an end after a vast sacrifice of men. 

General Nivelle, who early in May suc- 
ceeded General Petain as French com- 
mander, recaptured Douaumont Fort by a 
surprise attack on May 22, but two days 
later the Germans were once more in pos- 
session of the fort, now a heap of ruins. 
On May 31 the bombardment of Fort 
Vaux, which had been unceasing since 
March, was increased to such an extent 
that the fort became isolated. For an- 
other month the German offensive was to 
continue, but, as will be seen in the later 
volumes, without decisive gains. 

During the months of March, April, 
and May the rest of the western front 
was comparatively quiet. The British, 
who held most of the line from the 
Somme to the sea, were engaged in fight- 
ing of only minor importance. But prep- 
arations were steadily going forward on a 
large scale for the opening of the great 
" drive," which actually began in July. 
The reformed and refitted Belgian Army 
held a portion of the line on the extreme 
left of the British on the narrow strip 
of Belgian territory which had not -been 
occupied by the Germans. 

Other Battle Fronts 

On the eastern front the Russians 
launched an important offensive in March 
for the purpose of forcing the Germans 
to call away troops from Verdun. The 
Russian objective was Vilna, which was 
strategically of greater value to the Ger- 
mans than any other point north of the 
Pripet. The attack was made in two di- 
rectionL, beginning with a bombardment 
on March 16. The Germans counterat- 
tacked with infantry, but were repulsed. 
Until the weather caused a temporary 
stoppage of operations the Russians made 
slight gains, but all these were lost again 
toward the end of April as the result of 
vigorous attacks by the Germans. There 
was no more important fighting on this 
front till the launching of the great Rus- 
sian offensive in June. 

Vol. VII 


The Austro-Italian campaign was also 
influenced by events at Verdun, for the 
offensive begun by the Italians on March 
14, when they began shelling the Aus- 
trian positions on the Isonzo, was under- 
taken for the purpose of preventing Teu- 
tonic reinforcements being sent to the 
western theatre of the war. The Italians 
made some gains on the Carso Plateau. 
There were various other attacks and 
counterattacks and losses and gains of 
secondary importance during the rest of 
March and April. But the great struggle 
was to come a few weeks later. About 
the middle of April the Austrians under 
the Archduke Eugene began concentrat- 
ing in great force in the Trentino along 
the line Bolzano-Trento in preparation 
for an offensive on a large scale. This 
was initiated on May 14 with a heavy 
bombardment of the Italian positions 
from Val Giudicaria to the sea. The 
Italians were, to some extent, caught 
napping by the Austrians, who had 350,- 
000 men and a very large quantity of 
artillery, and in consequence were soor 
forced back, so^ that the Italian Com- 
mander in Chief, General Cadorna, was 
compelled to withdraw his centre and set 
about the formation of a new army to 
hold back the Austrians in this region. 
The Austrians made gains all along the 
line, particularly in the Trentino and 
Tyrol. The purpose of the Austrian cam- 
paign was to isolate the Italian Army on 
the Isonzo, cause it to capitulate, and 
then force Italy out of the war, leaving 
the Franco-Italian frontier open to Aus- 
tria behind the western front in France. 
But as will be seen later, the Italians 
were able to pull themselves together for 
a vigorous counteroffensive, and the Aus- 
trian plan did not mature. 

The new Serbian Army, which had been 
formed out of the survivors of the retreat 
before the Austrian invaders, began to 
arrive at Saloniki in April. The Serbians 
had been given time to recuperate on the 
Island of Corfu, and, refitted by the Al- 
lies, to the number of 100,000, now rein- 
forced the Franco-British army, which 
had an estimated strength of 550,000. 
During April and May preparations were 
pushed ahead for the Macedonian cam- 

Vol. VII 

paign. To anticipate the Allies' plans the 
Bulgarians on May 26 entered Greek ter- 
ritory down the Struma and took posses- 
sion of several Greek forts with the per- 
mission of King Constantine's Govern- 
ment, but after some opposition on the 
part of the garrisons. The attitude of 
Greece in favoring the Central Powers 
will be explained presently. 

Outside Europe the most interesting 
military events were taking place in Tur- 
key's Asiatic territories, where a Russian 
army was operating from the direction 
of the Caucasus and a British force was 
coming to grief in Mesopotamia. The 
Russians, who had taken Erzerum on 
Feb. 16, followed up this success by the 
capture on March 2 of the important 
fortified City of Bitlis, near the western 
end of Lake Van, 110 miles south of 
Erzerum and commanding the road 
which descends from the Armenian plain 
into Mesopotamia. Two days later the 
Russians landed troops on the Black Sea 
coast and captured Atina, sixty miles 
east of Trebizond, and on April 18, sup- 
ported by the Russian Black Sea fleet, 
Trebizond itself, an important Turkish 
port and the starting point of the great 
caravan route to the East. 

But the general Russo-BritisK plan in 
Asiatic Turkey was paralyzed a few days 
later by the British disaster on the Tigris. 
The army under General Townshend, con- 
sisting of British and Indian troops, had 
been shut up in Kut-el-Amara by the 
Turks, and, despite its gallant resistance, 
was helpless. It was undergoing great 
hardships, and its only hope was that the 
relief column under General Aylmer could 
fight its way through and raise the siege. 
But on April 23 General Aylmer was 
checked by the Turks at Sanna-i-Yat and 
unable to make further progress. An at- 
tempt was made to send a hospital ship 
with supplies along the Tigris into Kut, 
but this failed. Aviators, however, man- 
aged to drop some provisions in the town. 
On April 29 General Townshend finally 
found himself in such a hopeless condition 
that Jie surrendered with 2,970 British 
troops, 6,000 Indian troops, and 5,000 
camp followers. The siege had lasted al- 
most five months, and, though it ended 



disastrously for the British, there was no 
doubt that General Townshend had made 
a gallant stand while suffering from 
shortage of food and illness. The expedi- 
tion had been undertaken without proper 
preparation or supports and was one of 
those adventures which could be success- 
ful only when attended by the best of 
luck. The Suez Canal was the object of 
a Turkish advance which was repulsed by 
the British in some minor engagements 
during March and April. 

The last of Germany's colonial posses- 
sions, German East Africa, with an area 
of 384,000 square miles, now remained to 
be conquered by the Allies. The British 
have a colony on the north, namely, Brit- 
ish East Africa; the adjoining territory 
on the west is the Belgian Congo; and on 
the south lie British Nyassaland and 
Portuguese East Africa, (Mozambique.) 
Through Portugal's entry into the war 
on the side of the Allies, which occurred 
during this period, the German colonial 
army had no neighboring neutral terri- 
tory into which it could retreat as the de- 
fenders of the Cameroons had done when 
they sought safety in the Spanish Congo. 
Germany had held out longer in East Af- 
rica than in her other colonies, for a 
large native army had been formed and 
was well equipped. Besides the railroad 
which crossed the territory from Dar-es- 
Salaam on the Indian Ocean to Ujiji on 
Lake Tanganyika and a shorter line run- 
ning from Tanga on the coast to Moshi 
in the rich plantation district around 
Mount Kilimanjaro, the Germans had the 
advantage of forts scattered throughout 
the colony. When the new campaign 
opened, the German forces were concen- 
trated in British territory to the east of 
Kilimanjaro and actually held Taveta in 
British East Africa. The British forces 
under General Smuts advanced along the 
British railroad which starts at Mombasa 
on the coast and branches off at Voi to 
Taveta. On March 9 Smuts captured 
Taveta and began driving the German 
troops back. On March 11 a battle was 
fought on the Kitovo Hills, lasting all 
day and well into the night and resulting 
next day in the further retreat of the 
German colonial force. On March 13 

Smuts took Moshi, while the German 
troops continued to retire along the rail- 
road to Tanga. A few weeks later an- 
other British column, under General Van 
Deventer, was successful in clearing the 
country to the west of Kilimanjaro. 
Meanwhile other British as well as Bel- 
gian and Portuguese forces were operat- 
ing in the western and southern parts of 
the colony. On May 13 the Belgians un- 
der General Tombeur drove back the 
Germans near Lake Kvu and on May 25 
a British force under General Northey 
advanced from Rhodesia northeast be- 
tween Lakes Nyassa and Tanganyika. 
About the same time the Portuguese ad- 
vanced from the south. At the end of 
May the British in the northeast of Ger- 
man East Africa were advancing along 
the Tanga railroad upon Wilhelmstal, the 
centre of a large plantation district. The 
conquest of the colony was not yet com- 
plete, but the various British, Belgian, 
and Portuguese forces had all made con- 
siderable progress in a territory equal in 
size to Texas and New Mexico combined, 
which gave the Germans excellent oppor- 
tunities for defensive operations because 
of its unsettled character. Nevertheless, 
a very considerable portion of the colony 
had already passed from German posses- 

Aerial Battles 

Although the belligerent Governments 
kept their airplane designs secret, it 
was known that in the Spring of 1916 
great progress had been made in ma- 
chines for war purposes. A new type, 
much larger and heavier, known as a 
"gun carrier," came into vogue for a 
time. These machines carried as many 
as three guns. They were, however, 
succeeded by the " tactical scout " type, 
while the " gun carriers " were used as 
convoys in bombing raids. To describe 
all the aerial combats and raids would 
be to catalogue practically all the fight- 
ing that took place, but some episodes 
call for special mention, for they were 
encounters on a large scale and in ad- 
dition to the ordinary aerial operations 
that form part of a modern battle. On 
March 20 a great fleet of sixty-five air- 
planes was sent by the Allies on a raid 

Vol. VII 



against the Belgian coast. Zeebrugge, 
the German submarine base, was bom- 
barded. Another allied attack was on 
Miiihausen. The Allies had twenty- 
three machines and were opposed by an 
even larger German air squadron. At 
least fifty airplanes were engaged in 
this battle in the air. During the fight- 
ing around Verdun four German air- 
planes were brought down in one day. 
In retaliation for an air raid on Dun- 
kirk, the Allies sent airplanes to drop 
bombs on Essen and other German 
towns. During April twenty-six allied 
airplanes were shot down by German 
aviators on the western front, while the 
Germans lost twenty-two machines. Dur- 
ing May aerial activity became extraor- 
dinarily intense. It was reported on 
May 18 that within the few previous 
days at least sixty air fights had taken 
place. On all other fronts there was 
also a great deal of raiding and fight- 
ing in the air. Ten Austrian naval air- 
planes made a successful raid on n- 
cona. On May 4 an Austrian air ^quad- 
ron attacked Ravenna and engaged in a 
running fight with Italian destroyers 
southwest of the mouth of the River Po. 
Italian reprisals took the form of sev- 
eral bombing expeditions to Trieste. An 
Austrian raid on Bari on the Italian 
coast resulted in the death of eighteen 
civilians. Russian positions on the Gulf 
of Riga were attacked by German air- 
craft. Finally, among more notable ex- 
ploits was the British raid on Constanti- 
nople on April 14, when bombs were 
dropped on a powder factory and the 
Turkish airplane hangars. This was 
followed on April 27 by another raid on 
Constantinople, this time by Russian 

Great Britain received many visits 
from Zeppelins during the months of 
March, April, and May, the number of 
lives lost during this period being well 
over a hundred and the number of per- 
sons injured about three hundred. On 
March 5 the Zeppelin attack on the 
eastern counties resulted in 18 killed and 
52 injured. A more serious raid took 
place on March 31, when Zeppelins vis- 
ited the northeast coast and the eastern 
counties, killing 43 and injuring 66. One 

Vol. VII 

of the Zeppelins was brought down and 
sunk in the Thames. On three successive 
nights, those of April 24, 25, and 26, 
Zeppelins were active, but they were 
driven off by British airplanes, and there 
were no casualties. On May 2 five Zep- 
pelins attacked the northeast coast of 
England and the southeast coast of Scot- 
land, killing 36 persons. 

Submarine Warfare 

The 1st of March was the date set by 
the German Government for its new sub- 
marine campaign, and in the three ensu- 
ing months it was estimated that the loss 
to allied and neutral shipping amounted 
to over 320,000 tons. The total number 
of vessels sunk during the three months 
was 196, consisting of 153 belonging to 
the Allies and 43 to neutrals. The num- 
ber of lives lost on allied ships was 205 
and on neutrals 18, a total of 223. The 
heaviest losses were in April, when the 
number of merchant vessels sunk was 96 
, and lives lost 141. Among the most 
serious cases were those of the sinking 
of the Norwegian Silius, without warn- 
ing and with seven Americans on board, 
March 10; the Dutch liner Tubantia, 
without warning and with Americans on 
board, March 16; the Dutch steamer 
Palembang, without warning, March 18; 
the Channel steamer Sussex, unarmed 
and with Americans on board, March 24; 
the British bark Bengairn, with Ameri- 
cans among the crew, April 3; the Bel- 
gian relief ship Hendonhall, without 
warning, May 2; the liner Cymric, with- 
out warning, May 8, and the Batavia II., 
with the loss of one American life, 
May 17. 

The sinking of the Sussex was one of 
the most flagrant acts committed by a 
submarine commander, and not only 
caused the most painful impression and 
greatest indignation since the sinking of 
the Lusitania but was also the beginning 
of the serious controversy between the 
American and German Governments 
which culminated in the severing of dip- 
lomatic relations. The Sussex was doing 
its usual work of conveying passengers 
across the English Channel from Folke- 
stone to Dieppe, was unarmed, and re- 
ceived absolutely no warning. The 



whole forward end of the vessel was 
blown to pieces by a violent explosion 
which killed and injured a considerable 
number of passengers and members of 
the crew. The after part continued to 
float, thus saving many lives by a chance 
with which the attackers had nothing to 
do. Altogether about eighty of the pas- 
sengers, noncombatants of all ages and 
both sexes, including American citizens, 
v/ere killed or injured, the number of 
lives actually lost being about fifty. In 
some quarters, and particularly in Ger- 
many, the doubt was expressed whether 
the Sussex might not have been struck 
by a floating mine and not by a torpedo 
deliberately aimed at it by a submarine. 

The United States Ambassador in Ber- 
lin on first taking the matter up with 
the German Government was assured 
that no German submarine was responsi- 
ble for the deed, but the Ambassadors in 
London and Paris obtained affidavits 
from American survivors and collected 
other evidence to the effect that the 
wake of a torpedo had been distinctly 
seen. Fragments of the explosive ap- 
paratus which had destroyed the Sussex 
were identified as parts of a German 
torpedo, and some of these, with the affi- 
davits, were sent to Washington. Rear 
Admiral A. Grasset, Assistant Chief of 
the French General Staff, after an in- 
vestigation officially reported that the 
Sussex had been sunk by a torpedo de- 
liberately fired by a submarine. 

In a note dated April 10 the German 
Government admitted having sunk a ves- 
sel in the English Channel at almost the 
same time and place as the Sussex was 
sunk, but drawings were submitted by 
the submarine commander to show that 
it was an entirely different vessel. To 
this the United States Government re- 
plied in a note dated April 18 that " a 
careful, detailed, and scrupulously im- 
partial investigation by naval and mili- 
tary officers of the United States " had 
" conclusively established the fact that 
the Sussex was torpedoed without warn- 
ing or summons to surrender, and that 
the torpedo by which she was struck was 
of German manufacture." 

The German rejoinder, dated May 4, 
stated that the German Government was 

Vol. vil 

" alive to the possibility " that the ship 
mentioned in its previous note of April 
10 might be identical with the Sussex. 
Finally, the German Government, in a 
supplementary note dated May 8, ad- 
mitted that one of its submarines had 
sunk the Sussex, declared its readiness 
to pay an adequate indemnity to the 
injured American citizens, and stated 
that the submarine commander had been 
appropriately punished. Two of the 
notes in this correspondence, that of 
April 18 from the United States Gov- 
ernment and that of May 4 from the 
German Government, dealt with the 
larger issues of submarine warfare. The 
American note contained the historic 
threat to sever diplomatic relations. The 
progress of the dispute will be described 

Portugal's entry into the war has al- 
ready been mentioned in connection with 
the fighting in German East Africa. In 
February the Portuguese Government 
had seized thirty-eight German and Aus- 
trian merchant ships which had remained 
tied up in the Tagus since the begin- 
ning of the war. This was followed by 
similar seizures in the Portuguese colo- 
nies. On March 1 Germany sent an ulti- 
matum demanding the release of the 
ships within forty-eight hours. Portugal 
refused to comply with the demand, and 
on March 9 Germany declared war, stat- 
ing at the same time that Portugal had 
been guilty of other unfriendly and un- 
neutral acts, such as giving permission 
to British troops to pass through Portu- 
guese territories in Africa, allowing the 
British navy to use Madeira as a base, 
and also participating in military opera- 
tions in the African colonies. Portugal 
in going to war on the side of Great Brit- 
ain recalled the fact that the two coun- 
tries were bound together by an alliance 
which had been unbroken for five cen- 
turies. Some of the ships that had been 
seized were transferred to British con- 
trol. Otherwise Portugal was unable to 
play any great part in the war, since she 
was not open to attack by the Central 
Powers. The only internal effect was to 
bring about a change of Ministry. Dr. 
Costa, the Premier, resigned and was 
succeeded by Dr. Antonio de Almeida. 



The Royalists, still hoping to discredit 
the republican Government, were respon- 
sible for a number of disturbances in 
Lisbon during April and May. 

The Neutrals 

Rumania's indecision about entering the 
war continued to perplex those who were 
watching the Balkan situation. In March 
it was believed that the pro-Entente party 
was gaining the upper hand. The fact 
that Russia was supplying munitions to 
Rumania was taken to indicate that the 
bond between the two countries was grow- 
ing closer in spite of the dynastic influ- 
ences which drew the Hohenzollern rulers 
of Rumania toward Germany. On April 
7 a convention, however, was signed be- 
tween Germany and Rumania restoring 
ordinary commercial relations, and soon 
after the Rumanian .Government entered 
into arrangements with Germany and 
Austria-Hungary to supply them with 
grain. On May 18 Rumania concluded 
with Austria-Hungary a commerial treaty 
similar to that with Germany. These cir- 
cumstances were in turn pointed to as 
evidence that Rumania was leaning to- 
ward the Central Powers. Both groups of 
belligerents were, as a matter of fact, 
negotiating with Rumania, and the real 
situation at this time was that Rumania 
was waiting for the safest and best bar- 
gain she could get in return for her sup- 
port in the war. In the light of after- 
events the negotiations with Russia to 
settle what territorial compensation Ru- 
mania should receive to join the Allies 
were the more important, although they 
proceeded with more than one breakdown. 

Greece, like Rumania, was largely 
under the influence of a monarch with 
Teutonic sympathies, but, unlike Ru- 
mania, had to face a very difficult prob- 
lem in maintaining her integrity as a 
neutral. Following the blockade of 
Greek ports and the landing of troops 
at Phaleron by the Allies, Cephalonia 
was seized in April for use as an allied 
naval base. The Allies now wished to 
transport the Serbian Army, which had 
been reorganized on the Greek Island of 
Corfu, by rail from Patras to Saloniki. 
The Greek Premier, Skouloudis, refused 
and declared that the Greeks would 

rather destroy the railroad bridges and 
tunnels. The Central Powers warned 
Greece that if the Greek railroads were 
used by the Allies it would be regarded 
as an unfriendly act. Early in May 
there seemed to be a better feeling be- 
tween King Constantine's Government 
and the Allies, and on May 15 the Brit- 
ish Foreign Office announced that all 
differences had been amicably settled. 
But this appearance of harmony was de- 
ceptive, for only eleven days later, May 
26, an entirely new situation was created 
by the invasion of Greece by Bulgarian 
troops and the handing over to them of 
several Greek forts with hardly any op- 
position on the part of the garrisons. 
The commanders had been instructed by 
the Greek Government to offer no re- 
sistance. The allied Governments were 
at once roused to adopt stern measures, 
but the further development of the sit- 
uation belongs to the later record. 

The inhabitants of the Belgian and 
French territories occupied by Germany 
began to be subjected in April to a pol- 
icy which the Allies denounced as slav- 
ery. During the days just before and 
after Easter about 25,000 French sub- 
jects, ranging from girls of 16 to 
men of 55 years, without distinction 
of social condition, were forcibly taken 
away by the German military authori- 
ties from their homes and families at 
Roubaix, Tourcoing, and Lille and de- 
ported to the Aisne and Ardennes dis- 
tricts, where they were compelled to work 
in the fields. The German explanation 
was that the scarcity of food necessi- 
tated compulsory employment in agricul- 
ture, since the inhabitants had refused 
to work when asked to do so as volun- 
teers. The French Government stated 
that agriculture was not the only kind 
of labor imposed upon those who had 
been deported, that the men were forced 
also to do road work, make munitions, 
and dig trenches, and the women to cook 
and wash for the soldiers and take the 
place of officers' orderlies. On May 15 
the German policy of enforced labor was 
applied in Belgium by a decree of that 
date issued by the Governor General, von 
Bissing. But at this time the most seri- 
ous feature of the treatment of the con- 

Vol. VII 



quered populations had not developed. 
As will be seen later, the inhabitants of 
Belgium were not only forced to work in 
their own country according to German 
requirements, but were also deported to 
Germany itself. 

Irish Rebellion 

Ireland, still resentful because of the 
holding back of self-government, became 
the scene at Eastertime of an ill-consid- 
ered and disastrous attempt to overthrow 
English rule. The chief organizers were 
members of the Sinn Fein, an intensely 
nationalistic association. But an equally 
important source of the trouble was the 
condition of the Dublin laborers, whose 
leader, James Connolly, was as well 
known in America as in Ireland as a So- 
cialist and a preacher of working-class 
revolt. Connolly had taken up the work 
begun by James Larkin, who organized 
the Dublin strike of 1913 and who later 
went to America. When that strike was 
suppressed the transport and other work- 
ers who had taken part in it decided, at 
the suggestion of some of the intellectual 
leaders of Irish nationalism, to arm them- 
selves and drill, for the purpose of ef- 
fectively resisting the police in future 
strike troubles, and accordingly the Citi- 
zen Army was formed in Dublin. About 
the same time the National Volunteers 
came into existence as a counterblast to 
the Ulster Volunteers. Later, the Na- 
tional Volunteers split into two sections, 
the secessionists calling themselves the 
Irish Volunteers and becoming associated 
with a secret revolutionary organization 
known as the Irish Republican Brother- 
hood. Finally, the Irish Volunteers, rep- 
resenting the anti-English extremists 
among the professional, business, and 
farming classes, came to an understand- 
ing with the Citizen Army, which was 
more under the influence of Socialist than 
of Nationalist ideas. But both had revo- 
lutionary aims and wished to overthrow 
the English ruling class. There were 
some other elements in the movement, 
such as Fenians of the old type and Ger- 
man agents. Sir Roger Casement, a for- 
mer Consul General and the author of the 
famous Putumayo report, [a report on 
the cruelties inflicted on the rubber work- 

ers in Peru, South America,] had gone to 
Berlin to arrange for German aid, and it 
was on his return to Ireland that the sig- 
nal for revolt was given. 

But Casement's part in the rebellion 
was a fiasco from the start. On Good 
Friday, April 21, he was captured as 
soon as he landed from the German 
submarine which conveyed him to the 
west coast of Ireland, and at the same 
time the German auxiliary cruiser Kiel, 
disguised as a Norwegian merchantman 
and loaded with 20,000 rifles and am- 
munition, was sunk by its own crew, 
who were also made prisoners. The 
announcement of Casement's capture 
was published by the British Govern- 
ment on Easter Monday, April 24. The 
same day the revolt began in Dublin. A 
proclamation was issued by " the Pro- 
visional Government of the Irish Re- 
public to the people of Ireland " and 
signed by Thomas Clarke, S. MacDiar- 
mad, Thomas MacDonagh, P. H. Pearse, 
E. Ceannt, (E. Kent,) James Connolly, 
and Joseph Plunkett, the last-named a 
member of a well-known aristocratic 
family. The General Post Office was 
first seized, the officials driven from 
their posts, and the telegraph and tele- 
phone lines cut so as to prevent com- 
munication with England and the rest 
of Ireland. Fighting began in the 
streets, the initial advantage being with 
the rebels through the military and po- 
lice authorities having been taken totally 
unawares. The rebels soon established 
themselves in the City Hall, Stephen's 
Green, and in a number of houses in 
Sackville Street. They had other strong- 
holds such as Liberty Hall, the former 
strike headquarters and since the home 
of the Citizen Army. An attempt to 
seize Dublin Castle failed. In the sharp- 
shooting which the rebels indulged in a 
number of peaceful citizens were killed 
and wounded. On April 25 the military 
authorities were still unable to cope 
with the situation, but troops were on 
the way from England, under the com- 
mand of General Sir John Maxwell, who 
was given unlimited powers as military 
dictator. On the morning of April 26 a 
cordon was drawn around Dublin and 
the troops began to close in on the 

Vol. VII 


rebels. A gunboat in the Liffey shelled 
and demolished Liberty Hall. The rebels 
had plenty of ammunition and serious 
fighting began, lasting for three days 
with great fury. The rebels held strong 
positions in a number of buildings, and 
to dislodge them the British troops used 
artillery, which also did a great deal of 
damage to property and caused many 
fires. The Post Office was shelled, 
forcing the rebels to retire. As they 
were dislodged from this and other 
buildings the rebels set them on fire, so 
that on the night of April 28 the sky 
for miles around Dublin was aglow with 
the light from the flames. 

By now the rebels began to realize 
that in the face of the superior military 
force opposed to them the situation was 
hopeless, and early on Saturday morning, 
April 29, they decided to surrender un- 
conditionally "in order to prevent the 
further slaughter of unarmed people and 
in the hope of saving the lives of our 
followers, who are surrounded and hope- 
lessly outnumbered." Some of the rebels, 
however, kept up the resistance for an- 
other day. The final collapse came on 
Sunday, April 30, when the main body of 
the rebels laid down arms. General Max- 
well immediately began to mete out pen- 
alties by court-martial and to send pris- 
oners to England, where penalties of 
death and imprisonment were also in- 
flicted in a summary manner. Fourteen 
leaders of the rebellion, including all who 
had signed the proclamation of the Irish 
Republic, were executed; 73 were con- 
demned to penal servitude, in some cases 
for life; and 1,706 were deported from 
Ireland and imprisoned in England. The 
death sentence that had been passed on 
the Countess Markiewicz, an Irishwoman 
married to a Polish nobleman, was com- 
muted to life imprisonment. The shoot- 
ing of F. Sheehy Skeffington by order 
of a military officer, afterward alleged 
to be insane, caused a feeling of deep 
revulsion, for Skeffington was not 
among the rebels and tried to prevent 
bloodshed in accordance with his pacifist 
ideas. On May 12 Mr. Asquith stated 
that the losses during the fighting were* 
Civilians and rebels killed 180, wounded 
614; British troops killed 124, wounded 

Vol VII 

388. The damage to buildings in Dublin 
was estimated by the Fire Department 
at $5,000,000 and to stock at $3,750,000. 
Altogether 179 buildings, including 
houses, were destroyed. 

In other parts of Ireland the rebellion 
was very feeble and easily suppressed in 
the few centres where it broke out. Lord 
Wimborne, the Lord Lieutenant; Augus- 
tine Birrell, the Irish Secretary in the 
Cabinet, and Sir Matthew Nathan, the 
Under Secretary, resigned. Lord Har- 
dinge, former Viceroy of India, headed a 
royal commission to investigate the 
causes of the rebellion. Wimborne and 
Nathan were exonerated, but Birrell, 
whose conduct of Irish affairs had al- 
ways been sympathetic to the Irish peo- 
ple, was sharply criticised for his alleged 
neglect of seditious indications and his 
lack of prophetic powers. 

A reaction set in against the harsh 
treatment of the Irish and a new effort 
was made in England to convert hatred . 
into loyalty by devising some scheme of 
self-government. The Government in- 
trusted Lloyd George with the task 
of peacemaker. This phase of the home 
rule question, as well as the trial of Sir 
Roger Casement, are described later. 

One consequence of the revolt was that 
Ireland was exempted from the new Con- 
scription act passed by the British Par- 
liament in May. The first compulsory 
service law, applying to single men, had 
not produced the results expected by the 
Government, and on May 4 a bill was in- 
troduced in the House of Commons mak- 
ing all males between the ages of 18 and 
41 years, whether married or single, liable 
to serve in the army. The bill was passed 
by Parliament on May 24 by a large ma- 
jority, but it led to a strong agitation on 
the part of the No Conscription Fellow- 
ship and its supporters among Socialists 
and pacifists. About three thousand " con- 
scientious objectors," practically all mem- 
bers of the Fellowship, were imprisoned 
in different parts of Great Britain. Cases 
of suicide and various forms of self-mu- 
tilation to avoid military service were not 
uncommon. But the new law had the de- 
sired effect of increasing the number of 
men on active service. 



War Finances and Economies. 

The demand for money as well as men 
in all the belligerent countries grew 
greater as the war progressed. It was 
estimated that the war loans up to the 
middle of March aggregated $32,000,000,- 
000, of which the Allies had raised $21,- 
000,000,000 and the Central Powers $11,- 
000,000,000. On April 4 Reginald Mc- 
Kenna, the British Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer, in his budget statement in the 
House of Commons, said that he esti- 
mated the expenditures for the year be- 
ginning April 1, 1916, would amount to 
$9,125,000,000, which was at the rate of 
$25,000,000 a day, and the interest and 
other charges on this new debt would re- 
quire an additional $400,000,000 a year to 
be raised out of taxation. On May 23 
the House of Commons voted a new 
credit for $1,500,000,000, the previous 
one for a similar amount having been 
voted on Feb. 21. 

The German Government closed its 
books on its fourth war loan in March 
with the statement that subscriptions 
were in excess of $2,600,000,000, bringing 
the total of all war loans to $9,000,000,- 
000. The interest rate was being kept 
down at the 5 per cent, level. 

In May the Austro-Hungarian Govern- 
ment raised its fourth loan of $800,000,- 
000 at 5 l / 2 per cent, at 96. 

In France the war credit voted to cover 
the first quarter of 1916 was for $1,600,- 
000,000 and for the second quarter $1,- 

The Russian Duma in April voted ap- 
propriations for $1,699,000,000 in addition 
to war expenditures estimated at $5,500,- 
000,000, as compared with $4,000,000,000 
in 1915. 

Italy's war expenditure was about $25,- 
000,000 a month, as much as Great Brit- 
ain was spending in a day. Turkey was 
obtaining money by Treasury bills jointly 
guaranteed by Germany and Austria- 

Part of the British war loans was used 
to finance certain of the Allies and also 
the Colonial Governments. The war at 
this time was costing the belligerents al- 
together about a hundred million dollars 
a day. But the real burden was not to 
be measured by the amounts of the war 

debts, but by the increasing annual in- 
terest and sinking fund charges which 
had to be provided for out of revenue by 
means of taxation. Hence, particularly 
in Great Britain, France, and Germany, 
there were during these months still fur- 
ther increases in taxation. As will be 
seen later, this was far from the limit to 
which levies on income and other forms 
of wealth were pushed. 

The necessity of economizing in every 
direction became more and more of vital 
importance. At a great public meeting 
in the Guildhall, London, on March 1 a 
national campaign was initiated to rouse 
the people to the danger of extravagant 
and unwise spending. The Chancellor of 
the Exchequer and other members of the 
Cabinet were among the speakers who 
urged a policy of thrift whereby labor 
and capital would not be employed in 
satisfying private demands to the detri- 
ment of carrying on the war. In Ger- 
many the stage had already been reached 
where the scarcity and high prices of 
food were forcing economies on the 
people without any choice in the matter 
and actually causing distress. The Con- 
servatives, the party of the Prussian 
Junkers, blamed the British blockade and 
were loud in their demands for a more 
ruthless submarine warfare. But there 
were many critics in Germany who de- 
clared that the Junker landowners were 
themselves to blame for the scarcity and 
dearness of food among the people 
through the control they exercised. On 
both questions of submarine warfare and 
food regulation the Government was de- 
termined to pursue a fair-minded policy. 
Von Tirpitz, the head of the German Ad- 
miralty and as such responsible for the 
conduct of the submarine campaign, re- 
signed on March 16, much to the annoy- 
ance of the Junkers; and their bitterness 
against the Imperial Chancellor was in- 
tensified when the Government decided 
upon a drastic system of regulation for 
food supplies and prices. Delbriick, the 
Secretary of the Interior, who had so far 
directed the food policy, resigned on May 
13 and was succeeded by Dr. Karl Helf- 
ferich. On May 23 a Food Regulation 
Board was set up under the Chairman- 
ship of Adolph von Batocki, who became 
known as the " food dictator." Soup 

Vol. VII 



kitchens were established in the larger 
cities and preparations made for a sys- 
tem of meat cards. But, as will be seen 
later, von Batocki's dictatorship was un- 
able to master the interests that were 
aiding hunger to make the people's bur- 
den heavier. 

It was in March that the first definite 
step was taken by the Allies toward a 
"trade war after the war." At a con- 
ference in Paris at the end of the month 
the principal subject of discussion was 
unity of action in regard to the war, but 
economic policy in the future was also 
debated, and the general proposition was 
laid down that the existing alliance 
should be supplemented by an economic 
union. The fuller consideration of the 
scheme was adjourned to the special 
economic conference held in Paris in 
June. An interesting phase of the situa- 
tion in Great Britain was the growth 
of the opinion among some sections of 
free traders that the policy which had 
so long been best adapted to British 
trade interests must now be abandoned 
and that the empire should form a closer 
union on an economic basis and thereby 
be in a position more effectively to co- 
operate with other nations in preventing 
a new growth of German commerce after 
the war. At the same time leaders of 
German opinion were urging closer eco- 
nomic union with Austria-Hungary, which 
would also include Turkey, and thus give 
the Teutonic Powers a hold on the whole 
of the territory stretching from Hamburg 
to Bagdad and even the Persian Gulf. 
Propaganda to draw Holland and other 
European countries closer to the Teutonic 
economic union was rife, the idea being 
that Mittel-Europa (Middle Europe) 
might be made into a self-sufficing unit 
of economic activity. 

Political Changes 

The most important political changes 
during the three months under review 
were the resignations of von Tirpitz and 
Delbriick in Germany, which have already 
been noted. Eduard von Capelle became 
the new head of the Admiralty and 
Helfferich succeeded Delbriick as Im- 
perial Secretary of the Interior. Beth- 
mann Hollweg, the Imperial Chancellor, 

Vol. VII 

was opposed by the Conservatives on one 
side and on the other by the extreme 
pacifist wing of the Socialists, which 
constituted a minority in the party. Karl 
Liebknecht had already been expelled by 
the majority, and on March 24 Haase 
was similarly dealt with for his refusal to 
accept the nationalist aims which the 
Socialist Party now indorsed. The 
schism in the party eventuated in 
eighteen members of the Reichstag seced- 
ing and forming a separate group under 
the leadership of Haase and Ledebour, 
but without including Liebknecht, who re- 
mained independent of either group and 
whose political career was interrupted by 
his arrest for a speech at a May Day 
peace meeting in Berlin and a sentence 
of four years' imprisonment. 

In France the political situation was 
characterized by continuous attacks on 
the Government by the Radical-Socialists 
and Socialists, who were afraid that the 
Cabinet was trying to ignore its respon- 
sibility to the National Legislature. The 
majority of the Socialists throughout the 
country, however, were thoroughly patri- 
otic, as was shown by the vote of the Na- 
tional Council of the party on April 9, 
when a motion was adopted condemning 
the resumption of relations with the 
Socialist Parties of enemy countries by a 
two-to-one majority. 

The Russian Duma, which was in ses- 
sion during the months of March, April, 
and May, kept up an unceasing attack on 
the Czar's Ministers for their lack of 
vigor and gross inefficiency in the con- 
duct of the war. The Liberal and Rad- 
ical elements demanded in addition to 
Ministerial responsibility the application 
of enlightened ideas, and were the chief 
participants in the tumultuous debate in 
March on the subject of Jewish perse- 
cution which ended with the Conserva- 
tives leaving the Duma hall in a body. 
Khvostoff, the Minister of the Interior, 
was driven to resign by the attacks made 
on his administration by members of the 
Duma, and so, too, on March 29, was 
Polivanoff, the Minister of War, who 
was succeeded by General Shuvayeff. 
The Duma showed an earnest desire to 
make Russia a more effective factor in 
the war and more capable of develop- 



ment on the return of peace. The ex- 
tension and improvement of the rail- 
road system, the promotion of co-oper- 
ative enterprise, food regulation, the 
suppression of the vodka traffic, and 
larger appropriations for education were 
among the principal subjects dealt with 
during the session. There was no doubt 
that the strength of the Duma was grow- 
ing, though apparently not to the extent 
which would have led observers to fore- 
cast the advance toward parliamentary 
government made in November and still 
less the revolution in March, 1917. 

In Italy dissatisfaction with the mili- 
tary administration caused the resigna- 
tion on April 5 of General Zupelli, the 
War Minister, and the appointment in 
his place of General Paolo Morrone. 
Baron Sonnino was able to obtain a sub- 
stantial vote of confidence in the Gov- 
ernment's conduct of foreign affairs after 
the debate in the Chamber of Deputies 
on April 16, but in May the unprepared- 
ness of the army authorities for the Aus- 
trian offensive in the Trentino brought 
about an acute parliamentary crisis, and 
the days of the Salandra Ministry were 
numbered. Ill-health caused the resigna- 
tion of War Ministers in two of the allied 
countries. General Gallieni resigned in 
France on March 16 and died a couple of 
months later. His successor was General 
Roques. In Japan General Oka resigned 
on March 30 and was replaced by Gen- 
eral Oshima. 

The three Scandinavian countries held 
a joint conference at Copenhagen on 
March 9 to consider the difficulties which 
were involved in the maintenance of their 
rights as neutrals. For that purpose 
they decided to act together as closely 
as possible and also to safeguard their 
sea-borne trade by taking precautions 
against mines. Sweden was the most 
determined of the three countries in 
preserving its integrity, and on March 
29 the Riksdag voted $27,870,000 to 
strengthen the military establishment. 
Those who favored intervention to pro- 
tect Swedish interests directed their 
propaganda against the Allies, with 
whom relations were strained on account 
of the interference of Great Britain with 
the mails. Fear of Russian designs for 

expansion northward to the sea also in- 
fluenced opinion against the Allies. 

Attitude of the United States 

But it was the United States which 
continued to be the neutral country whose 
interests were most deeply affected by 
the war. In March Congress was still 
occupied with the controversy raised by 
the Gore resolution in the Senate and 
the McLemore resolution in the House 
that American passengers should be 
warned off armed ships belonging to 
belligerents. President Wilson was 
strongly opposed to such a surrender of 
the rights of American citizens. Event- 
ually the Senate, on March 3, without 
expressing itself directly on the issue, 
left the matter in the President's hands, 
while the House on March 7 tabled the 
McLemore resolution and thereby subor- 
dinated its own views to those of the Chief 
Executive. Secretary of State Lansing's 
note of Jan. 18, in which he urged the 
Allies to abandon the practice of arming 
merchant ships, received a reply on 
March 23 to the effect that the allied 
Governments were unable to give up 
their acknowledged rights or to accept 
the assurances given by Germany to the 
United States. 

The sinking of the unarmed steamer 
Sussex, which has already been described, 
opened a new and highly important phase 
of the submarine controversy with Ger- 
many. On April 18 the United States 
Government addressed a note to Ger- 
many dealing not merely with the Sussex 
case, but with the whole submarine situa- 
tion. The note created an acute crisis, 
for it declared that the sinking of the 
Sussex was only one instance among 
many of Germany's disregard for hu- 
manity. The time had come for Ger- 
many to call a halt, or else the Govern- 
ment of the United States could " have 
no choice but to sever diplomatic rela- 
tions with the German Empire alto- 
gether." The following day, April 19, 
President Wilson went to the Capitol 
and addressed the two houses of Congress 
in joint session. After explaining how 
he had come to his decision to warn Ger- 
many, he declared that the United States 
owed it to a due regard for its own rights 

Vol. VII 



as a nation, to its sense of duty as a rep- 
resentative of the rights of neutrals the 
world over, and to a just conception of 
the rights of mankind " to take this stand 
with the utmost solemnity and firmness." 
The German note of May 4 gave a def- 
inite assurance that no vessel should be 
sunk without warning and without sav- 
ing human lives unless it tried to escape 
or offered resistance. The note also con- 
tained the suggestion that, since this as- 
surance was now given, the United States 
should take steps to prevent the Allies 
from violating international law in re- 
gard to the freedom of the seas. But 
Secretary Lansing's reply of May 8, 
while accepting the German pledge, re- 
fused to consider its fulfillment condi- 
tional on any action the United States 
might take with regard to Great Britain. 

After a delay of six months the Brit-' 
ish Government replied on April 24 to 
the representations made by the United 
States on Oct. 21, 1915, regarding Brit- 
ish restraints on neutral commerce. 
Great Britain adhered to its previously 
stated position and offered practically 
no concessions beyond those already 
made. The " letters of assurance " is- 
sued by the British Embassy at Wash- 
ington for shipments to Scandinavian 
countries were referred to as one of the 
methods designed to lighten the burden 
on neutrals. Efforts would continue to 
be made, it was added, to render the 
exercise of British belligerent rights as 
little oppressive as possible. Another 
American grievance was the interfer- 
ence by Great Britain and France with 
mails in transit to and from Scandinavian 
and Dutch ports. This was the subject 
of a vigorous identic note, dated May 24, 
from the Secretary of State to the Brit- 
ish and French Ambassadors, in which 
he said : " Only a radical change in the 
present British and French policy, re- 
storing to the United States its full 
rights as a neutral power, will satisfy 
this Government." No reply from the 
British and French Governments was 
forthcoming till October. 

Within the United States the Govern- 
ment had a great deal of trouble with 
German agents, who were active in vari- 
ous conspiracies and violations of neu- 

trality. Disclosures made by Major von 
der Goltz as to another plot to destroy 
the Weiland Canal and papers found on 
Captain von Papen by the British au- 
thorities when he was returning to Ger- 
many after his recall resulted, on April 
17, in the indictment of von Papen, Wolf 
von Igel, who had been von Papen's Sec- 
retary; Captain Hans Tauscher, an agent 
for Krupps, and two others. The most 
serious feature of this case was the alle- 
gation that the German Embassy itself 
was involved in the violation of neutral- 
ity laws. The German Consul at Balti- 
more, Carl A. Luederitz, was indicted on 
May 8 for conspiring with von der Goltz 
to obtain a passport by fraud. Robert 
Fay, Walter Sholz, and Paul Daeche 
were sentenced to imprisonment on May 
9 for having conspired to destroy muni- 
tion ships. On April 28 Dr. Walter 
Scheele, President of a New Jersey chem- 
ical firm, and eight Germans connected 
with the Hamburg-American and North 
German Lloyd Steamship Companies 
were indicted for manufacturing bombs 
and placing them in munition ships. 
There were other cases pending in the 
courts, and, although some of them were 
not finally disposed of for some time, 
there was an accumulation of evidence to 
show that German agents in the United 
States were a source of considerable 

The substantial increase in the na- 
tional defense forces, which had been 
urged by President Wilson, was provided 
for in the National Defense act which 
emerged at the end of May from the dis- 
cussion of the bills introduced respective- 
ly by Mr. Hay in the House on March 6 
and by Mr. Chamberlain in the Senate 
on March 17. The leading features of 
the act were the increase of the regular 
army to 186,000 officers and men, a fed- 
eralized National Guard to reach grad- 
ually a peace strength of over 425,000, 
and Government plants costing $20,- 
000,000 for the production of nitrates 
and other products. Naval increases 
were voted later in the session. 

Although there was little hope of peace 
in Europe at this time, American opinion, 
as expressed by President Wilson, ex- 
hibited a rapidly growing recognition of 

Vol. VII 



the nation's duty to work for peace on 
broad, sane lines, as well as of the changed 
position which the United States must 
occupy as a world power after the war. 
" The only excuse that America can ever 
have for the assertion of her physical 
force," the President said in a speech on 
April 17, " is that she asserts it in behalf 
,of the interests of humanity." On May 
27 he outlined the conditions on which 
the United States, if called upon to do so, 
should initiate a movement to end the 
war. There should be, he said, " a uni- 
versal association of nations to maintain 
the inviolate security of the highway of 
the seas for the common and unhindered 
use of the nations of the world, and to 
prevent any war begun either contrary to 
treaty covenants or without warning 

and full submission of the causes to the 
opinion of the world a virtual guarantee 
of territorial integrity and political inde- 
pendence." The United States would be 
willing to become a partner in any such 
" feasible association of the nations." 
Discussing the question of " entangling 
alliances," the President said on May 30 
that he would gladly assent to " a dis- 
entangling alliance, an alliance which 
would disentagle the people of the world 
from those combinations in which they 
seek their own separate and private in- 
terests and unite with the people of the 
world to preserve the peace of the world 
upon a basis of common right and jus- 
tice." This and other utterances were 
the prelude to President Wilson's historic 
peace move to be described later. 

Vol. VII 


The Armed Liner Issue Battle of Verdun Women in British Industry 
Germany's Peace Conditions Paris and the Zeppelins -Recruiting 
in Canada How Men Died for France Raiding on the Black Sea 
The Storming of the Hill at Loos The Coming Victory Whalj 
Changes Will the War Bring? Economic Strength of Russia Serbia's 



HAVE the events of the month 
brought the war visibly nearer to 
an end? Anxious hearts throughout 
Europe and over the whole earth are 
asking the question, and some there are 
who think they see at least a hint of an 
affirmative answer. M. Ribot, the 
French Minister of Finance, has publicly 
declared his belief that "the end is in 
sight." While this is probably too san- 
guine a statement, recent events have 
suggested something of the kind. 

The failure of Germany to reach any 
vital spot at Verdun after a month of 
desperate fighting may not be particu- 
larly significant, for Verdun is one of the 
strongest fortresses in the world; but 
the indication that some inner force or 
fear in Germany herself was behind the 
attack, prompting and impelling it re- 
gardless of the cost in lives, has led 
many neutral observers to believe that 
the Berlin Government is no longer sure 
of its own allies or its own resources, 
and that there is a waning even of the 
national enthusiasm which has thus far 
responded to every call for sacrifice. 

Has Germany passed the zenith of her 
war strength, and is Verdun, like Na- 
poleon's Moscow campaign, to mark the 
beginning of the slow disintegration of 
the power behind it? Only time can tell. 
Meanwhile Lloyd's is quoting prohibitive 
rates to munition firms who wish to 
wager that the war will last beyond next 
Autumn, and the impression is gaining 
ground in many quarters that Germany's 
role henceforth will be more largely de- 
fensive than offensive. 

[Vol. VII., P. 1.] 

A PPARENTLY there was a close re- 
** lation between President Wilson's 
determined stand on behalf of armed 
merchantmen and Admiral von Tirpitz's 
sudden resignation. The head of the 
German Admiralty was known to be the 
author of the whole submarine campaign 
against merchant ships, and was believed 
to favor even a more ruthless policy 
than that embodied in the sink-without- 
warning order of March 1. Certainly 
some of his supporters were outspoken 
for a policy, as the Berliner Tageblatt 
remarks, of " unlimited, unchecked, in- 
discriminate torpedoing directed against 
every nationality and every kind of ship.*' 

The German Government's desire to re- 
main on good terms with the United 
States would naturally come into conflict 
with any such policy, and the demonstra- 
tion in Congress that President Wilson's 
firm attitude was the American Nation's 
attitude could hardly fail to deepen the 
rift between the Admiral and the Chan- 

But it is reported that an influence 
closer home was working toward the 
same end. Albert Ballin, head of the 
Hamburg-American Line and a close 
friend of the Kaiser, marking the world- 
wide storm that followed the sinking of 
the Lusitania, it is stated, took measures 
to forestall the growing danger of a 
break with the United States and the 
probable loss, in case of war, of the great 
German liners interned in American 
ports. Indirectly, then, it was Herr Bal- 
lin who forced concessions to the United 
States by securing the appointment of 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

his friend Baron Holzendorf to the com- 
mand of the submarine division. Thus 
for many weeks past Admiral von Tirpitz 
is said to have been powerless to carry 
out his own policy. His resignation nat- 
urally followed. Such seems to have been 
the curious connection between President 
Wilson's demands and the Grand Ad- 
miral's downfall. 

distances involved are in themselves a 
good index to the greatness of the strug- 
gle. It is also useful to have at hand a 
map which shows at a glance the exact 
location of the four large German posses- 
sions in Africa where fighting has been 
going on; likewise the relation of the 
campaign in Asia Minor to that on the 
European side of the Bosporus. 


ONLY two large military develop- 
ments have marked the month 
just past the German assault on Ver- 
dun and the Russian advance in Asia 
Minor. Both have favored the Entente 
side. The fighting at Verdun is fully 
treated elsewhere in this magazine. In 
Asiatic Turkey the Russians have gone 
slowly but steadily forward in four col- 
umns, one moving out of Persia toward 
the besieged Britishers in Mesopotamia, 
another heading westward along the 
Black Sea littoral toward Trebizond and 
ports beyond; a third is pursuing the 
Turkish Army westward from Erzerum, 
and seems about to come to grips with 
it at Sivas, while the fourth column is 
driving southward through the Lake 
Van country, where at last accounts it 
had taken Bitlis on its way to some 
point on the Bagdad Railway. Thus far 
the main effect of the Grand Duke's 
aggressive campaign is found in persist- 
ent rumors of alarm and disaffection at 
Constantinople. On the Russian front in 
Europe nothing of importance has hap- 
pened, though there are signs of prep- 
arations for a Spring campaign. Italy 
has undertaken another determined of- 
fensive on the Isonzo front, but with 
only slight gains thus far. In Albania 
the last remnant of Italian and Albanian 
resistance faces a superior Austrian 
army at Avlona. Italian hopes of a 
sphere of influence on that side of the 
Adriatic are very dim at present. 
* * * 


THE double-page map of the world war 
printed in this issue of CURRENT 
HISTORY gives a convenient birdseye view 
of the areas on three continents which 
have been directly affected by the con- 
flict. The vast regions and magnificent 

rpHAT well-worn phrase, the irony of 
-*- fate, seems to apply with peculiar 
aptness to the case of Newton D. Baker, 
who was sworn in on March 9 to succeed 
Lindley M. Garrison as Secretary of War. 
Secretary Baker, a former Mayor of 
Cleveland, Ohio, is a progressive Demo- 
crat of the reform school of the late Tom 
L. Johnson, and a member in good stand- 
ing in three peace societies. On the very 
day of his entrance into office he was 
plunged into the Mexican affair and 
found himself working far into the night 
preparing the necessary equipment for 
5,000 troops bound on a mission that 
meant war on a small scale, and might 
mean war on a large scale. Though a 
man of peace, he promptly demonstrated 
his ability to handle the details of the 
War Office. 


THE murderous assaults of Mexican 
outlaws upon American citizens 
have at length become unbearable even 
for a patient nation. Before dawn on 
March 9 Francisco Villa and 1,500 of 
his followers crossed into New Mexico 
and attacked the town of Columbus in 
Indian fashion, setting fire to the houses 
and assassinating eighteen persons, nine 
of them defenseless civilians, and nine 
soldiers of the Thirteenth United States 
Cavalry guarding the border there. 
Villa's main object, besides that of loot, 
seems to have been to revenge himself 
upon both Carranza and the United 
States Government by provoking a war 
between the two countries. 

A small body of American troopers 
pursued the bandits a few miles into 
Mexican territory, killing forty-six and 
seriously wounding many others; but the 


main body, with their leader, escaped. 
President Wilson at once ordered an or- 
ganized pursuit with an adequate force 
of troops, regardless of consequences, 
though with the sole purpose of bring- 
ing the assassins to justice. Congress 
and the nation heartily indorsed the de- 
cision. Even Mr. Bryan admitted that 
we had borne enough. 

Under the direction of Major Gen. 
Frederick Funston a force of at least 
5,000 picked cavalry, with field-gun de- 
tachments and several companies of 
infantry, was organized at Columbus, 
and on March 16 it crossed the Mexican 
line under Brig. Gen. John J. Pershing, 
heading southward through the Chi- 
huahua desert in the hope of intercept- 
ing Villa in his rendezvous beyond Casas 
Grandes. Somewhere near the start the 
expedition was divided into two columns, 
the second being under command of Col- 
onel Dodd. By March 20 the cavalry 
divisions had reached a point 110 miles 
south of the line. Other details of the 
advance were concealed under the blanket 
of an effective censorship. 
* * * 

p ENERAL PERSHING is instructed 
>JT to confine his activities in Mexico 
solely to the capture and punishment of 
Villa's outlaw band, and the Administra- 
tion is making every effort to keep the 
episode from developing, as Villa in- 
tended, into a war with Mexico. Hope 
of being able to do this is increased by 
the present friendly co-operation of 
General Carranza, the de facto head of 
the Mexican Government. The situation 
at best, however, is extremely delicate. 

A doubtful moment came at the begin- 
ning, when President Carranza issued a 
manifesto declaring that he woujd never 
consent to the expedition unless his Gov- 
ernment were granted the reciprocal 
privilege of sending troops into Ameri- 
can territory in a similar emergency. 
President Wilson readily agreed and 
since then Carranza has done what he 
could to aid the success of the undertak- 
ing, being apparently convinced of the 
sincerity of Secretary Lansing's state- 
that the military operations now in contem- 

plation by this Government will be scrupu- 
lously confined to the object already an- 
nounced, and that in no circumstances will 
they be suffered to infringe in any degree 
upon the sovereignty of Mexico or develop 
into intervention of any kind in the internal 
affairs of our sister republic. 

Mr. Lansing's words were confirmed 
by a resolution which passed the United 
States Senate, declaring that the expedi- 
tion was punitive and in no sense " an 
intervention." The friendly intention 
thus announced can be frustrated only 
by the Mexican people themselves, but 
the dangers of a misunderstanding are 
obvious. By ordering General Pershing 
to avoid towns as far as possible the 
American authorities have done what 
they could to minimize the danger of 
" sniping " by irresponsible partisans of 
Villa. In the circumstances it seems 
likely that Villa's scheme of embroiling 
the two nations will fail, and that he will 
be hoist with his own petard. 
* * * 


Fa recent address in New York Col- ' 
onel Edwin F. Glenn of the United 
States Army called our present military 
establishment " the most pathetic thing 
that ever came along in history," refer- 
ring to its inadequacy in numbers. The 
Mexican episode has brought a favoring 
wind to the sails of the preparedness ad- 
vocates. An emergency bill authorizing 
the President to recruit 20,000 more men, 
bringing the army up to a maximum war 
strength of 120,000, passed both houses 
of Congress almost without a dissenting 

Colonel Glenn told his hearers that if 
real trouble should develop in Mexico it 
would require 500,000 men and five years 
of fighting to win peace. There would 
be no lack of adventurous young men to 
enlist, but they would be useless without 
six months or a year of training. These 
facts lend a livelier interest to the two 
army bills now before Congress. Repre- 
sentative Hay's measure calls for a 
standing army of 140,000, a reserve of 
60,000, a National Guard of 129,000, and 
the construction of a Government plant 
for the manufacture of nitrogen used in 
explosives.' The Senate bill, offered by 
Mr. Chamberlain, provides for 178,000 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

men of all arms within five years, with a 
plan for a full war strength of 225,000. 
Besides, it calls for a Federal volunteer 
force in peace times somewhat like the 
Continental Army advocated by Secre- 
tary Garrison. Both bills call for the 
federalization of the National Guard, 
with pay for the men during periods of 

apparently insoluble with these charges 
nearly quadrupled. 

The estimated population of the seven 
powers enumerated in the above table 
is 417,000,000, hence if the war lasts 
another year, the total debts will exceed 
$220 per capita. The interest bearing 
debt of the United States is less than 
$10 per capita. 

rTIHE burden of debt which the' war 
* entails upon Europe is mounting 
to such colossal figures that the imagi- 
nation cannot measure its prodigious 
proportions by any previous standard. It 
is estimated that the war loans up to the 
middle of March total $29,000,000,000. 
The following is an approximation of the 
obligations of the respective nations to 
date in millions of dollars: 


war War Present 

debt. loan. debt. 

Great Britain $3,485 $7,070 $11,155 

France 6,007 0,659 13,197 

Russia 4,537 4,117 8,654 

Italy 2,830 1,405 4,301 

Total for Allies. . .$17,405 $19,842 $37,307 

Germany 5,198 0,415 11,013 

Austria-Hungary ... 3.970 2,547 6,517 

Turkey 640 214 854 

Central Powers $9,808 $9,176 $18,984 

Grand Total $27,273 $29,019 $56,292 

In these figures it will be observed that 
the war loans of the Entente reach ap- 
proximately $20,000,000,000 and those of 
the Central Powers over $9,000,000,000. 
It is estimated that the war is costing 
about one hundred millions a day, or 
over $4,000,000 every hour. Of Great 
Britain's loans approximately $2,500,000- 
000 have gone to her allies. Assuming 
that the war will last another year, ad- 
ditional loans of over $35,000,000,000 
will be required, which will bring the 
grand total of debts of the belligerent 
powers to the astounding total of $92,- 
000,000,000 as against $27,273,000,000 
previous to the war. When it is remem- 
bered that each of the powers prior to 
the war was seriously perplexed to dis- 
cover new sources of taxation to meet 
interest charges, the problem becomes 

rpHE use of metal protectors by all 
* the belligerents is increasing, and 
the equipment of the modern soldier is 
noticeably reverting to the fashions of 
mediaeval periods. Since August, 1915, 
4,000,000 metal helmets have t>een made 
for French soldiers. The head of the 
Paris Military Medical Service, Dr. B. 
Roussey, in an official report to the 
Academy of Medicine, stated that in 
July and August, prior to the adoption 
of the helmet only 8y 2 per cent, of the 
wounds were in the skull, whereas in the 
following December and January, when 
a part of the troops had been equipped 
with helmets, the percentage of wounds 
in the skull had doubled, the inference 
being that fully 8% per cent, were saved 
from death on the battlefield by the pro- 
tectors. He recommended that metal pro- 
tection be provided for other parts of 
the body, especially the thorax and ab- 
domen. He exhibited a helmet, struck 
by a bullet fired at a distance of 
200 yards; the metal was torn, but the 
soldier who wore it was only slightly 
wounded, whereas had the bullet not 
been deflected, he would have been killed. 
* * * 


WITHIN a period of thirty-six hours 
ending March 5, 1916, nine trans- 
atlantic steamships left New York for 
belligerent European ports, viz.: The 
Canopic for Naples, the Southerdown for 
St. Nazaire, France; the Cedric for Liv- 
erpool, the Rochambeau for Bordeaux, 
the Headley for London, the Napoli for 
Genoa, the Ardgorm for London, the 
Appenine for Cardiff, the California for 
Liverpool. Their manifests reveal the 
enormous amount of munitions and war 
material which is going from this coun- 


try to Europe. As an illustration, the 
Cedric carried the following: 

23,981 cases empty shells, 3,528 cases of 
cartridge cases, 105 cases of projectile bands, 
5,200 cases of cartridges, 1,579 cases of fuses, 
23 cases of rifles, 20 cases of rifle barrels, 
46 cases of bayonets, 16 cases of revolvers, 
341 cases of cannon primers, 285 cases of 
forgings, 1,047 cases of brass rods, 100 pieces 
steel strips, 889 plates of spelter, 98 cases 
copper tubes, 13,792 ingots copper, 67 aero- 
planes and parts, 11 tractors, 5,912 bundles 
shovels, 73 automobiles, 51 cases tents, 1,265 
barrels lubricating oil, 4,314 bales cotton, 850 
cases rubber boots and shoes, 240 cases 

The Napoli carried the following: 

80,000 Ib. trinitrotuluol (high explosive,) 
49 barrels formaldehyde, 31,722 cathodes cop- 
per, 3,755 bundles wire and wire rods, 659 
coils copper wire, 266 cases brass, 92 packages 
old chains and anchors, 49 cases military 
equipment, 30 cases magnetos, 11,144 ingots 
copper, 98 bundles wire, 30 iron pipes, 1,500 
boxes brass, 3 cases bar steel, 16 cases 
emery wheels and drills, 24 cases lathes, 
1,025 bags wax, 2,500 bales cotton, 8 cases 
gas engines, 7 cases motor cycles, 6 cases 
blankets, 1,897 cases shoes, 257 cases mining, 
wood and metal working machinery, 53 cases 
hospital supplies, 850 horses. 

Each of the other vessels carried simi- 
lar cargoes. The total exports from the 
Port of New York alone for the week 
ending March 4, 1916, was $57,554,366 
against $21,051,057 for the corresponding 
week of 1914. During the March week 
alone the value of loaded projectiles, 
smokeless powder, empty shells, and com- 
mercial automobiles exported amounted 
in round numbers to $11,400,000. The 
exports in 1915 of articles utilized for 
war purposes were in value $831,695,- 
000 against $180,128,274 in 1914 and 
$147,979,526 in 1913. The value of ex- 
ports classified as " explosives " in 1915 
was $181,778,033, against $5,525,071 in 


"PORTUGAL, in explaining her en- 
-*- trance into the war, evidently de- 
sired to emphasize satirically the fact 
that her treaties are not scraps of paper. 
Viscount de Alte, the Portuguese Minister 
to the United States, announces that his 
country's entrance into the war on March 
9 was in fulfillment of a treaty obliga- 

tion entered into between England and 
Portugal on June 16, 1373, just 543 years 
ago lacking about ninety days. This 
treaty, which provided that Portugal 
should join England in warfare when 
called upon to do so, was concluded be- 
tween Ferdinand of Portugal and Ed- 
ward III. of England and has endured 
through the centuries without a break. 
In 1703 Portugal fought with England 
in the war of the Spanish succession and 
again fought by her side in the bloody 
struggles on the Peninsula during the 
Napoleonic epoch. It is a curious cir- 
cumstance that while Portugal is drawn 
into this war by her alliance with Eng- 
land, her exiled King Manuel finds asylum 
in the British Isles to conduct there un- 
checked his conspiracy against the de 
facto republic for his restoration to the 
Portuguese throne. 


DURING the last twenty history-mak- 
ing months all the portfolios in the 
Russian Cabinet have changed hands, 
in some cases several times, save that of 
M. Sazonoff, Minister for Foreign Af- 
fairs. Broad and clear of vision, steady 
in his purpose and strong in his deter- 
mination, M. Sazonoff has kept his post 
and managed it with such ability that 
he has come to be regarded as the man 
at the helm on Russia's political seas, 
perhaps the most tempestuous and 
treacherous in Europe. It is, therefore, 
only natural that his word, spoken, as 
the London Daily Chronicle correspon- 
dent says, " with all the passion and fire 
of profound spiritual conviction," should 
attract more attention than that of any 
other Russian statesman or public man. 
Speaking of disarmament, M. Sazonoff 
said to the same correspondent: 

If Prussian militarism is destroyed, if that 
evil thing which has darkened all our lives 
for so many years is finally destroyed, as I 
believe most firmly it will be destroyed, then 
I think some measure of disarmament may 
be possible. It should be quite possible, for 
with England and Russia friends the rest 
of the world is safe. We shall fight on until 
the nations feel themselves safe and not 
until German militarism is destroyed to its 
roots can any nation feel safe. England, 
France, and Russia are responsible now for 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

the future of Europe, which means the future 
of civilization, the fate of the world. 

M. Sazonoff's ringing words at the 
opening of the Duma, in which he em- 
phatically reiterated the Government's 
determination " to continue the struggle 
to conquer the enemy," have drowned 
even the utterances of the Czar and the 
Premier on that memorable occasion. 


IN appointing Alexei Kuropatkin Com- 
mander in Chief of the Russian 
armies on the northern front, the Czar 
has pitted against Germany's greatest 
military genius, von Hindenburg, a Gen- 
eral who in experience, knowledge, and 
ability is, save the Grand Duke Nikolai 
Nikolaievitch, second to none in the 
Russian Empire. As author of numerous 
works on military and political subjects, 

as participant in the Turkish campaign 
of 1877-78, as Minister of War, and, 
finally, as Commander in Chief of the 
Russian armies in the Russo-Japanese 
war, General Kuropatkin has shown 
noteworthy talents. As to the causes of 
the Russian failure in Manchuria, he 
proved in his comprehensive work on 
the Russo-Japanese war, to the satisfac- 
tion of the world's military experts and 
especially of the Russian public, that 
they were to be found in the inefficiency 
and chaotic condition of the Government 
at Petrograd, and that his strategy, if 
properly supported and given the oppor- 
tunity to develop, would inevitably have 
led to victory. Politically, the appoint- 
ment of Kuropatkin, who belongs to the 
progressive flank of Russia's military 
artistocracy, will doubtless produce a 
salutary effect on that country's public 

Interpretations of World Events 

Ministerial Changes in Germany and 


rpHE several times repeated rumor 
JL that High Admiral von Tirpitz 
would resign seems at last to be true. 
It is conjectured that this means a 
triumph of humanity in the methods 
of submarine warfare, as to which the 
High Admiral has been known to be 
ruthless; and we are told that the 
change represents a triumph for the Im- 
perial Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann 
Hollweg, who has counseled moderation 
and the conciliation of neutrals, espe- 
cially the United States. But this sur- 
mise is very much weakened^by the report 
that Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg is him- 
self to resign, being replaced by Prince 
von Biilow, and by the further report 
that the submarine warfare will go on 
unabated, a view borne out by the fate of 
the Dutch liner Tubantia and the narrow 
escape of the Patria. It is more likely 
that Ministerial changes in Germany 
simply represent another shuffling of the 
cards, in the hope of a better hand. In 
France there has also been an important 

change. General Gallieni, who was first 
Military Governor of Paris, and later 
War Minister, has, it seems, broken down 
in health as a result of his unceasing toil 
for the republic. He is to be replaced by 
a man several years his junior, whom he 
has known, as it happens, for many 
years. General Pierre Auguste Roques 
was born at Marseillan in the Department 
of Herault, on the Gulf of Lyons, not far 
from Joffre's birthplace at Rivaltes; he 
was a boy of 14 at the time of the 
Franco-Prussian war, in which Joffre, 
Gallieni, and Pau fought. General 
Roques entered the Ecole Polytechnique 
at Paris in 1872, two years after Joffre 
had been graduated, and in 1874 he be- 
came a Second Lieutenant of Engineers. 
At that time the French colonies in Asia 
and Africa had hardly begun to develop, 
but they very soon became exceedingly 
important, and in 1888 Lieutenant Roques 
went out to Tonkin with Admiral Cour- 
bet's expedition, of which Joffre was a 
conspicuous member. In 1889 he served 
in Algiers, and in 1892 in West Africa, 
where Joffre also saw much hard fight- 
ing. Then came a period of work at the 


War Ministry at Paris, once more exactly 
as in Joffre's case, and then, about 1900, 
General Gallieni, who had already served 
four years as Governor of Madagascar, 
brought Colonel Joffre, as he then was, 
out to Diego Suarez, at the extreme north 
end of Madagascar, to build the immense 
fortified harbor there. Captain Roques 
was one of Joffre's assistants in this 
work. Then work in the department of 
aeronautics was followed by command of 
a division, and, in due course, of the 
Twelfth Army Corps, stationed at Li- 
moges, in the southwest of France ; he be- 
gan the war as commander of this corps. 
At the beginning of 1915 he was pro- 
moted to command of one of the string of 
armies that guard the French battle line, 
and now he reaches the highest military 
post in the republic as Minister of War. 

Morocco and the War 

IT would probably be true to say that, 
while the impulse which brought 
Austria into the war began with Bosnia- 
Herzegovina, it was Morocco which di- 
rectly involved Germany. The first fric- 
tion between France and Germany over 
Morocco came in 1904, and was adjusted, 
in a sense unfavorable to Germany, by 
the Algeciras treaty of 1906. Five years 
later the trouble began again. Germany 
brusquely asserted her interest in Mo- 
rocco by sending to Agadir the gunboat 
Panther and the cruiser Berlin, the for- 
mer on July 1, 1911. It was made evi- 
dent that England meant business, and 
might mean war. Germany, checked, re- 
plied by larger military preparations in 
the Spring of 1913, and added four new 
corps to her army. Nine months after 
came the present war. It is, therefore, 
interesting to learn the present situation 
in Morocco. The French report a severe 
defeat inflicted there by Colonel Simon 
on the agitator Abd el Malek, who, in 
the region of Taza, had raised the tribes- 
men against the influence of France, and 
they consider this defeat a serious check 
for the Germans, who had been sub- 
sidizing these tribes as they had subsi- 
dized the Senoussi, to fight against Eng- 
land in Egypt at the other side of Africa. 
General Henrys, commanding in the ab- 
sence of General Lyautey, attacked Abd 

el Malek, captured his camp of 150 tents, 
and drove him off to the Rif, where the 
question of pursuit will resemble a prob- 
lem of the United States nearer home. 
It is also reported from Tripoli, and from 
that part of the coast of Tripoli which 
borders on Egypt, that the tribesmen 
opposed to Italy and England are losing 
ground, so that along the whole of. 
Northern Africa, as in the Cameroons 
and opposite Madagascar, the Entente 
interests are able to report recent suc- 

The Cameroon Protectorate and German 
East Africa 

French Government is already 
providing a civil administration for 
the Cameroon region, which has been 
completely wrested from Germany; and 
this is interesting as being the first in- 
dication of the final disposition of this 
enormous district. France has, of course, 
special claims to the Cameroons, as the 
whole eastern section belonged to France 
before 1911, when it was taken by Ger- 
many as compensation for France's 
privileges in Morocco. On the other side 
of the African continent General Jan 
Christian Smuts is doing what General 
Botha did in Southwest Africa. On 
March 13 he occupied Mushi, and was 
pushing on toward Arusha, which the 
Germans were thought to have evac- 
uated. He reported also that the Ger- 
mans had been severely defeated at 
Kitovo. The general direction of the 
fighting seems now to be under Mount 
Kilimanjaro, the highest mountain on 
the African continent, higher than any 
in America north of Panama; only Mount 
St. Elias in Alaska and Orizaba in Mex- 
ico approach* its height of 17,800 
feet. Crowned with everlasting snow, it 
is called by the natives " the Mount of 
Silver," and this may be the foundation 
of the curious tradition recorded by 
Aristotle that the Nile rose beneath a 
silver mountain. But this vast peak is 
only one of many summits that crown 
the eastern edge of the great plateau of 
equitorial Africa, a plateau which has 
the most important bearing on the 
future of this whole region, for its great 
elevation, with the cool winds from the 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

* snow fields, makes it much more avail- 
able for white colonization than the tor- 
rid coast lands are. General Smuts's 
sons and grandsons, to the third and 
fourth generation, may be destined to 
find a home here under the shadow of the 
Silver Mount. 

Balfour, Churchill, and the Allied Fleets 

whose military career was recently 
outlined in these pages, and who has 
since risen to the rank of Colonel, is 
said to have had premonitions of early 
death and, to clear his conscience, 
deemed it necessary to return to the 
scene of his former triumphs in the 
House of Commons, and to direct a ruth- 
less attack against Arthur James Bal- 
four, his successor at the Admiralty. 
We can get a very valuable sidelight on 
the controversy between them from a 
summary of the fleets which might op- 
pose each other 'in the North Sea, a sum- 
mary drawn up by Rear Admiral Degouy, 
whom one might call the Admiral Ma- 
han of France. According to this high 
authority, Germany has, to count major 
units only, forty-four battleships and 
battle cruisers; this includes units 
under construction when the war broke 
out. England has of these same classes 
(counting pre-dreadnoughts of the class 
of the Edward VII., dreadnoughts and 
superdreadnoughts) at least sixty-five. 
England, further, has twenty-eight ar- 
mored cruisers against two or three that 
remain to Germany. To the English 
fleet, moreover, should be added the 
French dreadnoughts and predread- 
noughts, (of the class of the Diderot,) 
or eleven battleships. If we! add to these 
the armored cruisers which have been 
on duty in the English Channel for the 
last eighteen months we shall have a 
total, says Admiral Degouy, of more 
than 110 battle-Line units. Nor does this 
complete the strength of the Allies. 
There remains Russia's Baltic fleet, a 
thoroughgoing renaissance of which 
was begun shortly after the disasters 
of the war with Japan. By the time the 
ice is off the Gulf of Finland Admiral 
Degouy estimates that Russia will have 
eight battleships in the Baltic, four of 

which are of the newest type, and prob- 
ably four formidable battle cruisers. In 
order to arrive at a conservative result, 
Admiral Degouy counts only half the 
probable Russian strength, and thus 
reaches a total of 116 battle-line units, 
as against forty-four, as we saw, for 

The Situation at Constantinople 

SIGNS multiply of coming convul- 
sions at the capital of the Turkish 
Empire. There was the death of the 
heir apparent, Prince Yusef Izeddin, 
of whom Pierre Loti has just written 
a beautiful obituary sketch; a death 
which one side calls suicide, while 
the other boldly brands it as assassina- 
tion. There were sudden and violent 
dislocations of Turkish troops, an- 
nouncing counsels of desperation. We 
are told that a majority of the 
Turkish soldiers who were in Bulga- 
ria or on the Greek frontier, on the Sea 
of Marmora, in the neighborhood of 
Smyrna, or other parts of Western Asia 
Minor, are being hastily sent to Angora 
and Sivas, to oppose the Russian sweep 
from Erzerum toward the Bosporus. It 
may be said, in passing, that it will suit 
Russian policy very much better if her 
armies can reach Stamboul along the 
Black Sea and Asia Minor route thus in- 
dicated, than if France and England had 
got there first, through the Dardanelles; 
for the reason that a success of her own 
will give Russia a claim by so much the 
stronger to the ultimate possession of the 
Bosporus, and that " front door of the 
Black Sea " which she has so long de- 
sired. Meanwhile, three divisions of the 
forces which swept through Erzerum 
have now undertaken the capture of Tre- 
bizond, Erzingan, and Kharput; another 
force, from Lake Van, is making certain 
of Diarbekir, while the Persian detach- 
ment has swept past Kermanshah and 
Kirind and is swiftly approaching Bag- 
dad. It will be seen that the foothold of 
the isolated Turkish armies, which are in- 
volved in this net of greatly superior Rus- 
sian forces, is precarious in the last de- 
gree; and the reaction from all this is 
keenly felt on the Golden Horn. All of 
which makes Bulgaria more than uneasy. 


Decisive Military Victory 

THE Battle of Verdun is perhaps the 
only major operation of the present 
world war which is like the battles of 
all former wars in the fact that it was 
fought at a definite place and within the 
limits of a definite time. The Battle of 
the Marne, the Battle of the Aisne, the 
Battle of the Dwinsk, take their names 
from rivers, simply because rivers cover 
the enormous spaces occupied by modern 
battles, and, in a general way, mark 
folds in the country, along which troops 
naturally find defensive positions. But 
it can hardly be said that the Battle of 
the Marne was fought in any particular 
place, or only on the Marne. The de- 
fense of Verdun by General Sarrail, now 
in chief command at Saloniki, was a 
vital part of it, and Verdun is on the 
Meuse, far from the Marne. The Battle 
of theJVIarne had definite dates, but the 
Battle of the Dwinsk is going on still, 
and may go on for months. And it is 
only by comparison, by a sort of artifi- 
cial isolation, that the recent Battle of 
Verdun can be said to have begun and 
ended. There was fighting in the same 
region, almost on the same lines, ever 
since the first few weeks of the war. 
Whether in time or space the recent 
fighting at Verdun is only a knot on a 
nearly endless string; in space, a string 
stretching from Ostend to Switzerland; 
in time, but a tenser episode in long 
months of fighting. So that, in the war- 
fare of today, such a thing as a decisive 
battle, a decisive victory, is becoming 
impossible, because armies hundreds of 
miles long cannot be surrounded, though 
they can be forced backward, as hap- 
pened in Russia. But even that tre- 
mendous migration decided nothing for 
the outcome of the war. Again, it is no 
longer a question of a group of profes- 
sional soldiers, who may be completely 
surrounded, like the French armies at 
Sedan or Metz or Paris, leaving the 
nation comparatively untouched. It is 
a question of nations in arms; in France, 
as in Germany and Austria, to say noth- 
ing of Serbia, it is a question of the 
entire manhood of the nation. England 
is approaching the same condition. Rus- 
sia alone, by virtue of her vastly larger 

population and smaller resources in 
equipment, is still far from it. It is 
evident that decisive victory, when it 
comes, will come in some new way, 
whether through a tremendous increase 
of internal outbreaks, such as are per- 
sistently reported from the Central Em- 
pires, or by a breaking away of allies, 
as seems likely in the case of Turkey 
and perhaps also Bulgaria, or by the 
killing off of the men, or by economic 
exhaustion. Since this last is, among 
many incalculable elements, the one 
which is, perhaps, the most definitely 
calculable, and so one of the most satis- 
factory to work upon, it is entirely in- 
telligible that the Entente Powers, far 
from being willing to relax their present 
economic pressure on the Central Em- 
pires, are likely to increase that pres- 
sure steadily, by every means in their 

Rumania Getting Ready 

THE continued indecision of Rumania 
is one of the standing problems of 
the war, but there are indications 
straws in the wind which show a rising 
current toward the Entente Powers. To 
begin with, there are certain significant 
changes in the Rumanian Staff. The 
nomination of General Averescu as 
Corps Commander of the First Army 
Corps of the Rumanian Army, the nomi- 
nation of General Gotescu as Corps 
Commander of the Second Army Corps, 
and of General Presan as Corps Com- 
mander of the Third Army Corps, with 
the designation of the date, April 14, on 
which they are to take charge, are both 
regarded as indicative of the growing 
predominance of the party which desires 
to enter the war on the side of the En- 
tente Powers. And the fact that Ru- 
mania is being supplied with munitions 
of war from Russia shows two things: 
First, that Russia now has supplies for 
herself and to spare; second, that the 
bond between Rumania and Russia is 
growing closer in spite of dynastic in- 
fluences which draw the Hohenzollern 
rulers of Rumania toward the mightier 
Hohenzollerns. The absence of all repre- 
sentatives of the German imperial house 
from the funeral of " Carmen Sylva," 
the Queen Mother of Rumania, was made 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

the occasion of a curious story that 
Prince, August Walhelm, the fourth son 
of the Kaiser, was sent to the ceremony 
of mourning and actually got as far as 
the border of Rumania, when the Ger- 
man Minister at Bucharest sent him an 
urgent message to turn back because it 
was feared that he might be made the 
object of hostile demonstrations on the 
part of the Rumanian people. It seems 
certain at least that at the last moment 
an excuse was sent from the Hungarian- 
Rumanian frontier. The incident was the 
more striking because of the high honor 
in which " Carmen Sylva " was always 
held in Germany. 

Discontent in the Bundesrat 

"DESIDES repeated rumors of popular 
-"-' outbreaks, now at Berlin, now at 
Cologne, there comes a curious report, by 
way of Holland, that there have been 
marked feelings, if not actually expres- 
sions, of discontent in the Bundesrat in 
Berlin. The Bundesrat is more like the 
United States Senate in its essential 
character than almost any other existent 
body, because it represents the different 
States in a larger Federal unity; while 
the popular and popularly elected Reichs- 
tag is, both in numbers and in constitu- 
tion, fairly comparable to our House of 
Representatives. But both German bodies 
are smaller than their analogues in the 
United States, the Bundesrat having only 
sixty-one members, or one-third less than 
the Senate, and it further differs from 
the United States Senate in the fact that 
the different federated States are not all 
represented on an equal footing. For 
Prussia has 17 out of the 61 members, 
the Kingdom of Bavaria has 6, the King- 
doms of Saxony and Wurttemberg have 
4 each, the Grand Duchies of Baden and 
Hesse have 3 each, the Grand Duchy of 
Mecklenburg-Schwerin and the Duchy of 
Brunswick have each 2, Alsace-Lorraine 
has 3, while 17 smaller units have each 
1 member; 3 of these are towns, and 
Hamburg, with about 1,000,000 inhab- 
itants; Bremen, with 250,000, and Lii- 
beck, with less than 100,000, are held 
equal. Once more, like the United States 
Senate, the Bundesrat does much of its 
work by standing committees, of which 

there are a dozen, one each for the army, 
navy, taxation, trade, railroads, law, for- 
eign affairs, railroad tariffs, standing or- 
ders, constitutional questions, and Alsace- 
Lorraine. Each of these standing com- 
mittees consists of representatives of at 
least four States of the empire; but the 
Bundesrat Committee on Foreign Affairs 
includes only representatives of the three 
kingdoms, (other than Prussia,) namely, 
of Bavaria, Saxony, and Wurttemberg, 
together with two other representatives 
to be elected every year. Thus, the 
Bundesrat Committee on Foreign Af- 
fairs represents the feeling of the south- 
ern German kingdoms, as contrasted with 
the dominant tendency of Prussia, and 
there has always been much latent jeal- 
ousy toward the dominating northern 
neighbor, whether in Dresden or in Mu- 
nich. But it is difficult to see just what 
the committee can do, beyond protesting 
to the Chancellor of the empire, under 
whose general Presidency the Bundesrat 
sits; and as Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg 
is, under the Constitution, responsible to 
the Kaiser, and to the Kaiser alone, these 
protests will only have the value of 
" pious opinions." 

The President-Emperor of China 

ONE might receive the impression, 
from the cablegrams, that the 
President-Emperor of China (to express 
an anomalous position by an anomalous 
title) is hard pressed by armies of revo- 
lutionists such as were gathered at Can- 
ton in the days of the " Chinese revolu- 
tion," under the leadership of a group of 
liberals educated in foreign lands and 
inspired by foreign ideals. But, while it 
is true that fighting is going on over an 
extensive area of Chinese territory, it is 
none the less true that this fighting of- 
fers no menace at all to the plans of 
Yuan Shih-kai, and seemingly not less 
true that it has nothing to do with the 
revolutionary Liberals of Canton. At 
present the fighting is practically confined 
to the Province of Yunnan, and Yunnan, 
tucked into a corner of British Burma, is 
1,500 or 1,600 miles from Yuan Shih-kai's 
capital at Peking, and this in a country 
with almost no railroads and only very 
feebly supplied with roads. And against 



these exceedingly distant malcontents 
Yuan's forces seem to be making quite 
considerable headway. The two neigh- 
boring 'provinces to the north and east of 
Yunnan are Szechuan and Kweichau. In 
each of these Yuan has a Military Gov- 
ernor in command of a sufficiently 
strong force, pressing in upon the Yun- 
nan rebels. The upper waters of the 
Yang-tse-Kiang, which at that point bear 
the poetical name of Kincha-Kiang, 
" River of Golden Sand," make a deep 
bend south into the northern half of Yun- 
nan ; at this point Yuan's forces have just 
crossed the river, and are driving south- 
ward against the rebel stronghold at 
Yunnan-fu, which means " the walled 
City of Yunnan." And from the Prov- 
ince of Kwang-Si, on the southeast of 
Yunnan, yet another of Yuan's armies 
has just crossed the Yunnan border and 
seized Kiang-nan. So that the distant 
rebellion is likely soon to end. And its 
cause, so far from being an enthusiasm 
for liberal ideas and triumphant democ- 
racy, is said to be the fierce discontent 
of the opium planters because the Peking 
Gover*ment has forbidden the further 
production of " the herb of dreams." 

Portugal Enters the War 
/CURIOUSLY enough, the real cause of 
^ Portugal's entering the war and 
adding her name to the long list of bel- 
ligerent nations seems not to have been 
put down in black and white, though 
after a moment's thought it is entirely 

evident. The naval authorities of Portu- 
gal, we were first told, seized some dozen 
German steamships which were interned 
in the mouth of the Tagus. Next, we 
heard that Germany had sent an ulti- 
matum, bidding Portugal give up the 
steamships, or accept war with Ger- 
many. Then, a few days later, when this 
ultimatum had been ignored and techni- 
cally war was on, we learned that it was 
at the instance of England that the ships 
had been seized. That really gives the 
answer. The British view apparently 
was that these steamships were likely to 
do what German steamships in South 
American harbors had already done: ask 
for permission to go for a little spin, and 
then forget to return, presently turning 
up on the high seas as commerce destroy- 
ers. The German declaration of war can 
have very little practical effect. Portu- 
gal was already allied to England, and 
therefore on the Entente side. Germany 
cannot send troops there, though she may 
possibly operate against Portuguese ship- 
ping and fishing craft with submarines 
on their way to the Mediterranean. But 
in that case England will pay the bill. 
There is, however, one region where 
Portuguese and German territories 
touch: in East Africa, from Cape Del- 
gado, up the Rovuma River to Lake Ny- 
asa; and here Portuguese colonial troops 
may co-operate with General Smuts, who 
has still some hard fighting before him 
in the task of dislodging the German gar- 
risons there. 

A Verdict on Zeppelin Raids 

The intense indignation and deep resentment aroused among the people of 
England in interior towns by the Zeppelin raids find expression in the verdicts 
ol Coroners juries. In Staffordshire a jury declined to accept the suggestion of 
the Coroner on the form the verdict should take and reported their unanimous 
nndmg in the following mordant sentence : 

That the thirteen persons whose bodies we have viewed were killed by explosive 
bombs dropped from enemy aircraft, and that a verdict of " willful murder " be recorded 
against the Kaiser and the Grown Prince as being accessories to and after the fact. 

The killed included four children, whose ages ranged between 8 and 12 years, 
and three sexogenarians. In the raid on March 6, at one town, an invalid father 
and four small children were killed, and in another a blind paralytic over 80 years 
of age. 




Serious War Problem Confronts the President and Causes a 

Tempest in Congress 

By the Editor 

WHEN the Teutonic powers an- 
nounced to neutrals in Febru- 
ary that they would order 
their submarines to sink 
armed merchant vessels without warn- 
ing after March 1, 1916, they forced 
upon the United States the necessity of 
deciding what course to pursue for the 
protection of American citizens on such 

There was a choice of four possible 
courses. We might protest against the 
German submarine policy as inhuman 
and contrary to existing international 
law; we might insist on the disarming 
of all merchant vessels coming to our 
shores, thus pursuing the policy that had 
been tentatively suggested in Mr. Lan- 
sing's circular note of Jan. 18 to the 
Entente Powers; again, we might warn 
all Americans to stay off armed vessels, 
foregoing our right as American citizens 
to travel on the high seas in any vessels 
we choose; or, finally, we might await a 
repetition of the Lusitania disaster. 


The problem was one involving our 
relations with Great Britain and likewise 
with Germany. The decision, if it had 
any backbone in it, would necessarily be 
in partial opposition to one or the other 
of the great warring groups of nations 
in Europe. Involuntarily the American 
Government had become a sort of world 
tribunal for the trial of this unprece- 
dented case in international law. Both 
sides have presented evidence, and 
though a decision has not been reached 
at this writing, (March 20,) CURRENT 
HISTORY is able to present a broad sur- 
vey of the case, with its latest official 
documents, and of the dramatic side issue 
which it forced upon President Wilson in 

his relations with a hostile minority of 
his own party in Congress. 

Secretary Lansing's circular note re- 
garding the disarming of all Entente 
merchantmen (published in the March 
issue of CURRENT HISTORY) had already 
had the unfortunate effect of causing 
the Teutonic Powers to expect official 
American action along that line. But 
President Wilson had returned from his 
Western tour convinced that the na- 
tion, even though unprepared in a mili- 
tary sense, would support him in a 
firmer demand for our rights as a neu- 
tral power at sea under existing law. 
Thus one of the first, effects of Ger- 
many's submarine order was an abrupt 
pause in the Lusitania negotiations. 


On Feb. 17 Secretary Lansing in- 
formed Count von Bernstorff, the Ger- 
man Ambassador at Washington, that 
the United States Government would 
not accept the proposal for settlement 
of the Lusitania affair until the Berlin 
Government gave definite guarantees 
for the future. He made it clear that 
the United States must have written 
assurances that submarine warfare 
would not be conducted in such a way 
as to imperil Americans traveling on 
the high seas. Great Britain stood firm- 
ly on the ancient law and usage which 
permits a defensive armament on mer- 
chant ships without altering their status. 

Three days later at Berlin the Ger- 
man Foreign Minister, Herr von Jagow, 
gave out an interview in which he con- 
tended that under modern conditions 
there was no longer any such thing as 
a merchant ship armed defensively only; 
that modern guns and gunners aboard 
such a vessel made it an auxiliary war- 



ship for offensive purposes at will, and 
that there no longer existed any sound 
reason for arming merchant ships. He 

" British merchantmen are armed with 
modern guns; they have trained gunners 
aboard. We have submitted proof that 
the English Admiralty have given minute 
and detailed instructions and orders to 
take the offensive against submarines at 
sight. We have submitted proof of the 
execution of these offensive instructions. 
Our standpoint is that the so-called de- 
fensive armament as it exists on British 
merchantmen in a practical sense is a 
fiction of the law; that the use repeat- 
edly made of such armament * * * has 
given such armed merchant ships the 
character of auxiliary warships, and 
Germany will consider and treat them as 
such after the expiration of the notice 
given to neutrals." 

The strained relations between the 
United States and Germany over the 
Lusitania had apparently been on the eve 
of adjustment. The new issue threw the 
negotiations back again into the danger 
zone. A diplomatic break between the 
two nations again loomed near, with the 
possibility of war somewhere in the 


Meanwhile, certain members of Con- 
gress were becoming alarmed over the 
President's new policy of dealing firmly 
with Germany's revival of submarine 
warfare, and rumors of divided counsels 
at Washington quickly reached Germany. 
On Feb. 23 the movement broke into open 
revolt. Leaders of the House of Repre- 
sentatives virtually served notice on 
President Wilson that unless within 
forty-eight hours he agreed to warn 
American citizens that they must not 
take passage on armed ships, the House 
would issue such a warning in the form 
of a resolution. A resolution of the kind, 
already submitted by Representative Mc- 
Lemore of Texas, was in readiness. The 
entire Committee on Foreign Affairs, 
headed by Mr. Flood, was found to be 
against the President's policy, and Speak- 
er Champ Clark and Representative 
Kitchin, Democratic floor leader, were in 

favor of warning Americans to stay off 
armed liners, for fear of involving this 
country in war, though they advised 
against forcing the President's hand too 


In the Senate, Mr. Stone, Chairman of 
the Senate Committee on Foreign Af- 
fairs, held a similar attitude, being sup- 
ported by Senator Kern, Democratic 
leader of the upper house, and a stormy 
interview of these two with the President 
the night before had won no concessions 
from him. A concurrent resolution was 
offered by Senator Gore of Oklahoma, 
ending as follows : 

Resolved, By the Senate, the House of 
Representatives concurring, That it is the 
sense of the Congress, vested as it is with 
the sole power to declare war, that all per- 
sons owing allegiance to the United States 
should in behalf of their own safety and the 
vital interest of the United States, forbear 
to exercise the right to travel as passengers 
on any armed vessel of any belligerent power, 
whether such vessel be armed for offensive 
or defensive purposes, and it is the further 
sense of the Congress that no passport should 
be issued or renewed by the Secretary of 
State, or any one acting under him, to be 
used by any person owing allegiance to the 
United States for purpose of travel upon any 
such armed vessel of a belligerent power. 

At this juncture Senator Stone wrote 
a letter to the President on the subject 
and received a ringing reply which de- 
clared : " I cannot consent to any 
abridgment of the rights of American 
citizens in any respect. The honor and 
self-respect of the nation is involved. We 
court peace and shall preserve it at any 
cost but the cost of honor." 


" United States Senate, 
"Washington, Feb. 24, 1916. 
" Dear Mr. President : 

" Since Senator Kern, Mr. Flood, and 
I talked with you on Monday evening 
I am more troubled than I have 
been for many a day. I have not felt 
authorized to repeat our conversation, 
but I have attempted, in response to 
numerous inquiries from my colleagues, 
to state to them, within the confidence 
that they should observe, my general 
understanding of your attitude. I have 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

stated my understanding of your atti- 
tude to be substantially as follows: 

" That while you would deeply regret 
the rejection by Great Britain of Mr. 
Lansing's proposal for the disarmament 
of merchant vessels of the Allies, with 
the understanding that Germany and her 
allies would not fire upon a merchant 
ship if she hauled to when summoned, 
not attempting to escape, and that the 
German warships would only exercise 
the admitted right of visitation and 
capture, and would not destroy the 
captured ship except in circumstances 
that reasonably assured the safety of 
passengers and crew, you were of the 
opinion that if Great Britain and her 
allies rejected the proposal and insisted 
upon arming their merchant ships they 
would be within their right under inter- 
national law. 

" Also that you would feel disposed to 
allow armed vessels to be cleared from 
our ports. Also that you are not favor- 
ably disposed to the idea of this Govern- 
ment taking any definite steps toward 
preventing American citizens from em- 
barking upon armed merchant vessels. 
Furthermore, that you would consider it 
your duty if a German warship should 
fire upon an armed merchant vessel of 
the enemy upon which American citizens 
were passengers to hold Germany to 
strict account. 

" Numerous members of the Senate and 
the House have called to discuss this 
subject with me. I have felt that the 
members of the two houses who are to 
deal with this grave question were en- 
titled to know the situation we are con- 
fronting as I understand it to be. 

" I think I should say to you that the 
members of both houses feel deeply con- 
cerned and disturbed by what they read 
and hear. I have heard of some talk 
to the effect that some are saying that 
after all it may be possible that the pro- 
gram of preparedness, so called, has 
some relation to just such a situation as 
we are now called upon to meet. 

" I have counseled all who have talked 
with me to keep cool; that this whole 
business is still the subject of diplomacy, 
and that you are striving to the utmost 

to bring about some peaceable adjust- 
ment, and that in the meantime Congress 
should be careful not to ' ball up ' a 
diplomatic situation by any kind of hasty 
and ill-considered action. However, the 
situation in Congress is such as to excite 
a sense of deep concern in the minds of 
careful and thoughtful men. 

" I have felt that it is due to you to say 
this much. I think you understand my 
personal attitude with respect to this 
subject. As much and deeply as I would 
hate to radically disagree with you, I 
find it difficult from my sense of duty 
and responsibility to consent to plunge 
this nation into the vortex of this world 
war because of the unreasonable obsti- 
nacy of any of the powers upon the one 
hand, or, on the other hand, of f oolhardi- 
ness, amounting to a sort of moral 
treason against the Republic, of our peo- 
ple recklessly risking their lives on armed 
belligerent ships. I cannot escape the 
conviction that such would be so mon- 
strous as to be indefensible. 

" I want to be with you and to stand 
by you, and I mean to do so up to the 
last limit; and I want to talk with you 
and Secretary Lansing with the utmost 
frankness to confer with you and have 
your judgment and counsel and I want 
to be kept advised as to the course of 
events, as it seems to me I am entitled 
to be. 

" In the meantime I am striving to pre- 
vent anything being done by any Senator 
or Member calculated to embarrass your 
diplomatic negotiations. Up to the last 
you should be left free to act diplomatic- 
ally as you think for the best to settle 
the questions 'involved. I need hardly 
say that my wish is to help, not to 
hinder, you. 

" With the highest regard and most 
sympathetic consideration, I have the 
honor, Mr. President, to be, very sincerely 
yours, W. J. STONE. 

" The President." 


" The White House, 
" Washington, Feb. 24, 1916. 
"My Dear Senator: I very warmly 
appreciate your kind and frank letter 


Novelist and War Correspondent, Who Traversed the War Zone for th< 

York Times 
Piric MacDonald) 


American Ambassador at Constantinople, Recipient of Honors During 

a Brief Home Visit 
(Photo Underwood d Underwood) 



of today and feel that it calls for an 
equally frank reply. 

" You are right in assuming that I shall 
do everything in my power to keep the 
United States out of war. I think the 
country will feel no uneasiness about my 
course in that respect. Through many 
anxious months I have striven for that 
object, amidst difficulties more mani- 
fold than can have been apparent upon 
the surface, and so far I have succeeded. 
I do not doubt that I shall continue to 
succeed. The course which the Central 
European Powers have announced their 
intention of following in the future with 
regard to undersea warfare seems for 
the moment to threaten insuperable ob- 
stacles, but its apparent meaning is so 
manifestly inconsistent with explicit as- 
surances recently given us by those 
powers with regard to their treatment 
of merchant vessels on the high seas 
that I must believe that explanations 
will presently ensue which will put a 
different aspect upon it. We have had 
no reason to question their good faith 
or their fidelity to their promises in the 
past, and I for one feel confident that 
we shall have none in the future. 

" But in any event our duty is clear. No 
nation, no group of nations, has the right 
while war is in progress to alter or dis- 
regard the principles which all nations 
have agreed upon in mitigation of the 
horrors and sufferings of war; and if 
the clear rights of American citizens 
should ever unhappily be abridged or de- 
nied by any such action we should, it 
seems to me, have in honor no choice as 
to what our own course should be. 

" For my own part, I cannot consent to 
any abridgment of the rights of Ameri- 
can citizens in any respect. The honor 
and self-respect of the nation are in- 
volved. We covet peace, and shall pre- 
serve it at any cost but the loss of honor. 
To forbid our people to exercise their 
rights for fear we might be called upon 
to vindicate them would be a deep humila- 
tion indeed. It would be an implicit, all 
but an explicit, acquiescence in the viola- 
tion of the rights of mankind everywhere, 
and of whatever nation or allegiance. It 
would be a deliberate abdication of our 
hitherto proud position as spokesmen, 

even amidst the turmoil of war, for the 
law and the right. It would make every- 
thing this Government has attempted, 
and everything that it has achieved dur- 
ing this terrible struggle of nations, 
meaningless and futile. 

" It is important to reflect that if in 
this instance we allowed expediency to 
take the place of principle the door would 
inevitably be opened to still further con- 
cessions. Once accept a single abate- 
ment of right, and many other humilia- 
tions would certainly follow, and the 
whole fine fabric of international law 
might crumble under our hands piece by 
piece. What we are contending for in 
this matter is of the very essence of the 
things that have made America a sover- 
eign nation. She cannot yield them with- 
out conceding her own impotency as a 
nation, and making virtual surrender of 
her independent position among the na- 
tions of the world. 

" I am speaking, my dear Senator, in 
deep solemnity, without heat, with a 
clear consciousness of the high respon- 
sibilities of my office, and as your sincere 
and devoted friend. If we should unhap- 
pily differ, we shall differ as f riendsTbut 
where issues so momentous as these are 
involved we must, just because we are 
friends, speak our minds without reser- 
vation. Faithfully yours, 

" To Hon William J. Stone, 

United States Senate." 
This letter gave the insurgent legisla- 
tors pause, though Speaker Clark led a 
delegation to interview the President, and 
told him that the McLemore resolution 
would carry two to one if put to the test. 
The German Foreign Office sent an ex- 
planation that no enemy merchantman 
would be torpedoed without warning un- 
less the presence of armament on board 
had been proved. A memorandum to 
that effect was presented to the United 
States Government by Count von Bern- 
storff, and the tension subsided in that 


But the rumor that the President did 
not have the backing of Congress and the 
nation behind his foreign policy con- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

tinued to be the subject of damaging 
comment and misinterpretation in Eu- 
rope. A writer in the Vienna Zeit mere- 
ly echoed what was being said through- 
out the Teutonic Empires when he re- 
joiced in the activities of " the pro-Ger- 
man party in the United States Senate" 
and continued : 

This disposes of the assertion that the whole 
country approves of what President Wilson 
has done, and will re-elect him, in order that 
he may be able to continue his fruitful activ- 
ities. If the President does not give way, he 
will not be able to carry through his pro- 
gram of strengthening the army and the 
navy and creating a mercantile marine and. 
land credit banks. Either he must change 
his course, or he will perish ingloriously. In 
spite of all his stubbornness his first desire 
is to be elected, and he will submit. We 
can therefore hope that we are on the eve 
of better times. 

It was therefore President Wilson 
who furnished the next surprise by de- 
manding that Congress act one way or 
the other upon the resolutions with 
which it had threatened to intervene in 
his domain. The demand came on Feb. 
29 in the form of a polite but very firm 
letter to Representative Edward A. Pou 
of North Carolina, Acting Chairman of 
the Committee on Rules. A few days 
earlier the House Committee on Foreign 
Affairs had been ready to rush through 
the McLemore resolution, and had been 
looking to the Committee on Rules to 
furnish a speedy way of doing it. Now 
the President went straight to that com- 
mittee and asked it to do its best in 
the same line. His demand was ex- 
tended equally to the Senate and its 
Gore resolution. 

" The report," he wrote, " that there 
are divided counsels in Congress in re- 
gard to the foreign policy of the Gov- 
ernment is being made industrious use 
of in foreign capitals. I believe that 
report to be false, but so long as it is 
anywhere credited it cannot fail to do 
the greatest harm and expose the coun- 
try to the most serious risks." 


His challenge placed the insurgents 
of both houses in a predicament whose 
outcome was watched with interest all 
over America and Europe. It was a call 

by President Wilson not only for a vote 
of confidence, but for national unity at a 
critical time. He staked his leadership 
on the outcome. By this time, however, 
the insurgents were aware that they 
were in a hopeless, minority, and would 
have to swallow their own threats. They 
took their medicine with many contor- 
tions and wry faces, but they had to 
take it. 

In the Senate the Gore resolution was 
forced to a vote on March 3, and was 
tabled by 68 to 14. Foreseeing some 
such result, Senator Gore had resorted 
to the parliamentary trick of first 
amending the life out of his own resolu- 
tion and then voting against it himself. 
By thus clouding the issue the triumph 
for the President's policy was somewhat 
lessened, and the real meaning of the 
result was incomprehensible to even the 
best-informed observers in Germany. 

But if nobody was quite satisfied with 
what had taken place, the episode 
brought forth speeches on a high non- 
partisan plane from both Republicans 
and Democrats, and the next day, when 
the debate was revived over a similar 
resolution reintroduced by Senator Mc- 
Cumber (Republican) of North Dakota, 
both sides were ably represented. 


" I do not agree with the President," 
said Senator McCumber, "that it would 
be improper to suggest to the American 
traveling public that they refrain from 
doing that which by every principle of 
patriotic duty they ought to refrain 
from doing without any suggestions 
from any source. I am not in accord 
with his views as to the full extent of 
our right to control the methods which 
may be adopted by belligerents to prose- 
cute their warfare to a successful issue. 
And I further believe that Congress, 
representing the sentiment of the coun- 
try, can very properly give expression to 
its views, although, as I have suggested, 
I feel that just at this crucial and critical 
period of our diplomatic controversy we 
might well have deferred our action until 
the Executive Department had announced 
either an agreement or a disagreement. 

" No one questions what the rule of 



international law heretofore has been. 
That rule is that a merchant vessel, 
armed with a stern gun for defense only, 
has the same rights and the same status 
as an unarmed merchant vessel. That 
rule would forbid such vessel being tor- 
pedoed or sunk without notice by a sub- 

" It is equally true that writers of in- 
ternational law agree that, as all nations 
are supposed to conform to international 
law and practice obtaining before war, 
and to make their preparations for war 
in the light of such rules, and in the ex- 
pectation they will be followed should 
war ensue; therefore, the insistence by a 
neutral power that such rule be modified 
during the progress of the war would be 
an unneutral act. 

" But the science of war may develop 
so rapidly during a great world struggle 
like that now prevailing, and such exigen- 
cies involving the very life of a belliger- 
ent nation may arise as would not only 
justify but necessitate that nation to de- 
cline to follow a rule adopted under con- 
ditions which no longer prevail, or which 
are so materially modified by new in- 
strumentalities of warfare as to require 
a change. 

" While a neutral may do nothing to 
weaken or modify the rule, there may be 
justification for the belligerent, in de- 
fending its very existence, to do so. And 
the same exigency that will justify a 
warring nation in the throes of a des- 
perate encounter to deviate from old rules 
of international law ought to appeal to 
every neutral nation to lessen the rigor 
of its demands for conformity by a bel- 
ligerent in every detail to previous inter- 
national law. And this charitableness 
should apply with just as much force to 
the Entente Powers as to the Central 

" Our contention and insistence upon 
any rule of conduct to be followed by 
any belligerent ought to be founded upon 
justice, not alone to ourselves, but to 
the nation against which it is urged. 
Our contention should be unquestionably 
right, absolutely fair, and everlastingly 

" I confess I cannot see anything fair 
in the proposition that while a subma- 

rine, which may easily be sunk by a 
single shot from one of these defensive 
guns, must give notice before it fires 
at the armed merchant vessel, the armed 
vessel need not give notice that it pur- 
poses to fire at the submarine. If I 
know that you are armed I cannot con- 
vince myself that a code of action which 
says that you can shoot me at sight 
but that I must give you timely notice 
to surrender is entirely fair." 


Henry Cabot Lodge, ranking Repub- 
lican on the Senate Foreign Affairs 
Committee, spoke on historical aspects 
of the subject, bitterly assailing the 
proposition to warn Americans against 
traveling on armed merchant ships. He 
had already covered the subject still 
more thoroughly in a speech a few days 
earlier, and it is from this that we 
quote : 

" It was established by centuries of 
practice and by universal assent that 
a merchantman armed only for defense 
did not thereby lose her character. 

" The only point to be determined was 
whether by her acts or by the character 
of her armament and the numbers of 
her crew she was within the rules ap- 
plying to the merchantmen, or whether 
she had taken herself out of those rules 
and had come within the class of the 
ship of war or the privateer. 

" It was universally agreed by all au- 
thorities that the armament of the mer- 
chantman could be used only in self- 
defense, although that self-defense might 
extend to capturing the vessel which at- 
tacked. If an armed merchantman took 
the offensive she at once passed out of 
the category of merchantman, and not 
having any commission or letters of 
marque, like a privateer, would have been 
treated not merely as a ship of war but 
would have been within range of the 
definition of piracy. 

" The first qualification, therefore, was 
that the armament of the merchantman 
could be used only for defense. The 
next qualification was the character of 
the armament, and that had to be de- 
termined in each case. It was a ques- 
tion of fact. No exact line as to the 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

amount of armament had ever been 
drawn. * * * 

" There can be no question as to the 
breadth and strength of the decisions as 
to the right of the neutral to place goods 
or take passage upon an armed belliger- 
ent merchantman provided that the mer- 
chantman came within the rules affect- 
ing the armament of merchantmen. 

" But little is said about passengers, be- 
cause it had never then occurred to any 
one that a passenger on a belligerent 
merchantman armed for defense was not 
there in the exercise of an undoubted 
right. The rule that the crew of a cap- 
tured belligerent were to be treated as 
prisoners of war and neutral passengers 
were to be set free at the first oppor- 
tunity, and that all alike were to be 
taken on board the captor and kept there 
in safety, was never questioned for a 
moment by any authority. 

" We may, therefore, take it as demon- 
strated by the decisions of the courts 
and the opinions of all the best writers 
on international law that a neutral has 
a clear right to take passage 'and ship 
goods on a belligerent merchantman, and 
that the merchantman being armed for 
self-defense does not impair this right 
in the slightest degree or take the mer- 
chantman out of the class or deprive it 
of the privilege of the unarmed trading 

Senator Lodge read the order issued 
by President Lincoln in August, 1862, 
when Great Britain directed his atten- 
tion to the fact that " a British steamer 
had been chased and fired upon by a 
United States cruiser which had not dis- 
played her colors and had then been cap- 
tured without search." He continued: 

" This led Mr. Lincoln to direct that the 
following instructions be issued to our 
vessels of war : ' Secondly, that, while 
diligently exercising the right of visita- 
tion on all suspected vessels, you are in 
no case authorized to chase and fire at 
a foreign vessel without showing your 
colors and giving her the customary pre- 
liminary notice of a desire to speak and 
visit her/ 

" Mr. Lincoln made it evident by this 
that he was utterly opposed to having a 
ship of the United States creep up under 

false colors or in any disguise upon a 
merchantman and capture or destroy her 
without visit and search. I think we may 
say with certainty that that great Pres- 
ident would never have assented to hav- 
ing a United States submarine creep up 
on a merchantman under water and de- 
stroy her and all on board, including 
neutral and noncombatant men, women, 
and children, without giving them any 
opportunity to escape. 

" The difference in instrument makes 
no difference in the principle laid down 
by Lincoln in the instructions I have just 

" Contrast the instructions of Lincoln 
and McKinley, with their humanity, mo- 
rality, and respect for law, with what 
was actually done in the case of the Lu- 
sitania, the Arabic, and the Ancona. 

" Such in outline has been the practice 
of all nations in regard to the armed 
merchantman. Such has been the po- 
sition of our own Government down to a 
year ago. It seems utterly incredible 
that this position should be in any way 
altered now or that our Government 
should be ready to surrender the un- 
questioned rights of Americans to travel 
or ship goods on a belligerent merchant- 
man subject to all the rules which have 
been established by the courts and by all 
international authorities for at least 
twenty centuries. The just rights of the 
citizens of any nation cannot be main- 
tained by their surrender. 

" The abandonment of those rights by 
any neutral Government on the ground 
that the invention of submarines with 
the necessary limitations upon the 
powers of capture possessed by those 
boats is inconceivable. 

" Such abandonment could only rest on 
the ground that the rights of neutrals, 
the rules which for centuries have been 
agreed upon by all nations for the pro- 
tection of innocent lives upon vessels cap- 
tured in war, must be thrown aside and 
discarded in order that a new instru- 
ment of maritime destruction must not 
be impeded in its work of death and 
murder. Such a doctrine is revolting 
to every instinct of humanity, to every 
principle of law and justice. 

" There is, however, another side to this 


matter which is of even graver im- 
portance. There can be no question that 
any act by a neutral which alters con- 
ditions created by the war is an un- 
neutral act and places the neutral upon 
the side of one belligerent or the other. 

" This is eminently true of any form 
of embargo, and there is no need that I 
should repeat the unanswerable argu- 
ment on this point embodied by Mr. 
Lansing in his note of last August to 
the Government of Austria-Hungary. 
The war, and the war alone, has also 
created conditions under which any 
change at this time in the attitude which 
we took officially at the outset of the. 
war in regard to armed merchantmen 
would be an unneutral act. 

" The merchantmen of one belligerent 
have been swept from the seas. There- 
fore if we should abandon all the prin- 
ciples on this subject that we have ever 
sustained, if we should abandon the rules 
laid down by Mr. Lansing in his circular 
of September, 1914, and declare that our 
ports were closed to armed merchant- 
men or that goods and passengers from 
the United States could not be placed on 
an uncommissioned merchantman armed 
solely for self-defense, our action would 
affect only one belligerent; it would 
alter conditions created by the war, and 
would, therefore, be unneutral. 

" It would make us the ally of one bel- 
ligerent and expose us to the just hostil- 
ity of the others. It would be a step 
toward war." 


Senator Borah (Republican) of Idaho, 
who is regarded as an authority on con- 
stitutional questions, spoke with similar 

" I have had but one rule to guide my 
conduct," he said, "since this unfortunate 
conflict in Europe began, and that was, 
whenever I conceived American right to 
be challenged by any country or nation, 
to meet that challenge without vacilla- 
tion or compromise. I should, therefore, 
had I been permitted to do so, have 
voted for the principle that an Ameri- 
can citizen has the right to travel on a 
merchant ship armed for defensive pur- 

" It is a right which has been estab- 

lished under international law for these 
five hundred years, and in my judgment 
this is not the time for the great Ameri- 
can Republic to begin to temporize and 
compromise with reference to those na- 
tional rights which have been so long 
established and which every belligerent 
power has at some time in its history 
recognized. If these principles of in- 
ternational law are made unsound by 
changed conditions of warfare now is 
not the time for us to change them. Our 
purpose in doing so would be misunder- 
stood and misconstrued. 

" Firmness and decision will more 
often prevent war than bring on war. 
The opposite policy has time and again 
led to a different result from that which 
it was anticipated would be the result. I 
am one who believes that it was the 
firmness; the quick decision, the positive- 
ness of Jackson in the '80s which pre- 
vented civil war. It was the timidity, 
the compromising attitude, the disposi- 
tion of Buchanan to write theses on the 
Constitution when he should have acted, 
which aggravated and helped to bring 
on the civil war more than any ~x>ther 
one thing in the '60s. 

" Decision, firmness in upholding your 
rights under all circumstances will be 
respected by all the nations of the earth. 
I say, therefore, I am ready and willing 
for the American Republic to go on rec- 
ord to the effect that Americans have 
the right to travel upon merchant ships 
armed for defensive purposes and that 
the nation which challenges that right 
or violates it will be held to a strict ac- 

In the House of Representatives the 
McLemore resolution came to a final vote 
on March 7, after seven hours of ex- 
citing discussion, and was laid on the 
table by a decisive vote of 276 to 142. 
President Wilson and his policy regard- 
ing submarines had triumphed by a ma- 
jority of 134, of whom 93 were Repub- 
licans. Thirty-three members of his own 
party had voted against him. Speaker 
Clark's prediction that the resolution 
would pass by a majority of 2 to 1 had 
been almost exactly reversed. The House 
and the country had taken a decisive 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

stand in support of President Wilson's 
declaration that American citizens must 
be protected on the seas, whether they 
sailed in belligerent or neutral, armed or 
unarmed, vessels. 

The event cleared the air and left the 
President free to resume negotiations 
with Germany and Austria on the armed 
ship question, with the knowledge that 
the representatives of the American peo- 
ple approved of his firmer attitude. It 
practically served notice upon the Euro- 
pean belligerents that the President's 
new policy regarding submarine warfare 
was the policy of the nation. 


The debate in the House brought out 
many strong speeches on both sides. 
One of the most eloquent on behalf of 
the McLemore resolution was delivered 
by Perl Decker, a Missouri Democrat, 
who strode from one end of the House 
to the other while he painted a word 
picture of war. He said in part : 

" The question is, will you go to war 
on what Mr. Lansing says is a doubtful 
right? I am willing to go to war if 
necessary. But I say to you, the pri- 
vate citizens of this country, the men 
who pay the taxes, the men who if there 
is a war will die in the trenches, the 
men who will breathe the asphyxiating 
gas, the mothers of the boys whose flesh 
and blood will be scattered and spattered 
on the fields of battle, want to know 
before war is declared why they have 
to go to war. 

" I have stood by the President of 
the United States. I have stood by him 
in his efforts to carry out the mandate 
of the American people. He has said 
that if an American citizen on board 
an armed merchant ship is drowned by 
a German submarine without warning 
he will hold Germany to strict account: 
Stripped of its diplomatic language, it 
means that if an American life is lost 
as the result of the sinking of an armed 
merchant ship without warning it 
means war. I am willing to go to war 
for an American right, but not for a 
' doubtful legal right,' as Mr. Lansing 

" I am willing to go to war for an 

American right, but it must be a vital 
right. Our people had rights down in 
Mexico. They were valuable rights. 
They were definite, specific, and certain, 
based upon treaty obligations. Oh, I 
know there was no responsible Govern- 
ment down there to call to account for 
the violation of those rights, but never- 
less we could have sent an army to 
maintain those rights. But I believe the 
President did right when he said, in be- 
half of the lives and the welfare of the 
mass of American citizens, ' We will not 
sacrifice the lives of our American citi- 
zens for the sake of a few Americans in 
Mexico,' and warned those Americans in 
Mexico to come home. Now, if it is right 
to warn Americans in Mexico to come 
home, who have certain definite and es- 
tablished rights there, in the name of 
God, why am I a traitor and a coward 
when I stand in the halls where Henry 
Clay stood and say, You shall not hurl 
the miners and the farmers of my dis- 
trict into this hell of war, you shall not 
take the sons from the mothers of my 
district and sacrifice them at Verdun or 
in the trenches of Europe in order to 
maintain a doubtful right." 


One of the most significant speeches 
in support of President Wilson's policy 
was delivered on the same day in the 
Senate by Mr. Sutherland of Utah, a 
Republican member of the Foreign Re- 
lations Committee. 

" I do not want war at any time," 
said Senator Sutherland, " and I pray 
God that it may not come now, but I 
would rather have war, with all its 
sacrifices and suffering, than that this 
nation, with its long history of heroism 
and glory, should play the poltroon 
when confronted by a supreme national 
duty, because it places a greater value 
upon its ease than upon its honor. 

" I am one of those who desire peace ; 
but a nation, when all other means fail, 
that will not resent a flagrant and il- 
legal attack upon the lives of -its own 
citizens is only less detestable than a 
man who will not fight for his wife and 
children. And, believing as I do about 


that, if the life of an American citizen 
is again taken by the illegal and de- 
liberate sinking without warning of a 
merchant ship, unarmed or armed only 
for defense, that this Government should 
hold the offending nation to a stern 
reckoning. I shall never give my con- 
sent to the issuance of a formal and 
official notice such as has been pro- 
posed, which, if not heeded, would, with- 
out minimizing our duty in the least, 
have the effect of embarrassing and 
weakening our moral standing if we 
should once more be under the sad ne- 
cessity of seeking reparation for the 
destruction of the lives of our people." 


Senator Sutherland discussed the legal 
status of armed merchant ships under 
international law* and the relation there- 
to of the newly developed submarine. 

" The proposition now insisted upon, 
baldly stated," he declared, " is simply 
this: That when a new engine of de- 
struction is invented that cannot be 
made entirely effective without violat- 
ing the law, the law is ipso facto auto- 
matically modified. Under these cir- 
cumstances, my own view of the matter 
is that the new weapon must yield to 
the law and not that the law must yield, 
to the new weapon. 

" If we concede that the rule no 
longer applies to ships armed for de- 
fense alone we must be prepared to face 
a probable condition much more serious 
than that involved in the destruction of 
an armed vessel without warning. To 
concede the right of a submarine to sink 
a vessel so armed without giving warn- 
ing and opportunity for crew and pas- 
sengers to escape in safety wilj be to 
invite the sinking of unarmed vessels 
without warning as well, since it is well- 
nigh impossible for the officers of a 
submarine to determine in advance 
whether a given vessel is armed or not. 

" The question next arises and indeed 
it is really the crucial question shall 

our citizens be officially advised to for- 
bear from traveling upon belligerent 
merchant vessels armed for defense only? 
Or, indeed, shall we go further and for- 
bid their doing so under, penalty for dis- 
obedience? If I am correct in what I 
have already said, namely, that these 
merchant ships have the right to carry 
defensive armament, it follows that such 
a ship has the same status as though un- 
armed, and that the right of a neutral 
citizen to transport his goods or travel 
upon either is the same and not a differ- 
ent right, and that, in fact, is the decis- 
ion of our own Supreme Court in a great 
case decided many years ago and never 
since over-ruled or modified. 

" If, therefore, a citizen take passage . 
upon a ship so armed and lose his life by 
the sinking of the ship without warning, 
what must be the contention and claim of 
this Government? To my mind, clearly 
this: That the citizen, in the exercise 
of a clear right, has been deprived of his 
life by the deliberately illegal act of the 
belligerent Government which sent the 
submarine on its mission of death. 
I can conceive of no other position for 
this Government to assume, and unless 
it is willing to forfeit the respect of man- 
kind by becoming a craven thing, it must 
be prepared to sustain that position at 
whatever cost or consequence." 

The decisive vote of Congress on the 
armed ship issue cleared the air at home 
and abroad. In the light of a better un- 
derstanding, the Berlin Government re- 
sumed the Lusitania negotiations, which 
had been abruptly broken off two weeks 
before. On March 8 Count von Bern- 
storff called upon Secretary Lansing and 
presented a long memorandum relating to 
the U-boat controversy, and the next day 
the British Embassy at Washington sub- 
mitted a reply. Both of these documents 
are reproduced in full, with others, in the 
following pages of this issue of CUR- 
RENT HISTORY. The decision as to Amer- 
ica's final course regarding submarines 
and armed merchantmen is still in the 
balance at this writing. 

Armed Ships: Official Documents 

IN a special supplement issued Feb. 
11,1916, the North German Gazette 
published the full text of the Ger- 
man memorandum which was sent 
out to neutral Governments before is- 
suing the naval order to treat all armed 
'merchant vessels as warships after 
March 1, and sink them without warning-. 
There were twelve annexes to the docu- 
ment, beginning with Winston Churchill's 
declaration in the House of Commons on 
March 26, 1913, a letter from Sir Cecil 
Spring-Rice to the Secretary of State 
at Washington, dated Aug. 25, 1914, a 
written declaration by the German Gov- 
ernment on Oct. 13, 1914, concerning the 
treatment of armed merchant vessels in 
neutral harbors, and a collection of cases 
in which enemy merchant vessels fired 
on German or Austro-Hungarian sub- 
marines. (There were twenty such cases 
given, in thirteen of which the attacking 
steamer was stated to be unknown.) 

The fifth, sixth, and seventh annexes 
were translations of confidential docu- 
ments, alleged to have been found on the 
steamer Woodfield, emanating from the 

Admiralty, containing rules for the em- 
ployment and careful maintehace of the 
armament of merchant vessels which are 
armed for defensive purposes 

The eighth annex, also alleged - to 
have been found on the Woodfield, 
contained instructions for the -use of 
quick-firers. Its contents were stated to 
be only of military interest, and were not 

The ninth and tenth annexes also re- 
produced documents found on the Wood^ 
field which contain instructions regard- 
ing the measures to be taken when mer- 
chant vessels are pursued by enemy sub- 
marines The eleventh annex, . also al- 
leged to have, been found on the Wood* 
field, contains instructions to the Cap* 
tains of transport vessels regarding the 
use of rifle and machine gun fire against 
enemy submarines or torpedo boats.- 

The twelfth annex was a communica- 
tion from the Admiral - Superintendent at 
Malta, dated June, - 1915, found on the 
steamer Linkmoor, and giving instruc- 
tions for British steamers in the Medi- 
terranean. The memorandum follows: 

Text of German Memorandum 

ALREADY before the outbreak of 
the present war the British Gow 
ernment gave British shipowners 
an opportunity to equip their merchant 
vessels with guns. On March 26, 1913, 
the then First Lord of the Admiralty, 
Winston Churchill, made a declaration 
to the British Parliament (Annex I.) 
that the Admiralty had called on ship- 
owners to arm a number of first-class 
liners as protection against dangers 
threatening in certain cases from quick 
auxiliary cruisers of other powers, but 
said that these liners would not thereby 
in any way assume the character of aux- 
iliary cruisers. The Government was 
willing to place at the disposal of ship- 
owners guns, sufficient ammunition, and 
the personnel necessary for drilling gun 

British shipowners readily complied 
with the suggestion of the Admiralty? 
Thus, the President of the Royal Mail 
Steam Packet Company, Sir Owen Phil- 
ipps, was already, in May, 1912, able to 
innform the .shareholders that the com- 
pany's larger steamers were equipped 
with guns. 

Further, the British Admiralty pub- 
lished in January, 1914, a list according 
to which twenty-nine .steamers of va- 
rious English lines carried aft guns, 
(Heckgeschiitze.) Soon after the* outbreak 
of war German cruisers established the 
fact that British liners were armed. *Fot 
example, the steamer La Correntina of 
the Houlder Line, Liverpool, which was 
held up on Oct. 7, 1914, by the German 
auxiliary cruiser Kronprinz Wilhelm, car- 
ried two 4.7-inch aft guns. Again, on Feb. 


1, 1915) a German submarine in the Chan- 
nel was bombarded by a British yacht. 

The British Government, so far as its 
own merchant vessels were concerned, 
was of opinion that such .ships main- 
tained the character of peaceful mer- 
chant Vessels as long as they carried their 
arms only for purposes of defense. In 
accordance therewith the British Ambas- 
sador at Washington, in a letter dated 
Aug. 25, 1914, gave the American Gov- 
ernment far-reaching assurances that 
British merchant vessels had never been 
armed for purposes of attack, but solely 
for defense, and that therefore "they 
would never fire unless they had been at- 
tacked first. 

On the other hand, for armed vessels 
under other flags the British Govern?- 
ment brought forward the principle that 
they-should be treated as war vessels. In 
the -prize court rules, which were enun- 
ciated by the Order in Council of Aug. 5, 
1914, under No. 1 of Order 1, it is exr 
pressly laid down that the expression 
" ship of war " shall include any armed 

The Germany r Government does not 
doubt that merchant vessels by being 
equipped with guns acquire a warlike 
character, whether the guns serve for 
defense .only or also for attack. The 
German Government considers any war- 
like activity on the part of enemy mer- 
chant vessels to be contrary to interna- 
tional law, though it takes into consider- 
ation also the contrary conception by 
treating the crews of such vessels not as 
pirates but as belligerents. Its stand- 
point is given in detail in the Declaration 
(Aufzeichnung) of October, 1914; com- 
municated to the American Government, 
the contents of which declaration were 
also communicated to other neutral pow- 
ers, concerning the treatment of armed 
merchant vessels in neutral harbors. (An- 
nex- 8.) ' 

Some neutral powers concurred in the 
British view and accordingly permitted 
the stay of armerd merchant Vessels of 
belligerents* in -heir -hafrbors- and road-- 
steads, without those restrictions which 
they had imposed on warships by their 
neutrality stipulations, while others were 
of the opposite opinion, and held the 

armed merchant vessels of belligerents to 
be subject to the neutrality laws- which 
are in force as regards war vessels. 

In the course of the war the arming of 
British merchant vessels was carried out 
on a more general scale. Front -the rer 
ports of the German naval forces nura* 
erous cases have become known; of Brit- 
ish merchant vessels not only offering 
armed resistance to German war vessels, 
but even of attacking them without hesn 
tation under the repeated use of fals^ 

A list of such cases, which; it is as- 
serted, comprises only a part of the at- 
tacks made by merchant vessels, is ap- 
pended to the memorandum -to prove that 
the attitude of British merchant 1 vessels 
has been imitated by the merchant 
marine of <Jreat Britain's alliefs. The 
list contains nineteen cases said to have 
occurred between April 11, 1915, and 
Jan. 17, 1916. The memorandum then 
tries to explain the attitude of the armed 
British merchant vessels by publishing 
secret directions issued by the British 
Admiralty, stated to have been seized 
on board British steamers by German 
vessels, and continues : 

These directions regulate in detail the 
rules for artillery attack by British 
merchantmen on German submarines. 
They contain exact regulations regarding 
the treatment and control of British gun 
crews on board merchantmen, who; for 
instance, when in neutral ports, are 1 not 
allowed "to wear their uniforms which 
mark them "out as belonging' to the 
British Navy. 

Above all, it can be perceived from thi& 
that these armed vessels -are not to await 
warlike action by German submarines', 
but are to attack them at once. In' this 
connection the following prescriptions 
are especially instructive: (A) Rules 
for the employment and careful main- 
tenance of the armament of 'merchant 
vessels which are armed for defensive 
purposes, (Annexes 5 and 6.) They pre^ 
scribe under the section " Battte " tinder 

"It is not advisable "to" open fire at a 
greater distance than 800 yards unless 
the enemy has opened fire previously:" * 

In point of fact, a merchant vessel, 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

according to this, has the right to open 
fire without regard to the attitude of 
a submarine. The instructions (B) re- 
garding submarines issued for ships 
which are armed for defensive purposes 
(Annexes 9 and 10) prescribe, under No. 
3, that when by day a submarine is ob- 
viously pursuing a ship, and when it ap- 
pears to the Captain that it has hostile 
intentions, the pursued ship shall open 
fiije for defense, even if the submarine 
has not yet committed any decisively 
hostile action, as, for instance, by firing 
a gun or torpedo. Also, according to this, 
the mere appearance of a submarine in 
the wake of a merchant vessel suffices 
as a motive for an armed attack. 

The greatest stress is laid upon keep- 
ing secret these orders, which do not 
apply to the naval war zone around Great 
Britain, but are unlimited as regards the 
sphere of activity of merchantmen, which 
is contrary to international law and in 
full contradiction to British assurances 
to the enemy and neutrals. 

It is now proved that armed British 
merchantmen have an official order 
treacherously to attack German subma- 
rines wherever ' they meet them; that 
means mercilessly to wage war against 
them. As British sea rules have been 
adopted by Great Britain's allies with- 
out hesitation, this proof must also be 
regarded as established as concerns 
armed merchantmen and merchantmen 
of other belligerent States. 

In view of the aforesaid circumstances, 
enemy merchantmen carrying guns are 
not entitled to be regarded as peaceful 
merchantmen. The German naval forces, 
therefore, after a short interval, in the 
interests of neutrals, will receive an or- 
der to treat such vessels as belligerents. 

The German Government notifies neu- 
tral powers of this state of affairs, in 
order that they may be able to warn 
their subjects before intrusting their 
persons or properties to armed merchant- 
men of powers at war with the German 

British Instructions to Armed Liners 

An Official Reply 

By way of reply to the German memo- 
randum the British Admiralty issued the 
folloiving official statement on March 2: 

IN view of the recent issue by the Ger- 
man Government of a memorandum 
on the treatment of armed merchant 
ships, the Admiralty has decided to make 
public the instructions actually governing 
the actions of British merchant vessels 
armed for self-defense: 

Instruction, dated 20th of October, 
1915, in re the status of armed merchant 
ships : 

(1) The right of the crew of a mer- 
chant vessel to forcibly resist visit and 
search and fight in self-defense is well 
recognized in international law and ex- 
pressly admitted by the German prize 
regulations in an addendum issued June, 
1914, at a time when it was known that 
numerous merchant vessels were being 
armed for self-defense. 

(2) Armament is supplied solely for 

the purpose of resisting attack by an 
armed enemy vessel and must not be 
used for any other purpose whatsoever. 

(3) An armed merchant vessel, there- 
fore, must not in any circumstances in- 
terfere. with or obstruct the free passage 
of other merchant vessels or fishing 
craft, whether these are friendly, neu- 
tral, or hostile. 

(4) The status of a British armed 
merchant vessel cannot be changed upon 
the high seas. 

Rules to be observed in the exercise of 
the right of self-defense: 

(1) The master or officer in command 
is responsible for opening and ceasing 

(2) Participation in armed resistance 
must be confined to persons acting under 
the orders of the master or the officer in 

(3) Before opening fire the British 
colors must be hoisted. 


(4) Fire must not be opened or con- 
tinued from a vessel which has stopped, 
hauled down her flag, or otherwise indi- 
cated her intention to surrender. 

(5) The expression "armament" in- 
cludes not only cannon, but also rifles 
and machine guns in cases where these 
have been supplied. 

(6) The ammunition used in rifles and 
machine guns must conform to Article 
XXIII., Hague Convention, 1907, that is, 
bullets must be cased in nickel or other 
hard substance and must not be split or 
cut in such a way as to cause them to 
expand or set up on striking a man. The 
use of explosive bullets is forbidden. 

Circumstances under which armament 
should be employed: 

(1) The armament is supplied for the 
purpose of defense only. The object of 
the master should be to avoid action 
whenever possible. 

(2) Experience has shown that hostile 
submarines and aircraft have frequently 
attacked merchant vessels without warn- 
ing. It is important, therefore, that 
craft of this description should not be 
allowed to approach to short range, at 
which a torpedo or bomb launched with- 
out notice would almost certainly be ef- 
fective. British and allied submarines 
and aircraft have orders not to approach 
merchant vessels. Consequently, it may 
be presumed that any submarine or air- 
craft which deliberately approaches or 
pursues a merchant vessel does so with 
hostile intention. In such cases fire may 
be opened in self-defense, in order to pre- 
vent the hostile craft from closing to a 
range at which resistance to a sudden 

attack with bomb or torpedo would be 

(3) An armed merchant vessel pro- 
ceeding to render assistance to the crew 
of a vessel in distress must not seek 
action with any hostile craft, though if 
she herself is attacked while doing so 
fire may be opened in self-defense. 

(4) It should be remembered that the 
flag is no guide to nationality. German 
submarines and armed merchant vessels 
have frequently employed the British, 
allied, or neutral colors to approach un- 
detected. Though, however, the use of dis- 
guise and false colors to escape capture 
is a legitimate ruse de guerre, its adoption 
by defensively armed merchant ships may 
easily lead to misconception. Such ves- 
sels, therefore, are forbidden to adopt 
any form of disguise which might cause 
them to be mistaken for neutral ships. 

Admiralty comment: 

These instructions, which are those at 
present in force, are the latest issued. 
Successive issues have been made, not 
by reason of a change in policy the 
policy throughout has remained unaltered 
but by improvement in wording and 
greater clearness of expression, to em- 
phasize the purely defensive character 
of the armament of merchant vessels. 

It is because of the distorted inter- 
pretation given these instructions as a 
whole and the very forced character of 
the interpretation given by the German 
Government to portions which they quote 
from an earlier issue of the instructions 
that the Admiralty felt it desirable, with 
a view to allaying neutral anxiety, to 
publish them in extenso. 

Germany's Special U-Boat Memorandum 

Following is the complete text of the 
memorandum on Germany's submarine 
policy which Count von Bernstorff pre- 
sented to Secretary Lansing upon the 
resumption of negotiations on March 8: 
rjlHE Imperial German Government, 
J_ on account of the friendly rela- 
tions which have always existed 
between the two great nations, and earn- 
estly desiring to continue them, wishes 

to explain the U-boat question once more 
to the American Government. 

At the outbreak of the war the Ger- 
man Government, acting upon the sug- 
gestion of the United States, imme- 
diately expressed its readiness to, ratify 
the Declaration of London. At that time 
a German prize code had already been 
issued, which was entirely and without 
modification based upon the rules of the 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

Declaration of London. Germany there- 
by proved her willingness to recognize 
fully the existing rules of international 
law which insure the freedom of the 
seas for the legitimate trade of neutral 
nations, not only among themselves but 
also with belligerent countries. 

Great Britain, on the other hand, de- 
clined to ratify the Declaration of Lon- 
don, and, after the outbreak of the war, 
began to restrict the legitimate trade of 
the neutrals in order to hit Germany. 
The contraband provisions were syste- 
matically extended on Aug. 5 and 20, 
Sept. 21, and Oct. 29, 1914. On Nov. 3, 
1914, the order of the British Admiralty 
followed, declaring the whole North Sea 
a war zone, in which commercial ship- 
ping would be exposed to the most seri- 
ous danger from mines and men-of-war. 
Protests from neutrals were of no avail, 
and from that time on the freedom of 
neutral commerce with Germany was 
practically destroyed. Under these cir- 
cumstances Germany was compelled to 
resort, in February, "1915, to reprisals in 
order to fight her opponents' measures, 
which were absolutely contrary to inter- 
national law. She chose for this pur- 
pose a new weapon the use of which had 
not yet been regulated by international 
law, and in doing so could and did not 
violate any existing rules, but only took 
into account the peculiarity of this new 
weapon, the submarine boat. 

The use of the submarine naturally 
necessitated a restriction of the free 
movement of neutrals and constituted a 
danger for them which Germany intend- 
ed to ward off by a special warning 
analogous to the warning England had 
given regarding the North Sea. 

As both belligerents Germany in her 
note of Feb. 17 and Great Britain in 
those of Feb. 18 and 20, 1915 claimed 
that their proceeding was only enacted in 
retaliation for the violation of interim-' 
tional law by their opponent, the Amer- 
ican Government approached both parties 
for the purpose of trying to re-establish 
international law as it had been in force 
before the war. 

Germany was asked to adapt the use 
of her new weapon to the rules which had 
been existing for the former naval weap- 

ons, and England not to interfere with 
the food supplies intended for the non- 
combatant German population and to ad- 
mit their distribution under American 
supervision. Germany on March 1, 1915,' 
declared her willingness to comply with 
the proposal of the American Govern- 
ment, while England, on the other hand, 
declined to do so. By the Order in Coun- 
cil March 11, 1915, Great Britain abol- 
ished even what had remained of the 
freedom of neutral trade with Germany 
and her neutral neighbors. England's 
object was to starve Germany into sub- 
mission by these illegal means. 

Germany, after neutral citizens had 
lost their lives against her wish and in- 
tention, nevertheless in the further course 
of the war complied with the wishes of 
the American Government regarding 
the use of her submarines. The rights 
of neutrals regarding legal trading 
were, in fact, nowhere limited by Ger- 

Then England made it impossible' for 
submarines to conform with the old rules 
of international law by arming nearly 
all merchantmen and by ordering the 
use of guns on merchant vessels for at- 
tack. Photographic reproductions of 
those instructions have been transmitted 
to neutral Governments with the memo- 
randum of the German Government of 
Feb. 8, 1916. These orders are obvious- 
ly in contradiction with the note deliv- 
erad by the British Ambassador in 
Washington to the American Govern- 
ment on Oct. 25, 1914. On account of 
the proposal, made by the United States 
on Jan. 23, 1916, regarding disarmament, 
the Imperial Government hoped that 
these facts would enable the neutral Gov- 
ernments to obtain the disarmament of 
the merchant ships of her opponents. 
The latter, however, continued with 
great energy to arm their merchantmen 
with guns. 

The principle of the United States 
Government not to keep their citizens off 
belligerent merchant ships has been used 
by Great Britain and her allies to arm 
merchant ships for offensive purposes. 
Under these circumstances merchantmen 
can easily destroy submarines, and if 
their attack fails still consider them- 


selves in safety by the presence of Amer- 
ican citizens on board. 

The order to use arms on British 
merchantmen was supplemented by in- 
structions to the masters of such ships 
to hoist false flags and to ram U-boats. 
Reports on payment of premiums and 
bestowals of decorations to successful 
masters of merchantmen show the effect 
of these orders. England's allies have 
adopted this position. 

Now Germany is facing the following 
facts : 

(a) A blockade contrary to interna- 
tional law (compare American note to 
England of Nov. 5, 1915) has for one 
year been keeping neutral trade from 
German ports and is making German 
exports impossible. 

(b) For eighteen months through the 
extending of contraband provisions in 
violation of international law (compare 
American note to England of Nov. 5, 
1915) the overseas trade of neighboring 
neutral countries, so far as Germany is 
concerned, has been hampered. 

(c) The interception of mails in vio- 
lation of international law (compare 
American memorandum to England of 
Jan. 10, 1916) is meant to stop any in- 
tercourse of Germany with foreign coun- 

(d) England, by systematically and 
increasingly oppressing neutral coun- 
tries, following the principle of " might 
before right," has prevented neutral 
trade on land with Germany so as to 
complete the blockade of the Central 
Powers intended to starve their civil 

(e) Germans met by our enemies on 
the high seas are deprived of their 
liberty, no matter whether they are 
combatant or noncombatant. 

(f) Our enemies have armed their 
merchant vessels for offensive purposes, 
theoretically making it impossible to use 
our U-boats according to the principles 
set forth in the London Declaration, 
(compare American memorandum of 
Feb. 8, 1916.) 

The English White Book of Jan. 5, 
1916, on the restriction of German trade 
boasts that by British measures Ger- 
many's export trade has been stopped 
almost entirely, while her imports are 
subject to England's will. 

The Imperial Government feels con- 
fident that the people of the United 
States, remembering the friendly rela- 
tions that for the last hundred years 
have existed between the two nations, 
will in spite of the difficulties put into 
the way by our enemies appreciate the 
German viewpoint as laid down above. 

British Reply to German Memorandum 

In answer to the foregoing German 
statement, and especially to its plea that 
German submarine lawlessness was pro- 
voked by the British starvation policy, 
the British Embassy at Washington 
issued the following : 

ACCORDING to the German state- 

y~\ ment, German submarine warfare 

was enforced on Feb. 18, 1915, as 

an act of reprisal against illegal acts of 

Great Britain. 

The Amiral Ganteaume, with 2,000 un- 
armed refugees on board, mostly women 
and children, was torpedoed and sunk 
by a German submarine on Oct. 26, 1914. 
Two British merchant vessels were tor- 
pedoed without notice on Jan. 30 and 
the British hospital ship Asturias fired 
at with a torpedo on Feb. 1. 

The illegal acts complained of are ap- 
parently the nonacceptance of the Lon- 
don Convention of 1909, the enlargement 
of the list of contraband, the warning to 
merchantmen as to mines in the North 
Sea, and the capture of the Wilhelmina 
with foodstuffs on Feb. 9. 

The Declaration of London of 1909 was 
never ratified by the British Government 
and was never binding on them. One of 
the reasons of the nonratification of the 
convention was the claim of the German 
Government as to the right to treat food- 
stuffs as contraband. The enlargement 
of the list of contraband is an acknowl- 
edged belligerent right; the warning to 
merchant vessels in November was due 
to the fact that the Germans had sown 
mines in the high seas, resulting in the 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

destruction of many innocent merchant 
vessels, foreign as well as British. The 
Wilhelmina, with a cargo of foodstuffs 
for Hamburg, was only stopped, after the 
German cruisers had destroyed the Dutch 

vessel Maria (September, 1914) and the 
Frye, (January, 1915,) which were con- 
veying grain from California to Ireland. 
March 9, 1916. Washington. 

Freedom of the Seas 

By Albert Bushnell Hart 

THE real freedom of the sea desired 
by the Germans seems to be a 
state of things in which the 
Germans would have no appre- 
hension either of British trade rivalry 
or naval supremacy. What they wanted 
the sea to be free from was what they 
thought to be the baneful influence of 
the union jack. 

The United States did not share in 
these apprehensions, partly because for 
a hundred years we have not felt the 
pressure of the British naval power and 
partly because the existing commercial 
freedom of the seas has been very fa- 
vorable to us. Our exports have in- 
creased by leaps and bounds. English 
and German carriers were alike welcome 
in our ports. Our whole system of trade 
and commerce was keyed upon the pre- 
sumption that peace would last indefi- 
nitely; and the peaceful freedom of the 
seas suited us well. 

When the war broke out, therefore, 
the natural belief and expectation of 
American statesmen was that com- 
mercial freedom of the seas would con- 
tinue, except so far as it was inter- 
rupted by actual hostilities. The United 
States claimed no right to send vessels 
or goods into the midst of warring fleets 
and armies, and also no right to ship 
munitions of war and other contraband 
free from the danger of being picked 
up and captured by the cruisers of the 
belligerents. So far, however, as con- 
cerned trade in innocent articles to neu- 
tral ports, or to the ports of belligerents 
which were not the actual scene of hos- 
tilities, we claimed the same freedom of 
the seas that normally existed in time 
of peace. We claimed the right to carry 
whatever commodities we chose, to what- 
ever port we chose, by whatever route 

we chose, through whatever strait we 
chose, and over such sections of the 
high seas as we chose always sub- 
ject to lawful contraband and real 

Nobody can say how the Germans 
would have received this conception of 
our rights, had they been able to take 
physical command of the seas. Their 
treatment of the ship W. P. Frye does 
not show a high regard for freedom of 
the sea in time of war. Nevertheless, 
their cruisers were so quickly driven 
from the seas that there was little op- 
portunity for them to raise disagreeable 
questions of contraband. They did, how- 
ever, develop a system of warfare by sub- 
marines which tended to destroy the 
freedom of the seas for vessels bound in 
and out of British ports, whether Amer- 
ican or British. The German Govern- 
ment appears to be on the point of ad- 
mitting that those restrictions cannot be 
applied to neutral ships, or to neutrals 
on board enemy's ships. 

The whole difficulty with the subma- 
rine question is that a type of vessel has 
been evolved which is the most formid- 
able in attack that has ever been known 
in the world, able to sink the largest 
merchantman or the most powerful ship 
of war, and at the same time is one of 
the most defenseless craft that navigates. 
The torpedo of the submarine will sink 
a Lusitania and a three-inch gun on a 
launch will sink the submarine. It is a 
ticklish problem to claim for the sub- 
marine all the rights that used to 
be enjoyed by three-decker wooden 
ships, while it is nothing but a steel 

A far more serious abridgment of the 
freedom of the sea is the German proc- 
lamation of Feb. 6, 1915, that " the wa- 


ters surrounding Great Britain and Ire- 
land, including the whole English Chan- 
nel, are hereby declared to be war zone." 
These waters, however, are not German. 
They are not even English. They belong 
to the United States of America, in com- 
mon with Germany, Great Britain, and 
all other maritime countries. To capture 
or sink an American vessel because she 
is crossing her own sea, over a field that 
the Germans have declared to be a war 
zone, is an absolute violation of the whole 
principle of the freedom of the seas. If 
the United States had acquiesced, itJ 
would not have relieved that area from 
the proprietorship of the other powers of 
the world. 

It is true that the Germans have ap- 
parently ceased to capture our ships 
which have entered on the so-called war 
zone, but in the memorandum of Feb. 4, 
1915, they notified the world that " it 
will not always be possible to prevent a 
neutral vessel becoming the victim of an 
attack intended to be directed against a 
vessel of the enemy." The natural in- 
ference from these announcements and 
the consequent captures is that Germany 
cannot be relied upon to stand by the 
principle of the freedom of the seas in 
time of war, and therefore cannot be a 
safe guardian of that principle in time 
of peace* 

The Germans justified their war zone 
policy as a reprisal against the British 
withdrawal of the freedom of the sea 
for vessels carrying an innocent cargo, 
and for their declaring the North Sea 
to be a " seat of war/' The British 
Government maintained the practice 
thus complained of, and as a reprisal 
against the reprisal, announced that the 
Strait of Dover and the passages to the 
north of Scotland were included is a 
measure against neutral commerce which 
they sometimes call a blockade, but which 
is in reality no blockade; for it involves 
an absolute disregard of the customary 
freedom of the sea. The outlook in The 
London Review justified these acts in the 
terms : 

At last Britain is in earnest about the war. 
At last she is fighting with both hands. We 
have declared no fictitious blockade or war 
zone; we have resumed our old-time rights 
at sea which have been ever effective in the 

past. * * * We have ample means of en- 
forcing our policy, and though some vessels 
may escape through the meshes, the probable 
risk of capture will be so great as to deter 
owners and shippers as a class from braving 
the penalties of delay and loss. 

The London Spectator backed 1 up 
this defiance of neutral rights as 
follows : 

But we deny that there are any hard-and- 
fast rules in such matters as blockade, and 
consequently we deny that we are yielding 
to necessity in the German sense. * * * 
We sincerely hope that the Government will 
make it clear to the United States that, in 
Stevenson's phrase, she cannot " fight us 
with a word." Our methods may be called 
a blockade, or may be refused the title of 
blockade, according to taste. 

This is freedom of the sea with a 
vengeance. It authorizes the capture of 
vessels carrying any sort of cargo, if 
bound to or from German ports; it au- 
thorizes the capture of similar cargoes 
bound to neutral ports which the Eng- 
lish think will find their ultimate 
destination in Germany. If it is a block- 
ade then it includes the blockade of 
Holland, Norway, and Denmark, and 
there is no such thing as the " blockade " 
of a neutral. If it is not a blockade it 
is a violation of the recognized principle 
of the freedom of the sea for the com- 
merce between a neutral and a bellig- 
erent, even in time of war. It renews a 
claim to close the Strait of Dover, 
against which the world has successfully 
protested for two centuries and a half. 
Public meetings in England are calling 
for a " stricter blockade," by which they 
simply mean that Great Britain should 
interdict all commerce, even in the most 
unwarlike articles, between the United 
States and those other neutrals, 

Great Britain and her allies have 
mand of the sea for the time being. They 
have the physical power to make prize 
of practically every vessel of every na- 
tion bound in or out of the North Sea. 
There is no more freedom of the sea, if 
freedom is to depend upon a furious and 
passionate belligerent, seeking how worst 
to injure another furious and passionate 
belligerent. In this crisis, when the two 
greatest maritime powers in the world 
unite to smash that freedom of the sea 
for which they both claim to be cham- 

32' CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The Neu York Times 

pions, it is the duty of the United States 
which is the third nation in commer- 
cial importance to stand for our rights. 
Jn so doing we stand also for the rights 
of all other neutral nations, and equally 
for the rights of the other belligerent 
powers, which, when the war is over, will 
need and claim a return to true freedom 
of the sea. 

Let us not be deceived. No one will 
assert or defend the rights of the United 
States if the people of the United States 
through their lawful authorities fail so 
to do. If we do not maintain our neutral 
rights in this crisis, if we do not make, 
both parties understand that though they 
have the immediate physical power to 

capture our vessels and interdict our 
trade, there will come a day of reckoning, 
then the opportunity may go by forever. 
Surely Great Britain and Germany will 
never be more zealous for the freedom 
of the sea than the United States. In 
their blind fury against each other they 
are maintaining principles which are 
contrary to the interests not only of neu- 
trals but in the long run of themselves. 
The guardianship of the seas cannot be 
intrusted to the sole decision of Great 
Britain or Germany, or of both together. 
It belongs to mankind, and the natural 
leader in its protection is the United States 
of America, which must continue to de- 
mand and receive the freedom of the sea. 

Armed Merchantmen and Submarines 

In a further discussion of the freedom 
of the seas Dr. Albert Bushnell Hart dis- 
cusses the problem of merchantmen that 
carry guns to defend themselves against, 
submarines. He reviews the court deci- 
sions on the rights of captured merchant- 
men, as enunciated by Sir William Scott 
in the British High Court of Admiralty 
in 1799 and 1800, by Chief Justice Mar- 
shall in 1815, and by Justice Johnson in 
1818, and, referring to these decisions, 
writes : 

THESE might be called the parent 
cases of the international law on 
the subject, and they bear strongly 
in favor of the doctrine that for a ship 
to be armed and even for it to resist 
capture rightfully involves no further 
penalty than the condemnation of the 
vessel. Scott, Marshall, and Johnson all 
agreed that under those circumstances a 
neutral cargo, neutral passengers, were 
subject to no penalty at all except the 
inconvenience incident to capture. Story 
alone considers it a breach of neutrality 
for a neutral to take passage or ship 
goods in an armed vessel. 

The theoretical question of armed ships 
became practical and pressing when the 
European war broke out, inasmuch as 
both sides, and especially the Germans, 
let loose commerce destroyers. Unless 
steamers that are subject to capture 

carry some defense, they might be cap- 
tured by a tug or a boat's crew. Very 
early in the struggle, therefore, (Sept. 
19, 1914,) the State Department drew up 
and published a set of rules defining the 
degree of armament which a vessel might 
carry and still be treated in our ports as 
a merchant ship. The principal points 
in these rules are the following: 

1. A merchant vessel of belligerent nation- 
ality may carry an armament and ammuni- 
tion for the sole purpose of defense without 
acquiring the character of a ship of war. 

2. Evidence necessary to establish the fact 
that the armament is solely for defense and 
will not be used offensively * * * must be 
presented in each case independently at an 
official investigation. 

3. The calibre of the guns carried does not 
exceed six inches. 

4. No guns are mounted on the forward 
part of the vessel. 

5. The vessel is manned by its usual crew, 
and the officers are the same as those on 
board before war was declared. 

The German Government at once pro- 
tested (Oct. 15, 1914) : 

This ruling- wholly fails to comply with the 
principles of neutrality. The equipment of 
British merchant vessels with artillery is for 
the purpose of making armed resistance 
against German cruisers. Resistance of this 
sort is contrary to international law, because 
in a military sense a merchant vessel is not 
permitted to defend itself against a war 

To this the United States replied 
(Nov. 7, 1914) : 


Chairman of Committee on Foreign Relations in the United States Senai 
(From a New Drawing by E. 8. Klempncr) 


Chief Commander of Canadian Militia and of Troops Recruited 
for the European War 
(Photo by Pittaway Studio) 


The practice of a majority of nations and 
the consensus of opinion by the leading au- 
thorities on international law, including many 
German writers, support the proposition that 
merchant vessels may arm for defense with- 
out losing their private character, and that 
they may employ such armament against 
hostile attack without contravening the prin- 
ciples of international law. 


The Germans seemed to accept the 
principle that unarmed ships are entitled 
to special consideration. As late as Jan. 
7, 1916, they announced that " German 
submarines are therefore permitted to 
destroy enemy merchant vessels in the 
Mediterranean i. e., passenger as well 
as freight ships as far as they do not try 
to escape or offer resistance only after 
passengers and crews have been accord- 
ed safety." On the other hand, for more 
than a year they have been protesting 
against alleged orders of the British Gov- 
ernment to all merchantmen who had 
arms on board to pursue and sink sub- 
marines. In the note of May 28, 1915, on 
the Lusitania, they allude to " a secret 
instruction of February of this year," by 
which the British Admiralty directed 
British merchant ships " to attack Ger- 
man submarines by ramming them." 
They insisted that the sinking of the 
Arabic on Aug. 19 was due to an effort of 
the liner to destroy a submarine by ram- 
ming; the United States Government has 
recently been informed that the Germans 
have copies of specific orders of the Brit- 
ish Government, dated October last, to all 
merchant ships to destroy submarines. 
Therefore they considered it a measure 
of self-protection to announce under date 
of Feb. 10, 1916, that on and after March 
1 they would sink all " armed merchant- 

Several different issues are raised by 
this declaration. If an unarmed ship has 
the physical power to destroy a subma- 
rine by ramming, does that make it an 
armed ship? If a ship has no arms on 
board, but a submarine thinks it has, will 
it be sunk on sight? Are Great Britain 
and the United States right in their joint 
understanding that "defensive arma- 
ment" is something different from 
"offensive armament," and may be al- 
lowed? This last distinction is very fine- 
drawn. The same shell from the same 

gun would be " defensive " after a sub- 
marine had fired on it or was supposed to 
be approaching in order to fire, but 
" offensive " under the same circum- 
stances if the submarine supposed that 
the ship was unarmed and there- 
fore did not mean to sink it without 


There is no use in trying to blink the 
fact that the German contention has some 
strong arguments in its favor. A Vessel 
that is really armed sufficiently to cope 
with a submarine, and acts under orders 
from the English Government to attack 
the submarine if possible, forfeits its 
special privilege as an innocent, peaceful 
merchant vessel manned by noncom- 
batants. The German Government has a 
right to insist that the noncombatant 
shall not be in a position to assume com- 
batancy at his option. It is contrary to 
reason for the English to insist that their 
ships shall be held innocent while at the 
same time they are supplied with ex- 
plosive machines which are just as easily 
used for offense as for defense. 

On the other side, to divest merchant 
ships of all their armament means to de- 
liver them up to any tugboat armed with 
one gun which is fast enough to have the 
legs of them. What would prevent the 
Germans from sending out a fleet of 30- 
knot launches, each carrying a 3-inch 
gun ? They might thus sweep the sea free 
of merchantmen, since unarmed British 
ships would be defenseless against them 
and might be captured and sunk pro- 
vided an opportunity of escape were 
given to the personnel. 

The truth is that submarine warfare 
applied to commerce destroying does not 
fit in with the received international law 
with regard to the resistance of ships 
and the opportunity of persons to escape. 
Both sides seem determined to manufac- 
ture an international law to suit their 
own convenience and to apply it to the 
limit of their physical strength. The 
British expect the United States to take 
a decided stand favorable to them, while 
at the same time drawing closer and 
closer the net of the alleged blockade 
upon American ships. The Germans ex- 
pect Americans to accept the reports of 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

their submarine commanders, in the face 
of the fact that on their own showing 
the commander of U-17 attacked and 
sank the Arabic on a " misapprehension " 
in which for some time they justified 

[Dr. Hart believes that our Govern- 
ment should not rigidly stand by the 
letter of the law and suggests the fol- 
lowing concessions:] 

1. JNotify Great Britain that hereafter 
no clearances or reception in our ports 
will be granted to vessels which carry 
such armaments as would enable them 
to make an offensive attack; at the same 
time modifying the circular of Sept. 19, 
1914, so as still further to limit the 
degree of armament which, up to this 
time, has been allowed. This will prac- 
tically give every belligerent vessel which 
is allowed to leave or enter our ports a 
certificate that it comes within the Amer- 
ican definition of unarmed ships; and, 
therefore, the United States will protect 
any of its citizens who take passage 

2. Notify Germany that the United 
States will not claim protection for citi- 
zens who may be lost on a vessel armed 
in a manner which would give it offen- 
sive power, or acting under orders from 
the British Admiralty, even though it be 
attacked without warning and sunk by 
German submarines. This means simply 
treating such vessels as what they really 
are. The United States is not called 

upon to claim noncombatant privileges 
for what are virtually ships of war. 

This method would go as^far as any- 
thing could to prevent Americans from 
going on board any belligerent vessels 
except those which are outside the scope 
of the German complaints. At the same 
time it would suspend the sailing of the 
vessels which were most likely to get into 
trouble. It is true that Americans have 
a prima facie right to travel where they 
will upon the sea, even in belligerent mer- 
chantmen; but we have never denied the 
right to capture and sink such merchant- 
men, and we cannot claim even the right 
of escape from . any vessel on either side 
which is participating in warfare. 

Such a course as is here suggested 
would not lead to war. No nation in Eu- 
rope wishes to get into war with the 
United States. Germany has much abated 
from her original claims on this general 
subject, and will undoubtedly abate still 
further if we require the English to make 
the proper distinctions between defensive 
and offensive armaments. War by the 
United States upon such an issue would 
be a crime. The American extreme con- 
tention is founded upon conditions of sea- 
faring which have long since passed 
away. The one thing that we must stand 
by through thick and thin is the great 
principle that actual noncombatants shall 
be treated as noncombatants, leaving vir- 
tual fighting men and fighting ships to 
take care of themselves, according to the 
laws of maritime warfare. 

A British View of Armed Merchantmen 

By Archibald Hurd 

Noted English Naval Expert 

ERMANY'S new threat against 
merchant ships is not more das- 
tardly than that of a year ago 
when the campaign of murder on the 
high seas was inaugurated, with the re- 
sult that thousands of defenseless men, 
women, and children of all nationalities, 
travelers on the Falaba, Lusitania, 
Persia, Ancona, and other vessels, have 
been done to death; but it may prove 
more formidable. 

Among the new vessels built in Ger- 
many are what may be best described as 
submarine monitors. They have al- 
ready been seen at sea, and there is no 
doubt as to their existence, for they are 
the talk of neutrals who move about the 
Baltic on business. They are fairly big 
vessels. Above the more or less cylin- 
drical hull is built a long battery, well 
protected by armor, which can be made 
completely water-tight. It extends for 



a considerable distance along the hull, 
and in the centre is the commander's 
tower, from . which orders are issued. 
Within this water-tight battery are 
mounted guns; their calibre is unknown, 
but they are certainly more powerful 
weapons than anything the Germans 
have hitherto had. Such vessels as these, 
which are no doubt of high speed much 
swifter than the vessels hitherto em- 
ployed will prove formidable. 

Like the smaller vessels, of which the 
Germans have lost so many, they possess 
the facility of becoming submerged. That 
is of value offensively and defensively. 
It enables such a submarine monitor or 
cruiser to approach her unsuspecting 
prey a merchantman. She can bring 
the armored battery just above the water, 
leaving the hull of the submarine, which 
would otherwise be riddled with shot, still 
submerged. In this awash condition she 
may be immune from the very light ar- 
tillery of a merchant ship the subma- 
rine's guns, as well as the crews serving 
them, being out of harm's way behind the 
steel walls. Should a British man-of- 
war come on the scene, it will be easy to 
close the battery and dip down beneath 
the surface. 

Such vessels, I imagine, will be used in 
the new campaign ships which have the 
qualities of the original American moni- 
tors, and, in addition, the offensive and 
defensive power of submergence. 

What will neutrals particularly the 
United States say to the claim that 
these men-of-war can be sent out on the 
seas to sink at sight anything, liner or 
cargo boat, which has a gun on board 
as a poor means of defense against the 
new piracy? The custom of arming 
commercial vessels dates back to the sev- 
enteenth century, when the British Gov- 
ernment, in view of the peril from 
pirates, insisted on merchant ships being 
armed with weapons to enable them to 
protect themselves if attacked. It was 
an offense not to have guns on board. 

Down to the eve of the present war 
there was hardly an international lawyer 
in the world, outside, of course, Germany, 
as might have been anticipated, who de- 
nied the right of merchant ships to pro- 
tect themselves. A year before the war the 

Admiralty, recognizing the danger which 
threatened owing to Germany's sus- 
picious actions in secretly arming mer- 
chant vessels, determined to assist ship- 
owners to arm their vessels, light guns 
being mounted aft. In April, 1914, the 
American Navy Department, evidently 
impressed by the information as to Ger- 
many's plans for attacking commerce in 
time of war, had a bill introduced into 
the Senate for authorizing the arming 
of a line of ships which were to ply to 
and from South American ports. At the 
same time the State Department frank- 
ly stated that anything not more power- 
ful than a 6-inch gun migh be carried by 
merchant ships as a means of protection ; 
it was contended that that right rested 
on precedent. This right is recognized 
either directly or inferentially by the 
following National Codes or Naval In- 
structions : 

The United States Naval War Code, (1900,) 
Article 10, paragraph 3: "The personnel of 
merchant ships of an enemy who, in self- 
defense and in protection of the vessel placed 
in their charge, resist an attack, are entitled, 
if captured, to the status of prisoners of war." 

The Italian Codice per I Marine Mercan- 
tile, (1877,) Article 209: "Merchantmen, on 
being attacked by other vessels, including 
war vessels, may defend themselves against 
and even seize them." 

The Russian rrize Regulations, (1895,) Ar- 
ticle 15. " The right to stop, examine, and 
seize hostile or suspected vessels and cargoes 
belongs to the ships of the Imperial Navy. 
Vessels of the mercantile navy have a right 
to do so only when they are attacked by 
hostile or suspected vessels," &c. 

There was no thought a few years ago 
that submarines as big as cruisers would 
roam about the seas, pursuing a policy of 
piracy. Germany by her acts should 
strengthen the law of nations; for the 
large submarine is merely a small cruiser, 
with the additional power of stealthy ap- 
proach under water, and also of stealthy 
retirement if threatened with interfer- 
ence in her work of murder by a more 
powerful man-of-war. 

No neutral power the United States, 
with her long seaboards, less than any 
other can admit Germany's claims with- 
out selling its birthright to use the seas. 
The submarine will go on developing. Is 
it to be a crime punishable by death by 
a belligerent, as the Germans suggest, 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

for a merchant ship of another bel- 
ligerent, British, American, Norwegian, 
Swede, or Dutch to carry a couple of 
guns to enable' some sort of defense to 
be offered against piracy? That is the 
outlook, and it is surely time neutrals 
realized that in practicing frightfulness 
at sea and creating precedents for 
murder the enemy is infringing their 

liberties. When war again occurs and 
this is not assuredly the last of all wars, 
for accounts have to be settled by our 
enemy with the United States, according 
to Bernhardi and other semi-official 
writers Germany may claim to act 
against American vessels as she is 
threatening to do against vessels of the 

The Battle of Verdun 

Story of the Most Desperate Conflict Since That of the Marne 

(Map of the Verdun District on Page 42.) 

THE past month of almost con- 
tinuous bloodshed along the 
Meuse River will go into history 
as the battle of Verdun, one of 
the great battles of all time, and prob- 
ably an important element in determin- 
ing the final outcome of the war. The 
fortress of Verdun consists of a circle 
of about forty forts in the hills on all 
sides of the city. From the beginning of 
the war it has protruded as a salient far 
into the German lines, and from the 
first it seems to have been the special 
objective of the German Crown Prince 
and his army. Against this strongest 
point in the whole line of French de- 
fenses he has been hurling a force esti- 
mated at 300,000 or 400,000 men with a 
fierceness of attack and a perseverance 
matched only by the courage and deadly 
gun work of the French defenders under 
Field Marshal Joffre and General 

As an artillery combat Verdun has 
been absolutely without a precedent. 
More than 4,000,000 high explosive shells 
were fired in the first four days, uproot- 
ing forests, shattering trenches, and 
plowing up every foot of earth over large 
areas. Both sides had abundant ammu- 
nition and were skilled in marksmanship, 
the French guns making up in rapid ac- 
curacy for the terrific blows of the Ger- 
mans' heavier calibres. As usual, the 
German method of attack was first to 
pulverize the enemy trenches and wire 

entanglements by hours of shell fire, then 
to follow with massed bodies of infan- 
try. These dashed into the hail of French 
shrapnel, machine gun, and rifle fire, 
pressing on over the bodies of the fallen, 
until they captured the position or died 
in the attempt. 

The loss of life was very heavy, but 
the figures are still concealed by both 
sides. The French censor has allowed 
the publication of an estimate placing the 
French losses for the first two weeks at 
40,000. As the losses of the attacking 
force were necessarily much Tieavier, 
the German casualties up to that time 
could scarcely have been less than 
100,000. Those who saw the heaps of 
slain estimate the German dead alone 
at that figure. The true figures on Both 
sides, however, may not be revealed until 
after the war. 

The battle began eight miles north- 
east of Verdun on the morning of Feb. 
21 with a German artillery " drumfire " 
of an intensity never known before. The 
next day the intensity of the fire was 
doubled. One of the soldiers defending 
Haumont said of this terrific German 
bombardment on the 22d: "From ten 
big shells a minute at 10 o'clock the 
number went to twenty at 2 o'clock. 
Ruins piled on ruins, yet in the midst 
of the inferno our men preserved re- 
markable placidity. The village had 
seemed to sink into the earth, while 
the concrete redoubt on which we had 



counted crumbled and buried eighty men 
and several machine guns and destroyed 
our ammunition depot. Still no one 
budged. What we then held was nothing 
more than a razed village with the earth 
upheaved and transformed into a series 
of crevices devoid of shelter." He ends 
with details of the remarkable retreat 
from that point. 

This vast expenditure of shells con- 
tinued at intervals throughout the next 
four days. The noise itself was so deaf- 
ening as to stun the men who endured 
it. The roar of the battle is said to have 
been heard more than a hundred miles 
away. Thousands of civilians assembled 
on distant hills to witness the spectacle. 
Aeroplanes high in the air added to the 
terrors of the scene, and even under- 
ground, in a cave leading from a, quarry, 
men fought by the garish light of liquid 
fire used in the German attack. 

Foot by foot and mile by mile the Ger- 
man infantry fought its way southward 
four miles along a six-mile front. This 
was the largest and most rapid gain. In 
the course of those five terrible days the 
French gradually fell back always in 
good order and fighting every step of 
the way evacuating Herbebois, Hau- 
mont, Beaumont, Samogneux, and other 
villages. One of the first steps in the 
retreat the evacuation of Herbebois 
is thus described by an official French 
eyewitness : 

" In the afternoon of Feb. 23, while we 
had not retired a single foot, order was 
given us to withdraw carefully, for, the 
Waville wood having been taken, we ran 
the risk of being surrounded. We waited 
for the night to come. Some of our men, 
when they learned that we were "to leave, 
protested, asking to be allowed to fight 
and die on the spot. However, tactical 
reasons obliged us to evacuate Herbebois, 
and we had to reckon with the general 

" The retirement order was executed, 
and we went to take a position in front of 
La Chaume wood, in communication with 
the units on our right and left. 

" The defense of Herbebois will cer- 
tainly remain one of the most glorious 
pages in the annals of our regiment. 
More than 3,000 Germans came in suc- 

cessive waves to smash themselves 
against our ranks, although we were in a 
fighting position of the most disadvan- 
tageous kind. We voluntarily abandoned 
the ground, where hundreds and hun- 
dreds of German corpses show sufficiently 
how effective was our resistance. 

" Neither the bombardment, nor the 
snow, nor the difficulties of obtaining 
provisions, nor fatigue could overcome 
the stubborn bravery of our infantry. 
By thus holding firm in this corner of 
Herbebois they for their part contributed 
to win time for the arrival of the neces- 
sary reserves, and they seriously inter- 
fered with the advance of the Germans. 
It was sacrifices of this kind, repeated at 
numerous points on our front, which held 
back the enemy flood." 

Just outside of Belmont the French 
had mined Caures Wood, connecting the 
mine electrically with a station in the 
village. According to French dispatches, 
when the Germans had advanced, fully 
a division strong, to attack this wood, 
the regiment defending it ran back into 
the village, as if in panic, until the 
Germans pursued with shouts of victory. 
As soon as the pursuers were all in the 
mined area a French sapper touched a 
button. There was a tremendous roar, 
drowning for the moment even the roar 
of the cannon. The wood was covered 
with a cloud of smoke, and even on the 
French trenches " there rained a ghastly 
dew." When the French re-entered the 
wood they found not a single German 
unwounded and hardly a score alive. 

Another French account describes the 
unsuccessful German attack on the 
heights of the Cote du Poivre (Pepper 
Ridge) amid the snowstorm of Feb. 26: 

" Suddenly the telephone operator gave 
the signal and we began firing at 1,800 
meters. We fired at full speed for 
twenty minutes. When ' cease fire ' 
came there was a heap of shell cases 
fully man-high behind our guns. At the 
order I rushed to look out of the trench 
at the side of the battery. At the top 
of the ravine, on the edge of the pla- 
teau, was a great heap of Germans. 
They looked like a swarm of bees crawl- 
ing over one another; not one was stand- 
ing. Every minute shells threw bodies 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

and debris into the air. The whole ravine 
slope was gray with corpses; one couldn't 
see the ground they were so numerous, 
and the snow was no longer white. We 
calculated that there were fully 10,000 
dead at that point alone, and the river 
ran past dappled with patches and 
streaks of blood." 

No amount of casualties, however, 
could daunt the German regiments, 
which pressed steadily onward wherever 
there were enough men left to advance. 

This first phase of the battle reached 
its climax in the fierce fighting around 
Fort Douaumont on Feb. 25-27, when 
the plateau changed hands three times 
and was finally held by the Germans. 
On the night of the 24th the Crown 
Prince and his staff remained on the 
field all night. The darkness was 
lighted up with the tremendous bombard- 
ment directed at Fort Douaumont, Fort 
Vaux, and Fort Michel by the heavy ord- 
nance and field guns playing on the re- 
tiring French. The Germans advanced 
under cover of the darkness to villages 
further up the Meuse, and took the in- 
trenched places of Cotelettes, Marmont, 
Beaumont, Chambrettes, and Ornes. The 
terrific nature of their artillery fire is 
indicated by the fact, stated in German 
news dispatches, that the concentration 
of shells prevented many French regi- 
ments from retreating and caused the 
capture that night of 10,000 of the 27,000 
French prisoners claimed by the German 
official reports. 

The second phase consisted of a simi- 
lar drive in the flat Woevre region 
southeast of Verdun, resulting in the 
capture of Fresnes and reaching another 
terrific climax in the struggle for Fort 
Vaux, two miles east of Fort Douaumont. 
This second fort was stormed by the Ger- 
mans on March 9 at great cost, but the 
French forces holding the village of 
Vaux resisted stubbornly. Here, as else- 
where, the drive had come up against the 
hills, which are the main strength of 
Verdun. As one German critic explains: 

" The whole area north of Verdun 
which was in the hands of the enemy 
is a bewildering maze of fortifications. 
There can be no question here of a rapid 
onslaught and overthrow or of the bril- 

liant spectacle of overrunning the enemy 
again and again. One has to remove ob- 
stacles, blow up critical positions, shell 
away forests, conquer defended villages, 
and plaster excellently fortified fronts 
with artillery preparatory to capturing 
them by the bayonet." 

What may be called the third phase 
of the great battle came in the drive 
on the north side of the salient, that is, 
on the west bank of the Meuse, eight or' 
nine miles northwest of Verdun. Here 
the village of Forges was taken on March 
7 after stubborn resistance, and four 
days later the blood stained and shattered 
remnants of Corbeaux Woods were large- 
ly in German hands. At this writing the 
Teutons have made an advance of three 
miles in this sector, and the struggle is 
raging about the hill that bears the ap- 
propriate name of Le Mort Homme. The 
offensive, however, seems to have lost 
much of its force. Apparently the Ger- 
mans have decided that, in the light of 
the last month's events, the main de- 
fenses of Verdun cannot be taken with- 
out a loss which nothing could repay. 

The fact is that at Verdun the Ger- 
mans are fighting against a new system 
of defense brought about by their own 
improvements in artillery. Thus, though 
Douaumont was an important position 
and its capture a historic achievement, 
the fort itself had ceased, many months 
before, to constitute a vital part of the 
defenses of Verdun. The Germans' 
seventeen-inch guns at Liege a year and 
a half before had taught the French the 
uselessness of the old style of fortifica- 
tions. The new system of war, for which 
Verdun was fully prepared, is no longer 
a siege wherein heavy artillery can re- 
duce fort after fort at long range with a 
few well-directed tons of high explosive. 
It is a regular field of battle, which has 
to be carried with infantry in the face of 
the most deadly modern instruments of 
death. In other words, Verdun is a fort- 
ress with mobile defenses, which noth- 
ing but mobile forces can storm, and then 
only at prohibitive cost. 

This vast and protracted battle has 
been notable for the greatest artillery 
duels in the history of warfare, and for 
the extraordinary sacrifices of massed 



German infantry in the face of rapid-fire 
guns. Many of the charges were stopped 
by the so-called French "curtains of 
fire," which are zones of fifty yards or 
thereabout in breadth, filled at inter- 
vals of a few seconds with showers of 
shrapnel. A great number of attacks 
were thus frustrated by the utter de- 
struction of the dense lines in which the 
German infantry charged. But these 
lines were followed by others which 
came on in gray waves, charge upon 
charge, until finally they got through. 
Meanwhile the German artillerists never 
ceased hurling missiles of every sort 
and size over the heads of their infantry, 
so as to paralyze the defense and prevent 
its reserves from coming into action. 

When once the attacking infantry 
reached the objective trench the advan- 
tage lay with them, for men in trenches 
are at a disadvantage in hand-to-hand 
fighting. But no sooner were they 
esconced in their new position than the 
roles were reversed. A trench usually 
has no parapet on the reverse side, and 
here the dauntless Frenchmen came dash- 
ing upon them in a fierce countercharge, 
often recapturing the ground. In this 
manner the deadly struggle swayed to 
and fro in the snow and mud and bitter 
wind, without truce or prolonged pause, 
until both sides were so exhausted that 
many men fell to the ground overcome 
with sleep as with a drug. 

Skillful use of the strong French re- 
serves in large units at the right time 
seems to have been an important ele- 
ment in checking the Teutonic torrent, 
and even forcing the aggressive foe to a 
defensive attitude in his new positions. 

The most graphic descriptions of the 
scene are devoted to the storming of 
Fort Douaumont. For five days the 
French had been steadily driven back, 
and at last the main defenses of Verdun 
were to be put to the test. The German 
attack upon this great wall moved down 
from three directions, and the fiercest of 
these, from the Bois de la Vauche, was 
led by the crack Twenty-fourth Branden- 
burg Regiment, which finally gained the 
plateau and captured the shattered ruins 
of Fort Douaumont. 

The rage and fury of the battle for 

this plateau is graphically described by 
an eyewitness who watched the whole 
scene from an observation post in front 
of the Douaumont range, with shells 
bursting around him. 

" Thousands of projectiles are flying 
in all directions," he wrote, " some 
whistling, others howling, others moan- 
ing low, and all uniting in one infernal 
roar. From time to time an aerial tor- 
pedo passes, making a noise like a 
gigantic motor car. With a tremendous 
thud a giant shell bursts quite close to 
our observation post, breaking the tele- 
phone wire and interrupting all com- 
munication with our batteries. 

" A man gets out at once for repairs, 
crawling along on his stomach through 
all this place of bursting mines and 
shells. It seems quite impossible that he 
should escape in the rain of shell, which 
exceeds anything imaginable; there has 
never been such a bombardment in war. 
Our man seems to be enveloped in ex- 
plosions, and shelters himself from time 
to time in the shell craters which honey- 
comb the ground; finally he reaches a 
less stormy spot, mends his wires, and 
then, as it would be madness to try to 
return, settles down in a big crater 1 and 
waits for the storm to pass." 

When this preparatory bombardment 
ceased every vestige of trenches, para- 
pets, and barbed wire entanglements had 
vanished. The ground was as flat as a 
new-plowed field. The time had come for 
the infantry charge. 

" Beyond, in the valley," wrote the 
same French observer, " dark masses are 
moving over the snow-covered ground. 
It is German infantry advancing in 
packed formation along the valley to the 
attack. They look like a big gray car- 
pet being unrolled over the country. We 
telephone through to the batteries and 
the ball begins. The sight is hellish. In 
the distance, in the valley and upon the 
slopes, regiments spread out, and as they 
deploy fresh troops come pouring in. 

" There is a whistle over our heads. It 
is our first shell. It falls right in the 
middle of the enemy infantry. We tele- 
phone through, telling our batteries of 
their hit, and a deluge of heavy shells is 
poured on the enemy. Their position be- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

comes critical. Through glasses we can 
see men maddened, men covered with 
earth and blood, falling one upon the 
other. When the first wave of the assault 
is decimated, the ground is dotted with 
heaps of corpses, but the second wave is 
already pressing on. Once more our 
shells carve awful gaps in their ranks. 
Nevertheless, like an army of rats the 
Boches continue to advance in spite of 
our 'marmites/ Then our heavy artil- 
lery bursts forth in fury. The whole val- 
ley is turned into a volcano, and its exit 
is stopped by the barrier of the slain." 

The Germans took Fort Douaumont, 
though at a ghastly cost. The same even- 
ing, however, a French counterattack by 
the famous Iron Division wrested from 
them all but the bare fort, within which 
the Brandenburgers still held their own. 
A French soldier who took part in that 
charge said afterward: 

"At last our turn came. I had taken 
part in the Champagne charge, but it was 
nothing like this. We were mad. Noth- 
ing could have stopped us. Despite the 
German fire, which perhaps was ham- 
pered by the fear of hitting their own 
men on the spur, we hurled ourselves at 
them with the bayonet among the shell 
holes and ruined emplacements. 

" This was real war as I had never seen 
it. For a moment it was furious and 
equal. Then came another blue-clad 
wave, and another. We hurled them 
back, screaming, over the hillside. It 
was a battle without quarter. We capt- 
ured only corpses. Douaumont Ridge 
was French once more. As we lay there, 
panting and too exhausted to cheer, I 
suddenly found that my thigh was bleed- 
ing from a deep stab. My boot was al- 
ready full of blood, but I had not no- 
ticed it." 

In the fighting for Vaux similar 
scenes were enacted. As late as March 
17 both the fort and the village at that 
point were still bitterly disputed, and 
the Germans were reported to be attack- 
ing at last with their reserve guard. A 
French Captain thus describes the drive 
against the Vaux-Douaumont ridge on 
March 14 and 15: 

" Heavy shell fire is not as deadly as 
one imagines, especially if one keeps 

cool, holds his shelter in a shell hole, or 
under a tree stump, and jumps out of the 
waj when he hears a big shell coming. 
That was where the Boches made their 
mistake. They thought we could not 
stand the hammering. 

" Soon after midnight the lookout gave 
the alarm. Our searchlights pierced the 
darkness and we saw a dark mass slow- 
ly approaching up the hillside. When 
the light hit them they began shouting 
loudly. Then our guns and mitrailleuses 
began, and that took the song out of 

" The first lot never got within strik- 
ing distance of us, though a few bullets 
'whizzed over our heads, fired mostly 
from the hip as they ran forward. 

" A second rush followed immediately 
without further gun preparation. These 
got right up to our barbed wire, where a 
lot of them stayed. We could hear them 
shouting, despite the bursting shells, but 
my men fired coolly. They would have 
preferred to charge, but knew it was un- 

" Nothing stops a charge like mitrail- 
leuse or rifle fire. We simply swept 
them away in rows. 

" There was one group bunched up 
against our wire so close that they con- 
tinued to stand after they were dead, sup- 
porting each other. Some were headless 
and others had half their bodies torn 
away. It was horrible but we don't re- 
gard the Germans as human beings. 

" They looked fine and healthy, and 
from the buttons which many of our 
men cut off to set in rings, they were 
evidently guards, as the buttons bore the 
Imperial Eagle or guard numbers. There 
will be no shortage of guard-button rings 
in France when my poilus have leisure to 

" The worst part was the moaning of 
the wounded after the attack failed. We 
could not help hearing it when the can- 
nonade ceased." 

At this writing (March 20) the energy 
of the German attacks at Verdun, both 
north and south, has perceptibly lessened, 
and the military critics are convinced 
that the battle is practically ended. If so, 
it must go down in history as a German 
defeat, notwithstanding the ground won. 

War Events From Two Viewpoints 

In order that no phase of the truth may be overlooked, CURRENT HISTORY offers two expert 
interpretations of the military events of the month, one written from the German, the other 
from the American point of view. 


Military Survey of the War 

From February 15 to March 15, 1916 

By Kurt Wittgenstein 

First Lieutenant in the Austrian Army 

ONE of the fiercest of the many 
sanguinary struggles which this 
war has witnessed is now being 
fought in the neighborhood of 
one of the most ancient and yet perhaps 
the most modern of all fortresses, Ver- 

At the least expected moment, in the 
midst of Winter, and in the very section 
of their lines where, to the mind of most 
military experts and, as events have since 
proved, even to Gen. Joffre's mind, an 
attack against the tremendously strong 
French positions seemed utterly out of 
the question, the Germans have launched 
an offensive on a scale unparalleled ever 
since the first Teuton onslaught on the 
allied lines, in August, 1914. 

What definite aims the German Gen- 
eral Staff has in view with the mighty 
drive against the strongest of all French 
strongholds, nobody but a few chosen 
men, outside of that exclusive body, posi- 
tively knows. Unmatured as events are, 
there is even still doubt among military 
experts, whether the Germans really in- 
tend to capture Verdun. One thing, how- 
ever, is certain, as has been proved many 
a time in this war: If the Kaiser's Gen- 
eral Staff is bent on taking the fortress, 
it wilLfall. It is, in fact, still possible, 
though not very probable, that operations 
around Verdun will be broken off in an 
apparently undecided stage, in full ac- 
cordance with prearranged plans. The 
success achieved in this case, for being 
merely tactical, would nevertheless be 
well worth the sacrifices made. Up to 

the middle of March the Germans have 
shortened their* lines around Verdun by 
more than six miles. Figuring on an 
average of four men to the yard, or 7,000 
men to the mile of the front, (an average 
justified by the importance of the sec- 
tion, this would mean that about 42,000 
German soldiers, formerly needed for the 
only purpose of guarding the surplus 
lines, have been freed since for other du- 
ties. Furthermore, the French, accord- 
ing to German estimates, have up to 
March 10 lost between 70,000 and 80,000 
men ; supposing, for argument's sake, the 
equivalence of the French and the Ger- 
man soldier, the total gross profit in 
fighting forces gained by the Germans 
up to the present amounts to about 120,- 
000 men. This is more than three times 
as much as the Kaiser's troops have lost 
in the same period. 

Moreover, the vast semicircular sali- 
ent which the battle line from the north- 
west to the southeast of Verdun formed 
before the present offensive, having the 
fortress as the centre, was pre-eminently 
suited for the massing of huge French 
forces for a drive against Metz, only 
thirty miles distant from Verdun. Now, 
with the shrinking of that half circle to 
a radius of scarcely five miles and with 
all the roads leading from the French 
fortress to the north, east, and south- 
east in range of the German big guns, 
a massing of troops in that sector is 
wholly out of the question. 

With their present offensive, however, 
the Teutons have already scored a third 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 


P777771 I ii H K-.-:vv.-J 

FEB. 2110- TB.2C,To- MAFUlTo 


success, the importance of which, it is 
true, cannot be expressed by figures. 
As the writer pointed out in the last 
issue of this review, there exists in the 
German lines in France a vulnerable 
spot, namely, the section between Arras 
and Lens, known as the Vimy heights. 
The much-talked-of Anglo-French of- 
fensive planned for the coming Spring 
was, as a matter of course, to be launch- 
ed against that weak spot. Now, with 
their unexpected drive against Verdun 
the Germans have utterly foiled whatever 
plans the Entente may have made for 
warmer days and forced the French to 
shift most of their troops from the 
Artois to the Meuse and to give battle 
in midwinter and on grounds chosen by 
their enemies. 

The amazingly rapid advance of the 
Kaiser's gray-clad hosts during the first 
two weeks of their offensive and the enor- 
mous number of prisoners and booty taken 
from the French are significant for 
the prodigious fighting spirit of the 

Teutons, and this may be said to the 
credit of Joffre's fighters, for the un- 
expectedness of the German attack. 
Berlin official bulletins up to March 10 
reported the capture of 414 officers and 
27,000 soldiers, most of them unwounded, 
as well as of 190 guns, including 40 
heavy pieces, 230 machine guns, and a 
proportionate quantity of other war 

Inspired dispatches from London and 
Paris now endeavor with all means to 
minimize the importance of Verdun, 
known hitherto on both sides of the 
Rhine as the " key to France." This 
may be taken as a symptom for the im- 
pending fall of the fortress. In the 
presence of those misleading statements, 
it may not be amiss to consider before- 
hand the possible consequences of Ver- 
dun's surrender. 

The first and immediate consequence 
would be of a tactical nature, inasmuch 
as the Germans would shorten their 
lines between St. Mihiel and Varennes 


by some ten miles more and, according 
to what we have seen above, save about 
70,000 soldiers for other parts of their 
various battle fronts. 

The second result would be a strateg- 
ical one. The fall of Verdun would bring 
the Germans into the flank of the French 
armies south of the Verdun-Metz line and 
their left wing, now resting on the 
French fortress, would be in peril of be- 
ing rolled up and routed. (That the 
German General Staff should plan an- 
other march on Paris from Verdun seems 
out of the question to the writer. It may 
be taken for granted that every yard of 
the 150 miles separating the capital from 
the important stronghold has long ago 
been fortified.) 

The third and most far-reaching effect 
of Verdun's downfall, though, would be 
the political one. When the Germans, 
nineteen months ago, surrounded as they 
were by enemies, and in order to save 
their country from ruin, decided to strike 
the first blow and invaded France, they 
chose the gate offering the least resist- 
ance, namely, Belgium, the front door 
being too strongly guarded by the for- 
midable belt of fortresses Verdun, Toul, 
Epinal, and Belfort. With Verdun capt- 
ured, the remaining links of that chain 
would become as valueless as the stones 
of an arch after the keystone has been 
removed, which has been clearly demon- 
strated in the case of Ivangorod in Rus- 
sia. Germany once in control of the for- 
tified positions on the Meuse and the Mo- 
selle, could afford to offer concrete peace 
proposals to France, pledging herself to 
restore Belgium to liberty, but, in com- 
pensation, reserving to herself the ces- 
sion by France of French Lorraine as far 
as that belt of fortifications. 

The different stages of the battle of 
Verdun, characterized by the clocklike 
co-operation of heaviest artillery fire 
and immediately following infantry at- 
tacks in overwhelming masses, can be 
easily followed with the aid of the an- 
nexed map. 

Feb. 21. After a continuous shell fire 
lasting nine hours, the Germans made 
their first infantry attack against the 
Haumont Woods, which they captured. 

22. Village of Haumont and Caures 
Woods taken. 

23. Brabant, Samogneux and Herbe- 
bois (one mile northeast of Beaumont) 

24. Beaumont captured. 

25. Fort Douaumont stormed during 
a blizzard. (Note the distance between 
Beaumont and Fort Douaumont.) French 
resistance in the Woevre breaks down 
all along the line from Maucourt to 

26. Mormont (one mile northwest of 
Louvemont), Beaumont Chamjbrettes 
(one mile northeast of Louvemont) and 
Ornes taken. 

27. Champneuville and Cote de Talou 
captured. Fortifications of Hardaumont 

28. Meuse peninsula cleared of the 

29. Great drive in the Woevre, where 
Dieppe, Abaucourt, Blanzee, Manheules, 
and Champion are taken. 

After a comparative lull of a week, 
the Germans, in order to bring their 
lines west of the Meuse in accordance 
with those to the east of the river, shifted 
the attack to the section between Beth- 
incourt and Forges. 

March 7. Hill 265, northeast of Cote 
de 1'Oie captured. 

9. Corbeaux Woods cleared, villages 
of Vaux, Forges, and Regneville taken. 

10. Cumieres Woods cleared, Fresnes 

12. Heights of ,Le Mort Homme 

The Germans furthermore delivered 
successful attacks in the Champagne, 
where they took Navarin Farm, and near 
Ville au Bois, northeast of Rheims, where 
French positions extending over more 
than a mile were carried. In both drives, 
whose obvious aim was to divert the 
enemy from the scene of the main of- 
fensive, the Germans took altogether! 
1,700 prisoners. 


In comparison to the importance of 
the struggle in France, for the present 
the main theatre of the war, whatever 
events happened on other fronts during 
the last month fade into practical indif- 

44 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

ference, to the mind of the discriminating 

The Italian adventure in the Balkans 
is slowly but irresistibly approaching its 
inevitable end, namely, the final evacua- 
tion of Albania by the Italians and the 
annihilation of their ambitions regard- 
ing the east coast of the Adriatic. Al- 
ready, toward the end of February, a 
great part of King Victor Emmanuel's 
forces have, practically without firing a 
shot at the advancing Austrians, left 
Durazzo precipitately, abandoning a 
great many cannon, including the coast 
defense guns, 10,000 rifles, and vast 
quantities of ammunition and other war 

The latest of the very meagre reports 
from that front indicate that the Aus- 
trians and Bulgarians are closing in from 
all sides on the seaport of Avlona, appar- 
ently the only place in Albania still occu- 
pied by Italian troops. A decisive battle 
may therefore be anticipated for the near 
future, although experience would rather 
point at the probability of a withdrawal 
of General Ameglio's troops from Alba- 
nian soil without fighting. 

Communications from allied sources 
are trying to lend a color of far-reaching 
importance to the cheap successes of Rus- 
sian troops in Transcaucasia, a theatre 
of secondary significance only. This is 
characteristic for the state of mind of 
the Entente powers, their incapacity on 
the European battlefields, and their en- 
deavor to achieve something resembling 
a victory somewhere, somehow. 

Grand Duke Nicholas's avowed objec- 
tive in invading Armenia at the head of 
a huge army was twofold: First, to di- 
vide the Turkish Empire by cutting off 
the Turkish domains in Asia south of the 
Erzerum-Alexandretta line from Asia 
Minor proper and from Turkey in Eu- 

rope. Second, to open up to Russia a di- 
rect overland route to the Mediterranean 

Had the Grand Duke succeeded in 
trapping the Turkish garrison of Erze- 
rum, numbering between 150,000 and 
180,000, the fall of that fortress might 
have contributed substantially to the 
accomplishment of those lofty aims. As 
it was, however, the Turks had time to 
evacuate the stronghold, men, guns, and 
all, and to join the powerful reinforce- 
ments under General Liman von San- 
ders, which were on the way to Erzerum 
from the west when the fortress fell. 
In view of those Turkish forces, the 
Russian General Staff seem to have re- 
linquished their original designs and de- 
cided on a relief expedition for their 
British allies in Mesopotamia. For that 
purpose they divided their forces in two 
armies marching south on both sides of 
the Taurus range, which forms the nat- 
ural boundary between Turkey and 
Persia. The west army, up to the pres- 
ent, has advanced as far as Bitlis, 500 
miles north of Bagdad, while the east 
column has reached the Persian town of 
Khanikin, 200 miles northeast of the 
Turkish city. Taking into consideration 
what such distances mean in mostly hos- 
tile countries, where means of communi- 
cation and transportation are few and 
poor beyond description, reports fabri- 
cated in London and Petrograd, telling 
of the " virtual co-operation of the Rus- 
sians with the British in Mesopotamia," 
can easily be discounted to their real 
value by the judicious reader. 

As it is, General Aylmer's division, in 
a recent fight with Turkish forces near 
Fellahie on the right bank of the Tigris, 
has again been defeated and is said to 
have left 2,000 dead on the battlefield. 

On the other fronts nothing of im- 
portance has happened. 


The Month's Military Developments 

From February 15 to March 15, 1916 

By J. B. W. Gardiner 

Formerly Lieutenant Eleventh United States Cavalry 

FT! HE most interesting if not the most 
important action that the western 
front has seen since the German 
drive toward Calais is the struggle for 
Verdun, which, as this article is being 
written, has been going on for just twen- 
ty-three days. The attack on the French 
positions began on Feb. 21 began before 
the Spring had set in, when the ground 
was in anything but a satisfactory con- 
dition for offensive military operations. 
Two questions at once arise as to this 
effort. The first is why it was made at 
such a time, and, second, once it had 
been decided to make it, why was Verdun, 
the strongest point in the whole French 
line, chosen as the point of attack? 

There are a number of answers to the 
first, none of which is complete in itself, 
but all of which probably have weight. 

Germany's man power is dwindling. 
There can be no question of that. The 
available number is much less than that 
of the Allies, and unless Germany can 
inflict losses upon her enemies out of all 
proportion to those which she herself 
sustains in the process, sooner or later 
she will be worn out. This is merely a 
matter of arithmetic. Whether Germany 
has already reached the point where, 
through wastage she is unable to make 
good her current losses is another mat- 
ter. The indications are, however, that 
such a point has been or soon will be 
reached. In other words, Germany has 
reached or soon will reach the point 
where every loss is a permanent loss and 
therefore is a permanent weakness. Her 
enemies, on the other hand, have not yet 
reached their maximum strength. 
As Germany grows weaker, her enemies 
will grow stronger. Therefore, to win, 
Germany must strike, and strike with her 
maximum power, in an effort, not to win 
a battle, but to gain a decision. 

Again, there is the situation created in 
the Far East by the continued successes 
of the Russians in the Caucasus. This 
situation will be discussed later, but it 
may be noted here that if the Russian 
advance continues, all that German arms 
have accomplished since the taking of 
Belgrade will be transferred to a net loss. 
But even without further gains, what the 
Russians have accomplished so far has 
had a tremendous influence on the Bal- 
kan States. This must be offset. Ru- 
mania is hanging on to neutrality by a 
very thin thread. As soon as she can do 
so without laying three of her frontiers 
open to simultaneous attack, she will 
enter the war on the side of the Allies, 
as only through them can she attain her 
national ambition, achieve her destiny, 
as her statesmen put it. Rumania's 
strategic position on the Teuton flank in 
Bukowina is of too much importance to 
be disregarded. Therefore, the Russian 
success must be discounted by a Teuton 
success in another field. 

There is also the domestic situation in 
Germany. When the Serbian campaign 
was brought to a successful termination 
the German press immediately com- 
menced to inquire why, with Germany 
victorious in every theatre, the Allies 
did not commence to sue for peace. In- 
stead, it has dawned on them that the 
day of peace is as far off as it was last 
August, and that, instead of asking for 
peace, the Allies have renewed their 
agreement to stand together until Ger- 
many is brought to her knees. To pre- 
vent unrest German arms cannot remain 
quiescent. Finally, there is the situation 
of the Crown Prince, who, if reports of his 
father's illness have not been grossly 
exaggerated, may soon find himself on 
his father's throne. He is the leader of 
the military party in Germany, and to 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

him was given the task, at the outset, of 
taking Verdun. In the attack on Ver- 
dun in the early months of the war, 
owing to the genius of General Sarrail, 
he was unsuccessful. Since then he has 
made several efforts to drive down the 
west bank of the Meuse so as to reach 
the salient at St. Mihiel and invest the 
French fortress, but each time he has 
been checked with severe losses and in- 
significant gains. Something startling 
iii its conception and dramatic in its exe- 
cution had to be started to restore his 
prestige and to establish his right, 
through ability, to continue to lead. 

This is not only a reason why the pres- 
ent attack was planned, but is also the 
reason why Verdun was the point se- 

The attack was first launched over a 
narrow front of only a few miles, from 
the Meuse near Consenvoye, east to 
Ornes. Between Feb. 21 and 26 the 
French retired slowly, evacuating, one 
after the other, Brabant, Samogneux, 
Haumont, and Beaumont. There was 
nothing precipitous in the retirement. It 
seemed designed rather as a means of 
avoiding punishment. At the same time 
it is certain that severe losses were in- 
flicted on the invaders. They had de- 
liberately selected as the location of 
their attack the hardest part of the Ver- 
dun salient. In all other German opera- 
tions during the war they had never 
failed to adopt the standard military 
practice of eliminating a salient by 
crushing in the sides. Here they took 
the much more costly and more hazard- 
ous course of driving against its apex. 
After the shock of the first few days the 
French stood fast, and since Feb. 26 they 
have not lost more than a quarter of a 
mile of ground to the north. 

Checked from this direction in spite of 
the most desperate infantry charges, the 
attack swung around to the east and 
southeast. Here the same operation was 
repeated, the French retiring at first 
only to take up a strong position, pre- 
viously prepared, along the crests of the 
high hills which run in almost a straight 
line southeast from the town of Vaux. 
From this hill line the Germans have been 
unable to budge them. Terrific fighting 

has occurred for possession of the town 
and fort of Vaux, but it still seems to 
be held by the French. 

With this check the Germans then 
opened an attack on the west bank of 
the Meuse, east of the Argonne, but thus 
far their advance has been immaterial. 

The fighting in the Verdun sector has 
unquestionably not been equaled for se- 
verity in any of the war theatres since 
the war began. Artillery has been used 
on a scale not before dreamed of even in 
the British and French attacks of Sep- 
tember. The losses have been cruel, both 
sides suffering terribly, although, as is 
always the case with the troops on the 
oifense, the Germans have suffered more 
than the Allies. The statement from 
Berlin that the Germans have lost but a 
few thousand is of course too ridiculous 
for serious consideration. 

In spite of the fact that the Germans 
have made no gain yet that puts Verdun 
in jeopardy, it must be realized that, 
except as a figure of speech, no place is 
truly impregnable on this or on any of 
the fronts. It is merely a question of 
how much it is worth in men and shell, 
and how much will have to be paid to 
take it. The relation of these values will 
determine whether the effort is worth 
while. In the case of Verdun, it is sure 
to cost the Germans at least 400,000 men 
before it falls, and to judge purely from 
a military standpoint, putting aside all 
political considerations, which of course 
we cannot measure, it is most certainly 
not worth the price. 

The Germans, moreover, find them- 
selves in rather a predicament. They 
have launched the most terrifying at- 
tack of the war at a time and place not 
altogether favorable for success, in a 
tremendous bid for a decision in the 
west. The Berlin press and the German 
people so believe, and are encouraged in 
this belief. The military authorities dare 
not stop. To do so would lessen their 
prestige all over the world. 

Of much greater importance than the 
action about Verdun, though less inter- 
esting because of its distance, is the cap- 
ture of the fortress of Erzerum by the 
Russian Army of the Caucasus. This 
is the greatest success the Allies have 



been able to record since the fall of 
Przemysl, and Erzerum possesses cer- 
tain points of similarity with the Gali- 
cian stronghold. The importance to the 
Allies of neither place is in itself great. 
Rather does it lie in what follows. The 
history of what followed the fall of 
Przemysl is too well known now to need 

It is but fair, however, to note that 
there are certain elements in the Ar- 
menian field which are essentially dif- 
ferent from those that existed in Galicia 
a year ago. The failure of the Russians 
in Galicia was due largely, if not en- 
tirely, to the German element in the 
armies that were opposing the Russian 
advance. The Austrians had been most 
thoroughly bested by the Russians for 
the seven months that preceded the sur- 

render of Przemysl. At no point had 
they been able to stem the Russian ad- 
vance that swept through Galicia from 
Lemberg to Cracow. But when Przemysl 
fell, the Germans saw the danger that 
lay in a continuation of Russian suc- 
cesses; saw the possibilities of Austria 
being beaten into a separate peace unless 
help was sent immediately. Operations 
on all other fronts were, therefore, sus- 
pended and all available forces were hur- 
ried to the Carpathians and to the Duna- 
jec. The result was that, owing to this 
stiffening of the Austrian defense, the 
Russians were first held in position and 
then driven back through Galicia, 
through Poland, until their present line 
was reached. 

This is not possible in Armenia. Ger- 
many has no troops to spare for such a 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

distant field, nor can the larger of the 
German guns be brought to bear in the 
far eastern field. Transportation facili- 
ties are entirely lacking. There is no 
railroad reaching the front, and the dirt 
roads are not of such character as- to ad- 
mit of such heavy draft as is involved in 
the passage of guns and shell of the 
larger calibres. Consequently it is left 
for the Turks to fight the situation out 
alone. The Turkish troops in this thea- 
tre are even less efficient than were the 
Austrians in Galicia. With every ad- 
vantage conceivable except possibly num- 
bers, they have been utterly unable to 
place any effective obstacle in the Rus- 
sian commander's path. 

The Russians advanced in three col- 
umns, or rather by three different routes, 
from bases which they had previously 
established. One of these was at Olti, an- 
other at Kars, and the third at Melas- 
gird. The downfall of the fortress, how- 
ever, seems to have been accomplished 
mainly by the attack from the north, 
which was a frontal attack made with 
the aid of guns of large calibre. The 
entire operation from the time the first 
Russian gun was fired against the first 
of the eighteen forts that make up the 
defenses was only five days, a fact 
which in itself gives evidence of the lack 
of quality in the troops defending the 
position. At the end of that time all 
eighteen forts had been evacuated, al- 
though nine were of comparatively re- 
cent construction and had been designed 
and built under the supervision of the 
German Engineer Corps. Very naturally 
a large number of prisoners with many 
guns and considerable quantities of mili- 
tary stores also fell into the hands of the 
Russians. So much for the actual op- 
eration itself. 

Erzerum is the only fortified point in 
the interior of Asia Minor. It protects 
Western Armenia and Anatolia, and com- 
mands all the best roads of Transcau- 
casia. With Erzerum out of the way, 
therefore, there is nothing but the dis- 
organized army of the Turks to prevent 
the Russians from sweeping forward at 
least until they have reached the line 
from the Gulf of Alexandretta to the 
Black Sea. The Black Sea, it may be 

mentioned in passing, is to all practical 
purposes a Russian lake. While it is true 
that, as the Russians move forward, they 
will be getting further and further from 
their bases, they will have nevertheless 
the supply points on the Black Sea from 
which to draw supplies. Therefore, in 
this advance, it is necessary that the 
Russian right on the sea advance with 
the rest of the line and take the principal 
seaport cities. This Russia has done 
without delay. Trebizond is now being 
evacuated by the Turks and will serve 
the Russian purposes of supply for an- 
other advance of at least fifty miles. 

South of Erzerum, in the Lake Van 
district, the advance has been equally 
rapid. The towns of Mush and Bitlis 
have been taken, so that this whole lake 
district is now under control. This brings 
the Russian centre within fifty miles of 
the Bagdad railroad. The centre of the 
Russian army is still advancing against 
Diarbekr, while the left, swinging rapidly 
around like the lash of a whip, is pivot- 
ing on Bitlis and hurrying through 

Bagdad is, of course, the objective of 
the left wing, just as it is of the British 
army which has been in such straits 
at Kut-el-Amara. The cutting of the 
railroad therefore at any point south 
of Mush and west of Mosul would cut 
off and corner the Turkish force operat- 
ing against the British east and south- 
east of Diarbekr. Moreover, it seems 
now that it is impossible for the Turks 
to prevent a juncture of the Russians 
with the British forces on the Tigris. 

As matters stand now, the entire 
Turkish Empire in the east is in danger, 
and, inasmuch as Turkey alone of all 
the belligerents has nothing to gain in 
the war other than the money she has 
already received, it is possible that she 
may be beaten into a separate peace 
rather than see her empire crumble as 
a sacrifice to Teuton ambitions. In such 
a case all the German losses incurred 
through the Serbian operations would 
have been in vain. The Allies, then, 
in looking around for comfort, can find 
it in the Near East, where the chances 
of a decided, though not a decisive suc- 
cess, are distinctly bright. 


New Portrait Taken by the Court Photographer at Potsdam on the 
Emperor's 57th Birthday 


Commander of the German Army in the Historic Attack Upon the 
French Fortress of Verdun 

(New Portrait ln> the Court Photographer 

How England Is Paying for the War 

THE address of Premier Asquith in 
Parliament on Feb. 21, 1916, ask- 
ing for a new war loan, dealt with 
sums and figures never before 
known in the history of deliberative as- 
semblies. He asked for a supplemen- 
tary vote of 120,000,000 for the present 
financial year, making a total of 1,420,- 
000,000, or approximately $7,000,000,000 
for the year. This was expected to meet 
requirements of the situation up to March 
10, 1916. The credit was voted with 
practical unanimity. 

In the financial year 1914-15 there 
were three votes of credit between Aug. 6, 
1914, and March 1, 1915, amounting to 
362,000,000. In the financial year ended 
March 1, 1916, there were six votes of 
credit, as follows: March 1, 1915, 250,- 
000,000; June 16, 250,000,000; July 20, 
150,000,000; Sept. 16, 250,000,000; 
Nov. 10, 400,000,000; Feb. 22, 120,- 

In discussing the expenses of the war 
the Premier said: 

The total actual issues on the vote of 
credit between April 1 and Feb. 19 were 
1,198,000,000. But if, as on previous 
occasions, we make allowances for un- 
spent balances and for special advances 
made with a view to financing expendi- 
ture which will not come into the charge 
until after the period under review, the 
total deduction required in order to ad- 
just the account is 65,900,000. 

The result is that we arrive at an ad- 
justed expenditure for the period in ques- 
tion of 1,132,100,000. Every allowance 
has been made, including the American 
bonds. The figures showing the adjusted 
expenditure on votes of credit from April 
1 to Nov. 6 are divided into three periods. 
The adjusted expenditure was: 
April 1 to July 17 (108 days). .301,000,000 
July 18 to Sept. 11 (56 days) . . 198,500,000 
Sept. 12 to Nov. 6 (56 days).. 243,600,000 
Making a total for 220 days of .743,100,000 

From Nov. 7 down to Feb. 19 repre- 
sents 105 days, with an adjusted expendi- 
ture of 389,000,000. 

It therefore follows that the aggre- 
gate for the financial year up to Feb. 19 
(325 days) was 1,132,100,000. 

The daily average rates for the periods 
work out as follows : 

From April 1 to July 17 2,800,000 

From July 18 to Sept. 11 3,500,000 

From Sept. 12 to Nov. 6 4,350,000 

The figures of the third period were 
swollen by repayments to the Bank of 
England for various advances made on 
behalf of the Government. Further liabili- 
ties had been incurred by the Bank at 
the request of the Government in respect 
of further advances to foreign powers. 
These would in due course be discharged 
out of the vote of credit, but so far it has 
not been found convenient to repay to the 
Bank any portion of these advances or 
certain other advances which have been 
made by them. Consequently the ad- 
justed figure for the period from Nov. 7 
to Feb. 19 does not include any payment 
in respect of this liability of the Govern- 
ment to the Bank. 

If we add what is due to the Bank 
under that head, the daily average expen- 
diture for this period does not differ to 
any substantial extent from the daily 
aggregate for the immediately preceding 

The average may be put now as be- 
tween 4,300,000 and 4,400,000 a day. 

The speaker gave the following figures 
as loans to Allies and Canada: 
From April 1 to Nov. 6 (220 

days) 517,300,000 

From Nov. 7 to Feb. 19 (105 

days) 317,500,000 

And the total for the 325 days, 
from April 1 to Feb. 19 834,800,000 

Loans to allied powers and to the do- 
minions, which up to Nov. 6 were 98,- 
300,000, have been followed between Nov. 
7 and Feb. 19 by a further expenditure 
of 70,600,000, making a total of 168,- 

The last item (food supplies, railways, 
and miscellaneous), which, from April 1 
to Nov. 6, was 23,500,000, amounted 
from Nov. 7 to Feb. 19 to 6,900,000, 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

making a total from April 1 to Feb. 19 
of 30,400,000. 

From April 1 to Nov. 6 the aggregate 
expenditure out of the votes of credit 
was 743,100,000, and from Nov. 7 to 
Feb. 19 it was 389,000,000, making a 
total of 1,132,100,000. 

The expenditure for the army, navy, 
and munitions from Nov. 7 to Feb. 19 was 

That gives an average for that period 
of just over 3,000,000 a day. 

If from this we deduct, as we ought, 
the normal peace expenditure on the 
army and the navy, which has been 
taken throughout on a basis of 220,- 
000 a day, the net war expenditure on 
the army and navy services, including 
munitions, comes to 2,780,000 a day for 
the period which we are now consider- 
ing. Our average daily war expendi- 
ture on the army, navy, and munitions 
from November to the present date has 
gone up 400,000. 

Loans to allied powers and domin- 
ions out of votes of credit show a very 
substantial increase, having grown 
from 98,300,000 on Nov. 6 to 168,- 
900,000. The growth in the rate of ex- 
penditure under this category is entire- 
ly attributable to advances to allies di- 
rectly from votes of credit. That does 
iibt by any means represent the total 
amount we have advanced. In addition 
to the advances from the votes of credit 
there are advances which have been 
made by the Bank of England at the 
request of the Government. No separ- 
ate totals can be given, but I can assure 
the House that the total of 423,000,000 
given by the Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer in September last on account of 
advances will not be exceeded during 
the current financial year. I am afraid, 
however, they will not fall far short 
of that sum. 

It is anticipated that the funds now 
in hand will last till abount March 10, 
leaving twenty-one days of the current 
financial year to be provided for. On 
the basis hitherto adopted of 5,000,000 
a day, twenty-one days will require 
105,000,000. Honorable members may 
ask why I say 5,000,000 a day when 

our expenditure has never exceeded 
4,400,000 a day. 

It has been thought advisable to allow 
a margin, and I am now asking the 
House to vote 120,000,000, which brings 
us to the total of 1,420,00,000, allowed 
for in the budget statement of Septem- 
ber last. 
* * * * * * * 

This will be the tenth vote of credit 
since the war began, and it will raise the 
total votes of credit to 2,082,000,000. 

This is not only unprecedented, it is a 
sum beyond the imagination of any fi- 
nancier in any country in the past. 

As regards the probable rate of ex- 
penditure out of this new vote, we cannot 
see that it will be in any way probable 
that it will rise above 5,000,000 a day. 
That is, I think, a liberal estimate. 

On that basis the vote will last us 
sixty days, from April 1 to the end of 

No Minister has ever asked the House 
of Commons or any other democratic as- 
sembly during the course of less than 
two years to sanction an expenditure out 
of votes credit approaching or anywhere 
near the sum of 2,000,000,000, and the 
House will very reasonably require 
definite and positive, and possibly 
categorical, assurances that in the ex- 
penditure of this enormous sum adequate 
provision is being made, and proper safe- 
guards taken, against extravagance and 

The conduct of war-like operations on 
such a scale as that which now prevails, 
and under conditions which could never 
have been foreseen either by ourselves or 
by any other nation, of course gives rise 
to infinite possibilities of extravagance, 
carelessness, and actual waste. The Re- 
trenchment Committee, which was ap- 
pointed with the consent of the Govern- 
ment, was wisely confined by the terms 
of its reference to civil expenditure, be- 
cause it was felt that an inquisition by 
an outside body of the spending depart- 
ments in the stress of war might hamper 
and paralyze the efficient conduct of 

But the Government, when they as- 
sented to or perhaps insisted upon that 
limitation of the reference to the Re- 


trenchment Committee, were not insensi- 
ble to the vital importance of providing 
some efficient and vigilant safeguard 
against extravagance in the military and 
naval departments. 

The Finance Committee of the Cabinet 
discussed the matter with great care in 
the Summer and Autumn of last year, 
and as a result of their deliberations we 
have now had for some time past in the 
three great spending departments which 
are concerned with the prosecution of 
the war the Navy, the Army, and the 
Ministry of Munitions we have had in- 
stalled committees a committee for each 
department composed of outside per- 
sons, men of great business experience 
and authority. In the case of two of 
these departments the committee is pre- 
sided over by a Cabinet Minister who has 
no connection whatever with the actual 
conduct of the department. 

These committees have, week by week, 
and almost day by day, been devoting 
their energies with, I think, very good 
results, not, of course, to interfering 
with administrative responsibilities for 
that must rest with the heads of depart- 
ments and those who dictate the policy 
of the Government but to taking ade- 
quate precautions and care that there 
should be no avoidable waste; that what- 
ever was done was done with economy 
as well as with efficiency. 

I do not believe that we could have a 
better or more practical machinery for 
securing that the enormous sums which 
the House was willing and, indeed, eager, 
to vote for the successful prosecution of 
the war and the attainment of the end we 
have in view, should be expended by 
the departments immediately responsible 
without avoidable waste or extravagance. 

That machinery has now been in opera- 
tion for a considerable time and it is 
working, I have every reason to believe, 
with admirable results. Under the condi- 
tions in which we live I do not think it 
would be desirable, or even possible, to sub- 
stitute for it anything more efficient, 
more prompt, or more easily workable. 

Having taken some considerable pains 

myself to follow the proceedings of 
these bodies and to see what results 
they have attained. I can assure the 
House that in my opinion very sub- 
stantial economics have been effected, 
and the war is now being carried on on 
this gigantic scale and with the enor- 
mous resources which Parliament and 
the country are so willing and eager 
to bestow the war is being carried on, 
so far as expenditure is concerned, 
under rigorous conditions which we 
not only hope but believe will pre- 
vent any substantial part of the money 
which Parliament votes, and which the 
country has to raise by taxation, from 
being devoted to any other purpose than 
the successful prosecution of our cause. 

Standing here I feel an enormous and, 
indeed, overwhelming responsibility in 
asking the House to assent to this gi- 
gantic expenditure. I could not do so, 
and none of my colleagues could do so 
unless we were satisfied, first of all, 
that we had most carefully explored the 
ground and that we were not asking 
Parliament to vote a penny more than 
the exigencies of our cause and the 
great historic responsibilities we have 
taken on ourselves necessitate. We 
could not ask them to assent to that 
expenditure unless we were at the same 
time satisfied that every possible pre- 
caution is taken to see that the money 
of the taxpayer flows wholly and ex- 
clusively through the channels for which 
it is intended, and by which it can most 
successfully attain the object we have 
in view. 

Having satisfied ourselves of this we 
should be false to the trust which the 
nation and Parliament has reposed in 
us if we did not, in addition to the enor- 
mous burdens which the country has so 
willingly undertaken already, ask the 
people to take on their shoulders this 
additional load, confident as we are, and 
as we always have been, in the justice 
of our cause and in the necessity of the 
case, and confident also that if the coun- 
try will as I am sure it will respond 
to our call, the just cause will prevail. 


Woman's Invasion of British Industry 

An Economic Drama and Its Possible Denouement 

By Spencer Brodney 

An English Journalist 

A TOMAN'S proper place is in the 
home but not in the belligerent 
countries, and least of all in 
Great Britain. There, to an ex- 
tent the most enthusiastic exponent of 
woman's economic independence never 
dreamed of, the war has wrought a 
change. Woman as a self-supporting 
wage-earner has come into her own for 
the time being at an rate. It is easy to 
understand the process which has taken 
place under our eyes; but how are we to 
gauge the effects after the war, when the 
men come home again and want their 
jobs ? Is the " provisional occupation " 
of the industrial field to be brought to 
an end, and are the women to be dis- 
placed in favor 1 of the original occupiers ? 
Will not the women fight hard for the 
jobs which the fortune of war has given 
them, particularly the many jobs by 
which they are earning as much as the 
men and justifying the claim of " equal 
pay for equal work " ? 

Here, then, in the displacement of men 
called to the duties of the battlefield we 
have the first act of a great social and 
economic drama. The second act will be 
the clashing of the sexes for the indus- 
trial field won by the women, with pos- 
session worth its nine points in law. 
The third act will bring the denouement, 
perhaps the most startling in the history 
of man and woman for there is al- 
ready more than a hint of a revolution- 
ary solution which Governments may 
have to adopt to get women back to 
their proper place in the home. 

It is not easy to imagine an able- 
bodied and intelligent young woman who 
has proved that she is capable of earn- 
ing a man's wage at a steel lathe or 
in the driver's seat of a street car re- 
linquishing her position without pro- 
test in a country where before the war 

the excess number of women over men 
made marriage, not the certainty it ought 
to be. After the war the number of 
marriageable men will be still smaller 
by reason of those lost in the war or 
crippled and invalided by service at the 
front. At the same time the men able 
to marry will be less likely to do so 
when good employment is scarcer and 
the cost of living higher. 

The woman who is now economically 
independent, as she has never been be- 
fore, will have acquired the skill and 
training required for her work; she 
will have a grasp of it, and therefore 
in many cases she will be kept at it by 
her employer, who will prefer not to 
dislocate his business by bringing in a 
man who has been unfitted for civil 
life by soldiering. No employer is anx- 
ious to lose an employe who is compe- 
tent, whatever he may say in his mo- 
ments of patriotic enthusiasm about 
finding a place for the man who has 
served his country at the front. This is 
no cynical view of human nature; this 
thing happened in England after the 
South African war and will happen 

When, therefore, the men return after 
the war the women who have displaced 
them will have many allies among the 
employers. In a country burdened by 
the cost of war the most serious result 
from the returning soldiers' standpoint 
will be the tendency for wages to drop. 
Economic pressure will force the em- 
ployers to turn to their advantage the 
discovery that women can do all kinds 
of work for which it was thought for- 
merly only men were suited. Female 
labor will have the preference because 
it is cheaper. 

In a world in which everything har- 



monized as prettily as in a fairy tale, the 
returning soldier would no doubt solve 
the problem by marrying the girl whose 
job he wanted, and she would go home 
to fulfill the functions of wife and mother 
for which nature intended her. But Eng- 
land after the war is going to be no land 
of faery, but one where illusions will be 
stripped aside by disconcerting realities. 
One series of these illusions masculine 
illusions .for the most part which will 
disappear will be those concerning the 
work which women have not been sup- 
posed able to do. The war has shown 
that there is apparently nothing that a 
woman cannot do. In fact, it is conceiv- 
able that, apart from the necessity of 
having fathers for the succeeding gen- 
erations, women could get along quite 
easily without men, and that, in contra- 
diction to all our most cherished mas- 
culine beliefs, woman is after all the 
more important sex. Without being for- 
mulated in this extreme form, this idea 
or tendency of thought has subconscious- 
ly developed in women's minds since the 
war, and will give new color and force 
to the feminist movement when it again 
surges forward after peace returns. A 
modern industrial state is no figment 
of the imagination, because England is 
every day the war lasts falling more and 
more into the hands of the women, and 
it is certain they will retain a substantial 
part of what they have gained. 

Before the war the woman's movement 
was already a solvent in the problem of 
modern civilization in England. The de- 
mand for political rights by the suffra- 
gettes and their to some minds out- 
rageous methods of propaganda were 
only outward signs of a much deeper 
tendency. Without going back so far 
as the publication in 1790 of Mary 
Wollstonecraft's " Vindication of the 
Rights of Women," we may say that the 
woman's movement began in the middle 
of the nineteenth century when Frederick 
Denison Maurice became the pioneer of 
the higher education of women. Within 
a few years came the foundation of the 
political movement, followed by the elec- 
tion to Parliament of John Stuart Mill, 
who placed woman's suffrage in his elec- 
tion address. 

The result of over sixty years' activity 
in education is that today England is re- 
markable for the number of women in 
every branch of learning and public life. 
Probably nowhere else and at no other 
time in history have women counted for 
so much. It is true that they cannot vote 
for or sit in Parliament, and that they 
cannot practice as barristers, but in 
every other walk of life they are strongly 
in evidence. Even in the highest political 
circles their influence is enormous, and 
not merely because of the feminine ca- 
pacity for intrigue, which is common 
enough everywhere at the courts of mon- 
archs and in the councils of statesmen, 
but by reason of genuine qualities of in- 
tellect and character. Could the secret 
history of the day be made an open book, 
it would reveal a striking spectacle of 
feminine influence. But without going 
behind the scenes, we can see enough of 
women in public life to estimate them as 
a factor of first-class importance. 

One result of the splendid position 
which women of education have won in a 
couple of generations is that the great 
mass of their less fortunate sisters have 
excellent leaders in all the social and 
political movements which affect them. 
How much, for example, has been done 
since the war began for woman wage- 
earners by the leaders of their trade- 
union movement it is at the moment im- 
possible to calculate. And these leaders 
are only a section of those who may be 
depended upon to stand up for the wo- 
men when the new struggle for their po- 
sition in the industrial world begins. 

Let us try to get some idea of how 
much industrial territory women have in- 
vaded since the war. In . the manufac- 
ture of munitions alone there are now 
nearly 300,000 employed. According to 
an official report, presented to Parlia- 
ment in January of this year, these 
workers include dressmakers, laundry 
workers, textile workers, domestic 
servants, clerical workers, shop assist- 
ants, university and art students, wo- 
men and girls of every social grade and 
of no previous wage-earning experience; 
also, in large numbers, wives and 
widows of soldiers, many married wo- 
men who had retired altogether from in- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

dustrial life, and many again who had 
never entered it. 

We reach the millions when we try to 
estimate the number of women who are 
now doing the work formerly done by 
men in professional, commercial, and in- 
dustrial pursuits. 

Jt is well-nigh impossible to mention 
any kind of job, from policeman, car 
conductor, engineer to specialized ma- 
chinist, into which women are not step- 
ping every day, and the remarkable\ 
thing is that except where several 
years of special or technical training are 
essential they are acquiring the re- 
quired skill and knowledge and adapt- 
ing themselves to their new occupations 
with a rapidity not easy to credit. One 
reads, for example, of a turbine seg- 
ment building where women are cutting 
off blades, boring the distance pieces 
and blades, building up the turbine seg- 
ments, and brazing the whole, and that 
this work was before the war considered 
to be so highly skilled that an expert 
fitter received a good deal above his 
ordinary rate for doing it. Imagine the 
look of incredulity or consternation on 
the face of one of those highly skilled 
fitters before the war if he had been 
told that a woman, a mere woman, could 
take his job and make good on it in a 
few months. 

The factories making munitions will, of 
course, close down as soon as the war is 
over, and the women, as well as the men, 
who have been drawn on for this labor 
will no longer be required. But there 
will still be the women in the other pro- 
fessional, commercial, and industrial oc- 
cupations in which there will be no 
closing down. It is there that the great 
struggle will take place. The readjust- 
ment to normal conditions will withdraw 
part of the women, but the outstanding 
fact will be that the number of female 
wage earners will be enormously greater 
than before the war, that many will 
have learned the meaning of economic 
independence, and in so learning will 
have acquired new ways of life and 

The problem of unemployment among 
men will, as we have seen, be acuter 
than it has ever been. It will not be 

the only problem. There will be another, 
the solution of which, along the lines 
that are now being suggested, may ulti- 
mately prove the way out of the difficul- 
ties to which women's invasion of in- 
dustry has given rise. Great Britain, 
like the other belligerent countries, is suf- 
fering from a terrible wastage of man- 
hood. The loss cannot be made good in 
less than a generation. But even then 
the nation's supply of men will not be 
fully replenished unless it be possible for 
the women of this generation to become 
mothers. If the women engaged in in- 
dustry increase, so far from the wastage 
being restored, the tendency will be in 
the opposite direction, and a still greater 
fall in the birth rate will take place. Ob- 
viously, as the French Government has 
clearly recognized, means must be found 
whereby women may become mothers in- 
stead of remaining wage-earners. In 
some quarters it is urged that every wo- 
man able to fulfill her natural function 
should as a duty become a mother; and 
so, for the first time in Christendom, we 
get a hint that partial polygamy is to 
be pardoned in the interests of the State, 
and more boldly the demand that the un- 
married mother should no longer be re- 
garded as a sinner. 

It is curious how the war should have 
led to this departure from moral tradi- 
tion when we remember that one of the 
origins of polygamy and concubinage 
among less civilized peoples has been 
precisely the same national, or tribal, 
necessity of replenishing the supply of 
men killed in war. We have here an 
illustration of the saying of a certain 
moralist that the only difference between 
polygamy, polyandry, and monogamy is 

But whatever the moral issue may be, 
since thje war is inevitably going to alter 
the moral status, as well as the social 
and economic position of women, we have 
to recognize that statesmen are more ac- 
customed to mold their morality to the 
needs of the nation than to make na- 
tional policy subservient to morality. For 
the good of the State it will be necessary- 
after the war that women should be 
mothers rather than wage-earners, and 
that as mothers they should be enabled 



to bear and bring up the healthiest chil- 
dren possible. 

The solution, then, that is now being 
suggested is that the State should offer 
women an inducement to become moth- 
ers, or, in other words, pay them for 
their services as mothers so that they 
can afford to abandon their wage-earn- 
ing activities. In many countries social 
legislation already contains the germs of 
the more comprehensive measures which 
will be forced upon the belligerent na- 
tions. If the problem is solved as is now 
being proposed, it will go a long way 
toward sending the women back to their 
proper place in the home and leaving 
industry open to men, not because, as 
we have now learned, the men cannot be 
dispensed with, but because, unlike wo- 
men, they are of no use except as wage- 

earners. That woman will prefer the 
home to the factory, provided an equiva- 
lent inducement is offered, is certain, 
since it is a primary fact that woman 
would rather perform her natural func- 
tion as mother. 

If this solution is going to be effective- 
ly embodied in legislation, it will pro- 
vide the happy ending to the drama, the 
first act of which is already being en- 
acted by the women who have in such 
overwhelming numbers invaded man's in- 
dustrial domain and are there so strongly 
intrenched under the flag of economic in- 
dependence. For the men the happy ending 
would be the reconquest of their position 
in the industrial world, and for the women 
the guarantee of their economic independ- 
ence, not as rival wage-earners, but in 
their own territory, the home. 

[Written for CURRENT HISTORY.] 

Is England Going to Abandon 
Free Trade? 

By a British Observer 

IS free trade in Great Britain doomed? 
This is the question that is now 
agitating the land of Cobdenism. 
Already the tariff controversy has 
been reopened, and free traders and pro- 
tectionists are bringing their arguments 
up to date to apply to altered conditions. 
If Great Britain abandons the free trade 
system, it will be among the greatest of 
the world changes wrought by the war, 
for free trade is the traditional policy 
under which for seventy years she has 
grown and prospered, and on which the 
whole fabric of her industrial and com- 
mercial life has rested. 

The last great attempt to convert Eng- 
land to protectionist ideas was that ini- 
tiated in 1903 by the late Joseph Cham- 
berlain, who succeeded in securing the 
adoption by the Unionist Party of a 
scheme of tariff reform and colonial 
preference. But the overwhelming de- 

feat of the Unionists at the general elec- 
tion of January, 1906, and the return to 
power of the Liberal free trade party, 
proved a decisive setback to the cause of 
imperial fiscal union. One reason for the 
failure of Mr. Chamberlain and the tar- 
iff reformers to convert the great mass 
of the people was his bold declaration 
that " if you are to give a preference to 
the colonies, you must put a tax on 
food," (House of Commons, May 28, 
1903.) Finally, after about a decade of 
agitation and controversy, the Unionist 
Party saw that it was necessary to drop 
its food taxation proposals, and in doing 
so it virtually abandoned its protectionist 
ideas and struck tariff reform out of its 
official program. Protection in England 
was once more, to quote Disraeli's words, 
" not only dead, but damned." 

But the war has resurrected the old 
issue. The tariff reformers are once 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

more extremely active, for two new sets 
of circumstances have given them the 
basis of what they believe to be a new 
case for a protectionist policy. One is 
the enormously increased taxation which 
will be required to meet the new war 
liabilities; the other is the determina-^ 
tion to maintain Great Britain's indus- 
trial and commercial position and to de- 
stroy Germany as a trade rival after 
the war. The rise of these two new 
questions has already influenced free 
traders, and even by Liberal members 
of the Coalition Cabinet it is being; ad- 
mitted that the people should keep an 
open mind on the fiscal system. 

The most surprising illustration of 
the change that is taking place comes 
from Manchester, the home and centre 
of Cobdenism, and until now unshakable 
in its opposition to the least suggestion 
of protection. For the first time since 
the death of Cobden in 1865 the Man- 
chester Chamber of Commerce declared 
against free trade when at a meeting 
on Feb. 14, 1916, a memorandum was 
brought forward by the Directors to 
the effect that it was highly undesirable 
and premature at the present time to 
consider any such drastic change of 
national policy as a reversion to pro- 
tective duties. Those present at the 
meeting refused to approve the memo- 
randum. In the course of the discus- 
sion the free traders' point of view was 
expressed by the President, R. Norton 
Barclay, who said that many of the 
considerations which were being put 
forward were not economic considera- 
tions at all, but were in the nature of 
reprisals. He continued: 

The protectionists have seized this excep- 
tionally favorable opportunity to force this 
hoary question on you in the hope that in the 
excitement of the war they may carry their 
point. If they succeed, the floodgate will 
be open and the whole torrent of protection- 
ist fallacy will sweep through. Do not let 
us be too much swayed by the naturally bit- 
ter feelings of the moment. Your action to- 
day concerns not times of war, but the long 
and, I trust, fruitful years of peace which 
are to follow. 

H. Derwent Simpson, a Manchester 
lawyer and conservative in politics, de- 
nied that protectionists were seeking to 
impose their nostrums upon the coun- 

try and said that the memorandum 
meant nothing more or less than that 
there should not be free trade with Ger- 
many after the war. They wanted defi- 
nite action to keep our enemy traders. 
Another speaker said that free trade had 
guaranteed the life, extension, and vigor 
of German industries, and that after the 
war there would be no such thing as a 
free trade meeting in England. The vote 
at the meeting was not regarded as con- 
clusive, and a poll of all the members 
was accordingly taken. This resulted in 
988 votes being cast against the mem- 
orandum to 527 for adhering to the policy 
of free trade. 

Such a result must be regarded as 
significant. In conjunction with it may 
be read recent utterances of Liberal 
Cabinet Ministers. E. S. Montagu, 
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster 
and Financial Secretary to the Treasury, 
speaking at Cambridge, advised his Lib- 
eral friends " to keep an open mind " on 
the fiscal system, " the whole of which 
would have to be rearranged," and also 
in " our relations with the colonies, which 
would have to be considerably altered." 
Tariff reformers take this to be a hint 
that their ideas are at last in the realm 
of practical politics, as they do a recent 
statement by Sir Thomas MacKenzie, 
the High Commissioner in London for 
New Zealand, that he believed that Mr. 
Runciman, the President of the Board 
of Trade and a free trader, was going 
to take up some measure involving a pro- 
tective tariff. Then there is the speech 
delivered by Reginald McKenna, the 
Chancellor of the Exchequer, a Liberal 
and free trader, to the Executive Com- 
mittee of the British Association of 
Chambers of Commerce on Feb. 29, 1916, 
when he said : 

There is an issue which once divided the 
nation and on which the opinions of most of 
us probably remain unchanged. But it does 
not follow, because we stand now as we stood 
before, that there is not a very large field 
for common agreement among us. Because 
trade is free it does not follow that the Gov- 
ernment should not assist our traders, and 
we are prepared to give the assistance of the 
Government to the development of foreign 
trade in order that it may no longer be con- 
trolled hy our enemies. 

There is nothing in this statement to 



indicate that Mr. McKenna has surren- 
dered his free trade principles, but in 
the light of the present political situa- 
tion it suggests that the influence of the 
protectionists is being exerted within the 
Cabinet itself, which includes Bonar Law 
and Austen Chamberlain, the two lead- 
ing successors of Joseph Chamberlain in 
the agitation for tariff reform. The 
coalition, while it represents national 
unity as required by war, must neces- 
sarily be based upon compromise in re- 
gard to other matters. It is more than 
likely that the fiscal question will be 
dealt with in this way in view of the 
pressing need for new revenue. The 
free trade section may decide that a 
tariff, not as an expression of pro- 
tective ideas, but merely as a means of 
raising revenue, may be the only way 
of solving the Government's financial 

It is not only the necessity of finding 
money that is making itself felt. The 
antagonism to Germany as a trade rival 
is a potent influence running in the same 
direction. At the conference of the Brit- 
ish Association of Chambers of Com- 
merce, which was opened on Feb. 29, 
1916, with an attendance of a thousand 
delegates, several important resolutions 
were adopted, two of them reflecting 
overwhelmingly the sentiment for an en- 
tire readjustment of British economic 
and trade policy. The first resolution, 
unanimously adopted, declared that 

the experience of the war has shown that the 
strength and safety of the British Nation in 
time of national peril lies in the possession 
by this nation of the power to produce its re- 
quirements from its own soil and its own 
factories rather than in the possession of 
values which may be exported and exchanged 
for products and manufactures of foreign 

The chief point in the discussion was 
that the country's internal production 
was more important than exports and 
foreign trade, on which hitherto the 
nation has relied. The other resolution, 
for trade reciprocity and tariffs, was 
opposed by free trade delegates, but 
finally prevailed by a large majority. 
It provided for 

1. Preferential trading relations between 
all British countries. 

2. Reciprocal trading relations between the 
British Empire and the allied countries. 

3. Favorable treatment of neutral coun- 

4. Restriction by tariffs and otherwise on 
all trade relations with enemy countries, so 
as to make it impossible to return to pre-war 

Despite all these signs that tariff re- 
form is again a live issue, it is too early 
yet to say that they spell the doom of 
free trade, since there are other factors 
to be considered, the most important be- 
ing the workers, whose determination 
to prevent food taxation and a general 
increase in the cost of living makes 
them the backbone of the opposition 
which defeated tariff reform and may 
do so again. The recognition of the fact 
that it is really the great mass of the 
nation, the working classes, that has to 
be weaned of free trade ideas is seen 
in the line of argument employed by The 
London Morning Post, the most repre- 
sentative newspaper organ of the Brit- 
ish Conservative and Tariff Reform 
Party. In an editorial on Feb. 21, 1916, 
that journal says : 

We have never believed that a tariff would 
be anything but in the highest degree bene- 
ficial to the working classes. We commend 
the very interesting account by Mr. Wise, 
the Agent General for New South Wales, of 
the labor policy of Australia, as reported 
in our issue of Saturday. Mr. Wise remind- 
ed his audience that the Labor Party oil 
Australia erected a tariff because Australia 
" dared not expose their well-paid artisans to 
competition of the low-paid trades in Eng- 
land." His case for protection was the well- 
being of labor. " They could not have a 
standard wage, a living wage, in an indus- 
try exposed to the unrestricted competition 
of the same industry in another country 
where the wages and standard of living were 
much lower." That is an example which the 
workingman should consider. 

An important phase of the new con- 
troversy is whether it should be settled 
at once or deferred till after the war. 
The tariff reformers urge that there 
should be no delay. " If the tariff is to 
be chiefly directed to meet German plans 
for commercial supremacy after the war," 
says The Morning Post, "it is of first 
importance that it should be imposed be- 
fore the Germans can deploy their com- 
mercial forces. If, on the other hand, 
it is wanted to raise revenue, the sooner 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

we begin it the better. It is important 
that this question should be settled be- 
fore the end of the war, because when 
peace comes there will be a rush of new 
and distracting questions. Our men will 
crowd back from the front, and their 
needs will demand attention; there will 
be peace questions, all manner of thorny 
and intricate problems to be discussed." 
The real meaning of this demand for no 
delay is, according to the free traders, 
the protectionists' " hope that in the ex- 
citement of the war they may carry their 
point "; or as The London Daily News, a 
leading Liberal free-trade organ, puts 
it in an editorial on Feb. 15, 1916, the 
exploitation of the feeling against Ger- 
many " to achieve an end which has noth- 
ing to do with our hostility to Germany." 
From the standpoint of the working 
classes, it is an attempt to rush through 
a protective tariff at once, because after 
the war the labor movement will once 
again be such an important factor in the 
situation as to force quite a different so- 
lution of the problem. The workers will 
refuse to make all they consume dearer 
" in order that," as The Daily News says, 
" we may keep the taxes of the rich and 
well-to-do lower." 

The most striking criticism of the new 
protectionist propaganda comes from W. 
C. Anderson, M. P., a leading Labor rep- 
resentative. In an article in the issue of 
The Daily News, already quoted, he 
writes : 

The only pro-Germans I have encoun- 
tered in England are the men who, Prus- 
sians themselves in their outlook and view- 
point, desire to riviet upon us the mili- 
tary despotism and economic crudities which 
for many years have bound and robbed and 
enslaved the German people. The demand 
for protection will go forward this time 
backed by the war heritage of anger and 
passion. It will be made by men who, while 
they are fighting, do not know how to make 
war, and, when they have stopped fighting, 
do not know how to make peace. They may 
conceivably add free trade to the various 
scalps which already adorn their wigwams. 
Is it proposed that food should be taxed? 
If food is to be taxed, who is going to reap 
the benefit of the change? It will hardly be 
argued that a momentous fiscal departure 

should be made in order that certain privi- 
leged individuals and classes may be further 
enriched at the expense of the working pop- 
ulations of the towns. The fresh impost on 
food would be paid by those least able to 

It will be impossible to raise the protection- 
ist issue without evoking sharp and bitter 
controversy between the possessing classes 
and the dispossessed. Already the idea of 
conscripting surplus wealth, especially land- 
ed estates, is being keenly debated by many 
of the working people. Probably the only 
alternative to the drastic conscription of 
wealth is tariff reform and indirect taxation 
by which the rich will be made still richer, 
and the poor still poorer. Hence the protec- 
tionists are apparently obliged to gamble in 
stakes that may easily destroy them ; cer- 
tainly the struggle will not be between tariff 
reform and what they call orthodox Cobden- 

What is true of the taxation of food is 
equally true of the taxation of manufact- 
ured articles. If the State needs money, it 
is no answer to offer proposals by which out 
of the increased exploitation of the poor some 
revenue would pass to the national ex- 
chequer, but accompanied by such leakage 
and political log-rolling that favored capi- 
talists in protected industries would be en- 
riched at the same time. The working peo- 
ple will stand a good deal, but they are not 
going to stand that. 

It will thus be seen that the British 
fiscal controversy has been revived with 
all its old-time acrimony. Even if before 
the war ends the Government imposes a 
tariff, the controversy will only be at its 
beginning, because it will not be until 
after the war that the great new prob- 
lems will really arise in their most acute 
form, and when they do, the contention 
will not merely be a clash between the 
ideas of protectionists and free traders, 
not, as Mr. Anderson significantly re- 
marks, between tariff reform and ortho- 
dox Cobdenism, but a struggle between 
such diverse interests as those of the 
landowners and farmers, the manufact- 
urers who want their industries protect- 
ed, the mercantile classes that still see 
their benefit in freedom of trade, the 
middle classes that look at things prima- 
rily from the viewpoint of the consumer, 
and last, but by no means least, the great 
mass of the working people and the le- 
gions of the poor. 

The Purpose of the Kaiser 

By Count Ernst Reventlow 

Germany's Most Noted Military Critic 

On account of the author's close relations with the ruling spirits of Germany this article 
from the Illustrirte Zeitung- of Leipsic may be regarded as more or less authoritative. 

WHEN German troops, operating 
with the Austro-Hungarians 
and Bulgarians, opened the 
road to Constantinople 
through Serbia, so that there loomed 
new possibilities for Germany and her 
allies to become factors in the Orient, 
outspoken opinions were heard through- 
out Germany that the nation's future 
now, more than ever, lay in the south- 
east, on land, rather than on the sea. 
The eventsi of the war with incontrovert- 
ible logic have turned the eyes of the 
Germans away from the water to Meso- 
potamia, Central Africa, Asia. It is 
time to reflect what are the thoughts of 
Emperor William II. regarding Ger- 
many's future. 

One of the first acts of the Emperor 
when he ascended the throne was to 
order the naval authorities to work out 
plans for four large battleships, and to 
place the project of their construction 
before the Reichstag. Since the time of 
Admiral von Stosch no large battleships 
had been built, and his successor, Ca- 
privi, had to be satisfied with a fleet 
largely for coast defense. As a result 
a number of small ships appeared, ships 
that subsequently were found to be use- 

The German Emperor's command for 
the immediate construction of four big 
warships meant more than the mere ad- 
dition of these ships to the navy. The 
matter was symbolical to the extent that 
it was meant to be the first step toward 
the creation of a German fleet of the 
high seas. It was the denial of the es- 
tablished order that the first aim of the 
German Navy was to do coast service. 
That was the first step, and the Kaiser 
for ten years that is, up to 1897 had 
to fight his way until the second step 
could be taken, the enactment of the 

naval . laws whih von Tirpitz first 
brought into being. 

Early in his reign the German Em- 
peror went to Constantinople, and then, 
in the Fall of 1888, there followed the 
first concession of the Turkish Govern- 
ment for the building and operation of 
the Anatolian railroad, with the privi- 
lege of extending the line to Diarbekir 
and Bagdad. 

Before the Kaiser departed on his 
journey Emperor Alexander III. of Rus- 
sia asked Prince Bismarck, " And how 
about Constantinople?" Bismarck an- 
swered that the trip meant nothing that 
would affect the status quo in the Orient, 
and this satisfied the Czar. Bismarck 
spoke the truth. The journey of the 
Kaiser was not for the purpose of chang- 
ing the status quo, but rather to main- 
tain and strengthen the situation as it 
existed. Since the time of Peter the 
Great it had been the aim of Russian 
policy, by diplomacy or conquest, to up- 
set the status quo of the Near East. 

In the beginning of 1914 Sazonoff, the 
Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
declared that Constantinople and the 
waters thereabout had long been Rus- 
sia's goal in war. And Russia is wag- 
ing the present war against Germany 
to gain Constantinople by way of Berlin. 

Emperor William long ago made it 
clear that Germany's economic existence 
is closely related to the fate of Constan- 
tinople. It was no policy of aggression 
that the Kaiser desired to follow, nor 
was it a policy of expansion that prompt- 
ed his activity in the southeast; but his 
mind was set upon obtaining economic 
advantages for the Germans of the fut- 
ure. This purpose actuated the Kaiser 
in his plan for the navy. The fleet was 
to give security for the trade and traf- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

fie of the German merchant fleet on all 
the seas; to facilitate Germany's inter- 
course with the oversea colonies and 
with other markets in foreign lands. 

The task of creating such a navy was 
extraordinarily difficult. The difficulty 
was increased by the fact that the Ger- 
man people failed to understand the ne- 
cessity, and for ten long years opposed 
the plan. Slowly victory was gained, 
but, as the war has shown, too slowly. 
For in the Summer of 1914 the fleet 
was not strong enough to risk itself in 
the cause of maintaining peace. 

Considered by itself, the task of secur- 
ing safety for German shipping was 
much less complicated than the German 
aim in the Orient. The former was 
merely a question of building a fleet that 
should be powerful enough to maintain 
peace, or in case of war give a good ac- 
count of itself. The Kaiser's policy in 
the East had to do with more numerous 
factors and circumstances. It is true 
that the latter presented both internal 
and foreign problems, but no matter 
what the opposition at home and Eng- 
land's dissatisfaction with the threatened 
competition, the question itself was sim- 
ple enough. It was different in the 
Orient. Here economic and political 
problems crossed each other problems 
of the most delicate and complicating 
sort. The Turkish Empire was weak, 
and was under international financial 
control, principally that of England and 
France. Those countries looked upon 
this control as a means for making their 
influence felt at the expense of Turkey, 
so as better to prepare for its eventual 

On the other side stood Russia, and 
only the jealousy between Russia and 
England prevented these from attempt- 
ing separately to crush Turkey. Sultan 
Abdul Hamid, who was a diplomatic 
artist of the first rank, understood 
always how to play the powers against 
each other. And he used the same 
method with the Balkan nations. But 
it cannot be denied that Turkey's con- 
dition was becoming more and more de- 
plorable. The powers mentioned were 
doing everything to foster disturbances 
within the Turkish Empire. Germany's 

interests in the matter were dia- 
metrically different; she needed a strong, 
independent Turkey, with capacity to 
make heavy purchases. 

For the same reason it was to Ger- 
many's interest that Turkey should 
shake off the economic and political in- 
fluence of the subsequent Quadruple 
Entente. The shrewd Abdul Hamid real- 
ized that the new German desire for 
political participation in the East dif- 
fered fundamentally from what the 
other powers proposed to do. In addi- 
tion to this, the German Empire did not 
border on Turkey, as does Russia, nor 
did its fleet sway the oceans and the 
Turkish waters, as in the case of Eng- 
land and later the Anglo-French navy. 
Germany could do Turkey no harm, but, 
on the contrary, serve it and give it sup- 

Abdul Hamid, therefore, not only met 
the confidence of the German Emperor 
with readiness, but he knew how to 
utilize his statesmanship, and then, when 
the German financial group obtained a 
concession for constructing a railroad, 
began a work that has been famous for 
years the Bagdad railway. The his- 
tory of the development of this enter- 
prise, with its many obstacles and de- 
lays, is closely interwoven with Euro- 
pean political history. As the present 
war has shown, the movement which 
Emperor William at that time insti- 
tuted with his new policy for the Orient 
has proved of enormous benefit to Ger- 
man prestige. With ever-increasing 
force this has been apparent in the 
Balkans within the last year. To Ger- 
many and German trade and industry 
the Orient was accessible only by way 
of the land route. This route leads 
across the Balkan Peninsula. It be- 
came Germany's essential object not to 
have this road blocked. For this as 
for other reasons we were obliged to 
strengthen the position of Austria-Hun- 
gary in the Balkans. And for this rea- 
son Russian enmity against everything 
German increased, especially within the 
last year before the war. 

Germany had to shoulder this opposi- 
tion, for if she wanted to found, hold 
fast, and develop her new sphere of influ- 



ence in the Orient she must expect to en- 
counter opposition. This was the situa- 
tion with the arrival of the Bosnian 
crisis in 1908-09, which came off peace- 
fully enough while the German Empire 
placed its entire weight back of its Aus- 
tro-Hungarian allies. Russia had not 
yet recovered from its east Asiatic de- 
feat and was therefore not able to carry 
on a big war. 

Under the direction of Russia and 
England the Balkan war of 1912 started. 
This war was to destroy Turkey, rear a 
Slav wall against Austria-Hungary in 
the Balkans, and thus pronounce the 
death sentence upon the German ad- 
vance in the Orient, upon the Bagdad 
railroad, and upon all that pertained 
thereto. But in Turkey energetic and 
patriotic, men began a reorganization 
which had quick and surprising results. 
The great war has brought splendid evi- 
dence of the capability of our Turkish 
allies. In vain have the Russians, the 
English, and the French attempted to 
get Constantinople by way of the Black 
Sea and Gallipoli. When Bulgaria 
ranged herself with the German-Aus- 
trian-Turkish allies, and Serbia was 
brought to her knees, Germany for the 
first time could look along an uninter- 
rupted roadway connecting Berlin and 
Constantinople. Today, while the war is 
raging, regular Balkan trains are pass- 
ing between the capital of the German 
Empire and that of Turkey. 

A connection of this kind, secured on 
its own initiative, was the factor that 
was missing in the German situation 
in the Orient before the war began. At 
no time had Emperor William, with his 
tried desire for peace, even remotely 
thought of the possibility of forcing a 
way for the German Empire along this 
route with the sword. The Kaiser count- 
ed much more on the peaceful traffic 
of the nations and hoped in time to see 
the same conditions prevail in the Bal- 
kan Peninsula. But those envious of 
the German Empire would not have it 
so. All of them, not Russia alone, were 

determined to prevent by force the civ- 
ilizing, strengthening, German economic 
policy that was benefiting Turkey. Ger- 
many, therefore, was compelled against 
her will to use her sword in order to 
open a way for her trade, industry, and 
culture; and this was not relished by 
the others, because they were bent on 
conquering and robbing there. 

Emperor William knew that the out- 
let for Germany's industry lay toward 
the East, and that the road thither was 
over Austria-Hungary and the Balkan 
Peninsula. But what peaceful efforts 
during a quarter of a century have not 
been able to accomplish, the war has 
done. And it is again worth noticing 
that Germany and her allies did not of 
their own choice cut a road to Constan- 
tinople, but were compelled to do so by 
circumstances. The question whether 
the present status in that region is likely 
to prevail later may be answered in the 
affirmative, because of the fact that a 
wise and far-seeing policy has been in- 
augurated by the Quadruple Alliance. 

The naval policy of the Kaiser has 
been realized only in part, but his so- 
licitude for the fleet and for the Orient 
supplement each other. The one cannot 
supplant the other. Germany in the 
future dare not turn from the water and 
confine herself to economic expansion in 
the Near East, and from there to Asia 
and Africa. It is not a question of a 
free sea or an unconfined Orient. Both 
are necessary. A free hand in the Orient 
for Germany would not prevent Eng- 
land from disputing a free sea with us. 
Nor would a free sea guarantee to Ger- 
many a free Orient. To understand what 
the German Emperor has in mind we 
must consider the questions as connected 
entities. Both issues are not yet fully 
developed, but the Germans have their 
goals before them, and have the power 
to attain their desires when ready. With 
the realization of these two objects the 
name of Emperor William II. will be 
linked to the history of Germany and 
the world. 

Sketches From the War Zone 

By Richard Harding Davis 

Mr. Davis was a veteran war correspondent before the present war began, and since then 
he has wandered over the whole zone of battles from Ypres to Saloniki, recording the things 
seen in a series of vivid and deeply human word pictures. In this issue CURRENT HISTORY 
presents some of his most recent sketches of war aspects in France and England. 

Verdun's Traps and Mazes 

SIX weeks ago, when I was in 
Verdun, the Germans, from a dis- 
tance of twenty miles, had dropped 
shells into Nancy and threatened 
to send more. That gave Nancy a news 
interest which Verdun lacked. So I was 
intolerant of Verdun and anxious to 
hasten on to Nancy. 

Today Nancy and her three shells are 
forgotten, and to all the world the place 
of greatest interest is Verdun. Verdun 
has been Roman, Austrian, and not until 
1648 did she become a part of France. 
This is the fourth time she has been at- 
tacked: By the Prussians in 1792, when 
she at once surrendered; again by the 
Germans in 1870, when, after a gallant 
defense of three weeks, she surrendered, 
and in October of 1914. 

She then was more menaced than at- 
tacked. It was the Crown Prince and 
General von Strantz with seven army 
corps who threatened her. General Sar- 
rail, now commanding the allied forces 
in Saloniki, with three army corps and 
reinforced by part of an army corps 
from Toul, directed the defense. The 
attack was made upon Fort Troyon, 
about twenty miles south of Verdun. The 
fort was destroyed, but the Germans 
were repulsed. Four days later, Sept. 24, 
the real attack was made fifteen miles 
south of Troyon, on the village of St. 
Mihiel. The object of von Strantz was 
to break through the Verdun-Toul line, 
to inclose Sarrail from the south and at 
Revigny link arms with the Crown 
Prince. They then would have had the 
army of Sarrail surrounded. 

For several days it looked as though 
von Strantz would succeed, but, though 

outnumbered, Sarrail's line held, and he 
forced von Strantz to " dig in " at St. 
Mihiel. The salient of St. Mihiel still 
exists. It is like a dagger that failed to 
reach the heart but remains stuck in the 
flesh. On either side the French sur- 
round it. In January, from the first line 
of trenches to the north, I could look 
across the salient held by the Germans 
and see, on the other side of them, 800 
yards away and facing us, the French 
trenches to the southwest. 

The attack of von Strantz having 
failed, a week later, on Oct. 3, the Crown 
Prince attacked through the Forest of 
the Argonne between Varennes and Ver- 
dun. But this assault also was repulsed 
by Sarrail, who captured Varennes and 
with his left joined up with the Fourth 
Army of General Langle. The line as 
then formed by that victory remained 
much as it is today. 

The present attack is directed neither 
to the north nor south of Verdun, 
but straight at the forts of the 
city. These forts form but a part of 
the defenses. For twenty miles in front 
of Verdun have been spread trenches 
and barb wire. In turn, these are cov- 
ered by artillery positions in the woods 
and on every height. Even were a fort 
destroyed, to occupy it the enemy must 
pass over a terrain every foot of which 
is under fire. As the defense of Verdun 
has been arranged, each of the forts is 
but a rallying point, a base. The actual 
fighting, the combat that will decide the 
struggle, will take place in the open. 

Last month I was invited to one of the 
Verdun forts. It now lies in the very 
path of the drive, and to describe it 



would be improper. But the approaches 
to the fort are now what every German 
knows. They were more impressive even 
than the fort. The " glacis " of the fort 
stretched for a mile, and as we walked in 
the direction of the German trenches 
there was not a moment when from 
every side French guns could not have 
blown us into fragments. They were 
mounted on the spurs of the hills, sunk 
in pits, ambushed in the thick pine woods. 
Every step forward was made cautious- 
ly between trenches, or through mazes 
of barb wire and iron hurdles with bayo- 
net-like spikes. Even walking leisurely 
you had to watch your step. Pits 
opened suddenly at your feet, and strands 
of barbed wire caught at your clothing. 
Whichever way you looked trenches 
flanked you. They were dug at every 
angle and were not further than fifty 
yards apart. 

On one side, a half mile distant, was a 
hill heavily wooded. At regular inter- 
vals the trees had been cut down and up- 
rooted and, like a woodroad, a cleared 

place showed. These were the nests of the 
" seventy-fives." They could sweep the 
approaches to the fort as a fire hose 
flushes a gutter. That a human being 
should be ordered to advance against 
such pitfalls and obstructions, and under 
the fire from the trenches and batteries, 
seemed sheer murder. Not even a cat 
with nine lives could survive. 

The German papers tell that before 
this great drive upon Verdun was 
launched the German Emperor repro- 
duced the attack in miniature. The 
whereabouts and approaches to the po- 
sitions they were to take were ex- 
plained to the men. Their officers were 
rehearsed in the part each was to play. 
But no rehearsal would teach a man to 
avoid the pitfalls that surround Verdun. 
The open places are as treacherous as 
quicksands, the forests that seem to 
offer him shelter are a succession of 
traps. And if he captures one fort he 
but brings himself under the fire of two 

(Copyright, 1916, by the Wheeler Syndicate, Inc.) 

In the Forests of the Vosges 

WHEN speaking of their 500 miles 
of front, the French General 
Staff divides it into twelve sec- 
tors. The names of these do not 
appear on maps. They are family 
names and titles, not of certain places, 
but of districts with imaginary bound- 
aries. These nicknames seem to thrive 
best in countries where the same race of 
people have lived for many centuries. 
With us, it is usually when we speak 
of mountains, as " in the Rockies," " in 
the Adirondacks," that under one name 
we merge rivers, valleys, and villages. 
To know the French names for the twelve 
official fronts may help in deciphering 
the communiques. They are these: 

Flanders, the first sector, stretches 
from the North Sea to beyond Ypres ; the 
Artois sector surrounds Arras ; the centre 
of Picardie is Amiens; Santerre follows 
the valley of the Oise; Soissonais is the 
sector that extends from Soissons on the 

Aisne to the Champagne sector, which be- 
gins with Rheims and extends southwest 
to include Chalons; Argonne is the forest 
of Argonne ; the Hautes de Meuse, the dis- 
trict around Verdun ; Woevre lies between 
the Heights of the Meuse and the River 
Moselle; then come Lorraine, the 
Vosges, all hills and forests, and last, Al- 
sace, the territory won back from the en- 

Of these twelve fronts, I was on ten. 
The remaining two I missed through 
leaving France to visit the French fronts 
in Serbia and Saloniki. According to 
which front you are on, the trench is of 
mud, clay, chalk, sandbags, or cement; it 
is ambushed in gardens and orchards, it 
winds through flooded mud flats, is hid- 
den behind the ruins of wrecked villages, 
and paved and reinforced with the stones 
and bricks from the smashed houses. 

Of all the trenches the most curious 
were those of the Vosges. They were the 
most curious because, to use the last word 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

one associates with trenches, they are the 
most beautiful. 

We started for the trenches of the 
Vosges from a certain place close to the 
German border. It was so close that in 
the inn a rifle bullet from across the bor- 
der had bored a hole in the cafe mirror. 

The car climbed steadily. The swollen 
rivers flowed far below us, and then dis- 
appeared, and the slopes that fell away 
on one side of the- road and rose on the 
other became smothered under giant 
pines. Above us they reached to the 
clouds, below us swept grandly across 
great valleys. There was no sign of hu- 
man habitation, not even the hut of a 
charcoal burner. Except for the road we 
might have been the first explorers of a 
primeval forest. We seemed as far re- 
moved from the France of cities, culti- 
vated acres, stone bridges, and chateaux 
as Rip Van Winkle lost in the Catskills. 
The silence was the silence of the ocean. 

We halted at what might have been a 
lumberman's camp. There were cabins of 
huge green logs with the moss still fresh 
and clinging, and smoke poured from 
mud chimneys. In the air was an en- 
chanting odor of balsam and boiling cof- 
fee. It needed only a man in a Mackinaw 
coat with an axe to persuade us we had 
motored from a French village ten hun- 
dred years old into a perfectly new trad- 
ing post on the Saskatchewan. 

But from the lumber camp the Colonel 
appeared, and with him in the lead we 
started up a hill as sheer as a church 
roof. The freshly cut path reached up- 
ward in short zigzag lengths. Its outer 
edge was shored with the trunks of the 
trees cut down to make way for it. 
They were fastened with stakes, and 
against rain and snow helped to hold it 
in place. The soil, as the path showed, 
was of a pink stone. It cuts easily and 
is the stone from which cathedrals have 
been built. That suggests that to an 
ambitious young sapling it offers little 
nutriment, but the pines, at least, seem 
to thrive on it. For centuries they have 
thrived on it. They towered over us to 
the height of eight stories. The ground 
beneath was hidden by the most exquisite 
moss, and moss climbed far up the tree 
trunks and covered the branches. They 

looked as though, to guard them from 
the cold, they had been swathed in green 
velvet. Except for the pink path we 
were in a world of green green moss, 
green ferns, green tree trunks, green 
shadows. The little light that reached 
from above was like that which filters 
through the glass plates of an aquarium. 

It was very beautiful, but was it war ? 
We might have been in the Adirondacks. 
in the private camp of one of our men 
of millions. You expect to see the fire 
warden's red poster warning you to 
stamp out the ashes and to be careful 
where you throw matches. Then the path 
dived into a trench with pink walls, and, 
over head, arches of green branches ris- 
ing higher and higher until they inter- 
locked and shut out the sky. The trench 
led to a barrier of logs as round as a 
flour barrel, the openings plugged with 
moss and the whole hidden in fresh pine 
boughs. It reminded you of those open 
barricades used in boar hunting, and 
behind which the German Emperor 
awaits the onslaught of thoroughly terri- 
fied pigs. 

Like a bird nest it clung to the side 
of the hill, and, across a valley, looked 
at a sister hill a quarter of a mile away. 

" On that hill," said the Colonel, " on 
a level with us, are the Germans." 

Had he told me that among the pine 
trees across the valley Santa Glaus manu- 
factured his toys and stabled his rein- 
deer, I would have believed him. Had 
humpbacked dwarfs with beards peeped 
from behind the velvet tree trunks and 
doffed red nightcaps, had we discovered 
fairies dancing on the moss carpet, the 
surprised ones would have been, not we, 
but the fairies. 

In this enchanted forest to talk of Ger- 
mans and war was ridiculous. We were 
speaking in ordinary tones, but in the 
stillness of the woods our voices carried, 
and from just below us a dog barked. 

" Do you allow the men to bring dogs 
into the trenches ? " I asked. " Don't 
they give away your position? " 

" That is not one of our dogs," said 
the Colonel. " That is a German sentry 
dog. He has heard us talking." 

" But that dog is not across that 


valley," I objected. "He's on this hill. 
He's not 200 yards below us." 

" But, yes, certainly," said the Colonel. 
Of the man on duty behind the log bar- 
rier he asked: 

" How near are they ? " 

" Two hundred yards," said the soldier. 
The soldier grinned and, leaning over the 
top log, pointed directly beneath us. 

It was as though we were on the roof 
of a house looking over the edge at some 
one on the front steps. I stared down 
through the giant pine trees towering 
like masts, mysterious, motionless, silent 
with the silence of centuries. Through 
the interlacing boughs I saw only shifting 
shadows or, where a shaft of sunlight fell 
upon the moss, a flash of vivid green. 
Unable to believe, I shook my head. Even 
the Boche watchdog, now thoroughly an- 
noyed, did not convince me. As though 
reading my doubts, an officer beckoned, 
and we stepped outside the breastworks 
and into an intricate cat's cradle of 
barbed wire. It was lashed to heavy 
stakes and wound around the tree trunks, 
and, had the officer not led the way, it 
would have been impossible for me to get 
either in or out. At intervals, like clothes 
on a line, on the wires were strung 
empty tin cans, pans and pots, and glass 
bottles. To attempt to cross the entangle- 
ment would have made a noise like a ped- 
dler's cart bumping over cobbles. 

We came to the edge of the barb wire, 
and what looked like part of a tree 
trunk turned into a man-sized bird's nest. 
The sentry in the nest had his back to us 
and was peering intently down through 
the branches of the tree tops. He re- 
mained so long motionless that I thought 
he was not aware of our approach. But 
he had heard us. Only it was no part of 
his orders to make abrupt movements. 
With infinite caution, with the most con- 
siderate slowness, he turned, scowled, and 
waved us back. It was the care with 
which he made even so slight a gesture 
that persuaded me the Germans were as 
close as the Colonel had said. My curi- 
osity concerning them was satisfied. The 
sentry did not need to wave me back. I 
was already on my way. 

At the post of observation I saw a dog 

" There are watchdogs on our side, 
also," I said. 

" Yes," the officer assented doubtfully. 
" The idea is that their hearing is better 
than that of the men, and in case of night 
attacks they will warn us. But during 
the day they get so excited barking at 
the Boche dogs that when darkness 
comes, and we need them, they are worn 
out and fast asleep." 

We continued our walk through the 
forest and wherever we went found men 
at work repairing the path and pushing 
the barb wire and trenches nearer the 
enemy. In some places they worked with 
great caution hidden by the ferns and 
dragging behind them the coils of wire; 
sometimes they were able to work open- 
ly, and the forest resounded with the 
blows of axes and the crash of a falling 
tree. But an axe in a forest does not 
suggest war, and the scene was still one 
of peace and beauty. 

For miles the men had lined the path 
with borders of moss six inches wide 
and with strips of bark had decorated 
the huts and shelters. Across the tiny 
ravines they had thrown what in seed 
catalogues are called " rustic " bridges. 
As we walked in single file between 
these carefully laid borders of moss and 
past the shelters that suggested only a 
gamekeeper's lodge, we might have been 
on a walking tour in the Alps. You ex- 
^pected at every turn to come upon a 
chalet like a Swiss clock and a patient 
cow and a young woman in a velvet 
bodice who would offer you warm milk. 
Instead, from overhead, there burst 
suddenly the barking of shrapnel and, 
through an opening in the tree tops, we 
saw a French biplane pursued by Ger- 
man shells. It was late in the afternoon, 
but the sun was still shining and, entirely 
out of her turn, the moon also was shin- 
ing. In the blue sky she hung like a 
silver shield, and toward her, it seemed 
almost to her level, rose the biplane. 

She also was all silver. She shone and 
glistened. Like a great bird, she flung 
out tilting wings. The sun kissed them 
and turned them into flashing mirrors. 
Behind her the German shells burst in 
white puffs of smoke, feathery, delicate, 
as innocent-looking as the tips of ostrich 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

plumes. The biplane ran before them 
and seemed to play with them as chil- 
dren race up the beach laughing at the 
pursuing waves. The biplane darted left, 
darted right, climbed unseen aerial trails, 
tobogganed down vast imaginary moun- 
tains, or, as a gull skims the crests of 
the waves, dived into a cloud and ap- 
peared again, her wings dripping, 
glistening and radiant. As she turned 
and winged her way back to France you 
felt no fear for her. She seemed beyond 
the power of man to harm, something su- 
preme, superhuman. A sister to the sun 
and moon, the princess royal of the air. 

After you have been in the trenches it 
seems so selfish to be feasting and drink- 
ing that you have no appetite for dinner. 

But for the defenders of the forests of 
the Vosges you cannot feel selfish. Vis- 
its to their trenches did not take away my 

appetite. They increased it. The air they 
breathe tastes like brut champagne, and 
gases cannot reach them. They sleep on 
pillows of pine boughs. They look out 
only on what in nature is most beautiful. 
And their surgeon told me there was not 
a single man on the sick list. That does 
not mean, there are no killed or wounded. 
For even in the enchanted forest there is 
no enchantment strong enough to ward 
off the death that approaches crawling 
on the velvet moss or hurtling through 
the tree tops. 

War has no knowledge of sectors. It is 
just as hateful in the Vosges as in Flan- 
ders, only in Vosges it masks its hideous- 
ness with what is beautiful. In Flanders 
death hides in a trench of mud like an 
open grave. In the Forest of the Vosges 
it lurks in a nest of moss, fern, and clean, 
sweet-smelling pine. 
(Copyright, 1910, by Richard Harding Davis.) 

How Soldiers Blinded in Battle Find New Hope 

Richard Harding Davis also is the 
author of this interesting account of what 
is being done in France by the Commit- 
tee for Men Blinded in Battle, an organ- 
ization whose animating spirit is Miss 
Winifred Holt of New York, founder of 
The Lighthouse, where the blind are 
taught useful work which makes them 
independent and self-supporting. The 
similar work done in England by C. 
Arthur Pearson is no less remarkable. 

THESE days the streets of Paris are 
filled with soldiers each of whom has 
given to France some part of his 
physical self. That his country may en- 
dure, that she may continue to enjoy 
and teach liberty, he has seen his 
arm or his leg, or both, blown off, or 
cut off. But when on the boulevards 
you meet him walking with crutches or 
with an empty sleeve pinned beneath his 
Cross of War, and he thinks your glance 
is one of pity, he resents it. He holds 
his head more stiffly erect. He seems 
to say, " I know how greatly you envy 

And who would dispute him? Long 
after the war is ended, so long as he 

lives, men and women of France will 
honor him, and in their eyes he will read 
their thanks. But there is one soldier 
who cannot read their thanks, who is 
spared the sight of their pity. He is the 
one who has made all but the supreme 
sacrifice. He is the one who is blind. 
He sits in perpetual darkness. You can 
remember certain nights that seemed to 
stretch to doomsday, when sleep was 
withheld and you tossed and lashed upon 
the pillow, praying for the dawn. 
Imagine a night of such torture dragged 
out over many years. With the 
dreadful knowledge that the dawn will 
never come. Imagine Paris with her 
bridges, palaces, parks, with the Seine, 
the Tuileries, the boulevards, the glitter- 
ing shop windows conveyed to you only 
through noise. Only through the shrieks 
of motor horns and the shuffling of feet. 
The men who have been blinded in 
battle have lost more than sight. They 
have been robbed of their independence. 
They feel they are a burden. It is not 
only the physical loss they suffer, but 
the thought that no longer are they of 
use, that they are a care, that in the 



scheme of things even in their own lit- 
tle circles of family and friends there 
is for them no place. It is not unfair to 
the poilu to say that the officer who is 
blinded suffers more than the private. 
As a rule, he is more highly strung, more 
widely educated; he has seen more; his 
experience of the world is broader; he 
has more to lose. Before the war he 
may have been a lawyer, doctor, man of 
of many affairs. For him it is harder 
than, for example, the peasant to ac- 
cept a future of unending blackness 
spent in plaiting straw or weaving rag 
carpets. Under such conditions life no 
longer tempts him. Instead, death tempts 
him, and the pistol seems very near at 

It was to save men of the officer class 
from despair and from suicide, to make 
them know that for them there still was 
a life of usefulness, work, and accom- 
plishment, that there was organized in 
France the Committee for Men Blinded 
in Battle. The idea was to bring back 
to officers who had lost their sight, 
courage, hope, and a sense of inde- 
pendence, to give them work not merely 
mechanical but more in keeping with 
their education and intelligence. The 
President of France is patron of the 
society, and on its committees in Paris 
and New York are many distinguished 
names. The French Government has 
promised a house near Paris where the 
blind soldiers may be educated. When 
I saw them they were in temporary 
quarters in the Hotel de Crillon, lent to 
them by the proprietor. They had been 
gathered from hospitals in different 
parts of France by Miss Winifred Holt, 
who for years has been working for the 
blind in her Lighthouse in New York. 
She is assisted in the work in Paris by 
Mrs. Peter Cooper Hewitt. The officers 
were brought to the Crillon by French 
ladies, whose duty it was to guide them 
through the streets. Some of them also 
were their instructors, and in order to 
teach them to read and write with their 
fingers had themselves learned the 
Braille alphabet. This requires weeks of 
very close and patient study. And no 
nurse's uniform goes with it. But the 
reward was great. 

It was evident in the alert and eager 
interest of the men who, perhaps, only a 
week before had wished to " curse God, 
and die." But since then hope had re- 
turned to each of them, and he had 
found a door open, and a new life. 

And he was facing it with the same or 
with even a greater courage than that 
with which he had led his men into the 
battle that blinded him. Some of the 
officers were modeling in clay, others 
were learning typewriting, one with a 
drawing board was studying to be an 
architect, others were pressing their 
finger tips over the raised letters of the 
Braille alphabet. Opposite each officer, 
on the other side of the table, sat a 
woman he could not see. She might be 
young and beautiful, as many of them 
were. She might be white-haired and a 
great lady bearing an ancient title, from 
the faubourg across the bridges, but he 
heard, only a voice. 

The voice encouraged his progress, or 
corrected his mistakes, and a hand, de- 
tached and descending from nowhere, 
guided his hand, gently, as one guides 
the fingers of a child. The officer was 
again a child. In life for the second 
time he was beginning with A, B, and C. 
The officer was tall, handsome and deep- 
ly sunburned. In his uniform of a chas- 
seur d'Afrique he was a splendid figure. 
On his chest were the medals of the 
campaigns in Morocco and Algiers, and 
the crimson ribbon of the Legion of 
Honor. The officer placed his forefinger 
on a card covered with raised hiero- 

" N," he announced. 

" No," the voice answered him. 

" M? " His tone did not carry convic- 

" You are guessing," accused the voice. 
The officer was greatly confused. 

" No, no, mademoiselle ! " he protested. 
" Truly, I thought it was an M/ " 

He laughed guiltily. The laugh shook 
you. You saw all that he could never 
see; inside the room the great ladies and 
latest American Countesses, eager to 
help, forgetful of self, full of wonderful, 
womanly sympathy, and outside, the 
Place de la Concorde, the gardens of the 
Tuileries, the trees of the Champs Ely- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

sees, the sun setting behind the gilded 
dome of the Invalides. All these were 
lost to him, and yet as he sat in the dark- 
ness, because he could not tell an N from 
an M, he laughed, and laughed happily. 
From where did he draw his strength 
and courage? Was it the instinct for life 
that makes a drowning man fight 
against an ocean? Was it his training 
as an officer of the Grande Armee? Was 
it that spirit of the French that is the 
one thing no German knows, and no Ger- 
man can ever break? Or was it the 
sound of a woman's voice and the touch 
of a woman's hand? If the reader wants 
to , contribute something to help teach a 
new profession to these gentlemen, who 
in the fight for civilization have contrib- 
uted their eyesight, write to the Secre- 
tary of the committee, Mrs. Peter Cooper 
Hewitt, Hotel Ritz, Paris. 

What is going forward at the Cril- 
lon for blind French officers is being 
carried on in London at St. Dunstan's, 
Regent's Park, for blind Tommies. At 
this school the classes are much larger 
than are those in Paris, the pupils more 
numerous, and they live and sleep on the 
premises. The premises are very beauti- 
ful. They consist of seventeen acres of 
gardens, lawns, trees, a lake, and a 
stream on which you can row and swim, 
situated in Regent's Park and almost in 
the heart of London. In the days when 
London was further away the villa of 
St. Dunstan's belonged to the eccentric 
Marquis of Hertford, the wicked Lord 
Steyne of Thackeray's "Vanity Fair." 
It was a country estate. Now the city 
has closed in around it, but it is still a 
country estate, with ceilings by the 
Brothers Adam, portraits by Romney, 
sideboards by Sheraton, and on the lawn 
sheep. To keep sheep in London is as 
expensive as to keep racehorses, and to 
own a country estate in London can be 
afforded only by Americans. The es- 
tate next to St. Dunstan's is owned by 
an American lady. I used to play lawn 
tennis there with her husband. Had it 
not been for the horns of the taxicabs 
we might have been a hundred miles from 
the nearest railroad. Instead, we were 
so close to Baker Street that one false 
step would have landed us in Mme. 

Tussaud's. When the war broke out the 
husband ceased hammering tennis balls 
and hammered German ships of war. He 
sank several and is now waiting im- 
patiently outside of Wilhelmshaven for 

St. Dunstan's also is owned by an 
American, Otto Kahn, the banker. In 
peace times, in the Winter months, Mr. 
Kahn makes it possible for the people of 
New York to listen to good music at the 
Metropolitan Opera House. When war 
came, at his country place in London he 
made it next to possible for the blind to 
see. He gave the key of the estate to 
C. Arthur Pearson. He also gave him 
permission in altering St. Dunstan's to 
meet the needs of the blind to go as far 
as he liked. 

When I first knew Arthur Pearson he 
and Lord Northcliffe were making rival 
collections of newspapers and magazines. 
They collected them as other people col- 
lect postal cards and cigar bands. Pear- 
son was then, as he is now, a man of the 
most remarkable executive ability, of 
keen intelligence, of untiring nervous 
energy. That was ten years ago. He 
knew then that he was going blind. And 
when the darkness came he accepted the 
burden; not only his own, but he took 
upon his shoulders the burden of all the 
blind in England. He organized the Na- 
tional Institute for those who could not 
see. He gave them of his energy, which 
has not diminished; he gave them of his 
fortune, which, happily for them, has not 
diminished; he gave them his time, his 
intelligence. If you ask what the time 
of a blind man is worth, go to St. Dun- 
stan's and you will find out. You will 
see a home and school for blind men, 
run by a blind man. The same effi- 
ciency, knowledge of detail, intolerance 
of idleness, the same generous apprecia- 
tion of the work of others, that he put 
into running The Express and Standard, 
he now exerts at St. Dunstan's. It has 
Pearson written all over it just as a mile 
away there is a building covered with 
the name of Selfridge, and a cathedral 
with the name of Christopher Wren. 
When I visited him in his room at St. 
Dunstan's he was standing with his back 
to the open fire dictating to a stenogra- 



pher. He called to me cheerily, caught 
my hand, and showed me where I was to 
sit. All the time he was looking straight 
at me and firing questions. 

"When did you leave Saloniki? How 
many troops have we landed? Our posi- 
tions are very strong, aren't they? " 

I found the seventeen acres of St. 
Dunstan's so arranged that no blind man 
could possibly lose his way. In the house, 
over the carpets, were stretched strips 
of matting. So long as a man kept his 
feet on matting he knew he was on the 
right path to the door. Outside the doors 
hand rails guided him to the workshops, 
schoolrooms, exercising grounds, and 
kitchen gardens. Just before he reached 
any of these places a brass knob on the 
hand rail warned him to go slow. Were 
he walking on the great stone terrace 
and his foot scraped against a board he 
knew he was within a yard of a flight of 
steps. Wherever you went you found 
men at work, learning a trade, or, hav- 
ing learned one, intent in the joy of 
creating something. To help them there 
are nearly sixty ladies, who have mas- 
tered the Braille system and come daily 
to teach it. There are many other vol- 
unteers, who take the men on walks 
around Regent's Park and who talk and 
read to them. Everywhere was activity. 
Everywhere some one was helping some 
one; the blind teaching the blind; those 
who had been a week at St. Dunstanis 
doing the honors to those just arrived. 
The place spoke only of hard work, 
mutual help, and cheerfulness. When 
first you arrived you thought you had 
over the others a certain advantage, but 
when you saw the work the blind men 
were turning out, which they could not 
see and which you knew with both your 
eyes you never could have turned out, 
you felt apologetic. There were cabi- 
nets, for instance, measured to the twen- 
tieth of an inch, and men who were study- 
ing to be masseurs who, only by touch, 
could distinguish all the bones in the 
body. There was Miss Woods, a blind 
stenographer. I dictated a sentence to 
her, and as fast as I spoke she took it 
down on a machine in the Braille alpha- 
bet. It appeared in raised figures on a 
strip of paper like those that carry stock 

quotations. Then, reading the sentence 
with her fingers, she pounded it on an 
ordinary typewriter. Her work was 

What impressed you was the number 
of the workers who, over their task, sang 
or whistled. None of them paid any at- 
tention to what the others were whist- 
ling. Each acted as though he were shut 
off in a world of his own. The spirits of 
the Tommies were unquenchable. 

Brown Five was one of those privates 
who are worth more to a company than 
the Sergeant Major. He was a come- 
dian. He looked like John Bunny, and 
when he laughed he shook all over, and 
you had to laugh with him, even though 
you were conscious that Brown Five had 
no eyes and no hands. But was he con- 
scious of that? Apparently not. Was 
he disheartened? No! Some one 
snatched his cigarette; and with the 
stumps of his arms he promptly beat two 
innocent comrades over the head. When 
the lady guide interfered and admitted 
it was she who had robbed him, Brown 
Five roared in delight. 

" I bashed 'em! " he cried. " Her took 
it, but I bashed the two of 'em ! " 

A private of the Munsters was weav- 
ing a net, and, as though he were quite 
alone, singing, in a fine baritone, " Tip- 
perary." If you want to hear real close 
harmony, you must listen to Southern 
darkies; and if you want to get the 
sweetness and melancholy out of an Irish 
chant, an Irishman must sing it. I 
thought I had heard "Tipperary" before 
several times, and that it was a march. 
But I found I had not heard it before, 
and that it is not a march, but a lament 
and a love 'song. The soldier did not 
know we were listening, and while his 
fingers wove the meshes of the net, his 
voice rose in tones of the most moving 
sweetness. He did not know that he was 
facing a window, he did not know that 
he was staring straight out upon the 
City of London. But we knew and when 
in his rare baritone and rare brogue he 
whispered rather than sang the lines: 

Good-bye, Piccadilly 

Farewell, Leicester Square, 
It's a long-, long way to Tipperary 

all of his unseen audience hastily fled. 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

There was also Private Watts, who 
was mending shoes. When the week be- 
fore Lord Kitchener visited St. Dun- 
stan's Watts had joked with him. I con- 
gratulated him on his courage. 

" What was your joke? " I inquired. 

" He asked me when I was a prisoner 
with the Germans how they fed me, and 
I said : * Oh, they gave me five beef- 
steaks a day.'" 

" That was a good joke," I said. " Did 
Kitchener think so?" 

The man had been laughing, pleased 

and proud. Now the blank eyes turned 
wistfully to my companion. 

" Did his Lordship smile? " he asked. 

These blind French officers and Eng- 
lish Tommies are teaching a great les- 
son. They are teaching men who are 
whining over the loss of money, health, 
or a job, to be ashamed. It is not we 
who are keeping them, but they who are 
helping us. They are showing us how to 
face disaster and setting us an example 
of real courage. And those who do not 
profit by it are more blind than they. 
(Copyright, 1910, by Richard Harding- Davis.) 

Wartime Changes in England 

In another of his interesting articles 
Richard Harding Davis gives a rapid 
sketch of the changes which the war has 
wrought in England: 

A YEAR ago the only women in Lon- 
don in uniform were the nurses. 
Now, so many are in uniform that 
to one visitor they presented the most 
surprising change the war has brought to 
London. Those who live in London, to whom 
the change has come gradually, are prob- 
ably hardly aware how significant it is. 
Few people, certainly few men, guessed 
that so many positions that before the 
war were open only to men could be filled 
quite as acceptably by women. Only the 
comic papers guessed it. All that they 
ever mocked at, all tjie suffragettes and 
" equal rights " women ever hoped for 
seems to have come true. Even women 
policemen. True, they do not take the 
place of the real, immortal London bobby, 
neither do the " special constables," but 
if a young girl is out late at night with 
her young man in khaki, she is held up 
by a policewoman and sent home. And 
her young man in khaki dare not resist. 

In Paris, when the place of a man 
who had been mobilized was taken by 
his wife, sister, or daughter, no one was 
surprised. French women have for years 
worked in partnership with men to a 
degree unknown in England. They 
helped as bookkeepers, shopkeepers; in 
the restaurants they always handled the 
money; in the theatres the ushers and box 

openers were women; the Government 
tobacco shops were run by women. That 
French women were capable, efficient, 
hard working was as trite a saying as 
that the Japanese are a wonderful little 
people. So when the men went to the 
front and the women carried on their 
work, they were only proving a proverb. 

But in England careers for women, out- 
side those of governess, typist, barmaid, 
or show girl, which entailed marrying a 
Marquis, were as few as votes. The war 
has changed that. It gave woman her 
chance, and she jumped at it. " When 
Johnny Comes Marching Home Again " 
he will find he must look for a man's job 
arid that men's jobs no longer are sine- 
cures. In his absence women have found 
cut, and, what is more important, the 
employers have found out, that to open 
a carriage door and hold an umbrella over 
a customer is not necessarily a man's 
job. The man will have to look for a 
position his sister cannot fill, and, judg- 
ing from the present aspect of London, 
those positions are rapidly disappearing. 

That in the ornamental jobs, those that 
are relics of feudalism and snobbery, wo- 
men should supplant men is not surpris- 
ing. To wear gold lace, and touch your 
hat, and whistle for a taxicab, if the 
whistle is a mechanical one, is no diffi- 
cult task. It never was absolutely neces- 
sary that a butler and two men should 
divide the labor of serving one cup of 
coffee, one lump of sugar, and one cigar- 



ette. A healthy young woman might 
manage all three tasks and not faint. So 
the innovation of female butlers and foot- 
men is not important. But many of the 
jobs now held in London by women are 
those which require strength, skill, and 
endurance. Pulling on the steel rope of 
an elevator and closing the steel gates 
for eight hours a day requires strength 
and endurance; and yet in all the big de- 
partment stores the lifts are worked by 
girls. Women also drive the vans, and 
dragging on the brake of a brewery 
wagon and curbing two draft horses is 
a very different matter from steering 
one of the cars that made peace hateful. 
Not that there are no women chauffeurs. 
They are everywhere. You see them 
driving lorries, business cars, private 
cars, taxicabs, ambulances. 

In men's caps and uniforms of green, 
gray, brown or black, and covered to the 
waist with a robe, you mistake them for 
boys. The other day I saw a motor 
truck clearing a way for itself down 
Piccadilly. It was filled with over two 

dozen Tommies, and driven recklessly by 
a girl in khaki of not more than eighteen 
years. How many indoor positions have 
been taken over by women one can only 

They look very businesslike and smart 
in their uniforms, and whatever their 
work is they are intent upon it. As a 
rule, when a woman attempts a man's 
work she is conscious. She is more con- 
cerned with the fact that she is holding 
down a man's job than with the job. 
Whether she is a lady lawyer, lady doc- 
tor, or lady journalist, she always is sur- 
prised to find herself where she is. The 
girls and women you see in uniform by 
the thousands in London seem to have 
overcome that weakness. They are per- 
forming a man's work, and their interest 
is centred in the work, not in the fact 
that a woman has made a success of it. 
If after this women In England want the 
vote and the men won't give it to them, 
the men will have a hard time explain- 
ing why. 
(Copyright, 1916, by Richard Harding: Davis.) 

Lord Rosebery's Only Fear 

In an address to the Edinburgh Volunteer Corps the Earl of Rosebery 
declared that there was not a man, and scarcely a woman, in the British Nation 
who would spare any exertion to bring the war to a triumphant result, adding: 

There is only one thing which I sometimes fear. It is that, when successes 
begin, there may be some weak-minded cry in this country for a premature 
peace. I hope that no man of you will lend any support to such a false and 
misleading policy. A premature peace means a short peace, and a war that 
will be even worse than this to follow. Therefore, let all of us unite in the 
resolve that while no exertion shall be wanting on our part to bring the war 
to a triumphant conclusion and the Prussian bloodthirsty tyrants to their 
knees, yet, on the other hand, not a finger will be raised to accelerate peace 
before it is justly due. 

Germany's Peace Conditions 

An interesting and important discussion of Germany's peace conditions occurred 
in the Reichstag recently, precipitated by the leader of the Socialist Deputies, Herr 
Scheidemann. It reveals in particularity the attitude of the influential minority of 
the German Nation on the question of peace. [EDITOR CURRENT HISTORY.] 

What the Socialists Desire 

By Philipp Scheidemann 

Chairman German Socialist Party and Ex-Vice President of the Reichstag 

>R more than six- 
teen months past 
we have been wit- 
nessing a struggle 
such as the world 
has never seen, 
and such as I 
hope it will 
never see again. 
Our deepest grati- 
tude is due to our 
troops, who have 

endured unheard-of sufferings and priva- 
tions, and whose bravery is beyond all 
praise. The accounts which we have 
read of heroic fights during the last six- 
teen months are without a parallel in 

From day to day the sea of blood has 
increased in volume, and the number of 
victims has swelled; the suffering and 
distress in all those countries which are 
participating in this terrible war has 
been constantly augmented. Is it there- 
fore surprising that in all countries the 
question should be put: How much 
longer? After mature reflection I do 
not hesitate to say that all nations would 
rejoice if the war could be brought to an 
end as quickly as possible. 

Were it otherwise we should have to 
despair of humanity. The idea that any 
nation could possibly desire a continua- 
tion of the murderous struggle is posi- 
tively appalling. For me there is no 
doubt whatever; every nation is longing 
for peace. 

But to quote Lord Courtney's words 

the responsible statesmen do not yet 
know how to find a way out of the 

For us Socialists it is self-evident that 
we should unceasingly raise our voices in 
favor of peace. If we did not do so, we 
should forfeit our claim to be the Inter- 
national Peace Party. All of us who are 
participating in what is certainly the 
most colossal tragedy recorded by human 
history must be fully conscious of the 
heavy responsibility incumbent on us. 
For my own part, I am conscious of the 
burden. I am well aware that a single 
word misunderstood or misinterpreted 
can produce fatal consequences can 
bring about a result diametrically op- 
posed to the one which I wish to attain. 
But the fear of misinterpretation has 
caused too many to push discretion to 
excess. I know many men, whose cour- 
age is unquestionable, who do not speak 
about peace because they fear that to do 
so might be considered a sign of weak- 
ness. Even within the Socialist parties 
themselves, people are often hypnotized 
by the magical words : " A sign of weak- 
ness." I admit this candidly in order 
that I may not be reproached with ignor- 
ing the fact. I will quote an example of 
very recent date: The British Minister 
of Education, Arthur Henderson, who is 
a Socialist, said at the end of November 
to Professor Backstrom that the time had 
not yet come to discuss peace or to agitate 
for peace. He did not share the opinion 
of those who demand that the British 
Government should step forward and 
formulate its peace conditions, " since all 



talk about peace will be interpreted by 
the other side as a sign of weakness." 

I am also reckoning with this. Never- 
theless I venture to speak about peace. 

On Aug. 4, 1914, the German Nation 
stood up to the last man in defense of the 
Fatherland. When the declaration of the 
Social Democratic Party was read to you, 
it was received by the whole House with 
loud and long-continued cheering. We 
said in this declaration: 

In the event of a victory of Rus- 
sian despotism, which is besmirched 
with the blood of the best elements of 
the Russian people, a great deal, if 
not everything, will be at stake for 
the German Nation and for its fu- 
ture liberty. It is necessary to avert 
this danger and to insure the safety 
and the independence of our own 
country. We shall consequently ful- 
fill that which we have always 
promised: in the hour of danger we 
shall not desert our country. 

But we also said further on in the same 
declaration : 

We demand that, as soon as the 
object of insuring the safety of the 
empire shall have been realized, and 
as soon as our adversaries shall be 
inclined to make peace, the war be 
brought to an end by means of a 
peace which shall render friendly 
relations with our neighbors pos- 

This declaration thus contained at the 
same time an express recognition of the 
duty of defending the Fatherland and a 
definition of the position adopted by us 
regarding the object of the war. To 
what we then said, we still adhere to- 
day. * * * 

That nation can and should be the first 
to speak of peace whose military position 
and economic strength permit it, in the 
consciousness of its power, to remain 
supremely indifferent to all those mis- 
representations which would fain make 
people believe that its readiness to con- 
clude peace is nothing but a sign of 
weakness. Such being the case, we Ger- 
mans can speak about peace, and must 
therefore do so. 

We have not forgotten the wild plans 
of destruction and dismemberment drawn 
up in the countries at war with us. But 
as honorable men, we will also admit 
that plans of conquest have likewise been 

drawn up in Germany, the realization of 
which no man of mature political judg- 
ment in the empire can dream of for a 
moment. Had it been possible to discuss 
such plans publicly, the discussion would 
have shown that the German people will 
have nothing to do with them. Our party 
immediately lodged a protest with those 
in authority against all plans of con- 
quest. These plans have again and again 
been utilized abroad in order to prove 
the absolute necessity of continuing the 

The annexation of territories inhabited 
by alien races is incompatible with the 
right of every people to settle its own 
destiny. Who will seriously contest, 
moreover, that such annexations would 
but weaken the inner unity and strength 
of the German national State? They 
would permanently damage our foreign 
relations. Their absolutely certain con- 
sequence would be to create an ever- 
present danger of war, a danger which 
would increase every year, placing an 
ever heavier burden of armaments on our 
shoulders. We shall therefore resolute- 
ly oppose all those who would transform 
this war into a war of conquest. 

But we protest just as energetically 
against all the plans of conquest drawn 
up by our enemies against the German 
Empire and its allies. 

Until now we have heard the states- 
men of the countries at war with us con- 
stantly reiterating that there can be no 
question of peace until German militarism 
has been crushed and Alsace-Lorraine 
given back to France. To this affirma- 
tion I would reply, calmly and resolute- 
ly: Our enemies have a very different 
conception of the " militarism," which 
they wish to destroy, than we. 

They wish to exterminate our armies 
in which our sons and brothers are fight- 

That which we call militarism, and 
which we ourselves combat, is a question 
to be decided upon within the German 
frontiers; just as French militarism and 
English navalism constitute questions 
which must be solved on the other side 
of the Vosges and of the Channel. 

We reject the idea of an incorporation 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

of Alsace-Lorraine with France, no mat- 
ter in what form it is to be realized. 

Gentlemen, I trust you will not blame 
me if I only mention cursorily the nume- 
rous disagreeable utterances, the echo of 
which has recently reached us from 
France, England, and Russia. I am 
aware that the English Prime Minister, 
Mr. Asquith, recently proclaimed anew 
his adhesion to his former program: the 
destruction of German militarism. I am 
aware that the French Prime Minister, 
M. Briand, recently said the same thing, 
besides enunciating other aims. But 
what has not already been said in the 
course of the present war? I am the 
advocate of a speedy peace, and therefore 
I will only mention those utterances 
which reveal a similar longing for peace. 

You know what efforts have been 
made on behalf of peace by Ramsay Mac- 
donald in England. 

Mr. Trevelyan has spoken in the 
House of Commons in favor of peace. In 
the House of Lords, Lord Ribblesdale has 
sought for a via media at the end of 
which the belligerents might find peace. 
On Nov. 8 Lord Loreburn spoke in the 
House of Lords concerning the unsatis- 
factory position of England, and, accord- 
ing to the report furnished by Wolff, 
continued as follows: 

The situation has no parallel in* the 
annals of history. Every great na- 
tion in the war has been led to be- 
lieve that the war was forced upon 
it. * * All of them believe 

they are in the right and that they 
have only to hold on in order to win. 
The losses, which are already esti- 
mated at 15,000,000 killed or disabled 
for life, and the many thousands of 
millions of war debt, will alter the 
whole face of civilization. 

It is no exaggeration to say that 
if this war goes on indefinitely, rev- 
olution and anarchy may well follow. 
Great portions of the Continent of 
Europe will be little better than a 
wilderness peopled by old men and 
women and children. I would say 
that any one must be strangely con- 
structed who does not grasp at any 
honorable opportunity to prevent 
what would be the most frightful 
calamity that has ever befallen the 
human race. This is what is meant 
by the war of attrition. These are 
thoughts from which there is no es- 

In the same sitting of the House of 
Lords, Lord Courtney expressed views to 
the following effect: 

Whether they looked at home or 
abroad, their old civilization, which 
they had built up through long gene- 
rations, was almost destroyed. * * * 
The war had operated to diminish 
the standard of their civilization, to 
take away the guarantees of liberty 
and to diminish the trustworthiness 
of law. It was not surprising that 
one should begin to ask whether any 
escape was possible from this rake's 
progress on which they had entered, 
and whether they must go on to wit- 
ness a continually extending pano- 
rama of ruin. If the only alterna- 
tive were that they should be brought 
under the authority of another 
power, he would bow in silence. 
They must be free or die. But he 
believed there was an alternative. 
The passion of national independence 
was glorious and well worthy of any 
sacrifice, but the passion of national 
independence must be reconciled if 
civilization was to continue, with the 
possibility of international friend- 
ship. The consummation of the 
tragedy was that precisely what they 
said and believed was believed and 
said in Germany, with the same sin- 
cerity and the same conviction. If 
that was so, he was led again to the 
conclusion that there must be some 
way out of the impasse. 
Gentlemen, Lord Courtney who was 
a professor of international law has 
frankly admitted that it is both reason- 
able and timely to discuss the question 
of peace negotiations. We Socialists 
have done this for many months past. 
In the Italian Chamber the Socialist 
Deputy Treves demanded a peace which 
shall not imply the exhaustion of the 
belligerent States, a peace without annex- 
ations, a peace which shall respect the 
rights and liberties of the nations. He 
ventured to demand this in face of the 
Italian Government, which did not recoil 
from entering upon the most immoral of 
all wars of aggression despite the fact 
that the entire world had for several 
months watched the universal butchery 
with horror. The Deputy M. Lucci 
blamed the Italian Government especially 
for having signed the London Agree- 
ment, which provides that none of the 
Entente Powers may conclude peace sepa- 

" We want peace " this is very clear- 



ly to be read in these speeches delivered 
in the Italian Chamber. Within the last 
few days Count Andrassy cried out in 
the Hungarian Chamber : " What a stroke 
of good fortune it would be could we but 
succeed in making peace now! " Only 
the day before yesterday, Count Karolyi 
said in the Hungarian Parliament that 
it would be nonsense to consider that the 
desire for peace constituted a sign of 

The Kolnische Volkszeitung recently 
published a report that the desire for 
peace in France had increased immensely 
since the hopes based on General Joffre's 
offensive had been disappointed. Let me 
quote a few sentences from a letter from 
the French front, which M. Romain Hol- 
land published in the Semaine Litteraire : 

Everything which I have seen and 
heard confirms my impression that 
there is not a single soldier who does 
not heartily detest the war. 

The most ardent desire of the poilu 
is to return home and never to begin 

I can guarantee that the soldiers 
of today will constitute the most re- 
liable pacifists in the future. 

All these men, whom the war has 
brought together, have only one 
wish: namely, that it may never oc- 
cur again, that their sons may never 
know its horrors. Solely for this 
reason do they intend to hold out till 
the end despite their fatigue. 

Gentlemen, the whole world is yearn- 
ing for peace; yet we are told that we 
should not speak about peace, for this 
would be a sign of weakness. Just like 
all the others whom I have mentioned, 
Lord Courtney was reasonable enough to 
pay no attention to this objection. He 
spoke about the impasse, out of which a 
way must be found. Unfortunately there 
have also been so-called politicians in 
Germany who replied to Lord Courtney's 
speech with savage war cries. Such 
jingoes flourish in every country. The 
warlike enthusiasm of these dangerous 
braggadocios increases in the same pro- 
portion as their incapacity for field serv- 
ice. We are just as little entitled to in- 
terpret Lord Courtney's speech as a sign 
of weakness as foreigners would be to 
interpret in this way the speech which I 
am now making. What I am saying to- 
day about peace I said almost a year ago 

at large public meetings, as a Socialist 
whose duty it is to work for peace. Many 
thousands of people to whom I spoke in 
Niirnberg, in Frankfurt, in Solingen, 
entirely agreed with me when I protested 
against the twaddle of the annexation- 
ists and declared : " We did not enter 
upon this struggle in order to conquer 
new lands, but in order to protect our 
national independence, for such independ- 
ence is the condition sine qua non of the 
development of a nation's civilization." 

This is not my private opinion, but the 
opinion of the entire Social Democratic 
Party. I know the arguments by means 
of which it is sought to maintain, or to 
kindle anew, the warlike enthusiasm of 
our enemies. I know that in France and 
in England prophets have not ceased 
foretelling the forthcoming collapse of 

With a monotony which has become 
tedious it has been pointed out, first of 
all, that we shall soon not have enough 
men to continue the war; and, secondly, 
that the lack of war materials and food 
supplies will soon force us to our knees. 

The one assertion is as false as the 

That numbers do not count for every- 
thing in modern warfare has been demon- 
strated clearly enough by Marshal Hin- 
denburg in the case of the Russian steam 
roller. In all European countries, in- 
cluding the neutral States, the conse- 
quences of the war are bad enough. Eu- 
rope is systematically ruining herself in 
the present war, whereas the United 
States of America is doing a lucrative 
business. If only people would begin to 
understand this, not only in Germany, 
but also in England and in France! 

How about the starving out of the Ger- 
man Nation? The British Government 
hoped to be able to force Germany to her 
knees with a degree of rapidity propor- 
tionate to the measure in which it was 
possible to prevent the importation of 
foodstuffs. But the plan of starving 
out the whole nation has come to naught 
and could not but do so. True, we lack 
various things. We have been obliged to 
accustom ourselves to certain measures, 
such as the bread cards; and we will 
have to accustom ourselves later on to 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

meat cards, fat cards, and butter cards, 
the introduction of all of which has been 
demanded by the Social Democratic Party 
itself. A short time ago over 20,000,000 
living pigs were counted in Germany. 
We have reaped 55,000,000 tons of pota- 
toes. As less than 15,000,000 tons are 
sufficient to feed our population, nearly 
three-quarters of the total harvest can 
be employed as fodder and for industrial 

No, Germany cannot be starved out. 
Since the Danube route has also been 
opened, our adversaries should under- 
stand that they miscalculated. If expres- 
sions of dissatisfaction have been heard 
expressions which have been much dis- 
torted and exploited abroad this is be- 
cause the authorities did not intervene 
quickly and effectively enough in order 
to check the dishonest manoeuvres of un- 
scrupulous producers and speculators. 

The hopes set by our enemies on our 
economic collapse are unfounded. In re- 
ferring, at the beginning of my speech, 
to the map of the war I showed that 
their hopes of a military collapse are 
equally unfounded. It is nothing less 
than criminal when the statesmen and 
politicians of those countries which are 
waging war against us continually seek 
to make their compatriots believe that 
the military situation can yet be modi- 
fied considerably to our disadvantage. 
But whatever they may say, they are 
unable to change hard facts. It is these 
facts which permit us, nay oblige us, to 
talk now about peace. 

Is there a single person in the whole 
country who would not be glad if we 
could put an end to the terrible struggle? 
How delighted would not only the work- 
ingmen, but especially the tradespeople, 
the business men, and the peasants be if 
only we could obtain peace a peace 
which shall guarantee our economic de- 
velopment and our political independ- 
ence! And do you not also believe that 
the mothers, wives, and children of the 
soldiers who are fighting against us de- 
sire the end of the butchery just as ar- 
dently as do the mothers, wives, and chil- 
dren of our own soldiers? If, in the bel- 
ligerent States, the press could but write 
freely concerning the aims of the war 

and the desire for peace, this desire would 
assert itself in all countries with elemen- 
tary violence. 

It is evident that, today also, the So- 
cial Democratic Party persists in de- 
manding the abolition of the state of 
siege, and consequently the abolition of 
the censorship. I have, moreover, been 
empowered by the Austro-German Social 
Democratic Party to declare here in its 
name that the Austrian Social Demo- 
crats are in entire agreement with us 
alike as regards the fulfillment of the 
duty of national defense and the desire 
for peace. 

The Socialists in every country have 
invariably opposed the imperialist policy 
pursued by all the great powers. We 
knew that such a policy setting aside 
every other consideration was liable to 
bring about the most appalling of catas- 
trophies. Right up to the day before the 
outbreak of hostilities we worked with all 
our might against war. The Socialists 
in the other countries were, like our- 
selves, unfortunately too weak to pre- 
vent it. When war broke out it was self- 
evident that we should defend our coun- 
try, its independence, and its civilization. 
I need only recall the example of East 
Prussia, in order to show how great was 
the Russian danger. But an immediate 
danger no longer threatens our frontiers. 
It is therefore our duty to ask the Im- 
perial Chancellor if he is in a position to 
state the conditions under which he would 
be prepared to enter into peace negotia- 

The Imperial Chancellor knows that 
the German Nation entered the war 
unanimously and without a single dis- 
sentient voice in order to defend its 
homes. But he cannot but be aware of 
the fact that the nation is not disposed 
to continue the war for a single day 
longer than is absolutely necessary. For 
our country and its independence the na- 
tion was prepared to risk everything. 
But the nation will not risk the life of 
one single soldier in order to serve the 
egotistical interests of capitalism. 

Allow me to quote the words of the 
Speech from the Throne on Aug. 4, 1914: 
" We are not animated by the desire of 
conquest, but only by the inflexible reso- 



lution to maintain the position, &c." 
These words should be remembered by 
every one, and especially by those who 
have the heaviest responsibility to bear. 
If the Imperial Government should be 
afforded the possibility of concluding a 
peace which will guarantee the political 
independence and the integrity of the 
empire, and which will assure to the Ger- 
man Nation the liberty of its economic 
development, then we demand that the 
Imperial Government conclude peace. If 
the Imperial Government is afforded the 
possibility of entering upon peace nego- 
tiations on such conditions as these, then 
it must seize the opportunity in the in- 
terest of human civilization. We will 
then stand by the Government and de- 
vote our entire strength to keep in check 
those who would be opposed to such a 

If, at the beginning of the war, millions 
of us rallied enthusiastically to our coun- 
try's call, we did not do so with the in- 
tention of imposing the will of Germany 
on the world as our enemies have so 
often falsely accused us of doing. No, 

we rallied around the flag in order to pre- 
vent the independence, the unity and the 
national position of the German Nation 
from being destroyed by an immense hos- 
tile coalition. A peaceful and reasonable 
nation such as the German may, in mo- 
ments of great excitement, be dominated 
by a feeling of indignation, but it does 
not revel in thoughts of vengeance and 
extermination. It seeks to acquire the 
position in the world to which it is en- 
titled next to the other nations, but not 
above them. 

Gentlemen, I have spoken candidly. I 
have been able to say openly that we de- 
sire peace, because the German Nation 
is sufficiently strong, and because it is 
resolved to continue the fight in defense 
of home and country should its enemies 
not wish for peace. 

The Imperial Chancellor knows that 
the whole world is waiting in breathless 
expectation his reply to our interpella- 
tion. I trust that he will find the re- 
deeming words, and that he will express 
his readiness to enter into peace nego- 

Attitude of the German Government 

By Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg, Imperial Chancellor 

In the course of an extended reply to 
Herr Scheidemann's interpellation the 
Imperial Chancellor said: 
rpHE English slogan has been adopted 
J_ by all the allies. M. Sazonoff and 
M. Viviani, and now M. Briand, 
have declared repeatedly and emphatic- 
ally that they would not lay down their 
arms before Prussian or German militar- 
ism was beaten down. Besides, each ally 
has his pet demands: The English Co- 
lonial Minister, in carrying out the prin- 
ciple of nationalities, wants Alsace to 
be returned to France, but Poland to that 
nationality to which she belongs. Let 
me observe by the way that the English 
Colonial Minister is obviously unaware 
that the mother tongue of more than 87 
per cent, out of 1,900,000 people who 
dwell in Alsace-Lorraine is German and 
of less than 11 per cent. French. It is 

not quite clear whether he holds that by 
virtue of her nationality Poland belongs 
to Russia. Moreover, it will be interest- 
ing to learn from England what is to 
become, say, of India and Egypt in carry- 
ing out the principle of nationality. Be- 
sides the restoration of Belgium and Ser- 
bia, M. Briand wants to have Alsace- 
Lorraine under all circumstances. As re- 
gards M. Sazonoff's military objects he 
has very distinctly pointed to Constanti- 

Those military objects of the hostile 
Governments are not adapted to the ac- 
tual military situation. But I would 
offend those in power in the enemy coun- 
tries if I were to consider their demands 
as bluff, and not to take them seriously. 
The situation is perfectly clear. Under 
the protection of their respective Govern- 
ments, the nations have been deceived 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

from the first day about the real state of 
tilings. By the systematic forgery and 
circulation of all sorts of lies an inex- 
tinguishable hatred against us has been 
sown among the nations. Now it is seen 
that all that falsehood and hatred does 
not win victories. Our enemies have 
suffered an abundance of military and 
diplomatic defeats, and have sacrificed 
hecatombs of lives. They can no longer 
conceal the fact that we have advanced 
far into hostile territory both east and 
west, that we have opened the road to 
the Southeast and hold precious dead 
pledges. But the Catonian cry that Ger- 
many is to be crushed must be main- 
tained. It has become such a fixed idea 
with them that they can no longer rid 
themselves of that thought. Therefore, 
other hundreds of thousands must be 
driven to the slaughter block. 

One day when history will weigh the 
guilt of having started this most mon- 
strous of all wars and of protracting it, 
the appalling mischief will be realized 
which ignorance and hypocrisy have 
caused. As long as the statesmen in 
power in the enemy countries combine 
guilt and ignorance, and their views sway 
the hostile nations, any offer of peace 
on our part would be folly, and would 
protract rather than shorten the war. 
The masks must be dropped first. A 
war of annihilation is still being waged 
against us. We have to reckon with that 
fact. We cannot make any headway or 
reach our goal with theories and ex- 
pressions of peace. If our enemies come 
with proposals of peace which are com- 

patible with the dignity and safety of 
Germany we are at all times ready to 
discuss them. In the full consciousness 
of the military successes which we have 
achieved we do not hold ourselves respon- 
sible for the continuation of the misery 
which afflicts Europe and the world. No- 
body shall be able to say that we wished 
to protract the war needlessly because we 
wanted to conquer other dead pledges. 
On one point our enemies must be clear : 
The longer and more bitter the war they 
wage against us the larger will the 
necessary guarantees have to be. If our 
enemies want to raise a barrier between 
Germany and the rest of the world for 
all future time, they must not be sur- 
prised that we arrange our future ac- 
cordingly. Neither in the East nor West 
must our enemies of today dispose of any 
sally-ports through which they can 
threaten us again and more seriously 
than before. It is well known that! 
France only granted loans to Russia on 
the condition that Russia complete the 
construction of the Polish fortresses and 
railroads to be used against us. It is 
also known that England and France re- 
garded Belgium as the territory for 
drawing up their troops. To protect our- 
selves against all that we must secure for 
ourselves a political, military, and 
economic development. What is requi- 
site for that purpose must be achieved, 
and I think there is nobody in the Ger- 
man Fatherland who does not wish to 
attain such a goal. As regards the means 
to that end we must reserve for our- 
selves full freedom in our decisions. 

A Social Democratic View 

By Deputy Landsberg 

rilHE re-establishment of communica- 
X tions between Berlin and Constan- 
tinople has buried certain hopes 
which were among the chief causes of the 
present war. Gentlemen, it is not an 
accident that the wish for peace should 
now find expression here and there. Not 
only in Germany does the impression pre- 
vail that the psychological moment has 

now arrived to approach the idea of 
peace. In the English House of Lords 
brave men, who did not fear unpopular- 
ity, have given voice to the desire for 
peace prevailing among the nations; and 
within the last few days we have all read 
the speech of the Pope to the Consistory 
a speech manifestly inspired by a noble 
ideal. We canot conceal the fact that 



the continuation of the war implies an 
immense danger for civilization, and that 
this danger increases with the prolonga- 
tion and extension of the war. How could 
it possibly be otherwise in view of the 
wholesale destruction of all those factors 
on which civilization is built up, viz., 
human life, health, and wealth? 

I will not dwell upon the economic con- 
sequences of the war. These conse- 
quences may all be reduced to a very 
simple formula: The disunited States of 
Europe are making room for the United 
States of America. 

* * * No statesman in any of the 
countries at war with us can henceforth 
refuse to enter into peace negotiations 
under the pretext that the desire for 
peace could be interpreted as a sign of 
weakness. For today the spokesman of 
the German Empire has expressed his 
willingness to conclude an honorable 

We may consequently be permitted to 
entertain the hope although the latter 
is as yet but vague and shadowy that 
the hour of redemption for the belligerent 
nations is drawing near. 

Should this hope be disappointed be- 
cause our enemies do not want peace, be- 
cause they still continue to proclaim that 
they intend to destroy Germany's mili- 
tary strength and to annex German ter- 
ritory, then will our enemies have to con- 
vince themselves that our cry for peace 
has not been dictated by concern regard- 

ing the outcome of the war. They will, 
in fact, find that our strength has in- 

Gentlemen, if it be possible at all to in- 
crease the courage and the tenacity of 
our soldiers, to whom we all owe so im- 
mense a debt of gratitude, and whose 
very meagre salaries will as I hope 
be considerably improved within the next 
few days by the Reichstag, as a small 
token of its gratitude, then will the in- 
crease of those qualities be due to the 
knowledge that all their further suffer- 
ings are to be attributed solely to the 
fault of our enemies. 

I will only make one further remark, 
not to cause offense, but in order to pre- 
vent any misunderstandings. I would 
like to emphasize once more something 
that was already said by my friend 
Scheidemann. A short time ago it was 
said in the French Chamber that France 
has no intention of enriching herself at 
the expense of German territory, and that 
she only intends, as a matter of course, to 
take back Alsace-Lorraine. Gentlemen, 
I wish to declare that we cannot possibly 
admit a discussion of this question. One 
of the tasks of German home policy must 
be to destroy entirely all hopes of the 
possibility of a reconquest of Alsace- 
Lorraine. Whoever raises a knife to cut 
portions from the body of the German 
people will find no matter where he 
may place it a nation united in self- 
defense and that will strike the knife 
from his hand. 

Wartime Humor in Italy 

[From L'Asino, Rome] 

Greece A nation situated between Scylla and Charybdis. 

Bulgaria A colony of the German Empire by the grace of St. Mark and 
the will of King Ferdinand. 

Cemetery A place where the dead are buried, now called a trench. 

Cavalry A former section of the army, now abolished because of the 
new methods of war. 

Diplomacy An old woman who needs cannon to lean on when walking. 

Newspaper What is left of the news by the censor. 

Scissors A tool that cuts in order to unite public opinion. 

Censor A man who carves while holding his head in one sack and his 
sense in another. 

Paris and German Zeppelins 

By Stephane Pichon 

Former French Minister of Foreign Affairs 
[By Special Arrangement of CURRENT HISTORY with The London Chronicle.] 

PARIS is the last city in the world 
upon which such deeds of bar- 
barism as those committed by 
the German aeronauts are ca- 
pable of creating an impression of fear 
or discouragement. The capital of 
France, celebrated for the sweetness and 
pleasantness of its mode of life, for the 
delights that it offers to its visitors and 
inhabitants, for the luxury and elegance, 
somewhat frivolous perhaps, for which 
it has a universal reputation, is just as 
renowned for its bravery and intrepidity 
in the hour of danger. Its history is full 
of memories, which Berlin might well 
envy it, were Berlin susceptible of any 
other ideal than that of the barracks 
and the beer saloon, and were any com- 
parison possible between the savages on 
the banks of the Spree and the civilized 
folk to whom they are offering the 
furious and repulsive spectacle of their 

Paris will suffer the sacrifice of its 
innocent lives; the old folk, women, and 
children who have been assassinated in 
its streets and swallowed up in the ruins 
of destroyed houses; it will bear grief 
for the dead and will be saddened by the 
spectacle of woe; but otherwise its life 
will not be disturbed; once it has paid 
its debt of recognition to the unfor- 
tunates who have succumbed, it will busy 
itself as best it can with repairing the 
wrong it has suffered, and it will con- 
tinue to entertain toward its authors 
the sentiments that they deserve hor- 
ror at their crimes, contempt for their 
motives, an irrevocable determination to 
make them expiate to the full their un- 
paralleled wrongs against humanity. 

What sort of mind and soul can be- 
long to such as think that by disembow- 
eling a few victims by their bombs and 
reducing a few buildings to dust they 
are going to terrorize a country? Can 
there be folk so dull and stupid as to 

nurse such illusions? I do not know 
which to wonder at most the moral 
monstrosity or the simple-wittedness of 
a people for in this evil affair it is the 
whole German people that indorses the 
responsibility-^that can dream of sub- 
jecting the world by deeds so infamous 
and yet so puerile. 

Observe, too, that it is all the outcome 
of long and premeditated preparation; 
like the submarines that were definitely 
intended to send liners with their pas- 
sengers and crews to the bottom, the 
Zeppelins have not been built in a day 
nor was their objective decided upon in 
a week. The plan that is now being car- 
ried out before our eyes was conceived 
long ago; long ago the means for carry- 
ing that plan were put on the stocks. 
Germany's warfare against England in 
particular was to be waged with sub- 
marines, submersibles, and dirigibles (of 
that I have irrefutable proofs in my 
personal possession;) and Admiral Tir- 
pitz and his comrade, Count von Zep- 
pelin, were consciously and professedly 
the organizers of this new form of de- 
struction to be used against the United 

As for us Frenchmen, it was under- 
stood that we were to be overwhelmed 
under the weight of Germany's land 
army, equipped with an artillery 
against which resistance would be im- 
possible; it was equally arranged that 
our towns and villages should be black- 
mailed, looted, and razed to the ground; 
their inhabitants treated like noxious 
animals; it was understood that in no 
war, not even the Thirty Years' War, 
were human laws and conventions to be 
so completely set aside. Similarly, it was 
arranged that the war should be con- 
ducted against Great Britain by craft 
that could escape the sovereign might 
of her watching fleet; which would sink 
her merchant ships and torpedo her big 


The French Commander Who, Under Joffre, Bore the Brunt of the 

Defense of Verdun 
(Photo (ft Underwood & Underwood) 



Former Foreign Minister of France and a Member of the French Academy 



fighting units, and thus isolate her 
coasts and cut off her supplies; and by 
dirigible airships that would bombard 
London and the Britsh ports, factories, 
and arsenals. Everything was prepared 
to that purpose. 

It is not for me to tell my English 
friends what has happened to this cam- 
paign of submarines and submersibles. 
They have taken that affair in hand, and 
are themselves engaged in settling the 
account. On the " credit " side are cer- 
tain abominable crimes that have re- 
volted the whole world. But on the other 
is complete failure and loss. The whole 
business is now dead, sunk beneath the 
sea, just as are the craft and their as- 
sassin officers whose duty it was to put 
the entries in the ledger, but who have 
footed the bill in grim earnest. 

As for the Zeppelins, the system was 
worked out to perfection. Enormous air- 
ships were built, and their equipment of 
bombs and explosives was as " colossal " 
as everything that emanates from the 
Teuton imagination. Mishaps, of course, 
there were, but the German inventors 
resolutely set themselves to profit 

thereby. They have just made one serious 
trial of their system; they will make 
others if they are able. But I have hopes 
that in their future attempts they will 
encounter greater obstacles. 

After all, it is but the raging, help- 
less, and desperate form that the losers 
of the Marne, the Aisne, and the Yser are 
giving to the continuation of the war. 
Unable to shift our troops or pierce our 
lines, they are trying to intimidate us by 
the slaughter of our women and children 
and the bombardment of our towns by 
their heavy guns when they are within 
range, or by Zeppelin bombs. All waste 
of effort! The more they attack us in 
this mean and ignominious fashion of 
fighting, the harder will they make our 
hearts and the more inflexible our pur- 
pose. The more vengeful and desperate 
they reveal themselves, the greater will 
be the evidence they afford us of the 
certainty of our victory. Here, far be- 
low the Zeppelins, which we regard sole- 
ly as the forerunners of their defeat, we 
kneel in profound respect before the 
corpses of our dead, whom we glorify 
and whom we will avenge. 

Financing the European War 

By Ugo Tombesi 

Professor in the University of Urbino, Italy 

Following is the substance of a valu- 
able study of war finances which ap- 
peared in a recent issue of Nuova An- 
tologia, the leading Italian revieiv: 

A the beginning of the war France 
went through a veritable finan- 
cial crisis. For the fiscal year 
1913-14 the general budget 
reached the sum of 5,190,000,000 francs; 
but the increase of expenses, due espe- 
cially to the growing demands of the 
Government, was so great as to conceal 
within it a decided step backward. Nor 
were the military budgets sufficient to 
maintain a foreign policy equal to the 
necessities of the moment. By the law 
of July 15, 1914, passed two weeks be- 
fore the beginning of the conflict, the 

Minister of War was authorized to spend 
389,000,000 francs in four years for new 
constructions and armament rendered 
necessary by the Barthou law for the 
three-year term of military service, (Aug. 
7, 1913,) and the Minister of Marine was 
credited with 1,175,000,000 francs for the 
same period. 

Moreover, the 3% per cent, loan of 
800,000,000 francs voted on July 7, and 
issued at 91, had not given good results; 
the Treasury was scarcely benefited by 
it. So that on July 31, 1914, France did 
not find herself in a financial condition 
to sustain a great war, and once the 
hurricane was let loose there was no 
other way than to have recourse to the 
Bank of France, which, with almost five 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

billions of reserves in metal, was the 
granite base of the national finances. 

In fact, the decree of Aug. 6, 1914, 
raised the circulation of notes of the 
Bank of France from six to twelve 
billions, and that of the Bank of Algeria 
from 300 to 400 millions, and withdrew 
from the two institutions the necessity 
of replacing their own notes with specie. 
Besides, the agreement decided on since 
November, 1911, was approved; by virtue 
of this the advance payments of the said 
banks to the Government reached 3,000,- 
000,000 francs, of which 2,900,000,000 
were to be furnished by the Bank of 
France and 100,000,000 by the Bank of 

Recourse was also made to the emis- 
sion of "bons du Tresor," (Treasury 
notes,) which were extraordinary for a 
sum which reached according to the de- 
cree of Dec. 26 2,500,000,000, and which 
bore interest varying from 1 per cent, to 
5 per cent., according to the date of ex- 
piration. And by the decree of Sept. 13, 
1914, " bons de la Defense Nationale " 
were created at 4 and 5 per cent, without 
limit, and expiring in three months to 
ten years. Through these two mediums 
the Treasury, reserving to itself a pos- 
sible later right of " consolidation," drew 
from the national savings, beginning 
with October, about twelve billions, while 
from the Bank of France it got, in vari- 
ous payments, almost seven billions. 

Now, if the French people responded 
with admirable promptness to the appeals 
of the Treasury, it cannot be affirmed 
that the Government had taken all the 
necessary precautions to keep up finan- 
cial strength in the event of war; thus 
Minister Ribot noted, in the report he 
presented to Parliament in December, 
1914, that " such unpreparedness was a 
new proof that France did not want 
war," agreeing perfectly with Levy, who 
wrote for the most important review in 
Paris, the following February, that 
" French lack of foresight in this regard 
contrasted strangely with the conduct of 
the German Emperor, who, at the time 
of the Agadir incident, asked the finan- 
ciers of Berlin whether they were ready 
for a war, and, on their replying in the 

negative, invited them to prepare them- 

And the financial preparation of Ger- 
many followed her military preparation 
step by step. In 1913 the expenditure 
of 775,919,000 marks was anticipated in 
the ordinary part of the war budget of 
the empire, and in the navy budget, 197,- 
396,300 marks. And, outside of the ordi- 
nary needs, the most recent military laws 
rendered necessary an unusual contribu- 
tion of a billion, which the Government 
procured through a special inheritance 
tax. So that in the German budget the 
military expenses amounted in the fiscal 
year 1913-14 to almost 2,000,000,000 
marks, (1,848,939,139.) And not that 
alone. For some time it had been de- 
cided to issue 120,000,000 in " Treasury 
notes " to raise the war treasure, pre- 
served in the Tower of Spandau, from 
129,000,000 to 240,000,000 marks, and to 
authorize the Reichsbank to issue, if the 
occasion arose, banknotes to the sum of 
720,000,000 marks with the above-men- 
tioned sum as a base the money to be 
placed to the account of the military ad- 
ministration. Thus, with the supplemen- 
tary reserve of 120,000,000 marks in 
metal, the resources ready for war were 
840,000,000 marks. The man who con- 
ceived such provisioning was Professor 
Rieser of the University of Berlin, the 
head of the special bureau, unique in Eu- 
rope, created for financial preparation 
for war. 

But in the first days of mobilization 
Germany also had to have recourse to its 
principal issuing agent, the Reichsbank, 
to the extent that the credit of the Bank 
with the Government rose rapidly to 
2,300,000,000 marks, as we may infer 
from the situation of the bank in Octo- 
ber, 1914. 

The other belligerents did not escape 
the necessity of making similar provi- 
sions. With the beginning of war oper- 
ations, the British Government had to 
issue quickly, through the Bank of Eng- 
land, a paper currency of its own. With 
the act of Aug. 16, 1914, the Treasury 
put in circulation " currency notes " for 
750,000,000 lire ($150,000,000) converti- 
ble into gold and at the same time 
" Treasury notes " for 91,000,000. How- 



ever, following a praiseworthy tradition, 
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lloyd 
George, after the first moment of uncer- 
tainty was passed, caused provisions to 
be voted by Parliament adequate to the 
gravity of the situation, and to be ap- 
plied not alone to future expenses of the 
war, but also to systematizing the en- 
gagements that the Government had 
made from the beginning with the Bank 
of England, so as to leave the Bank free 
in its functions as " custodian of the 
mechanism of exchange and guardian 
of the country's wealth of gold." 

Of Austria-Hungary very little is 
known, for the Austro-Hungarian Bank 
did not publish its situation after the 
first day of the war. 

And Italy? She had come out of the 
Libyan war with a heavy debit against 
the Treasury, which, also through the 
military preparations during the first six 
months of neutrality, amounted on Dec. 
31, 1914, to 2,000,000,000 lire, (1,948,659,- 
497.74,) and on June 30, 1915, had risen 
to 2,835,000,000. To diminish this debt 
there was issued a loan of a billion at 
4^ per cent, during the first part of 
1915, as we all know, the sale price at 
issue being 97; later on there was pro- 
vided a prudent and gradual expansion 
of the monetary circulation, with tempo- 
rary issues of notes and special current 
accounts, not to mention new issues of 
Treasury notes ordinary and for five 

When war on Austria-Hungary was 
declared the Treasury had the right to 
turn anew to the issuing institutions for 
200,000,000 lire outside of the advance 
payments already granted, and also 
(temporary decree beginning Oct. 21) to 
provide for the fiscal year 1915-16 by an 
issue of Treasury notes for the sum of 
300,000,000, for the payment of pur- 
chases and provisions needed by the ad- 
ministration of the army and navy. 

Later the same Minister was author- 
ized to issue special notes due in twelve 
months, to be marketed outside of Italy 
in foreign money, to pay foreign fur- 
nishers of goods, and thus lessen the dis- 
advantages caused by disturbed exchange 
rates. * * * 

To dimmish the issue of paper the 

greater powers appealed for internal 
credit. Germany, in the second half of 
September, 1914, that is to say, a month 
and a half after the outbreak of the con- 
flict, launched her first war loan. And 
we should observe here that for a long 
time before the war everything was ar- 
ranged in advance to the extent even 
that it was established that the individ- 
ual States composing the empire were 
not to issue long-term obligations in 
case of war, but simply notes for short 
periods. Prussia, for example, issued 
Treasury notes for 1,500,000,000 marks, 
which were in large part discounted by 
the loan banks, and this was after hav- 
ing been paid the 600,000,000 of the loan 
issued in February, 1914, and though it 
could count, in case of need, on the re- 
serve fund of the State railways; Wurt- 
temberg, from April to July, 1915, issued 
Treasury notes for 50,000,000, the Grand 
Duchy of Hessen for 38,000,000, and Sax- 
ony for 200,000,000. 

During the first months of the war the 
British Government issued, as we have 
seen, special Treasury notes; but in 
order not to immobilize bankers' capital 
in such investments Lloyd George con- 
fronted the financial problem in all its 
aspects and courageously outlined its so- 
lution. In the financial statement of Nov. 
17, 1914, he calculated how the fiscal 
year April 1, 1914, to March 31, 1915, 
including eight months of war, had 
given a loss of 340,000,000; therefore, 
without much hesitation, he proposed to 
increase taxes by 15,500,000, to suspend 
the sinking fund of the public debt for 
2,750,000, and to issue a great loan of 

The 3% per cent, loan, issued at 95, is to 
be repaid at par, not earlier than May 1, 
1925, and not later than March 1, 1928. 
Subscriptions of less than 100 were ex- 
cluded; this was to avoid the withdrawal 
of small sums from savings banks and 
other institutions of credit. Recourse 
was not made, as in Germany, to loan 
banks ; but the Bank of England declared 
itself ready for a period of three years 
to make advance payments on the titles 
issued up to the price of subscription as 
a limit, in other words, up to 95, and to 
the interest at 1 per cent, lower than the 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

official discount charge. The loan was 
subscribed in just three days in the shape 
of immediately disposable sums, without 
disturbing the normal business of the 
Bank and the nation's economic condi- 

" The expenses of the European war," 
affirmed the Minister of Finance of the 
German Empire at the Reichstag on Aug. 
20, 1915, " reach about 300,000,000 marks 
a day, that is to say, 100,000,000,000 a 
year in round numbers. It is the great- 
est destruction, the greatest displacement 
of values, that the history of the world 
records." If, as the latest events lead us 
to think, the war should pass through its 
second year before the dawn of peace, the 
expense would reach 200,000,000,000, that 
is to say, more than double what was in- 
curred through the twenty-five principal 
wars of the last century. 

But the German Minister alluded only 
to the expenses of the mobilization and 
maintaining of the armies, for if we take 
into account also those which must be 
met for the restoration of armaments, of 
fortifications and ships, for the recon- 
struction of the bridges and railroads 
that have been destroyed, if we calculate 
the value of the lives lost and the capital 
corresponding to pensions for invalids 
and the families of the dead soldiers, the 
above-mentioned figures would attain 
heights never reached before. 

" It does not seem at all exaggerated," 
notes Eggenschwyler, " to foresee a Ger- 
man and French budget double what it 
has been in latter years. Merely in sub- 
sidies to the families of the men under 

the colors France is spending 160,000,000 
a month, (as against 68,000,000 in the 
Autumn,) and Germany more than double 
that amount. And the indemnities and 
subsidies to the families of the dead and 
wounded cannot be much less after fif- 
teen or sixteen months of war, apart 
from matters pertaining to the indirect 
victims of the war. If, then, the war 
should be prolonged for another Winter 
(which is certain) it does not seem ex- 
aggerated to foresee for each of the 
future budgets 2,000,000,000 for the serv- 
ice of the debts contracted, two for aid 
and indemnities, 500,000,000 for the re- 
construction of the fixed capital de- 
stroyed, and 500,000,000 loss of fiscal re- 
turns. Thus doubling the fiscal burdens 
of the Governments means evidently 
more than doubling the pressure of taxes, 
since the present destruction of peoples, 
riches, initiative, &c., cannot remain 
without influence on the material of taxa- 
tion. It does not seem at all improbable 
that fiscal burdens will be increased 100 
per cent." 

The absorption of wealth will, then, be 
so great that even the richest States, 
those furnished with an abundance of 
gold, will with difficulty reconquer the 
position they had in July, 1914, and if 
any others thought to enrich themselves 
at the expense of the conquered peoples 
they would be indulging the maddest of 
illusions, either for the reason that all 
will come out of the struggle financially 
and economically exhausted, or because 
history teaches that the vanquished some- 
times draw from their own energies 
greater results than the victors. 

Three Great World Powers 

H. G. Wells ventured the following prophecy in a recent article in CasselV's 
Magazine : 

Whatever appearances of separate sovereignties are kept up after the war, 
the practical outcome of the struggle is quite likely to be this that there will 
be only three great world powers left the anti-German allies, the allied 
Central Europeans, the Pan-Americans. * * * And these new powers will 
be in certain respects unlike any existing European " States." None of the 
three powers will be small or homogeneous enough to serve dynastic ambitions, 
embody a national or racial kultur, or fall into the grip of any group of finan- 
cial enterprises. They will be more comprehensive, less romantic, and more 
businesslike altogether. 

How the War Will Be Viewed by 
History and Art 

By Gabriel Hanotaux 

Member of the French Academy and Former Cabinet Minister. 
[Part of an Extraordinary Address Delivered at the Sorbonne.] 

HISTORY, in exhibiting the deeds 
of the past, sanctions and judges 
them. Art, more remote from 
reality, has perhaps still more 
resources. Art holds on its knees and 
nourishes with its milk the dream, cease- 
lessly reborn, of future generations. * * * 
Let me recall to you that magnificent 
page of Tolstoy, in which the whole 
problem of war tlie religious scruple 
of war rises before the human soul 
while the wounded hero is lying on the 
battlefield of Austerlitz and looking up 
at the sky : " But what has happened to 
me? I no longer have hold of myself. 
My legs give way under me!" He falls 
on his back. He re-opens his eyes in the 
hope of learning the result of the strug- 
gle, and whether the cannon were saved 
or captured. But he no longer sees any- 
thing except a deep, vast sky, in which 
gray clouds float dimly. " What calm! 
What peace!" he says to himself; " and 
it was not thus when I was running, 
when we were running and shouting; it 
was not thus when the two frightened 
figures were fighting for the ramrod 
it was not thus that the clouds floated 
in the boundless sky. That limitless 
depth why have I never noticed it be- 
fore? How glad I am to have seen it at 
last! Yes, everything is empty, all is 
deception, except that! And God be 
praised for this rest, this calm!" 

He is in the battle, he is suffering, 
and he finds tin the heavens an unspeak- 
able repose! 

There comes an hour when the great- 
est events, the most violent, even the 
present war, like that of Thucydides and 
that of Tolstoy, fall into comparison 
with the infinite and measure themselves 
against the Eternal. The mission of his- 
tory and art is to make a first attempt 

in that direction, a first adumbration 
of that judgment. 

What will they say of the present war? 
Let us try to place ourselves, so to speak, 
in the far vista of the future. 

They will say that Europe had been 
living for forty years in entire peace, 
and was enjoying once more that refined 
rest which Talleyrand called " the sweet- 
ness of living." A kind of international 
spirit was springing up out of the need 
of the nations for mutual respect. The 
most powerful of the Emperors, the Czar 
of Russia, had called together the nations 
at The Hague Conference; the most pow- 
erful of the Republics, the United States, 
was leading the choir of peace-loving 
peoples, and, though there were great in- 
justices to repair throughout the world, 
the best and wisest were inclined to think 
that immanent justice would find its hour 
in a fraternal meeting of the soothed na- 

What a " Pastoral Symphony " begin- 
ning for the war tragedy! 

Perhaps the rudest task of art and 
history will be that of making the world 
realize, by sounds at once delicate and 
deafening, by notes both soft and vibrant, 
this singular situation of nations living 
divided and hostile in peace. 

Suddenly the storm breaks. One will 
has unchained it. In what lines will the 
Milton of the future characterize that 
figure and his infernal cohorts : " In a 
moment, through the darkness, appear 
10,000 banners that rise in the air with 
their colors snapping in the wind. With 
these banners rises a vast forest of 
lances; and the thronged helmets and 
bucklers press forward in a dense line of 
immeasurable depth. * * *." 

[The author completes the picture from 
" Paradise Lost," including Satan.] 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

I think the future, in studying the 
present war, will be especially aston- 
ished at the power of military masses. 
What are the armies of Xerxes and 
Darius, of the Hundred Years' War or 
the Thirty Years' War, when compared 
with that which divides the world into 
two parts, the more numerous of which, 
in spite of itself, is in a state of hos- 
tility? And how will the future char- 
acterize the emotion of that great ant- 
hill which rises and falls in ceaseless 
agitation on the flanks of the round 
earth, as if not an inch of that earth 
were to be left unmarked with blood? 
The masses collide and are thrown one 
upon another, tirelessly, interminably. 
The Marseillaise and the Wacht am 
Rhein strike each other in the clouds; 
an implacable fury animates men's 
hearts; on the earth and on the water 
are daring sallies and mad flights, alter- 
nate ebbs and floods as of sea tides; 
an immense massacre, not a bush with- 
out its corpse, not a furrow without its 
tomb. The cemeteries stretch away 
toward infinity with their white crosses, 
as if the skeletons themselves had knelt 
in prayer. Eight millions of dead weigh 
upon a single conscience. What Milton, 
what Victor Hugo, what Thucydides can 
tell the story of the incredible crime? 

It is a war of masses, but it is also a 
war of machines. Here is a new stroke 
for the imagination the smashing ges- 
ture of metal striking from afar the 
tender flesh of men. War is no longer 
the coming together of the courageous, 
body to body, eye to eye, breast to 
breast; it has become a sort of anony- 
mous smashing of crowds who do not 
know each other by means of engines 
that fall on them. All the elements lend 
their powers to the arm of Death. Zep- 
pelins, aeroplanes, Taubes, submarines, 
floating mines, torpedoes automatically 
steered these new enemies of man 
crowd the air, the earth, and the sea. 
Automobiles and trains roar, carrying 
the masses from carnage to carnage; the 
word flies and carries the cruel orders 
over the slender wire; without wires, the 
telegraph still speaks. 

Iron is not only sword, lance, rifle, 
cannon, shell, shrapnel bullets; it 

stretches itself, stiffens itself, bristles 
into points and barbs. It arrests heroism, 
and subjects the will of the bravest to 
its paltry snare. A great fear hovers 
over the waters and in the air. An im- 
placable science has found at the bottom 
of its crucibles the most unforeseen and 
cowardly of exploits; the air is poisoned, 
*and human breath which is life is 
hunted down by a murderous cloud; 
children going to school through the 
streets of Rheims wear the sad mask 
on their faces. 

It is the war of metal and of fire, and 
it is the war of atrocities. We are car- 
ried back to the invasions of the bar- 
barians. As to this fact, I wonder not 
only how history will recount it, but 
whether history will believe it. The state 
of soul of the future must be judged ac- 
cording to its way of interpreting this 
bleeding landscape. On this issue will 
depend the verdict as to whether man is 
inherently good or evil. 

Let us trust the future. History and 
art will find terms to qualify the great 
lie and the great recoil. But a Dante or 
a Shakespeare will be needed to paint 
the disgust of the human race. For the 
blot is indelible. It is humanity itself 
that is Lady Macbeth if it does not wash 
this blood from its hands. 

Some one has told me that when the 
chief of armies, von Kluck, arrived in 
one of the French towns nearest to Paris, 
believing himself assured then of victory, 
he took all the French people who had 
found refuge in the village where he was 
staying and ranged them along the stair- 
case; then, holding a rifle in one hand 
and a revolver in the other, (I affirm 
that things happened just as I tell them,) 
he walked back and forth, cursing and 
swearing, he the glorious conqueror, with 
his helmet on his head, before these free 
citizens, who were also confident of vic- 
tory on their side, and shouted in their 
faces : " Yes, yes, we've got you ; your 
France is conquered, and your Paris 
will be destroyed ! We will not leave one 
stone on top of another. Your monu- 
ments, your Arch of Triumph, your 
Notre Dame, your Louvre, your palaces, 
your houses, we will destroy all, burn all. 
There will be only the bare earth and 



the ravens left to raise their broods. We 
do not hate Paris, but we hate France, 
and we, the 'barbarians,' will show you 
that we are indeed barbarians." Those 
who heard and repeated this to me de- 
clared : " We have seen Attila ! " 

How will history tell it ? How will art 
express it? In what prodigious fore- 
shortening will they show the Cathedral 
of Rheums stretching its two towers up 
out of the flames like supplicating arms, 
the University of Louvain flaming like 
a funeral pyre, the belfry of Arras 
pointing its finger to heaven, the most 
beautiful churches ruined like the hum- 
blest homes, the earth honeycombed 
with the furrows of murder, populations 
carried away into slavery, destroyed 
methodically, scientifically; men and 
women thrown before the guns, children 
shot at the breast, all the drunken orgies, 
bestialities, and horrors heaped up to- 
gether, and all by official order, with 
the deliberate idea that systematic ter- 
ror is an instrument of victory and a 
means of domination? The counter- 
order itself proves the order. The sol- 
dier cannot believe himself so wicked, 
and he cries, while performing the crime 
commanded: " I am not a barbarian!" 

\Ve feel, we affirm that the most pow- 
erful and tragic accents of history will 
be of one accord in condemning without 
excuse what this war has revealed to 
us. The fiercest tones of the perpe- 
trators will be drowned. And " the voice 
heard in Rama," and the lamentations 
of the Hebrew captives at Babylon, and 
the desperate cries of the Greeks con- 
fined in the quarries, and the griefs 
which all the martyrs of virtue, faith, 
and piety have inscribed in the great 
book of human suffering, these touching 
appeals to divine justice will be but a 
prelude compared to the clamor which 
all the sorrows of today will raise toward 
the Eternal. 

Punishment equal to such crimes there 
is none. The arm of God would grow 
weary trying to administer it. 

At least let history and art unite their 
thought and sharpen their sense of the 
true and just in order to recount these 
things as they were, and to draw from 
them the lesson that material interests, 
gross enjoyments, violent ambitions are 
the evil counselors of the human race. 
These pretended experts are madmen; 
these pretended geniuses are lunatics; 
these pretended calculators count false- 
ly. The peoples will know whither their 
leaders have led them. A terrible and 
constant vengeance will hover over the 
chiefs and their descendants forever. 
The blind populace will suffer for its 
blindness and turn upon itself in disgust. 

On the other hand, the great figures, 
the noble figures of the future, those 
who will be extolled in sublime songs, 
are King Albert, who came to sit so 
nobly at the fireside of a friendly na- 
tion; the French soldier, who, like his 
chiefs, never despaired, clinging to the 
soil of his country until he had driven 
from it the hordes so strongly prepared 
and organized; Miss Edith Cavell, who 
would not betray those who had trusted 
themselves to her; the shipwrecked ones 
of the Lusitania and Ancona, swimming 
in the waves a moment to curse the mur- 
derers of neutrals, of peaceful travelers, 
of women and children; Cardinal Mer- 
cier, a man in the image of the Bishops 
of the fourth and fifth centuries, who 
held their own against invasions; those 
executed priests, those soiled daughters; 
to sum it all up in a word, these are the 
beauty of a world dishonored, disfigured, 

For the great martyr is Humanity. 
They have forced it to lapse backward 
twenty centuries, until it doubts even 
itself. At the present moment it still 
drags itself under their spittle and under 
their whip, marching toward the Calvary 
whence it will be reborn to life only in 
the hour when the victory of the Just, 
the Right, and the Beautiful shall have 
purified it of so many crimes, assuring 
its luminous and definitive transfigura- 

Sir Edward Grey and His Problems 

By Sydney Brooks 

|N the world of diplomacy Sir Edward Grey is an outstanding 
figure, but he is a statesman about whom contemporary 
opinion can and does conspicuously err. The difficulty is not 
the man's personal character, but his relation to events. In 
the very interesting article by Sydney Brooks, published be- 
low by arrangement with THE NEW YORK TIMES, we have an 
Englishman's estimate which does full justice to Sir Edward 
Grey's honesty and straightforwardness, and does not ignore 
the absence of qualifications which most people would con- 
sider essential to a Foreign Secretary. It has often been 
remarked in England that Sir Edward Grey has had more 
wholehearted support from Conservatives than from Liberals. 
He certainly did not reverse or modify the policy of his prede- 
cessor, Lord Lansdowne, and Liberals have, therefore, accused 

him of making no attempt to apply Liberal ideas to the conduct of foreign relations. 
He has been blamed for permitting the British Foreign Office to become subservient 
to the designs of the Russian autocracy; and, as evidence of this, it is pointed out 
that in 1906, for the first time since 1854, the Russian Government was given access 
to the London money market and was thereby enabled to reduce to impotence par- 
liamentary government in its first hopeful beginnings. Again, Sir Edward Grey 
has been accused of permitting Russia to strangle Persian democracy. His first 
acquaintance with foreign affairs was made as Under Secretary to Lord Rosebery, 
and, like Lord Rosebery, he belonged to the Liberal Imperialist group. Because of 
this experience, he was chosen for the position he now holds when Sir Henry Camp- 
bell Bannerman formed his Ministry at the end of 1905. From that time onward, 
despite Liberal protests, the discussion of foreign affairs in the House of Commons 
was silenced by Sir Edward Grey as much as possible. How much truth there is in 
the criticism that he was merely a puppet at the Foreign Office and that Great 
Britain's international policy was really the work of King Edward and a group of 
royal favorites, permanent officials, and financiers, can be discovered only by the 
light of facts which are not yet, nor likely for some time to be, available to the 
investigator. A considerable section of English opinion believes that a perfectly 
honest and well-intentioned statesman has been the unconscious instrument of a 
power greater than himself. [Editor CURRENT HISTORY.] 


It is over ten years since Sir Edward 
Grey became the British Foreign Secre- 
tary. During the whole of that period 
he has been always a prominent and 
sometimes the outstanding figure of Eu- 
ropean diplomacy. 

The years during which he has been 
charged with the conduct of British 
foreign policy have been years of almost 
incessant crisis and commotion. They 
have pretty thoroughly tested him, and, 

if for the moment we leave the last 
eighteen months out of account, the uni- 
versal judgment of friend and foe would 
be that he has stood the test well. He 
entered Downing Street just when the 
Franco-German feud over Morocco was 
in its opening stages. The British Lib- 
erals, after a long exclusion from office, 
had returned to power in overwhelming 
force. There was much curiosity, there 
was no little anxiety, to see what course 



they would elect to steer. Like the 
American Democrats in 1912, they had a 
past to live down. There stood in their 
way, first, a reputation for factiousness 
and empiricism in their handling of 
domestic affairs, and, secondly, a reputa- 
tion for flighty sentimentality and in- 
competence in the sphere of foreign 

Moreover, since they were last in of- 
fice, two great changes had been effected 
in England's external relations. Great 
Britain had abandoned her old policy of 
isolation. She had formed an alliance 
with Japan. She had concluded a diplo- 
matic agreement and had struck up a 
warm, popular friendship with France. 
She was being drawn every one could 
see it into the whirlpool of Continental 
politics. How would the Liberals regard 
these two developments? All their tra- 
ditions were those of peace and of an 
abstinence from foreign adventures and 
commitments. They had no ambition 
whatever to make England cut an active 
figure abroad. They had every ambition 
to concentrate on the task of social and 
industrial reform at home. 

It was a critical moment. But the 
crisis was resolved when, after some 
hesitation, Sir Edward Grey became For- 
eign Secretary. His acceptance of the 
post was an even greater relief to the 
nation than to Sir Henry Campbell- 
Bannerman himself. Abroad, among the 
friends of England, it had an instan- 
taneous and reassuring effect. Among 
the enemies of England, or among those 
who stood to forfeit by a change in Brit- 
ish policy, and who would have welcomed 
the presence in Downing Street of a 
Minister governed by the Gladstonian 
spirit, its effect was not less immediate, 
and, in a different way, not less compli- 
mentary. If Great Britain and her 
friends and allies felt that a danger had 
been avoided, other powers were no less 
conscious of an opportunity snatched 
away. Germany had prayed for an Eng- 
lish Bryan. She found instead an Eng- 
lish Root. 

Sir Edward, with that straightfor- 
wardness which is the very essence of 
his nature, lost no time in showing his 
hand. He publicly on behalf of the new 

Government accepted all the engage- 
ments entered into by his predecessor. 
With equal promptitude he took a defin- 
ite line on the Franco-German dispute 
over Morocco and unhesitatingly backed 
France for all he was worth. It was a 
course of action that on at least three 
separate occasions before the final rup- 
ture of 1914 involved the risk of war 
with Germany. But Sir Edward did not 
shrink from it. He held that Great 
Britain was bound to support the Third 
Republic with all the diplomatic, and, if 
necessary, all the material, power at her 
command; and after some tense moments 
the issue abundantly justified his pre- 
science and pluck. 

I mean by that that he succeeded in 
eliminating the Morocco question as a 
European casus belli, that he convinced 
France of the value and sincerity of 
British support, and that he proved to 
Germany that Great Britain could neither 
be bluffed nor bullied into betraying a 
friend. Until that point had been reached, 
until the Wilhelmstrasse thoroughly un- 
derstood that France and England meant 
to stand together, and that Anglo- 
French friendship was a solid fact, there 
could be no approach to what Sir Edward 
always desired and always worked for 
an Agio-German understanding. We all 
know now how persistent were he 
efforts he made to this end and 
how Germany thwarted them all by 
insisting on the impossible condition 
that Great Britain should remain neu- 
tral in whatever war Germany chose to 
provoke. But I do believe that in 1913 
Anglo-German relations had taken a def- 
inite turn for the better, that a friendlier 
atmosphere was being generated, and 
that the ultimate and inevitable collision 
might have been postponed for a few 
years, perhaps for a whole decade, long- 
er but for that spark in the Balkans 
which fired the magazine. 

Sir Edward Grey had dealt with, and 
one by one had removed, all the causes 
of an Anglo-German conflict that it was 
within his power to control. He always, 
I should say, foresaw the possibility of 
such a conflict. He would have been 
blind indeed if he had not. But he never 
sought it; he took every precaution 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

against it; when it came it was thrust 
upon him, and upon the whole British 
people, by Germany's own deliberate 
action. Even today, when we have taken 
the full measure of Germany's schemes 
and preparations, no Englishman would 
blame Sir Edward for having striven his 
utmost to bring about an Anglo-German 
accommodation. They would be much 
more likely to blame him for not having 
realized earlier the futility of all such 
efforts, and for not having roused the 
country to the nature of the crisis that 
was maturing and to the necessity of 
getting ready for it. 

As things have turned out, the war in 
some ways could not have come at a more 
opportune moment for England. It is 
even possible that at the bar of history, 
where there is more false swearing 
and where more misleading verdicts are 
returned than in any court on earth, Sir 
Edward may have difficulty in escaping 
from the charge of having precipitated it 
at the very hour when his diplomatic 
skill had placed England in an excep- 
tionally strong position for meeting its 
onset. It will then assuredly be brought 
up against him that it was he who effect- 
ed the Anglo-Russian understanding. So 
he did, and no finer achievement stands 
to his credit. Think what Anglo-Russian 
relations had been before Sir Edward 
Grey, eight or nine years ago, took them 
in hand. There had been neither sanity in 
them, nor consistency, nor stability, for 
over half a century. A seemingly in- 
curable suspiciousness separated the two 

Many suggestions for their improve- 
ment had been made, but nothing had 
come of them. Lord Salisbury had in- 
formed his countrymen that to regard 
antagonism between England and Russia 
as something fundamental and inevitable 
was " the superstition of an antiquated 
diplomacy"; but nothing had been done 
to translate that utterance into terms 
of policy. Englishmen had gone on re- 
peating that they backed the wrong horse 
in 1855 and 1878, but their statesmen had 
not drawn from the admission any prac- 
tical conclusions. They had declared 
again and again that there was " room 
for both England and Russia in Asia," 

but they had not attempted to attach any 
specific meaning to the words. Anglo- 
Russian relations, in short, had been 
marked by a dangerous and drifting in- 

Sir Edward Grey made up his mind to 
end a deadlock that did neither country 
any good. He saw that the extreme cor- 
diality and intimacy of Anglo-French 
relations required as their natural and 
logical corollary the formation of an 
equally close friendship with the ally 
of France. He saw, too, that it was not 
a British interest, but its very reverse, 
that Russia should be unable to make 
her due weight felt in the European bal- 
ance of power. He saw, also, that only 
if England and Russia came together 
would Japan and Russia really and sin- 
cerely accept the Peace of Portsmouth 
as the basis of their Far Eastern rela- 
tions. And above all he saw that London 
and St. Petersburg were parted by an 
unhappy state of mind and obsolete 
prejudices rather than by any concrete 
antagonism of interests, and that ques- 
tions might arise which would once again 
awaken their mutual and inveterate sus- 
piciousness. Therefore, he sought an 
agreement with Russia. 

He sat down and seriously examined 
and compared the respective interests of 
the two countries, and he did so in a 
spirit of conciliatory frankness that very 
soon bore fruit. The value of the under- 
standing that he effected was abundantly 
proved when Persia lapsed into anarchy 
without disturbing, without even ruffling 
the surface of, Anglo-Russian relations. 
Its value was still more abundantly 
demonstrated when the outbreak of the 
war found England and Russia no longer 
at odds, but bound by a sober and tested 
friendship that ripened at once into a 
firm alliance. Sir Edward pursued an 
agreement with Russia for its own sake 
and on its own merits. It has brought 
him in a return he did not foresee. Does 
anything, I wonder, change faster than 
the face of international politics? Less 
than fifteen years ago England and 
France were scowling at one another 
from Newfoundland to Madagascar with 
every symptom of the most rancorous 
hatred. Less than eight years ago Eng- 



land and Russia had between them the 
barrier of their insensate past. Today 
all three countries are united in an alli- 
ance that will bear I say it deliberately 
any and every strain. 

The hour, however, when Sir Edward 
stood highest in the well-nigh unanimous 
opinion of Europe was during and imme- 
diately after the Balkan wars of 1912. 
Four or five times at least Europe stood 
on the very brink of the struggle that 
has since broken out. The Serbian ques- 
tion, the Rumanian question, the Al- 
banian question, and the Montenegrin 
question, each in turn proved crucially 
provocative. Yet the major peace was 
never once broken, and for its main- 
tenance the chief credit was rightly 
awarded to Sir Edward. None of the 
diplomatists with whom he co-operated 
or against whom he fought showed him- 
self so fertile in resource, so persistent 
in suggestion, and so persuasively calm 
and moderate in his choice of language 
as the British Foreign Secretary. He 
spoke but rarely, but whenever he did 
speak his words were direct, conciliatory, 
and stamped with the spirit and authority 
of a man who took above all else the 
European view. 

Throughout those tangled months he 
took the lead in keeping the great pow- 
ers together. It was he who suggested 
the Ambassadorial conference that 
proved for the time being the salvation 
of Europe. He was helped, of course, 
by the palpably disinterested position 
which Great Britain then occupied. But 
he made the fullest use of all his advan- 
tages. He worked early and late; his 
good sense and the implicit confidence he 
always inspired in his veracity and in- 
tegrity straightened out many a hazard- 
ous situation; and I have heard from 
more than one Ambassador that his 
skill as President of the confer- 
ences which so materially helped to 
harmonize the differences between the 
great powers, the modesty of his bear- 
ing, and the practical character of the 
expedients he put forward, revealed him 
to his brother diplomats for the first 
time as a really great man. Certainly 
no British Foreign Secretary has held 
a more commanding position in the coun- 

cils and the popular judgment of Europe 
since Palmerston's death than Grey held 
during the first six months of 1913. 

In those terrible days that preceded 
the bursting of the flood that is now 
devastating Europe Sir Edward tried 
once more the tactics that had brought 
him success a little more than a year 
before. They failed. They failed for 
the very simple reason that Germany, 
or the ruling military clique in Ger- 
many, had decided that the hour .had 
struck, and would, therefore, yield noth- 
ing and agree to nothing. The record 
shows with how sanguine a pertinacity 
Sir Edward strove for peace, trying 
one door after another, making one sug- 
gestion after another, even going so far 
as to intimate that he would withdraw 
his support from France and Russia if 
they declined to accept any reasonable 
solution which Germany herself might 
put forward. It was all in vain. . The 
issue had been pre-determined in Pots- 

But Sir Edward's efforts were not on 
that account wasted. They enlisted the 
absolute approval of the British Nation. 
They enabled him to repudiate with 
splendid scorn the unspeakable proposal 
that we should barter away the French 
Colonial Empire and the independence 
of Belgium in return for a German 
promise that after the war the European 
status quo would be restored. And they 
also gave him a double power when he 
had finally to draw the line beyond which 
he would not retreat. It seems an old 
story now, but let no one forget that 
what overwhelmingly rallied the British 
Nation was the appeal of the King of the 
Belgians to its pledged word. 

Undoubtedly the impression exists, and 
undoubtedly appearances seem to justify 
it, that Sir Edward's subsequent diplo- 
macy has been lass fortunate than were 
his opening moves. I do not know 
whether in such a matter it is always 
safe to judge merely by results. Not 
until we are informed as to all the in- 
tricate cross-currents of all the Balkan 
States and can tell with some precision 
how far they were affected by military 
events elsewhere, shall we be able to say 
whether Sir Edward misread a situation 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

that should have been clear to him and 
let slip opportunities that he ought to 
have grasped. To disentangle from what 
unquestionably looks like the general 
failure of the allied dealings with the 
Balkans that portion of the responsibility 
which may properly be laid at the door 
of the British Foreign Secretary is a 
task for which I freely confess I have 
not the necessary knowledge or equip- 
ment or audacity. I can only envy those 
who possess today, or think they possess, 
all that is required for a final judgment 
on these excessively complicated trans- 
actions, the inner history of which may 
possibly be divulged to our great-grand- 

At the same time it is quite conceiv- 
able to one who knows him that Sir Ed- 
ward should really have been less ef- 
fective in seeking a desired end than in 
staving off an undesired one. It is a 
common criticism in England that 
" Grey is too much of a gentleman " for 
the rough and tumble of Balkan politics. 
He is certainly a gentleman and a very 
great one; but the notion that his diplo- 
macy would have been more successful if 
he had imitated the quite unprincipled 
expediencies of the Wilhelmstrasse is a 
fallacy of the most sinister kind. 

The trouble, I should say, is not to be 
sought in his habitually candid rectitude 
of conduct, but rather in a certain rig- 
idity of mind and temperament. He is 
not a flexible man. He has no great 
powers of imagination or adaptability. 
That gift of dramatic sympathy which 
enables a man to comprehend the spirit 
and conditions of a country which is 
personally unknown to him is not among 
his attributes. Mr. Balfour has it; Lord 
Rosebery has it; but I do not think that 
Sir Edward can lay claim to it. And as 
it happens he is not a traveled man. He 
has hardly ever, in fact, been out of Eng- 
land. In other words lie knows little of 
other countries and other peoples at first 
hand; and his nature and intellect are 
not of the kind to supplement the in- 
evitable deficiencies of all second-hand 

Possibly if one were to describe Sir 
Edward as the most English Englishman 
in England it might help Americans to a 

clearer comprehension of the man. He 
has almost all the excellencies and some 
of the limitations^ that go with the title. 
To meet him is to feel yourself in the 
presence of an English gentleman of ab- 
solutely the finest type, one whose dig- 
nity is so natural that it never occurs to 
him to wonder whether he is dignified, 
one from whose lithe frame and Roman 
Emperorish features there radiates an 
instantaneous impression of entire clean- 
ness and squareness of thought and life 
and conduct. It is inconceivable that he 
should ever do or contemplate anything 
mean or petty or underhand one minute 
in his company disposes of the notion for- 
ever. He is one of the most transparently 
honest men I have ever come across. So 
much one sees at a glance, and the convic- 
tion is renewed whenever and wherever 
one encounters him. Along with it one is 
not less conscious of an atmosphere of 
quiet reserve, and, as it were, imper- 
sonal authority that outer shell which 
most Englishmen of his class wear as 
naturally as they wear their coats and 
which in his case, as in many others, 
conceals a fund of warm and human 

He looks the patrician, but he is not, 
if to be a patrician carries with it any 
suggestion of haughtiness or disdain or 
icy immobility. His face is in some ways 
his misfortune. No man could be quite 
so statesmanlike as Sir Edward Grey 
looks. That powerful forehead, the broad 
space between the eyes, the highly execu- 
tive nose, the firmness of the lips and 
chin, do partially belie him. They con- 
vey an idea of greater strength and de- 
cisiveness than perhaps he really com- 
mands. He is a man of genuine mod- 
esty and self-continence whose aim is 
always to get through the day's work 
with the least amount of talk and fuss; 
and I am not sure that his utter incapac- 
ity for advertisement and his revulsion 
from anything that even looks like the- 
atricality are not partly based on diffi- 
dence, on a consciousness that he is not 
really a great man, still less a brilliant 
one, and that there are several qualifica- 
tions for his stupendous office with 
which he might well be more amply en- 

The Crushing of Germany* 

By Lord Rosebery 

NO one can predict what will be 
the condition of things after 
this hateful war is concluded, 
but one at any rate is certain 
that there will be vast new avenues 
of trade opened, of which our people 
should be prepared by forethought and 
preparation long beforehand to take the 
fullest advantage. The trade of the Cen- 
tral Empires will, I suspect, be for many 
years to come so restricted as. to be in- 
significant; but, on the other hand, 
there are enormous openings among our 
allies and within our own empire which 
we should most sedulously cultivate; and 
more than that, there are neutral States, 
of course, with whom we should always 
wish to be on the best possible terms and 
establish the best possible commercial 

At the rate at which we are spending 
money today, however the war may end, 
it will leave us gravely crippled, half 
paralyzed financially for long years to 
come, and our enemies, I hope, utterly 
ruined. For unless Prussian Germany is 
utterly ruined nothing has been gained 
by this war, and there is no hope for 
Christianity or true civilization for long 
generations to come. 

The point I wish to urge upon you 
is this, that we shall be exhausted, we 
shall be victorious but almost bleeding 
to death, because at the rate of sixteen 
hundred millions a year of expenditure 
it is quite obvious that we must be 
saddled with a debt such as the world 
has never seen, and with taxation which 
I trust the world is not likely to see 

Well, in those circumstances, can you 
expect any material help from the Gov- 
ernment? I think that would be vain. 
And there are two points on which, I 
think, we should be prepared to disre- 
gard preconceived notions. One to which 
I alluded in Edinburgh last year is the 
question of tariffs, as to which we shall 
have to reconsider, I suspect, many of 

our previous formulas by which we can- 
not be hampered in the prosecution of 
a successful foreign trade. The other 
is this, as you are aware: The Foreign 
Office has always had the greatest 
antipathy to their Consul agents engag- 
ing in promoting commerce of particular 
firms in foreign countries. I think the 
laissez aller policy will have to be aban- 
doned, and we shall have to sanction 
the interference of our Consular agents 
to promote our commerce in foreign 

There was a Minister the other day 
in melancholy chorus, like Poe's raven 
over the door, that seemed to intimate 
that all the Government had done had 
been too late. I do not by any means 
say that, but I think they entered the 
field of thrift rather late in the day, and 
I am not sure that when they did enter 
it they entered it in the right way. The 
first point for Parliament and the Gov- 
ernment when it enjoins thrift is to set 
the example. Parliament, I understand, 
has cut off its supply of quill pens, and 
restricted itself in some minor articles 
of stationery. But if by that economy 
we are expected to counterbalance five 
or six millions a day we are a more 
sanguine nation than is generally sup- 

Well, then, they appointed the Re- 
trenchment Committee. I cannot give 
the date of its appointment, but I know 
its first report, which was not a very 
considerable or impressive effort, ap- 
peared in the middle of September. After 
that we heard that it did not meet for 
two or three months owing to the occu- 
pations of the Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer, who was Chairman of the com- 
mittee, and who therefore could not pre- 
side. Well, that is rather too leisurely 
a method of proceeding for a Retrench- 

*An address delivered before the Rotary 
Club, an organization of the leading men of 
Edinburgh, Scotland. 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

ment Committee when we are spending 
six millions a day. 

One other feature has to be intro- 
duced. The predominant partner by 
which, of course, I mean Ireland has 
deliberately shut itself out as a field 
of operations for the Retrenchment Com- 
mittee, which is a little disheartening to 
that body, because it is notorious the 
best field for economy in the United 
Kingdom is Ireland, with its numerous 
boards and highly paid officials. There 
is the real field for economy, but from 
that the Retrenchment Committee is de- 
barred, so, I suppose, it will have to 
scrape a few flints in poor old Scotland 
to make its savings here. 

One other thing I wanted to say. I 
do insist upon this that on the part of 
every individual among us some private 
economy, at any rate, may be promoted, 
and it is our duty, our bounden duty, to 
find out where any public economy may 
be promoted. There are all sorts of 
stories going about the enormous waste 
of our war expenditures. War expendi- 
tures must necessarily be wasteful, but 
there is a figure beyond which it need 
not go. I can allude to one point because 
there is a correspondence about it in 
Punch this week. I mean the pur- 
chase of horses. That was a scandal in 
the Boer war. It has, I believe, been a 
scandal in this that horses that have 
been purchased for the full price of 50 
or more have been obliged to be scrapped 
when they came to the regiment as 
lame, unsound, and useless. The horses 
would furnish a chapter not without ad- 
monition in the history of the war; and 
in other quarters we hear about other 
such wastage. 

We have the right to expect that the 
utmost vigilance should be exercised 
with regard to this vast expenditure, 
and that the taxpayers, who do not 
grudge these heavy taxes so long as they 
know that they are usefully spent, should 
have a guarantee that they are indeed 
usefully spent. 

But, after all, there is only one sub- 
ject which is in all our minds, which 
blackens every day from morning to 
evening, which occupies all our thoughts 
in business or in pleasure, and that is the 

great war in which we are engaged. I do 
not think the present war aspect is par- 
ticularly encouraging from what I may 
call the pins point of view, which is the 
pins fixed in the map which shows the 
advance or retreat of our troops. We see 
Germany in occupation of a great part 
of France, of Belgium, and of Russia, 
and there has been no real advance, no 
substantial advance, to repel them. 

Our diplomacy has certainly not, judg- 
ing by the fruits, been particularly suc- 
cessful. But I may say that diplomacy in 
this war and on most other occasions de- 
pends in the last resort on force, and 
where diplomacy may have been exer- 
cised successfully, perhaps when the Rus- 
sians were advancing, it was not possible 
for it to make any great triumph when 
the Russians were retreating. However, 
the history of our diplomacy we shall 
never know till after the war, but I, for 
one, at any rate, have full confidence 
that all that could have been done was 
done by Sir Edward Grey, and if the re- 
sults have not justified our expectations, 
at any rate he was not to blame. 

Then, again, with regard to our 
armies, I think there is one thing we 
are apt to lose sight of, which is that 
no party to this war, with the excep- 
tion of perhaps Austria, of which I do 
not know much no party with regard to 
this war was prepared for a war of this 
size and ramifications except Prussia. 
Russia was not prepared, France was not 
prepared I mean for a war of this scope 
and certainly Great Britain was not 
prepared, because she never is prepared. 
It is not the fault of the Ministry; it is 
the fault of the nation. We will not pre- 
pare for exigencies of this kind, and, 
therefore, we must always begin with a 
great arrear to make up. 

Just think what we were expected to 
do at the beginning of the war. We 
were expected to land 150,000 men in 
Flanders and keep the seas with our 
fleets; and now we have kept the seas 
with our fleets and we have raised mill- 
ions of men employed in Mesopotamia, 
East Africa, and especially in France 
and the Balkans. Well, that was never 
expected. No one was prepared for a 
war of this kind, and so we have to 


make up the arrears of preparation when many. She has an impregnable wall of 

we are absolutely fighting for our French and British on one flank, and on 

lives. the other an approaching torrent of in- 

But then, I think, there is another numerable Russians. Between those 

point which those who look at the pins planks she must, I think, at no long date 

on the map gloomily should remember. be crushed, and whether we are doing 

It is that we are too apt to look at our as well in Mesopotamia or not, or whether 

own deficiencies, and do not sufficiently we are doing as well at Saloniki as we 

regard the disabilities of our enemy. might, is a matter of comparatively little 

I think it is quite clear from all re- moment in relation to the enormous im- 
ports of the varying numbers of the portance of crushing Prussia at the 
millions of men that she has lost, that centre. 

Prussia must be approaching a stage We shall have, I dare say, many dark 

nearly of exhaustion. What seems to me days yet to pass through, and whatever 

the central fact of the war is this. You happens, however long the war may be, 

will remember the old torture when a the year 1914 will mark the blackest in 

man was placed between two planks, and the whole history of mankind, perhaps, 

they were gradually drawn tighter until Yet we are certain by the mere endurance 

he was squeezed to death. That seems which has always marked our national 

to me the approaching position of Ger- enterprises, we are certain to win. 

The Woman's Part 


So it has come at last, you say the call? 

I did not know, 
Nor can I realize the truth, at all ; 

But when you go, 
No hand but mine yon gleaming sword shall take 

Down from its place, 
That you may wield it well, for honor's sake, 

A little space. 

A little space, perhaps; yet it may be, 

Since God is good, 
That He will send my soldier back to me 

(Ah, that He would!) 
But in the meanwhile, soldier-lover, see 

How keen this blade ! 
Strike deep, lest Justice, Truth, and Liberty 

Shall stand betrayed. 

I am for peace and fain, love, would I lie 

In your dear arms, 
Knowing myself, while happy moments fly, 

Safe from all harms; 
I am for peace but when a tyrant hand 

Shall lift to smite 
And menace our beloved native land 

With evil might, 

Then I can say farewell, and watch you go 

To do your part, 
Cheered by my Godspeed; for no tears shall flow, 

(Lie still, my heart!) 
And be our parting one of endless length, 

Or briefer while 
Were it our last kiss God would give me strength, 

Dear Heart, to smile. 

The Situation for the Allies 

By Herbert H. Asquith 

Prime Minister of Great Britain 

In the course of his address at the 
opening of Parliament Feb. 15, 1916, Mr. 
Asquith presented this serious survey of 
the military and financial situation: 

DURING the last three months I 
think the most outstanding; feat- 
ure of the general European 
situation has been the growingly 
intimate relations, co-ordination, and 
concentration of unity of directions and 
control among the allied powers. That 
change, or development as I should pre- 
fer to call it, applies to diplomacy just as 
much as it does to strategy. The dis- 
tinguished Prime Minister of France, M. 
Briand, did us the honor to pay us a 
visit earlier in the year. He has since 
been to Rome, where he met, as might be 
expected, with a most cordial reception, 
and these two visits are to be followed, 
I hope at an early date, by a general 
conference of the allied powers in Paris, 
at which both the political and strategic 
aspects of the war will be reviewed. 

Here at home the Government has 
thought the commencement of the new 
year a fitting occasion for taking a com- 
plete stock of our own resources in men, 
in munitions, in our industrial resources, 
and in our financial capacity, both actual 
and prospective. That survey has been 
undertaken by us with the object of our 
being able in the coming months to con- 
tribute our maximum effort to the com- 
mon cause. In some ways our respon- 
sibilities here are more varied and more 
complex than any of our allies. In the 
first place, look at the position and func- 
tions of our navy. Over an area vast 
and almost immeasurable in extent we 
have to meet and keep in being against 
all possible sources and wastage the most 
powerful and at the same time the most 
diverse fleet, or combination of fleets, 
which has ever sailed on the ocean. 

The work of the navy during this war 

has been to a very large extent silent, 
inconspicuous, and unobtrusive, and there 
have been few of the daring and spectacu- 
lar adventures which light up the naval 
annals of the past. Our navy during that 
time has performed, is performing, and 
will continue to perform with unexampled 
efficiency and success our supreme and 
capital duties which the war cast upon it. 
In the first place the defense of our own 
shores against the possibility of invasion. 
Next the complete neutralization of the 
aggressive power of the hosti-e fleet 
which has never tried conclusions with 
us. Thirdly, the clearance of the high 
seas from the menace which in the early 
days of the war was of the most serious 
and formidable character to the free in- 
flux of necessary goods both for ourselves 
and for our allies. And lastly, the vigi- 
lant and continuous stoppage of enemy 
supplies and enemy trade, which is one 
c-f the most important factors in the final 
successful prosecution of the war. I 
think we may say without undue com- 
plaisancy or boasting that the navy in 
performing these functions under vastly 
altered and in many ways more trying 
conditions than have ever prevailed at 
any time in the past has shown itself 
worthy of the best traditions of a great 
service. This is a function which is al- 
most peculiarly our own. 


I come back to the army. In the actual 
theatres of war, where fighting is going 
on, without counting those who are for 
the time being in these islands for home 
defense, for reserves, for training, and 
for the necessary expansion in the future, 
in the fighting areas we have at this mo- 
ment ten times our original expeditionary 
force. I am not including India or the 
garrisoning of Gibraltar or Malta or 
anything of that sort. I am speaking of 
the actual theatres of war, and I am 
speaking of troops sent from this coun- 


British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs 
(From a New Drawing by Arthur Garratt) 


Founder of the "Lighthouse/" New York, Now Working in France 

for Men Blinded in Battle 

(Photo bv Mishkin, New York) 



try. That, Sir, has been done in the 
course of eighteen months. We started 
in this war as a naval and not a military 
power. We were content, with the com- 
mon consent of our statesmen and of our 
experts, to provide, as we did provide, for 
a moderate-sized military force. The re- 
sources and patriotism of the country 
during those eighteen months have en- 
abled us to multiply our forces by the un- 
exampled figure I have named. I do not 
think there is a more remarkable achieve- 
ment in the history of the world. I am 
not using language of boasting; I want 
the House to realize what are our own 
special responsibilities in this matter. 


In the face of this tremendous and 
unexampled drain on the manhood of 
the nation, we have not only to pay our 
own way a serious matter in itself 
but we have to take a leading part, from 
which we do not in the least shrink, and 
which we perform with the utmost alac- 
rity and enthusiasm, in providing a cer- 
tain part of the sinews of war for our 
Dominions and our allies. We cannot 
afford in the interests of the common 
cause to impoverish or to unduly cur- 
tail our own productive power. It is as 
much to their interest as it is to ours 
that we should see to that. Let me re- 
mind the House, when I speak of financ- 
ing the Dominions and our allies, that 
it is not a question of supplying gold; 
it is a question of supplying the neces- 
saries of war food, munitions, coal, and 
other commodities and materials, and, 
what is equally important and equally 
essential in all our interests, the serv- 
ices of our shipping to convey all these 
things in the quantities, at the times, 
and to the places where they are most 
needed for our common purpose. That 
is a gigantic, and, as I have said, an 
unprecedented task. 

I do not say it has always been per- 
fectly performed. I have never pre- 
tended for a moment in the earlier or 
even the later stages of the war that 
there has been an absence of mistakes 
or miscalculations. There have been 
mistakes and miscalculations on the side 
of the enemy. Both of us have had 

to deal with a situation that no one 
could have foreseen. The best means of 
accomplishing this entirely new and, as 
I have said, unexampled task could only 
be arrived at by time and by experience. 
I do not say that the problem has yet 
been completely solved, but, at any rate, 
we have, during the last few months, 
taken long steps and even strides in the 
direction of its solution. 


Lastly, speaking of these special re- 
sponsibilities of ours, there is the ques- 
tion of finance. It will be my duty next 
week to ask the House to accord to the 
Government a new and, I am afraid, a 
very large vote of credit. That will be 
a more appropriate opportunity than 
this for giving at any rate a provisional 
forecast of the financial situation, but 
our outstanding liabilities on the first of 
January of this year had reached a 
figure quite without precedent in the 
financial history of this, or, I believe, 
of any other country, a figure so gigan- 
tic that when in the course of time those 
obligations come to be liquidated they 
will impose a sensible, and, indeed, a 
serious strain upon the resources of this 
country for a generation to come. But 
the war goes on. I think when I last 
asked the House, in November, to grant 
the Government a vote of credit I said 
that our daily liability for the cost of 
the war would probably amount to, 
although I hoped it would not exceed, 
5,000,000. That forecast has been very 
nearly if not quite realized. I need not 
say that the expenditure shows no pros- 
pect whatever of being reduced. It is a 
figure which, if you multiply it by seven 
days per week or thirty days per month, 
and still more if you multiply by 365 
days a year, staggers the imagination. 

When we are trying to get a perspec- 
tive, as we ought to do, in their true 
relative proportions of the various inter- 
dependent and related duties which the 
war casts upon us, this is one which must 
bulk at least as largely as any other. 
How is that burden if it is to go on and 
it must go on, because we are not going 
to pause or flag in the prosecution of 
what we regard to be a supreme duty 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

and responsibility how is that burden 
to be met? As the House knows, I am 
no pessimist; I never have been since the 
beginning of the war, and if I ever had 
been I should not be one today. I have no 
more doubt in the triumph than I have in 
the justice and righteousness of our cause. 
But we must face these things seriously 
and get our people to face them. 

How is this burden going to be met? 
There are two ways, and two ways only, 
in which it can be met. The first is by 
large additions to taxation, and those I 
believe the House will find before they 
are many weeks older that my right hon- 
orable friend the Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer will have the courage to pro- 
pose. But no additions you can possibly 
make to the taxation of the country un- 
less they were of a suicidal and Utopian 
kind could possibly fill this huge and 
ever-widening chasm. The only other 
way in which the gap can be bridged is 
by the maintenance of our credit, which 
is the most valuable asset not only of 
this country but of our allies. How is 
that credit to be maintained? We must 
keep up as far as our military and other 
requirements allow for the two things 
must be balanced one against the other 
we must keep up our productive activ- 
ities and our export trade. Even more 
important I am only repeating what 
has been said before, but I repeat it with 
the added emphasis of growing experi- 
ence we must cut down our unnecessary 
imports and our consumption of luxuries; 
we must try to reduce not only in our 
Government departments although 
there, I agree, the necessity is all-im- 
portant but in every department, public 

and local, and in our private life we must 
reduce expenditure to its" lowest possible 


It is easy to preach these doctrines, 
but it is not so easy to practice them, 
but the first duty that is laid on the 
conscience of every patriotic citizen, for 
himself and for those whom he can in- 
fluence, is to practice the most rigid 
economy and to cut down every form of 
superfluous expenditure to the narrow- 
est limits. It is only in those ways, by 
submitting to the burden and a very 
heavy burden it will be of unprece- 
dented taxation, by the curtailment of 
imports and of expenditure on non- 
necessary things, and by the main- 
tenance at the highest possible level of 
our productive activity and of our ex- 
port trade it is only in those ways that 
we can possibly sustain the unexampled 
burden which has been cast on our 
shoulders. But we can sustain it. The 
strain will be great, but in my opinion 
not a greater strain than we can bear. 

We can render no greater service to 
the cause of our allies, which is also our 
own cause, than by co-ordinating and 
proportioning our contributions of men, 
financial assistance, and actual endur- 
ance, and, if need be, even of privation, 
both as a community and as individuals. 
By the combination of all we shall, I be- 
lieve, if we only persist, earn for our- 
selves and for history the judgment 
that in perhaps the greatest crisis to 
which, both as a nation and as indi- 
viduals, we have ever been exposed, we 
have done what in us lay to maintain the 
liberties of Europe and to provfde for 
the future of civilization. 

Review of Military Events 

By Lord Kitchener 

British Secretary of State for War 

At the opening of Parliament on Feb. 
15 General Kitchener gave the following 
official review of what the Allies had 
done in the preceding months : 

THE Austro-German attack on Rus- 
sia, which was proceeding when 
I last addressed your lordships on 
the progress of the war, having 
been brought to a standstill in Septem- 
ber, the German Staff at once com- 
menced to organize a campaign against 
Serbia. The object of this was to extend 
their influence over the Balkans and to 
establish a railway connection between 
themselves and their ally, Turkey, on 
whom the presence of our forces in Gal- 
lipoli was having a decided effect, caus- 
ing great deficiency in both men and 
munitions, the latter of which they looked 
to Germany to supply. The French and 
ourselves were at this time bringing con- 
siderable pressure to bear on the western 
front. The operations culminated in the 
battles at Loos, in Champagne, as well as 
about Arras. Our offensive in these 
areas inflicted very heavy losses on the 
Germans and resulted in the capture of 
important positions by the allied troops. 
The German counterattacks failed to re- 
cover the ground which the enemy had 
been compelled to yield. 

Owing to this continuous offensive 
action on the western front, consider- 
able German forces were withdrawn 
from the Russian frontier, where the 
pressure was sensibly relaxed, enabling 
Russia to obtain certain successes and 
to hold the enemy. in check. In order, 
however, to carry out the German agree- 
ment with Bulgaria, under which King 
Ferdinand pledged his country to aban- 
don her neutrality and to co-operate with 
the Central Powers in an onslaught on 
her neighbor, Serbia, the preconcerted 
movement against Serbia was proceeded 
with. In these operations the Austro- 

German forces which crossed the Danube 
on Oct. 7 took a minor part, by hold- 
ing the defending Serbian forces south 
of Belgrade, while the Bulgarians at- 
tacked them on their flank. 

To support Serbia, and to enable 
Greece to send troops to the assistance 
of her Allies under the convention which 
existed between the two Balkan States, 
the French and ourselves, on the invi- 
tation of the Greek Prime Minister, sent 
troops to Saloniki, and entered the field 
against the Bulgarians in South Mace- 
donia. The inadequate harbor accommo- 
dation and the bad railway communica- 
tions through Greece and Serbia ham- 
pered the advance of our troops very 
considerably, and it was not until Oct. 
25 that a French force came into con- 
tact with the Bulgarians in the Strum- 
nitza Valley. It was evident that the 
Serbian Army was not in a position to 
offer effective resistance to attack by 
superior forces in front and flank, and 
could not but be driven back upon Monte- 
negro and Albania. The Austro-Ger- 
mans and Bulgarians thus succeeded in 
securing the way for direct communica- 
tion between the Central Powers and 
Constantinople, which was, no doubt, 
their principal objective in these oper- 
ations. I may add, however, that under 
the auspices of the French, large num- 
bers of the Serbian Army are being re- 
organized and reconstituted as a fight- 
ing force in the island of Corfu. 

In France and Flanders, since the cap- 
ture of Loos and the forward movement 
in Champagne, the allied lines have re- 
mained practically unchanged. Through- 
out the Winter the morale of the French 
Army has been maintained at the same 
high level which marked it at the incep- 
tion of the war, and it may certainly be 
said that the fighting qualities of our 
neighboring ally were never greater or ,- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

more highly developed than at present. 
Although the Indian Division has been 
withdrawn from France and Flanders for 
service elsewhere, our forces in that 
theatre have been materially increased by 
no less than eight divisions of the new 
army, and thus reinforced our troops, 
through the Winter months, have been 
constantly carrying out active operations 
which have given no rest or respite to 
the enemy in front of them. 

The activities of the Italian Army 
were conspicuous in October and No- 
vember during the advance on the 
Isonzo, nor have their efforts since been 
relaxed, although the positions occupied 
by the enemy are so strong as to bar for 
the present the development of the for- 
ward movement which the splendid cour- 
age of the Italian troops is sure event- 
ually to push home. I had an oppor- 
tunity last Autumn myself of seeing the 
indomitable resourcefulness of the Italian 
Army operating in a terrain presenting 
the greatest difficulty. 

Notwithstanding the heavy blows and 
consequent losses which Russia suffered 
during the Summer of 1915, and which 
would probably have overwhelmed any 
less tenacious and courageous people, her 
army has been thoroughly reorganized 
and re-equipped, her armaments have in- 
creased, and the spirit which pervades 
her forces is as high as at the outset of 
the campaign. The active co-operation of 
the Russian people in the manufacture of 
munitions of war exhibits very clearly 
the reality of their patriotism, and their 
determination to carry this life-and- 
death struggle, whatever its length, to a 
victorious conclusion. 

The Austro-Germans having cleared 
the path to Constantinople of all obstruc- 
tions, the political situation in the Near 
East was thereby greatly affected. The 
Turkish Army, reinforced by German 
supplies, was able to organize a move- 
ment of troops either against Egypt or 
to strengthen their forces in Meso- 
potamia, and at the same time were able 
to bring a far more powerful artillery 
attack to bear on our positions in Gal- 
lipoli. It was therefore decided to with- 
draw our troops from the peninsula to 

reinforce Saloniki and Egypt. During 
the last week of December our positions 
at Anzac and Suvla were successfully 
evacuated with practically no loss. This 
military achievement has already been 
the subject of eulogy in both houses of 
Parliament, and was only surpassed by 
the later strategic withdrawal from Cape 
Helles. Although when on the spot I had 
formed the opinion that this withdrawal 
could be accomplished with less loss than 
had been originally anticipated, the 
method of its execution by the competent 
naval and military officers in charge ex- 
ceeded my most sanguine expectation. 
The Franco-British forces operating in 
Macedonia were gradually concentrated 
in a strongly intrenched position sur- 
rounding the town of Saloniki. Its line 
of defense was completed and occupied 
before the end of the year, and, in order 
to emphasize the principle of unity 
among the Allies, the supreme com- 
mand of the forces at Saloniki, both 
British and French, was placed in the 
hands of the French Commander in 
Chief, General Sarrail. 

It will be remembered that during last 
Winter an abortive attempt on the Suez 
Canal was easily brushed aside by a small 
British force operating in that neighbor- 
hood. But as a more serious attempt has 
been threatened by the Turks to invade 
Egypt from the east adequate prepara- 
tions have been made to defend the canal. 
The Turco-German influence with the re- 
ligious chief of the Senussi, on the west- 
ern flank of Egypt, has succeeded in in- 
ducing the Arabs of Cyrenaica and Trip- 
oli to assume a hostile attitude toward us 
in Egypt. The first attempts made by 
the tribes have resulted in complete fail- 
ure and disaster to them, and though the 
movement in the western desert still 
causes a certain feeling of unrest the 
admirable loyalty of the people of Egypt 
forms an effective barrier to any pene- 
tration by these raiders into the culti- 
vated areas. 


In Mesopotamia our forces at the end 
of September, advancing up the River 
Tigris, defeated the Turks at Kut-el- 
Amara, and, pushing after various minor 
engagements, were at the beginning of 



November in a position threatening the 
City of Bagdad. The Turkish forces thus 
driven back had, however, received con- 
siderable reinforcements, and at the ac- 
tion of Ctesiphon, on Nov. 22, showed 
themselves to be in such strength as to 
outnumber our expeditionary force. A 
retirement from our advanced position, 
therefore, became necessary, and this was 
carried out under General Townshend's 
direction as far as Kut-el-Amara, a 
strategical point which he decided to hold 
until the arrival of fresh troops which 
were being pushed up the river under the 
command of General Aylmer. 

General Aylmer and his forces drove 
back small parties of Turkish troops, and 
reached a point twenty-three miles below 
Kut-el-Amara, where the Turks had in- 
trenched themselves. The Turkish posi- 
tion was attacked on Jan. 27, but proved 
too strong to be forced, and General Ayl- 
mer, who has been joined by General 
Lake, is now awaiting further reinforce- 
ments before renewing his forward move- 
ment to effect a junction with General 
Townshend's forces. The behavior of the 
British and Indian troops in Mesopota- 
mia has been one of the traditions of our 
army, and the operations which have 
been hampered by the worst possible 
weather will, it is hoped, before long 
reach a satisfactory stage. General 
Townshend has sufficient supplies at his 
disposal to maintain his force for a con- 
siderable period. The operations in 
Mesopotamia, which have hitherto been 
controlled from India, will now come un- 
der the direction of the War Office. 


In East Africa several small engage- 
ments have enabled us to extend our 
positions, and the Union Government, 
after their victorious campaign in South- 
west Africa, having offered troops for 
service in that country, General Smith- 
Dorrien was appointed to command the 
increased forces which it was proposed 
to employ there. Unhappily his health 
has prevented his retaining the command, 
which I am glad to say has been ac- 
cepted by General Smuts, in whom we can 
have the utmost confidence in view of 
his varied military experience. 

In Cameroon the combined operations 
undertaken by the French and British 
troops have brought that country en- 
tirely under the control of the Allies. In 
January Jaunde was occupied and the 
German garrisons were either captured 
or driven out of their colony. All re- 
sistance having now ceased and the 
enemy's levies having laid down their 
arms, the campaign in Cameroon may be 
regarded as virtually concluded. It is 
greatly to the credit of General Dobell 
and General Aymerich, commanding the 
French forces, and the troops under 
their command that this difficult country 
has been satisfactorily cleared of the 

At the end of the year an important 
change occurred in the highest command 
of the British forces in the field. Sir 
John French, on whose shoulders had 
rested the heavy burden of seventeen 
months' ceaseless activity in the field, 
having relinquished, at his own request, 
his post in France, was invited to as- 
sume command of the forces employed in 
this country, and to co-ordinate duties of 
first-rate importance which require the 
direction of a central authority. The 
country will feel that by his invaluable 
services he has placed us all under an 
obligation, and will rejoice at the honor 
conferred by the King which makes him 
a member of this House. Sir Douglas 
Haig has been intrusted with the task 
of conducting the operations of the 
British troops in the western theatre 
of war, and his brilliant record and 
high soldierly reputation are sufficient 
warrant for the confidence in his success 
which his countrymen and our allies feel 
in him. 


I cannot omit to mention the important 
measure that has recently passed your 
Lordships' House enabling the country to 
call on the services of all single men of 
military age. We have now some ex- 
perience of the working of the vountary 
group system, and we realize how 
seriously the numbers immediately ob- 
tainable are affected by exemptions. I 
would pay a tribute to the conscientious 
work of the advisory committees and 

102 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

tribunals which have been set up to deal 
with appeals, and I am not without hope 
that when these appeals have been de- 
cided the anticipated numbers of men 
will be obtained. Time alone will show 
what increase the results of appeal will 
give us, but I trust on a future occasion 
to be in a position to reassure your Lord- 
ships as to the chances of our obtaining 
the numbers required. I would, however, 
seize this opportunity of again urging 
on employers of labor that they should 
do their very best to release young men 
to service in the army and replace them 

with older men, with women, and with 
men who for physical reasons have been 
invalided out of the army 

In the future as in the past we shall 
have our dangers, our difficulties, and 
our anxieties in this great struggle, 
throughout which the splendid state of 
our troops at the front and the calm de- 
termination of the people at home to 
support them to the utmost of their abil- 
ity will enable us to look forward with 
complete confidence to a victorious issue 
which shall insure peace for this and 
many succeeding generations. 

Germany Hid a Stone in Her Bosom" 

By S. D. Sazonoff 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs 

IF Prussian militarism is destroyed, 
if that evil thing which has dark- 
ened all our lives for so many years 
is finally destroyed, as I most 
firmly believe it will be destroyed, then I 
think some measure of disarmament may 
be possible. It should be quite possible, 
for with England and Russia friends the 
rest of the world is safe. The peace of 
the world and the happiness of humanity 
are bound up with the friendship of Eng- 
land and Russia, and I believe this friend- 
ship will be eternal. 

When the Germans, by the mouth of 
their Emperor and by the mouth of their 
Imperial Chancellor, in July, 1914, said 
Russia was crossing the frontier to at- 
tack them, they said what they knew was 
a lie. They wanted an excuse, and they 
deliberately lied. For more than forty 
years, years which kept the whole of Eu- 
rope in a condition of feverish unrest, the 
Prussians have been preparing for this 
war. They have sat at our frontier with 
a stone in their bosom, as we say in one 
of our Russian proverbs. They have been 
waiting to throw that stone. Their one 
object in all these long years has been to 
strike Russia down, and they had not got 

honesty enough to say so. They must 
pretend they were attacked. Bah ! They 
are not even good criminals! 

How can any one like such a nation? 
Their arrogance that insufferable arro- 
gance of the German has the world ever 
seen anything like it? It is an offense to 
all mankind. And they speak of culture! 
They dare to disdain Russia on the 
grounds of culture Russia, who has 
given to the world two of the very great- 
est masters of literature Pushkin and 

We know that while England holds 
the sea Germany, who is the enemy of 
the human race, cannot win the war. I 
have said again and again in committees 
of the Duma, in the Imperial Council, 
and to my sovereign that England and 
Russia together can secure the peace of 
the whole world, and I am sure of it. It 
is my supreme political conviction that 
England's hold of the sea is the greatest 
fact of the war. We know that fact in 
Russia, and we are perfectly satisfied. 

Ah! they have guilty consciences over 
there in Germany. They have burned 
cities, towns, and villages; they have de- 
stroyed houses and laid waste the land; 



they have driven vast numbers of people 
into exile. Ah! how merciless they have 
been, how cruel, how brutal, how fero- 
cious! And they do not want the same 
thing to happen to them. But as for the 
idea that we shall not enter their terri- 
tory, that is for our Generals to decide. 
After a great victory it may be possible 
and it may be right for us to invade Ger- 
many. If so, we shall certainly do it. 
Do you suppose that after a great victory 
on their side they would hesitate to enter 
Moscow or Petrograd? They have an- 
nounced that they are only fighting to 
destroy the Russian armies, but if they 
think we and our allies are fighting to 
destroy the German Nation then I do not 
mind saying they are wrong. How can 
you destroy a nation of 80,000,000 people ? 
Our purpose is to destroy once and 
for all the greatest danger which ever 
menaced the human race. We shall 
fight on and shall never cease fighting 
until that menace is destroyed, and we 
cannot rest with a victory which would 
permit that menace to lift its head again. 
Our victory must be absolute. We must 
be free to live without continual fear of 
war. Things must be so settled by this 
war that the nations will feel themselves 
safe, and until German militarism is de- 
stroyed to its roots no nation can feel 
itself safe. Let the German people know 

I have not the least objection to this 
that if they themselves like to destroy 
their militarism absolutely then the war 
will come to an end; but as for us, we 
shall never stop for one moment until we 
are satisfied that the curse of Prussian- 
ism is lifted from the human race. 

England, France, and Russia are re- 
sponsible now for the future of Europe, 
which means the future of civilization, 
the fate of the world. We can and we 
shall destroy Prussianism. It may take 
a long time. We are prepared for that; 
there will be no inconclusive peace, no 
peace with a risk attached to it. Prus- 
sianism, which is a deadly poison, must 
be flung clean out of the human body. 
We dare not leave it there to work once 
more for the destruction of nations. 

Russia desires with her whole heart 
and soul the peace of the world. It was 
the Emperor of Russia who proposed dis- 
armament in the hope of saving mankind 
from this very catastrophe, and it was 
Germany who deliberately frustrated 
that noble intention. Well, let us hope 
that after this war is over we may find 
ourselves nearer to that noble ideal of 
my sovereign. Russians do not want war. 
They are fighting now to end war, and 
with England and Russia victorious in 
this war the peace of the world will be 
assured. I have no firmer faith than that. 

M. Sazonoff on Russia's Foreign Relations 

An Official Survey 

At the recent opening of the Duma the 
Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs gave 
the following summary of the situation: 
rilHE catastrophe which has overtaken 
J_ the Serbian Army has placed Monte- 
negro in a very difficult position, and 
has subjected the country to a very heavy 
trial. However, the position which has 
arisen in the western part of the Balkan 
Peninsula cannot, of course, under any 
circumstances, be permanent. The hard 
situation in which Serbia and Monte- 
negro find themselves is temporary. The 
fate of these two kingdoms is closely 
knit with the fate of the Allies; their 

fate, therefore, and with it the whole 
Balkan question, will be decided at the 
end of the war in conformity with the 
victory of that righteous cause which the 
Allies are defending. 

Naturally, while speaking of the Bal- 
kan kingdoms, I cannot refrain from 
touching on Greece. Whether Greece 
will preserve a benevolent or a non- 
benevolent neutrality, is another ques- 
tion; but in any case Greece will remain 
neutral ; and it only remains to hope that 
nothing will induce her to break with the 

As regards our relations with Rumania 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

these relations are altogether satisfac- 
tory and maintain their hitherto friend- 
ly character. The trepidation which took 
possession of Rumanian public opinion, 
because of the unfriendly attitude of the 
Central Empires, which threatened 
Bucharest, has not quite ceased. The 
Central Empires, as heretofore, are mak- 
ing every possible effort to sway Rumania 
finally to their side. But Rumania has a 
very clear understanding of the true 
value of the Austro-Hungarian proposals 
and knows that she cannot in any case 
expect the realization of her national 
ideals from solidarity with the Teutonic 
bloc. Therefore, although the Austro- 
Germans continue to carry on the same 
agitation as before in Rumania, this 
agitation, so far as can be seen, is al- 
ready producing less effect in the country. 

In spite of all the efforts of our enemies 
to destroy our friendly relations with 
Sweden, these friendly relations continue 
to develop and to grow stronger. Our 
friendship with Sweden is based not only 
on mutual sympathy, but also on a true 
understanding of the community of our 
interests and profits. Yet it must not 
be forgotten that the same Chauvinist 
elements exist everywhere. Whatever 
may be said in Sweden with regard to 
Russia, I can state categorically that, 
should Sweden ever be compelled to de- 
fend herself against the attack of an 
enemy, that enemy will not be Russia. 
The excitement which has arisen in 
Sweden in connection with the measures 
which England has taken concerning con- 
traband at sea, and the misunderstand- 
ings which have arisen on this basis will, 
we must hope, be dissipated. It must not 
be forgotten that, though England, in the 
given circumstances, is compelled to pro- 
tect her vital interests, yet, at the same 
time, she is filled with the determination 
to do everything that is possible to com- 
ply with the interests of neutral powers. 

The activities and interests of the 
Allies in the struggle which they are 
carrying on show themselves to be now, 
what they have been hitherto, bound to- 
gether in solidarity. But in order to 
bring them into still closer harmony and 
to unite their activities, the Allies have 
established two councils at Paris a mili- 

tary and a political council. Both coun- 
cils have already produced a series of 
favorable results. Since every co-opera- 
tion which may create a still closer ap- 
proach among the Allies and increase 
their understanding of each other ap- 
pears desirable, the realization of the 
project of a visit of representatives of 
our legislative body to England is the 
more desirable. The representatives of 
the Russian people will have the oppor- 
tunity to convince themselves by ocular 
demonstration as to how much England 
has done for the common purpose, and to 
secure victory. How considerable are 
the sacrifices made hitherto by England 
may be seen, if need be, from the fact 
that England has, up to the present, lost 
25,000 officers and 600,000 men. 

The friendship between Russia and 
Japan continues to grow ever stronger 
and stronger, as well on the basis of 
community of commercial interests as on 
the ground of a complete absence of 
causes of political divergence of interest. 

The solidarity of the operations of the 
Allies has been made manifest in the Far 
East, among other things, by the fact 
that the Allies united in friendly repre- 
sentations to the Chinese Government 
concerning the untimeliness of the estab- 
lishment of a monarchical form of gov- 
ernment. It may be remarked in pass- 
ing that, although the Chinese Govern- 
ment did not inform any one of the im- 
pending change of system, Austria 
hastened to announce in Peking her 
recognition of the new order of things. 

I shall not dwell at length on the ef- 
forts of Germany to bring about a sepa- 
rate peace. All these efforts were left by 
us unanswered, and this we shall con- 
tinue to do. The thought of a separate 
peace is, in the actual situation of af- 
fairs, tantamount to the bankruptcy of 
the nation. That we should run into 
bankruptcy or consent to it is, of course, 
unthinkable. To the question, how long 
the war is likely to continue, I answer 
thus: A war protracted for many years, 
Germany cannot endure, and therefore it 
is a mistake to say that the war may 
last for several years yet. The war will 
probably come to an end this year 
perhaps in November. 

Recruiting in Canada 

By Major General Sam Hughes 

Canadian Minister of Militia and Defense 

General Hughes, the military idol of 
Canada, recently told an interviewer of 
the remarkable activities of the Dominion 
under his direction: 

ONE night there was a story of 
three aeroplanes coming across 
the United States border and head- 
ing straight for Ottawa. The 
scare that night was so great that all the 
lights in the House of Parliament were 
extinguished so that the airmen could 
not find the capital. 

But our danger is not here. The 
menace to Canada and all the rest of 
the civilized world is on the battlefields 
in Europe and our real work throughout 
this Dominion is to prepare to do our 
full share of the work over there. And 
that work is to smash Prussia and re- 
store human liberty. 

So far, I think, Canada has done her 
share and will keep right on to the finish. 
We are recruiting at the rate of a thou- 
sand men a day. We have sent 125,000 
men overseas already and have 125,000 
more ready to send as fast as we can 
find ships to take them. That is the 
chief difficulty of our problem in Can- 
ada, getting the transportation for the 
men who are prepared and equipped to 
go. Of the 125,000 who have gone to 
England 60,000 are now in the trenches, 
and they are doing splendid work. There 
are no better troops than the Canadians 
in the war. Our losses so far have been 
approximately 10,000. 

The entire Dominion is divided into 
ten militia districts. That is not a war 
measure, but a part of our old ma- 
chinery for recruiting that has been in 
force for many years, and it has been 
adequate in the emergency of war. We 
had 75,000 men in our regular militia 
before the war, but the law prohibited 
the Government from sending that body 
of men, as such, out of the country, so 
we began the organization of the over- 
seas expeditionary force, and the reg- 

ular militiamen, for the most part, went 
from the stay-at-home troops over into 
the new forces, giving us an excellent 
nucleus for the fighting organization. 
This plan enabled us to equip and send 
across the Atlantic 33,000 men in six 
weeks after the war began. Since then 
we have sent nearly 100,000 more. 

It has not been necessary to open 
new recruiting stations. The prelimi- 
nary work of getting the men is car- 
ried on in each of the ten districts by 
the regimental or battalion organiza- 
tion of each province, and the response 
is so loyal and spontaneous that, as I 
have already told you, the new men are 
enlisting at the rate of a thousand a 
day for the entire Dominion. We have 
some difficulty in the problem of hous- 
ing them till we can get them aboard 
ship. All the available armories are in 
use as barracks; we have been obliged 
to hire a good many buildings, and in 
some cases we are billeting the recruits 
in homes, which is an awkward thing 
to do. If we could only get the boats 
we 'could have a constant stream of 
well trained men going from Canada to 
where they would do the most good. 
Of course the bulk of them are infantry, 
but every arm of the service is repre- 
sented in the Canada expedition. 

[General Hughes shares the opinion of 
the rest of official Canada, as expressed 
by Sir Robert Borden, the Prime Min- 
ister, and by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the 
opposition leader, that the war is only 
in its early stages, that England has 
been obliged to devote the first two 
years of hostilities to getting ready.] 

" This recruiting is going to continue 
until we have defeated Germany and 
crushed Prussia. There are in Canada 
1,600,000 men of fighting age that is, 
between 18 and 45 and they will all go 
if they are needed. 

In factory towns, where manufact- 

106 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

uring plants are running overtime and 
calling for help in the work of getting 
out war munitions, we do not expect to 
get as many men as we do in the rural 
districts or in nonmanufacturing com- 
munities. But there is nothing to com- 
plain about, and we cannot say that this 
or that element in the population is 
hanging back. The rich and the poor, 
the French and the English Canadians, 
and even the Indians, are all coming out 
to help Canada and the rest of civiliza- 
tion. Many of the employers of labor in 
the country are giving their men leave 
of absence, with pay, to serve in the 
overseas forces, and nearly every woman 
and child in the Dominion is doing some- 
thing for the welfare of the men who 
are fighting or for the support of the 
families left at home. 

What Canada is doing is rasing a 
trained democratic army. Both of the 
adjectives I have just used, trained and 
democratic, are of the utmost impor- 
tance in understanding this situation. 
Our strength, up to a million and 
three-quarters of men, if necessary, 
will be in a volunteer army of citizens, 
every man trained in modern methods 
of warfare. And the lesson of all his- 
tory is that the democratic army, after 
it gets its bearings, always defeats the 
standing army of professionals. One 
third of the army that won the battle 
of Waterloo was made up of farmers. 
We have farmers, fishermen, lumbermen, 
hunters, Indians, thousands of keen ath- 
letic young fellows from the cities and 
big student delegations from the univer- 
sities all the elements needed for the 
army that wins. 

That is the sort of an army that 

Canada and every other country should 
always have potentially, war or no war. 
I certainly do not believe in any form 
of compulsory service, but I do believe 
in universal, voluntary training for all 
boys and young men by means of the 
cadet system in the schools. The young- 
sters should begin to get such training 
when they are 12 years old and keep 
it up till they are 18. I would advo- 
cate this if there were never to be an- 
other war. It would make good men 
out of the bad ones and better men out of 
the good ones. 

[General Hughes's advocacy of the 
democratic army and the training of all 
the men of a nation for it is based on 
the knowledge of his own experiences 
and the traditions of his family. His 
great-great-grandfather, with two sons, 
was killed at Waterloo, and another son 
was wounded there. His own son and 
two of his brothers are officers in the 
Canadian army now in Europe, and his 
own life has been a blend of literary ac- 
tivities in times of peace and of fighting 
whenever England or Canada has had 
any little trouble to attend to. For ex- 
ample, he has been Lecturer in English 
Literature and History in Toronto Col- 
legiate Institute and for twelve years he 
was proprietor and editor of a news- 
paper. On the other hand, he fought so 
well in South Africa that he attained 
high rank in the British Army, and he 
has had various military experiences in 
minor uprisings. Then, to keep the 
balance between the civil and military 
parts of his career, he has been a mem- 
ber of the Canadian Parliament since 
1892. In 1911 he became Minister of 
Militia in Sir Robert Borden's Cabinet.] 

British Merchant Marine Losses 

According to W. S. Abell, Chief Surveyor to Lloyd's Register, London, 
who delivered a lecture on the subject before the Greenock Philosophical Society 
in February, out of 4,400 steamships entered in the war risks insurance asso- 
ciations, 172 had been lost by perils of war. The value of the ships lost was 
6,250,000, and the value of cargo lost 7,250,000. The percentage of loss on 
the total value of 4,400 steamships came to about 4 per cent., and on the total 
value of cargoes one-half of 1 per cent. The greater proportion of these losses 
was, of course, inflicted by submarines. 

Changes in the American Spirit 

By Siegfried Dyck of Halle 

While our readers will instantly note certain points where this keen-minded Ger- 
man writer goes astray in his analysis of American national psychology, the interest 
of his conclusions is undeniable. Incidentally the article is valuable as a revelation 
of German hopes regarding the coming Presidential campaign in the United States. 
It appeared originally in the Frankfurter Zeitung. Editor CURRENT HISTORY. 

WE should not identify the people 
of the great American Repub- 
lic with the Government at 
Washington and hold them re- 
sponsible in their entirety for the 
unfriendly attitude of the United 
States toward the Central Powers. The 
person who wishes to form a correct es- 
timate of the conduct of the United States 
should not overlook the fact that the 
Government of a nation always is the 
representative of the strongest elements 
of power in the composition of the State. ' 
In looking for these elements of power 
we must recollect that a country devel- 
oped from colonies, like the United States, 
in the nature of things presents a very 
different physiognomy from that of a 
national State. An effort has been made 
to reduce the position of Wilson, Lansing, 
and the American press to the following 
formula : " The hostile attitude of the 
American Government and of the Amer- 
ican press is due to the influence of the 
speculators in war material." This for- 
mula is, however, only a half truth. 

During the different periods of the 
development of the United States very 
distinct currents of thought have been in 
the ascendency, the majority of which 
still influence the policy of the nation. 
At the time of the British domination, 
when the necessity for independence 
arose in England's North American 
colonies, the urge toward liberty ruled 
the minds of the rising colonial race. 
And this urge, the ideals of which were 
based on a fanciful picture of the old 
Roman Republic as conceived by the 
fighters for freedom, received a fresh 
impulse from those immigrants from the 
Old World who, in order to escape 
political persecution, abandoned their 
homes and sought in the new and great 

Republic the freedom denied them by 
their fatherlands. 

Germany, too, in the days when the 
spirit of Metternich suppressed every 
manifestation of freedom in the German 
States, and during the period of reaction 
following 1848, when the agitators for a 
united and greater Germany were 
thrown into prison and threatened with 
death, repulsed and made homeless many 
able men who then sought a new home 
in the land beyond the sea. Thus the 
spirit which founded the United States 
was preserved through generations and 
became deeply rooted, especially as the 
new immigrants belonged to an energetic 
element that soon made itself felt in the 
life of its new home. 

The generation of the old settlers and 
of the earlier immigrants had not been 
driven from home because of the diffi- 
culty of obtaining sustenance. Even 
when they brought but little of this 
world's goods with them, they found a 
sparsely settled country in which their 
activity soon enabled them to earn their 
living, and which soon guaranteed them 
a comfortable existence, without compel- 
ling them to regard the accumulation of 
money as the main thing in life. In 
later years, as the development of trans- 
portation continued to land ever-increas- 
ing streams of human beings on the 
shores of the young colonial country, the 
descendants of these early seekers of 
liberty constituted an aristocracy of 
vested wealth and preserved the tradition 
of the ideals of freedom of their fore- 
fathers. They also clung to the picture 
of the enslavement of free souls that 
their ancestors had brought with them 
from their old homes. France had sent 
them men inspired with the spirit of the 
Revolution to aid in the great battle for 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

independence. All they knew about Ger- 
many was that it sighed under the 
despotism of its Princes and officials and 
that German Princes like the one from 
Hesse-Cassel even sold their citizens to 
foreign lands for cannon fodder. 

These ideas became fixed and were 
nourished and strengthened by some em- 
bittered men who made the alleged, or 
perhaps real, injustice they had suffered 
in Germany the basis for much generaliza- 
tion. This was the main reason why 
the sons of the patriotic Germans of the 
colonial aristocracy became Americans 
who occupied an attitude of suspicion and 
even of hostility toward the new Ger- 
many that was born in 1870. They did 
not know it and, influened by their preju- 
dices, they did not take the trouble to 
become acquainted with it. 

Already in the sixties, and to a still 
greater degree after 1870, a new stream 
of immigration completely changed the 
physiognomy of the people. Instead of 
the seekers of liberty, Europe, as a re- 
sult of the material cheapening of 
transportation, sent to the United States 
many persons leading a precarious exist- 
ence who, because of the economic con- 
ditions then prevailing, found no oppor- 
tunity in their own fatherlands either to 
earn their bread or to improve their ma- 
terial standing. Now it was no longer 
the idealists, the individualists seeking 
freedom of action, who formed the ma- 
jority of the immigrants, but it was a 
body of men, hardened by the struggle 
for their daily bread and determined to 
advance the interests of themselves and 
their children at any cost. The gold fever 
of the sixties and seventies contributed 
toward impressing this characteristic 
more strongly upon the stream of im- 
migrants. The struggle for existence 
which these new and strange immigrants 
found forced upon them in the eastern 
part of the United States, already more 
thickly settled and equipped with vested 
property rights, ruled their every 
thought. Whoever lost in this struggle 
was irretrievably ruined. And so the 
lust for gain rose to the boiling point 
and was communicated to that part of 
the existing population which had not 
yet obtained economic security. 

It was inevitable that from this condi- 
tion there should develop and spread that 
overvaluation of material wealth which 
is embodied in the variety of Yankeedom 
to whom nothing is more sacred, or of 
greater value and weight, than money. 
Of course the members of the aristocracy 
descended from the early settlers, secure 
in the possession of comfortable fortunes, 
have not allowed themselves to be swal- 
lowed^ up entirely by this movement. 
They have understood how still to main- 
tain a certain influence over the Gov- 
ernment, which at one time they fur- 
nished with it's best statesmen. It is 
self-evident, however, that such a trans- 
formation in the mind of the people could 
not fail to affect the Government, so 
that the latter, from a representative 
of liberal-minded individualism, has be- 
come, in the main, a representative of 
materialism and egoism, as personified 
in the trusts and great industrial cor- 

Both of these phases of development 
essentially affect the relations of the 
United States with Germany today. 
President Wilson depends principally 
upon the North Americans' acquisitive- 
ness and upon the groups of big capital- 
ists, but he is also supported, on what 
they consider idealistic grounds, by the 
members of the old aristocracy, who can- 
not rid themselves of the idea of an 
illiberal Germany, and who believe they 
are fighting for the old idea of individual 
liberty by taking a stand against her. 

We must not underestimate the power 
of the prejudices of the colonial aristoc- 
racy, to which Wilson is attaching him- 
self all the closer now that a new oppo- 
sition has arisen that seriously endangers 
his candidacy for the Presidency. This 
new current of thought, which already 
had attained considerable strength be- 
fore the war, was the result of a change 
in the economic position of the great 
mass of the people. The agglomeration 
of huge fortunes has put an entirely dif- 
ferent face upon the industrial situation. 
Whereas formerly working for wages 
was almost always a mere transitory 
stage, and nearly everybody, even the 
poorest, had the possibility of attaining 
an independent existence and entering 



into the competition for the accumulation 
of wealth, nowadays it is only in the 
rarest cases that members of great social 
strata succeed in freeing themselves from 
their subjection to big capitalism. This 
has led to more definite divisions among 
the people and to a sharp contrast be- 
tween the interests of workingmen, em- 
ployes, and little business men, and those 
of big business. 

Such a state of affairs, which has now 
prevailed for a couple of decades and 
which practically precludes success in a 
competitive struggle, has lowered the 
exaggerated estimate placed on material 
things in the former circles. When a 
person is no longer able to obtain riches 
himself he is likely to become more criti- 
cal in valuing them. The workingmen, 
employes, and small business men are 
happy when they succeed in making their 
existence comparatively secure, and as 
they see that big capitalism ruthlessly 
exploits them and then throws them on 
the junk heap, being aided in the process 
by the lawmaking machinery, the inter- 
est of these classes in political life and 
other questions not so closely connected 
with business is awakened. 

Under the influence of this current of 
thought the later generations of German 
immigrants have not lost touch with the 
old fatherland as did the immigrants of 
the first two epochs, the political refugees 
and the fortune hunters. They read Ger- 
man newspapers, have business relations 
with the old country, exchange letters 
with their relatives at home, are ac- 
quainted with Germany and feel them- 
selves to be Germans, even in their new 
home. Therefore, in a great part of the 
broad masses of the people, (the younger 
German- Americans and the Irish,) to- 
gether with the opposition to a Govern- 
ment controlled by big capitalists and 
anti-German sentiments, is to be found 
a warm sympathy for imperiled Ger- 

This is the beginning of a fresh trans- 
formation in the soul of the American 
people and of an increase in the signifi- 
cance of the German spirit in the United 
States. Even in cases where this sym- 
pathy is not the result of the ties of blood 

or friendship, or of common opposition 
to England, self-interest will induce the 
greater part of the propertiless classes 
to become opponents of the Wilson policy. 
The uncertainty of employment due to 
the cessation of activity in a great num- 
ber of industries depending upon German 
trade connections, the increased cost of 
living resulting from the stimulated ex- 
portation of meat and grain, the fact 
that by far the greater part of the enor- 
mous profits of the trade in munitions 
of war only goes to swell the wealth of 
the millionaires; all this, combined with 
the support of the financially powerful 
cotton interests and of the American 
textile industry that cannot get along 
without German dyestuff s, is working to 
create a strong opposition to the Wilson 
policy in the mass of the American peo- 
ple. Bryan, no doubt, recognized the 
change in sentiment and for that reason 
let Wilson drop. 

Whether the new current of thought 
is strong enough to carry its point only 
time can tell. That it has already become 
a power is demonstrated by the delib- 
erations in the House and the Senate, and 
the recent slight change of position on 
the part of Wilson. He is looking for 
solid support in the face of this new 
force. He believed he had found it in 
the group of war speculators surround- 
ing Morgan and in the old anti-German 
colonial families who, besides the million- 
aires, still et the fashion, especially as 
the leading newspapers of the West, with 
few exceptions, unconditionally defended 
the financial interests of the war specu- 
lators, in the meantime draping them- 
selves with the mantle of the old friends 
of freedom. But as the press cannot 
continue in permanent opposition to the 
great mass of its readers, it is hardly 
to be doubted that there will be a sudden 
change there, too, as soon as the move- 
ment becomes strong enough. Thus a 
new struggle for power has begun in 
America, the result of which is sure to 
be of great importance in connection with 
our relations with the United States 
after the war, even if it is not noted be- 
fore the close of hostilities. Conse- 
quently, we have every reason to be in- 
terested in this development. 

A Bugle Call to Duty 

By Leonid Andreyev 

Foremost Russian Dramatist 

PEOPLE are asking one another 
these days: "Will this be the 
last war, or is the world con- 
demned to experience again in the 
future the horrors of bloodshed and 
slaughter of millions?" The answer 
seems to be this : If people in the future 
will be as they were before the war, war 
with its horrors will visit them just as it 
has visited us. As the flood for the con- 
temporaries of Noah was a severe punish- 
ment for their crimes and vices, so the 
present war is but a terrible retribution 
for the weakness and flabbiness of the 

.Who wanted the war? All the partici- 
pants in it say: " We did not want it." 
But how could that which no one wanted 
happen? If we admit that a score or a 
hundred persons planned and sought the 
war, how can we admit that this score or 
hundred maniacs swept all humanity to 
the field of carnage? And this is pre- 
cisely what happened. Nobody except the 
small group of maniacs wanted or wants 
the war, and nevertheless it is raging 
like a hurricane, carrying to death and 
destruction ever new portions of mankind. 
And this could happen only because 
the intelligent will to live and create in 
the men of yesterday was weaker than 
the elemental desire in them to destroy 
and kill. No illness can develop in a 
body that is strong, overflowing with 
life. When people really will to live and 
create, they live and create. When they 
cease willing it, they die. A slight cold 
is sufficient to bring such weaklings to 
their graves, for this is what they seek. 
And the people of yesterday sought their 
own graves. Well, they found them. They 
sank low, they grew petty; from the 
temples and spacious halls they went to 
narrow cages. They preferred the ar- 
tificial fires of the night life to the flame 
of creative genius. They could not 
dominate the fountains of life, and they 
have dimmed the glow of the human soul. 

The ancients said : " Do whatever you 
do." While it may be useful for a sick 
person to attempt to discover the cause 
of his sickness, there is a still greater task 
before him to prevail over the sickness. 
If we were weak yesterday and could not 
avert the war, let us be strong today and 
continue the struggle, as behooves one 
who is strong. Not with the sword but 
with the will we shall attain victory. 

There are many, of course, not at the 
front, who complain against the fatigue 
of a prolonged war, who turn their faces 
away from the war*news in the papers, 
who seek dissipation in normal enter- 
tainments. This is bad; it is the voice 
of weakness, the echo of the blind and 
deaf yesterday, when before the eyes of 
humanity the mad sacrifice to Moloch 
was being erected. And they, the men 
of yesterday, thought it a toy and dreamed 
of careers for their children. And where 
are their children now? 

Weak in peace, we got the war. Strong 
in war, we shall win a firm peace, based 
on our power of will and not on accident 
and the wish of a Wilhelm. One must 
not say : " Let the war end, and then I 
will labor and create a brighter future." 
This is wrong. It is the voice of weak- 
ness and cowardice. It is the treacher- 
ous murmur of an illness, persuading the 
body not to struggle against death, for 
there is rest in death. No, we must be 
restless, we must be feverish, we must 
be strong now, at this very moment; we 
must continue to the end the work be- 
fore us. Let us enter the triumphal arch 
of tomorrow as powerful masters, then 
the day will be clear and bright, and our 
will shall dominate it. To get there 
through the hole of a rickety peace means 
that tomorrow will dominate us, as the 
miserable and negligible yesterday did. 
It means that tomorrow we shall still re- 
main the slaves of accident and faith- 

Those who turn away from the war, 



expecting a bright future, err bitterly; 
they are weak, and there is no future for 
them. They have overlooked the coming 
of the war, so extensively prepared under 
their eyes; they will also overlook peace, 
whose approach the thundering mouths 
of the cannon are already announcing. 
Let us devote our minds, our wills, our 
passions, to the war and to victory. 
Wielding the destinies of war, we shall 
also wield those of peace. Taught by 
suffering, strong in its determination, 
humanity will create a real, permanent 
peace, and not a state of passivity, bar- 
barously styled " armed peace," which 
the weak and condemned to death people 
of the gloomy Europe of yesterday ac- 
cepted as normal. 

Now the children are paying for the 
sins of their fathers. The children are 
made responsible for their weak, petty, 
wretched, thoughtless, spiritless fathers, 
who traded in cannon as in common 
merchandise, whose hands dug the 
graves for their children, and who trod 
the paths that led their sons there. 

Happily, not all of them will be killed. 
Many will remain alive and return home. 
It is necessary that these martyrs, who 
escape slaughter, should not experience 
at home a torture more bitter than death, 
the torture and shame of defeat. How 
would we justify ourselves? With what 
eyes would we face them? How would 
we counterbalance that feeling of pro- 
found and blind revenge, painful despair, 
characteristic of one who fought brave- 
ly and met his defeat because of faults 
committed not by him. 

Let us be strong and upright. Let us 
give all the love we have, all the care 
and attention we possess, to our soldiers. 
Let us not allow the war to become our 
master, but let us dominate the war, 
bridle the evil elements let loose, sub- 
jugate their fury to the yoke of mind 
and will. 

Then the daybreak of which the cocks 
are crowing already will be fair and 
bright, and the sun of a lasting peace 
in the human world will rise upon the 
land of the strong. 

'* It Will Take Europe at Least Fifty Years to Recover " 

Guglielmo Ferrero, the Italian historian, said in an interview at Milan: 

The relations between Italy and France since the beginning of the war 
have been cemented into a friendship that I believe will be permanent. These 
relations prior to the war were not good owing to the Triple Alliance treaty, 
which, though its context is still secret, I believe was broken by the Central 
Powers when they entered upon a war of aggression and conquest without con- 
sulting us, thus treating Italy as a vassal State. 

To my mind there is no doubt that the Quadruple Entente will win. The 
only question is: To what extent will Germany and Austria drag down the 
rest of Europe in their fall? It will take Europe at least fifty years to recover. 

The material loss is a small matter. <The institutions of Europe, like a 
badly constructed building, are crumbling under the effects of the war. There 
will be after the war a terrible conflict of ideas. In this conflict our gener- 
ation will be sacrificed. 

France will come out of the war the greatest European nation, for she has 
astonished the world by the magnitude of her efforts against her powerful 
enemy, compared with which the efforts of the rest of the Quadruple Entente 
are insignificant. 

Magazinists of the World on the War 

Condensed From Leading Reviews 

In the excerpts printed in this department of CURRENT HISTORY will be found examples 
of the current thought of all the warring countries, as represented by many of their leading 
writers and most influential periodicals. 

Peace or Desperate War 

By Maximilian Harden 

In an extraordinary article in Die 
Zukunft Herr Harden says: 

SIX months ago the Germans could 
be content with defense, holding 
and using what they had con- 
quered, and saying to the enemy: 
" We will not budge until you compel us 
to repel you." Now it is too late. : 
Can we wait until the enemy has spied out 
every feature of our system of war 
economics, and until at last there creeps 
upon us the state of want which at 
present is mere lies? It cannot be denied 
that our third harvest would be more 
difficult than the second, that it would be 
difficult to make good our supplies not 
indeed of men, but of important raw 
materials and that our expenditure of 
money would increase immoderately. 
After three blockade years others would 
occupy the places in the chief markets 
from which it seemed impossible that 
German trade could be expelled. Dare 
we wait? The enemy's longing for de- 
lay gives us the answer. No. 

[Herr Harden thinks German:/ should 
address her enemies as follows:] 

A limitation of armaments, adapted to 
the new graduations of power, is think- 
able, for a nation which has got the in- 
dispensable breathing-space need not 
wear so much armor as if it still had to 
win this breathing-space against the 
swords of other armed nations. Con- 
ceivable also is a War Debts Association, 
which would be a firm support of the 
will for peace. Do you want to escape 
from the fog of lies into clear air, and 
to leave the crumbling pomps and vani- 
ties of palaces already undermined for 
the clean halls of honorable community 

in labor, which in a generation might 
wipe out a part of the damage done yes- 
terday and today? You will find us not 
unreasonable. Are the survivors to feel 
that the war, in spite of all its horrors, 
has brought the white races of Europe 
forward, and so erected a permanent 
monument to the fallen, or are your 
people still to be swindled with the pre- 
tense that the strong and stubbornly 
efficient Germans must be so thrown 
down that they cannot rise up again in 
any near future? There is still time 
a short time for agreement. 

We are not to be caught in pincers be- 
tween a miserable peace and exhaustion 
by a long war with the consolation that 
a long war will devastate the world, 
enemies as well as friends. We will not 
wait upon your pleasure. If there must 
be death, we will determine the hour. 
No neutral State could expect us to think 
of its advantage and its comfort rather 
than of the security of our life. If the 
dispute with the United States can be 
covered over with any respectable form- 
ula there need be no splitting of hairs; 
after a settlement the Anglo-American 
dispute about the right to export and 
about the making of cotton contraband 
would soon become hot. 

But if Britain is yearning for proof 
that we cannot wound her in the heart 
with submarines and air craft, and if she 
will not discuss peace until this has been 
proved, the United States must reconcile 
itself to the conviction that no further 
hesitations will cripple our submarine 
war, and that no stars and no stripes 
will protect a ship in the war zone. * * * 
We are not tired and not afraid, and nine- 



teen months have not paled our resolu- 
tion. A worthy and moderate peace is 
welcome, but the enfeebling of Germany's 
power to strike never! 

It is a lie that Germany wants to wipe 
out her enemies, and that, if she cannot 
harvest the spoils tomorrow, she will the 
day after tomorrow arm for a new rob- 

ber campaign. It is a lie that this Ger- 
many can be banished from Europe's 
future. She will never beg for peace. 
Gladly, however, will she greet the dawn 
which frees her from her terrible task, 
and permits the return to quiet creative 
work and the preparation of worthy and 
free common life. 

Saving the Life of Poland 

By Henryk Sienkiewicz 

The famous Polish author of "Quo 
Vadis? " now living in Switzerland, is 
devoting all his time to relief work for 
his suffering compatriots. To an inter- 
viewer he said recently: 

HAVE you any idea of the misery that 
has been inflicted on the Polish peo- 
ple by the operations of war? Has 
Europe any adequate conception of the 
state of affairs in the territory now oc- 
cupied by the various armies? Woes 
upon woes have fallen upon Poland. The 
war swept like a destructive machine 
over the land; the whole country is dev- 
astated; the fields are neglected, having 
nobody to work in them ; all the available 
cattle have been requisitioned by the 
passage of the three belligerent armies; 
food of all kinds is scarce and prices are 
high; worst of all, there is no milk for 
the Polish infants, who are dying off in 
thousands from sheer lack of nourish- 
ment of the proper kind ; in blunt words, 
these little children are dying of starva- 
tion. Here indeed, is one of the most 
poignant if not the supreme tragedy of 
the whole war. 

Actively as we are working to meet 
the necessities of the hour, it must not 
be supposed that we have forgotten the 
great cause of Polish independence. 
There is no doubt in our minds that this 
war will bring about, at last, after all 
these long years of suffering, the self- 
government of Poland. It is, indeed, 
one of the most urgent needs of Europe 
that the Poles should be allowed to de- 
velop on their own national lines under a 
Polish Government. 

We number some twenty-five millions. 

We are the most typical Slavic race; we 
are the most Slavic of the Slav peoples. 
We have the most ancient civilization. 
Our university, founded by Casimir the 
Great in 1364, was the first of the Slav 
universities of Europe. For centuries we 
were the bulwark of civilization in the 
East. Our literature is grand; our his- 
tory is glorious; our aspirations as a na- 
tion are noble and justified. There is 
much talk now of small nationalities. 
Much sympathy has been accorded to the 
Serbians, and rightly so. 

But the natural right of the Poles to 
independence is the same, and on greater 
grounds, in view of the extent of their 
territory and the number of their in- 

It is with very great regret that I and 
my friends have read the suggestion that 
the food which we collect for our own 
people really goes to the Germans. I 
can state definitely that there is no pos- 
sibility of this happening. The name of 
the President of the Relief Committee 
for the Victims of War in Poland, my 
friend, M. Antoine Osuchowski, is in it- 
self a sufficient guarantee that there is 
no misapplication of funds or material 
collected for the Poles. The President of 
our committee in Warsaw is Prince 

Just as relief is conveyed to the Bel- 
gians who have remained in their own 
country, so it is extended to Poles in the 
territory occupied by German armies. It 
is as unjust to describe our efforts as 
pro-German as it would be to apply this 
description to the relief of the Belgians 
in the occupied parts of Belgium. It is 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

true that relief has been distributed in 
Vienna, Gratz, Innsbruck, and other Aus- 
trian towns, but exclusively to Polish 
refugees in those places. Many of our 
people fled from the zone of war to the 
towns of the interior, where their misery 
is also very acute. Shall we refuse to 
succor them because they happen to be 
in Austrian towns? 

It is, above all, necessary to save 
the life of Poland and the self-ex- 
istence of the Polish Nation. No one 

can foresee what the future will bring. 
Our sympathies will always be on the 
side of those who come forward in the 
name of freedom and of the rights which 
belong to every nation. But at present, 
so long as our committee is not dissolved, 
its main object is the saving of the na- 
tional life of Poland. This is the cause 
of my having, as President of the com- 
mittee, refused to engage with many cor- 
respondents in conversation on purely po- 
litical subjects. 

Poland's Future: Russian or German? 

By Gregory Mason 

Mr. Mason reviews the situation of the 
Poles in The Outlook, New York, for Feb. 
2, tells of the irreconcilable factions into 
which they are themselves divided, and 
concludes : 

IF Polish history means anything, it 
means that long-continued Polish 
independence is impossible. The big 
kingdom of Boleslaus fell apart because 
Poles could not live together amicably. 
* * * The real Polish question today 
is whether Poland is to exist under the 
protection of Russia or Germany; or, 
rather, the first question is whether 
Poland is to be reunited under one Gov- 
ernment or whether it is to continue di- 
vided, and, if it is to be united, the ques- 
tion then arises, Under what auspices, 
Russian or German? For the two great 
powers that have quarreled over Poland 
in the past, like two wolves quarreling 
over a sheep, cannot both be separated 
from the future fortunes of Poland, and 
it is better for the sheep to be given 
entirely to one wolf (to continue a some- 
what unpleasant metaphor) than to be 
torn between the two. The worst ene- 
mies of Poland are those impractical 
Poles who cry for the immediate, absolute 
independence of Poland, for this angers 
both Germany and Russia, and the sheep 
can throw off the grip of one wolf only 
with the help of the other, and alone can 
free itself from neither. 

Between Russia and Germany, Russia 
ds the natural guardian for Poland to 
select. With the views on this question 
of the distinguished Russian Pole above 
quoted probably most impartial observ- 
ers will agree, with the exception of his 
denunciation of Russia's civilization as 
barbarous, a tirade in which some in- 
herited racial animosities came to the 
surface. Despite the bitterness of the 
past, Poland is more indebted to Russia 
than to Germany, and the future of the 
Poles is more bound up with the future 
of their fellow- Slavs than with the fu- 
ture of the alien Teutons. 

A buffer State Poland has been and a 
buffer State she will continue to be. But 
her lot will be happier if she is a Slav 
bulwark linked to Russia, used by Rus- 
sia against Germanic onslaughts, but re- 
inforced and protected by Russia, than 
if she is given a feeble independence 
and left to fear attacks both from east 
and west. 

Moreover, Russia is the nation to 
whose greatest interest it is to reunite 
Poland, and there is a fair chance that 
if the Allies are victorious Poland will 
be reunited under Russian protection. 
But even now, with German armies hold- 
ing Poland, there is little chance that 
Germany can keep what she now has, for 
she must use some of it as a quid pro 
quo for the freedom of the seas that 
only England can give her. 

Need of a Lasting Peace 

By Jules Clemenceau 

Referring to the outburst of joy in 
Berlin at the time of the* killing of many 
women and children in France and Eng- 
land by Zeppelins, M. Clemenceau said 
in his Paris journal, L'Homme Enchaine : 

I AM not committing the wretched error 
of wishing to found the future on 
eternal hatred which could only pre- 
pare for a more or less risky renewal of 
extreme violence. In the ages that our 
children will not see there will be f orget- 
fulness, for if the joy of memory is 
short lived the happiest gilt of man in the 
tumult of life is probably the tranquiliz- 
ing ease of amnesia. But we who are pay- 
ing for incredible faults of character and 
ideas by holocausts such as the world 
had never before seen we whose 
strength, which was not always suffi- 
cient, will be lessened precisely at the 
moment when the greatest effort of 
French reconstruction will be demanded 
of us we should be betraying our dead, 
or glorious wounded, and our history if 
we allowed ourselves to drop from the 
grand effort we have made to win to the 
supreme cowardice of forgetfulness. 

It will not be with us, as it was with 
the Germans in 1870, to raise the hue 
and cry after the stricken beast. We 
shall respect ourselves by respecting the 
conquered^ even though they are irrep- 
arably dishonored by their unparalleled 

excesses and terrible atrocities. We 
could not, without being false to our own 
natures and without incurring the eternal 
reproaches of our descendants, basely 
betray the cause for which they have 
poured out their noble blood by recoiling 
before the duty of taking all necessary 
precautions in order that the establish- 
ment of a durable peace should at least 
be assured us. 

Germany will not be suppressed to- 
morrow. She will wish to recuperate, and 
no one can blame her. Her resources in 
bold initiative and^methodical oranization 
will not be less powerful than before. 
Not having been able to destroy us in 
war she will renew her attempt at peace- 
ful absorption. The peace therefore must 
be ours and not hers for ourselves, who 
have human law to preserve, in the 
establishment of a new Europe, and for 
her that can only be regenerated by re- 
turning under our auspices to the civi- 
lized condition that one day, I hope at 
any rate, she will be ashamed of having 
repudiated. Simple-minded politicians 
are apt to say that this war will be the 
last. I will not profess a folly that 
might perhaps have appealed to me at 
a time when I did not test my ideas by 
reference to facts. I would merely state 
that the coming peace will be the more 
solid and the better in so far as our vic- 
tory is the more complete. 

M. Milenko Vesnitch: Spokesman of Serbia 

According to the Revue Hebdoma- 
dadre, M. Milenko Vesnitch, Serbia's Min- 
ister to France, said in the course of a 
recent oration at the Sorbonne : 

HOW are we to explain the interest 
which France has always felt 
toward us unless by some spiritual 
force stronger than all political combina- 
tions. * * * That which separates 

us from the Germans and brings us close 
to each other is the fine feeling of hu- 
man solidarity, of Christian compassion. 
There is no human wretchedness no 
matter in what corner of the world that 
has not found an echo in your noble 
hearts. You have had compassion for the 
victims of all atrocities, whether they 
were called Armenian, Bulgarian, Greek, 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

Serbian; you have fought for the liber- 
ties of all peoples. But no German has 
ever had a noble feeling for the suffer- 
ings of other nations! * * * There 
is not in the world a nation, small or 
great, which owes its liberty or its in- 
dependence to Germany. And this can- 
not be otherwise; for, even under the 
standards of Bonaparte France fought 

for fraternity, for equality, for the lib- 
erty of all. 

But Germany has never fought except 
from motives of egotism exclusively 
German. This is why there may be 
moments in history in which other peo- 
ples will fear Germany, but never an 
instant when any other nation will love 

Economic Demobilization in Germany 

By Dr. Jacob Riesser 

As President of the Hansa-Bund Dr. Riesser speaks for the great German shipping inter- 
ests and for many other influential business men. His article emphasizing the "need of 
Government aid in the battle for trade after the war originally appeared in The Cologne 

THE most essential problems of eco- 
nomic demobilization must be estab- 
lished at once in the order of their 
organic relation and prepared for with- 
out a moment's delay. This is the more 
necessary because there is no doubt that 
in Great Britain and the Entente coun- 
tries far-reaching and systematic provi- 
sions, particularly regarding the supply- 
ing of raw material and the obtaining of 
cargo room, for the period immediately 
following the restoration of peace, al- 
ready have been worked out and partly 
put into effect. 

Naturally the question of what meas- 
ures are to be taken is by no means lim- 
ited to these two problems. On the con- 
trary, there are a great number of just 
as important matters which should be 
investigated and prepared for at once. 
Among these are the measures which will 
be necessary in those first days of peace 
to prevent the disturbing of the market 
for mortgages, securities and building 
loans, and the setting in of a shortage of 
dwellings, with an accompanying sudden 
rise in rents; to insure, as far as pos- 
sible, the organization of the labor mar- 
ket in that initial period; to enable the 
German shipping companies immediately 
to advance the interests of German ex- 
porters; to support the German export 
trade through the development or exten- 
sion of the existing war credit banks or 
through export credit banks and trans- 

portation insurance companies to be 
created especially for this purpose, and 
to support German exchange, certain 
action toward which happily has been 
taken already, at least so far as may be 
possible at that time in the face of the 
lack of German overseas exports. 

Over many of these pertinent questions 
there will be hardly any serious differ- 
ences of opinion. For instance, it will 
be almost universally admitted that the 
broad powers given to the Federal Coun- 
cil, (Bundesrat,) under Paragraph III. 
of the Law of August 4, 1914, regarding 
the authorizing of the Federal Council 
to take action in the economic field, will 
have to remain in force for some time 
after the end of the war; also that for 
a certain length of time the same course 
must be adopted in the matter of redeem- 
ing our banknotes in gold and in con- 
nection with a considerable number of 
necessary war laws, which, like those 
concerning the control of business and 
the court orders delaying the payment of 
debts, have been enacted for the purpose 
of preventing a financial crisis. Of 
course these laws will have to be appro- 
priately altered and extended. Also a 
great many of the organizations and in- 
stitutions created during the war will 
have to be continued in existence for 
some time, and there is no doubt that 
new organs and institutions will be nec- 
essary in order to facilitate the economic 



demobilization and to prevent economic 

There is not the slightest doubt that 
the matter of supplying raw material 
cannot be left to the tender mercies of 
the unregulated and feverish competi- 
tion sure to set in from all sides as soon 
as peace is restored. At that time the 
stocks of raw material will be pretty well 
cleaned out, not only in Germany but in 
all the warring countries. Therefore, an 
exaggerated demand on the one hand 
and a mighty increase in production on 
the other is to be expected. As a conse- 
quence of this extraordinary rises in 
prices will be inevitable, especially as the 
sellers naturally will be slow at first in 
making offers. 

Coincident with the scarcity of raw 
material will come a shortage of cargo 
room which will entail a very material 
rise in freight rates at sea. Therefore 
we shall have to deal with the decline in 
exchange, with fresh hindrances and 
higher prices in obtaining raw material, 
with lack of cargo room, and with an 
increase in freight rates. Consequently 
we are facing dangers that may grow 
to immense proportions unless timely 
and effective precautions are taken 
which aim to prevent a free-for-all com- 
petitive struggle, a struggle which, under 
the circumstances mentioned, might be- 
come particularly serious. 

In the nature of things, in this case as 
well as that of all the other questions 
touched upon, it is impossible publicly to 
discuss here the details of the measures 
to be adopted, but it may be pointed out 
that purchasing syndicates, (trusts,) 
which at the same time would have the 
task of providing cargo room, should be 
organized. The combining of all these 
individual syndicates into a single great 
organization, which, as such, would have 
to make allowances for every point of 
view, probably would be desirable. The 
organization of purchasing syndicates as 
mentioned for the large industrial groups 
is hardly to be avoided, as the conditions 
are quite distinct in the different indus- 

It is not to be supposed, however, that 
these arrangements could be put into 

operation without the co-operation of the 
State, particularly as Government com- 
pulsion will be indispensable in putting 
through many of the necessary measures 
and may be needed to bring individuals 
into the organization. But during this time 
immediately following the restoration of 
peace, to which period the whole ar- 
rangement must be limited, we must re- 
verse the basic principle which prevails 
now, in time of war. While during the 
war the Government organizations, with 
the co-operation of industry, have laid 
down the rules to be followed, in time of 
peace the rule must be: industrial or- 
ganization, with the co-operation of the 
State. All this should be planned, how- 
ever, with a view to bringing about the 
disappearance of the tendency toward 
State socialism, which is here apparent, 
although in a diluted form, as soon as 
possible after the great difficulties of the 
transition period from war to peace shall 
have been overcome. The institution of 
such purchasing syndicates probably 
would avoid the necessity for putting 
into effect the proposal to prevent, in a 
limited degree at least, the flooding of 
the market with goods and raw material 
of all sorts in the first few years after 
the war by means of legislation and tar- 
iff measures, a proposal which, *in view 
of the expected measures of reprisal, is 
perhaps not without drawbacks. 

The question whether we should take 
steps to protect German ships or the 
ships of our allies from unfair competi- 
tion by hostile States, or concerns, or 
companies working in their interests, 
during the first years of peace, and how 
soon such measures are to be adopted, is 
worthy of serious consideration. The 
conduct of England and her allies in this 
sphere of action makes it seem impos- 
sible for us to avoid taking a hand in the 
matter swiftly and in combination with 
our allies wherever possible. In connec- 
tion with the above proposals, especially 
in the matter of purchasing syndicates, 
the possibility of their being put into 
effect in conjunction with our allies, par- 
ticularly Austria-Hungary, will have to 
be weighed. This is a question that will 
be of importance to the raw material 
combine, perhaps already during the 

118 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

transition months and certainly in the 
period following. 

Immediate action is necessary along 
all these lines, as every day spent in 

hesitation may be the one that will bring 
us to the rear in the worldwide compet- 
itive struggle that will follow the end- 
ing of the war. 

Land for German Soldiers 

By Ludwig Eschwege 

[Copyright, 1910, by Zur Guten Stunden.] 

TTTHAT is the most important gain 
W to us in this war? It is that 
millions of our countrymen have 
" found " their Fatherland, so to speak. 
In the course of a long peace, what with 
the numerous economic changes that 
have taken place, the name Germany 
had in many instances become nothing 
more than a geographical term. Today, 
aside from a few 'inconsequential fan- 
atics, there is no one to deny that it 
is the Fatherland, and the Fatherland 
alone, which gives him his peaceful voca- 
tion and the enjoyment to be derived 
from such labor. Now, is this realiza- 
tion of national obligation only an 
exalted feeling resulting from the war, 
or may we expect it to last? This is 
a big question, the satisfactory answer 
to which may determine whether the 
terrible sacrifices of this war have not 
been made in vain. 

In many circles the question has been 
raised as to what should be done when 
the millions of German soldiers return 
from the war on the conclusion of peace. 
There is no denying that the rapid tran- 
sit service instituted from the larger 
cities with the use of electric motive 
power constitutes one of the chief agen- 
cies for the urban population to get 
into the country. But the greatest 
obstacle is the speculation in land which 
raises prices to abnormal proportions. 
Now, the coming peace period must see 
to it that there shall be a different situ- 
ation from that which obtained among 
us in the seventies, when the returning 
heroes from the victorious war were 
rewarded by a stupendous rise in house 
rents. Adolf Wagner, the noted econo- 
mist, is authority for the statement in 
his celebrated work on national econ- 

omy that this abnormal rise in rentals 
worked more effectively in a certain 
political direction than all the speeches 
of Most and Bebel. 

Let the seventies be a lesson to us! 
The native soil, which has contributed 
so liberally to the prosecution of the 
war, should not again be subjected to 
that which will enrich the few at the 
expense of the many who must live in 
rented quarters. We know today that 
the fundamental basis of national exist- 
ence is the soil under our feet, and that 
this must be brought within the juris- 
diction of a law and Government that 
will protect against misuse where it is 
a question of homes for the masses. 

It remained for this world war to 
teach us that it is necessary to make 
ourselves independent of other countries 
in the matter of food stuffs. This can 
only be possible by increasing the small 
land holdings. If the lessons of this 
war are not to be forgotten we must 
be sure to continue the cultivation of 
every spot, as is now being done through 
stern necessity. 

The general committee in Berlin for 
the securing of homesteads to return- 
ing soldiers has gone to work with a 
will and secured the co-operation of 
every city of consequence. The purpose 
is, then, to conduct such a campaign at 
home that every soldier will have his 
reward in some piece of land that he 
may call his own. When word went 
forth to the men in the trenches that 
such a movement was on foot it created 
a tremendous enthusiasm among them. 
Many of the former workers in factory 
and shop, who during the long months 
in the field have acquainted themselves 
with the benefit of living in the open, 



look longingly to the time when a free 
existence may be had in the home en- 

No matter how great the victory in 
the field against the enemy, this win- 

ning of homesteads on native soil will 
prove a conquest of such surpassing 
importance that the coming peace years 
will find in this national gain a new 
evidence of patriotic co-operation. 

Political Lessons of the War 

By Professor I. Hashagen 

Professor Hashagen, a noted Bonn 
University scholar, analyzes the politi- 
cal causes of the war in the Illustrirte 
Zeitung of Leipsic in a long article of 
which this is the kernel: 
fTlHE political history of the war, the 
JL history of the regrouping of the 
interested parties during the war, 
may be summed up in the fact that 
while in the beginning the conflict stood 
between two powers on the one side and 
three on the other, it has now come to 
a contest between a Quadruple Alliance 
and a Quadruple Entente. 

This superficial observation alone is 
enough to shed new light on the politi- 
cal history of the war, and to make 
clear many heretofore obscure points 
during the preceding seven years, when 
diplomacy concerned itself with the 
preservation of peace. At once we shall 
perceive some characteristic differences 
between the new coalitions. To start 
with, the Quadruple Alliance Germany, 
Austria-Hungary, Turkey, Bulgaria 
has been suffering less from internal 
difficulties than the Quadruple Entente. 
The relationship of Germany and Aus- 
tria-Hungary has stood the test of time. 
The rapprochement toward Turkey 
took solid form, and while the latter 
country and Bulgaria shortly before had 
been enemies, the various questions at 
issue were settled to the satisfaction of 

The history of the forming of the 
Quadruple Entente reads less pleasantly. 
Italy's treachery toward its former part- 
ners throws a shadow on the Entente 
transactions, for Italy is the only power 
in the world which in such manner has 
transferred its interests and allegiance 
from one political group to another. 

This is a phase of the newer political 
history which is without precedent and 
opens up vast speculations. 

Italy aside, the inner political history 
of the Quadruple Entente becomes much 
more confusing than that of its oppo- 
nent. It will not hold together because of 
direct need thereof. Its existence de- 
pends on an identical desire for conquest. 
Certainly, the Entente is much more 
widely apart as regards individual na- 
tional interests, and, while Germany takes 
the lead in all that governs the attitude 
of the Quadruple Alliance, it has not 
shown the tyrannical sway that charac- 
terizes England's position in the Entente 
group. An illustration is furnished by 
France's attitude during the Morocco 
crisis in 1909, and that of Russia in the 
crisis of 1911. 

Even before the war the Entente 
group was taking shape. As a matter 
of fact, today the Entente should be 
considered as composed of five parties 
with Japan a partner as early as 1902, 
when it formed its agreement with Eng- 
land. We may even say that neutral 
America plays a role here, for since the 
beginning of the present century friend- 
ship for England has influenced Ameri- 
can world politics to a noticeable degree. 

The history of the two groupings finds 
clarification through the war. The three 
great international crises during the 
seven preceding years were the Bosnian 
affair of 1908-09, the Morocco crisis of 
1911, and the Balkan crisis in 1912-13. 
Each of these came very close to caus- 
ing an eruption in the international sit- 
uation. Now we know that they were 
the political preludes to what was to 
follow in the Summer of 1914. 

For more than a generation the Near 


CURRENT HIST.ORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

Eastern question has exercised a pre- 
ponderating influence over the political 
issues of the world. It is now known 
for a fact that the great mischief of 
the Balkan question lies not with Con- 
stantinople, but with Belgrade, Kragu- 
jewatz, and Nish. It has remained for 
the world war to show to what a degree 
the Balkans have been a disturbing 
centre. The experience obtained in the 
period from 1908 to 1911 does not appear 
to have taught the Entente anything 
except that crude diplomatic methods, 

such as those practiced on the Central 
Powers, lead nowhere. New tactics 
were then employed. There followed 
what may be termed the veiled tactical 
defensive, the purpose of which was to 
appease the Central Powers in order 
later to give the Entente the chance to 
overpower us. 

But the war has opened our eyes to 
the true situation. The great war, 
with all its misery and destruction, has 
proved a rich source of politico-historical 

M. Painleve, Minister of War Inventions 

By Charles Nordmann 

A contributor to the Revue des Deux 
Mondes says of the new French Cabinet 
Minister in charge of the technical prob- 
lems of the war: 

A FEELING of lightness of heart, a 
joyful hope stirs the hearts of all 
the servants of French science, be 
they illustrious or lowly, when they re- 
member that the new Ministry of Inven- 
tions Important for National Defense is 
intrusted to M. Paul Painleve. * * * 

It was at the beginning of August, 
1914, that M. Painleve, whose ardent 
proselytism had done so much for several 
years in technical matters touching the 
navy, aviation, and explosives, obtained 
from the War Ministry the decree in- 
stituting the Superior Commission of In- 
ventions Touching the National Defense. 

The idea that the war would soon be 
over was in part the cause of our slow- 
ness in beginning to supply the front 
with heavy artillery and munitions, and 
the prolonged neglect of our workshop 
and our technical services. " Let us not 
fall again," as M. Painleve himself has 
said, " into the same mistake which has 
already cost us so dear. Already at the 
outbreak of the war we were told that it 
was too late to improvise. It is not 
enough today to deplore the delays caused 
by this systematic error in judgment. It 
is a question of not repeating it." * * * 

The technical sections of the Ministry 
of Inventions are composed in all of 
thirty members. They number eight, 
whose titles will sufficiently indicate their 
varied activities: (1) Ballistics and ar- 
mament; (2) mechanics; (3) physics, 
electricity, wireless telegraphy; (4) hy- 
gienics, medicine; (5) chemistry; (6) 
navy; (7) trench warfare; and (8) aero- 

Speaking of the researches in mathe- 
matical analysis of him who was, sixteen 
years ago, and still is, the youngest mem- 
ber of the Institute, our great Henri 
Poincare has said: "When I saw M. 
Painleve undertaking his series of works, 
I wanted to cry out to him : ' Stop ! You 
are entering a road which ends before an 
impassable wall/ The path which our 
young colleague followed has indeed 
brought him to the wall which I foresaw; 
but, by an admirable and prodigious ef- 
fort, he has succeeded in getting over it. 
He has achieved one of the finest tri- 
umphs of French science." 

Today, a new wall, formed over there 
by the engines and breasts of the Boches, 
invites the assault of his ardent and 
comprehensive spirit. " This admirable 
soldier of truth," as M. Louis Barthou 
recently called him, will know how to 
find there a yet finer triumph for the 
science of France. 

German Inventiveness in War Time 

By Heinrich Goehring 

Recent inventions due to Germany's 
isolation are thus described in Ueber 
Land und Meer: 

THE tremendous war of the present 
has proved a mighty stimulus to 
the inventive spirit of Germany. 
The old saying that necessity is the 
mother of invention has found the most 
practical application in the Fatherland. 
It is especially the case in Germany 
owing to our isolation from world com- 
munication. Our entire economic life has . 
been compelled to undergo a chance. 
Many Gordian knots, which in ordinary 
circumstances would have been unsolv- 
able, in this hour of need have been cut 
in twain instantly. And the solution has 
been a manifold blessing. 

Of particular value is an entire series 
of discoveries in the domain of coal con- 
sumption, especially anthracite, which 
Germany possesses in such quantities. In 
former days the various gases coming 
from the coke ovens have been permitted 
to escape through the chimneys. But 
now, not only is the vicinity of these es- 
tablishments of a much purer atmosphere 
than before, but the by-products from 
coal, including tar oil, anilin, naphtalin, 
&c., are of the utmost usefulness. In 
the matter of the coke ovens we have 
even gone so far as to utilize the surplus 
heat, which formerly was wasted, by con- 
ducting it through pipes and using it in 
baths, as in the case of the public insti- 
tution at Tuebingen. 

The utilization of coal tars for dyestuff 
manufacture has for some time helped 
to make Germany's position in the world 
of chemistry unique. We know now 
how dependent other nations have been 
on our chemicals. But while our special- 
ties have long acclaimed us leaders in 
the domain of tar product industrialism, 
the coming of the war brought along 
such new discoveries as we had not con- 
ceived possible. 

In the matter of nutritive articles a 
recent addition of the utmost value is a 
feed for horses which consists of sugar, 

r.nimal blood, and a coal tar derivative. 
Sugar, as a matter of fact, is playing an 
increasingly important role in our entire 
economics since the beginning of the war. 
In the production of alcohol and of yeast, 
for the conservation of meat products, 
in tanneries, sugar combined with cer- 
tain of these coal tar by-products has 
become one of the great essentials. 

An interesting medical discovery has 
been made by Dr. F. Hammer, who in 
the Munich Medical Weekly explains 
that by subjecting sawdust to a roasting 
process he has obtained an excellent 
antiseptic for healing wounds. 

The extraordinary demand for benzine 
in the army caused laboratory investi- 
gators to expend their energies in finding 
suitable substitutes. In some instances 
the principle of the Diesel motor has been 
followed, and by the employment of new 
machines an enormous saving in fuel 
has been obtained. The utilization of 
offal has also yielded an excellent fuel 

When it comes to replacing metals 
formerly considered indispensable for 
specific purposes, our inventors have 
been particularly happy in their substi- 
tutes. German electro-technical science 
has proved itself superior. Copper, tin, 
zinc, nickel, antimony, each of which 
metals has been used in great quantities 
since the war, may not be replaced fully 
by other products, but ingenuity has been 
able to find articles that could take the 
place even of some of these. 

Iron and steel, so plentiful in Germany, 
are now widely used where formerly cop- 
per alloys were considered necessary. 
This discovery is expected to prove of 
far-reaching benefit even when peace 
prevails. Bronze, an alloy derived from 
copper, tin, and zinc, is now replaced by 
steel in the manufacture of armament 
and wherever the ammunition makers 
required copper alloys. 

The substitution of paper for rubber 
has been one of the chief achievements 
of our investigators. The scarcity of 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

rubber might easily have become a se- 
rious question for our electrical indus- 
tries, but, happily, that crisis has been 
passed successfully. At the head of the 
more recent experiments stands the noted 
chemist in Leipsic, Dr. Wilhelm Ostwald, 
whose theories regarding rubber substi- 
tutes have been found to be entirely 
practical. Dr. Ostwald declares that cer- 
tain limes, rich in glycerine, and to which 
are added tar oil and bichromates, will 
produce a most excellent substitute for 
gum. Further experimentations are be- 
ing carried on along that line. 

Fireproof wood is another invention 
that has proved its worth during this ab- 
normal war period. The wood is soaked 
in certain chemicals and even though ex- 
posed to 1,000 degrees of heat it is un- 

In substitutes for foodstuffs our chem- 
ists have perhaps shown their greatest 
solicitude and ingenuity. Chemical-syn- 
thetic discovery in the matter of sub- 
stituting fats still has its limitation, and 
again it is sugar that is expected to play 
a leading part in finding something that 
shall reduce Germany's shortage of food 
articles to a minimum. 

Wheat, rye, and potato flour are now 
being used in the textile industries 
where before grease was necessary. The 
soap industry, however, is now forbidden 
to use potato flour because substitutes 
have been found for making soaps. As 
for the textile works, here flour paste 
is used for smoothing the yarn during 
the weaving process, to stiffen the ma- 
terials, and in other ways. 

Talcum has become one of the most 
useful of all the soft minerals. This 
substance lends itself admirably to 
uses where flour had formerly been 
employed in polishing rice, beans, cof- 
fee. Talcum is used as a preventive 
against explosions in mines, where the 
pulverized mineral is mixed with the 
coal dust. 

In the manufacture of optical instru- 
ments a wonderful advance is noted. 
Carl Zeiss of Jena, in collaboration with 
the chemist Otto Schott and Ernst Abbe, 
professor of physics, through the dis- 
covery of a new glass product, has 
brought the science of optics to a stage 
of unheard-of proportions. Dr. Donnath 
has invented a signal mirror which is 
invaluable to military aviators. 

War Painting and War Photography 

By W. Scheuermann 

A novel phase of German war acMvity 
is described in an article which is here 
condensed from the Hamburger Nach- 
richten : 

T the beginning of the war our 
Great General Staff organized the 
work of war painting almost sim- 
ultaneously with that of the war news 
service. A number of well-known German 
painters were accepted for the service 
and distributed among the different army 
groups on the western front. There they 
have had an opportunity to become thor- 
oughly familiar with the life of the sol- 
diers and of the staffs, to study the 
landscapes and the districts, the posi- 
tions and battlefields, and, so far as 
chance permitted, to observe decisive 
events at as close range as possible. 

With a liberality not equaled by any 

of the enemy army authorities, our Gen- 
eral Staff has allowed the war painters 
to move about at will in the military 
districts, to get as near to the front as 
possible and to enter the most advanced 
trenches whenever practicable. 

Through the relief of some and the 
consequent addition of others, the num- 
ber of German war painters on the west- 
ern front has become considerable, and 
all with whom I have become acquainted 
have been able, by dint of hard work 
under conditions that were frequently 
difficult, to reap a rich harvest in draw- 
ings and sketches in colors. Little ex- 
hibitions that I have had a chance to see 
at the different army headquarters have 
surprised me by their variety and abun- 
dance of materials. Upon the whole, I 
have found the war painters whom I 



have met at the front filled with tire- 
less industry and convinced of the neces- 
sity of availing themselves of every min- 
ute at their disposal to study subjects 
which are only to be seen during these 
great times. Later they can work up the 
material collected, either in their homes 
or during the longer pauses in hostilities, 
in the temporary studios constructed by 
the war painters in their quarters. 

Besides the work of the real war 
painters, we must not overlook the docu- 
mentary value for the future of the 
sketches made by the fighting members 
of the army, some gifted amateurs, some 
noted professional painters. 

Where the work of the painter is not 
sufficient, the completion of the war 
records will be made possible by photog- 
raphy. It is self-evident that in no 
other war have as many pictures been 
taken as in this one. In this important 
field, too, the Great General Staff has 
kept everything in good working order 
from the beginning. A number of war 
photographers were distributed along the 
front, many of whom have been replaced 
by able members of the profession from 
home. Photographs are also taken by 
members of the aerial division, of the 
surveying sections and of other branches 

of the service designated for this work. 
Most of the war correspondents have car- 
ried cameras with them along the entire 
front and used them diligently. And, 
finally, many pictures are being taken 
in the camps and advanced positions. 
Many a man who never had thought 
about learning the art before has sent 
home for a little black box and gone 
out to try his luck. 

Photography at the seat of war is 
subjected to a very wise censorship 
which prevents any harm being done, a 
danger much greater than many in their 
innocence suppose. But in spite of the 
necessary precaution, the limitation of 
photography is never carried out through 
bureaucratic orders, and many a war- 
rior will, after his return home, be able 
to depict his experiences in a series of 
pictures that will be of the greatest 
value as a souvenir to him and his family. 

In some of the men's shelters, with 
the shells falling all around them, regu- 
lar dark rooms have been installed and 
a rushing business is being done in 
turning out picture postcards to send 
home. The necessary chemicals are ob- 
tained through the military postal serv- 
ice and, for the most part, there is no 
lack of time, darkness or water. 

Armor for Modern Soldiers 

By Dr. Ing. Seller 

The fact that a modernized form of 
armor is being used in the present war 
is thus commented upon by Dr. Setter in 
the Technische Rundschau, Berlin: 

WHEN we read about the French 
soldiers being supplied with steel 
helmets and the use of masks 
provided with slits for the eyes; when 
we hear of breastplates held in position 
by a leathern strap around the neck, then 
may we well think ourselves back in the 
Middle Ages. 

From time immemorial warriors em- 
ployed bodily protections against enemy 
attacks. The earliest measures were by 
utilizing plants and fibres. Then came 
skins of animals; later, metal was used. 
History is responsible for the statement 

that in the year 710 B. C. Assyrian war- 
riors used head and breastplates made 
from buffalo skins and studded with 
metal scales. 

It is interesting to examine to what 
extent ingenuity has been at work in 
Germany and elsewhere during the last 
decade in regard to bodily armor. We 
must differentiate between armor that 
outwardly looks like ordinary garments 
or uniforms, armor that is carried over 
the clothing, and, finally, shields. The 
first kind is not of any considerable im- 
portance today, owing to the penetrative 
qualities of the modern rifle bullet. Still, 
in the discussion of the subject, it is 
worth considering. Asbestos has been 
used rather effectively in the manufac- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

ture of such an outfit, and experiments 
have shown that it is proof against re- 
volver shots. A similar revolver-proof 
covering is that based on the invention of 
the Berlin tailor, Dove, who, at the close 
of the last century, produced something 
that at the time attracted universal at- 
tention in military circles. 

The so-called Schaumann armor uni- 
form is made of thin steel plates of an 
elastic nature, back of which is another 
plate, in the composition of which alu- 
minium is employed, and which is not elas- 
tic. The purpose is to break the force of 
the bullet in the first instance. Another 
invention deals with a uniform made up 
of metal rings and points with a view to 
deflecting the bullet. 

The most common means for bodily 
protection today is the breastplate. Some 

of these plates are intended merely to 
protect the heart or the lungs. The in- 
tention is to carry them in pockets under 
the military uniforms. It has been 
argued, however, with considerable justi- 
fication, that in certain respects this in- 
tended protection may itself prove deadly 
to the soldier, since, if struck at an angle, 
it may add to the injury of the bearer. 

The use of protective shields on rifles 
has been much discussed. On the whole, 
it is a question whether any real benefits 
accrue from any of these methods, as 
to a great extent they hinder the 
movements of the soldier on the offen- 
sive; but the present war will at least 
demonstrate to what a degree modern 
military operations can depend on 
agencies that come down to us from an 
epoch when entirely different conditions 
obtained in warfare. 

German Birth Rate in War Time 

A Russian View 

In a general study of conditions in 
Germany during the war a writer in the 
Petrograd Vyestnik Evropy (the Herald 
of Europe) gives the following very 
interesting account of the effect of the 
ivar on the birth rate of Germany: 

IF we do not count foreigners and 
defectives, there were in Germany on 
Jan. 1, 1915, including the army and 
fleet, 16,500,000 men and 17,000,000 
women between the ages of 17 and 60. 
Not all of them belong to the producing 
classes. Among the number of those 
working for wages, and in service of 
every kind, including domestic service 
and the staffs of factories, and also those, 
occupied in home industries, there were, 
between the ages of 17 and 60, 11,500,000 
men, or 70 per cent, of the entire male 
population of those ages, and almost 
5,000,000 women. The number of all 
those working for wages and in service 
is 13,435,000 men and 5,840,000 women, 
counting those below the age of 17 and 
above the age of 60. 

The diversion to the army of an 
immense number of men naturally low- 

ered the marriage rate. In Berlin in 
April, 1915, there were celebrated only 
1,747 marriages, as against 2,996 in 
April, 1914. At the very beginning the 
war led to an extraordinary increase in 
the number of marriages. In August, 
1914, 5,793 couples were married in 
Berlin, as against 1,309 couples in 
August of the preceding year. But the 
increase was for the most part only 
apparent: many of those going to the 
war found it expedient to contract official 
marriages with their "unofficial wives" 
in order to secure for the latter the 
allowance from the Treasury which, at 
the beginning of the war, was paid only 
to official wives; later the Council of 
the Empire published a series of decrees 
in accordance with which the allowances 
were paid not only to the "unofficial 
wives" themselves but also to the illegiti- 
mate children of the " unofficial wives," 
even in cases when they were the 
offspring of unofficial husbands who did 
not go to the war. Thereafter marriages 
decreased. In the last four months of 
1914 5,835 couples were married in 



Berlin, as against 8,265 in the same 
months of the preceding year. 

The same thing happened throughout 
the whole empire. The excess of births 
over deaths in 1902 for the whole of 
Germany amounted to 12.7 per 1,000 
inhabitants; the births amounted to 29.1 
and the deaths to 16.4 per 1,000. Parallel 
with the decrease in the death rate in 
Germany during the last fifteen years, 
the birth rate has decreased even more 
rapidly. In Prussia, for example, in the 
years from 1901 to 1913 the death rate 
for each 1,000 population fell from 21.7 
to 15.8, while the birth rate fell from 
37.4 to 29. The excess of births over 
deaths thus fell from 15.7 to 13.2. Thus 
the growth of the population began to 
slacken even before the war. 

Since the beginning of the war the 
diminution of the birth rate by two- 
thirds, as a consequence of the transfer 
to the army of two-thirds of the mar- 

riageable men, would in itself mean an 
absolute diminution of almost 1,000,000 
of the population in two years. To this 
must be added another 1,500,000 those 
who during the two years were killed 
or died of their wounds, according to the 
average of the first half year. This 
would mean a diminution of the popu- 
lation of Germany during two years of 
war to an extent that would require the 
normal increase of five years to make 
good. But in the years following the war 
the birth rate will be diminished by at 
least one-sixth if we take into account 
the numbers of men killed and incapaci- 
tated. Russia, on the other hand, during 
these same seven years will increase by 
20,000,000, and German scientists com- 
pute that within a generation 300,000,000 
Russians will face 90,000,000 Germans. 
The difference then will be 210,000,000, 
instead of 110,000,000, as at present, and 
the fate of Germany will be decided. 

Corking Up the Kiel Canal 

By Rear Admiral Degouy 

After a lucid exposition of the whole 
naval problem of the North Sea and the 
Baltic, Admiral Degouy develops in La 
Revue de Paris a striking plan, the first 
step of which is the bottling up of the 
German High Seas Fleet in the Kiel 
Canal : 

A VERY interesting point: Several 
railway lines, four of which are 
important, and roads which require 
bridges, cross the Kiel Canal. We need 
not mention foot bridges and ferries for 
the ordinary roads. Now, as the Ger- 
man engineers themselves admit, the 
necessary engineering works, executed in 
a hurry and on ground far from solid, 
give only very insufficient grounds for 
security. Some of these works remain 
as they were before the broadening of 
the canal, (1912-14;) certain bridgeheads 
have subsided because of the removal of 
the lateral supports to which they owed 
their former stability. They admit in 
particular that the lack of stability of 
the Levensau Bridge constitutes a per- 
manent menace to the navigation of the 

canal. In any case, and in a general 
way, the greater number of the railway 
and road bridges, being uncovered, could 
easily be destroyed by an aerial fleet. 
(These data are taken from the Russian 
Bourse Gazette, March 30, 1915.) 

Nor is this all; even the banks of the 
canal are, for a certain distance, so loose- 
ly built, because of the character of the 
sandy, clayey soil, which is further very 
damp, that landslides take place, and 
that it is necessary to interrupt or 
slacken the circulation as well in the 
canal itself as on the railway bridges 
which cross it. The same insecurity 
exists in the region of the lakes and the 
wide marshes east of Rendsburg. In- 
filtrations undermine the banks, too hur- 
riedly executed when the canal was 
widened. * * * 

It is, therefore, not doubtful, and we 
have seen that this was the opinion of an 
eminent engineer a year ago, that a well- 
studied, well-combined attack of an 
aerial fleet on the German ship canal 
could produce the most interesting re- 

126 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

suits. Not only would this waterway be 
obstructed for several days with wreck- 
age of broken metal bridges and fallen 
piers; the canal itself could be destroyed 
at several points, and the disaster would 
be the greater because the lack of in- 
terior locks would not permit the local- 
ization of the effects, so far as the 
height of the water level is con- 
cerned. * * * 

Especially regarding the basis of op- 
erations of the squadrons of aeroplanes 
which might attack the canal we must 
be reticent. However, an attentive ex- 

amination of the coast of Schleswig will 
make sufficiently clear to my readers 
what I cannot tell them. How could one 
fail to see that a vigorous blow by the 
English fleet could bring into our power, 
whenever we wish, isolated points at 
which it would be easy, after having ren- 
dered them impregnable, to organize an 
immense aviation field with all its de- 
pendent services? The distance of this 
base from the central section of the canal 
should hardly exceed 100 to 110 kilo- 
meters, (62 to 68 miles.) This condition 
is perfectly realizable. 

Japanese Menace to America 

By George Bronson Rea 

In a pamphlet entitled " Japan's Place 
in the Sun," compiled from authoritative 
Japanese sources, Mr. Rea sums up the 
argument thus: 

HE United States is a nation anxious 
for peace at any price; she is a 
woman's country, and women love 
peace," are the words of Kazan Kaya- 
hara, the Maximilian Harden of Japan, 
in a recent number of The Third Empire, 
his own magazine, translated and re- 
printed in The Far East of Oct. 16, 1915, 
the last issue of the paper to arrive in 

Remembering the existence of the 
super-censorship imposed by the Japan- 
ese Foreign Office last September to 
prevent the publication of any article, 
comment, or news which may injure the 
relations of Japan with foreign nations; 
remembering the recent publication of a 
Japanese Bernhardi book in this country, 
which has called forth the unanimous 
condemnation of the leaders of Japanese 
thought as " the irresponsible utterances 
of a penny-a-liner, hack newspaper 
writer in Japan," let me close this series 
of articles with one more extract from 
The Far East of Oct. 24, 1914: 

" 'Tsugi-no Issen' ('The War to Come') 
is the title of a popular Japanese book pub- 
lished in Tokio early last Summer, since 
when several editions have been issued. 
The author's name is not given, but it is 

now generally known that he is a com- 
mander of the imperial navy with a 
reputation for literary work. The sale 
of the book was forbidden for some time 
by the Government authorities for rea- 
sons quite obvious, though it was later 
permitted to be published with revision 
here and there. The following preface 
tells of the object of the writer in pre- 
senting the Japanese with a book which 
is somewhat sensational: 

" ' Is a war between Japan and Amer- 
ica inevitable? That is the great ques- 
tion for the world to solve in the first 
half of the twentieth century, and for 
Japan a question of the utmost signifi- 
cance. * * * I have witnessed the 
cruelty and misery of war with my own 
eyes, and again have read the far-reach- 
ing effects of war in the annals of past 
battles. I am not a whit behind others 
in the ardent desire for peace. But if 
the arrogance of the Americans toward 
the Japanese continues as in the near 
past, and if the deficiency of Japan's 
national defense is left as it is today, 
how can we expect the waves of the Pa- 
cific to remain calm and tranquil for 
many years to come? 

" ' Let us direct our attention to the 
sea only, and then no storm from Si- 
beria is to be feared. Even if Japan re- 
mains in her island empire, what shall 
we do with the yearly increase of half 



a million of our population? Japan is now 
in a dilemma. Have you, my dear reader, 
an iron will and determination? ' " 

No comm'ent is necessary on the above. 
This is the utterance of an official of the 
Japanese Navy, and the book was passed 
by the censors and permitted circulation. 

Let us not forget that the German von 
Bernhardi derived his source of inspira- 
tion from the Japanese. Germany has 
drawn the sword to perform her mission 
in the world. Against whom is Japan 
sharpening the sword to enforce her 
concept of her divine mission? 

A Monroe Doctrine for Europe 

By Maurice Revai 

Former Austro-Hungarian Deputy 

The Revue cle Hongroie, Budapest, 
publishes this anti-English plan as a 
portion of a book by Maurice Revai on 
the same subject: 

THE only way to prevent another 
war such as the present is to rid 
Europe of the bacillus of the dis- 
ease, to deprive the country which has 
caused almost all wars of the ability 
to interfere in the affairs of Europe. 
We have shown what an insuperable 
barrier there is between England and 
the peoples of the Continent from the 
political, social, and ethical viewpoints; 
that geographical situation, climatic 
factors, and historic traditions render 
change on this score absolutely impos- 
sible by preventing the English and the 
peoples of the Continent from having 
ideas in common on any subject whatso- 
ever; that our interests differ totally 
from theirs, that our way of under- 
standing life and our national aspira- 
tions are quite other than those of the 
English, and that, if the peoples of the 
Continent are capable of understanding 
and judging with equity the insular po- 
sition of the English, the English are 
absolutely incapable of penetrating into 
the being of another people, of under- 
standing and sympathizing with it. 

Since a solidarity of interests between 
the English people and those of the 
Continent cannot be imagined, it is very 
necessary that the latter recognize 
among themselves at least their com- 
mon interests in opposition to England, 
that the Continent is a world in itself 
in which England has no place, that Eng- 
land has unduly played a continental 

role until now, that England exercises 
an illegitimate influence on the desti- 
nies of Europe, that this unnatural situ- 
ation ought to be brought to an end, 
and that it is necessary that England 
cease to be a continental power. In 
place of the old political system another 
ought to be substituted, and that will 
be the application to Europe of the 
Monroe Doctrine. 

We desire to live at peace with Eng- 
land, and that is why we should apply 
in Europe the Monroe Doctrine and 
firmly declare, as do the Americans, 
that we wish to be " practically sover- 
eigns on this continent." A Monroe 
Doctrine for Europe will start from the 
principle that England is an insular 
country outside this continent, that her 
conditions of existence are quite differ- 
ent, and that the possession of an 
immense colonial empire imposes on her 
tasks other than ours. England herself 
has recognized this truth, since she has 
always considered herself as not part of 
Europe, when it used to be a question 
of the European balance of power. She 
constantly kept apart from every group- 
ing of the powers. 

A Europeon Monroe Doctrine will 
solve the greatest problem of the world 
war. Europe will be delivered from 
England's maritime hegemony and will 
thus gain freedom of navigation for all 
peoples. The first consequence will be 
that England will have to evacuate 
those portions of the European conti- 
nent which she now occupies, to abandon 
Malta, Cyprus, Gibraltar, the isles of 
Lemnos and Tenedos, which she has, 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

according to her custom, " provision- 
ally " occupied during the war. If the 
Central Empires succeed in liberating 
Egypt and with it the Suez Canal, then 
after the restitution of this country to its 
legitimate masters and the evacuation of 
the three naval bases above mentioned, 
the Mediterranean can be considered 
freed, and the freedom of the seas guar- 
anteed in these parts to all peoples. 

The Suez Canal is the Achilles heel of 
the British Empire of today. It is the 
gate by which England communicates 
with India, her finest colony. From the 
standpoint of the commercial independ- 
ence of the Continent it is of great im- 
portance that this base of her naval 
power should be taken from England 
and placed under the suzerainty of a 
State capable of guaranteeing the neu- 
trality of the canal and the free pas- 
sage of the ships of all nations. 

The conquest of the freedom of the 
seas is not specially a German scheme, 
but is in the interest of the whole of 
humanity. If we can hold her in check 
at Suez, England, for whom the canal 
is a vital interest, will no longer be able 
to close the Atlantic to us. The 
essential thing in this war is not 
to take territories more or less exten- 
sive, but to deliver the world from Eng- 
lish tyranny. The Monroe Doctrine for 
Europe being in the interest of all the 
European States, it can become in the 
hands of the Central Empires not only 
a condition but also an instrument of 
peace. By its application England would 
not be represented at the congress or 
conference of powers desirous of peace. 
If the victorious group negotiates a sep- 
arate peace with a State of the other 
group, the idea of a conference will 

naturally not be urged and in that case 
England will be negotiated with sepa- 
rately. But if a conference is decided 
on at which all the States' interested 
would be represented, England ought 
none the less to be excluded in conform- 
ity with the new Monroe Doctrine, which 
does not permit England to take part 
in the discussion of political questions 
that concern only the continent. Be- 
sides, the participation of England at 
such a conference would compromise its 
success. A peace negotiated with the 
help of the diplomats and peace apostles 
of the United Kingdom would be a lame 

To exclude England will be the first 
blow at English pride. This is all the 
more necessary since the statement of 
Mr. Bonar Law, the British Colonial 
Secretary, that in consideration of the 
services rendered by the " Dominions " 
during the war, it had been decided to 
give them a voice when the question of 
making peace arose. The " Dominions " 
are the British colonies that have their 
own government. England thus wants 
Canada, Newfoundland, Australia, New 
Zealand, and South Africa to decide the 
destinies of Germany, Austria-Hungary, 
Turkey, Bulgaria, and the other Euro- 
pean States. It is indeed kind of Mr. 
Bonar Law not to have invited to the 
conference the Malays, Zulus, Somalis, 
Kanakas, and Papuans, who do not 
enjoy self-government. To keep Eng- 
land out of the peace negotiations is to 
make certain of success, for her allies of 
today will recognize at the end of the 
war, if they have not so far become 
aware of it, that England is much more 
dangerous as a friend and ally than as 
an enemy. 


Russian Ambassador at Washington, Formerly Master of the Czar' 

Court at Petrograd 
(Photo by Press Illustrating Co.) 


wire of the Russian Ambassador, Formerly Miss Mary Beale of Washington 
(Photo by Press Illustrating Co.) 

Human Documents of the War Fronts 

Behind the dry official reports of military events is a vast fund of emotional human 

interest. It is the aim of this department of CURRENT HISTORY to give each month the best 

available glimpses of this side of the war, as found in private letters, personal experiences, 
and thrilling episodes of courage, humor, or pathos. 

How They Died for France 

By a French Piou-Piou 

Following is a French soldier's story 
of a terrible charge from which two 
battalions came back only eighty-six 
strong. Its moving and vivid qualities 
entitle it to rank with the best litera- 
ture that has yet come from any battle 
front : 

FOR nearly seventy hours the bom- 
bardment was raging. Shells of 
all calibres, showered by the 
French artillery, were falling 
like hail, causing the German trenches 
with their subterranean shelters, barbed 
wire netting, machine guns, and trench 
guns, to fly in the air with torn limbs 
and shapeless pieces of metal, concrete, 
and wood. 

It was frightful. We ourselves, 
crouched in our holes, were literally 
stupefied by this terrible noise. 

It was the prelude to the general at- 
tack. At 6 o'clock in the morning that 
day the rumor spread in the companies 
that it was for the afternoon. 

The same night a profoundly tragic 
scene was witnessed in the shelter of 
the Colonel of our regiment. Here it 
is, as it was related to me by the 
secretary officer of the Colonel, who 
was present. 

He had assembled around him the 
eight commanders of the companies 
which had to prepare for the assault, 
and, map in hand, explained the plan to 
them and told them what headquarters 
expected of them. 

"The attack will take place in the 
form of a conversion movement to the 
left, toward A, of which the posi- 
tions of B will be the pivot. Our 
role consists of taking B and holding 
on to it at all costs for the whole of the 

day. We must not reckon on any re- 
inforcements. The regiment must draw 
and maintain there the main body of the 
German forces. On our tenacity depends 
the success of the attack. * . * * " 

He said these things with as much 
calm and simplicity as though he were 
making an ordinary, commonplace state- 
ment. The officers acquiesced. Prey 
now to a visible emotion, the Colonel 
concluded: " Gentlemen, this evening 
many of us will be no more; let 
us shake hands." What a clasping there 

The assault was fixed for 2 o'clock. 
At 1:40 the eight companies were assem- 
bled ready for departure. The bombard- 
ment was more intense still, it seemed. 

A thick cloud of smoke and dust cov- 
ered the enemy line, a cloud which, 
brought down upon us by the wind, took 
us by the throat. The silent, nervous 
men, with beating hearts, were electri- 
fied with anguish and impatience. 

At 1:50 the order runs from section 
to section: "Fix bayonets." Our Lieu- 
tenant is upright, sabre in hand, and con- 
sults from time to time his watch, which 
he is wearing on his left wrist. 

1:54. A murmur, " Attention! " Two 
o'clock! The bombardment stops sud- 
denly. An inappreciably brief instant 
of absolute silence. 

Then a sound of bugles the charge, 
" En avant ! " With a single bound the 
men jump over the parapet and run with 
all their strength under the rain of bul- 
lets, in line as on the field of manoeuvres, 
the Colonel at the head with sword up- 

There was a distance of about 150 
meters to cover before reaching the Ger- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

man trenches. After going 100 meters, 
one lay down to regain breath ; how long, 
I could not say; perhaps a second, per- 
haps five minutes. 

The blood is afire, the mind intoxicated 
by the sound of the trumpet, the epic 
sound of French heroism, the sound of 
the Grenadiers of Austerlitz and of 
Friedland, of the veterans of Saint- 
Privat and Patay. 

The men are ready to suffer every- 
thing. The great sacrifice is joyously 
agreed to. I have seen them plunge 
down to death, a smile on the lips. 

The artillery has resumed its part in 
the concert. It lengthens its fire now and 
executes beyond B a barrier fire. 

Relieved, the Lieutenant thunders: 
" Forward, with the bayonet ! " 

He goes down, shot in the throat. A 
Sergeant assumes command : " Follow 
me, boys, I am going to show you how to 
die! " He also falls. But the charge is 

The Germans fire no more, but when 
we arrive at twenty-five meters from 
their lines the sinister crackling of the 
machine guns begins. The elan is stopped 
by their squalls. The men fall, fifteen, 
twenty at a time. Already a bending 
makes itself felt. Some sections show a 

The Colonel has given an order. Fran- 
tic, the bugles render the " Marseillaise," 
and the soldiers recover themselves ; with 
a single voice they strike up the hymn. 
Wounded rise again, the chant extends, 
prevails, becomes the whole immense 
charge, covers the feelings of the dying, 
the cries of the mutilated, the noise of 
the cannon and the machine guns. It is 
the sublime Voice of France! 

The regiments bound forward. In an 
irresistible rush we pass, sweeping the 
first line, then the second. The mad- 
dened Germans throw down their arms 
at once. B is taken. 

Now organization is necessary, for the 
enemy is going to counterattack. In 
haste, iron wire is put up, loopholes are 
pierced in the sides of walls still upright, 
for the village is nothing more than 
ruins; machine guns placed in position 

in half an hour all is ready. Only just 
in time. 

In close formation the Germans ad- 
vance. Our fire mows them down piti- 
lessly. With remarkable stoicism, it must 
be acknowledged, they continue to ad- 
vance, striding over their dead. 

The " 75s," warned by signal, fire into 
a heap of their shells, and the hurricane 
disperses them. 

Four times they come flack, increased 
tenfold in number, four times we have 
to resort to the bayonet to free our- 
selves, ancl four times they are repulsed. 

But at 5:30 it is necessary to begin to 
retreat. * * * 

We fought for every by-street, every 
stone. Hand-to-hand fighting was com- 
pulsory. Killing went on relentlessly. 

At 7 o'clock the Germans had retaken 
B. Night had now quite fallen. Then, 
considering his mission accomplished, the 
Colonel gave the order to retreat. He 
had to be brought away by force, for he 
wished to be killed there. Out of the 
two battalions only eighty-six men and 
one officer remained. 

By crawling, we managed to reach our 
original trenches once more, the enemy 
not daring to pursue us. 

As our old first line was held by the 
third battalion, we were able to go down 
to rest immediately. In the communica- 
tion trench, when passing his shelter, we 
saw the Colonel, sunk down on a stone, 
his head in his hands and his shoulders 
shaken by heavy sobbing. 

" My soldiers, my poor children! " he 
was saying. Never, never, shall I for- 
get my Colonel seated in the shade and 
crying for his regiment. 

The next day, in a barn at C, the 
eighty-six survivors were reunited, list- 
ening to the results of the offensive the 
enemy routed, four kilometers of trenches 
carried, three army corps annihilated, 
121 guns captured. 

And they, the martyrs, forgetting the 
sufferings of yesterday, forgetting the 
dead and wounded, thinking only of im- 
mortal France, straightened up again 
more strongly when hearing the news 
of their victory. 

Winging His Seventh Flier 

By K. Richter 

The following account by a German officer of an air battle on the western front, re- 
sulting in the defeat of a"h English flier by Lieutenant Bolcke, a noted German aviator, 
originally appeared in the Frankfurter Zeitung. 

WE are visited by aviators every day, 
whether the sky is clear or over- 
cast. Many times four or five 
Englishmen and Frenchmen hover over 
us at once. To be sure, these hostile acro- 
bats of the air have become somewhat 
more cautious than they were last Sum- 
mer. At that time they appeared above 
our trenches without ceremony, flew over 
our artillery and reserve positions and 
then, with devilish audacity and appar- 
ently scornful confidence, sailed back 
along the old road through the clouds in 
the midst of a hail of shrapnel. 

Today they hardly come as far as our 
trenches they very seldom get past 
them, except when they break through in 
squadrons before they find themselves 
in the midst of clouds of inflammable 
shells hurled by our anti-air craft guns. 
The flier who fails to beat a hasty re- 
treat must be prepared to meet the same 
fate as did our friend in an English bi- 
plane a week ago when his engine stopped 
just over our trenches and, amid the en- 
thusiastic hand clapping and cheering of 
the audience, he had to make the pret- 
tiest glide of his life and land in the 
wrong army camp. And then what a 
volley of oaths and bullets came from the 
trenches in front of us. " Farewell, my 
dear, farewell ! " 

Recently, however, we had quite a dif- 
ferent treat recently, when Bolcke 
brought down his seventh within our 
lines. At first there was a period of 
intense suspense in our trenches as the 
spectacle suddenly began to be unfolded 
high above our heads and then, after a 
few minutes, came a proud, rattling 
shout of joy. 

For quite a long time an Englishman 
had been making circles before our eyes 
calmly and deliberately. Our artillery 
shelled him soundly. He simply flew 
higher and continued to cut circles far 
above our heads almost unmolested, 

sometimes sailing to a great distance and 
sometimes coming directly over our 
trenches. He appeared to be on a very 
important errand. My men on duty 
clenched their fists in impotent wrath. 

" The dog ." Shooting would do no 

good. And so it went for some time. 

Then suddenly from the rear a harsh, 
deep, singing and buzzing cuts the air. 
Everybody hears it and searches for the 
source. It sounds like a German flier. 
But he is not yet visible. Only the buzz 
of an approaching motor is heard in the 
clouds in the direction of the English- 
man. More than a hundred eyes scan the 
horizon. There! Far away and high 
among the clouds is a small, black, hum- 
ming bird a German battle aeroplane. 
Its course is laid directly for the hostile 
biplane and it flies like an arrow shot 
with a clear eye and steady hand. My 
men crawl out of the shelters. I adjust 
my field glasses. A lump rises in our 
t throats as if we are awaiting something 
new and wonderful. 

So far the other does not seem to have 
noticed or recognized the black flier that 
already is poised like a hawk directly 
above him. There is a moment of breath- 
less expectancy no, not one moment 
alone, as the one above feels so sure of 
his prey that he coolly sharpens his 
claws. We look for a catastrophe at any 
minute. How will he attack him up 
there, a mile high ? 

All at once there is a mighty swoop 
through the air, like the drop of a bird 
of prey, and in no time the black flier 
is immediately over the Englishman and 
the air is filled with the furious crack- 
ling of a machine gun, followed by the 
rapid ta-ta-ta of two or three more, all 
operated at the highest speed, just as 
during a charge. The Englishman drops 
a little, makes a circle, and tries to escape 
toward the rear. The other circles and 
attacks him in front, and again we hear 

132 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

the exciting ta-ta-ta! Now the English- 
men tries to slip from under his opponent, 
but the German makes a circle and the 
effort fails. Then the enemy describes 
a greater circle and attempts to rise 
above the German. The latter ascends in 
sharp half circles and again swoops down 
upon the biplane, driving it toward the 
German trenches. 

Will the Englishman yield so soon? 
Scattered shouts of joy are already heard 
in our ranks. Suddenly he drops a hun- 
dred yards and more through the air 
and makes a skillful loop toward the 
rear. Our warrior of the air swoops 
after him, tackles him once more, and 
again we hear the wild, defiant rattle of 
the machine guns over our heads. Now 

they are quite close to our trenches. The 
French infantry and artillery begin fii< 
ing, in a last desperate hope. Neither of 
them is touched. Sticking close above 
and behind him the German drives the 
Englishman along, some 600 yards over 
our heads, and then just above the house- 
tops of St. A. Once more we hear a 
distant ta-ta-ta! a little slower and more 
scattered, and then, as they drop, both 
disappear from our view. 

A great thrill of pure joy runs through 
our ranks. Who was he ? Who was our 

Scarcely five minutes pass before 
the telephone brings up this news: Lieu- 
tenant Bolcke has just brought down his 
seventh flier. 

General Joffre at Close Range 

By H. G. Cardozo 

Special Correspondent of The London Daily Mail 

I CHANG ED to see General Joffre the 
other day as he stepped out of his 
motor car on his return from a long 
tour of the eastern front with President 
Poincare, and was struck by his vigorous 
appearance, the firmness and elasticity 
of his stride, and his general look of 
robust good health. He was wearing the 
traditional undress xmiform of a French 
General black dolman, with black 
brandebourgs, red trousers, with a large 
black stripe on either leg, soft leather 
high boots, and a red kepi with golden 
oak leaves. On his sleeve were three 
stars indicating his rank. Had he wished 
it a marshal's baton might have figured 
there, but General Joffre modestly pre- 
fers to wait till the end of the war for 

The Generalissimo is now in his sixty- 
sixth year, and far from seeming to feel 
the tremendous strain, both mental and 
physical, which he has undergone during 
the last eighteen months, and under 
which many other Generals, allied and 
enemy, have broken down, he has taken 
on more work. At the beginning of the 
war he was in command of the French 
armies in France and Belgium, and since 

the end of last year he has had to 
grapple with problems of Balkan 
strategy, as well as having been placed 
in supreme command of all the French 
armies in the field at home and abroad. 

General Joffre probably owes his won- 
derful good health, which enables him to 
withstand the constant mental fatigue 
and responsibility of commanding some 
four and a half million men, to his frugal 
and temperate life and frequent exercise. 
Hardly a day passes without the Gen- 
eralissimo going for a long tour of per- 
sonal inspection of the trenches and 
front line positions, entailing the cover- 
ing of many miles on foot. His stride is 
so steady and uniform that he nearly 
always tires out his staff officers before 
he is himself ready to re-enter his motor 
car and return to his headquarters. 

General Joffre lives in a small villa in 
a quiet street in a country town. His 
orderly has instructions always to call 
the General at 5 o'clock in the morning, 
but he generally finds his master awake. 
Breakfast, coffee and roll, is quickly dis- 
missed, and then General Joffre is ready 
for work. The early morning passes 
quickly in listening to and reading re- 



ports and signing the countless docu- 
ments which have to pass through his 

At 11:30 he has luncheon, which is his 
principal meal, and to which he does 
ample justice. The French Commander 
in Chief drinks but little wine and never 
touches spirits in any shape or form. 
Neither does he smoke. The afternoon 
is generally devoted to a drive in a 
motor car and a long walk, and almost 
invariably General Joffre is back at his 
quarters for dinner at 6:45 and in his 
office hard at work again at 8:30. 
"Lights out" is at 11, and General 
Joffre then goes to bed. 

I have spoken to many staff officers 
who have lived with the Generalissimo 
during these two Winter campaigns, and 
all of them have been struck with his 
wonderful rapidity at grasping essential 
details and dealing with the mass of 
work which awaits him every day. He 
is not at all the traditional Frenchman, 
as most Englishmen picture him. Tall 
and stout, but with the legs of an ath- 
lete, " le pere Joffre," as he is known 
by his men, hardly ever makes a gesture 
and never raises his voice. 

As one officer told me, he possesses 
a most wonderful control over his nerves, 
and in the gravest circumstances he has 

always shown the greatest calm. The 
night before the battle of the Marne, 
on which hung the destinies of France, 
an officer who arrived at headquarters 
with an urgent message found the Gen- 
eralissimo fast asleep in his bed. 

Another anecdote which I have been 
told about General Joffre shows that he 
has activity and staying power remark- 
able in a man of his age. He was mak- 
ing a tour of inspection of the front in 
Champagne some time after the offen- 
sive of last Autumn in the company of 
several staff officers and a distinguished 
neutral Military Attache. At one point 
it was necessary to climb for four or 
five hundred yards up a steep hill to an 
observation post. Recent rains had 
washed the path away and mud and 
gravel made the foothold very difficult. 

General Joffre, with a small ash stick 
in his right hand, set out at the head of 
the officers, most of whom were from 
twenty to fifteen years his junior. He 
set such a pace that it became some- 
thing like a race for the top. The Gen- 
eralissimo did not seem to notice that 
he was outdistancing the others, and 
when he reached the top he found he 
was alone, with the neutral attache 
some sixty yards behind him, tired and 
out of breath. 

Foraging at the Front 

By a British Subaltern 

A GOOD deal of time at the front is 
spent beyond the reach of the mess 
van, and it is then that the young 
officer must learn to look out for himself. 
I remember very well when we first ar- 
rived in France " we " being Mulligan, 
myself, and a draft. We were quartered 
for the first ten days at a big base camp 
by the sea where there were no messing 
facilities for officers whatsoever. The 
men had their rations issued to them 
daily, so many biscuits, so much jam, 
cheese, and uncooked or tinned meat as 
the case might be, and we had our share 
given to us. We each had a claspknife, 
a cup, and a plate, and our first meals 

were distinctly " picnicky." The clasp- 
knife had to be used for everything, and 
so had the plate. After a day or two we 
got things more into shape and collected 
a small stock of extra utensils cups, 
spoons, forks, and more plates. 

We also discovered a small baker's shop 
in a village where we could buy bread, 
and a farmer with eggs and milk to sell. 
By the end of the week we could have 
given a dinner party. But then Mulligan 
was an exceptional forager. He had an 
eye like a hawk for little shops in villages 
where one would never have expected 
them, and a way with the French farm- 
ers which extracted from the good men 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

things they might not otherwise have 
cared to part with. This happy knack of 
picking up anything that was going he 
carried with him from the base camp to 
the firing line. No matter how cold or 
wet the night or how desolate and dinner- 
less the prospect, if Mulligan was near 
there was always something to be had. 

I shall never forget one night just after 
we had got up to Flanders from the 
Aisne. The division was feeling forward 
toward the Germans, who were known 
to be holding a line somewhere ahead 
and reputed to be coming down in fresh 
strength from Antwerp. Those were 
busy times, and neither sleep nor food 
had much place in them. My platoon 
had got pushed out ahead of the firing 
line and were holding a hedge some way 
in advance. As night was coming on I 
sent back for further instructions and 
received orders to intrench and stay 
where I was for the night. When I sent 
back the orderly with an acknowledg- 
ment of the message I told him to see if 
he could find Mulligan and ask him to 
send up something for me to eat. For 
some reason or another I had not drawn 

my rations when the men drew theirs 
and I was feeling very hungry. 

The orderly came back later and slipped 
a paper package into my hands " with Mr. 
Mulligan's compliments," and also pulled 
from his overcoat pocket two bottles, say- 
ing " and Mr. Mulligan said there was 
some wine and coffee for you. Sir." I 
opened the package, which contained half 
a loaf of bread, a beautifully cooked piece 
of cold mutton, a scroll of salt, and a 
wedge of cheese. The wine was a good 
sample of the vin ordinaire of the country 
and the coffee was steaming hot. Imag- 
ine the joy of getting suddenly such a 
meal in such surroundings. The platoon 
Sergeant and myself set to on it with a 
will. I asked Mulligan afterward where 
he had got all the provisions from. 

He said that he had got the mutton 
off a carter's wife, the bottle of wine 
from the farmer's cellar, (he used to 
carry about 1,200 francs in a belt around 
his waist, for which we had laughed at 
him heartily till our own smaller sums, 
which we had thought adequate to take 
with us, began to give out,) and saved 
the cheese from his day's rations. 

The Flaming Fokker 

By a French Marine Fusilier 

A S we were taking our coffee a violent 
J~\ explosion shook the air. I thought 
at first that a shell had fallen near 
us, but the battalion commander, who 
would not budge for all the " 420s " in 
the world, merely said, as he pointed sea- 
ward, " The British monitors." He 
recognized them by their voice. And I 
had been yearning to see them in action. 
Clearly visible to the naked eye, massive, 
like fortresses, surrounded by their light 
mobile squadron of torpedo boat destroy- 
ers, they were there sitting I mean the 
word in front of us, on the line of the 
horizon, from which their enormous guns 
were bombarding Westende and the Ger- 
man defenses of the coast. 

One sees the flash of the guns long 
before the sound reaches one like thun- 
der. Boche artillery does not reply at 

once. But beneath the gray waters per- 
haps Zeebrugge submarines are already 
at work. And behind Lombaertzyde the 
Fokkers are rising for an aerial attack. 
Over the sea, under the sea, and in the 
air there is the same danger. And it is 
the same day by day. 

Last week two German aeroplanes 
darted down on to a cargo boat aground 
in front of Zeepanne. Our torpedo 
boats replied to them. Too far away 
to join in action, some Fusiliers Marins, 
under the orders of an officer, anxious- 
ly followed from the beach near by 
the incidents of the struggle. Their 
officer had given them the " Stand at 

Suddenly one of the Boche aeroplanes 
staggered, struck to the heart, its reser- 
voir in flames. The Fusiliers cheered 



with delight. " Fix bayonets," rang out 
the command. The officer drew his sword 
to salute the men who were about to die. 

While the enemy aeroplane in a long trail 
of purple fell vertically into the sea the 
order came : " Present ! " 

A Belgian Woman's Ordeal 

By Mme. Carton de Wiart 

Wife of the Former Belgian Minister of Justice 

Mme. Carton de Wiart, whose arrest 
and imprisonment by the Germans was 
widely commented upon, recently told 
her experiences to a Paris newspaper: 

I WAS immediately given over to the 
examining Magistrate, if that title 
can be applied to the military bung- 
ler who made me endure about twenty 
hours of cross-examination. What an ex- 
amination it was ! Every paper found in 
my house was the object of a hundred 
questions. They meant to prove that I was 
in direct relations with the Entente 
armies, and that, consequently, I was 
sending them information regarding the 
exact situation of the German armies in 

This singular Magistrate determined 
to implicate me in the imaginary plot 
against the life of von Bissing, had the 
cellars of the Ministry searched again 
and again, and wished to know how long 
ago the furnace had been constructed. 
Think of it! That furnace might con- 
ceal a tunnel through which assassins 
could slip in and be near the Governor 
General. It was droll. 

The examination took a grotesque turn. 
This thought of Talleyrand: " It is easy 
to militarize a civilian; it is impossible 
to civilize a military man," had been dis- 
covered in a little notebook found in my 
home. The examining Magistrate saw in 
that phrase an allusion to a pretended 
organization of free-shooters imputed to 
the Belgian Government. 

"What is Talleyrand?" he demanded 
of me. 

" A Minister." 

"Ah! A Minister. What Minister? " 

" A French Minister." . 

" So, Madame, you admit that you have 
had communication with a French Min- 
ister? " 

" I admit nothing at all. I am answer- 
ing the question." 

" Of what department is this Minis- 
ter? " 

" Why, of Foreign Affairs." 

" Ah, ah ! " my Judge triumphs, " you 
are joking; the French Minister of For- 
eign Affairs is Delcasse." 

" I did not say he was the present 

" He is a former Minister? " 

" Very much so a Minister of the 
King of France." 

" Madame, you are mocking German 
justice! " 

[Condemned to three and a half 
months in prison, she was then deported 
to Germany.] 

They drove me from my country, as 
they thought, forever. My departure 
was fixed for the next day. The lively 
protestation which I represented in 
Brussels was going to disappear. I de- 
manded the right to take with me my 
young children and one of my domestics. 
I was met with a pitiless refusal. I de- 
manded that my children should be 
brought to me before my departure; I 
wished to embrace them. An absolute 
refusal. I confess that my courage 
melted before such cruelty, and, when I 
was alone, I broke into sobs. * * * 

In Berlin I lived four days in the Hotel 
Metropole, on the Friedrichstrasse, 
scarcely a prisoner, simply watched. I 
had to present myself twice a day to the 
Commissary of Police, but, beyond that 
obligation, I could go and come freely in 
Berlin from 8 in the morning to 7 in the 
evening. It is probable that policemen 
followed me step by step, but I did not 
notice them. It was a transitory situa- 
tion which could not last. 

My decree of condemnation arrived, 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

and two detectives in plain clothes 
searched me and took me to the Moabit 
Prison, where I was immediately put 
into the common regime, the separate 
cell regime. I would not have wished 
anything else, for, I repeat it, the slight- 
est favor from those people would have 
taken the heart out of me. That is so 
true that when M. Polo de Barnabe, the 
Spanish Minister, intervened in the name 
of King Alfonso XIII. to lighten my 
sentence, I informed him of my decla- 
ration to the War Council. 

During a visit to me in prison he told 
me that the German Government had 
attacked that reply of mine in its first 
diplomatic note: " Mme. Carton de 
Wiart has confessed her fault. By re- 

fusing to have recourse to the clem- 
ency of the Kaiser she acknowledged 
that her punishment was in due propor- 
tion to the infractions she had com- 
mitted." That is how those people 
interpreted the patriotic sentiments of 
a woman! 

I refused even to turn over a cent a 
day to my jailers for a regime of lux- 
ury. Thus, day for day, I did my three 
months and a half in prison, exactly like 
the German women who were expiating 
crimes at Moabit, going to mass with 
them in the same drugget prison clothes. 

[At the end of her imprisonment Mme. 
Carton de Wiart was banished from 
German territory and later found her 
children at Havre.] 

Raiding on the Black Sea 

By a Russian Marine 

Russia's destructive work among 
Turkish shipping, and the hard life of 
the sailors who accomplished it, are re- 
vealed in a letter to the Russkoe Slovo, 
("Russian Word,") the most interesting 
parts of which have been translated for 

THE results of our torpedo boat 
raids along the eastern coast of 
Turkish Anatolia are already 
known from the telegrams; more than 
200 Turkish transports were sunk by 
us in that corner of the Black Sea, 
and about half of these ships carried 
freight. This raid, which we made when 
our turn came, our torpedo boats accom- 
plished under extremely trying circum- 

Generally speaking, the present Win- 
ter is not spoiling us soldiers with too 
much good weather; it is a long time 
since there have been so many storms. 
We had to forget, all our cheerful ideas 
about the warm Anatolian sun. At this 
time last year, to sail along the Turkish 
shores of the Black Sea was sheer de- 
light. After our Crimean frosts and icy 
winds and rain, our sailors felt as if 
they had come to a seaside resort. With 
the experience of last year in their minds, 

our sailors, when, on leaving the home 
waters, they ran into a fierce storm, con- 
soled themselves with the thought that 
on the Anatolian coast everything would 
be all right. * * * 

No one who has not himself sailed on 
a torpedo boat can imagine what hap- 
pens on board one of them in a storm. 
A cruise in a ship of the line seems a 
mere joke in comparison with, a trip on 
a torpedo boat. On deck you don't know 
where to catch hold; water, wet, damp, 
cold, everywhere. Then you see that the 
water does not reach the torpedo appa- 
ratus. Here, on the platform, you can 
find a place that is not particularly 
risky and, even more important, there is 
something to hold on to. 

The crew make their way about the 
deck in " rushes," choosing a convenient 
moment. If science does not recognize a 
" ninth wave," still there are certain 
waves, perhaps the " tenth " or the 
" eleventh," or some other number, be- 
tween which are spaces of comparative 
calm; the boat pitches less; you don't 
feel as if you were going to turn a somer- 
sault. The sailors take advantage of 
these moments of quiet. Waiting in a 
cramped corner, where there is some- 



thing to hold on to, through the worst 
pitching of the boat as much as fifty 
degrees to either side the sailors care- 
fully make their way to the next stop- 
ping place. The ways are narrow, and 
if you lose your balance as the boat 
pitches it is pretty hard to keep hold of 
the thin handrail. You feel disinclined 
to leave your favorite corner beside the 
torpedo apparatus; here, at any rate, 
you feel yourself comparatively safe. But 
the wave comes, sweeps along the deck, 
and finds you out even there. Your legs 
are soaked up to the knees. You feel 
cold in the wind. You must change and 
get on your wading boots. 

You make your way below, down the 
light trap ladder. Everything all around 
you is creaking. Every cabin is signal- 
ing by the knocks of various objects; 
glass is rattling; water is gurgling some- 
where close at hand. Down the half dark 
passageway the sailors of the watch be- 
low are sleeping in their clothes on the 
warm hatchways in different attitudes. 

Almost crawling, catching at door 
handles, you make your way to your own 
cabin and tumble hopelessly on your 
bunk; to change your clothes looks al- 
most impossible. Your trunk has trav- 
eled under your writing table, and it 
groans and wabbles crazily there. You 
try to get at it, but the deck suddenly 
sinks away beneath your feet and you 
try to turn a somersault. Water keeps 
spurting from the wash basin, the pitcher 
skids about the floor, splashing water all 
over the cabin. 

They have had dinner, juggling with 
the plates; the orderlies in the buffet 
have carried on a valiant fight with the 
dishes. * * * At night you dreamed 
you were traveling in a cart along a 
frightful mountain road. The cart kept 
upsetting you into a ravine. * * * 
About 4 in the morning you had to get 
up, because your head ached unendurably 
from banging against the cot. In the 
companion cabin, just as if nothing was 
happening, the officers' pets were sleep- 
ing on the divan, two dogs which were 
"fulfilling the function of poodles," as 
the officers jestingly say of them; for 
their actual race defies definition. Below 
decks the boat is a desert, because most 

of the officers and nearly all the crew 
spend the night on deck. Pretty hard 
luck! * * * 

One is struck, at first, with fhe good 
and even friendly relations that exist, on 
a torpedo boat, between the officers and 
the crew and the directness of their rela- 
tions with each other. All form a single 
family. Of course, you feel that there 
are older and younger members, but all 
are one family. 

Under the lee of the Turkish coast the 
wind at first lulled; then it suddenly 
came on to blow again from the opposite 
direction, with the same mad gusts. The 
old and new rollers met in unimaginable 
confusion. The air was full of spray; 
rain was falling, mingled with wet snow. 
The shores were hid in the mist. In 
order to make an examination of the 
coast the torpedo boats had to poke their 
noses into every crevice. 

As the reports of the General Staff 
described, our torpedo boats examined 
every nook along the Anatolian coast, 
from the frontier of the Russian Cau- 
casus to Sinope; that is, a distance of 
about 500 versts, (330 miles.) The 
movement of Turkish ships throughout 
this whole region almost ceased. You 
see, in one year the Turks lost more 
than 4,000 sailing ships sunk by our 

You no longer meet big flotillas of 
sailing ships the system which the 
Germans at one time industriously prac- 
ticed, on the calculation that where there 
were large numbers of ships some at 
any rate might count on getting safely 
away. But this system only increased 
the number of our trophies. 

The Turks say that there is now no 
possibility of sending large flotillas of 
sailing ships to sea. There is no place to 
build them in. Most of the docks have 
been destroyed by our bombardments, set 
on fire on the stocks by our shells. Ac- 
cording to the information of the Turks 
there is no longer any organized move- 
ment of ships anywhere on the Black 
Sea. All supplies for the Turkish Army 
in the Caucasus go by road, through the 
interior of the country. 

And, in fact, many of the cargoes of 
the ships we captured astonished you by 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

their insignificance bread and nuts, 
which are now given to the soldiers as 
rations. Yet close to the shore of the 
Black Sea lies the exceedingly rich dis- 
trict A Samsun, which alone could feed 
an army with tastes more exacting than 
those of the Turkish Ashers. And on the 
majority of the sailing ships there were 
no cargoes at all, while supplies for the 
crews were extremely limited. On such 
supplies as we found the crew could only 
exist in a state of semi-starvation. 

The Turks complained that every one 
along the coast was equally destitute. 
Unheard-of high prices reduced to a 
minimum even the demands of the rich. 
Sugar, for example, is a luxury which 
very many cannot allow themselves even 
on holidays. Sugar has long reached the 
price of a ruble a pound, but under pres- 
ent conditions it is not always obtainable 
even at that price. 

And here it must be remarked that 
before the war Anatolia was dis- 
tinguished by its extremely patriarchal 
conditions; the cost of living was very 
low, and the population did not need 
much money. 

Because of the foggy weather our tor- 
pedo boats kept in close to the banks, so 
that the panic which spread through the 
villages could be observed, the inhabit- 
ants running off to the mountains. Such 
details generally escape observation alto- 
gether because of distance. But even 
under these circumstances it was not pos- 
sible to discover even a sign of industrial 
life. In one place, it is true, we noticed 
three wharves, where sailing ships of 
wood were being built. We immediately 
destroyed these wharves and burned the 
ships. But only a year ago the whole 

coast of Anatolia was almost a continu- 
ous wharf. Not a convenient creek, but 
you saw the ribs of ships a-building stick- 
ing up. 

In the absence of convenient roads on 
land, the sea was everything for this 
coast. Without the sea, without sea 
communication, the Sanjaks and Vilayets 
of Anatolia (the smaller and larger dis- 
tricts) are almost deprived of all com- 
munication with each other. 

They tell us, for instance, that in 
Sinope mail is no longer received, and it 
looks like the truth. 

In Samsun our torpedo boats bombard- 
ed some port fortifications and, among 
other things, burned the Custom House. 
At Inieh we came on several sailing ships 
loading, the crews of which quickly fled 
inland. These sailing ships we, of course, 
destroyed. Two piers at which they were 
loading were likewise destroyed. At 
Fatis a large brickyard was discovered, 
evidently established by Germans. This 
brickyard was also destroyed. 

After this first survey of the coast 
the torpedo boats made a second search. 
The sea was found to be almost deserted. 
Our torpedo boats destroyed two Turkish 
motor boats. The sailing boats we met 
could be counted by units. 

Along the coast hung the same im- 
penetrable fog; a pitiable picture of a 
rich country ruined by war. The desola- 
tion was redoubled by fog and storm. 
Nature seemed to be weeping over the 
greatness that had disappeared. 

Leaving behind the now inhospitable 
shore of picturesque Anatolia, the tor- 
pedo boats ran into a fierce storm, with 
icy rain and sleet. * * * 


Dogs of War That Save the Wounded 

Story of the w Sanitatshunde " 

ONE of the many novel features of 
the great war is the work of the 
2,500 trained dogs that are doing 
hospital service in the German Army. 
These " sanitatshunde," as they are 
called, are sent out after a battle to 

search for wounded soldiers left on the 
field. They are taught to distinguish be- 
tween the dead and the wounded, and, 
according to the official reports printed 
in the North German Gazette, they have 
not been taught to avoid the enemy 



wounded, as it is charged the Belgian 
Red 'Cross dogs have been trained. 

At a recent meeting of the German 
Society for Hospital Dogs held in the 
Hotel Bristol in Berlin, the Grand Duke 
of Oldenburg, the head of the society, 
described how the service had been begun 
with eight dogs shortly after the out- 
break of the war and estimated that up 
to date at least 8,000 wounded men had 
been picked up on the battlefield through 
the aid of the war dogs. Since this meet- 
ing it has been announced that convales- 
cent soldiers at Jena have built a special 
hospital in which wounded war dogs are 
being treated. Among the official bodies 
represented at the Berlin gathering were 
the War Ministers of Prussia and Wurt- 
temberg, the field hospital service 
on the eastern front, the General Quarter- 
master's Department, the Prussian and 
Saxon Ministers of the Interior, and the 
Berlin Police Department. 

The official reports on the dogs' ac- 
tivities said in part: 

" Early in the morning six dogs were 
sent out with the stretcher bearers on 
a search for wounded men. The nature 
of the battlefield made the finding of 
the wounded particularly difficult, as it 
was in part swamps and woods and in 
part hilly fields of stubble, covered with 
bundles of grain, and here the dogs did 
excellent service. They located many 
wounded men in the shocks of corn and 
brought helmets, caps, and handker- 
chiefs to show the result of their search. 

" Toward the end of the work a dog 
brought to his guide a piece of the cloth 
cover of a canteen which he had found 
on a wounded soldier who was 'lying 
under his cloak and a piece of tent, 
motionless and apparently abandoned 
as dead by his comrades. At first the 
guide could find no signs of life and 
passed on. But the dog insisted upon 
again leading him to where the wounded 
man lay, and, after a long examination, 
it turned out that the soldier was not 
dead after all. 

Following the battle at D. six dog 
trainers were ordered to search the field 
abandoned by the Russians. After a long 
trip, one of the dogs brought back a piece 
of a Russian infantryman's blouse and 

led his guide to the ruins of a Russian 
fortification from which projected a 
man's foot and a piece of an army ceat. 
The guide found a man, completely cov- 
ered with mud and seemingly lifeless, as 
he lay quite still and did not heed the 
shouts of his would-be rescuer. The 
guide then started to leave the spot, but 
the dog would not abandon His find and 
barked and scratched so vigorously that 
the guide finally cleared away all the 
rubbish and dug out an unconscious but 
far from dead Russian." 

The dogs are trained to take along 
some sort of an object to show that they 
have found a wounded man, but in many 
cases there is nothing on the soldier 
which they can tear loose. This problem 
the dogs have solved for themselves by 
digging up a piece of sod or biting off a 
twig and bringing these evidences of 
their discovery to their guides. 

Sometimes the fallen soldiers of the 
hostile armies fail to recognize the peace- 
ful missions of the " sanitatshunde " and 
try to drive them away, as is shown by 
the following excerpt from the report of 
a commander of a field hospital com- 

" All the Germans had been picked up, 
but there were still a great many wound- 
ed Russians scattered over the field, 
most of them hidden in the long grasses. 
The dogs began their work with the 
greatest assurance, but it was soon 
noticed that the Russians struck at them 
with their caps, haversacks, canteens, 
and other objects and, in some cases, 
even tried to kick the dogs. Conse- 
quently, before the day was over three 
of our dogs refused to approach the 
wounded Russians. That day, with the 
aid of the dogs, we saved twenty-one 
wounded Russians." 

In closing its account of the work of 
the "'sanitatshunde," the North German 
Gazette gives the Society for the Preven- 
tion of Cruelty to Animals of Holland 
as its authority for the charge that the 
Belgian hospital dogs are trained not to 
aid wounded Germans, and quotes as fol- 
lows from a pamphlet issued by the 
Dutch society on the use of dogs in the 

" Close to one of the trenches Die 

140 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

noticed a man in a sitting position, a man 
whom Die had learned to hate from the 
very first hour of his training, and at 
whose sight he growled wrathfully. 
Hadn't such men clad in gray abused 
him in his former school? Hadn't they 
always spoken roughly to him and re- 
fused to give him food or water, even 
taking these things away when they had 

been plainly put there for his use? And 
hadn't the man who wore blue, withered 
stripes, always been good to him? He 
did not know that all this had been 
done to teach him to aid only Belgians. 
Die had also learned to avoid the 
' pickelhauben,' the German helmets 
which could be used to give dogs such 
hard blows." 

Letters From the Wife of a Russian General 

CURRENT HISTORY presents hereivith 
a second installment of these interesting 
letters, written to an American friend 
by the wife of a Russian General 
("Alexei") whose real name, ivhen re- 
vealed after the war, will be found to 
figure in some of the most important 
operations on the Russian front. The 
writer's brother, " Rostia," holds the 
rank of Adjutant General. 

I RECEIVED the only letter we have 
had from you for the whole Winter 
the registered one. I am grate- 
ful that this, at least, has reached me. 
Shall I send you your money, or shall 
we wait till the end of the war ? Perhaps 
we shall live to see that great joy ! Many 
people say it will be over by July. But 
in my eyes we are still very far from the 
end. Alexei also writes that it is useless 
to expect the end. soon. 

Rostia spent several days with us, 
which was a great delight. The week 
before Easter Jakoff, the cook whom you 
know, came here for provisions. We sent 
him back to Alexei's camp, supplied with 
Easter bread and cakes. Here we have 
arranged everything beautifully in the 
hospitals and orphanages and have sent 
a freight car full of Easter gifts to 
Alexei's army. Every mail now brings 
us postcards from the soldiers, with their 
thanks. Some of them are so amusing 
and touching. 

As to our losses in the north, every- 
one's opinion is that the traitor Myassoye- 
doff was hanged too promptly and too 
secretly. He should have been put in a 
cage with chains, and dragged all over 
Russia to see if he would dare to look us 

in the eyes! * * * That would be a 
punishment worthy of a Russian officer 
and a gentleman! It is unjust. They 
hang in the same way any poor little 
Jew, driven by hunger to play the spy 
for the other side. Oh, how horrible it all 
is! * * * 

I inclose some pretty postcards: 
Alexei's latest portrait; the view from 
our windows; and some of the Easter 
cards which the Empress sent us to dis- 
tribute in her name in the hospitals. Poor 
Sonya Witte is desolate over Sergei 
Julitch's death. She is constantly ill. 
There have been wild rumors that Sergei 
Julitch poisoned himself because his 
Matilda was mixed up in the Myassoye- 
doff business. What nonsense! So many 
lies are current on this theme. I am 


* * * We are in Moscow once more. 
I must get some rest and some medical 
treatment. If God grants, I shall present- 
ly take up my work again. Throughout 
the country we are all full of courage 
and certain of ultimate victory. Wilhelm 
is Anti-Christ on a small scale; such as 
he can and must be conquered. During 
the last few months we have been in 
Odessa and Kieff, working very hard. 
Rostia and Alexei, Jr, paid us a visit. But 
as to Alexei, Sr., he has been working 
over his maps for fourteen months now 
without a break. Sukhomlin is his Chief 
of Staff the husband of the lady who 
showed Charlie the fort at Ivangorod; 
she herself is dead. Her son was killed. 
Our dear Captain Ilyashenko has also 
been killed. But never mind; we shall 
win back everything and render Ger- 



many powerless, however many may be 
the traitors, individuals, or whole nations 
like Bulgaria. The dark powers must be 
conquered. If only we can avoid haste ; in 
this, all Russia agrees. There is a small 
group of intriguers, thirsting for un- 
timely peace, but they are not strong 
enough to outweigh the whole of Russia. 

In V. I had several hospitals on my 
hands. I organized three orphanages; 
then various aids for the wounded and 
their families. To this work there is no 
end. In November I shall go back there 
for a while; I shall work until I die. But, 
merciful Heaven, never in my life did I 
imagine that the world contained so 
many scoundrels! 

What is Charlie working at ? I cannot 
imagine him not being useful to human 
beings human beings, I mean, not devils 
in human shape. 

Fedya is head of a shrapnel factory; 
his son Kolya is one of his apprentices. 

If you in America could only see one 
of our soldiers asphyxiated by poison gas, 
as we see hundreds, you would under- 
stand that this crime cannot be forgotten 
or forgiven. Everything within me shud- 
ders at the mere remembrance of many 
and many, blind, fighting for breath, 
their skins black though they are still 
alive ! " a cultured, highly developed 
nation! " 

If I am still alive when peace comes 
I shall refuse to shake hands with any 
German. Nothing will force me within 
a yard of one of them. They are monsters, 
children of the Evil One. 

I write so seldom' * * * I cannot 
write I have no time. 

* * * I wrote to you sending our 
new address in Moscow. Did you get my 
letter? It is a long time since we heard 
from you. Lena is with me. Rostia is 
with Alexei. Things are going much bet- 
ter at the front now. A few months and 
they will improve still more. Through- 
out the land there are many knaves and 
fools who, consciously or unconsciously, 
work as German agents. But no matter; 
everything will come out right. 

I only wish we all had more strength. 
Here I find a great deal to do; and in V. 
our work is still unfinished. I am going 

there one of these days. I shall also go 
to Odessa. 

Alexei has no end of decorations, but 
most attractive of all is the one which he 
has received from the Kuban Cossacks. 
They have conferred on him the title of 
" Honorary Old Man," and the Emperor 
has given him the right to wear the 
Kuban army uniform. In his letters 
Alexei calls me " Honorary Old Woman." 

Rostia we have seen several times, but 
as to Alexei, we have not set eyes on 
him since he went away with his army 
on July 27, 1914. - 1 am sending you his 
two latest portraits which they have sent 
us from the front. Lina, Boris's daugh- 
ter, took .the photo of Rostia; it's a pity it 
has come out so dark, as the likeness is 
very good. 

Well, and how are you two getting on? 
Is your America waiting for the Kaiser 
to attack her also; leaving to our coali- 
tion the struggle against this brother of 
Anti-Christ? Never fear, with God's 
help we shall scramble through our 
troubles. But shall I be able to avoid a 
certain satisfaction when the ferocious 
beast, enraged by failure, rushes against 
the countries which, even at this late 
hour, are still playing the game of friend- 
ship with him? Through cowardice? Or 
through hypocrisy? If only we had at- 
tacked them together the thing would 
have been over long ago. 

Lena has been ailing ever since we 
came to Moscow; she cannot live away 
from the South. I write you our new 
address once more, below; the mails are 
in a terrible condition. I hope there will 
be a word from you by Christmas. Greet- 
ing to Charlie. We both embrace you. 
Keep well, and may God guard you. I 
am grown old and so like mother. 
Charlie was right when he first fore- 
told it. 


* * * I have just received your 
letter, which has taken a month in com- 
ing. This gives me the hope that you 
will receive this, if not for Christmas, at 
least before the new year, which I trust 
by God's grace will be a happier year 
than this. Yet, so far, there has been 
nothing too unfortunate, either for Rus- 
sia or for us as individuals. With my 

CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

whole soul I trust that the worst is over. 
I send you a small group photo in which 
you will recognize both Alexei and Rostia. 
Rostia has been with Alexei all the time, 
since the very beginning of the war. I 
also send two recent snapshops of Alexei 
very good likenesses the best portraits 
he has ever had taken, though they were 
taken in the midst of this terrible cam- 

I quite agree with you that our chief 
trouble is vain babble and exaggerated 
fears. You cannot imagine how angry 
I get with people. Side by side with the 
greatest heroism there is so much that is 
common and mean that it is simply 
astonishing; just the same thing among 
ourselves as in France and England. 
We have to live through it all, till Satan 
is conquered, in the guise of the Ger- 
mans and of our own knaves and fools. 
But God will help us. There is so much 
work for us all, that at times I feel ready 
to kneel down in reverent respect for all 
that is being accomplished around us. 
And, as you say, for the sake of what is 
so good in people, we should, as far as 
possible, not take notice of what is bad. 

In spiritual strength and faith Alexei 
is greater than any one could have imag- 
ined before the war. Both in society and 
among the masses he is trusted and re- 
spected, and the Emperor is endlessly 
good to him. But envy and intrigues are 
rife. When I spoke to him about this 
in my letter he answered: 

" I never sought popularity, and do not 
seek it now. What need have I of it ? I 
attend to the small part allotted to me 
of the great task, so far as I understand 
it; but personally, for myself, I seek and 
wish for nothing. I only pray the Lord 
that the sum of all our efforts may enable 
us to break our wicked and cruel foes, 
and to drive them back beyond our fron- 
tier. As to all personal schemes and 
plottings, I will have nothing to do with 
them, thrusting them away as filth with 
the whole force of my soul. I hold that 
a war which sets flowing human blood is 
a sacrament in the name of our country 
and our monarch; and this sacrificial 
offering must be approached and per- 
formed with clean hands, clean thoughts, 
and a clean conscience; everything base 

and personal must be rejected as sinful 
and unworthy. And I offer myself also 
as a sacrifice to my country, so long 
as I am needed; but I seek nothing, and 
have absolutely no other object. I am 
already an old man and it is time for me 
to reject every feeling of self-love, and 
all other unworthiness. In order to carry 
out my arduous duty in war time, I must 
be inexorably severe, even cruel; this is 
inevitable, without it no victory could be 
won. I have no fear of the faithless peo- 
ple you write of: I seek neither glory 
nor money. And, under these conditions, 
it is not easy to injure me. No matter 
who he may be I shall destroy any one 
who can injure our cause but not myself. 
All attempts to harm me personally I 
shall ignore. So do not take things to 
heart on my account. All will be ac- 
cording to the will of God. * * *" 

If Charlie is interested to know what 
foreigners say of his brother-in-law, here 
are a few words : 

" Le General - - est un des plus 
populaires generaux de la Russie. II 
n'est pas grand, mais bien proportionne. 
II porte une tete tres fine et de temps en 
temps un peu narquoise. II est extreme- 
ment gai, vif, fort travailleur, a un age 
qui est celui des chefs d'une armee, et a 
1'oeil partout. Hospitalier, homme du 
monde, moqueur, la parole facile, severe 
contre les abus, encourageant pour les 
jeunes talents. S'il n'etait pas tellement 
bon Russe, on aimerait a dire qu'il repre- 
sente un type tres fran^ais, et tres gen- 
tilhomme, qu'il est, d'ailleurs! " 

Translation : General is one of the 

most popular of the Russian Generals. He 
is not tall, but well proportioned. His 
head is very finely formed, his expression 
very keen and penetrating. He is ex- 
ceedingly gay, vivacious, a great worker, 
at the age of the heads of armies, and 
he watches everything. Hospitable, a 
man of the world, with a touch of irony, 
a ready talker, severe in the case of 
abuses, ready to encourage rising talents. 
If he were not such a good Russian one 
would like to say that he represents a 
very French type, and very aristocratic, 
which, indeed, he is. 

I feel like crying and laughing when I 
read opinions like this. Looking thus 
from the outside one might think that 
Alexei had no nerves at all. Even during 



the retreat from the Carpathians their 
ammunition exhausted, after aJ those 
glorious victories, I read in the news- 
papers : " General is as energetic 

and calm as usual. * * * " 

God grant him strength to bear all 
this to the end, for the sake of our 
monarch and of Russia. But I cannot 
help fearing that even an iron will must 
be worn down, and my .heart bleeds to 
think what he has borne these eighteen 

What shall I tell you about Lena and 
myself? For fourteen months we worked 
to the point of exhaustion; now, since 
we have been settled for a while in Mos- 
cow, we have had a little rest. But one 
of these days we shall begin work again. 
I had thought of sending you some photos 

of myself surrounded by the orphans of 
my asylum and in hospitals, in the midst 
of crippled soldiers, nurses and doctors, 
but they are all so large that it is diffi- 
cult to mail them. One of these days I 
shall have some printed on postcards, 
but so far I have not had time. 

Rostia has been here on leave several 
times. Every one has had leave except 
Alexei. He has never had either rest 
or quiet for nearly two years now, but 
he is convinced, and Rostia also, that all 
will be well and sooner than might be 
expected, judging by present circum- 
stances. God grant that they may be 
right. We send you kisses, Lena and I; 
to Charlie also, with all our hearts. May 
the Heavenly Power help us all. 


Twenty Soldiers Captured by a Girl 

An Episode in Russia 

The Petrograd correspondent of The 
London Telegraph vouches for this re- 
markable story: 

AMONG a party of Letts who have 
succeeded in escaping from a vil- 
lage in Courland, now occupied by 
the Germans, is a girl of seventeen, who 
has been rewarded, for a great deed of 
bravery, with the St. George's Cross. 

A small German detachment marched 
on to the farm owned by this girl's 
father. Sentries were left outside to 
keep watch on a hill quite close, while 
the rest entered the house and prepared 
to have a good time. The young Ger- 
man Lieutenant turned to the girl, with 
the order to get wine at any cost, as 
their supply had run short. She was 
told that unless she fulfilled the order 
the house would be set on fire and she 
herself subjected to violence. 

There were two barrels of heavy old 
liquor, made of spirits and berries, in 
the cellar, and a bright idea struck the 
girl. Before giving them the cordial 
she dropped into it some powder, made 
of bluebells, which brings on heavy 
drowsiness. The first barrel was soon 

emptied, and the demand came for more. 
The second barrel contained a double 
portion of the power, and the Germans 
soon began to roll on to the floor, one 
after another. 

Seeing her enemies helpless around the 
barrel, she filled a bowl with the liquor, 
took it out to the sentries, who stood 
freezing in the cold, and gave it them 
to drink, incidentally mentioning that 
she was fulfilling the officer's orders. 
The bowl was soon emptied. She then 
returned to the house .and carefully dis- 
armed the soldiers, who, sunk in heavy 
slumber, lay about in different atti- 
tudes, and hid their weapons deep in 
the cellar. Meantime her father was 
fastening with ropes the limbs of the 
insensible Germans. 

Having accomplished her task with 
the prisoners, the girl proceeded to find 
her way out to the Russian positions. 
Following forest paths and making her 
way through swamps, she finally reached 
a Siberian outpost. 

" I have disarmed and tied up twenty 
German soldiers and one officer; has- 
ten, and take them prisoners/' were the 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

excited words with which the girl ad- 
dressed the head officer of the Siberian 
Rifles. The soldiers were amazed at 
the audacity of the young Lett, and 
could hardly believe her story. How- 
ever, she persuaded them to follow her, 
and when they reached the farm they 
found the Germans still fast locked in 
sleep. Several pails of ice-cold water 
flung in the faces of the sleepers roused 
them to the grim realities of their situ- 
ation. To their bewilderment, they 

found that they were no longer soldiers 
of the German Army, but prisoners of 
the Russians. 

The girl was brought into the pres- 
ence of the commanding General, who 
thanked her for her heroic deed, and 
promised to make a report of it to the 
higher military authorities. This was 
done, and as a reward for her services 
she received the much-coveted decora- 
tion which signifies valor in the Rus- 
sian Army. 

Hard Struggle of Middle-Class Germans 

By Field Marshal von Hindenburg 

Commander in Chief of German Forces in the East 

A significant letter from General von 
Hindenburg to the Imperial Chancellor 
and other Ministers of State appeared 
in January in a newspaper issued by the 
Tenth Army, and has since been repub- 
lished in other German papers with the 
Government's sanction. Here is the full 
text of it: 

A RETIRED County Court official 
named Finhold has written to me 
from Bensberg begging me to sup- 
port the efforts he is making to allevi- 
ate the anxiety of the men in the field 
concerning their families, who are hav- 
ing such a hard struggle at home. Fin- 
hold's endeavors are in the interest main- 
ly of the industrial middle class, the 
small shopkeepers, artisans, and trades- 
men who in times of peace make a good 
income, but are now in danger of losing 
all their property and of being reduced 
after the war to indigent day laborers. 

Numerous requests for help and sup- 
port received by the soldiers in the field 
from those depending on them prove to 
me that Herr Finhold has laid bare a 
real wound. It is one of the results of 
German economic development that the 
small business man in particular is com- 
pelled, almost without exception, to have 
recourse to loans. In view of the condi- 
tions of payment and of the markets pro- 
duced by the war the wife and family 
have the utmost difficulty in keeping the 
trade or business of the husband or 

father going. This difficulty and con- 
stant anxiety exert a paralyzing effect 
on the man in the trenches, and all the 
more as he sees no prospect of help or 
improvement either now or after the 
conclusion of peace. 

It is of the utmost importance for the 
economic strength, and thus for the 
future of our country, that in such cases 
as these definite relief should be pro- 
vided. The empire must avert the danger 
of a large proportion of its able and eco- 
nomically independent sons returning 
home from the war impoverished or fall- 
ing at once into the hands of their cred- 
itors, which would mean their economic 
ruin, with their wives and children. 

The army leader who has the welfare 
of his soldiers sincerely at heart cannot 
ignore such difficulties and needs. I con- 
sider it, therefore, to be my duty to draw 
attention to the dangers described above, 
and to the necessity for providing relief 
by means of legislation. The sense of 
duty and the death-disdaining courage 
which inspire our soldiers demand an 
equitable return from those at home, and 
especially in this domain. 

The nerve-strength of the individual 
man, which is the fundamental condition 
not only for holding out, but also for 
the decisive victory, cannot be maintained 
unless the man feels certain that those 
he has left at home have an assured ex- 
istence, and that he can hope to continue 


Polish Author of "Quo Vadis?" Who Is Laboring Day and Night for 

His Suffering Countrymen 

(Photo from Bain News Service) 


Turkish Grand Vizier, to Whom the Kaiser Recently Gave the Black 

Order of Nobilitv 



his trade or business successfully after 
the war. 

The great changes in the economic life 
of the nation, which are even now taking 

place, and which will be much more pro- 
nounced after the war, must have people 
who are economically sound and capable 
of development to deal with them. 

The Charge That Captured Hill 70 

By Lieutenant A. M. Tuck 

Seventh King's Own Scottish Borderers 

Lieutenant Tuck, an American who is serving in the British Army, and who was wounded 
in the battle of last September near Loos, wrote the following vivid account of his experi- 
ences. He is a son of Pinckney Tuck, Judge of the International Court of Egypt, and was 
studying at Oxford when the war broke out, trying to complete a course for the Bachelor of 
Arts degree, which has since been given him by Dartmouth College. 

WE did not take our places in the 
trenches until about midnight of 
the 24th. The rest of that night 
was spent in dealing out the next 
morning's rations and in filling the 
new machine-gun magazines which 
we had just drawn from the ord- 
nance. All through the night there was a 
steady drizzle, and then a hopeless gray 
dawn broke upon us, every one wet 
through by this time and feeling like 
anything but an attack. The scanty 
breakfast was quickly served out and con- 
sumed. For this great attack the break- 
fast included an ounce and a half of rum 
for each man. This allowance of rum va- 
ries both as to its frequency of issue and 
amount, and is usually put in the men's 
tea, to keep them from hoarding it up and 
making an occasion of its consumption at 
the end of the month. That morning it 
was given to us neat, and well we needed 
it. At 5:40 we started our gas, and huge 
gusts of this yellowish-green vapor start- 
ed drifting toward the enemy trenches. 
Our battalion had the honor of leading 
the attack on Hill 70, and we were to be 
the first out of the trenches. 

No sooner had our gas started than a 
veritable hail of German machine-gun 
fire could be heard on the parapet of our 
trench. By this time the Germans could 
no longer see our trenches, but, having 
previously fixed their guns on our trench 
parapets, their fire was only too accurate. 
At the same time their guns started 
bursting shrapnel over us with equal ac- 
curacy. Words of mine could never de- 

scribe the noise and din of all this firing. 
All we knew was that at the end of forty 
minutes we were to leave our trenches 
and start our attack. Our watches had 
been synchronized the night before with 
those of the engineers who were control- 
ling the gas. 

Then orders started coming down the 
trenches. " Fix bayonets ! " was the first 
order, and this was hastily and willingly 
complied with. Then the cry came down, 
" Remember the Twenty-fifth ! " for this 
was the number of our regiment as it was 
known in the old days. The next order 
came, " Put on gas helmets," and then we 
knew that only a few minutes separated 
us from the comparative safety of our 
trench and the veritable sheet of lead out- 
side. The air by this time reeked of a 
sickening sweet smell of high explosive 
and shrapnel shells, and the atmosphere 
was even more clouded by the faint smoke 
of these. It had been prearranged that 
as we left our trenches automatically our 
artillery was to lift its curtain of fire 
from the German first-line trenches to 
their second, and as we advanced to their 
third, and so on, time limits being given 
for these movements. As the fortieth 
minute ticked itself into eternity orders 
were given, and the men climbed up on 
the fire steps and over the parapet. We 
threw our heavy tripods over the parapet, 
passing the guns and magazines after 
them, and straightened out our line so as 
to resemble the formation of the infantry 
as much as possible. 

I had not advanced more than forty 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

yards when a shell burst over us, the 
concussion of which as well as the frag- 
ments knocked men all around me to the 
ground. At the same time that I fell I 
felt a blow in my hand and chest. What 
followed directly after this is very hazy 
in my mind, and what concerns the ad- 
vance of the regiment has been told me 
since. I found later that I had been shot 
through the right hand and had a flesh 
wound in the left breast. I got up work- 
ing more as a machine than myself be- 
fore I stumbled and fell again thirty 
yards further on. One machine gun team 
only went on, and I learned later that 
this team was knocked out two minutes 
afterward. I remember vaguely crawling 
into a shell hole, and from there being 
helped into the head of a sap by a 
stretcher bearer. These saps are short 
trenches that run out from the main 
trench at right angles and are used as 
listening posts. Here a stretcher bearer 
gave me a first field dressing, and later 
I found my way to Quality Street, which 
was the name given to a very small min- 
ing village which was being used as a 
small base for the attack of these two 

Here was a scene which no one who 
saw it could ever forget. The great ma- 
jority of the men here had already been 
brought back from the two brigades in 
front, most of the men being kilted, as the 
brigade on our right was the Highland 
Brigade. The street was covered with 
men lying on the pavements or just sit- 
ting wherever they found room; other 
men lying on the coal trucks, whose up- 
per framework had been so changed as 
to hold three stretchers. Here dressings 
were being applied to the more serious 
cases. The street literally ran red with 
hot fresh blood, and although half a 
dozen shells would have wiped out the lot 
the enemy were too busy with our ad- 
vancing infantry to bother about this 
place. And so we were passed on in 
motor ambulances to various casualty 
clearing stations, until we reached one 
about five miles behind the lines. Here 
we remained all afternoon until the large 

motor ambulance convoy started that 
night for Lapuygnoir. Here we were put 
in Red Cross train, consisting of twenty- 
eight carriages of sitting and lying cases, 
and we started our trip down country. 

It was at Versailles that we first 
learned the price the regiment had 
paid. The official casualties in offi- 
cers out of the twenty who went 
to the attack were fourteen killed 
or died of wounds, five wounded. Only 
one came through untouched. Yester- 
day I went to the funeral of our Colo- 
nel, who had died of his wounds in the 
same hospital, at Versailles. A very gal- 
lant soldier, who had returned to his 
regiment after having been retired four 
years, and had been given the command 
of this new battalion. Out of 1,000 
peace-loving citizens in a few months he 
had made a perfect fighting machine. 
After I fell I remember seeing lines of 
khaki advancing toward the German 
trenches, which were then invisible on 
account of the gas, and later I realized 
how great had been the work of our Colo- 
nel and how successful it had all proved. 
He was buried with full military honors, 
accompanied by 200 Cuirassiers and a 
small detachment of English troops from 
the hospital. I have learned that one of 
our pipers has been recommended for the 
V. C. His gallantry consisted of walking 
up and down the parapet after the hail of 
bullets had started and piping his men to 
the attack. 

In a few days I return to the base, from 
which place I will be sent up to what is 
left of the regiment, which is now re- 
fitting behind the line. New drafts of 
officers and men are arriving shortly. 
The casualties in the ranks we do not 
know officially as yet, but they must 
number well over 500 men out of 1,000, 
as the casualties in the brigade, consist- 
ing of four battalions, were 2,000 out of 
3,500. The officer casualties in the 
brigade number 72 out of 80. And this 
was the price a battalion paid for lead- 
ing a brigade, and a brigade paid for 
leading an attack which resulted in the 
capture of Hill 70 and the village of Loos. 

The Coming Victory 

By a French Army Captain 

This thoughtful and clear visioned article, written in the trenches, is translated from 
I/Illustration, the leading French illustrated monthly. 

THE victory of the Marne, though 
we greeted it with joy, did not 
arouse in our ranks the complete 
feeling of safety which it created 
behind the lines. We knew what it had 
cost. We knew what it represented. But 
we did not believe that it marked the 
term of our efforts. 

We had learned to know our adver- 
sary, his resources, his ruses and his 
method. We felt that he was wounded. 
We felt ourselves armed to crush him 
in the time to come. But that that time 
was near, we did not believe. 

And because we did not believe it, be- 
cause in the intoxication of our advance, 
we retained the exact perception of the 
real and the possible, because all, leaders 
and soldiers, were unwilling to deceive 
ourselves a second time because of this, 
and because of this alone, we remain 
after eighteen months able to endure 
what, in this war, is worse than death, 
worse than the mud, worse than want and 
vermin waiting, immobility, weariness. 

Ask a neutral who has seen us fight 
what he most admired; he will say it is 
our dash, our daring, our power of 
shock. But one who has fought will 
answer, No. The profound strength of 
our army is its capacity to endure, with- 
out complaining, almost without suffer- 
ing, the gloomy passage of the days. It 
is terrible and magnificent to come forth 
from the trench when the hour of attack 
sounds. It is still more terrible and 
magnificent to endure to .remain in it, 
without attacking, for months and years. 

The loophole through which you watch 
a corner of the Boche sector, marked by 
sacks of earth in rags; the shooting 
bench, on which you sit in the mud while 
your comrade keeps watch; the connect- 
ing trench, full of ice-cold water, in 
which your feet freeze; the muddy shel- 
ter, with the damp smell of rotting 
straw; the set tasks, the digging of 

earthworks, the transport of grenades 
and soup; then cantonment, reviews, in- 
spections, the duties of barrack life, with 
the likelihood of death at the end, this is 
our lot, officers and soldiers. And this 
lot we accept, and shall accept, as long 
as it is necessary. For in this accept- 
ance, spontaneous, general, reflected 
upon, we think, men and leaders, that 
the secret of our victory lies. 

People write to us. They ask us ques- 
tions. They say : " Are you going to 
attack? Will you pierce through? " 
That is not our business. We shall pierce 
their lines if we can. But afterward 
there will be other trenches, and yet 
others, and there will be other battles. 
The essential thing for us is not to at- 
tack, to conquer at one point, even to 
pierce through on a point of several 
miles; it is to hold out. Our principal 
duty, our sovereign virtue, is to hold on. 
In holding out we shall gain the victory. 

The soldier of the end of 1915 and the 
beginning of 1916 has his ideas concern- 
ing the war. They are simple and 

After months of experience we do not 
flatter ourselves that we can without 
difficulty gain against the Boche, a re- 
.sult which we believe the Boche incapable 
of gaining against us. So long as the 
armies which face each other, with 
normal effectives on a depth that daily 
increases, continue to occupy the trenches 
which they hold at present, we do not 
believe in the possibility of carrying by 
assault a fortress whose centre can con- 
stantly change its position. 

We know that, wherever we wish, we 
can gain successes, as in Champagne and 
Artois. We do not believe that our 
enemy can carry off like successes, be- 
cause, for several months now, we see 
him ever less and less on the offensive. 
But when we have said this, it is not 
from such successes that we expect the 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

victory that every one of us is certain 

Let those behind the battle line who 
argue about our soldiers have the good- 
ness to believe me; our moral force, 
which they praise, is fed on more sub- 
stantial motives. We are sure of suc- 
cess for one reason alone; because we 
are sure of our patience and sure also 
that, between the Boches and ourselves, 
it is we, and we alone, whom patience 
can save. 

We did not need to read Bernhardi 
and the military philosophers from be- 
yond the Rhine to know that, against 
the coalition of four great powers, Ger- 
many could win only by rapid successes. 
To teach us, the facts have sufficed, and 
the comparison of the successive attacks 
which we have met. 

The Boche who will leap forth against 
our trench tomorrow, who will, perhaps, 
capture a little bit of it, without being 
able to push further forward, is no 
longer the Boche of Charleroi or Ypres. 
He fights well. But he is careful of 
himself. He just fulfills his duty as a 
combatant. He has no longer anything 
of the furious waves which, in the first 
four months, we saw break over us in 

He knows that the great gains which 
justify great sacrifices are henceforth 
forbidden to him. He attacks on a small 
scale, never at two points at once, ab- 
sorbed by an effort which is always mo- 
bile the Argonne in Winter, the Yser in 

the Spring, Poland in Summer, Serbia in 

Where are the " rushes " of the past 
which, from Belfort to Mons, seized us 
by the throats? We remember. We look 
and compare. They have changed our 
Boche for us. He was coining to devour 
everything. But he ended by only biting. 
Now, he does not even bite any more. 

A pessimist would say he is biting else- 
where. Was it in order to conquer Ser- 
bia that he declared war against us? Is 
it by conquering Serbia that he will 
smash England, France, and Russia? 

This is the matured reasoning we have 
come to, through our active experience. 
This reasoning has been born in us along 
the thread of the days while we have 

looked through our loopholes and while 
we have read the daily reports, the 
emptiness of which fills us with satisfac- 
tion because it confirms our view. 

The Germans have missed their goal. 
They will not gain it in the third year of 
the war. They missed it at a time when 
the French Army lacked many indispen- 
sable things, when the British Army was 
little more than an outline sketch. They 
will not gain it now, when the French 
Army, fully supplied, when the British 
Army, grown more than a hundredfold, 
and the Russian Army, always inex- 
haustible, and henceforth sure of being 
armed, shall unite their efforts, support- 
ed by Italy, which at the outset was neu- 

The inequality of effectives will one 
day turn the balance. When? We do 
not know. But since we are patient, that 
matters little. And this is why we be- 
lieve that the patience which possesses 
us all will bring our victory. 

Let people not hurry us, and let them 
not be in a hurry themselves, We are 
men in earnest, who are staking our 
lives. If the war had only been going 
on for three months, we should hesitate 
more perhaps before expressing our 
opinions. After eighteen months have 
passed in effort and suffering, we have 
the right to give our view, and our view 
is this: 

Since the passage of time increases 
the inequality of forces to our advantage, 
let us allow it to pass, and let us strike 
only blows which are certain; I mean, 
let us strike only when it is certain that 
we can deliver a deathblow. Until then, 
we undertake, we soldiers, to bear out- 
cross; let the civilians bear theirs. 

We have yet another desire; it is that, 
while waiting for the decisive assault, 
our men should kill along our front as 
many Boches as possible, and that be- 
yond the battle lines our side should in- 
crease as much as possible the difficul- 
ties of the Boche behind the fighting 

For the first object, we hope that the 
progress of our artillery, the increase in 
our shell production, the reinforcement 
of our aviation corps, the judicious use 
of really asphyxiating gases, the scien- 



tine development of the material of war, 
will give us in the coming months better 
means of action than in the months that 
are past. There is not a soldier in our 
ranks who, while rendering justice to the 
results already gained, does not feel that 
we can do more, and, since we can, then 
we ought to do more. 

For the second object, we should be 
glad to know that all measures are taken, 
if not to starve Germany, which is diffi- 
cult, at least to close to her certain 
sources of supply from neutral nations, 
from our allies, even from ourselves. 
The less she receives during the months 
of waiting imposed by the necessity of 
striking surely and striking hard, the less 
she will be capable of resisting our pres- 
sure and prolonging her resistance. Here 
also we believe that more can be done in 
the future than has been done in the past, 
and, since more is possible, more ought to 
be done. 

To increase our offensive power, to 
put our allies in a position to utilize to 
the full the resources in men which they 
possess and which are superior to ours, 

to keep our units up to the mark, to 
maintain our stores in their present 
state, which is excellent, such are the 
wishes of leaders and soldiers who have 
formed their ideas in the sanguinary 
school of reality. 

I have written this in my shelter. The 
enemy is quiet. The sector is calm. I 
have made two rounds. Every one is at 
his post. If there should be an attack 
our machine guns are ready to mow it 
down. As always, I am full of admira- 
tion for the complete devotion of these 
brave men, calm under fire, cheerful 
amid the mud, always mindful of disci- 
pline, who obey us with their hearts, as 
we command them with our hearts, and 
whose spokesman I have tried to make 

In reading over these rapid notes I 
feel that I have put in them what we 
are all thinking a modest pack made up 
of our experiences in Lorraine and Bel- 
gium, in Champagne and Artois, the sum 
of our long reflections, ripened far from 
our families, in the seriousness which 
solitude brings. CAPTAIN X. 

In Three Months London Would Have Fallen" 

David Lloyd George, British Minister of Munitions, recently made this 
striking statement to a reporter: 

If the military class in Germany should win we should see a Germany of 
triumphant warriors, seeking whom they could devour, looking out for fresh 
spheres or shall I say fresh hemi-spheres? to conquer. If we overthrow 
German militarism now it is because our command of the sea has given us 
time to organize, and so make good our unpreparedness. You have only to 
imagine what would have happened if the command of the sea had not been 
ours, or if it had been wrested from us. We could have been overrun as easily 
as the Balkan Peninsula. Within three months three months, mind of the 
declaration of war, London would have fallen as quickly as Belgrade. France 
would have made a gallant resistance; so would Russia; but the armies on the 
northeastern frontier of France could have been turned by descents on her 
south and west coasts. If Germany were to win this war Europe would be 
helpless. Let us never forget that indisputable fact. Russia and France would 
not be permitted to build up great armies to defend their frontiers; and, of 
course, the command of the sea would be taken from Great Britain. I cannot 
help wondering if the Monroe Doctrine would fare better than the British Fleet. 

What Changes Will the War Bring? 

Views of Famous Publicists 

The great German offensive at Verdun and the probability of an early attack by the Allies 
on the same front give a special timeliness to the prophecies printed below. They are con- 
densed from interviews in leading Paris journals, notably Le Matin and Je Sais Tout. 

The Great Teutonic Plan 

By Professor Masaryk 

Former Czech Deputy in the Austrian Reichsrat, now a Professor in King't 

College, London 

M. Masaryk is the soul of a movement 
that aims to re-establish the independ- 
ence of Bohemia. When asked how such 
an aim could fit in with the greater 
objects for which the Entente Allies are 
fighting, he said: 
JTTT^ HE most urgent task, naturally, 

is to expel the enemy from the 
territory he occupies, but it is 
indispensable that we should first 
have formulated a plan of what Europe 
should be like after the victory of the 
Allies. This plan will make it possible 
to render Germany harmless after she 
is beaten, and, even at the present stage 
of the war, it will give us the means 
of combating her. 

The true German objective is to cre- 
ate, under the aegis of Berlin, a power- 
ful confederation of States in Central 
Europe. It is expressed today in the 
Berlin-Bagdad formula, a creation oi 
General von Moltke. As, before 1870, 
Prussia brought about the economic 
union of the German States in advance 
of their political union, so today it is 
under color of an economic association 
that the grand Teutonic plan is making 
its appearance. I will tell you its ulti- 
mate object: 

It is to put 97,000,000 Austro-Hun- 
garians, Turks, and Balkanites under 
German domination. 

After Sadowa in 1866 Bismarck under- 
stood that it would be better for his pur- 
poses to keep Austria intact and in sub- 
mission rather than to mutilate it and 
make it an enemy. That idea has been 

fruitful. Leading Austrians realize to- 
day that their country can exist only by 
leaning upon Germany. The real Aus- 
tria Austria without Germany has 
been beaten in this war by Russia and 
by Serbia. In saving Austria, Germany 
has organized it as one of its own prov- 
inces. To strengthen Austria is, strictly 
speaking, to work for the King of Prus- 
sia. To weaken Austria is to weaken 
Germany. To destroy Austria is to strike 
Germany to the heart, ruining its plan 
for Central Europe and cutting its fa- 
mous Berlin-Bagdad line. 

To say that Austria-Hungary is a 
guarantee of peace is folly. It was that 
empire which sowed the seeds of the 
present war on the day when, with the 
aid of Bismarck, it occupied Bosnia and 
Herzegovina and decided to play the role 
of German vanguard in the Balkans. To 
destroy Austria does not mean to destroy 
the nations that compose it. It is only 
the dynasty of the Hapsburgs, the slave 
of Germany, which it is necessary to 
banish, and, if it appears useful that 
the Austrian nations should remain con- 
federated, let them be so, but under the 
aegis of the Entente Allies. 

The fear is sometimes expressed that 
if Germany's Drang nach Osten is sup- 
pressed, it will create a Drang nach 
Westen; that is to say, in place of the 
pressure toward the Orient there will be 
a pressure toward the Occident. This is 
an error. Deprived of the support of 
Austria and Turkey, Germany is too 
weak to threaten the Western Powers. 



Believe me, the vulnerable point of Ger- 
many is Austria-Hungary. 

If, at the end of the war, the Entente 
powers shall have declared categorically 
that all the Austrian Slavs are to be free, 
and the Hapsburg monarchy destroyed, 
Austria-Hungary, instead of being a 
source of strength to Germany, will prove 
to have been a heavy burden, and the 
whole orientation of subsequent events 
will have been modified. 

I am well aware that certain political 
leaders imagine that some day Austria- 
Hungary will rise up against Germany. 
It is a fatal illusion. The Pan-Germanic 
current has triumphed as completely at 
Budapest as at Vienna. On the other 
hand, if, in place of being completely 
divided up, Austria lost merely the Pol- 
ish and Ruthenian provinces to the profit 
of Russia, and the Adriatic regions to 
the profit of Italy, the Germans and 
Magyars, who would then be 20,000,000 
against 10,000,000 Czechs and Slovaks, 
would tyrannize over us completely. I 
say this in reply to the allusions of some 
of my compatriots who imagine that in 
an Austria which has been simply di- 
minished we could hold our place. 

There is one last objection advanced 
by those who believe the partition of 
Austria-Hungary would be harmful: it 
is that Germany would take over the 

Germans of Austria. My answer is that 
in that case the German Empire would 
be increased by 7,000,000 inhabitants, 
whereas by maintaining the Hapsburg 
monarchy you would be allowing the 
Kaiser to extend his sway over 51,000,- 
000 new subjects. 

In brief, the great Teutonic plan of the 
future, which menaces the existence of 
all the Allies, is the plan to make Ger- 
many mistress of Central Europe. I 
believe that the liberation of Central 
Europe ought to be the final object of 
the war. The normal organization of 
the nations which compose it is a work 
of creation that should be under the 
direction of France. We have long recog- 
nized your sympathy for Bohemia, and 
we expect from you from your moral 
prestige, which increases every day 
powerful and efficient aid. The new 
Europe will owe its birth to a positive 
and creative policy. A purely negative 
policy will not suffice to bring it into 

You should strike at the defect in the 
enemy's armor by taking away the in- 
struments which he wishes to use for 
purposes of world domination. The ruin 
of the Hapsburg monarchy is the surest 
means for reducing the German dreams 
to nothingness by reducing Germany 
itself to the limits of its own power. 

A Limping Peace Impossible 

By Alfred Capus 

Member of the French Academy and Editor of Le Figaro 

I FEEL sure that the war cannot long 
preserve its present form. Mas- 
sacres will cease before armies are 
disbanded, and if the war should last 
many months battles will become less and 
less frequent. We have already wit- 
nessed two kinds of war at first, action 
in movement; later, after the Marne, ac- 
tion in immobility, that is, without great 
military movements. One can imagine a 
third kind inaction in immobility, ar- 
mies standing face to face, without dis- 
arming, while tedious negotiations are 
spun out, and Germany at bay discusses 

in despair the hard conditions of peace 
imposed on her by us. 

During this time there will be reac- 
tions, collisions, reflecting the fits of 
German indignation at our demands ; the 
roped beast will struggle, but the days 
of great slaughters will be over. This 
intermediary state between war and 
peace may drag along indefinitely. Shots 
will be fired from time to time, there 
will be " seasons " for fighting. 

When it is said that a nation will fight 
to the last man you must bear in mind 
that this is a figure of speech ; the great- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

er the armies the greater the number of 
men that represent the last man. Ger- 
many will not wait until she is crushed 
to earth before treating with the Allies; 
it will be enough for her to realize her 
unavoidable, inevitable insufficiency for 
achieving victory. Then will be the mo- 
ment for considering peace. 

For my part, I can contemplate noth- 
ing but a decisive peace. Some speak 
of a "limping" peace; I deem, that im- 
possible. The German character is ad- 
verse to it; either the Germans will get 
all they want or they will be forced to 
grant what we want. A limping peace 
would be one allowing them the hope of 
better terms after one more effort. It is 
exactly compatible with their disciplined 
and stubborn nature to essay this extra 
effort before thinking of peace; there- 
fore they will not sue. 

That a nation may be brought to 
actual ruin seems to me a mere illusion. 
Some words are abused. Whatever gold 
will have been spent will certainly be 
tucked away somewhere; wherever it 
may be, it will be valueless until put in 
circulation, so that it will have to bo 
ferreted out by active barter. 

Moreover, there is current a very false 

idea as to the circulation of money. 
Europeans are prone to believe that all 
Americans are multi-millionaires; the 
truth of the matter is that there are a 
certain number of millions that come and 
go and are always the same. There is 
no difference in other parts of the 
world; this movement of millions back 
and forth will be re-established by force 
of circumstances. Each country will 
turn its products into money. Of course, 
it will be necessary to work. 

I was talking the other day on this 
subject with a rich Englishman. " How 
can you suppose," he was saying, " that 
there could ever be commercial rivalry 
between you and us? I must sell you 
200 tons of coal in order to buy a dress 
for my wife in the Rue de la Paix! " 

Let us, then, buy coal and sell dresses, 
and we shall soon recover from a diffi- 
cult situation, and so will other lands. 
All we have to fear is that, instead of 
turning to commerce, art, and literature, 
instead of developing our industries and 
devoting ourselves to the enriching of 
the individual and the nation, we may 
turn in a body to playing politics. That, 
I think, may be a possible and dire result 
of victory; it would be the best way of 
paralyzing ourselves. 

France Gaining a IMew Status 

By Emile Boutroux 

Member of the French Academy and Noted Philosophical Writer 

TO fix even approximately the date 
of peace presupposes the gift of 
foreseeing the unforeseeable; it 
belongs to the domain of prophecy. But 
it seems the part of wisdom, neverthe- 
less, to predict that the war will be a 
long one. Marvelous as has been the 
task accomplished by us, unquestioned 
as is our tenacity, incessant as is our 
progress, we cannot say that the goal 
of our efforts is drawing near. All of 
us must persevere to the end; the pa- 
tience of the entire nation must be 
boundless. It must convince itself, fol- 
lowing the maxim of Caesar, that noth- 
ing is done if all is not done. Active 

sympathy and actual aid are coming, 
and doubtless will come more and more 
to the Allies and hasten their victory. 
Without doubt a greater industrial mo- 
bilization will contribute to bring about 
the decision, but we must gird ourselves 
with unshakable moral force to meet 
what lies before us. 

When peace comes France will resume 
her place among the nations. She will 
fully resume her standing in the eyes 
of the world. We must acknowledge 
that she had not entirely recovered po- 
litically from 1870. There was much 
vaunting of her literary and artistic su- 
periority in order that her shortcomings 



in other things might more easily be 
glossed over an ingenious method of 
relegating her to the past. 

By the treaty of Frankfort, Germany 
sought to crush us as a political power. 
Peace will re-establish the balance. 
But it must not be said there will be 
a veritable rebirth of France, as has 
been too often the case, for this is unjust 
to the past and incorrect in relation to 
the present. The men of yesterday were 
immediately found to be equal to the 
task of today. France will resume her 
place because she will be better known 
and appreciated. 

No matter what happens, I think the 
German mode of thought is destined to 
lose in influence; it has shown too 
clearly to what horrors it tended. I 

cannot say what transformations it will 
undergo. It is a historical law that 
something like an intellectual transfor- 
mation takes place between belligerents, 
but it is not always from victor to van- 

It is to be presumed, at all events, 
that Germany, having returned to her 
senses, will shake off the contempt which 
she has shown since 1870 for everything 
not German, and try to become again 
what she should never have ceased being 
a nation among nations. Thus, her 
qualities may develop usefully for all 
because they will tend to become recon- 
ciled to* the qualities peculiar to other 
nations. Specialization is undoubtedly 
good and indispensable, but it must not 
abolish humanity. 

Only a Long War Can Bring Peace 

By Emile Verhaereii 

Famous Belgian Poet, Driven from His Home by German Invasion 

PUBLIC opinion should have looked 
upon the present war as a long and 
costly one. People in France have 
not learned to consider it thus, owing to 
the character of the French, who are 
too prone to deceive themselves. When I 
was told that this or that French Gen- 
eral prophesied a speedy end of the strug- 
gle, I not only could not believe that such 
an oracular remark had been made, but 
I was astonished at its being believed. 

You are just beginning. Listen well 
to what I say. You got into the fight 
very late, and you have had to make up 
for lost time. That was your work in 
this first year of war ; now you are equal 
to the work ahead. The wonderful part 
of it is that you have been able to main- 
tain yourselves as you have, considering 
how much less prepared you were than 
the enemy. 

Germany went into the fight equipped 
with everything; she reached the fields 
of battle in her full strength. All was 
calculated, there was no negligence to 
overcome. Some time before the war I 
was in Germany, and I was struck by 
the feeling of security reigning there; 

the entire land was ready for the fight 
and never doubted of victory. This at- 
mosphere had been created. It was the 
result of an identical twist given the 
minds of all. I repeat: You at first had 
to catch up with an adversary who had 
a long start, but now he has lost this 
start and you will soon be able to outstrip 

From the very first day Germany 
showed, so to speak, a completed facade, 
while yours, on the other hand, was full 
of holes which you had to stop up one by 
one. The breaches now visible in your 
building are holes that need stopping up; 
those on the German building are newly 
made breaches. You are completing your 
building; theirs is beginning to crumble. 
There can be no doubt as to the fissures. 

But I do not think the fight will cease 
on either side for lack of combatants; 
you must have long wars, Napoleonic 
wars, in order to have a peace resulting 
from exhaustion of men. But there is 
moral, financial, economic exhaustion, of 
which Austria and Germany already 
show signs. 

As an instance of their weakening, 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

I will bring to your attention only one 
thing: the checking of their campaign of 
propaganda in neutral countries. This 
campaign, prepared long ago, was one of 
the manifestations of their war organ- 
ization; yet, despite a maximum of 
preparation, it did not succeed any more 
than did the German military campaign, 
under like conditions, on the different 
battle fronts. There is a striking dis- 
crepancy between the results achieved 
and the methodical efforts made; it is 
like a machine using up all its power for 
a very small product. 

The Allies, on the other hand, t may ex- 
pect to increase their strength, and, by 
a natural progression, to redouble their 
efforts until definitive success is reached. 
At some time and I do not think it is far 
away we shall be superior in every- 
thing: numbers, material, morale, diplo- 
macy. This will enable us to beat down 
the enemy everywhere. 

To the question, " Will vanquished 
Germany undergo a transformation? " M. 
Verhaeren replied : 

Frankly, I do not think the German 
soul is very susceptible of improvement; 

it is the only one in Europe of which this 
can be said. In a book which I have just 
published, " Bleeding Belgium," I have 
devoted a chapter to uncivilizable Ger- 
many; it is to these pages of my book 
that I attach some value. There is noth- 
ing less supple, less free, than the Ger- 
manic soul; there is nothing more refrac- 
tory to moral beauty. If you wish my 
sentiments regarding this, read over this 
passage in my book: 

" We have today the sad but immov- 
able conviction that the true Germany 
was only by accident the Germany of 
Goethe, Beethoven, Heine; on the con- 
trary, it was almost always the Germany 
of implacable landgraves and bloody mer- 
cenaries. Thousands of years ago she 
loosed her hordes on Europe. She is do- 
ing the same thing now. That is her 
sinister and terrible function. 

" But do not let us be deceived again in 
future; she is the dangerous nation, be- 
cause she is the uncivilized nation. Her 
castles, her fields, and her barracks have 
continued to be the unexhausted and per- 
haps inexhaustible reservoir of human 

More Manliness in Literature 

By Vicente Blascolbaiiez 

Celebrated Spanish Novelist 

I THINK that the war will last at least 
until 1917. I have always thought 
that it would be long, because I 
have never doubted that it would end in 
the right way. A short war ? Why, that 
would be a disastrous war. The Germans 
might have won quickly, but French vic- 
tory will be a work of patience and en- 
ergy. The victories of justice, the vic- 
tories that command respect, are always 
won only at such a price. 

We must show perseverance, but de- 
spite all the difficulties in our path, I 
have the most absolute confidence in the 
final victory. On that I have an almost 
feminine intuition; for me, French vic- 
tory is a clear vision. 

And my reason confirms my senti- 
ments. Germany held all the good cards 

at the beginning of the campaign, and 
your playing at that time was not bril- 
liant. Now the German play cannot im- 
prove, while yours will improve constant- 
ly until at last you take in every trick. 

It will be a hard task. The future holds 
in store for you alternating hours of 
discouragement and confidence. We have 
not yet seen the end of moral fluctuation 
and public opinion will have still further 
ups and downs. 

But what matters this if all is to result 
in a joyous triumph? The enemy must 
be struck down at any cost. 

There is a Spanish story which is 
apropos here: Two men had gone to law, 
and neither wished to back down. It 
was an important matter, and both were 
resolved to use up all the tricks of the 



law. They went from court to court until 
finally their money ran out. 

Judgment was given at last but the 
two litigants were in a sorry plight. 
The vanguished was stark naked; the 
victor had nothing left but his shirt. 

Well, you will have your shirt left at 
the end of the war, provided you are 
willing to lose all the rest! 

Men? You have them and will have 
more. Russia and England are deep res- 
ervoirs of humanity. Munitions? When 
the factories of England, joining hands 
with your own, turn all their attention 
to war, you will lack nothing. Money? 
Oh, you can always find money some- 
where in the world when evil is to be 
wrought with it. For fighting and pound- 
ing and blackmailing sheets there is al- 
was plenty of it. 

Look at South America! There the 
masses go in rags beneath the burning 
rays of the sun, yet magnificent cannon 
and spiked helmets and sometimes even 
splendid and ruinously costly battleships 
glisten under this same sun that scorches 
their naked bodies. Finance never fails 
him who wishes to destroy! 

If Germany counts on French supine- 
ness and I think she does she is 
wrong. Abroad one is often asked: "Do 
you think France will hold out?" This 
attitude of doubt is fostered in neutral 
lands by Germany we must admit that 
her propaganda is most carefully or- 
ganized, and much might be done along 
this line for the French cause! But I 
prefer not to harp on this point. 

Let us speak rather of the great re- 
sults which we must expect from this 
war; let us speak of the genius of the 
Latin race, which will burst into flower 
when you have dictated the terms of 

I hope that, in literature, your young 
people may be influenced less by the 
nebulous works of the north, that they 
may turn again to clearness and sim- 

plicity. The warrior's life will, of course, 
make them more manly, more vigorous. 
In their thoughts and their style we 
shall find again traces of the same 
energy shown by them in the trenches; 
they will be strong and independent. 
French literature lacked a certain in- 
cisiveness, ruggedness, brutality, that is 
now being given to it. And we shall soon 
see Latin genius, powerful and clear, 
reconquer first place in the world. 

Do not think I meant that it should 
impose itself. The great mistake made 
by Germany was just that she tried 
to suffocate the world beneath German 
culture. We live in a day of rapid com- 
munication, when minds receive the most 
diversified impressions and fashion 
themselves on most complex models. For 
that reason one can neither expect nor 
desire that one element should destroy 
all the others; there must be inevitable 

But as for us Latins, what we have 
learned of foreign ways of thought has 
come to us through France. France is 
an intellectual vehicle of the first order, 
and will be so all the more certainly 
after victory. Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, 
Hegel, are accessible to us in Spain only 
through translations made by your 

To the question whether he meant the 
French themselves were partly responsible 
for the prevalence of German ideas in 
France, M. Blasco-Ibanez answered : 

Perhaps. But still you don't know 
what an active propaganda they have 
instituted in my country. They may 
not have many partisans, but they make 
a tremendous lot of noise. In news- 
papers, on the streets, one hears nothing 
talked about but Germany, always Ger- 
many, still more Germany. And the mul- 
titude, always docile, catches up the cry. 
Their publicity is excellently managed, 
and in these times of ours great nations 
can no more do without publicity than 
great department stores. 

Russia's Economic Strength 

By Prince Eugene Troubetzkoy 

Russian Diplomat and Distinguished Publicist 
[Translated for CURRENT HISTORY from the Russian Word, Moscow.] 

AjL outward appearances in Rus- 
sia support the pessimism pre- 
vailing among the many ob- 
servers of our national life. 
Pessimism has become a cheap medium 
of looking wise, and optimism is consid- 
ered with us a sign of naivete and super- 
ficiality. Nevertheless, I venture to 
come out in defense of optimism, for that 
is the state of mind of the real, inner 

At the first glance the arguments of 
the pessimists may appear to have been 
founded on solid ground. In the Fall, 
for instance, it looked as if Russia were 
on the brink of ruin. Our great defeats 
demonstrated our technical backwardness 
and our internal chaos. Deep differences 
between the Government and the people, 
a disorganized front, the prohibition of 
patriotic demonstrations, and the re- 
sultant lack of public interest in the out- 
come of the struggle; the irresistible 
flood of refugees, the sharp crisis in the 
cities in food supplies, coupled with the 
wild orgies indulged in by those who got 
suddenly rich at the expense of the im- 
poverished population; the domination of 
the dark forces, the approaching danger 
of starvation, plus all that which is 
known to everybody but is not allowed in 
print, [Prince Troubetzkoy refers to the 
panic in Petrograd at the approach of 
the Germans and to the sinister in- 
trigues in the Court,] all this led to 
gloomy forebodings, and the pessimist 
declared that Russia was perishing. 

Yet, instead of perishing, Russia went 
through one of those paradoxical ex- 
periences of which only Russia is capable. 
Some profound, elemental, incomprehen- 
sible, and unknown power stopped the 
enemy's progress. Instead of following 
up and completely routing our army, 
wherein lay his only salvation, he 
nervously turned aside to the Balkans. 

The pessimistic predictions did not 
come true. A revolution did not blaze up. 
Russia did not disintegrate, did not 
perish, but instead went soon on the of- 
fensive, and is now pushing the enemy 
to the frontier.. The meaning of this 
offensive is materially enhanced by the 
unmistakable moral victory won by us 
since last Autumn. I am speaking of 
the lowering of our enemy's peace de- 
mands, which certainly shows his weak- 
ening. Scarcely had our troops made an 
effort at an offensive in Galicia when 
Germany began to give up some of her 
annexation plans. The peace " feelers " 
in the neutral press indicate that Wil- 
helm is willing to forget the annexation 
of Belgium, Serbia, and Poland. The 
latter is at present being spoken of as 
an independent " buffer " State. 

Where is to be found the explanation 
for Germany's concessions? No one 
asked her for them. If the Teutons could 
break Russia there would be no talk of 
concessions on their side, and they would 
cease sending out their now almost regu- 
lar peace " feelers." It is clear that they 
must have realized the tremendous power 
of resistance we possess. But how can 
one reconcile this elemental strength with 
those ominous signs of decomposition 
found in Russia by the superficial ob- 
server ? 

Apparently those fateful signs of ruin, 
which deceive the pessimist, lie on the 
surface of the national life, and do not 
express the state of affairs in the very 
heart of our nation. Along with the 
Russia which strikes our eye first and 
fills its field of vision, there is another, 
truer, better Russia, which has so far 
escaped attention and has been little ap- 

It is not difficult to understand such 
an optical illusion. Russia, to a very 
high degree, is a rural, agrarian nation, 



while the observer sees but the urban 
Russia. The daily ills and maladies of 
our urban life have thus been attributed 
to our national system. They are con- 
sidered as critical and dangerous mala- 
dies in our entire organism, while all 
these signs of " decomposition " come 
solely from the surface, not having even 
touched the kernel of our existence the 

The fate of Russia, after all, is not in 
the hands of the city, but of the village. 
And our village during this war has been 
in many respects an amazing contrast to 
our city. Almost all the social maladies 
from which contemporary Russia is suf- 
fering are not rural but urban phe- 
nomena. This contrast is especially 
strong in the economic realm. While our 
cities, on account of the rise in prices, are 
suffering from poverty, our villages are 
getting richer, in spite of the war and 
high prices. 

This growth in the prosperity of our 
rural population in times of a world war 
is a remarkable, astounding paradox. 
About two years ago such a thing would 
have been thought impossible, but now 
it is a fact on which all observers of our 
rural life agree. The farmers, land own- 
ers, and all others who reside in the 
country or come in close contact with its 
life concur in the opinion that our village 
is prospering now, as never before, for 
three reasons. First, because of the pro- 
hibition of alcohol; second, because the 
wives of the reservists receive sufficient 
support from the Government; third, be- 
cause the peasantry is earning high 

The most eloquent proof of the pros- 
perity of our villages is the added billion 
rubles in our savings banks since the be- 
ginning of the war. The ban on alcohol 
amply accounts for this billion. But the 
monetary billion should be multiplied 
several times in order to get the nation's 
prosperity, for prohibition has raised 
the productivity of the country many 

We are observing a phenomenon 
unique in the history of the world. In 
war times, it has been an axiom, the 
productivity of a nation is diminished. 
All enterprises by a Government at war 

are intended for destructive and not con- 
structive ends. In Russia you find the 
reverse, you witness a colossal increase 
in the nation's power of productivity. If 
to the billion incident to the prohibition 
of alcohol be added the total of the 
monthly allowances paid out to the wives 
of the soldiers, and if the fact that the 
wage of the laborer is now from one and 
a half to two times as high everywhere 
as before the war be taken into consid- 
eration, the prosperity of our villages is 
fully accounted for. 

I had numerous occasions to inquire 
of peasants if they needed any help, 
and every time I received an astonish- 
ing reply. In spite of the habit of the 
Russian peasant to complain always, I 
was told that there was no acute need 
now, that the wives of the soldiers need 
nothing, and the more children they 
have the better off they are, as they 
get larger allowances, which cannot be 
spent on alcohol. In some cases I heard 
of paupers and down-and-outs who be- 
came prosperous. Not long ago an ex- 
drunkard was pointed out to me with 
this remark: " You see his boots? Well, 
it is the first time in his life that he 
has been shod." The man, smiling bliss- 
fully, confirmed the compliment. Gen- 
erally, the village is now more and bet- 
ter shod than ever before, and this in 
spite of the fact that shoes cost more 
than double the price paid before the 

The high prices have hardly caused 
any hardships in our villages. The fact 
that it is very difficult to hire laborers 
from the peasantry and that many land- 
owners suffer from lack of hands is sig- 
nificant. It is not a question of higher 
wages, but of the impossibility to pro- 
cure labor for any price, not because 
there is no labor supply, but because 
the peasant is prosperous where he is. 

In light of the conditions instanced, 
ome things that were considered maladies 
turn out to be in reality signs of our 
economic strength, which fills all the 
nooks and corners of our village life. 
Not long ago we were all alarmed by 
the disappearance of silver from circula- 
tion, now replaced by paper certificates. 
A peasant thus explained to me the whole 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

affair : " Why should not the silver dis- 
appear? You, the lords, have hidden all 
the gold. Well, we hid all the silver 
we could get. You will hardly find a 
woman in a village that has not secreted 
her savings in silver, say, forty or fifty 
rubles." To verify these savings is, of 
course, impossible, but the fact that they 
exist with the parallel growth in the sav- 
ings bank deposits is truly significant. 
It shows that there is the surplus to save. 
From a social worker engaged in fighting 
high prices I hear that the rise on every- 
thing is to a great extent due to the 
increased demands of the village. It is 
indeed very logical that those who save 
will not suffer any want. A large part 
of the products before manufactured for 
our urban population is being drawn off 
by our villagers. 

There are many similar facts corrob- 
orating these statements. And all these 
.facts, taken together, answer the ques- 
tion : " What was that elemental power 
which arrested the German invasion?" 
It was the power of the Russian village, 
against which the Napoleonic hordes 
were once wrecked. Urban Germany 
would have many advantages over us in 
a short struggle in which technical su- 
periority decided the issue. If the war 
had been a short one we could not have 
won. But it is all different now, when 
it has become a war of exhaustion. No 
machinery in the world can create the 
basic forces necessary for winning this 
war. And here we have the advantage 
over our opponent. In the economic cir- 
cumstances of our village life we can 
continue the war indefinitely. Our foe 
can do no such thing, and that is wiiy 
instead of continuing the invasion of 
Russia he turned to the Balkans in quest 

of human and food supplies. But Bul- 
garia and Turkey could spare none of 
the former and very little of the latter. 

Our chances for victory are very good. 
Whatever the advantage of the enemy 
over us in efficiency of organization and 
management, whatever the degree of dis- 
order in our country, in this prolonged 
war the decisive factor will be the power 
of resistance based on numbers and on 
the prosperity and spirit of the popula- 

We have the material power neces- 
sary to exhaust Germany. Have we the 
moral power to sustain the heroic pa- 
tience necessary for it? The question 
can have but one answer. If the most 
important material advantage is with 
us, we could be conquered only because 
of cowardice and lack of spirit. In other 
words, we could be beaten if we volun- 
tarily agreed to become Germany's vas- 
sal. But the masses of the Russian peo- 
ple have enough courage to defend their 
country and independence, and that cour- 
age will grow into an invincible force 
with the growing realization that our 
material reserves are inexhaustible. 

The prosperity of our villages is not 
merely a material gain; it is the result of 
a great moral and spiritual victory our 
victory over alcohol. This victory would 
never have been won without that power- 
ful spiritual upheaval which seized the 
country in the beginning of the war. 
There must be courage in a people that 
could do such an unprecedented miracle 
in the days of a world conflagration as 
to raise the condition and increase the 
prosperity of millions of human beings. 
Russia begins to understand her powers 
and have faith in herself. This faith will 
lead her to victory. 

Latest German Bread Cards 

$tft tsur f fit lie 49..fBm&e aoia 24. bi& 80. Scauor 191R 

Four million of these bread cards are used each week in Berlin alone. 
The two here reproduced show that the allowance of bread was reduced Feb. 
1 by 50 grams, or about 2 ounces. 

Italian Prisoners in Austria 

By Cardinal Scapinelli 

Following a request by Pope Benedict XV. the Papal Nuncio at Vienna, Cardinal 
Scapinelli, made a tour of investigation through the prison camp at Mauthausen, a little 
village on the banks of the Danube, and reported on the conditions obtaining among the 
Italians confined there. This report, which appeared in the Osservatore Romano of Feb. 8, 
has been characterized as over-rosy by the anti-clerical press, which goes into details 
regarding the Cardinal's pro-Austrian sentiments, but many of the leading newspapers of 
Italy have expressed their faith in the sincerity and accuracy of Mgr. Scapinelli's impressions. 

IN the centre of a broad plain at 
Mauthausen is spread out the big 
city of barracks, covering more 
than twenty-four square kilometers, 
the Italians' quarters on the right and 
those of the Serbians on the left. The 
barracks are well built and well arranged, 
being separated by wide, streets and large 
squares for strolls and athletic games. 
They are heated and are illuminated by 
electric light. The rules of hygiene are 
strictly observed. There are buildings 
for disinfection, baths and quarantine 
quarters where the men just arrived from 
the battlefield are obliged to spend a few 
weeks. The houses for the officers re- 
semble elegant little villas, each with a 
veranda or porch where, during bad 
weather, their occupants may divert 
themselves and breathe fresh air. 

A big barrack church, which will be 
very imposing when finished, is being 
constructed. In the meantime there are 
several large buildings in which the Holy 
Sacrifice is celebrated on holy days, and 
three chapels devoted to the care of the 
Holy Sacrament. The religious services 
leave nothing to be desired. The curate 
in charge of the camp is from Tyrol, has 
a good command of Italian, is earnest 
and zealous, and is assisted by two Ital- 
ian priests who are prisoners of war, one 
of whom is a Capuchin friar. Mgr. 
Vicario Castrense at once intervened on 
behalf of these priests, induced the Min- 
istry of War to grant them special treat- 
ment, authorized them to celebrate the 
holy mass, and now he has furnished 
them with every facility necessary to 
enable them to exercise their holy 
offices for the benefit of their country- 
men. I asked, and quickly obtained, per- 
mission for them to wear the garb of 

chaplains instead of the regular military 
uniform. They have permission freely 
to visit every part of the camp and to 
call upon the prisoners, especially in 
cases of illness. Another priest is in- 
terned in the special hospital for infec- 
tious diseases. There are also ten mem- 
bers of the lay clergy among the 
prisoners, some of them deacons, and I 
have warmly recommended them to the 
care of the pastor and the two Italian 

Not only healthy prisoners are confined 
at Mauthausen at present. There are 
special quarters which receive not only 
those who become ill in the concentration 
camp, but also a number of wounded men 
brought there because there is no room 
for them in the hospitals near the front. 
I visited the well-cared for cemetery, in 
the centre of which is found a chapel, 
and where fifty-three Italians who have 
died here since last May are buried. Then 
I went to see the various hospitals, in- 
cluding one devoted to the Serbians. I 
found that the care of the sick left noth- 
ing to be wished for. The Colonel in 
command shows a loving interest in the 
poor sick and wounded men. The Aus- 
trian doctors are assisted by Italian medi- 
cal men among the prisoners who have 
full freedom of the entire camp. The 
rooms are light and well ventilated and 
heated. The food for the sick is pre- 
pared in special kitchens. I talked with 
all the sick and wounded men, one at a 
time, and when I asked them if they 
were well treated and if they needed any- 
thing, they all declared they were con- 
tented and gave special praise to the 
head doctor, who cares for them like a 

Later I visited many of the soldiers' 



quarters and talked with a number of 
the men freely and without witnesses. 
Occasionally one of them complained 
about the insufficiency of the rations. I 
sampled the food and found it of good 
quality. The quantity is the normal al- 
lowance for soldiers. I looked over the 
bill of fare for the week and found that 
they had meat every day at noon, except 
on Tuesdays and Fridays, days on which 
the safe of meat is forbidden throughout 
the entire empire, and then they have 
fish. In addition to the 150 grams (about 
a third of a pound) of meat, they receive 
350 grams of vegetables, potatoes, corn- 
meal, rice, &c., besides soup. In the 
morning they have tea or broth and at 
night they have soup with a portion of 
vegetables, potatoes, cornmeal, beans, 
&c. There is enough bread, and it is of 
the same quality as that used by every- 
body in Austria. The only basis for 
the complaint regarding the insufficiency 
of the rations may be found by consid- 
ering the age of the men and the fine, 
pure air which descends upon the camp 
from the snow-capped mountains round 
about. Every week each soldier gets a 
package of tobacco and paper to make 
cigarettes. In every division of the camp 
are little shops where, at prices fixed by 
the commander, eatables, wines, and 
other things that may be wanted are 

Some of the prisoners, especially those 
from the south, said they suffered from 
the cold during the night and asked for 
more covering. It must be admitted, 
however, that the barracks are well 
roofed, have windows with double sashes, 
and are heated sufficiently. 

Then I saw the vast barrack theatre 
where a small orchestra, made up entire- 
ly of Italians, and with instruments most- 
ly obtained from the camp's curate, 
played a few pieces in honor of the 

The officers have nothing to ask or wish 
for. In fact, their houses are excellent, 
well heated, very clean, and furnished 
with a certain degree of elegance. From 
the rank of Captain up, each one has a 
room for himself. The other officers are 
quartered two in a room. Their table is 
directly under their own control. They 

are paid the allowance corresponding 
to their rank, the minimum being 4 
crowns a day, (about 80 cents at the nor- 
mal rate of exchange.) The officers are 
allowed to take strolls outside the limits 
of the camp once or twice a week. 

I talked with Delia Porta, Lombardi, 
San Felice, and Ronca, all of whom are 
in excellent health. Colonel Riveri, while 
complaining of the treatment accorded 
him during the first days of his imprison- 
ment before he came to Mauthausen, 
sincerely praised the Colonel and the 
other Austrian officers of the camp for 
the gentlemanly manner in which they 
treated the Italian officers. He com- 
plained about the shortage of milk for 
the sick men, but I reminded him that 
the scarcity of milk was only due to the 
lack of cattle, a great part of which had 
been butchered for the army, and to the 
difficulties of transportation, the lines 
being used for military purposes. Riveri 
also complained that there had been cases 
of prisoners having been personally mal- 
treated by the Austrian soldiers guarding 
the camp. Colonel Dini, who was pres- 
ent, replied that if there had been some 
abuses he had punished the guilty men 
severely, and besides he was always 
ready to lend a willing ear to any well- 
founded complaints that might be made 
to him in the matter. 

I believe I am able to affirm that upon 
the whole the treatment of the prisoners 
is good and that the Government is doing 
everything possible on its part to avoid 
any occasion for complaints. In regard 
to the shortages noted, it is necessary to 
remember that Austria has an immense 
number of prisoners in her charge in 
different places, and that her care of 
them is naturally affected by the hard- 
ships that are the sad consequences of 
the terrible war ravaging Europe. For 
my part I did not fail to direct the at- 
tention of the commander to the com- 
plaints and desires that I had heard dur- 
ing my visits and chats with the officers 
and soldiers, and he assured me that so 
far as he was concerned they would re- 
ceive full consideration. As the Minister 
of War had already declared to Mgr. 
Bjelik that he would be glad to listen to 
my recommendations in the matter in 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

order to do something to please the Holy do what he can in favor of the Italian 
Father, I hope that he will not fail to prisoners. 

Italian Prisoners in Russia 

By Renzo Laroo 

Petrograd Correspondent of the Carrier e della Sera 

[NOTE. Thousands of Italians lived in Austrian territory and were compelled to serve in 
the Austrian Army. This accounts for the curious fact that Russia holds many prisoners 
who belong by language and nationality to one of her own allies.] 

HOW many Austrian prisoners of 
Italian nationality are there in 
Russia? Many have asked this 
question, here in Petrograd and else- 
where, but so far it has been impossible 
to obtain the exact figures. There are 
certainly several thousands of these 
prisoners and their number increases in 
proportion as the search for them is ex- 
tended. Letters, notices, and other data 
keep coming in from the most distant re- 
gions of this huge empire. The soldiers 
captured from Austria and Germany 
have been gradually distributed through- 
out all the provinces as they have been 
sent on from the front. 

Italian prisoners are to be found today 
in large numbers in Kirsanof and Orlof 
in European Russia, and in Omsk in 
Siberia. There are about 1,300 of them, 
including fifty-eight officers, at Kirsanof, 
929 in Orlof, and eighty-four in Omsk. 
They have not always been in these 
places. Nearly all of them have made 
long trips, regular pilgrimages, while 
being shifted from one locality to another. 
There are groups, for example, that at 
first were sent to Turkestan, then to 
Siberia, then to Kirsanof, then to Orlof, 
and finally back to Kirsanof again. Thus 
they have traveled something over 5,000 
miles. It would be difficult to figure out 
the reason for these changes. The main 
fact is that whenever the prisoners settle 
down in any one place they declare that 
they are not at all uncomfortable. Those 
who lived in Siberia were especially con- 
tented. Enormous stretches of ground, 
unlimited horizons, and almost entire 
freedom! The soldiers were distributed 
among the cabins of the peasants and 
with the middle-class families, and they 
worked and earned a few rubles. 

It was in Siberia that a group of offi- 
cers and soldiers conceived the idea of 
organizing an association of those who 
wanted to leave for Italy to go to the 
front and fight against Austria. The 
association, which is called Cernagora, 
is composed of young men animated 
by a high military spirit and an undying 
hatred of the House of Hapsburg. From 
Siberia the first members have carried 
on a lively propaganda in the various 
centres to which they have been scat- 
tered. Today they form a band of con- 
siderable size, there being 300 of them in 
Kirsanof alone. These latter have an 
Italian flag which they fling joyously to 
the breeze whenever they see a group 
of Austrians or Austrophiles. The 
Austrians take revenge by deriding the 
names of Italy and Savoia, and by men- 
acingly displaying a piece of rope. But 
our boys have plenty of good humor, and, 
moreover, when the occasion presents it- 
self, they are able to give a good demon- 
stration of skill with their fists. One 
member of the Cernagora has sent us the 
following beautiful, although rather sad, 

The news of the beginning of the 
war for our redemption came to us 
like the voice of Providence. At last 
the hour had struck for our libera- 
tion from the heavy yoke of the op- 
pressor. We responded with enthu- 
siasm to the Russian invitation to 
go and fight against Austria, happy 
in the thought of being able to lend 
the power of our arms toward the 
^realization of the common ideal. 
From day to day we have been flat- 
tering ourselves with the hope of 
being able to begin the march on 
Trent and Trieste, via Rome. But 
up to the present our hopes have not 
been realized. 

Somewhat later, when the Russian 


proposal to make Italy a present of the 
Austrian prisoners of Italian nationality 
was rendered impossible of execution be- 
cause of the events in the Balkans, which 
blocked the only easy way of communica- 
tion, a plan was thought out for the 
repatriation of the officers, at least. 
Then a person who had the opportunity 
of being in touch with these officers re- 
minded them of the position in which the 
soldiers would be left, without leaders or 
guides, and, above all, without doctors to 
care for them, as the only medical men 
admitted to the camps are those found 
among the prisoners themselves. 

" I do not dare express any wish," said 
he to the officers selected for the jour- 
ney. " I haven't the courage to ask that 
any of you renounce the joy of returning 
to liberty; I am simply making these ob- 

Five officers stepped out of the group 
and said: "We will stay." 

Of course no one should imagine that 
the prisoners are enjoying an enchanting 
sojourn. But, in order to give the Ital- 
ians special privileges, as compared with 
the Austrians and Germans, the Russian 
Government consented to a plan of segre- 
gation and sent one of our officials to 
make an official inspection of the con- 
centration camps and thus facilitate the 
work of selection. Commander Gaz- 
zurelli, our Consul General at Moscow, 
visited many localities, and the results 
of his trips were quickly apparent. In 
Kirsanof some 300 men had been living 
for two months in a damp cellar. One 
soldier was ill with typhus, another was 
suffering from erysipelas, and a third 
was affected with tuberculosis. This 
promiscuity was becoming deadly. Our 
Consul saw to it at once that these de- 
plorable conditions were remedied and 
the 300 men quartered elsewhere, in a 
decent and healthful place. Another re- 
sult of his visit was the careful separa- 

tion of the genuine Italians from the 
traitors and Austrophiles who had identi- 
fied themselves with the former, either 
in order to enjoy the special privileges or 
to carry on the work of spying, even in 
prison. Many Austrian officers, devoted 
to their Government, have been busy try- 
ing to spread false news among the sol- 
diers, alleging, for example, that the City 
of Venice has been destroyed and the en- 
tire province occupied. By means of all 
kinds of intimidation they seek to suffo- 
cate the noble Italian spirit, and there is 
no doubt that in some places they have 
obtained some results. In Omsk, in Si- 
beria, out of 800 prisoners of uncertain 
nationality only eighty-four came out 
frankly for Italy. 

Our men have obtained the right to 
have separate kitchens. The squad com- 
manders sally forth every morning to bfey 
the day's rations and the cooks do their 
best to try to make the food seem as 
Italian as possible. 

And the men have organized an Italian 
orchestra. Just think of it, an Italian 
orchestra in Siberia! And it seems to 
have made a hit already, because the 
little orchestra is in great demand in all 
the houses in the neighborhood when 
there are festivities, and the Russian 
officers are eager to hear Italian songs. 
Now the little orchestra is anxious to 
grow and to take on a more regular ap- 
pearance, as it is about to play in a 
theatre. It already consists of six vio- 
lins, a flute, two guitars, and a contra- 
bass, but it appears these are not enough, 
so the director defined his needs to us as 
follows : 

" As this is an ensemble much too small 
to appear before the public, it is very 
necessary to increase the number of our 
instruments in order to maintain our 
prestige, consequently I take the liberty 
to ask you to help us obtain a trombone, 
a viol, and an oboe." 

Mail Service in the World War 

By O. Grosse 

Special Director of German Mails in War Time 

Herr Grosse, who has been intrusted 
with special supervision of the reorgan- 
ized postal service during the war, writes 
in the Grosse Zeit, published at Berlin 
and Vienna: 

AT no time is there so much said 
and written about the mail 
service of a country as when 
war breaks out. The moment 
the troops begin to move toward the 
frontiers uncountable pens at home get 
busy for the purpose of dispatching let- 
ters with the first field post. And no 
sooner are these letters consigned to the 
letter boxes at home than the writers 
begin to count the days and hours when 
answers may be forthcoming. 

But the answers are long in coming. 
Uncertainty then takes possession of the 
letter writer. Why, comes the question, 
can the mail service not do its duty when 
it is evident that the railroads them- 
selves are promptly caring for the tran- 
sportation of the troops ? Then we hear 
how the " organization of the post has 
broken down." 

Nobody knows better than those im- 
mediately charged with the work in hand 
how unjustifiable such a charge is. It 
must be recalled that in peace times the 
normal mail requires a closely woven 
service, whose parts fit into each other. 
Before the war the main arteries of the 
German mail service made use of 21,000 
daily railroad trains. These were sup- 
plemented by 17,000 posts for the country 
roads. But mobilization naturally 
changed this over night. The passenger 
and freight schedules ceased to be. The 
entire apparatus of transportation went 
to service of the army. 

It is now 200 years since the first 
Prussian field post became effective 
during the war of King Frederick Wil- 
helm I. against Sweden. The present- 
day system is patterned in many ways on 
what was found serviceable during those 

campaigns. But it was not until the 
war of 1864 that such far-reaching ef- 
forts were made to handle quickly the 
accumulating mail matter. The divis- 
ional work of today is so regulated as to 
afford the quickest possible dispatch, 
both in coming and going. How to have 
the letter reach the individual, who may 
be in one place today and quite another 
place tomorrow, is one of the hourly 
problems before the postal officials. 

The system obtaining in t h e Austro- 
Hungarian army is quite similar to the 
German. Russia primarily considers 
the postal service in the field a matter 
for the military and not the general 
public. The French field post has for 
many years been a sort of stepchild of 
the " grande nation." When, after the 
battle of Sedan, Stephan inquired of the 
French prisoners as to their field post, 
he received the answer that since their 
departure from home they had had no 
letters. They added that this fact was in 
large measure responsible for the de- 
jection and apathy of the troops. 

During the first months of the world 
war the greatest irregularity prevailed 
in the French Post Office in respect to 
the sending of letters to the soldiers in 
the field. If one is to believe the Temps, 
which has no reason to make wrong 
statements in the matter, letters became 
heaped up at home, and it had even got 
to the point where mail was left unas- 
sorted for want of enough men to do 
the work. In January, 1915, Clemenceau 
took occasion to take the French Senate 
to task for permitting such bungling. 
The conditions even compelled relatives 
of soldiers to insert important personal 
items in the newspapers in the hope 
that these might come to the atten- 
tion of their sons and brothers in the 

In contradiction of the Temps expos- 
ure, the Matin would have the French 
public believe that the nation's field-post 



service was equal to the German. How- 
ever, the facts in the case must be al- 
lowed to speak for themselves. 

The British postal service in France 
offers certain peculiar difficulties, due 
mainly to the fact that extra postage is 
required. The intricacies of this system 
have led to many complications. The 
many-hued postcard of the French, show- 
ing grouped flags of the Entente powers, 
has also been a factor in complicating 
matters since the entrance of the Italians 
in the war. 

The handling the of war prisoners' 
mail is a problem in itself. The World 
Postal Union at Rome in 1906 laid the 
foundation for the first systematic 
handling of this correspondence, al- 
though The Hague Conference in 1899 
had made preliminary reports to the 
same effect. Up to that time the Ger- 
man Post Office Department had been 
the only one to arrange for the sending 
of letters and money to the 400,000 
French prisoners in Germany during the 
war of 1870-71. No postage was exacted 
of the prisoners for sending letters 
home. Today similar privileges are ac- 

corded war prisoners throughout the 

The cessation of mail service between 
enemy countries since the beginning of 
the war has done not a little toward fur- 
ther complicating the work of the Post 
Office Department at home. The fact 
that the neutral countries are exposed to 
inconveniences resulting from the 
stopping of mail and transportation 
service between enemy nations naturally 
does not improve the situation. We Ger- 
mans have reason to know that Eng- 
land's interest for the neutrals stops 
whenever there is cause to think that 
Germany might be benefited in the 
slightest measure. The neutrals, for 
their part, ought to be convinced by this 
time that what is England's pleasure in 
the premises has caused them untold 
trouble in respect to the mails to and 
from countries with which these neutrals 
are doing business. It is to be hoped 
that when peace once more returns pre- 
cautions will be taken not to permit 
England such highhandedness as makes 
every neutral nation its victim in the 
domain of postal operations. 

A Speech by Cardinal Mercier 

The Vingtieme Siecle, a Belgian newspaper appearing at Havre, recently 
published a speech delivered at Ghent by Cardinal Mercier, in which he said: 

My brethren, yet another word: I am anxious to tell you how proud we 
are of you. Not a day passes without my receiving from abroad, from friends 
of all nations, letters of condolence, which almost always end with these words: 
" Poor Belgium ! " and I reply : " No, no, not poor Belgium, but great Belgium, 
incomparable Belgium, heroic Belgium." On the map of the world she is only 
a tiny point which many foreigners would never have looked at without a 
magnifying glass; but today there is not a nation in the world which does not 
pay homage to this Belgium. 

How great and beautiful she is! if they saw her as we see her with our 
eyes, they would know that after a year of suffering there is not yet a single 
Belgian who weeps or murmurs! I have not yet met a workman without work, 
a woman without resources, a mother in tears, a wife in mourning who mur- 
murs! They bow beneath the hand of Providence. 

It is what disconcerts the men who have been among us for a year. There 
is " one year " since they have been living among us, and they do not know 
us yet ! They are stupefied ! On the one hand, no one murmurs, we all respect 
and will continue to respect their regulations. But, on the other hand, not one 
heart has given itself to them. 

We have one King! one King only, and we will always have only one King. 

The Berlin-Constantinople Express 

By Dr. Ludwig Stein 

As special correspondent of the Vos- 
sische Zeitung, Dr. Stein traveled on the 
first through train from Berlin to Con- 
stantinople. His account of the trip is, 
in part, as follows: 

BETWEEN Budapest and Semlin 
we easily made up the little time 
we had lost, so the train was 
able to draw up at the platform 
in Belgrade with true Prussian punctu- 
ality. This was at 6:45 in the morning, 
and with the brilliant sun and the clear 
sky we could see the former capital of 
Serbia from the station at Semlin. The 
ruins of the great railway bridge lay on 
both banks of the Save it had been 
blown up the day after the declaration 
of war. The famous pontoon bridge 
which the German engineers had erected 
in its place is a wonderful monument to 
the rapid strategic technique of our army. 
Belgrade was just waking up as we ap- 
proached, and when we arrived at the 
station I could hardly believe my eyes. 
I had expected to see every sign of rav- 
age and ruin, but I found instead a com- 
pletely new station which had never felt 
the effects of a shell. Here again our 
military sense of order had rebuilt in a 
few weeks the buildings which the guns 
had destroyed, so that one was forced 
to say that the inevitable victory must 
surely fall to those who have proved 
their abilities both in destruction and in 

In Semlin and in Belgrade, as well, 
we saw large numbers of Russian pris- 
oners who looked at the new train as if 
it had been some fabulous animal 
doubtless not knowing that this latest 
journey meant a stab at the heart of 
territory which Russia had been longing 
for ever since the time of Peter the 
Great. Thanks to the bravery of our 
gallant soldiers, we could now travel 
through a single geographical stretch 
of territory from Hamburg to Constan- 
tinople. A cruel awakening, symbolized 
by this very " Balkan train " we are 

traveling in, follows Russia's century-old 
dream. The dream has been fulfilled, but 
negatively. The dream has become a 
reality, not for the Russians, but for us. 

The ravages of war are more in evi- 
dence when we leave the station at Bel- 
grade. Of the dwelling houses in the 
neighborhood, only heaps of stones re- 
main. The suburbs, too, have suffered, 
and I noticed whole streets in which 
every house had suffered from shell- 
fire. But in comparison with the sub- 
urbs, one of the railway officials at the 
station assured me the town of Bel- 
grade itself was not much injured. The 
people had returned to their occupations 
for the most part, and more or less 
normal life was now in evidence. 

Outside Belgrade the country presented 
a desolate appearance, much of it being 
under water. Soon after we had passed 
the Avala Hill, which cost us hecatombs 
of men, we came to the plains, and here 
there was a distinct improvement. The 
fields were cultivated, and the villages 
seemed to be as peaceful as if nothing 
whatever had happened to the Serbian 
dynasty. The houses had not suffered 
much; but there were few men to be seen 
mostly women and children and Rus- 
sian prisoners working under supervision. 
Our troops leave the local inhabitants to 
themselves, and order has been restored. 

The Morava Valley was not gained 
without hard-fought battles, but there 
are no signs of strife now. All traces of 
the war have been removed, and normal 
life has been resumed. Here again, 
however, men are scarce, and the work 
is being done by the women. We are 
now at Jagodina, where the wild straw- 
berries ripen early in May; the mild cli- 
mate of the place made it a favorite re- 
sort of wealthy Belgrade merchants. So 
mild, indeed, was the climate in the 
middle of December last, as a German 
General told me, that the troops were 
able to bathe in the Morava River. 

The restaurant car was put on at Nish, 



and thence the journey to Sofia was 
rapid. The nearer we approached the 
Bulgarian capital the fewer sights of war 
did we see. The roads were better, the 

villages more active, the aspect of the in- 
habitants more contented. A warm wel- 
come awaited us at Sofia, and now we 
are off to Constantinople. 

The Bagdad Railway 

Its Present Status 

Some particulars regarding the Bag- 
dad Railway given recently by the Ham- 
burger Fremdenblatt are especially in- 
teresting in vieiv of the Russian advance 
in Asia Minor. Following is a summary 
of the article: 

WORK on those portions of the 
line which were being con- 
structed before the war began 
has been completed. Between 
Aleppo and Bagdad two sections of the 
line have been completely finished and 
are now in use, viz., the section from 
Mostemie to Ras-el-Ain, (about 186 
miles,) and the section from Samarra, 
(about eighty-eight miles.) Between 
these sections lies the stretch of line 
from Ras-el-Ain to Mossul, and hence to 
Samarra, about 366 miles long. In view 
of the difficulty at present of getting 
labor and material, it is not likely that 
work on this section can be begun until 
after the war. 

Between Aleppo and Konia (and 
thence to Constantinople) the tunnels on 
the line which is to run through the 
Anianus and the Taurus ranges have not 
been finished. The Amanus line, how- 
ever, has been connected with the 
Baghtshe Tunnel (about two miles long) 
since June 1, 1915, and the work is being 
so rapidly proceeded with that on Feb. 
1, 1916, the stretch of railway from 
Islahie to Mamure may be opened as a 
branch line, and it is expected that it 

will be in full working order by Oct. 1 
next as the main line. After that it will 
only be necessary to complete the Taurus 
section of the line to link up the Syrian 
railway systems with Constantinople. 
There are, however, a number of tunnels 
to be constructed in this area, and their 
total length will probably be about eight 
or nine miles. This work can hardly be 
completed for two years, and in the 
meantime the road is used in the places 
where the railway will run by and by. 

The total length of the Bagdad Rail- 
way from Haidar Pasha (opposite Con- 
stantinople) to Konia, and thence to Bag- 
dad, is 2,435 kilometers, (about 1,510 
miles,) made up as follows: 


Haidar Pasha Eski Shehir 313 

Eski Shehir Karahissar 162 

Karahissar Konia 202 

Konia Kara Pounar 293 

Kara Pounar Adana 77 

Adana Islahie 153 

Islahie Aleppo 142 

Mosternie, (Aleppo) Mossul 633 

Mossul Bagdad 400 

, Total *2,435 

*Equals 1,510 miles. 

Of this total mileage 1,083 miles are 
already in use, and when the Amanus 
branch is opened on Feb. 1 this figure 
will be increased to 1,117 miles, leaving 
only a comparatively small distance still 
to be covered. The rolling stock in use is 
of the best quality, and is worthy of its 
German manufacturers. 

The Future of Serbia 

By Pavle Popovic 

Professor of Literature, Belgrade University 
[By Special Arrangement of CURRENT HISTORY with The London Morning Post.] 

EXHAUSTED as she was by the 
Balkan wars, it was much 
against her will that Serbia en- 
tered upon the world war, and 
she would never have done so had she 
not trusted in the support of the great 
powers of the Entente. It was with 
great satisfaction that she saw an oc- 
currence without precedent in her his- 
tory Russia, France, and, above all, 
England, the three countries she most 
loved and admired, undertaking to defend 
her. The depression that weighed upon 
Serbia during the first days of mobiliza- 
tion gave way to an outburst of joy when 
the news came that England herself stood 
by her side, and I myself saw the Ser- 
bian soldiers, on hearing it, throw their 
caps high into the air, wild with delight. 

Yet Serbia realized that, in spite of 
this valuable help, she must undergo a 
fearful ordeal. Well she knew that in 
this long, cruel war a veritable war of 
giants her slender forces could not en- 
dure as long as those of her powerful 
allies. When a poor man is by chance 
obliged to live at the same rate as others 
who are richer, his resources soon give 
way. The feeble convalescent cannot 
hope to accomplish the feats of endurance 
that are well within the power of the 
strong and healthy whom he meets upon 
his road. 

Serbia was conscious that it was her- 
self, and not her allies, who would suffer 
the greatest misfortunes. But she was 
resigned. Alone, she twice expelled the 
aggressor from her country and for a 
long time she stood firm. Bleeding from 
her wounds, wearied by her immense ef- 
forts, she saw fresh danger threatening 
her and asked for help. But no help 
came. On the contrary, she was asked 
to cede Macedonia. It is difficult to 
realize what Macedonia meant to her and 
the immense sacrifice its cession entailed, 
but she saw clearly what the outcome of 

the war would be, were it to be compli- 
cated by another Balkan campaign; so 
she made the needful sacrifice. When 
Bulgaria mobilized, Serbia sought per- 
mission to attack Bulgaria immediately 
from a military point of view this was 
the only possible thing to do but the 
permission was refused. 

It was then that Serbia prepared to 
die. Over and over again the enemy 
offered peace, but she refused it. She 
chose the path of honor rather than that 
of interest. In the words of the poet, she . 
was " pale in her suffering, yet faithful 
and without reproach." Like Abraham 
of old, she was ready to sacrifice her 
sons, only because the Voice from on high 
had commanded it. And the sacrifice 
was made, no angel appearing at the 
moment when the sword flashed in the 
air. All this happened to Serbia quietly, 
and she made no protest, no accusation 
against any one. And today she has the 
same faith in her allies that she had be- 
fore. But now that the sacrifice is made 
what will be the reward? What will be 
the future of Serbia? In the month of 
December, 1914, the Serbian Government 
declared that its program consisted in the 
deliverance from the Austrian yoke of all 
Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, so that they 
should be united with Serbia and Monte- 
negro into one State. 

This program is, indeed, that of all 
Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Every one 
who is acquainted, however little, with 
the recent history and actual conditions 
of the Southern Slavs must recognize it 
as a matter of fact. Serbia's program 
was always to deliver her brothers 
groaning beneath the foreign yoke and 
to unite them to her in one single State. 
The wise Prince Michael made it the 
principal object of his policy, with the 
enthusiastic approval of all Serbian and 
Southern Slav people outside Serbia. The 
Croats, since their national awakening, 



soon recognized that they were the same 
nation as the Serbs, speaking the same 
language and having the same aspira- 
tions of deliverance and union. The 
great Croatian patriot Bishop Stross- 
mayer was the very incarnation of the 
noble idea of the Serbo-Croatian unity. 
The Slovenes at last, in a similar manner 
becoming conscious of their nationality, 
adhered also to the same idea, fully 
recognizing that their national existence, 
too, depended on it. Moreover, the com- 
mon sufferings of the last few years 
closely united the dispersed members of 
the same family and strengthened the 
faith in the national unity and the con- 
fidence in the leading role of Serbia. 

What is, then, more natural and more 
just than the program of the Serbian 
Government ? Is not the latter alone the 
spokesman of the whole Southern Slav 
race? And when other nations have 
been helped to realize their political 
union, why not allow Serbia to achieve 
the same purpose? 

I wish especially to emphasize that 
England, too, has every interest in as- 
sisting my country in her aspirations. 
England has not realized till now the 
importance of Serbia. She needed the 
whole Serbian tragedy to be enacted be- 
fore her eyes for her to comprehend 
that, at the decisive moment, Serbia 
alone of all the Balkan States is ready 
to fight at her side, no matter what the 
cost. Serbia must needs drain the cup 
of poison to its dregs for this country to 
understand that it is she who holds the 
gate of Britain's Eastern Empire. For 
she is indeed the holder of that gate, 
and it was not till she had fallen that 
England began to see that Egypt was 
threatened from that quarter. It has been 
said that the first German guns fired 
across the Danube were aimed not at 
Serbia but at Egypt, and the saying is 
the bare truth. 

No one knows what will be l;he extent 
of victory. If the Allies enter Berlin as 
conquerors they can dismember Germany 
at their leisure. If, however, they merely 
expel the foe from the countries he is 
now occupying, their greatest object will 
be to prevent Germany from being a 
permanent danger to them. And wherein 

lies this danger, for England especially? 
It is one that threatens the British 
Eastern possessions and them alone. Ger- 
many is forcing open the gateway to the 
East that she may threaten the British 
Empire. Let her, then, close that gate 
with strong steel bars, and ag for Ser- 
bia, who holds the key, make her so 
strong that she can successfully resist 
any German aggression in the future. 
In doing that England will be perform- 
ing an act of justice. She will also be 
saving her prestige, which has been 
badly shaken in the Balkans, where it 
was hoped she would have acted with 
greater energy. She will also safeguard 
her vast interests. By creating a strong 
Southern Slav State she will strengthen, 
firstly, the military power of Serbia, 
and secondly, by the same stroke, will 
deprive the enemy of an equal amount 
of power, for today Austria compels to 
fight for her those, who tomorrow will 
be citizens of Serbia. 

What, however, is disconcerting is 
when we see that in England there is 
still some misplaced feeling for the Bul- 
garians, which is quite the reverse of all 
right political understanding. Bulgaria 
is the enemy of the Allies just as much 
as Germany, Austria, and Turkey. She 
is their foe exactly in the same way. 

An enemy such as that must be pun- 
ished. While Serbia bars the road to the 
east against the Germans, Bulgaria 
throws it open. All that Serbia strives 
to do for England Bulgaria destroys. 
Bulgaria is England's only inveterate 
enemy in the Balkans, as Serbia is her 
only faithful friend. And as England's 
paramount interest is to close the gate- 
way to the east, it is likewise her in- 
terest not only to strengthen Serbia but 
also to weaken Bulgaria. Never again 
commit the error of demanding Mace- 
donia for Bulgaria, but force Bulgaria to 
restore to Serbia all that of which she 
has so treacherously robbed her. It is 
England's duty to make Bulgaria power- 
less to work evil on England and on the 
Allies. If she cannot be sure of enter- 
ing Berlin, she can be absolutely sure 
of entering Sofia and crushing Bulgaria. 
This also must be the first objective of 
the Allies' armies. 

Important War Books in Press 

This department is devoted mainly to significant extracts from advance sheets of books 
relating to the great European "war or to world affairs that are directly affected by the war. 
Some of the volumes are still in press, though they will appear this month. The object is 
to give in* advance the same sort of information that may be had later by turning over the 
pages in a bookstall. 

A Book From the Trenches 

Ian Hay. Frontispiece in colors. Boston : 
Houghton Mifflin Company. $1.50. 

IAN HAY, widely known as a breezy 
novelist, comes before the public in 
this book under his real name and 
new title, Captain Ian Hay Beith. Im- 
mediately upon the outbreak of the war 
he enlisted and joined a Highland regi- 
ment, becoming one of the first hundred 
thousand of General Kitchener's army in 
France. He is still in the trenches, and 
" for some mysterious reason " was re- 
cently recommended for the military 
cross. His experiences as a raw recruit 
and as a seasoned soldier make a unique 
war book, a verbal moving picture of the 
whole " licking into shape " process 
through which other hundreds of thou- 
sands of British civilians are still passing 

Captain Beith writes with the light, 
bright, humorous touch of a cheery nov- 
elist, and at the same time he makes one 
breathe the very air of the drill ground 
and of the battle-swept trenches. Though 
the names he uses are fictitious, the men 
are real and become familiar friends of 
the reader long before the climax in the 
fighting near Loos is reached. From the 
humors of the awkward squad to the cool 
courage of the battlefield the book is a 
delightful revelation of the British or 
Scottish Tommy as he is in real life. 

One of the more dramatic battle epi- 
sodes must serve here as a sample of 
Captain Beith's graphic pages: 

Still the enemy advanced. His 
shrapnel was bursting overhead; 
bullets were whistling from nowhere, 
for the attack in force was now 
being pressed home in earnest. 

The deserted trench upon our left 
ran right through the cottages, and 
this restricted our view. No hostile 
bombers could be seen; it was evi- 

dent that they had done their bit and 
handed the conduct of affairs to 
others. Behind the shelter of the cot- 
tages the German infantry were 
making a safe detour, and were 
bound, unless something unexpected 
happened, to get round behind us. 

" They'll be firing from our rear 
in a minute," said Kemp between his 
teeth. " Lochgair, order your pla- 
toon to face about and be ready to 
fire over the parados." 

Young Lochgair's method of exe- 
cuting this command was character- 
istically thorough. He climbed in 
leisurely fashion upon the parados; 
and standing there, with all his six- 
foot-three in full view, issued his 

" Face this way, boys ! Keep your 
eyes on that group of buildings just 
behind the empty trench, in below 
the Fosse. You'll get some target 
practice presently. Don't go and for- 
get that you are the straightest- 
shooting platoon in the company. 
There they are " he pointed with 
his stick " lots of them coming 
through that gap in the wall ! Now, 
then, rapid fire, and let them have 
it ! Oh, well done, boys ! Good shoot- 
ing ! Very good ! Very good ind " 

He stopped suddenly, swayed, and 
toppled back into the trench. Major 
Kemp caught him in his arms, and 
laid him gently upon the chalky 
floor. There was nothing more to be 
done. Young Lochgair had given his 
platoon their target, and the platoon 
were now firing steadily upon the 
same. He closed his eyes and sighed 
like a tired child. 

" Carry on, Major! " he murmured 
faintly. "I'm all' right." 

So died the simple-hearted, valiant 
enthusiast whom we had christened 

One cannot close Captain Beith's hu- 
morous-pathetic book without hoping 
that he may be spared to tell the further 
doings of the remnant of the Argyll and 
Sutherland Highlanders who survived 
those first fifteen months. 

The Russian Soldier at Close Range 

ARMY. By Bernard Pares. With Maps. 
Boston : Houghton Mifflin Company. 

BERNARD PARES, who in peace 
times is Professor of Russian His- 
tory in the University of Liverpool, has 
long had close connection with Russia. 
At the outbreak of the war he joined 
the Red Gross work in that country and 
was made by his own Government of- 
ficial British observer of the Russian 
armies in the field. His book contains 
his diary from the time of his departure 
from England in August, 1914, his ob- 
servations in Petrograd and Moscow, and 
at the front in Poland and Galicia. Much 
of the time he was with the Third Army 
in Galicia, at the main curve in the 
Russian front, where the German and 
Austrian forces joined hands. Of the 
general atmosphere of the army he re- 
marks : 

It was a delight to be with these 
splendid men. I never saw anything 
base all the while that I was with 
the army. There was no drunken- 
ness; every one was at his best, and 
it was the simplest and noblest at- 
mosphere in which I have ever lived. 

Of the attitude of the Russian peas- 
ants toward the war, he says: 

When the news of war came, the 
peasants, who were harvesting, went 
straight off to the recruiting depot 
and thence to the church, where all 
who were starting took the commun- 
ion ; there was no shouting, no drink- 
ing, though the abstinence edict had 
not then been issued; and every 
man who was called up, except one 
who was away on a visit, was in his 
place at the railway station that 
same evening. In other parts the 
peasants went around and collected 
money for the soldiers' families, and 
even in small villages quite large 
sums were given. The abstinence 
edict answered to a desire that had 
been expressed very generally 
among the peasants for some years. 
It was thoroughly enforced, both in 
the country and in the towns. In 
the country the savings banks at 
once began steadily to fill, and the 
peasants, who would speak very 
naively of their former drunkenness, 
hoped that the edict would be per- 
manent. * * * In all this time I 
saw only one drunken man. 

At the Galician front he had much con- 
versation with Russian staff officers, 
and his account of the army operations 
reflects the viewpoint of general staff 
headquarters. He thus describes the 
methods of the German army as it forced 
the Russian army back: 

The German method is to mass 
superior artillery against a point se- 
lected and to cover the area in ques^ 
tion with a wholesale and continuous 
cannonade. The big German shells, 
which the Russian soldiers call the 
" black death," burst almost simul- 
taneously at about fifty yards from 
each other, making the intervening 
spaces practically untenable. * * * 
It is the wholesale character of these 
cannonades that makes their suc- 
cess, for there is nowhere to which 
the defenders can escape. The whole 
process is, of course, extremely ex- 
pensive. When a considerable part 
of the Russian front has thus been 
annihilated and when the defenders 
are, therefore, either out of action or 
in retreat, the enemy's infantry is 
poured into the empty space and in 
such masses that it spreads also to 
left and right, pushing back the 
neighboring Russian troops. * * * 
The German hammer, zigzagging 
backward and forward, travels along 
our front, striking further and fur- 
ther on at one point or another, 
until the whole front has been forced 
back. The temper of this corps, as 
of practically all the others, is in no 
sense the temper of a beaten army. 
The losses have been severe; but 
with anything like the artillery 
equipment of the enemy, both 
officers and men are confident that 
they would be going forward. 

Mr. Pares was allowed to question the 
prisoners and had much conversation 
with both Austrian and Prussian men 
and officers. He mentions some members 
of the Prussian Guard as speaking with 
small respect of the Austrians, while the 
Austrian soldiers he often found discon- 
tented with the war and willing for it 
to stop upon almost any conditions. The 
Austrian Slavs, when captured, showed 
more sympathy for the Russian than for 
the Austrian cause, while the Slavonic 
troops were often, under German direc- 
tion, moved from one point to another 
to keep them away from the infection of 

172 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

Russian sympathy, which otherwise often 
caused them to desert and go over to the 
other side. Some twenty pages are filled 

with the diary of a captured Austrian 
officer, which indicates a remarkable 
inferiority of spirit in the Austrian army. 

A Memorable War Novel 

tain Charles D. Crespigny. New York: 
The Century Company. $1.30. 

OPENING in a German hospital in 
Brussels, where an English officer 
has been practically brought back from 
the dead by a skillful German surgeon, 
this novel of war and of love moves 
through scenes in the hospital, a German 
prison camp, in the steerage of an At- 
lantic -liner, in New York, and thence to 
the Pacific Coast, where finally it ends 
in happiness. The scenes descriptive and 
reminiscent of war experience are very 
graphic, but the book differs from most 
war novels in the profound spiritual 
significance that informs the whole 
story. Its theme is the power of love, 
the human love of man for woman that 
is also so fine and unselfish and noble 
that it becomes almost Christlike in its 
expression and its influence upon his life. 
The opening paragraph, in which Cap- 
tain Denin returns to life again, after 
eight months of unconsciousness, gives 
an idea of the author's ability to put 
into words fugitive sensations and 
strange experiences: 

In dim twilight a spark of life 
glittered, glinted like a bit of mica 
catching the sun, on a vast face of 
a gray cliff above a dead gray sea. 
There was nothing else in the world 
but the vastness and the grayness 
of the cliff and the sea, till the spark 
felt the faint thrill of warmth which 
gave to it the knowledge of its own 
life. " I am alive," the whisper 
stirred, far down in the depths of 
consciousness. Next the question 
came, " What am I? " 

For a long time he cannot remember 
who he is, but at last his whole past 
comes back to him when he sees his 
picture in an old London paper with the 
story of his life and the account of his 
death on the field of battle, together with 
the picture of the girl he had married 
an hour or two before his regiment had 
inarched away. A little later he learns 

that she has married again, believing 
him dead. Feeling sure that her wel- 
fare and happiness demand that he 
should not make himself known, he does 
not reveal his identity, but takes another 
name. Finally he escapes from the Ger- 
man prison camp and makes his way in 
the steerage to New York. Possessed 
with the idea that if he will put into 
words the belief that has come to him 
as the result of his sensations and 
dreams in the mid-world between life and 
death " where the path breaks " he 
can make it a message of helpfulness to 
the woman he loves, he writes a book in 
story form, " The War Wedding," which 
achieves immediate success because of its 
philosophy of war and suffering, life and 
death. It is the tale of a soldier marry- 
ing just before going to the war, but: 

The story did not end with the 
ending of the soldier's life. The part 
before his death was no more than 
a prelude. The real story w 7 as of the 
power of love upon the spirit of a 
tman after his passing, and his wish 
that the adored woman left behind 
might know the vital influence of a 
few hours' happiness in shaping a 
soul to face eternity. 

The book is read by his wife, who gets 
from it consolation and reassurance, but 
of a different kind from that which he 
had expected it would give her. In deep 
trouble and unhappiness she writes to 
the author of the book and a long corre- 
spondence develops between them, in 
which he carries out still further the 
philosophy of his novel. He writes to 
her also of the vision he had brought 
back from that land of dreams as to the 
causes of the war and its function in 
the evolution of civilization : 

Those young soldiers I tried to 
write about, who had thrown off 
their bodies, and even their enmities, 
with the rags and dirt and blood 
they left on the battlefield they 
were listening to the great music, 
and hearing in it the call to some 



special mission which only they were 
fitted to fulfill, going to it in the 
Summer of their youth, before they 
had grown tired of anything. I do 
believe that was more than a dream 
of mine ; that this torrent of splen- 
did youth, this vast crowd of ardent 

souls suddenly rushed from one 
plane to another, has some wonder- 
ful work to do, which can be done 
only by souls who go out with the 
wine of courage on their lips. 
This is unquestionably one of the best 
novels thus far inspired by the war. 

Word Pictures of Northern France 

Artist's Notes and Sketches with the 
Armies of Northern France, (June-July, 
1915.) By Walter Hale. Illustrated by 
the author with line drawings and half- 
tones from photographs. New York: The 
Century Company. $1.50. 

WALTER HALE has written his own 
impressions of a journey he made 
for the purpose of illustrating a book 
by Owen Johnson, the result being a 
volume somewhat different from most 
eyewitness books of the war. It views 
the wreckage of the battle zone and the 
scenes of the trenches and the firing 
lines with the observing eye of the artist, 
trained to see the value of details and 
their use in making a truthful picture. 
He sees the region, also, through the 
artist's conviction of the sinfulness of 
destruction. His descriptions, of which 
this of Arras is an example, have some- 
thing of the quality of his pictures : 

Arras was like a city of the dead ; 
it gave one something of the sensa- 
tion of walking through the ghostly 
cairns of Pompeii or St. Pierre, Mar- 
tinique. It was like a giant cata- 
comb, and the lowering clouds of yel- 
low smoke hanging like a pall over- 
head, the deserted streets, the empty 
shells of houses, the growl of artil- 
lery, and the occasional violent de- 
tonation when an explosive bomb 
landed increased the uncanny feeling 
of death and disaster. In spite of the 
intermittent crackle of gunfire we 
unconsciously lowered our voices. A 
leaning chimney, all that remained 
of the one-time residence of some 
prosperous merchant, toppled over 
as we looked at it. 

Mr. Hale thinks that after the war is 
over the long strip of France which has 
been so stubbornly contested by the op- 
posing battle lines will be a favorite 

motoring ground for visits to battle- 
fields, cities, towns that have won a 
sacred place in human esteem, and he 
devotes a good many pages to descrip- 
tion of the region as it is now and the 
outlining of such a trip from end to end 
of the present battle line: 

It is a land where no man may live, 
a land swept day and night by heavy 
shells, searched by rifle fire, hand 
grenades or contact bombs and torn 
up from beneath by subterranean 
mines. It is a region desolate of 
trees, of vegetation. Though it runs 
through what once were forests and 
fields, there is nothing in the grizzly 
landscape to faintly suggest forests 
and fields except for occasional tree 
stumps hacked off close to the 
ground. Though it runs through vil- 
lages, the villages have been swept 
away the houses are mere shells 
broken walls, heaps of dusty pow- 
dered stone and chimneys rising un- 
steadily out of the ruins. Though it 
skirts wooded slopes, their outlines 
are serrated as though by some ti- 
tanic mining operation. Though it 
crosses winding rivers, the stone- 
arched bridges that span them have 
been destroyed. It needs only the 
presence of the solitary boatman to 
ferry one across their blackened 
waters the shell-torn bands on 
either side might easily be that deso- 
late land of empty spaces across the 

Vineyards and old manoirs have 
been beaten down beneath a hail- 
storm of metal. In place of tilled 
gardens are furrows plowed by 
shells, in place of long green mead- 
ows are uneven surfaces craters, 
shell pits, sharpened stakes and 
broken rock. At times the earth dis- 
gorges boot legs, knapsacks, spiked 
helmets, rusty rifles or discolored 
underwear. It is a region where 
nature has been crushed, a modern 
visualization of Dante's Inferno. 

Dr. Jordan on Peace Plans 

Starr Jordan. Indianapolis: The Bobbs- 
Merrill Company. $1. 

WITH some additions and revisions 
to bring the matter up to date, 
Dr. Jordan's book contains the address 
delivered by him as President of the 
World's Peace Congress, held on Oct. 
10, in connection with the Panama-Pa- 
cific Exposition. He summarizes and to 
a certain extent discusses the most im- 
portant of the various propositions 
which have been put forward since the 
beginning of the great war for the se- 
curing of lasting peace when that con- 
flict shall end. Among these are several 
peace manifestoes, the resolutions of half 
a dozen congresses, the efforts and plans 
of the women of the leading countries of 
the world, the individual plans and argu- 
ments set forth by a score of persons 
of America and Europe, and one long 
chapter analyzing the plans and propo- 
sitions of a great number of organiza- 
tions and individuals in several countries 
who seek to end war by bringing it under 
democratic control. There is a full state- 
ment of the purposes of the League to 

Enforce Peace, of which William Howard 
Taft is President. 

In a final chapter on " World Feder- 
ation," Dr. Jordan briefly discusses its 
possibilities and its probable efficacy: 

The abuse of nationalism has 
carried Europe backward finan- 
cially and socially for a genera- 
tion, biologically for a century. It 
has put the whole system of na- 
tionalism on trial. It has forced the 
world to look forward to the next 
era, that of federation. Complete 
federation with autonomy must 
sooner or later follow nationalism, 
even as partial race federation (na- 
tionalism) succeeded the anarchy of 
feudalism. Such a change will not 
take place instantly, nor without op- 
position. But the progress of the 
federated states of our union, each 
of which, retaining autonomy or 
local self-government, has given up 
its armies, its tariffs, and its special 
citizenship for the common good, in- 
dicates the route which civilized gov- 
ernment must traverse. As surely 
as feudalism gave place to national- 
ism, as certainly as day follows 
night, so must nationalism merge 
into federation in the movement of 

Would Abandon Both Oceans 

Study in American Foreign Policy. By 
Roland G. Usher. Boston: Houghton 
Mifflin Company. $1.75. 

* manism " and " Pan- Americanism " 
have attracted much attention within the 
last few years. In this new book he en- 
deavors to analyze the country's prob- 
lems of the present and the future in the 
light less of our present needs than of 
what will be the needs of our posterity 
two or three generations hence. His 
title indicates the purpose of forecasting 
the " challenge," the demand, that those 
generations have the right to make of 
Americans of the present day, and of 
setting forth what we must do in order 
to meet their expectation that our na- 
tional heritage shall be passed on into 

their hands at its best and most Fecure 
estate. He thinks that our foreign and 
domestic policies should be shaped 
toward that far end rather than bent 
solely to the meeting of our immediate 

But immediate and decisive measures 
are necessary, says Professor Usher, if 
we hope to make sure of the continued 
safety of our country. Our present 
dangers are so great and our means of 
meeting them so inadequate that we must 
surrender much, he thinks, in order to 
conserve the rest: 

Our economic disabilities and our 
present lack of administrative and 
industrial correlation dictate the 
abandonment of the Atlantic to 
Great Britain, of the Pacific to 
Japan, and the partial renunciation 
of the Monroe Doctrine. That force 



which we cannot at present exert we 
must supply by an alliance with the 
sea power in the hands of Great 
Britain which will insure us present 
protection against the aggressive 
schemes of all other European States 
and the force necessary to advance 
and protect the lives and property of 
American citizens outside the United 

Having surrendered the Monroe Doc- 
trine so far as South America is con- 
cerned, given up the Philippines and 
Hawaii to Japan, and concluded an alli- 
ance with Great Britain which would 

enable us to protect ourselves with her 
fleet, Professor Usher thinks that we 
should devote ourselves to the tasks of 
making ourselves economically independ- 
ent and of solidifying the nation and 
infusing it with a truly national spirit. 
" In last analysis," he says, " the future 
depends upon the brain and heart of this 
nation." Our democracy has justified 
itself in securing the welfare of the indi- 
vidual, but " it has yet to demonstrate 
its ability to think in terms of the com- 
munity, of the nation, and of the world." 

Peace Through Buffer States 

GARDIENS DE LA PATX (Essai d'ufte 
proposition de paix.) Par M. D. Horo- 
witz. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. 

THE gist of the proposals contained 
in this closely reasoned essay (in 
the French language) is that the idea 
of the buffer State should be extended by 
organizing the neutral States of Europe 
into an international police which would 
be primarily concerned with eliminating 
mistrust from the relations of the great 
powers. The author believes that the 
outbreak of war was due not to the ag- 
gressive nationalism of the various bel- 
ligerents, but to the flaming up of smold- 
ering suspicions. The psychological diag- 
nosis of the condition that led to war is 
the best part of the essay, which is dis- 
tinguished by its strict impartiality and 
its scientific method. 

The author is no sentimental pacifist. 
He does not expect that national ani- 
mosities will cease with the signing of 
peace. Suspicion and mistrust will still 
be potent forces, still likely to act as 
ferments in the numerous political, co- 
lonial, and economic problems of the near 
future. To find a basis of lasting peace 
it is necessary to get at the facts, which 
fall into two categories, according as 
they are part of the minimum or the 
maximum program of the different 
powers : 

The minimum program is the 
truly national program, on which 
the great majority of the nation is 

fully in accord, which the authori- 
ties proclaim officially, and which 
resides in international relations in 
normal times. It is based on the 
maintenance of the status quo, na- 
tional security, territorial integrity, 
and freedom of economic expansion. 
The maximum program is preached 
by reactionaries, ultra-nationalists, 
militarists, and in the hotbeds of the 
most retrograde finance, but is in 
normal times repudiated by respon- 
sible opinion and kept out of inter- 
. national discussions. It is the mini- 
mum program that determines the 
facts, deeds, and intentions of the 
powers; but when times become ab- 
normal once war is begun, things 
take a new turn. The maximum 
program of the different nations 
was not the cause of the war, but is 
rather the consequence. The mini- 
mum program was not of a nature 
to bring about or even tend toward 
war if a morbid international factor 
had not entered into the discussion. 

The States that it is proposed should 
act as keepers of the peace are fifteen 
in all: Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Bul- 
garia, Serbia, Montenegro, Holland, Bel- 
gium, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, and 
Rumania, and three yet to be created, 
Lorraine, Poland, and Palestine, the last a 
Jewish State as buffer between the Otto- 
man Empire and Great Britain's Egyp- 
tian dependency. These fifteen States 
would have an international armed force, 
which would, preserve all the nations 
from every bellicose tentative and do 
away with the instability and insecurity 
in the relations of the great powers. 



H. R. Has Germany assisted her allies, 
Austria, Turkey, and Bulgaria, with 

A WAR loan to Turkey was reported 
on Nov. 21, 1914, of $50,000,000. 
Jan. 31, 1915, it was reported that Ger- 
many had sent Turkey, in gold, sums 
amounting to about $15,000,000. A loan 
of $125,000,000 to Austria was reported 
July 10, 1915, and in October, 1915, a 
dispatch from Rome stated that Ger- 
many had lent the Bulgars $12,500,000 
for the families of reservists, to allay 
dissatisfaction among the Bulgarian 
troops. Information in this country as 
to the finances of the Central Powers is 
not very full, ajid there may have been 
other loans which are not on record here. 


T. M. H. I have heard, or read, that the 
United States signed a treaty some time in 
the thirties to stand by the neutrality of 
Belgium. If such a treaty was signed can 
you tell me where and when? 

United States has never been a sig- 
natory to any treaty guaranteeing the 
neutrality of Belgium. The treaty of 
1839, providing that Belgium should form 
" an independent State of perpetual neu- 
trality," was signed by Prussia, France, 
England, Austria, and Russia, as guar- 
antors of a treaty concluded on the same 
day between the King of the Belgians 
and the King of the Netherlands. A sim- 
ilar treaty had been signed by the powers 
in 1831. What the United States signed 
was The Hague Convention declaring the 
territory of all neutral powers inviolable. 


S. J. S. In a recent issue you state in reply 
to a question that the United States has 
never signed any treaty guaranteeing- the 
neutrality of Belgium, but that the United 
States was signatory to The Hague Con- 
vention declaring the territory of all 

neutral powers inviolable. Will you please 
explain the difference in meaning between 
these two? 

BRIEFLY, the difference between these 
two statements is the difference be- 
tween the treaty of 1839, whereby the 
neighboring powers stood guarantors for 
the specific neutrality of the Kingdom of 
Belgium, and the general provisions re- 
specting the rights and duties of all neu- 
tral powers in case of war on land, as 
drawn up by the nations at The Hague 
Conference of 1907. On April 19, 1839, 
a treaty was concluded between the King 
of the Belgians and the King of the 
Netherlands which contained the follow- 
ing sentence: "Belgium forms an inde- 
pendent State of perpetual neutrality." 
Of this treaty Prussia, France, Eng- 
land, Austria, and Russia declared 
themselves guarantors. This is the 
famous " Treaty of 1839," by which the 
powers bound themselves to respect the 
neutrality of Belgium, and Belgium on 
her part was forbidden in case of war 
to take the part of any of the belliger- 
ents. This treaty, as you see, was not 
a laying down of general laws, but a 
specific guarantee of the neutrality, in 
perpetuity, of one specific country. With 
this treaty the United States had noth- 
ing to do. In 1907, at the Second Hague 
Conference, the nations drew up the 
" Convention Respecting the Rights and 
Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons 
in Case of War on Land." This conven- 
tion opens with the general provision 
that " The territory of neutral powers 
is inviolable." It proceeds to define such 
neutrality, calling upon neutral nations 
to defend their neutrality against viola- 
tion; but it is not a guarantee of the 
neutrality of Belgium or of any other 
specified country, nor does it bind any 
of its signatories to fight in defense of 
the neutrality of another power. 




S. J. S. Has the United States signed a 
treaty with any country agreeing not to 
declare war without giving one year's 
notice to that effect? 

doubtless refer to what are known 
as the Bryan Peace Treaties, pro- 
viding for the arbitration of all pos- 
sible difficulties that may arise between 
the United States and the other signa- 
tory powers. These treaties agree, in 
all cases of dispute between the signa- 
tory nations, to refer the discussion to 
a commission of inquiry, and not to go 
to war within a year. They have been 
signed by France, Great Britain, Spain, 
Italy, Portugal, Norway, Sweden, Den- 
mark, the Netherlands, Switzerland, 
Russia, Greece, China, Salvador, Guate- 
mala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Bolivia, 
Persia, Costa Rica, Venezuela, Panama, 
Dominican Republic, Peru, Uruguay, 
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and 


S. S. Is there any parallel between the land- 
ing of troops by the Allies in Greece and 
that of the Germans in Belgium? Was a 
treaty disregarded by the Allies, as in 
the case of the Germans with Belgium? 

S. V. G. What was the difference between 
the invasion of Belgium by the Germans 
and the occupation of Greek territory by 
the Allies? Was the latter also a violation 
of neutrality, or had the Allies some 
other rights or permission for occupation? 

situation in regard to the Allies 
in Greece and the occupation of Sa- 
loniki is entirely different from the Ger- 
man invasion of Belgium. At the close 
of the second Balkan war Greece made 
a treaty with Serbia, under which Serbia 
acquired certain leasehold rights in Sal- 
oniki. In pursuance of these rights the 
Allies, in Serbia's behalf, applied to the 
Greek Minister, Venizelos, and were given 
permission to use that port. Some of the 
things they have since done have not 
been strictly in accordance with this 
treaty, but the Allies certainly had a 
special right of occupation, granted first 
by the treaty, and second by the ex- 
pressed consent of the Greek Prime Min- 
ister. The cases of Greece and Belgium 
are, therefore, not parallel. 


M. J. S. How was Antwerp defended? 
ANTWERP was defended by two chains 
of strong forts (an inner and an outer 
circle) and by ramparts. The Belgian 
Army also made use of an armored train, 
aeroplanes, and miles of electrified 
barbed wire. 


M. K, What was the date of the siege and 
occupation of Lemberg by the Russians? 
What is the strategic value of the pos- 
session of Lemberg? 

^HE Russians " began to draw nets 
around Lemberg " Aug. 29, 1914; they 
defeated the Austrian forces before Lem- 
berg Aug. 31, and seized the fortified po- 
sitions around the town Sept. 2. The 
Russian Army occupied Lemberg Sept. 5, 
1914. The Austrians recaptured it in 
June, 1915, entering the city on June 22. 
The importance of the possession of 
Lemberg is, first, that no campaign 
against Galicia can be pushed forward 
by this town while untaken, as an 
army could not leave such a heavily for- 
tified place in its rear as it moved for- 
ward. In the second place, it is a very 
important railroad centre, as all railroads 
entering Galicia from the east, all enter- 
ing from Bukowina, and all from South- 
ern Poland centre here. 

E. S. Please tell me the date and place of 
the first air raid in the present war. I 
remember hearing in Switzerland of an at- 
tack made on Frankfort-am-Main about 
the 8th of August. Was there any prior 
to this? 

first report of airships of which 
we have any record of in this war was 
from Berlin under date of Aug. 2, 1914, 
stating merely that " hostile craft " had 
been seen in the Rhine provinces ; an- 
other dispatch said that airships had 
been near Naumburg, in Bavaria. On 
Aug. 3 a report was published to the 
effect that a French aviator had dropped 
bombs on Nuremberg, and that German 
troops had shot down a French aeroplane 
near Wesel; also that a French aviator 
had wrecked a German airship at Long- 
wy. Further reports in the next few 
days were of German airships seen over 
Belgium Aug. 4; a duel between Belgian 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

and German aviators Aug. 6; the de- 
struction of a Russian aeroplane by Aus- 
trians Aug. 6. W& have, np record of 
" air raids " between that date and Aug. 
14, nor have we a record of an attack on 


W. B. LEWIS. Will you kindiy f let me know 
whether at the present-time there are any 
Jewish Generals in either the French or 
German Armies, and which army French 
or German has the greater number of 
' Jewish officers? 

THERE is at least one Jewish .Gejiejal 
in the French Army. There may be 
more, but that cannot at this time be 
positively stated. In the American Jew- 
ish Year Book for 1916 there is a refer- 
ence to the fact that the Jewish General 
Jules Heyman had been made ,a Grand 
Officer of the Legion of Honor. There 
is no record at the present time of any 
Jewish General in the German Army. It 
is impossible to state which army has 
the greater number of Jewish officers; 
but it was very difficult for a Jew to 
become an officer in the German Army 
before the war broke out, and this dif- 
ficulty did not exist to any appreciable 
extent for French Jews. On the other 
hand, it may be noted that the Jews of 
France comprise only one-fourth of 1 
per cent, of the total population, whereas 
in Germany they make up almost 1 per 
cent. You, of course, understand that 
during the progress of the war it is im- 
possible to obtain detailed, exact, and up- 
to-date information from time, to time 
as to the possible changes in the existing 
personnel of the fighting armies. 


H. H. Is not the reigning house of Germany 
that is, the house of Hohenzollern a 
cadet or younger branch of the original 
house? Is not the wife of King Manuel 
of Portugal of an older and higher branch 
than the reigning German house? 

THE Almanach de Gotha sets down the 
" non-reigning " branch of the house 
of Hohenzollern as " probably the older," 
and adds that both lines are " probably 
descended from the two sons of the mar- 
riage of Count Frederick of Zollern with 
Sophie, daughter of the last Burgrave of 
the house of the Counts of Raabs," in 

1911. The Almanach further states 
that the founder of the reigning German 
house of Hohenzollern was Conrad, Count 
of Zollern, Burgrave of Nurnberg, 1208- 
1261; and that the founder of the non- 
reigning branch of the Hohenzollern 
Princes was Frederick, Count of Zollern 
and Burgrave of Nurnberg, -1205-1251., 7 

GV ;; M. STEWART. What is the religion of 
the Hohenzollerns, Hapsburgs, and the 
.. other, royal families of Europe? 

reigning house of Hohenzollern 
(the family of the German Emperor) 
is Protestant Evangelical; the non-reign- 
iftg house of Hohenzollern is Roman 
Catholic. The reigning line of Haps- 
burg-Lorraine in Austria-Hungary is Ro- 
man Catholic. The royal family of Eng- 
land is Protestant, the Anglican Church 
being the established church in that coun- 
try. The Spanish Bourbons and the 
Italian House of Savoy are Roman Cath- 
olic, the reigning houses of the Scandina- 
vian countries Lutheran, the Netherlands 
house of Nassau members of the Reformed 
Church. The Russian Romanoffs and the 
reigning house of Serbia belong to the 
Orthodox Eastern Church, and the royal 
family of Greece is listed in the Alma- 
nach de Gotha as " Greek Orthodox." 

M. R. Please tell me whether, in replying 
to one of our notes protesting against the 
restriction by, England of our commerce, 
England said that changed conditions 
,_. changed the -application of international 
^ ,-law, or . words to that effect ? 

JN : -the British note of July 23, 1915, 
answering the American communica- 
tion of March 30, Sir Edward Grey made 
use of the following sentences: 

" It seems, accordingly, that if it be 
recognized that a blockade is in certain 
cases the appropriate method of inter- 
cepting the trade of an enemy country, 
and if the blockade can only become ef- 
fective by extending it to enemy com- 
merce passing through neutral ports, 
such an extension is defensible and in 
accordance with principles which have 
met with general acceptance. 

" To the contention that such action 
is not directly supported by written au- 
thority, it may be replied that it is the 



business of writers on international law 
to formulate existing rules rather than 
to offer suggestions for their adaptation 
to altered circumstances. * * * 

" What is really important in the gen- 
eral interest is that adaptations of the 
old rules should not be made unless they 
are consistent with the general principles 
upon which an admitted belligerent right 
is based." 

H. R. The war debt of Germany is, in 
round figures, about $8,915,000,000. 


L. M. No neutral nation protested 
against the invasion of Belgium. 

R. S. GOODWIN. The British Coali- 
tion Cabinet, as composed at present, is 
as follows: Prime Minister and First 
Lord of the Treasury, Herbert Henry 
Asquith; Lord Privy Seal, Earl Curzon; 
Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey; 
Lord High Chancellor, Lord Buck- 
master; First President of the Council, 
Marquess of Crewe; Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, Reginald McKenna; Home 
Secretary, Herbert L. Samuel; Colonial 
Secretary, Andrew Bonar Law; Secre- 
tary for War, Earl Kitchener of Khar- 
toum; Minister of Munitions, David 
Lloyd George; Secretary for India, Aus- 
ten Chamberlain; Secretary for Scot- 
land, Thomas McKinnon Wood; First 
Lord of the Admiralty, Arthur James 
Balfour; President Board of Trade, 
Walter Runciman; President Local Gov- 
ernment Board, Walter Long; President 
Board of Education, Arthur Henderson; 
Chancellor Duchy of Lancaster, Herbert 
L. Samuel; Postmaster General, Joseph 

A. Pease; Lord Chancellor for Ireland, 
Ignatius John O'Brien; President Board 
of Agriculture and Fish, Earl of Sel- 
bourne; First Commissioner of Works, 
Lewis Harcourt; Minister of War Trade, 
Lord Robert Cecil. 

This also answers the question of 

B. P. on the same subject. 

E. F. KOHN. The forces of the bel- 
ligerents at the outbreak of war were 
approximately as follows: Germany 

Peace strength, 870,000; reserves, 4,530,- 
000; total war strength, 5,400,000. 
France Peace strength, 790,000; re- 
serves, 4,516,507; total war strength, 
5,300,000. Russia Peace strength, 
1,384,000; reserves, 4,016,000; total war 
strength, 5,400,000. Austria-Hungary 
Peace strength, 436,035; reserves, 3,163,- 
965; total war strength, 3,600,000. Italy 
Peace strength, 306,000; reserves, 
2,994,200; total war strength, 3,380,200. 
Great Britain Peace strength, 138,497; 
reserves, 2,743,986; total war strength, 
3,000,000. Japan Peace strength, 250,- 
000; reserves, 1,250,000; total war 
strength, 1,500,000. Belgium Peace 
strength, 58,033; reserves, 291,967; total 
war strength, 350,000. Bulgaria Peace 
strength, 66,583; reserves, 433,417; total 
war strength, 500,000. Serbia Peace 
strength, 38,316; reserves, 317,139; total 
war strength, 355,455. Turkey Peace 
strength, 210,000; reserves, 890,000; 
total war strength, 1,100,000. Monte- 
negro Peace strength, 35,000; no re- 
serves. These figures do not include the 
estimates of unorganized forces based 
on the figures of the population, nor do 
they include the colonial armies of the 
nations possessing such troops. 


B. P. The French War Ministry, the 
first Coalition Cabinet of France, is 
composed as follows: Premier and Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs, Aristide 
Briand; General Secretary of the Min- 
istry of Foreign Affairs, Jules Cambon; 
Vice President of Cabinet and Minister 
of State, Charles de Freycinet; Minister 
of War, General J. S. Gallieni; Minister 
of Justice, Rene Viviani; Minister of 
the Interior, Louis L. Malvy; Minister 
of Marine, Rear Admiral Lacaze; Min- 
ister of Finance, Alexandre Ribot; Min- 
ister of Public Instruction and Inven- 
tions Concerning National Defense, 
Professor Paul Painleve; Minister of 
Public Works, Marcel Sembat; Minister 
of Commerce, Etienne Clementel; Min- 
ister of the Colonies, Gaston Dou- 
mergue; Minister of Labor, Albert Metin; 
Ministers Without Portfolio, Emile 
Combes, Leon Bourgeois, Denys Cochin, 
Jules Guesde; Under Secretary of State, 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

War, Munitions, Albert Thomas; Under 
Secretary of State for Subsistence, 
Joseph Thierry; Under Secretary of 
State for Sanitary Service, Justin 
Godart; Under Secretary of State for 
Marine, Louis Nail; Under Secretary of 
State for the Fine Arts, Albert Dalimier. 


PAUL F. FRAHBITO. A " historical 
sketch " of the Ford peace party, such 
as you ask, begins with the hiring of the 
Scandinavian liner Oscar II. by Henry 
Ford on Nov. 24, 1915, and Mr. Ford's 
announcement of his intention to end 
the war and "get those boys out of 
the trenches by Christmas." The " peace 
ship " sailed from New York Dec. 4, and 
three days later twenty other members 
of the peace party sailed on the Fred- 
erick VII. The ship was held up by the 
British at Kirkwall Dec. 15. The peace 
party arrived at Christiansand Dec. 18. 
On Dec. 21 it was reported here that 
Ford was ill in Norway following a dis- 
pute of the peace delegates over their 
" platform," and that Sweden had barred 
a public peace meeting. The " peace 
plan " was vetoed by Norway on Dec. 
22. On Dec. 24 the statement was pub- 
lished here that Ford was about to return 
to the United States, and on that same 
day he sailed, leaving the sum of $270,000 
with the committee for the party's use. 
On Dec. 27 the party, without Ford, 
reached Stockholm, where they were wel- 
comed, but a statement was received to 
the effect that no meetings would be 
allowed in Denmark. A meeting was 
held in Stockholm, however, on the 28th 
of December, and on the 30th the Mayor 
of Stockholm extended the time for the 
return of the delegates if they were 
unable to reach The Hague. In Copen- 
hagen, which the party .reached Dec. 31, 
no public meetings for the discussion of 
the war were allowed, and the party's 
" propaganda " had to be confined to 
receptions and the like. Ford himself 
arrived in New York on Jan. 2. After 
some uncertainty as to whether or not 
they would be allowed to pass through 
German territory, that matter was set- 
tled, and the party left for The Hague 
Jan. 7, arriving there the next day, and 

passing easily across German boundaries 
on their way to the Dutch frontier. A 
meeting was held at The Hague Jan. 13, 
and as delegates to the Permanent 
Peace Board the party elected William 
Jennings Bryan, Henry Ford, Jane Ad- 
dams, Dr. George F. Aked, and Mrs. 
Joseph Fels. The peace party was dis- 
banded Jan. 14, and most of the members 
sailed for home the next day. 


ROBERT L. SMITH calls our atten- 
tion to the fact that, while neither 
" pacifist " nor " pacificist " appears in 
the Century Dictionary proper, the 
latest supplement to the dictionary lists 
the latter word. " J. F. C." writes that 
in a recent small edition of the Standard 
Dictionary, known as the " Desk Stand- 
ard Dictionary," the word " pacifist," 
which is not in the large Standard Dic- 
tionary itself, appears. 


MISS M. V. F. The present name 
of Dardanelles was given to the ancient 
Hellespont from the two castles that pro- 
tect the narrowest part of the strait, and 
that themselves preserve the name of the 
famous City of Dardanus in the ancient 
Troad. The name of " Dardanelles " is 
briefly referred to as having been derived 
from the name of the City of Dardanus, 
but the Encyclopaedia Britannica states 
that it is the twin castles for which the 
strait is actually named. 


C. D. RICHARDS. The department 
of plastic facial surgery of the American 
Ambulance in Paris, concerning which 
you inquire, has been established to treat 
wounds of the face and jaw and in so far 
as possible to do away with the mutila- 
tions and distortions that would result if 
such wounds were merely allowed to heal. 
The department is under the manage- 
ment of Drs. Hayes and Davenport. The 
French Government has lately given the 
hospital the use of between three and 
four hundred beds for these facial pa- 
tients. Briefly, the surgeons may be 
said to " rebuild " the faces and jaws of 
the mutilated soldiers. 


[English Cartoon] 

Getting His Back Up 

From The Westminster Gazette. 
Apropos of the Washington-Berlin Submarine Controversy. 


[German Cartoon]. 

The Guard on the Austrian Alps 

Lustige Blaetter, Berlin. 
" With Him Intrust Your Loved Tyrol." 


[American Cartoon] 


From The New York Times. 
,U. S. : " I'd rather hear you playing notes than have you writing them.* 


[French Cartoon] 

At Potsdam 

Le Rlrc, Paris. 

GERMANY: "What! Has your Majesty come for our Kaiser?" 
DEATH: "The idea! Suppress my best provider? I am not so stupid. 
I have come only to get his orders." 


[Australian Cartoon] 

The Uninvited Guests 

From The Sydney Bulletin. 

t{ A. No-F& t Feast in a German Home. 


[Italian Cartoon] 

The Russian Surprise 

L'Asino, Rome. 
CHORUS OF THREE: "Imagine! We thought it a small toy! " 


[German Cartoon] 

The Progress of Culture 

The Highwayman of Olden Times 

Kladderadatsch, Berlin. 
and the Highwayman of Today. 


[German Cartoon] 

Torturing Greece 

Jv.gend, Munich. 

JOHN BULL: " Give up your neutrality, or I'll break all your bones! " 


[Dutch Cartoon] 

Holland and Bluebeard 

-De Nieuwe Amsterdammer. 

" You'll come and join me soon, my pretty and what a future you'll have! " 


[English Cartoon] 

" Reported Missing " 

A Cartoon That Cost $1,000 in Fines 



From The Bystander, London. 

The sensitiveness of official opinion in England is indicated by the fines amount- 
ing to $1,000 imposed upon the publishers, editor, and cartoonist of The Bystander 
for printing this picture. The court held that it was prejudicial to discipline and 


[German Cartoon] 

The Entente Joy Ride 


Lustige Blaetter, Berlin. 
Makjng R,apic| , Progress Into the Valley., , n 


[Canadian Cartoon] 

Defeat of German Credit 

From The Montreal Star. 
A victory which may finish the war more quickly than the gun. 


[English and German Cartoons] 

A Herod Window A Modern Plague 

From The Westminster Gazette. 

Designed a la Kultur. 

Jugendj Munich. 

The Serbian " invasion " in 


[German Cartoon] 

How London Sees at Night 

Fliegende Blaetter, Berlin. 

With the Aid of the Policeman's Electric Lamp. 

[English Cartoon] 

Shortage of Copper in Germany 


From The Bystander, London. 

GERMAN SOLDIER: "If you please, Herr Major, I have here a man who has 
refused to give up his wife's saucepan for the Glory of the Empire." 


[French Cartoon] 

Count Zeppelin 

Pele Mele, Paris. 
GERMAN AIR PILOT : " No hospitals, no cathedrals here pass on ! " 


[German Cartoon] 

The Traitor 

Ulk, Berlin. 

JUDAS ISCARIOT: " Here, take my halter, Salandra! " 

[American Cartoon] 

There's Many a Slip 

From The New York Sun. 

For Instance: The Mowe. 


[German Cartoon] 

British Protection From Torpedoes 

Jugend, Munich. 

" Is everything on board? " 

" No, Captain, the usual three Americans are not yet on board." 


[American Cartoon] 

The Sower 

^ t* -fe^iT.* ~ weruee ax* 

From The Baltimore American. 
As ye sow, so shall ye reap. 


[German Cartoon] 

The Great Housecleaning 

Fliegende Blaetter, Berlin. 
GERMANIA : " This new brush will clean out the furthest corner." 


[American Cartoon] 

The Sea of Debt 

From The San Francisco Chronicle. 
No Rescue in Sight. 


[Dutch Cartoon] 

Our Lady of Antwerp 

By Louis Raemaekers, Noted Dutch Cartoonist. 

The Sorrows of Belgium. 


[German Cartoon] 

The Sacrifice 

Lustige Blaetter, Berlin, 

To the chasm's edge, O Beast, thou brought 
Fair Greece, her protests set at naught; 
But " dies irae, dies ilia," 
Thy doom now cometh, John Gorilla! 


Progress of the War 

Recording Campaigns on All Fronts and Collateral Events 

From February 12 Up to and Including 

March 12, 1916 


Feb. 12 French hold Champagne gains; 
Germans fall back before French fire at 
Het Sas and Steenstraete. 

Feb. 13-15 Heavy fighting for Hill 140 in 
Artois region ; Germans gain in the Cham- 
pagne region between Tahure and Somme- 


Feb. 15-20 Germans repulse the British 

around Ypres. 
Feb. 21 Heavy artillery fire begun near 

Feb. 23 Fierce German offensive eight miles 

northeast of Verdun, on twenty-five-mile 

front; Germans pierce line two miles. 
Feb. 24 Germans take Samogneux, six miles 

from Verdun. 
Feb. 25-28 Fighting around Fort Douaumont, 

which is finally silenced by the Germans, 

who also take Champneuville and Cote 

de Talou. 
Feb. 29 Germans take several villages in the 

March 2 Germans resume attack on Verdun ; 

British recapture 800 yards of trenches on 

the Ypres-Comines Canal. 

March 3 Germans take village of Douau- 
mont; French seize dominating hill. 
March 6 Town of Forges captured by the 

March 8 French check Germans west of 

Verdun and retake most of the Corbeaux 

March 11 Germans gain foothold in the town 

of Vaux. 
March 12 Germans shell Fort Vaux ; French 

offensive west of the Meuse fails. 


Feb. 12 Germans take hill in Tsebroff 

region from the Russians. 
Feb. 16 Russians repulse German attacks on 

Feb. 18 Germans repulsed on the Dvina 

River between Jacobstadt and Dvinsk. 
Feb. 22 Russians win skirmishes near 

Dvinsk and occupy craters in Buczacz 

region of Galicia. 
March 2 Germans bombard villages in Lake 

Kanger district. 
March 3-12 Indecisive fighting on all fronts ; 

Russians report victory in many small 



Feb. 12 Italians assail heights held by the 
Austrians northeast of Durazzo ; French 

cross the Vardar River northwest of Sa- 

loniki and hold both banks. 
Feb. 16 Austrian and Bulgarian forces have 

effected a junction and are fighting Essad 

Pasha's forces defending Durazzo. 
Feb. 20 Austro-Hungarians advance near 

Bazar-Szak, northeast of Durazzo and 

occupy Berat, northeast of Avlona. 
Feb. 25 Durazzo evacuated by Italians ; 

Austrians capture much booty. 


Feb. 12 Austrians victorious in artillery 

combat near Plezzo. 
Feb. 16 Italians repel attacks in the Tofano 

and Rombon zones. 

Feb. 18 Austrians shell Crosano and Borgo. 
Feb. 20 Italians shell Uggowitz, in the Su- 

gana Valley. 
Feb. 22 Italians conquer zone of Collo and 

towns of Ranchi and Rocegno in the Su- 

gana Valley. 

March 1 Positions near Marmolada cap- 
tured by Italians. 
March 12 Italians shell Gorizia and Doberdo 



Feb. 12 British defeated by Turkish volun- 
teers near Korna, 150 miles south of Kut- 
el-Amara ; Russians win another victory 
near Khynysskala in the Caucasus and 
occupy town of Khopy. 

Feb. 14 Russians capture an Erzerum fort. 

Feb. 15 Another Erzerum fort surrenders to 
the Russians, making nine now in their 

Feb. 16 Russians capture Erzerum with 
eighteen forts. 

Feb. 19 Russians occupy Mush and Ablat, 
south of Erzerum, and capture fleeing 

Feb. 21 Turks evacuate Bitlis, leaving the 
entire district of Lake Van in the hands 
of the Russians. 

Feb. 22 Turks begin evacuation of Trebi- 

Feb. 25 Russians occupy Bidesurka Pass 
and Sakhae Pass in Persia; Turks re- 
treat toward Kermanshah. 

Feb. 29 Turks are evacuating Trebizond 
and neighboring towns on the Black Sea 

March 3 Russians capture Bitlis, southeast 
of Erzerum. 

March 4 Russians occupy Bijur, in Persia. 

March 8 Russians seize port of Rizeh on the 
Black Sea and shell Trebizond. 

206 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

March 12 Russians in Persia occupy 


Feb. 12 British repulsed in attack on Sa- 

laita Hill. 
Feb. 18 German garrison at Mora yields ; 

Allies' conquest of Kamerun complete. 


Austrian aeroplanes raided Ravenna and 
neighboring towns in Italy on Feb. 13, 
killing 15 persons and wounding many. 
The hospital and basilica of Sant' Apol- 
linare were damaged. On the follow- 
ing day 6 more people were killed in a 
raid on Milan. In Schio, on the 15th, 6 
more persons were killed and many 
wounded. On the 21st the province of 
Brescia was raided. Four lives were lost. 

On the western front the Germans made air 
attacks on Revigny. A Zeppelin was 
brought down by the French near Bra- 
bant-le-Roi. The French dropped bombs 
on Miilhausen and on a German muni- 
tions factory at Pagny-sur-Moselle. 

On Feb. 20 a German seaplane raided the 
Kent and Suffolk coasts of England. Two 
men and a boy were killed at Lowestoft. 
The southeast coast was raided on March 
1, and a baby was killed. Zeppelins raid- 
ed the northeast coast on March 5, killing 
12 persons and injuring 33. 


The German raider Mowe returned to Wil- 
helmshaven after a raid in which fifteen 
merchantmen were sunk or seized. She 
had 199 prisoners and $250,000 in gold on 

The S. S. Maloja was sunk by a mine off 
Dover and more than 40 persons were 
drowned or killed. The tanker Empress 
of Fort William struck another mine while 
going to the rescue and was blown up. 

Six Turkish munition ships were sunk by an 
allied submarine in the Bosporus. 

In the Mediterranean the French Auxiliary 
cruiser La Provenge was sunk by a sub- 

marine, with nearly 4,000 men on board, 
of whom only 870 were saved. 

The French S. S. Louisiane was torpedoed 
and sunk in the English Channel. 

The Norwegian S. S. Silius, with seven Amer- 
icans in the crew, was torpedoed and sunk 
in Havre Roads. One American was in- 


Japan made a strong protest to Germany and 
Austria against the sinking of the 
Yasaku Maru. 

Italy, by a royal proclamation, broke off all 
trade relations with Germany on Feb. 12. 
The Italian Government requisitioned 
thirty-four German ships interned in 
Italian ports. 

Portugal precipitated a crisis with Germany 
by seizing thirty-six Austrian and Ger- 
man ships in the Tagus River. This was 
regarded as the culmination of a series 
of breaches of neutrality and on March 
9 Germany issued a declaration of war. 

Austria sent an unsatisfactory reply to a 
protest from the United States Govern- 
ment on the sinking of the Standard Oil 
tanker, Petrolite. 

Germany sent a new note to the United 
States in the Lusitania case, agreeing 
to " recognize " instead of " assume " 
liability for the sinking, but the settle- 
ment of the controversy was held up by 
the threat of the Teutonic allies to sink 
armed merchant ships without warning. 
Following this threat, and the notification 
of neutral countries, Sweden warned her 
subjects to keep off armed ships, but 
President Wilson held that the rights of 
American citizens should not be abridged. 
A crisis followed in the American Con- 
gress, which ended in a victory for the 
Administration. On March 8 Germany 
sent a note to the United States Govern- 
ment charging England with forcing her 
into submarine warfare and offering to 
observe international law prevailing be- 
fore the war if England would do like- 


General Joffre and General Petain in Actionin the Foreground- 
After a Conference 


Statements of the German Chancellor and the British Premier An Inter- 
national Bandit Hunt in Mexico Exploits of England's Navy The 
World's Greatest Battle A Harvest of Death Germany's Fourth 
War Loan Status of the Merchant Ship French Cruisers in war 
Time Why Italy Entered the War The Gallant Fight of the Clan 



MOST important of all the war de- 
velopments of the month for the 
United States, at least has been the 
increasingly acute strain in our diplo- 
matic relations with Germany, due to 
the submarine issue. At this writing 
(April 19) President Wilson has called 
a joint session of both houses of Con- 
gress in order to make a frank statement 
of the critical situation and of the con- 
tents of the decisive note which he is 
about to send to Germany. After recit- 
ing the long list of cases in which rights 
of neutrals and pledges to the United 
States have been violated by German 
submarines the President's note will 
practically compel the German Govern- 
ment to choose between two divergent 
courses: It must either modify its 
present submarine methods or suffer a 
break in its friendly relations with the 
United States. At the present moment 
a break seems imminent. The Presi- 
dent's speech, the note, and the other 
official documents in the case will be 
published in full in the June issue of 

* * * 


THE imperiling of American lives on 
the Channel "steamer Sussex is only 
one item in the long series of illegal and 
inhumane acts of German submarines 
against the most fundamental rights of 
neutrals. President Wilson has taken 
his stand upon the issue in this broader 
sense, laying down the principles of 
international law and humanity whose 
further infringement will be regarded by 

[Tol. TIL. P. 207.] 

America as an unfriendly act entailing 
severance of diplomatic relations. 

As this means a radical change in the 
whole conduct of submarine warfare, 
and as the submarine is Germany's most 
effective arm against British sea power, 
the point is one which the Germans will 
be loath to concede. Yet the breaking of 
diplomatic relations with the United 
States would be no slight matter. At 
the present time our nation happens to 
be the most wealthy and prosperous in 
the world, and the millions of Germans, 
Austrians, and Hungarians living here 
possess their share of this wealth, and 
are sending large sums to their relatives 
in Europe. If we should break off diplo- 
matic relations with the Central Powers 
this stream of wealth would cease to 
flow, and millions of Teutons, especially 
Austro-Hungarians, would be among 
the first to suffer. This is why the 
newspapers of Budapest have long been 
voicing the fear that German ruthless- 
ness would estrange America, and have 
been warning their own Government not 
to drift into Germany's desperate state 
of mind. The possible effect upon Ger- 
man-American trade after the war also 
is an item which even Germany cannot 
well afford to leave unconsidered. 
* * * 

E capture of Trebizond, the most 
important Turkish city on the Black 
Sea, marks another important step in 
Russia's historic campaign in Asia 
Minor. After a sanguinary battle at 
Kara Dere on April 14 the Grand Duke's 
troops broke through the fierce resist- 

208 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

ance of the Turks and, with the co- 
operation of the Russian Black Sea fleet, 
fought their way three days later into 
the fortified city of Trebizond. With this 
strongest point on the Anatolian coast 
in Russian hands, the menace to the back 
door of Constantinople becomes more 

* * * 

"VTEVER perhaps have deliberations so 
-*-^l important been so carefully guard- 
ed from the public as those of the war 
conference of the Entente allies in Paris 
on March 27 and 28. The thirty-seven 
persons who took part included the chief 
Ministers of all the eight allied nations 
except Russia, and even Russia was 
represented by her Ambassador to 
France. Premier Briand of France pre- 
sided, and among the more influential 
members were General Joffre, Premier 
Asquith, Sir Edward Grey, Lord Kitch- 
ener, General Roques, and General Cas- 
telnau; Premier Salandra of Italy, with 
Baron Sonnino, Signor Tittoni, and Gen- 
eral Cadorna; M. Isvolsky, Russian Am- 
bassador to France; Mr. Matsui, Japan- 
ese Ambassador to France, besides the 
official representatives of Serbia, Bel- 
gium, and Portugal. 

History tells of many great congresses 
and war councils, but a conference of 
eight allied States, five of them great 
powers, in the supreme phase of a world 
war is a new thing; and new also are 
the spirit and purpose of the meeting in 
Paris. It was in essence a business 
meeting for co-ordinating all the means 
to victory, including the formulation of 
a plan for a punitive fiscal system to be 
used against Germany both during and 
after the war. It is not improbable that 
hundreds, if not thousands, of books 
written in the coming decades will hark 
back to the Paris Conference for the 
shaping of their themes. 

* * * 

A LL that the world is allowed at pres- 
^^ ent to know of what the Entente 
leaders at Paris decided to do in the way 
of a common military and economic pol- 
icy is contained in the brief resolutions 

given below. The main significance of 
this utterance, unanimously adopted, is 
its proof of unity. The resolutions are as 
follows : 

1. The representatives of the allied Gov- 
ernments assembled in Paris on the 27th and 
28th of March, 1916, affirm the entire com- 
munity of views and solidarity of the Allies. 
They confirm all the measures taken to 
realize unity of action and unity of front. 
By this they mean at once military unity of 
action, as* assured by the agreement con- 
cluded between the General Staffs, economic 
unity of action, the organization of which 
has been settled by the present conference; 
and diplomatic unity of action, which is 
guaranteed by their unshakable determina- 
tion to pursue the struggle to the victory of 
their common cause. 

2. The allied Governments decide to put 
into practice in the economic domain their 
solidarity of views and interests. They 
charge the Economic Conference, which will 
be shortly held in Paris, to propose to them 
measures adapted to realize this solidarity. 

3. With a view to strengthening, co-ordi- 
nating, and unifying the economic action to 
be exercised in order to prevent supplies from 
reaching the enemy, the conference decides 
to establish in Paris a permanent committee 
upon which all the Allies will be represented. 

4. The conference decides : 

(a) To continue the organization begun 
in London of a Central Bureau of Freights. 

(b) To take common action with the 
shortest possible delay with a view to dis- 
covering the practical methods to be em- 
ployed for equitably distributing between 
the allied nations the burdens resulting 
from maritime transport and for putting a 
stop to the rise in freights. 


THE official publication of the French 
Army contains an important com- 
putation showing that the present an- 
nual per capita cost of the war to the 
Powers named is as follows: 

Total per 

Country. Population, annual cost. head. 
20,000,000 40,000,000 1.92 


Italy 34,685,053 

France 39,601,599 

Austria . 
Russia . . 

120,000,000 3,68 
800,000,000 20.4 

44,177,000 1,240,000,000 21 

51,390,000 560,000,000 10.72 

66,835,000 1,500,000,000 22.4 

131,230,500 740,000,000 5.68 

The cost per annum to run the Govern- 
ment of the United States in 1915 was, 
in round numbers, $725,000,000. Estimat- 
ing our population at 100,000,000, this is 
$7.25 per capita per annum. Therefore, 
the war at present is costing England 
alone nearly twenty times as much as the 



total expense of the United States Gov- 
ernment per annum. In fact, we are con- 
ducting Governmentfor 100,000,000 peo- 
ple for less than one- fiftieth of what the 
war is costing each person in England, 
France, and Germany. 

* * * 


THE British Government now sells reg- 
ular insurance to its citizens against 
property damage caused by Zeppelins 
and aeroplanes; also against the falling 
fragments of shells sent into the sky 
by anti-aircraft guns. Against aircraft 
alone the rate on private dwellings and 
their contents is 2s. per 100; on all 
other buildings and their rents, 3s.; on 
farming stocks, live and dead, 3s.; on 
contents of shops, factories, &c., 5s.; on 
merchandise in transit or in public ware- 
houses, timber in the open, oil tanks and* 
the like, 7s. 6d. Insurance against both 
aircraft and bombardment costs about 
50 per cent. more. Premiums are the 
same for every part of the United King- 
dom, and the Government insurance can 
be obtained through* the ordinary fire 
insurance companies or at the War Risks 
Insurance Office in London. 

* * * 


OFFICIAL reports for England and 
Wales in 1915 show an increase of 
3.9 per 1,000 in the marriage rate, but a 
decrease of 3.6 per 4,000 in the birth rate. 
The death rate showed an increase of 0.7 
per 1,000 in 1915. While the war reduces 
the birth rate, it also decreases crime. 
The report of the English Commission of 
Prisons for 1915 shows that twenty pris- 
ons were closed or are in process, of clos- 
ure, eleven having been closed entirely. 
Between the years 1904-5 and 1913-14 
total convictions decreased from 586 per 
100,000 population to 369; in the year 
ended March, 1915, it dropped to 281 per 
100,000; the year 1915-16 will show a 
much further drop. The English prison 
estimates for 1916 are $500,000, or 12 per 
cent, below the previous estimate. The 
decrease in crime is ascribed to (1) the 
drafting into the army of a considerable 
section of the population from which the 
criminals usually come, (2) the increased 

and new demands for remunerative labor, 
and (3) the restriction of the liquor traf- 

* * * 


WITHIN a period of eighteen days 
France, Russia, and Italy have 
changed their War Ministers. In France 
General Gallieni, who won fame as mil- 
itary Governor of Paris during the Marne 
battle, retired, and his portfolio was in- 
trusted to General Charles Roques. In 
Italy General Zupeli resigned, King Vic- 
tor Emmanuel appointing General Paolo 
Morrone to succeed him. In Russia Gen- 
eral Polivanoff was dismissed by tjie 
Czar, and General Shuvaieff placed at 
the post of Minister of War. Another 
notable change took place in Russia with 
the retirement of General N. I. Ivanoff 
from command of the Russia armies in 
Galicia and Volhynia sometimes known 
as the southern front in contrast to the 
northern front commanded by the recent- 
ly appointed General Kuropatkin. The 
chief command of the southern front is 
now in the hands of General A. A. Brusi- 
loff, a brilliant leader, who was responsi- 
ble for the initial Russian successes in 
Galicia, and whose knowledge of the ter- 
rain of the Volhynian and Bessarabian 
fronts is said to be as complete as von 
Hindenburg's knowledge of his " lakes." 
It would appear from these nearly simul- 
taneous changes in the high military ad- 
ministration that the long-awaited allied 
offensive is approaching. 
* * * 

THE industrial revolution wrought in 
Europe by the entrance of women 
into occupations heretofore closed against 
them is rapidly developing. The situa- 
tion in England was treated in April 
CURRENT HISTORY; the situation in Ger- 
many and France is treated elsewhere 
in this issue. Women workers in Ber- 
lin are estimated at 900,000, of whom 
300,000 are skilled, and are represented 
in all industries. Women are doing 
laborers' work at Berlin as shovelers 
and diggers on the new subway con- 
struction there, and have replaced the 
men as street cleaners; they serve as 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

conductors on trams and trains, as 
chauffeuses on taxis, as mail carriers, 
messengers, &c. In London the number 
of women mail carriers has been in- 
creased from 500 to 1,000. In France 
they are serving in all capacities, the 
latest employment being that of gar- 
risons in the place of soldiers of the 
auxiliary service. The French drafts of 
the 1888 military class will be limited, 
so that professional men may continue 
to attend to their duties, and this will 
give employment to the widows, moth- 
ers, and sisters of soldiers killed. 

* * * 

A COMPARISON of official figures of 
our civil war with casualty reports 
of the German armies demonstrates the 
sanguinary character of the present war. 
Americans generally assume that we 
fought the bloodiest war in history: that 
fratricidal strife arouses the fiercest 
passions and, anyway, " that Americans 
shoot straighter and kill quicker than 
any other race." But they are entirely 

The official figures of German losses 
in the present war show that their fatali- 
ties on the field were more than double 
our own during the civil war. In other 
words, they either dared twice as much, 
or the French, English, Russians, and 
Belgians shot twice as straight as Amer- 

The British Official Press Bureau re- 
ports the German casualties during Feb- 
ruary, 1916, at 35,198, of whom 10,211 
were killed or died either of wounds or 
sickness; 2,017 missing, 5,217 severely 
wounded, 1,340 prisoners, 11,865 slight- 
ly wounded. The German casualties 
during March, including the slaughter 
at Verdun and the sanguinary struggles 
in the eastern theatre, are estimated at 
175,000. This estimate, added to the 
previous reports, swells the German 
losses since the beginning of the war 
including all German nationalities: Prus- 
sians, Bavarians, Saxons, and Wurttem- 
bergers, but excluding naval and colonial 
casualties to the grand total of 2,842,- 
372, of which number about 660,000 
were killed and died of wounds, 40,000 

died of sickness, 120,000 are prisoners, 
220,000 are missing, 365,000 are severe- 
ly wounded, 265,000 wounded, about 
1,050,000 slightly wounded, 140,000 
wounded remaining with units. The 
number killed in action, estimating one- 
half the missing as killed, is over 25 per 
cent, of the total. 

The total casualties among United 
States troops in the four years of the 
civil war were 877,165, including 212,608 
captured, 16,431 paroled on the field, 
199,720 died of disease, 40,154 died in 
Confederate prisons or killed by acci- 
dent, murder, and other causes, also 
199,105 reported as deserters in the four 
years. Of this total 67,058 were killed 
in battle and 43,012 died of wounds, 
being a total of 110,070, or less than 12% 
per cent., a little less than one-half the 
total German fatalities on the field. 

TTNDER the British Conscription act, 
^ which applies to unmarried men, 
exemption from military service may be 
claimed if the applicant can show that 
he has a " conscientious objection " to 
fighting. To judge from the reports of 
proceedings before the tribunals set up 
to hear the claims of " conscientious 
objectors," the law is more honored in 
the breach than in the observance. 
Members of certain religious bodies, 
such as the Society of Friends, have 
been granted absolute exemption; but 
men who are only humanitarians, 
pacifists, and anti-war Socialists with- 
out belonging to similar religious denom- 
inations have been treated with extreme 
severity by the tribunals. 

Here are a few examples: At the 
Oldbury Tribunal a " conscientious ob- 
jector " was told that all he possessed 
was cowardice and insolence. At Port 
Talbot a member of the tribunal defined 
a conscientious objector as " a man 
trying to save his own skin." Another 
applicant was told that he was a traitor 
and " only fit to be on the point of a 
German bayonet." At Huddersfield two 
Socialists were granted exemption from 
noncombatant services only, absolute ex- 
emption being refused because they 



would "hinder recruiting if left." At 
the Shaw Tribunal a conscientious ob- 
jector was told : " You are exploiting 
God to save your own skin. It is nothing 
but deliberate and rank blasphemy. You 
are nothing but a shivering mass of 
unwholesome fat." At Birmingham an 
applicant said, " It is against Christ's 
commands to go and fight," whereupon 
the military representative exclaimed, 
" Filled up with the madness of insane 
views! " The great majority of con- 
scientious objectors make no distinction 
between combatant and noncombatant 
military duties. This was the stated 
intention of the Government when the 
Conscription act was passed, but the 
tribunals have, with few exceptions, im- 
posed noncombatant service on conscien- 
tious objectors even where applicants 
have made it abundantly clear that this 
fails to meet their objection to participa- 
tion in the war. The Government has 
apparently decided to ignore the law. 
* * * 


ANEW British Order in Council, 
issued March 30, undertakes to 
tighten the blockade against Germany 
by abolishing the distinction between 
absolute and conditional contraband and 
applying the doctrine of continuous 
voyage to both alike. In the words of 
Lord Robert Cecil, Minister of War 
Trade : " In future everything passing 
through British waters on the way to 
Germany, whether listed as absolute or 
conditional contraband, is subject to 
seizure." This applies to cargoes bound 
from one neutral port to another and to 
all international mails, which are now 
being seized and taken to London to be 
searched for articles whose ultimate des- 
tination is believed to be Germany. 

The new policy not only ignores 
Article 19 of the Declaration of London, 
which provides that " whatever may be 
the ultimate destination of a vessel or of 
her cargo, she cannot be captured for 
breach of blockade if, at the moment, 
she is on her way to a nonblockaded 
port," but it also arbitrarily annuls 
Article 35, which provides that the doc- 
trine of continuous voyage is not appli- 

cable to conditional contraband. As the 
new decree is made retroactive, and as 
the original Order in Council of Oct. 29, 
1914, had definitely ratified Article 35, 
the change entails unexpected hardships 
upon American shippers and places a 
new and serious handicap upon the trade 
of all neutral nations. 

In a recent interview Lord Robert 
Cecil undertook to justify his Govern- 
ment's new sea policy on the ground that 
the former distinction between absolute 
and conditional contraband has vanished 
since the German Government has taken 
over the control of all important com- 
modities and is using them for military 
and civil purposes combined. The degree 
of patience with which the American 
shipper will endure this new exercise of 
British sea power will depend largely 
upon the still greater extent to which he 
disapproves of German war methods. 
* * * 


THE United States Government at once 
filed a protest through Ambassador 
Page against the removal of mails from 
neutral ships, and especially against 
their detention and delay. The protest 
added that the American Government 
was inclined to consider parcel post ship- 
ments as subject to the same treatment 
as goods sent by freight or express. 

To this communication the Entente Al- 
lies made a joint reply, on April 3, 
through the British Ambassador at 
Washington, asserting their right to 
search general mail, but making no men- 
tion of the matter of delay and interfer- 
ence. The main point insisted upon was 
that the " inviolability " guaranteed to 
mails by The Hague Convention No. 11 
cannot be regarded as curtailing in any 
degree " the right of the allied Govern- 
ments to visit and, if need be, stop and 
seize the goods which are deposited false- 
ly in the covers, envelopes, or letters con- 
tained in mail sacks." It could not be ap- 
plied, in short, to merchandise sent by 
parcel post. In the words of the official 

Such parcels can in no circumstances be 
considered as letters, correspondence, or dis- 
patches, and it is clear that nothing can 
save them from the exercise of the rights 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

of police control, visit, and eventual seizure 
which belong to the belligerents on the high 
seas in regard to all cargoes. Among other 
numerous examples, it will be sufficient to 
quote 1,302 parcel post packages containing 
437,510 kilograms of rubber for Hamburg 
* * * or, again, 69 parcels containing 400 
revolvers for Germany via Amsterdam. 

The comment of London newspapers 
upon the American protest is that last 

year Germany sank twelve mail-carrying 
liners without warning, sending to the 
bottom not only parcels, but letters, 
which The Hague Convention declared 
inviolable; yet not a single neutral Gov- 
ernment protested. " Why should Ger- 
many be allowed to steal a horse " thus 
runs the British comment " and we be 
criticised for looking over the hedge? " 

Interpretations of World Events 

Verdun and French Defensive Tactics 

FOR more than two months the battle 
of Verdun has raged almost cease- 
lessly day and night. It is conceded 
that Germany has concentrated picked 
troops and heavy guns in quantities 
never before seen in war. Yet, apart 
from the first withdrawal of General 
Petain's army from outlying positions to 
its definite lines of defense, the two 
months' fighting has not given the at- 
tacking forces a gain of two miles. It is 
instantly evident that, much as has been 
written, and eloquently written, concern- 
ing the great battle, the essential thing 
has not been written yet, has not been 
disclosed at all the secret, that is, of 
France's defensive tactics. 

The problem is this : Germany masses 
on a single spot the fire of numberless 
guns, from her 77s to the great 12-inch 
mortars with their huge charges of high 
explosives, and continues this fire on a 
single spot, whether near Vaux or close 
to Douaumont or on the front of le Mort 
Homme. It would seem that such a 
deluge of fire and death must not only 
annihilate the defenders in the trenches, 
but must even tear up the earth to many 
feet in depth, and something like this 
seems to be the case. 

Then the bombarded area is soaked 
with chlorine gas and strong fuming 
ammonia, deadly to lungs and eyes 
alike, and, after this tremendous prep- 
aration, the German legions charge 
in heavy columns with extraordinary 

What happens ? Has the preparation in 
fact disorganized or annihilated the 

French defense ? Not a bit. Immediately 
the oncoming Teutons ar,e met with the 
famous " curtain of fire," largely a dense 
hail of bullets from shrapnel, timed to 
explode a score of yards or more before 
their faces; and, if a remnant succeeds 
in getting past, they are met by furious, 
bayonet charges; where the assailants 
manage to seize a bit of trench they are 
quickly counterattacked and generally 
driven out again. Thus it comes that two 
months of furious assault have not given 
two miles of advantage. 

The mystery, then, is this : First, where 
were the famous French 75s while the 
German preparation was going on ? Next, 
from what skillfully hidden points were 
the French mitrailleuses, that is, ma- 
chine guns or pompoms, able to pour a 
deadly hail upon the charging Germans ? 
And, thirdly, where did General Petain 
hide the men who made the gallant 
countercharges? The events at Liege, 
Namur, and Maubeuge demonstrated that 
the old-time forts of steel cupolas and re- 
inforced concrete were worse than use- 
less against the big Skoda mortars; Ant- 
werp reinforced the same lesson; and the 
steel forts about Verdun seem to have 
been practically abandoned, as at Vaux. 
The unanswered question is, What have 
the French discovered to take their 
place ? Here is an intellectual victory 
that may make possible a real decision on 
the field of battle, for it seems certain 
that the attacking Germans are losing at 
least three men for each one lost by the 
French. From the beginning General 
Joffre has been very economical with his 
men, and the result is beginning to tell, 
and will tell every day now with increas- 



ing force. The question is, How is Gen- 
eral Joffre able to do this and yet not 
lose ground? 

Germany's Submarine Blockade 
T EAVING aside all questions of inter- 
*-J national law and the rights of non- 
combatants and neutrals, it is evident 
that the present epidemic of submarine 
attacks bears a very close resemblance 
to what took place a year ago, when the 
first great series of attacks took place. 
At first, every day brought news of the 
sinking of liners, whether passenger 
ships or merchant vessels. Then little by 
little the successful attacks began to 
dwindle, until they practically ceased. 
It was learned afterward that the rea- 
son was that the allied fleets had dis- 
covered the countermove which seems to 
have been not so much a use of steel 
fishing-nets as a systematic pursuit of 
the submarines, based on certain prin- 
ciples. One of these was that even while 
beneath the surface the submarine 
makes a kind of wake or track, visible 
from above by aeroplane observers; 
another was the fact that, jus.t as a 
whale must come up to breathe, so the 
submarine, when the energy of her 
electric storage, batteries is used up, 
must come to tjje surface to recharge 
them again by the use of dynamos, driv- 
en by gasoline engines. Assume that 
the electric energy will carry the sub- 
marine a dozen miles. If a submarine 
is observed to submerge at a given spot, 
it becomes certain that, whale-like, she 
must come up again somewhere on the 
circumference of a circle with a twelve- 
mile radius, and fast torpedo boats, 
scouting along the rim of this circle, 
have a fair chance to pick her up and 
sink her. And it seems that in this way 
great numbers of German submarines 
were in fact sunk, while others, per- 
haps, were enmeshed in the somewhat 
problematical steel nets. So it happened 
that there was a long lull in submarine 
warfare. During this lull, German in- 
ventors seem to have perfected a new 
submarine which probably has very 
much larger electric storage capacity, 
and so are able to run much longer dis- 
tances without coming up to "breathe." 

Therefore the torpedo boats can no 
longer pick them up and sink them, so 
the work of destruction of which we 
have, during the last two months, been 
witnesses, goes on. Yet every move has 
its countermove, and it is only a ques- 
tion of weeks until the Allies divine the 
counterstroke to the new German sub- 
marine, when we shall once more have 
a lull in the sinking of ships, another 
"interval" in submarine warfare. In war 
the important thing to remember is that 
for every attack there is an adequate de- 
fense, if it can only be found out. 

From Trebizond to Bagdad 

IT will be remembered that Xenophon 
and the Ten Thousand emerged from 
their long march among the Armenian 
mountains at Trebizond ;^ here it was 
that, greeting the sea, they cried out: 
" Thalassa ! Thalassa ! " Do we equally 
remember that they had come almost 
direct from Bagdad, up the Tigris Val- 
ley, then across the headwaters of the 
Euphrates, and so, by the very road 
which the Russian forces are now fol- 
lowing, from Erzerum to the sea? So 
that, in order to obtain an accurate 
chart of their route, the Russian forces 
have only to read the later chapters of 
the Anabasis backward and to translate 
parasangs into versts. 

The importance of Trebizond to the 
Russians is obvious. They already have 
several considerable groups of men oper- 
ating in the general area covered by 
Xenophon's army, and ought to have 
more. But to keep these troops supplied, 
whether by the Caspian Sea, Enseli, and 
Teheran, or by the route through Kars 
and over the high passes of the Cau- 
casus, is extremely difficult. The one 
easy road is the old caravan line from 
Trebizond to Erzerum and thence down 
the Tigris Valley to Bagdad. This neces- 
sity is the key to the various scattered 
operations of the Russian forces, from 
within a few miles east of Trebizond, 
where Russian forces are approaching 
the Turkish seaport along the shore of 
the Black Sea from the Russian Cau- 
casus, or in the direction of Erzingian, 
or as far south as Bitlis. All these 
points are on the caravan road, and the 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

' Turks are seeking, with new forces sent 
up from Constantinople, to destroy the 
open line of communication, which 
Russia, for exactly the same strategic 
reasons, is working to maintain and 
defend. We may expect that, once the 
Russian troops enter the open valley of 
the Tigris, their advance will be rapid, 
synchronizing with the descent of Gen- 
eral BaratofFs forces, doubtless greatly 
strengthened, from the foothills of the 
Persian boundary mountain chain. 

Kuropatkin's Strategy on the Dwina 
under the inspiration of General 
Alexeieff and the Russian General Staff, 
has probably had two -objectives in his 
recent aggressive action along the lower 
Dwina, from Dwinsk to Riga. The most 
obvious has bfeen to draw eastward as 
many German troops as possible, who 
might otherwise be available against Ver- 
dun; just as, in August, 1914, General 
Samsonoff and General Rennenkampf 
were sent to Prussia, and did in fact suc- 
ceed in drawing eastward two army corps 
that had been destined for the attack on 
Paris. But General Kuropatkin evident- 
ly had another and more immediate ob- 
ject. The Dwina flows along a low, flat 
valley, which, when the snows melt in 
Spring, is almost always inundated to a 
considerable width, this flooded area 
being precisely the zone of the eastern 
battle front. On either side, at some lit- 
tle distance .from the river, the land rises 
into what may almost be called plateaus. 
On the western plateau the Germans 
held positions of considerable imppr- 
tance, and* Kuropatkin's objective seems 
to have been to get a firm footing on 
the rim of this German-held plateau, so 
that he might, when the floods ebb, begin 
an advance movement from that point, 
thus very effectively forestalling any 
German offensive by Field Marshal von 
Hindenburg, his opponent. The German 
purpose was exactly opposite to get to 
the eastern, Russian side of the flat 
river valley before the floods came down, 
and so to be in a position to begin a new 
advance movement, which may have, at 
least as its theoretical goal, the capture 
of Petrograd; but it is doubtful that 

Hindenburg at present seriously believes 
in any such move as that. 

The Serbian Army Re-enters the War 

WHEN French warships recently oc- 
cupied the island of Corfu, on the 
west coast of Greece toward Albania, 
they had two objects in view. The first 
and more immediately pressing; was to 
smoke out the bases for submarines 
which the Teutonic powers had estab- 
lished in the little frequented bays of 
the island, and from which had proceeded 
some of the sensational submarine raids 
on ships passing through the Mediter- 
ranean. The second and more consider- 
able aim was to provide a base for the 
recuperation and refitting of the Serbian 
Army, or that part of it which, having 
eluded its Bulgarian and Teutonic ad- 
versaries, had fought its way through 
the hostile Albanian hills and had em- 
barked, under cover of Italian forces, at 
Durazzo and Valona. These troops, 
probably more than 120,000 in number, 
are now once more fit to enter the field. 
There arises the problem of transport- 
ing them to Saloniki. To carry them by 
water all the way would be to invite at- 
tacks by Teutonic and Turkish subma- 
rines, several of which are believed to be 
lurking among the bays of the Morea, 
receiving supplies from the Teutophile 
friends of Queen Sophia. Therefore the 
Allies have, it would appear, determined 
to carry them by ship only as far as 
Patras, on the south shore of the Gulf 
of Corinth, and thence by rail to Athens, 
to be re-embarked at Piraeus and at the 
terminus of the railroad at the extremity 
of the peninsula of Attica. This deter- 
mination places Greece in a difficult po- 
sition, between the formidable, if distant, 
threats of the Central Empires and the 
immediate pressure of the Entente 
Powers, who are on the spot, and who 
command every Greek port with their 
warships. Premier Skouloudis energetical- 
ly protests, but the Entente Powers have 
a threefold answer: first, that his Gov- 
ernment has a defective standing on the 
basis of the Greek Constitution, and does 
not really represent the will of the Greek 
Nation; second, that the treaty which 
created modern Greece provides for in- 



tervention by Russia, France, and Eng- 
land, when, in their judgment, it becomes 
necessary; and, third, that the failure 
of Greece to keep her treaty pledge to 
Serbia makes it morally incumbent on 
Greece to do all in her power to repair 
the consequent damage to Serbian inter- 
ests; and this would without doubt in- 
clude giving all possible aid to the re- 
cuperated and renewed Serbian Army. 
The addition of 120,000 Serbians will 
seemingly raise the total of Entente 
forces at Salo.niki to not less than 350,- 
000 men. 

The Italian Battle Front 

THE Italians and Austrians continue 
to hammer each other across the 
valleys of the Trentino and Sugana, and 
along the gray, barren edge of the Carso 
uplands, a wilderness of treeless lime- 
stone where hardly anything grows but 
a few stunted tufts of heath. In itself 
the Carso is quite worthless; its only 
value is that it is the front door of 
Trieste, or perhaps one should say the 
outer wall, which must be passed before 
Trieste, with its 150,000 Italian in- 
habitants, can be reached. A large part 
of the coveted Trentino is hardly more 
inviting than the Carso; so much so that 
the greatest of all Italians, Dante, 
chose a characteristic piece of Trentino 
landscape as a simile for the seventh 
circle of Hell: The place to which we 
came, he writes in the Twelfth Canto, 
in order to descend the bank, was 
Alpine, and such, from what was there 
besides, that every eye would shun it. 
As is the ruin, which struck the Adige 
in its flank, on this (southern) side 
Trent, caused by earthquake or by de- 
fective prop, for, from the summit of 
the mountain whence it moved to the 
plain, the rock is shattered so that it 
might give some passage. It is this 
wilderness of shattered rock in the 
tongue of the Trentino that forms the 
most hotly contested territory on the 
Italian line. The Italians seem to be 
making headway, though at an almost 
inappreciable rate; and, though they 
entered the war just a year ago, on 
May 22, they have as yet reached none 
of their three chief objectives: Trent, 

Gorizia, Trieste, though none of the 
three lies many miles beyond the Italian 
frontier. The nature of the ground may 
account in part for the slowness of this 
advance; the immense strength of mod- 
ern defensive warfare may account for 
another part; but undoubtedly the con- 
servative strategy of General Count 
Cadorna is the dominating cause. 

The Indian Moslems and the Holy War 

T T will be remembered that about the 
* time Turkey became involved in the 
war a telegram was published as having 
been sent from Kaiser Wilhelm to the 
Crown Prince announcing with evident 
satisfaction that the supreme Moslem 
authorities at Constantinople had given 
their sanction to the declaration of a 
Holy War against Russia, England, and 
France " as oppressors of the Moslems." 
At one time it looked as though the 
aspirations implied by this message 
might be carried out. There was a 
mutiny at Singapore in which Moslem 
troops were implicated; there were out- 
breaks in the Italian Tripolitana and 
among the Senoussi tribesmen on the 
western border of Egypt; there was at 
least a threat against the Suez Canal, 
from the direction of Beersheba, and 
there was, or seemed to be, the pos- 
sibility of a pro-German uprising in Per- 
sia. The advance of the Russians from 
the Caspian has dissipated thi? last pos- 
sibility; the Suez Canal is no longer even 
threatened; the Senoussi have given 
their submission. Finally, from India, 
from Sultan Mohammed Aga Khan, who 
is the spiritual head of the many mil- 
lion Moslems in India, comes a declara- 
tion which shows that the hopes of a 
holy war, as it seems to have" been 
expected in Germany, were never any- 
thing more than a myth. The conviction 
on which these hopes rested never had 
any reality. The spiritual potentate of 
India proclaims that the attempts by 
German gold to stir up religious ill-feel- 
ing among the Indian Moslems have been 
perfectly fruitless. The Indian Moham- 
medan troops cheerfully fight their 
Turkish co-religionists in Mesopotamia 
or Gallipoli " just as fellow-Christians 
kill each other in France." There is, 

216 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

perhaps, just a touch of satire in that; 
but there is entire sincerity and truth 
in the statement that India, as a whole, 
understands and appreciates the benefits 
of English rule. 

The Air Raid on Constantinople 

WHILE the Russians are making 
steady if slow headway in a cam- 
paign which must lead them ultimately 
to the back door of Constantinople, the 
forces of Britain and France are be- 
ginning a more active movement directed 
toward the front door, and their air- 
men are already dropping bombs on the 
roof of Constantine's city. On the 
evening of Friday, April 14, a daring 
English airman, Flight Commander J. 
R. W. Smyth-Pigott, led a raid of three 
naval aeroplanes, which dropped bombs 
on the Zeitunlik powder mills, in the 
northern outskirts of Pera, the suburb 
immediately north of the Golden Horn. 
The flight, going and coming, amounted 
to 300 milles, the record for a raid of this 
kind; the previous record, from Nancy 
to Stuttgart and return, 240 miles, being 
held by a Fenchman. The base of this 
new raid forms an interesting subject for 
conjecture. Obviously, it was not Salon- 
iki, which is 300 miles from Constan- 
tinople, or 600 for the round trip. Nor 
is there any land base in possession of 
the Entente Allies within 150 miles of 
Stamboul. The nearest is Imbros, which 
is nearly 170 miles from the Golden 
Horn. It will follow, therefore, if the 
figures quoted are correct, that the three 
attacking aeroplanes set out from and 
returned to a sea-base, an Entente war- 
ship, anchored somewhere on the Gulf 
of Saros, between the Gallipoli Penin- 
sula and the southern coast of Bulgaria. 
This would give the 300 miles exactly. 

This is not the only point of the Turk- 
ish war area in which the Entente aero- 
planes have been very active. All 
through the first week of April there 
were air contests along the strongly de- 
fended line before Saloniki, and on 
April 12 and 13 Entente aeroplanes, 
twenty-three in number, rained down 
bombs on the Teutonic base at Guevgheli 

and bombarded the Bulgarian camp at 
Bogoroditsa. The Bulgaro-Teutonic 
forces were also active in the air, prob- 
ably foreshadowing more serious fighting 
in that region. 

The Russian Forces in Persia 
A FTER moving with astonishing rapid- 
^- ity the Russian forces in Persia 
seem to have come to a halt; the predict- 
ed descent on Bagdad hangs fire. It was 
at the end of last October that a Russian 
force, numbering in all not more than 
24,000 men, was landed by transports at 
Enseli on the southern (Persian) shore of 
the Caspian Sea. Enseli is only eighty 
miles from the nearest port in the Rus- 
sian Caucasus, or some half dozen hours 
by steamship. It is also close to Resht, 
which is connected by good and accessi- 
ble roads with Teheran, the Persian cap- 
ital. This Russian force advanced by 
rapid marches to Kasbin, which is 
about half way by road from Resht to 
Teheran. At that time the German en- 
voy, Prince Henry of Reuss, had the 
Shah under his thumb and was persuad- 
ing his Majesty to fly from Teheran and 
the approaching Russians. When the 
Russian advance guard of 4,000 reached 
Yeng-Iman, fifty miles from the Persian 
capital, Prince Henry began to pack, and 
when the first thousand Russians entered 
Herej, twenty-five miles from Teheran, 
on Nov. 14, Prince Henry departed, leav- 
ing the Shah behind. General Baratoff, 
the Russian commander of this expedi- 
tionary force, had thus only 24,000 men, 
hardly more than one division, to start 
with; with these he effectively occupied 
half a dozen Persian cities, of which Te- 
heran, Hamadan, Sultanabad, and Ker- 
manshah are the most important. It fol- 
lows that he has only some 12,000 men 
free for the descent from the frontier 
mountain terraces of Persia upon the^ 
plain of the Tigris and Bagdad, and 12,- 
000 men are not enough. The cause of 
the Russian delay is thus made clear 
more men, more munitions must first be 
sent from the Caucasus to Enseli and 
Resht, and thence, over caravan roads, to 
the front, beyond Kermanshah. And this 
takes time. 


The two articles printed below are Mr. Shaw's first important contribution to the 
literature of the war since his famous essay, " Common Sense About the War," which 
appeared in the first issue of CURRENT HISTORY. The present articles are published here by 
arrangement with THE NEW YORK TIMES. 

Irish Nonsense About Ireland 

By George Bernard Shaw 

(Copyright, 1916, by George Bernard Shaw) 

THERE has come into my hands, 
from a quarter it was not meant 
to reach, a certain address " To 
the Men and Women of the Irish 
Race in America," which is so typical of 
the stuff which gives 
its title to this article 
that I feel moved, in 
the interests of my un- 
fortunate countrymen in 
Ireland, to offer Amer- 
ica a piece of my mind 
concerning it. As an 
Irishman, I have been 
familiar with Irish pa- 
triotic rhetoric all my 
life. Personally, I have 
no use for it, because I 
always wanted to get 
things done and not to 
let myself go for the 
satisfaction of my tem- 
per and the encourage- 
ment of my already ex- 
cessive national self- 
conceit. I have seen it 
going out of fashion 
with the greatest relief. 

When something like an Irish national 
theatre was established in Abbey Street, 
Dublin, and a genuine Irish drama be- 
gan to germinate, I enjoyed the new 
Irish plays because the heroes always 
brought down the house by declaring 
that they were sick of Ireland, by ex- 
pressing an almost savage boredom at 
the expense of the old patriots who were 
usually the fools of the piece when they 

were not the villains, and, generally, by 
damning the romantic Old Ireland up hill 
and down dale in the most exhilarating 
fashion. And though this might easily 
have become as tiresome and insincere a 
trick as the most obso- 
lete claptrap of the 
stage Irishmen who, 
obliged to confess that 
they have never been in 
Ireland, call themselves 
American Gaels,, yet it 
was for the moment 
a notable step in ad- 
vance ; and it has finally 
straightened itself out 
in such admirable es- 
says on modern Ireland 
as that recently put 
forward by a genuine 
Irishman of genius, St. 
John Ervine, in the 
guise of a biography of 
Sir Edward Carson, to 
whom about half a 
dozen lines are allotted 
in the course of the 
substantial little volume. 
The first comment provoked by the 
appeal " to the men and women of the 
Irish race in America " is that, though 
it is dated 1916, there is no internal evi- 
dence that it was not written in 1860, 
(as indeed most of it was,) except the 
inevitable allusions to the present war. 
In point of learning nothing and forget- 
ting nothing these fellow-patriots of 
mine leave the Bourbons nowhere. Their 

218 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

belief that the Irish race not only takes 
with it to America the ideas of Athlone, 
but invincibly maintains in its new home 
not only its Irish nationality but its Irish 
ignorance, its Irish parochial narrowness, 
its Irish sectarianism, and its Irish con- 
viction that the Irish are the salt of the 
earth and that all other races are com- 
paratively barbarous, degraded, sordid, 
irreligious, ungenerous, tyrannical, and 
treacherous, and that this inferiority is 
essentially and disgustingly marked in 
the case of " the English race," shines 
ridiculously through every paragraph in 
their manifesto. 

Ireland is to be freed from the horrible 
contamination of association with Eng- 
land by complete political separation 
from her. " Ireland looks forward with 
hope and confidence to the complete 
breakdown of British misrule in Ireland 
as the certain outcome of the present 
war." " Success for England would 
mean only additional heavy burdens for 
Ireland and a renewal of strength to her 
age-long oppressor and tyrant." Finally, 
there is an appeal to America to main- 
tain the principles of among other il- 
lustrious Americans Abraham Lincoln! 
As Lincoln is the most famous Unionist 
known to history, the Separatist patriots 
could hardly have made a more unfortu- 
nate selection of a name to conjure with. 

Now, as against all this, I venture to 
ask the Americans of Irish race, and 
even those Americans who have to blush 
for less glorious origins, to keep a firm 
grip of the following facts: 

It is now half a century since the most 
populous and productive States of North 
America, compared to the least of which 
Ireland is only a cabbage garden, and a 
tearren one at that, renounced all idea 
of independence and isolation and fought 
for compulsory combination with all the 
other States across the whole continent 
more desperately than the many Irish 
soldiers engaged in the conflict had ever 
fought for separation. During that half 
century no small nation has been able to 
maintain its independence single-handed; 
it has had to depend either on express 
guarantees from the great powers (that 
is, the combinations) or on the intense 
jealousy between those powers. 

In the present war the attack of a 
huge army of men of different races, 
speaking half a dozen different lan- 
guages and estranged by memories of 
fierce feuds and persecutions and 
tyrannies, but combined under the 
leadership of the Central Empires, made 
short work of. national pride, of the 
spirit of independence, and of bitter 
memories of old hostilities in England, 
France, and Russia. three ancient 
enemies, any of whom could have swal- 
lowed Ireland more easily than Ireland 
could swallow her own Blasket Islands, 
had to pocket their nationalism and 
defend themselves by a combination of 
the British fleet, the French Army, and 
the Russian steam roller. And even 
when these immense combinations were 
in the field one of them was glad to buy 
the help of moribund Turkey and im- 
mature little Bulgaria, and the other to 
offer Italy, in defiance of all nationalist 
principles, a lodgment in Dalmatia if she 
would come to the rescue. 

In the face of these towering facts that 
blot out the heavens with smoke and 
pile the earth of Europe with dead I 
invite America to contemplate the spec- 
tacle of a few manifesto-writing stal- 
warts from the decimated population of a 
tiny green island at the back of Godspeed, 
claiming its national right to confront the 
world with its own army, its own fleet, 
its own tariff, and its own language, 
which not 5 per cent, of its population 
could speak or read or write even if they 
wanted to. Unless the American climate 
has the power of totally destroying the 
intelligence of the Irish race its members 
will see that if Ireland were cut loose 
from the British fleet and army tomor- 
row she would have to make a present of 
herself the day after to the United 
States, or France, or Germany, or any 
big power that would condescend to ac- 
cept her: England for preference. 

Now let me not be supposed to have 
any lack of sympathy for the very natural 
desire of the Irish, expressed by " the 
clarion voice of the Bishop of Limerick,'' 
to keep out of this war if possible. If I 
were an Irish Bishop I should certainly 
tell my flock to till their fields and serve 
God in peace instead of slaughtering Ger- 



mans who also ought to be tilling their 
fields and serving God in peace. If I 
were the Pope I should order every com- 
batant in Europe, Asia Minor, and Africa 
to lay down his arms instantly on pain 
of excommunication. I should offer the 
Kaiser his choice between coming to 
Canossa and going to hell; and I should 
not hold out the least hope to the Presi- 
dent of the French Republic or the Kings 
of England and Italy that they had any 
greater claim in the eye of heaven to a 
verdict of justifiable homicide than the 

But does any sane Irishman hope to 
persuade an American, of Irish or other 
race, that the French people were any 
less desirous to keep out of the trenches 
than the Irish? Is the Catholic of 
Bavaria any less entangled in the net of 
war than the Catholic of Connaught? 
On the contrary, he is entangled much 
more; for he is not, like the Connaught 
Catholic, exempt from conscription. The 
English volunteer is a volunteer no 
longer: he is a pressed man; and if he 
has rushed to the colors more eagerly 
than the Irishman it is because the in- 
dustrial slavery he endured was so much 
worse than any that the Irish peasant 
suffers, and the places he lives in so 
much uglier and more revolting to human 
instincts than the poorest Irish cabins 
that still survive the activities of the 
Irish Local Government Board, that the 
billet in St. Albans or on Salisbury Plain, 
and the trip to Flanders were an ad- 
venture as welcome to him as the separa- 
tion allowance was to his wife, and 
sometimes the separation itself to both 
of them. 

But you cannot knock into the head of 
the machine-made Irish patriot that 
either the grievances or the virtues of 
Ireland are to be found in other coun- 
tries as well. There have been occasions 
on which English trade unionists have 
sent money to help French, Belgian, and 
other foreign workers in their strife for 
a living wage. Irish patriots send noth- 
ing but demands for unlimited sympathy, 
unlimited admiration, and unlimited 
Post Office orders. The money that Ire- 
land has accepted from America without 
shame, and without perceptible grati- 

tude, both in domestic remittances and 
political subscriptions, is incalculable. 

We are the champion mendicants of 
the world; and when we at last provoke 
the inevitable hint that Ireland, like other 
countries, is expected to be at least self- 
supporting, not to say self-respecting, we 
shall rise up and denounce our bene- 
factors as the parricidal exterminators 
of the Irish race. We have never seen 
the other side of any Irish question; to 
this day the protective duties by which 
England ruined our manufactures are de- 
nounced as an act of pure malignity, and 
the old notice " No Irish need apply " as 
an explosion of racial hatred, although 
every other working class in the west of 
Europe is educated enough to know that 
men willing, as we Irish are, to take the 
jobs of other men at wages against which 
a pig would revolt, are the enemies, not 
merely of the English, but of the hu- 
man race. 

And now we are told as if it were 
something to be proud of that " the 
heart of Ireland is not changed." It 
does not occur to the gentlemen who have 
made this announcement, which is for- 
tunately not true, that in that case the 
sooner it is changed the better. " De- 
prived as Ireland is by the Defence of the 
Realm act of the right to express any- 
national opinion " is the beginning of 
their depressing declaration. Pray, is 
England any the less deprived of the 
rights of her people by this reckless act ? 
Has anything happened in Ireland since 
the war began, whether in suppressions 
of papers, arbitrary arrests, excessive 
sentences without trial, even secret exe- 
cutions, that can be compared for a mo- 
ment to the abuses of the act that have 
occurred in England? And can such 
abuses be restrained in any other way in 
either country than by the peoples of the 
two countries making common cause 
against them instead of, as this silly 
document does, accusing " the English " 
of guile, calumny, falsehood, cant, and 
what not, taunting them with the very 
defeats the English papers try to minim- 
ize by such headlines as " Heroic Stand 
by the Dublin Fusiliers." The cry that 
"England's Difficulty Is Ireland's Op- 
portunity " is raised in the old senseless 

220 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

spiteful way as a recommendation to stab 
England in the back when she is fight- 
ing some one else and to kick her when 
she is down, instead of in the intelligent 
and large-minded modern way which sees 
in England's difficulty the opportunity 
of showing her what a friendly alliance 
with Ireland can do for her in return for 
the indispensable things it can do for 

In short, the war is a convincing dem- 
onstration of the futility of the notion 
that the Irish and English peoples are 
natural enemies. They are, on the con- 
trary, natural allies. The whole case for 
Home Rule stands on that truth, and the 
case against it, on the contrary false- 
hood. If we are natural enemies Eng- 
land must either hold us down or 
be herself held down by us. If 
we are natural allies there is no 
more ground for denying self-govern- 
ment to us than to Australia. There is, 
of course, what the Germans call the 
Class War always with us; but that is 
a bond of union between the workers of 
all nations and not a division. If the two 
countries were separate, the first care of 
Irish statesmen would be to fasten as 
many tentacles as possible on Great 
Britain by pooling the wider public ser- 
vices of the two countries, especially the 
military and naval services, which would 
crush Ireland today if they were a sep- 
arate establishment. That is why it is 
part of the Home Rule bargain that the 
English Army and Fleet shall also be the 
Irish Army and Fleet. There may come 
a time when international law may be 
so well established that a small nation 
may be as safe by itself as a small man 
already is in the streets of a civilized 
capital. But that time can come only 
through renunciation of all the poison- 
ous international hatreds of which the 
Irish hatred of England is a relic. There 
may even come a time when some devel- 
opment of the arts of self-defense, which 
already enable ten properly equipped 
and trained men to hold their own 
against a thousand savages, may enable 
ten wise men to hold their own against 
a thousand fools. But that time has not 
come yet; and if it ever does it will be a 
bad job for the Irish patriot if he is still 

parroting his dreary litany to St. Pat- 
rick and Robert Emmet and the Man- 
chester martyrs to be delivered from the 
wicked English. 

As matters now stand this war is 
just as much Ireland's business as Eng- 
land's or France's. A mere victory for 
British navalism over Prussian militar- 
ism might be as great a misfortune as a 
victory for Prussian militarism over 
British navalism. But a victory of West- 
ern democracy and republicanism over 
Hohenzollernism and Hapsburgocracy, or 
a stalemate with the Prussian and Aus- 
trian legions held up hopeless by French 
and Irish republican soldiers, even shoul- 
der to shoulder with Britons who think 
that they never, never, never will be 
slaves because they have never been any- 
thing else, would be a triumph for the 
principles that have made the United 
States the most important political com- 
bination in the world, and, through the 
United States, made the home rule move- 
ment possible in Ireland. 

I am under no illusions as to the ex- 
tent to which modern nominal democracy 
and republicanism are still leavened by 
the old tyrannies and the old intolerances. 
I have declared in season and out that the 
task before us is not so much the sweep- 
ing out of the last monarchs, as the 
herculean labor of making democracy 
democratic and republicanism republican. 
It was by devoting my political life to 
the solution of that problem that I 
learned to see mere romantic nationalism 
in its essential obsolescence and trivial- 
ity. There is such a thing as Irish free- 
dom, just as there is such a thing as 
Cork butter. But it was by studying for- 
eign butter and tracing its excellence to 
its source in foreign co-operation that 
Sir Horace Plunkett and George Russell, 
the only two noted Irishmen who have 
done anything fundamental for Ireland in 
my time, have kept Cork butter sweet. 
And it is from England and America that 
the Irish will have to learn what freedom 
really means. 

Ireland as a nation cannot keep out of 
the present conflict except on the plea 
of utter insignificance. It has yet to be 
seen whether America will succeed in 
keeping out of it. Be that as it may, the 


Irishman who suggests that the right 
side for any Western democratic nation 
to take is the Prussian side must find 
some better argument than that the 
Prussian side happens to be the anti- 
English side. I hope in a second article 
to make it clear to the Germans of 
America (since I can hardly reach the 
Germans of Germany) why it is that I 
do not take their side in this war, though 
they have taken my side very hand- 
somely in my long conflict with Philis- 
tinism and barbarism. But if, as I have 
shown, the choice of sides does not now 
depend on national considerations, still 
less does it depend on personal ones. 
My present purpose is to show that the 
Irishmen who can see only Ireland and 
England, and see even them only as 
parties to a feud, can give no counsel 
worth attending to in this business. 

Ireland, without the least regard to its 
squabble with England, must group itself 
in a combination of which the real centre 
is Western republicanism and democratic 
internationalism. The present appeal 
against this combination to America 
would be stupid even if Ireland's interest 
and traditions were those of Frederick 
the Great. But, as Irish patriotism is 
by tradition republican, the appeal is 

quite beyond patience. The Irish patriot 
may demand in desperation whether he 
is to fight shoulder to shoulder with the 
English Unionists and Russian autocrats 
against the enemies of his "age-long 
oppressors"; but the reply is inexorably 
Yes. Adversity makes us acquainted 
with strange bedfellows. The Czar, 
when this war came upon him, must 
have exclaimed to M. Sazonoff, " Good 
Heavens! do you mean to tell me that I, 
an absolute Emperor and a Romanoff, 
am to fight against my imperial cousins 
the Hapsburgs and Hohenzollerns, who 
stand with me as the representatives of 
the principle of monarchy in Europe, on 
the side of this rabble of French and 
Irish republicans, this gang of Serbian 
regicides, this brace of Kings who are 
so completely in the hands of Parlia- 
ments of middle-class lawyers that their 
own subjects call them india rubber 
stamps! " If the Czar has to swallow 
that, even an Irish patriot must not be 
surprised at not having it all his own 
way. He must therefore console him- 
self by considering that, in the words of 
a deservedly celebrated Irish dramatic 

Fate drives us all to find our chiefest good 
In what we can, and not in what we would. 

The German Case Against Germany 

By George Bernard Shaw 

(Copyright, 1916, by George Bernard Shaw.) 

IT is often rashly assumed that the 
Germans in America are not only 
Germans but pro-Germans. Now it 
would be much safer to assume 
that if they were pro-Germans they 
would not be in America but in their 
Fatherland. It is only the Irishman 
whose enthusiasm for his birthplace in- 
creases as the square of his distance from 
it. Germany is a very accessible coun- 
try, and there is nothing to prevent a 
man who likes it and can speak the lan- 
guage from transferring himself from 
America to Germany. If, under these 
circumstances, he chooses to remain in 

America it is reasonable to conclude that 
he prefers American institutions, and 
will take the republican side against the 
imperial side when the two come into 

But war has the effect of throwing 
men back into their primitive phases, 
and the reasoner who in peace may pre- 
fer the President to the Kaiser, may in 
war time find himself exulting in a vic- 
torious charge of the Prussian Guard 
upon the republican troops of France. 
Even as a reasoner he may think the 
Prussian system, though irksome to him 
personally, a capital thing for other peo- 

222 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

pie. Or he may think that, good or bad, 
it is going to win. Or he may think 
that, bad as it is, it is better .than the 
Russian system. Or he may think that 
the English do not deserve to win, be- 
cause they are Philistines and jobbers 
and muddlers, while the Germans stand 
for ideas and for order. Or he may 
think that practically good local govern- 
ment is more important than theoretical- 
ly good central government, and may 
therefore support the Germans on the 
ground that their local government is 
superior to anything of the kind in Eng- 
land or the United States. Or he may 
be exasperated by British command of 
the sea, with its glorious unconscious- 
ness that any right-minded American 
shipowner or skipper could possibly ob- 
ject to be held up and mulcted in harbor 
dues when he is going peacefully about 
his legitimate affairs. There are, in 
short, dozens of considerations which 
may induce a German immigrant to over- 
come his dislike of Germany and become 
a pro-German. 

I therefore venture to state the case 
against Germany as it might appeal to 
a German escaped from Germany, and 
even to a German still in the bondage of 
the Prussian system. I am fortunate 
enough to be able to do so without hav- 
ing to disclaim the electioneering and 
recruiting case put forward by the Brit- 
ish Government, having made the Kaiser 
a handsome present of it before the war 
was four months old. I was very vio- 
lently abused for doing so; but those 
who abused me have since gone to such 
frantic lengths in denouncing the con- 
duct of the war that my little criticisms 
and candors now read more like an apol- 
ogy for the British Cabinet and the Brit- 
ish General Staff than an attack on 

We hear no more about the sacredness 
of treaties; the cathedral of Rheims is 
not spoken of since we came within an 
ace of bombarding the Acropolis to force 
Greece to relax her neutrality; we made 
it as clear that we would, if necessary, 
batter our way into Saloniki as the Ger- 
mans did that they would batter their 
way to Antwerp; we were glad that the 
Greeks had learned the lesson of German 

frightfulness too well to dare more than 
a formal protest; we have denounced 
American neutrality and Bulgarian in- 
tervention in the same breath; we have 
republished with loud boastings and " I 
told you sos " our own propaganda of 
war against Germany after exhausting 
every vituperative epithet at my ex- 
pense because I ventured to say that as 
far as shaking the mailed fist went it 
was a case of six of one and half a dozen 
of the other; we have superseded the 
commanding officers who were the 
Caesars and Napoleons of the beginning 
of the war, and broken up the Govern- 
ment which we were all to support as a 
united nation until the hour of victory; 
we have declared and proved that we 
were prepared to the last rope in the 
navy and the last button on the tunics 
of our promised expeditionary force for 
the fight which we swore had taken us 
utterly by surprise in a pastoral dream 
of peace; in short, there is not a rag 
left of the official case whose collapse 
I foresaw and whose exposure I antic- 
ipated, while the real case against Ger- 
many stands exactly as I stated it, and 
is now the only case that any one dares 
to plead on the side of the Allies. 

It seems, then, that our striking of 
moral attitudes was a mistake, and that 
in ' unceremoniously upsetting the at- 
titudinizers I was performing a public 
service, easy enough to any one with 
some foresight, some self-possession, 
some student's knowledge of war, and 
some understanding of human nature. I 
neither expected nor received any grati- 
tude from those I upset; but the outcry 
of pro-German raised against me at least 
enables me to address myself to the Ger- 
mans without being suspected of classing 
them as genetically inferior to the Eng- 
lish, the French, the Italians, and the 

Like all who have seen Germany with 
their own eyes, who are deeply interested 
in science and art, and who are con- 
stitutionally impatient of anarchy, mud- 
dle, and disorder, I rate German civil- 
ization far above British civiliza- 
tion at many points; and I quite un- 
derstand why many Englishmen who 
know Germany, and whose social opin- 


Scene of Fighting Southeast of Verdun, Where the Hills Rise From 
the Beautiful Woevre Countryside 

(Photo Underwood d Underwood) 


The Wounded Man Has Been Carried Through a Long Tunnel From 
the Firing Line to This First-Aid Shelter 

(From a French Official Photograph) 



ions are echt Junker opinions, hail this 
war as a means of forcing England to 
adopt the Prussian system, which they 
worship as no German, with his prac- 
tical experience of it, can worship it. 
Such enthusiasms are not expressed in 
the newspapers, and do not prevent those 
who hold them from taking the most 
energetic part in the war; but they are 
quite freely expressed in private discus- 
sions of political ideals. Their exponents 
are under no illusion as to this being a 
war of Virtue against Villainy; they 
know it to be a case of diamond cut dia- 
mand, and their only fear is that the 
Prussian diamond may prove the harder. 
And I do not know a single person, and 
indeed doubt whether there exists west 
of the Carpathians a single native 
person who believes that the over- 
throw of German civilization by Rus- 
sian or Turkish Serbian civilization 
would be a step forward in social 

What, then, is the case against Ger- 
many ? 

It is, briefly, that all its organization, 
all its education, all its respect for ideas, 
all its carefully nourished culture, have 
somehow failed to secure for it either a 
government fit to be trusted with the 
tremendous mechanical power its or- 
ganization has produced, or even a mili- 
tary and naval staff either representative 
of high German civilization or capable of 
effectively controlling its own officers. 

What is the explanation of this and 
of other similar German paradoxes? I 
have admitted that German local govern- 
ment is very superior to English local 
government. Its organization, its fore- 
sight, its public spirit, all due to its skill- 
ful combination of educated well-to-do 
municipal statesmanship with the primi- 
tive criticism of the poorer common 
vestryman, who knows where the shoe 
pinches, put us to shame. But the infant 
mortality of Germany is higher than that 
of England. That is the damning answer 
to the claims of the German professors 
for the superiority of German kultur. 
And it is so in other departments. The 
German system of training and selecting 
men seems, far more thorough than ours; 
but the result is not convincing; the men 

who secure the commanding posts are not 
those born to command. 

The truth is that a corrupt Govern- 
ment in control of a highly organized 
system is much more dangerous than a 
corrupt government muddling along with 
hardly any system. Now the German 
Government is frankly and hopelessly 
corrupt because it puts the power and 
reputation of a family, and of the class 
of which that family is the head, before 
every other consideration. It desires the 
good of the people provided that the good 
be wrought by the Hohenzollerns, and in- 
cludes maintenance of the Hohenzollerns 
on the throne as the supreme good. It 
desires the efficiency of the army pro- 
vided that the army be officered by the 
Junker class, and is primarily efficient 
as a servile retinue for that class. But 
the points reserved defeat the end to 
be gained. You may have the best or- 
ganized and equipped, the cheapest, and 
the most numerous universities in the 
world; but if a professor of history can 
be ordered, on pain of dismissal, to write 
a treatise proving that it was the 
Kaiser's grandfather and not Bismarck 
who achieved the unity of Germany and 
outwitted and defeated Denmark, Aus- 
tria, and France, the students of that 
university will not be instructed; they 
will be infatuated. 

If the University of Berlin appoints 
the ablest mathematician it can find to 
its chair of mathematics, and the Kaiser 
drives him out because he is also a Social- 
Democrat, which means no more in Ger- 
many than that he holds opinions which 
are a matter of course to every American, 
not only the mathematical school of Ber- 
lin University, but every other school in 
it, will become second rate, owing to the 
impossibility of finding eminence in the 
liberal arts combined in the same person 
with idolatry of crowns and uniforms. If 
promotion is denied in the army to the 
officer who at the annual manoeuvres 
either actually defeats the forces of the 
Kaiser or Crown Prince, or expresses the 
professional opinion that their tactics 
would in real warfare have involved the 
annihilation of an army corps, then there 
will be no Napoleons or Lees in high 
command when real war breaks out. If 

224 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

officers are not only allowed to strike 
their men, but when a terrified young 
soldier attempts to escape by flight on 
discovering that he has accidentally omit- 
ted a salute may actually murder him on 
the spot without any heavier penalty than 
a few months quite agreeable confine- 
ment in a fortress, with the prospect of 
receiving complimentary messages and 
a shortening of the sentence from the 
Kaiser, it is impossible that even the 
company officers should not be demor- 
alized. If dueling, not of the harmless 
French sort, but often of the most mur- 
derous, is practically forced on officers 
and on men of their rank by the court, 
and by a social boycott in which the 
women of the family are compelled to 
take part either as the victims or the exe- 
cutioners, no routine of schooling or CH- 
dowment of art can possibly produce a 
real modern culture comparable to that 
of England or America. 

Now, to the American, to the Brit- 
isher, to the Irishman, to the French 
Republican, all this is not merely bar- 
barism; it is paranoiac insanity. It has 
developed not from the needs of human 
society, but from the fact that at a 
certain stage of social integration the 
institution of standing armies gave mon- 
archs the power to play at soldiers with 
living men instead of leaden figures, and 
that a craze for such play was a symp- 
tom of the mental unsoundness of Peter 
the Great and Frederick the Great's 
father. It is merely the comparatively 
presentable end of a neurosis which 
cannot even be mentioned at the un- 
presentable end. When you reach the 
point at which an omission to salute an 
officer is treated as an offense which all 
but justifies murder, while at the same 
time practices which in republican and 
democratic countries are regarded as too 
evil to discuss are officially tolerated and 
even encouraged, your culture has evi- 
dently taken a wrong turning, and must 
be headed back into the main human 
road with such violence as may be 

Now, nobody who is arguing the 
matter with intellectual conscientious- 
ness and competent knowledge will pre- 
tend that these political and moral per- 

versities are any more acceptable to a 
normal German than to a normal Eng- 
lishman or American. Nor will he deny 
that they are as rampant in England 
and France as the more democratic con- 
stitutions and consciences of those coun- 
tries allow them to be. But that is 
just the difference. Both England and 
France, like the United States, have paid 
the price of a revolution to get rid of 
the Roi Soleil system, or at least to bring 
the artificial sun god so completely under 
parliamentary control that English Mr. 
Asquith is unable to conceive how im- 
potent the Reichstag is, and in the House 
of Commons speaks of Herr von Beth- 
mann Hollweg addressing " his fellow- 
Deputies," as if the German Chancellor 
were an elected person. The Germans 
offered this price in 1848, but did not 
carry the transaction through; and the 
constitutional position of the Kaiser is 
accordingly nearer to that of Louis XIV. 
and Charles I. (or even Richard III.) 
than of George V. or President Poincare. 
Why do the Germans stand it? Cer- 
tainly not out of love for Prussia and 
the Hohenzollerns; Prussia and its royal 
family are no more sentimentally pop- 
ular in the other kingdoms of the Ger- 
man Empire than Dublin Castle is in 
the County Cork. Yet German unity is 
unassailable: the English publicists who 
think that the cohesion of the German 
kingdoms is as feeble as it was when 
Thackeray ridiculed the Court of Pum- 
pernickel, and that the revived Holy 
Roman Empire will fall to pieces at the 
dictation of the Allies, are mistaken. 
The German support of Prussia is a 
recent support based on the practical 
experience of the individual German that 
under Prussian leadership the Germans, 
once the butts of Europe, have become 
the most feared and respected people in 
the world; that German commerce has 
made strides that have left even England 
gasping; and that wherever the German 
goes he finds employment more easily 
than the native because it is assumed 
that he is a more competent man. Above 
all, he believes in Prussian military 
efficiency as the centre and model of all 
the rest; so that not even the German 
Social-Democrats have ever opposed com- 



puisory military service, though every 
year in the Reichstag they have had to 
expose a sickening list of abuses of 
military discipline. 

Now, I submit to the Germans that 
this war has proved that the Prussian 
system and the Hohenzollern idolatry 
do not make for either military ef- 
ficiency or the diplomatic efficiency with- 
out which the control of a big military 
machine is as dangerous as a loaded 
pistol in the hands of a child or a fool. 
Let me illustrate my position by a few 
examples : 

Take the case of the idiot who sank the 
Lusitania. His exploit would have paid 
the Allies very handsomely if they had 
bribed him with $20,000,000 to do what 
he did gratuitously out of sheer folly. 
Indeed, had the Germans disclaimed the 
deed and maintained that the torpedo 
was a British one, launched by Mr. 
Churchill's order for the sake of preju- 
dicing the cause of Germany with the 
United States, it would have been hard 
to discredit so plausible a story. But it is 
the weakness of class despotism that its 
credit and its strategy are at the mercy 
of the most foolish of its recognized 
members and agents, because it must 
never admit that it is fallible at any 
point. Whatever avalanche of objurga- 
tion poor Admiral von Tirpitz may have 
hurled down on the submarine commander 
in private, to have disowned him in pub- 
lic, or even have withheld from him the 
rewards of conspicuous service, would not 
only have implied that the wonderful 
Prussian machine is not really control- 
lable, but that a Prussian commander can 
be a blunderer of the first stupidity. It 
is no use for the Hohenzollern to be in- 
fallible if he cannot convey his infallibil- 
ity, as it were, by laying on of hands 
to all his delegates. Once admit that a 
Prussian officer can err and he drops at 
once to the prosaic level of- General 
Joffre, the son of a cooper, and General 
Robertson, promoted from the ranks. The 
bigger his blunder the more necessary to 
proclaim it a masterstroke. And as the 
silliest Junker officer has brains enough 
to discover that, no matter what he does, 
he will be backed up, provided it is too 
sensational to be concealed, he does sen- 

sational things, which, even if success- 
ful, would gain from General Joffre the 
order of the boot. 

Take again the monstrous diplomatic 
blunder which has put Germany so hope- 
lessly in the wrong and hemmed her in 
with formidable enemies on every side. 
In 1870, when the European atmosphere 
was still overwhelmingly Liberal, and 
Barbarossa and Frederick the Great and 
the Holy Roman Empire were romantic 
dreams of the past even to the King of 
Prussia, Bismarck not only conquered 
France, but contrived to do it in so cor- 
rect a fashion that it was quite impos- 
sible for England or any other power 
to come to the rescue of France without 
gross indecency. People say now that 
we should have thrown in our lot with 
France in 1870, but how could we ? 
France had wantonly broken the peace 
of Europe by suddenly raising the frantic 
cry of " a Berlin," and attacking her 
neighbor without a pretense of having 
any ends to serve but those of the Bona- 
parte dynasty. Germany was victorious 
and had the sympathy of the world as 
well; and Bismarck said that the Ger- 
man Lieutenant was the wonder of the 
world. It was on the strength of that 
victory and sympathy that the present 
Kaiser, having got rid of Bismarck, sub- 
stituted for his shrewd realism the 
idolatrous romance of Hohenzollernism, 
with the result that the wonderful Ger- 
man Lieutenant began to figure at 
Zabern and elsewhere as a very common 
sort of blackguard; and in spite of the 
warnings of Bernhardi, the Kaiser landed 
the Central Empires in a ruinous war by 
repeating, not the success of Bismarck, 
but the blunder of Napoleon. 

He could, as events have since proved, 
have beaten Russia in a square fight with 
her if he had waited for her attack; and 
if France had then struck him in the 
back an outrage to which it would have 
been hard to reconcile French public opin- 
ion at least England, America, and Italy 
must have remained neutral and sym- 
pathetic. At worst he would have had to 
fight two first-rate powers, yet he con- 
trived not only to bring four into the 
field against him but played his hand 
with America, which contained some 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

trumps which I must not point out to 
him, in an insane fashion, which not only 
makes it impossible for the United States 
to take his part but may yet lead to their 
joining the Allies, in spite of the in- 
grained British junkerism of Sir Edward 
Grey, who should long ago have offered 
President Wilson guarantees against the 
danger that is most likely to make Amer- 
ica hesitate. 

Now all this blundering is not military 
efficiency, but quite the opposite. The 
Prussian Junkers, like all stupid people 
who are not rich, are very industrious, 
very exact, very determined to do their 
best; and when they come in conflict with 
British Junker stupidity, which, being 
much too rich, has neither industry nor 
method, they shine as organizers. But 
what is the use of that without republican 
common sense behind it ? It was perfect- 
ly correct to shoot Miss Cavell; she had 
committed what is by military law a 
capital offense, and a flagrant instance 
of it at that; and she seems to have had 
her case carefully tried and her complic- 
ity proved. But would any commandant 
with the brains of a rabbit have outraged 
neutral popular sentiment by having her 
shot, instead of locking her up until the 
end of the war, after passing a formal 
sentence of imprisonment for life? 

Take the whole case of Belgium. Every 
one who knows anything of war admits 
that when a country is invaded, and an 
army finds itself amid a people to whom 
the killing of an invader is not only no 
crime but an act of patriotism, nothing 
but a reign of terror can protect it. It 
has always been so : Roberts in Afghanis- 
tan and South Africa was no more able 
to avoid it than the conquerors of Lou- 
vain. But would any commanders re- 
sponsible to democracy, or any General 
Staff not so intoxicated with idolatry as 
to imagine that Western public opinion 
could be imposed on by the rhodomontade 
of Timour the Tartar, have advertised 
this horrible necessity as the Prussian 
officers did? Were the pompous noodles 
whose proclamations that men who re- 
fused to touch their hats to German sub- 
alterns must be treated as mad dogs are 
treated in any sense efficient ? Really ef- 
ficient officers might have burned Brus- 

sels and Antwerp to the ground and 
killed every soul in them with less oblo- 
quy than these Junker officers incurred 
for Germany by burning a few streets in 

There are places in Flanders of which 
not one stone has been left on another; 
but nobody has beep made indignant 
about it. I raise no question of morality; 
war suspends morality except as a 
political element that must be consid- 
ered when the belligerents are surround- 
ed by a precarious neutrality that may 
at any moment become an active hostil- 
ity. But efficiency, which is the supreme 
military consideration, includes a very 
vigilant and direct regard for the factor 
of morality, and a careful study of the 
narrow limits within which reprisals do 
less harm than good. And it seems to me 
a mere flying in the face of notorious 
facts to maintain that Hohenzollernism 
has produced this vital kind of efficiency 
in a greater degree than the French 
republican system. 

Prussian efficiency is the efficiency of 
organized mechanical destructiveness, of 
big battalions and recklessness of their 
lives, of high explosives and recklessness 
of their effects, of blind duty and un- 
reasoning idolatry of King and country, 
and of the industry that leaves men too 
tired to think and too confident of 
having earned gratitude to notice that 
they may not have deserved it. But 
you have no lack of this sort of efficiency 
in the French Army; and you will have 
no lack of it in the American Army 
when America has an army without sac- 
rificing the more vital sort to it. In 
fact, you will have more of it than the 
Prussians have; for the more democratic 
your army is the more ruthlessly are 
officers "turned down" for inefficiency. 
If the Crown Prince were simply a 
French or American citizen soldier, he 
would have incentives to efficiency that 
do not exist for him at present. 

I must not labor the point further. I 
submit that there is no case for the 
alleged superlative military efficiency of 
the Prussian system, and a very strong 
one against it. I submit that it is neces- 
sarily an anti-German system because it 
is an anti-human system. I submit that, 



while the pretensions of German culture 
and civilization are respectable and to a 
great extent sound, the pretensions of 
the Hohenzollern family and of the 
Junker caste are humbug, and that by 
putting the humbug before the civiliza- 
tion the civilization has been im- 
periled and must finally become itself 
a humbug. 

I am perfectly aware that monarchical 
principles are more completely realized 
by the Government of Germany than re- 
publican principles are by the Govern- 
ments of France and America, and that 
the Kaiser might with some justification 
ask me whether I believe that there is 
really more humbug about his divine 
right than about political liberty, equal- 
ity, and fraternity as they are now prac- 
ticed. I can reply only that it is possible 
to make France, America, and even Eng- 
land, into real republics, but that it is 
eternally impossible to make every male 
Hohenzollern in the direct line a god, or 
even to guarantee that he would be 

capable of rising above the rank of a 
private or managing a whelk stall suc- 
cessfully if he were plain Pitou or Jack 
or Jonathan. 

When the republics of the earth rise 
up and their Presidents take counsel to- 
gether the Kings will have to go; that 
much would be plain even if the question 
were only one of common humanity, for 
I know nothing, short of Chinese monster- 
making, so cruel as bringing up a child 
to be a King. And I conclude that as the 
Germans of America must agree with me 
or they would not be in America, they 
are, by just so much as they are cleverer 
than a mere benighted American or 
Britisher, more eager than we are to see 
the downfall of what we loosely call Prus- 
sian militarism, though it is really only 
a lazy, romantic, and rather sheepish 
idolatry of a not very strong-headed 
family who would never dream of being 
better than their neighbors if they had 
not been perversely brought up to that 
sort of somnambulism. 

From a Waiting Ambulance 


We saw three guns, one day, 'twixt ditch and field 

Do you remember? 

Gray-throated hounds, leashed to the will of man, 

Borrowed from hell that they might bark at hell. 

Far off, 

There was a sly, curved water-line that gleamed 

Between dull banks of sodden earth, 

As the drawn crescent of a watching eye might gleam 

Between dropped lids. 

Gray-throated hounds, too strained to pant, that knew 

They must not quiver 

And must not run and snatch or miss their prey, 

Each emptied body leaped as each lean flank 

In turn 

Flung out its loud, bright, heart straight, terrible 

And lightning-swift to burst and kill. 

One flame, one roar and silence! Many miles away, 

A little smoke! 

Our own breasts, too, held no more hearts, but just 

An empty knocking. * * * 

" A foe or two the less more blind, raw souls 

Hurled back, face downward, to the God of Truth ! " 

And then, 

Because our thoughts were such as mock at words, 

We watched a pen-stroke on the sky 

A man-made bird, tense-winged, above the Templar's Tower 

Of Nieuport Ville! 

The German Chancellor's Address 

Germany's Position Stated 

WEG, German Imperial Chan- 
cellor, addressed the Reichstag 
on April 5 in the longest speech 
that he has delivered since the war be- 
gan. He began with a review of military 
events, denied that the strength of the 
Central Powers was becoming exhausted 
and declared that the attempt to starve 
Germany was a failure. Passing to the 
subject of British interference with neu- 
tral trade, he continued: 

"The American note of Nov. 5, 1915, 
gave an exact description of British vio- 
lations of the nations' laws, but as far 
as I know it has not been answered up 
to this day. 

" No fair-minded neutral, no matter 
whether he favors us or not, can doubt 
our right to defend ourselves against 
this war of starvation, which is contrary 
to international law. No one can ask us 
to permit our arms of defense to be 
wrested from our hands. We use them, 
and must use them. We respect legiti- 
mate rights of neutral trade and com- 
merce, but we have a right to expect that 
this will be appreciated, and that our 
right and our duty be recognized to use 
all means against this policy of starva- 
tion, which is a jeering insult not only to 
all laws of nations, but also to the plain- 
est duties of humanity." 

Amid profound silence the Chancellor 
turned to the Polish problem and to that 
of nationalities in general, saying: 

" Neither Germany nor Austria-Hun- 
gary intended to touch the Polish ques- 
tion, but the fate of battles brought them 
in contact with it. Now this problem 
stands before the world and needs to be 
solved. Germany and Austria-Hungary 
must and will solve it. History will not 
admit that after such earthquakes things 
will ever become what they were before. 

" After the war there must be a new 

" Formerly Poland was left in the 
hands of the tchinovnik, [Russian police 

agent.] Even members of the Russian 
Duma have frankly admitted that he 
ought not to return to the place where 
Germans, Austrians, and Poles have hon- 
estly labored in the interests of this un- 
fortunate land. 

" Mr. Asquith also mentions the prin- 
ciple of nationality. If he puts himself 
in the position of this unconquered and 
unconquerable adversary, can he really 
suppose that Germany will ever of her 
own free will, deliver into the hands of 
reactionary Russia the nations between 
the Baltic and the Volhynian swamps 
who have been freed by her and by her 
allies no matter whether they are 
Poles or Lithuanians or Livonians of the 

Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg protested 
against the report that Germany now or 
in the future contemplated aggression 
against the United States. 

" The latest offspring of the calumni- 
ating campaign directed against us," he 
said, " is a report that after the end 
of this war we shall rush against the 
American Continent and that we shall 
attempt to conquer Canada. 

" This is the silliest of all the imputa- 
tions invented against us. Equally silly 
are the reports that we contemplate the 
acquisition of any territory on American 
soil, as in Brazil, or in any American 
country whatsoever. 

" We fight for our existence and for 
our future. For Germany, and not for 
space in a foreign country, are Ger- 
many's sons bleeding and dying on the 
battlefield. Every one among us knows 
this, and it makes our hearts and nerves 
so strong. This moral force strengthens 
our will in order not only to weather 
the storm but also to achieve final 
victory. * * * 

" Let us suppose I suggest to Mr. 
Asquith to sit down with me at a table 
and examine the possibilities of peace, 
and Mr. Asquith begins with a claim of 
definitive and complete destruction ot 



Prussia's military power. The conversa- 
tion would be ended before it began. To 
these peace conditions only one answer 
would be left, and this answer our sword 
must give. 

" If our adversaries want to continue 
the slaughter of human beings and the 
devastation of Europe, theirs will be the 
guilt, and we shall have to stand it as 

The Chancellor introduced a. personal 
touch in the following passage: 

"When I was last at headquarters I 
stood with the Emperor at a place to 
which I had accompanied him one year 
previously. The Emperor remembered 
this, and, deeply moved, pointed out the 
enormous changes that had taken place 
since that time. Then the Russians were 
on the ridge of the Carpathians. At 
Gorlice we had just begun to break 
through the enemy's lines, and Hinden- 
burg's powerful offensive had just been 
started. Now we are deep in Russia. 

" The British and French at that time 
had attacked Gallipoli, and were hoping 
to arouse the Balkans against us. Now 
the Bulgarians stand firmly on our side. 
Then we were engaged in the defensive 
Champagne battle, and now at the 
Emperor's word the cannon resound in 
the Verdun battle. Deep gratitude to 
God, to the army, and to the nation filled 
the Emperor's heart. 

" Our enemies wish to destroy united, 
free Germany," the Chancellor went on. 
" They desire that Germany shall be 
again as weak as during past centuries, 
a prey of all lusts of domination of her 
neighbors and the scapegoat of Europe, 
beaten back forever in the dominion of 
economic evolution, even after the war. 
That is what our enemies mean when 
they speak of definitive destruction of 
Prussia's military power. 

" And what is our intention? The 
sense and aim of this war is for us the 
creation of a Germany so firmly united, 
so strongly protected that no one ever 
will feel the temptation to annihilate us; 
that every one in the world will concede 
to us the right of free exercise of our 
peaceful endeavors. This Germany, and 
not the destruction of other races, is 
what we wish. Our aim is the lasting 

rescue of the European Continent, which 
is now shaken to its very foundation." 


Referring to the conditions which he 
wished to see prevail at the end of the 
war, the Chancellor said: 

" This new Europe in many respects 
cannot resemble the past. The blood 
which has been shed will never be repaid, 
and the "wealth which has been destroyed 
can only slowly be replaced. But, what- 
ever else this Europe may be, it must be 
for the nations that inhabit it a land of 
peaceful labor. The peace which shall 
end this war shall be a lasting peace. It 
must not bear the germ of new wars, 
but must provide for a peaceful arrange- 
ment of European questions." 

The Chancellor declared that England 
wished to see military operations ended, 
but hoped then to continue the com- 
mercial war with redoubled violence, 

" First the British endeavor to destroy 
our military and then our economic 
policy. Everywhere there is a brutal 
lust of destruction and of annihilation 
and domination, to cripple a nation of 
70,000,000 people." 

As to colonial questions, he quoted 
Bismarck to the effect that the fate of 
colonies was decided on the Continent. 
He asserted that Germany's enemies 
were now actively engaged in inventing 
new formulas in order to maintain the 
spell of illusion, hatred, and deception 
which bound them. 

" Of all the nations in the war," he con- 
tinued, " only Germany has been threat- 
ened by her enemies and by their re- 
sponsible spokesmen with annihilation, 
with partition of her realm, with destruc- 
tion of her essential political and eco- 
nomic forces, no matter whether they call 
them Prussianism, or militarism, or bar- 
barism. The forces which before the war 
bound together the anti-German coalition 
were lust of conquest, lust of revenge, 
and jealousy against German competition 
in the world's markets. During the war 
they have remained powerful with the 
Governments of our enemies in spite of 
all defeats. 

" This is still the object and aim of the 

230 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

war alike in St. Petersburg, (Petrograd,) 
Paris, and London. 

" To this we oppose that Germany in 
this war had only one aim, namely, to 
defend herself, to maintain her existence, 
to hold her enemies back from the Ger- 
man frontiers, and whenever their lust of 
destruction had shown itself to drive 
them back as quickly as possible. 

" We did not want this war. We felt 
no desire to change our frontiers when 
the war began against our will. We 
threatened no nation with annihilation of 
her existence or with destruction of her 
national life." 

The Chancellor pointed out the roots 
of Germany's present strength, saying: 

" And what gives us this force to con- 
quer and overcome the difficulties caused 
by the interruption of our overseas trade, 
and, on the front, numerically superior 
enemies? Who can readily believe that 
greed of land inspires our columns at 
Verdun and makes them accomplish every 
day new deeds of heroism? Or shall a 
nation which gave to the world so many 
valued intellectual and useful gifts, which 
during forty-four years loved peace more 
than all the others shall this nation 
overnight be transformed into barbarians 
and Huns? 

" No, gentlemen, these are the inven- 

tions of the evil conscience of those who 
are guilty of the war and are now fear- 
ing for their power and influence in their 
own countries." 

With respect to the intentions of Ger- 
many in the case of Belgium the speaker 

" We must create real guarantees that 
Belgium never shall be a Franco-British 
vassal; never shall be used as a military 
or economic fortification against Ger- 
many. Also in this respect things can- 
not be what they were before. Also here 
Germany cannot sacrifice the oppressed 
Flemish race, but must assure them 
sound evolution which corresponds to 
their rich natural gifts, which is based 
on their mother tongue and follows their 
national character. 

" We want neighbors that do not form 
coalitions against us, but with whom we 
collaborate and who collaborate with us 
to our mutual advantage. Remembrance 
of the war will still echo in the sadly 
tried Belgian country, but we shall never 
allow that this will be a new source of 
wars shall not allow it in our mutual 
interests. * * * 

" The spirit of union shall lead us, as 
it shall lead our children and grandchil- 
dren, through the struggles of their 
fathers, toward a future of strength and 

The British Premier's Reply 

MR. ASQUITH, the British Premier, 
made a direct reply to the Ger- 
man Chancellor's address. The 
occasion was a Government reception 
given on April 10 to visiting French Sen- 
ators and Deputies in London, and the 
Premier's speech was, in part, as follows: 

" What the Chancellor means by his 
readiness to enter negotiations is that 
the initiation should come from us and 
the decision rest with him. We must as- 
sume the attitude of the defeated to a 
victorious adversary. But we are not 
defeated, and we are not going to be 
defeated, and the Allies are solemnly 
bound not to seek or accept a separate 

" The terms upon which we are pre- 

pared to conclude peace are the accom- 
plishment of the purposes for which we 
took up our arms namely, to prevent 
Germany from establishing a military 
menace and domination over her neigh- 
bors, as her invasion of Belgium proves 
that she intended at whatever cost." 

Reiterating that the Allies were pre- 
pared for peace only on the terms of his 
declaration of November, 1914, Mr. As- 
quith proceeded: 

" The Chancellor first misquotes my 
language, then proceeds tb distort its ob- 
vious meaning and intention. Great Brit- 
ain and France entered the war not to 
strangle Germany or wipe her off the 
map of Europe, not to destroy or mutilate 
her national life, certainly not to inter- 



fere with to use the Chancellor's lan- 
guage the free exericse of her peaceful 

"As a result Of the war, we intend to 
establish the principle that international 
problems must be handled by free nego- 
tiation on equal terms between free peo- 
ples and that this settlement shall no 
longer be hampered or swayed by the 
overmastering dictation of a Government 
controlled by a military caste. That is 
what I mean by the destruction of the 
military domination of Prussia noth- 
ing more, but nothing less. 

" We are in this struggle the cham- 
pions not only of treaty rights, but of 
the independent status and free develop- 
ment of weaker countries. In the cir- 
cumstances cynicism could hardly go fur- 
ther than in the Chancellor's claim that 
it is for Germany of all powers to in- 
sist, when peace comes, upon ' giving 
various races a chance of free evolution 
along the lines of their mother tongue 
and national individuality.' This princi- 
ple is to be applied, I suppose, on ap- 
proved Prussian lines, both to Poland 
and Belgium. 

" The attempt to Germanize Poland has 
been for the last twenty years at once 
the strenuous purpose and colossal fail- 
ure of Prussian domestic policy. Nobody 
knows this better than the Chancellor, 
for he has been one of its principal in- 

" The wholesale strikes of Polish chil- 
dren against the attempts to force the 
employment of the German language, 
the barbarous floggings inflicted upon 
them, the arrest and imprisonment of 
their mothers," continued the Premier, 
" form a black chapter even in the annals 
of Prussian Kultur. It is with this rec- 
ord that the Chancellor sheds tears over 
the fate of what he calls the long-sup- 
pressed Flemish race. I wonder what the 
Flemish race itself thinks of the pros- 
pect the Chancellor opens out to it. 

"The Chancellor says that after the 
war there must be a new Belgium, which 

must not be a Franco-English vassal, but 
between whose people and the Germans, 
who burned their churches, pillaged their 
towns, trampled their liberties, there is 
to be in the future ' the collaboration of 

" My answer is a very simple one. The 
Allies desire and are determined to see 
once again the old Belgium. She must 
not be allowed to suffer permanently 
from the wanton, wicked invasion of her 
freedom, and that which has been broken 
down must be repaired and restored." 

Declaring that he would not waste 
words upon the Imperial Chancellor's 
" lame and half-hearted attempt to jus- 
tify the wholesale use of the submarine 
for the destruction of lives and property," 
the Premier said: 

" The Allies are prepared to justify the 
legality of all the measures they have 
taken as covered by the principles and 
spirit of international law applied to the 
developments of modern war. These have 
been carried out with the strictest regard 
to humanity, and we are not awars of a 
single instance of a neutral life having 
been lost by reason of the Allies' block- 

Remarking that the German blockade 
of Great Britain had developed long be- 
fore the British Order in Council of 
March, 1915, as shown by the sinking of 
the Dutch steamer Maria and the Amer- 
ican sailing vessel W. P. Frye, and Ger- 
many's declaration of a submarine block- 
ade of the United Kingdom on Feb. 4, 
1915, Mr. Asquith said: 

"It was not until March 11 that we 
announced those measures against Ger- 
man trade which the Chancellor now sug- 
gests were the cause of the German sub- 
marine policy. I need not dwell upon the 
flagrant violation which has attended its 
execution, of the elementary rules and 
practices of international law, and of 
the common dictates and obligations of 
humanity. Up to this moment it is being 
ruthlessly carried out, as well against 
neutrals as belligerents." 

Germany's Peace Terms 

By Ernst Haeckel 

Professor Haeckel of the University of 
Jena, the noted scientist and author of 
" The Riddle of the Universe," has writ- 
ten a new book entitled " Eternity : 
World-War Thoughts," which is shortly 
to be published in an English translation 
made by Thomas Seltzer, and from which 
the following excerpts are taken. After 
speaking of the efforts of German leaders 
to establish peace relations with England 
in recent years, Professor Haeckel con- 
tinues : 

THIS had given rise to the hope, 
particularly within the last forty 
years, since the rebirth of the Ger- 
man Empire and the subduing of 
France, that the alliance of the two 
Germanistic sister nations would not 
only accrue to the mutual benefit and 
well-being of themselves, but would 
also be a guarantee of world peace, 
which is desired by all nations. Ger- 
many's army as the strongest power 
on land, England's navy as the strongest 
power on sea, could, when united, bring 
the gift of permanent peace and progress 
to the whole civilized world, especially 
since the United States of America, in 
which the English and German elements 
are to a large extent commingled, would 
have joined this great Eastern and West- 
ern alliance. 

This beautiful dream has now vanished, 
thanks to the deep-rooted, brutal national 
egoism of the English. And, unfortu- 
nately, there is no hope that it will be 
revived for a long time to come. For 
the consequences of this war, " the 
greatest crime in all history," recklessly 
brought upon the world by England, are 
so horrible, the wounds it is inflicting 
upon civilized humanity are so deep that 
a real reconciliation between Germany, 
who has been attacked, and her treach- 
erous, murderous English brother is not 
to be thought of for some time. At least 
the present generation of Continental 
Europe will not be able to extend the 
hand of reconciliation to England, the 

present generation that for the past 
eighteen months has been witnessing 
daily Great Britain's barbarous and in- 
famous methods of warfare the un- 
paralleled mass murder she has been 
practicing, the shameless mendacity and 
hypocrisy of English politics, her out- 
rageous treatment of prisoners and 
wounded. Before friendship between the 
two nations can be restored a new gener- 
ation must come which shall see the re- 
establishment of humane conduct and 
tolerance, the re-establishment of the 
rights of the individual and the rights 
of nations now being trampled upon by 
the Allies. * * * 

Few people doubt that at the conclu- 
sion of peace the map of Europe will un- 
dergo vast changes and that the political 
boundary lines will be considerably shift- 
ed. But how, where, and when peace will 
be concluded, how the prodigiously com- 
plicated political problems of this world- 
war will be solved no man can at present 
foretell. This much is certain, however: 
It is the almost universal desire of the 
German people, a desire, too, which has 
been repeatedly expressed in authorita- 
tive quarters of the Imperial Govern- 
ment, that, setting aside all false senti- 
mentality, we should, neverless, stead- 
fastly persevere until we have achieved 
an enduring success. The peace we hope 
for must be enduring and must rest upon 
such a basis as to take away forever 
from our jealous neighbors and malicious 
enemies the disposition to attack us. 

We cannot, of course, presume to lay 
down special terms of peace. But we 
may, as many have done before, outline 
in a general way the most important 
points to be considered when the time 
comes for making peace. We now hold 
firmly in our hands as valuable security 
considerable territory Belgium and the 
North of France in the west, Poland and 
the Baltic Provinces in the east. These 
rich countries were formerly German 
possessions. Antwerp must remain our 



stronghold on the North Sea and Riga on 
the Baltic Sea. The alliance we have suc- 
ceeded in making with the Orient is ex- 
tremely important for us at the present 
time, (Berlin, Constantinople, the Bag- 
dad Railway, and so on.) At all events, 
when the treaty of peace is concluded we 
must demand a considerable extension of 
the German Empire. 

In making this demand our motive is 
neither the greed nor the lust for gold 
that dominates England, who rules the 
world, nor the vain national pride of 
France, with its mania for glory; nor 
the childish megalomania of Rome-crazed 
Italy; nor the insatiable hankering for 
territorial expansion of semi-barbarous 
Russia. It is simply this, that the Ger- 
man Empire, being overpopulated, has 
urgent need to extend and strengthen its 
frontiers, which were most unfavorable 
for it before the war. It needs this, 
first, in order to secure itself against 
future attacks of our stronger neigh- 
bors; and, second, in order not to lose 
the large numbers of German citizens 
who emigrate yearly from the narrow 
confines of the Fatherland to serve as 
" cultural manure " for other countries. 
The new provinces which we are going 
to annex are energetic and reckless, but 
with cautious and intelligent treatment 
they can be Germanized, or at least 
be made accessible to German culture, 
education, and civilization. This im- 
portant task is not new for Germany. In 
former centuries it succeeded in accom- 
plishing it over a large extent of ter- 

This all-embracing world war has 
taught us many important lessons. One 
of them, which is of special importance, 
is the growing conviction that the Ger- 
man Empire as a world power needs ex- 
tensive colonies. Two hundred and fifty 
years ago the Great Elector was far- 
sighted enough to recognize this political 
necessity, and the great founder of the 
new German. Empire, Prince Bismarck, 
has translated it into action in our time, 
in face of persistent opposition from 
many short-sighted politicians. Of the 
various proposals recently made for the 
extension of the colonies which we have 
already acquired, the one that holds out 

the best promise is the foundation of a 
great German colonial empire in middle 
Africa. With the possession of Belgium 
and its excellent port of Antwerp we 
shall also acquire the Congo State, with 
its extensive area and wealth of re- 

In adding the Congo to our colonies 
in the eastern and western part of middle 
Africa, which as a result of the expendi- 
ture of tremendous efforts on our part 
have already reached a high degree of 
prosperity, we shall have a vast region, 
the exploitation of which by the energy, 
industry, knowledge, and intelligence of 
German colonists promises a most profit- 
able field for us for centuries to come. 
England must not be permitted to carry 
out her magnificent scheme to establish 
a worldwide empire on land as well 
as on sea by building direct lines of com- 
munication from the Cape to Cairo and 
from the Niger to Irawadi. Egypt, 
which England grabbed more than thirty 
years ago from the Turks, its rightful 
owners, must be returned to them. So 
also must the Suez Canal, which is to 
be placed under international administra- 
tion. Great Britain must be driven out 
of Africa altogether. Cape Colony and 
the glorious island of Ceylon must be 
given back to Holland, to whom they 
formerly belonged. 

It should be one of the important 
aims of the rejuvenated and enlarged 
German Empire to remain always on 
the best friendly footing with Holland, 
Switzerland, and Scandinavia, neutral 
countries well disposed to Germany. 
There is great hope that by the introduc- 
tion of German culture and education 
the Ottoman Empire will enter on an 
era of modern reform, especially since 
the .former religious fanaticism of the 
Turks has to a large extent disappeared 
in the better educated circles. Asia Minor, 
one of the most glorious countries of the 
world, which twenty-five hundred years 
ago enjoyed the highest Greek culture; 
the adjoining regions of the Euphrates, 
and Syria and Palestine can rise again 
to a high state of fruitful prosperity in 
regenerated Turkey, aided by the cultural 
work of Germany, and also Greece. 

The re-establishment of free naviga- 

234 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

tion on the ocean and of a secure legal 
status in the relations between the sea- 
faring nations must be regarded by us 
as one of the most important conditions 
of peace, in which all civilized nations 
of the world are equally interested. 
But this can be achieved only by de- 
stroying, or else rendering harmless, 
Great Britain's rule of the seas. Eng- 
land's maritime tyranny has indeed ex- 
isted for centuries. Disregarding the 
legitimate claims of other nations, Eng- 
land in her selfish greed and desire for 
domination has sought to weaken or 
destroy the sea power of all the nations 
that came in competition with her. She 
has unscrupulously attacked and de- 
stroyed the fleets of France and Spain, 
of Italy and Greece, Holland and Den- 
mark, of all the nations in whom she 
discerned dangerous competitors to her 
trade on the sea coasts of the whole 
world. In her powerful colonies, sur- 
passing all others in area and wealth, 
she has for years claimed unconditional 
rule over their shores and ports, islands 
and fortifications. 

Never has this been so directly and 
vividly illustrated as in the present world 
war. From the very beginning, England, 
through her maritime supremacy and the 
secure footing she had in all parts of the 
world, has isolated Germany and cut her 
off from all other countries by destroy- 
ing her cable communications. It is only 
in this way that we can explain the 
extraordinary effect of the huge cam- 
paign of lies, the success our enemies 
had in calumniating us and making us 
hated by the neutral nations. And yet 
Great Britain's maritime tyranny is just 
as much of a menace to these neutral 
nations as to us, and to France, Italy, 
and all the other allies of England as 
well. Under certain circumstances the 
British pirate state will deal with them 
as it has dealt with us. It will prohibit 
their competition in the world trade and 
make free navigation at sea impossible 
for them. But the wide sea area which 
covers nearly two-thirds of the surface 
of the earth must be the common pos- 
session of all humanity; it must never 
be allowed to become the private prop- 
erty of the seafaring nation. When the 

English Ministers in recent years pub- 
licly claimed this monopoly and at the 
same time proudly and confidently 
threatened that Great Britain would re- 
main forever the one absolute ruler of 
the seas, they only presented new evi- 
dence of the blindness of British megal- 

Considering the magnificent strides 
that the idea of evolution has made in 
the course of the last half century in 
all branches of human knowledge, we 
feel reasonably confident that it will also 
succeed in leading suffering mankind out 
of the chaos of the present insane world 
war up to a higher stage of civilization 
and happiness. 

We may confidently hope that the 
present world war, a much more 
stupendous revolution than the French 
Revolution, for all the violence it has 
brought to our conceptions of human 
love and national rights, will never- 
theless result in a new era of higher cul- 
tural progress. This progress will first 
manifest itself more in externals, in a 
grand shifting of international relations, 
both political and economical. But per- 
manently the inward reforms will be of 
greater importance. These will spring 
from an enlarged knowledge of interna- 
tional civilization and an understanding 
of the various national characters. Justi- 
fiable national egoisms combined with in- 
ternational altruism will learn more and 
more to follow the precepts of the Golden 
Rule. . 

While the external readjustment of 
Europe and the relations of Germany to 
the other States is still to a large extent 
hidden in the midst of the future, the 
most important aims of its inward re- 
forms can already be clearly discerned 
in the light of the future. Standing on 
the high watch tower of pure reason and 
surveying the world in general, I am 
moved to express the desire that the 
recognized principles of purified morality 
which civilized men have for a long time 
striven to follow in their narrow personal 
relations to each other should also become 
the norm within the State, guiding the 
conduct of the different social classes 
toward each other, and also the interna- 
tional relations between the different 



States. The most important of all these 
ethical principles is the old, old Golden 

In conclusion, the general question nat- 
urally arises, " What results will accrue 
to the whole civilized world from this un- 
paralleled conflict of the nations? What 
noble fruits will spring from the ghastly 
battlefields of Europe fertilized with the 
blood of millions of human beings? What 
permanent good will develop out of 
this titanic struggle for existence, in 
which the mightiest nations of civilization 
have been engaged for the last eighteen 
months in an attempt to annihilate each 

other? " Our answer to this great ques- 
tion is neither so pessimistic that we fear 
the extinction of our hardly acquired 
civilization, nor is it so optimistic that we 
look forward to an approaching golden 
era of sheer happiness and peace. Pro- 
ceeding from the realistic point of view 
of our monistic natural philosophy, we 
recognize in the present world catas- 
trophe rather one of those turning points 
in the history of mankind at which, 
under the combined weight of prodigious 
progress and incisive chance, there will 
arise out of the ruins of the " good old 
times " new forms of national life. 

Royal Toasts at Schonbrunn 

The toasts printed below were given by the rulers of Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria on 
the occasion of their meeting in the Schonbrunn Palace, in the outskirts of Vienna, on Feb. 14. 


IT is with genuine joy that I heartily 
welcome your Majesty as a friend 
and true ally. My peoples jo'in me in 
greeting in your Majesty the victori- 
ous supreme fighting commander of the 
heroic Bulgarian Army and the illustri- 
ous bearer of the friendship sealed with 
blood spilled in common, which binds our 
empires all the closer together, because 
it is based not merely upon a community 
of interests, but also upon a mutual 
trust and feeling of sympathy and ap- 
preciation. May the blessing of the Al- 
mighty continue to rest on our banners 
and may the beautiful land, which honors 
your Majesty as its wise ruler, receive 
a powerful uplift from the mighty 
struggles of these days and march on 
.toward a happy future, permanent and 
secure. Filled with this hope, I raise my 
glass to your Majesty's health. Long 
live his Majesty, the King of Bulgaria! 


Your Majesty, in a most affecting 
manner, has been pleased to welcome 
me to dear Vienna, and this fills my 
heart with genuine joy. My visit today 
to Schonbrunn is the more pleasing to 
me as it affords me an opportunity per- 
sonally to express my thanks to your 

Majesty for conferring upon me the 
rank of an Imperial and Royal Field 
Marshal. This distinction honors and 
delights me in the highest degree as 
Commander in Chief of the army defend- 
ing Bulgaria, and I shall look upon it as 
a precious token of fatherly kindness, as 
an expression of the sentiment of loyal 
allies, and as a recognition of the superb 
victories won together on the battlefield. 
I am proud and happy to be enabled by 
this new military order of the highest 
rank to enter into still closer relations 
with your Majesty's army, which is so 
dear to me, and with which I have 
always felt myself most intimately 
united. May the blessing of the Al- 
mighty rest on the Austro-Hungarian 
flag and on the flags of our allies in 
these serious times, when we are fighting 
a hydra-headed enemy for our existence 
and for the freedom of the world, until 
the attainment of a lasting and honor- 
able peace, which shall recompense us 
for our enormous sacrifices and shall 
lead us all toward a happy and prosper- 
ous future. With a thankful heart I 
raise my glass and drink to the precious 
health of your Majesty, my illustrious 
ally and paternal friend. Long live 
your Imperial and Royal Apostolic Maj- 
esty, Emperor Franz Josef I.! 

German Submarine Issue 

America's Lusitania Problem Complicated by the Sussex and 

Other Disasters 

SINCE the original Lusitania nego- 
tiations between the United States 
and Germany were interrupted in 
February the issue has gone 
through several phases, each more acute 
than its predecessor. The first check to 
the negotiations came with the announce- 
ment of the Teutonic powers that after 
March 1 they would sink armed merchant 
ships of enemy nations without warning, 
no matter who was on board. The United 
States Government justly regarded this 
as an invalidation of German pledges al- 
ready given. 

After a pause in the early weeks of 
March the German submarine campaign 
against both neutral and enemy merchant 
ships became more violent than ever. 
Vessels were sunk without regard to 
whether they were armed or not, and 
often without warning. The resignation 
of Grand Admiral von Tirpitz brought no 
change in this respect. The policy of 
sinking all vessels trading with England 
found strong support in the Reichstag. 

This new phase of the war brought our 
relations with Germany to a critical 
stage, which suddenly became more grave 
through the destruction of the French 
passenger steamer Sussex in the English 
Channel on March 24, with the loss of 
nearly fifty lives. The vessel was un- 
armed and received absolutely no warn- 
ing. The whole forward end was blown 
off by a terrible explosion, which .killed 
and injured many passengers and mem- 
bers of the crew; the after part of the 
vessel continued to float, thus saving 
hundreds of lives by a chance with which 
the attacking party had nothing to do. 
There were twenty-five Americans on 
board. Professor Mark Baldwin of Bal- 
timore, whose daughter was injured, ca- 
bled to President Wilson: 

" A woman traveling where her right 
was, carrying an American passport, 
stricken on the Sussex, hovering between 

life and death, demands that reparation 
for assault upon American life and lib- 
erty be exacted." 

Immediately upon learning of the Sus- 
sex disaster President Wilson and his 
Cabinet seriously considered the question 
as to whether the time had not come to 
compel an understanding or a break in 
our diplomatic relations with Germany. 
It was decided to broaden the issue to 
include other merchant vessels recently 
sunk without warning, and to base any 
action upon the nature of the German 
Government's answer. Secretary Lan- 
sing cabled to Ambassador Gerard to 
make direct inquiry of the Berlin au- 
thorities concerning responsibility for 
destruction of the Sussex and other des- 
ignated vessels. 

Among neutral nations the Sussex in- 
cident caused the most painful impres- 
sion experienced since the sinking of 
the Lusitania. To many minds, however, 
there seemed to be a reasonable doubt as 
to whether the Channel liner might not 
have been the victim of a floating mine 
rather than of a submarine torpedo de- 
liberately aimed at it. For two weeks 
the inquiries of Ambassador Gerard pro- 
duced no official results, though he re- 
ceived emphatic verbal assurances that 
no German submarine was responsible for 
the act. Meanwhile Ambassadors Page 
at London and Sharp at Paris obtained 
affidavits made by American survivors, 
who stated that they had seen the wake 
of a torpedo. The testimony of eye- 
witnesses generally was to the same ef- 
fect. Fragments of the explosive ap- 
paratus which had destroyed the Sussex 
were identified as parts of a German 
torpedo rather than of a mine, and some 
of these, with the affidavits, were for- 
warded to Washington as evidence. 

On March 30 the French General Staff 
made public an official report on the 
subject, written by Admiral Grasset after 
due investigation. CURRENT HISTORY 



prints this report in full below also the 
text of Germany's formal note of April 
10, which is in direct conflict with the 
main body of testimony. The German 
Government admits having sunk a vessel 
in the English Channel at almost the ex- 
act time and place in question, but sub- 
mits drawings made by the submarine 
commander to show that it was not the 
Sussex. The evidence is weak and the 
German note itself is generally regarded 
as the strongest proof that the Sussex 

was sunk by a German submarine. In 
any event, it demonstrates that German 
submarine warfare has not changed 
materially since the sinking of the 
Lusitania a year ago. 

At the present writing (April 18) the 
reply of the United States Government 
has not been made public, but it is un- 
derstood to be a firm demand for more 
humane methods of warfare, on pain of 
severed diplomatic relations between the 
two countries. 

French Official Report on the Sussex 

By Rear Admiral A. Grasset 

Assistant Chief of the French General Staff 

Boulogne, March 30, 1916. 

IN conformity with your instructions 
I proceeded to Boulogne, where I 
conducted an inquiry relative to the 
attack on the Sussex. On March 24 the 
Sussex, belonging to the State Railway 
Company, and running the regular ser- 
vice between England and France, left 
Folkestone at 1:25 P. M. for Dieppe. 
This boat carried about 325 passengers 
of all nationalities, a great number of 
these being women and children, as well 
as the Indian mails. This approximate 
figure is given by the Captain; accord- 
ing to the company there were 303 pas- 
sengers. The officer in control of the 
tickets was severely wounded and taken 
to Dover; he is not in a fit state to fur- 
nish particulars. She was not possessed 
of any armament. The crew consisted 
of fifty-three men. 

From the start the speed was set at 
16 knots; after having passed at a mile 
distance from Dungeness, the Captain 
headed south 3 degrees east; the weather 
was very fine, the sea almost calm; most 
of the passengers were on deck. Sud- 
denly, without the slightest warning, 
the Captain, who was on the bridge, saw 
before the port beam, some 150 meters 
away, the track of a torpedo. 

It was now 2:50 P. M., the time of the 
disaster being exactly registered by the 
stopping of the clocks on board the ves- 
sel. The second officer and deck officer, 

who were on the bridge, also distinctly 
saw the torpedo. With great presence 
of mind the Captain ordered the helm 
hard aport, and stopped the starboard 
engine, in order to avoid the torpedo by 
turning to starboard. These two orders 
were executed immediately, as is proved 
by the statements of the engineers. 

The ship was beginning to swing off, 
when, eight seconds after the torpedo 
had been seen, a terriffic explosion took 
place, throwing up an enormous column 
of water. (Calculating from the dis- 
tance at which the torpedo had first been 
seen and the time which passed before 
the explosion, the speed of the torpedo 
must have been thirty-six knots, the 
normal speed of a torpedo.) 

The ship was cut in two opposite the 
bridge; the after part, thanks to the 
solidity of the bulkheads, continued to 
float. On deck several passengers who 
happened to be on the port side saw the 
torpedo when quite close to the ship, one 
of them even telling his neighbor ta 
"look at that great fish swimming to- 
ward the ship." 

Everybody who happened to be in the 
bows disappeared with that portion of 
the ship which was engulfed, among 
others the passengers on the fore deck 
and in the first cabin saloon. The men 
of the crew who were in the forecastle, 
the lookout in the bows, and the look- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

out in the crowsnest on the foremast 
also disappeared. 

The Captain, who had been knocked 
down by the column of water resulting 
from the explosion, ordered the crew to 
go to their emergency stations. The fire- 
men and engineers went to their stations 
after having stopped the port engine 
and closed the draught plates of the 
furnaces. At the same time the wireless 
operator tried to send out distress sig- 
nals, but without success, the antennae 
having fallen with the foremast. 

The crew proceeded to their stations 
to launch the lifeboats and rafts, (there 
were lifeboats, capable of carrying 184 
persons; 22 rafts, capable of carrying 
264 persons, and, in addition, 816 life- 
belts; it appears from depositions made 
that these lifebelts were on the spar 
deck and that a number of them were 
in bad condition,) but the crowding on 
deck at the time made it very difficult 
to move about. 

A number of pieces of the torpedo 
were found on board the Sussex. Some 
of them have been handed over to the 
American delegation which had pro- 
ceeded to Boulogne; the others will be 
forwarded to the Ministry of Marine by 
the maritime authorities. 

The submarine which torpedoed the 

Sussex could not be ignorant of the fact 
that she was attacking the mail packet 
of the regular cross-Channel service be- 
tween England and France; not only are 
the outlines of these boats well known 
to all sailors, but the course of the 
Sussex and the time of her crossing were 
clearly indicative of her service. It is, 
therefore, obviously a premeditated at- 
tack on an unarmed merchant ship, car- 
ried out without the slightest warning. 

One last fact shows up still more 
clearly the premeditated and implacable 
character of the submarine's operations. 
A boat was dispatched at 8 P. M. to the 
Colbart Lightship to announce the catas- 
trophe. This boat arrived at the light- 
ship at 11:45 P. M.; her crew were 
picked up by a British torpedo boat de- 
stroyer at 3 o'clock in the morning. 

During the transshipment a torpedo 
was fired at the destroyer and passed 
a few meters astern of her. This fact 
has been confirmed by the British Ad- 
miralty. Judging by the course covered 
by this boat, the lightship must have 
been at most six or seven miles from the 
Sussex. It follows that the submarine 
must have remained in the neighborhood 
of the Sussex in order to torpedo any 
ship which might come to the rescue of 
her victim. GRASSET. 

Germany's Note on Submarine Activities 

Berlin, April 10, 1916. 
FT! HE undersigned has the honor to in- 
J_ form your Excellency, Ambassador 
Gerard, in response to communica- 
tions of the 29th and 30th ultimo and the 
3d instant regarding the steamers Sussex, 
Manchester Engineer, Englishman, Ber- 
windvale, and Eagle Point, that the men- 
tioned cases, in accordance with our notes 
of the 30th and 31st ultimo and the 4th 
and 5th instant, have been subjected to 
careful investigation by the Admiral 
Staff of the navy, which has led to the 
following results: 

First The English Steamer Berwind- 
vale. A steamer, which was possibly the 
Berwindvale, was encountered on the 
evening of March 16 in sight of Bull Rock 

Light, on the Irish coast, by a German 
submarine. The steamer, as soon as she 
noticed the submarine, which was run- 
ning unsubmerged, turned and' steamed 
away. She was ordered to halt by a 
warning shot. She paid no attention, 
however, to this warning, but extin- 
guished all lights and attempted to es- 
cape. The vessel was then fired upon 
until halted, and without further orders 
lowered several boats. After the crew 
entered the boats and received enough 
time to row away the ship was sunk. 
The name of this steamer was not es- 
tablished ; it cannot be stated with as- 
surance, even with the help of the details 
which were furnished by the American 
Embassy, that the above described inci- 


Austro-Hungarian Guards on Duty Among the Peaks of the Tyrolean 
Alps Near the Italian Border 

( By arrangement with Illustrirte Zeitung, Berlin; 1916) 


Austrian Stronghold in the Alps, Into Which Italian Shells Are Hurled 
From a Neighboring Peak 

( By arrangement with Illustrirte Zeitung. Berlin; 1916) 



dent concerns the steamer Berwindvale. 
Since, however, the steamer sunk was a 
tank steamer like the Berwindvale, the 
identity of the ship may be assumed. In 
this case, however, the statement made 
that the Berwindvale was torpedoed with- 
out warning would conflict with the fact. 

Second The British Steamer English- 
man. This steamer on March 24 was 
called upon to halt by a German subma- 
rine, through two warning shots, about 
twenty sea miles west of Islay, (Hebri- 
des.) The vessel proceeded, however, 
without heeding the warning, and was 
therefore forced by the submarine by 
artillery fire to halt after an extended 
chase, whereupon she lowered boats with- 
out further orders. 

After the German commandant had 
convinced himself that the crew had 
taken to the boats and rowed from the 
ship he sank the steamer. 

Third The British Steamer Manches- 
ter Engineer. It is impossible to estab- 
lish through the investigation up to the 
present whether the attack on this 
steamer, which, according to the given 
description, occurred on March 27, in the 
latitude of Waterford, is attributable to 
a German submarine. The statement re- 
garding the time and place of the inci- 
dent gives no sufficient basis for in- 
vestigation. It would therefore be de- 
sirable to have more exact statements of 
the place, time, and attendant circum- 
stances of the attack reported by the 
American Government, in order that the 
investigation might thereupon be brought 
to a conclusion. 

Fourth The British Steamer Eagle 
Point. This steamer in the forenoon of 
March 28 was called upon to halt 
by a German submarine through sig- 
nal and shot about 100 not 130 
sea miles from the southwest coast 
of Ireland, but proceeded. She was 
thereupon fired upon until halted, 
and without further orders lowered 
two boats, in which the crew took their 
places. After the commandant convinced 
himself that the boats, which had hoisted 
sails, had got clear of the steamer, he 
sank the steamer. 

At the time of the sinking a north- 
northwest wind of the strength of two, 

not " a storm wind," and a light swell, 
not " a heavy sea," as stated in the given 
description, prevailed. The boats, there- 
fore, had every prospect of being picked 
up very quickly because the place of the 
sinking lay on a much-used steamer path. 

If the crew of the steamer used only 
two small boats for saving themselves the 
responsibility falls upon themselves, since 
there were still upon the steamer, as the 
submarine could establish, at least four 
big collapsible boats. 

Fifth The French Steamer Sussex. 
Ascertainment of the fact whether the 
Channel steamer Sussex was damaged 
by a German submarine was rendered 
extremely difficult because no exact de- 
tails of time, place, and attendant cir- 
cumstances of the sinking were known, 
and also because it was impossible to ob- 
tain a picture of the ship before April 6. 
Consequently the investigation had to be 
extended to all actions undertaken on 
the day in question March 24 in the 
Channel in the general region between 
Folkestone and Dieppe. 

In that region on March 24 a long, 
black craft without a flag, having a gray 
funnel, small gray forward works, and 
two high masts, was encountered about 
the middle of the English Channel by a 
German submarine. The German com- 
mander reached the definite conclusion 
that it was a war vessel, and, indeed, a 
mine layer of the recently built English 
Arabis class. He was led to that con- 
viction by the following facts: First, by 
the plain, unbroken deck of the ship; 
second, the form of the stern, sloping 
downward and backward like a war ves- 
sel; third, she was painted like a war 
vessel; fourth, the high speed developed, 
about eighteen knots; fifth, the circum- 
stance that the vessel did not keep a 
course northward of the light buoys be- 
tween Dungeness and Beachy Head, 
which, according to the frequent and un- 
varying observations of German subma- 
rines, is about the course of commercial 
vessels, but kept in the middle of the 
Channel, on a course about in the direc- 
tion of Le Havre. 

Consequently, he attacked the vessel at 
3:55 in the afternoon, Middle European 
time, one and one-half sea miles south- 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

east of Bull Rock (Bullock?) Bank, the 
submarine being submerged. The tor- 
pedo struck and caused such a violent 
explosion in the forward part of the ship 
that the entire forward part was torn 
away to the bridge. 

The particularly violent explosion war- 
rants the certain conclusion that great 
amounts of munitions were aboard. 

The German commander made a sketch 
of the vessel attacked by him, two draw- 
ings of which are inclosed. The picture 
of the steamer Sussex, two copies of 
which are also inclosed, is reproduced 
photographically from the English paper 
The Daily Graphic of the 27th ultimo. 

A comparison of the sketch and the 
picture shows that the craft attacked is 
not identical with the Sussex. The dif- 
ference in the position of the stack and 
shape of the stern is particularly striking. 

No other attack whatever by German 
submarines at the time in question for 
the Sussex upon the route between Folke- 
stone and Dieppe occurred. The German 
Government must therefore assume that 
the injury to the Sussex is attributable 
to another cause than an attack by a 
German submarine. 

For an explanation of the case the fact 
may perhaps be serviceable that no less 
than twenty-six English mines were ex- 

ploded by shots by German naval forces 
in the Channel on the 1st and 2d of April 
alone. The entire sea in that vicinity is, 
in fact, endangered by floating mines and 
by torpedoes that have not sunk. Off 
the English coast it is further endangered 
in an increasing degree through German 
mines which have been laid against 
enemy naval forces. 

Should the American Government have 
at its disposal further material for a 
conclusion upon the case of the Sussex, 
the German Government would ask that 
it be communicated, in order to subject 
this material also to an investigation. 

In the event that differences of opinion 
should develop hereby between the two 
Governments, the German Government 
now declares itself ready to have the 
facts of the case established through 
mixed commissions of investigation, in 
accordance with the third title of The 
Hague agreement for the peaceful settle- 
ment of international conflicts, Nov. 18, 

The undersigned, while requesting that 
you communicate the above to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States, takes oc- 
casion to renew to the Ambassador the 
assurance of his distinguished esteem. 


A Thousand Merchant Vessels Sunk Since the 

War Began 

XJL of the British Navy, in a report 
on merchant shipping losses, has 
compiled a list of vessels sunk from the 
beginning of the war to March 23, 1916, 
approximately twenty months. The list 
totals 980, all vessels of considerable size 
except 254 trawlers or fishing boats. 

In order to bring the statement still 
nearer to date, CURRENT HISTORY has 
compiled the figures of additional mer- 
chant ships sunk between March 23 and 
April 16. In that period 51 steamers of 
belligerent nations have been sent to the 
bottom, 25 of neutral nations, and 31 

sailing vessels of belligerents a total of 
107. Adding these to the original 980, 
the grand total to April 16 is 1,087 com- 
mercial ships destroyed thus far, 22^ of 
them being neutral. 

These figures are in substantial accord 
with those of Senator Nelson of Minne- 
sota, who submitted to the Senate on 
March 30 a list of 203 neutral vessels 
sunk by the Germans. He gave the 
names of 97 Norwegian, 50 Swedish, 28 
Danish, and 28 Dutch vessels sent to the 
bottom. He added that 136 were sunk 
by German submarines, 66 by German 
mines, and one by a German warship. 



Admiral Bridge's figures, tabulated by The loss to British steam shipping, 

nationality, are as follows: says the report, is less than 4 per cent. 

LOSSES TO BELLIGERENTS. of the total number of vessels under 

STEAMERS. the British flag and slightly over 6 per 

"SStSh"?? NU 379 er ' ScS)- cent, of their total tonnage. The French 

ggnch . . .41 140,000 loss in st eamers is about 7 per cent, of 

Russian !!.'.' 42JOOO the total French tonnage, while the Rus- 

ja^anese ' ! '. '.'.'.','.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 2 \ io',000 sian loss is 5 per cent., and the Italian 

Total .Isi 1,621,000 4 ^ per Cent * 

SAILING VESSELS. In further comment Admiral Bridge 

Nationality. Number. Tonnage. details the amount of merchant ship- 

JtJntlSQ OJL JtfjUUV . , ., _ ' 

French 12 pmg built m France and Great Britain 

Italian 11 . .' .' .' '.'.'.'.'.'. '. '. .' .' .' .' ." I sjooo since tne beginning of the war, and shows 

Total ~g^ 47 ooo that the war losses have virtually been 

Trawlers British, 23V; French, 7; Belgian, 2. made good thereby. 

^ SSE STEAMDRS TRALS ' " In 1915 " **** the re P rt > " af ter 

Nationality. Number. Tonnage. more than a year of the war, the steam 

Denmark':::::::'.::::::: is HlOOO shipping of Great Britain increased 88 

Holland ..'.'.'.'.'.'...' 22 74,'ooc vessels and 344,000 tons. France at the 

Unft d ed n 's{at4 s :::: ::::::: 3 6 liiooo end of 1915 was only short nine steam- 

spaTn 6 . .y.y.y.'.y.y.y.y.y. l l 2 I;ooo ers and 12 ' 500 tons of the previous year's 

Persia i '750 total. Italy and Russia both show an in- 

Portugal '^1 ^ crease in tonnage. 

Total 146 293,375 it is, therefore, clear that the present 

Nationality. SAILI3S ' NuKf' Tonnage. shortage of tonnage is due not to the 

Norway 22 20,000 action of submarines, but to the great 

DGnm&trlt 10 1 ,000 * . , . . , . 

Sweden 7 2,000 requirements of the military and naval 

::::::::: i i?i forces - The latest published statement 

of these show that they are demanding 

4 L L'l ; ^ 'Oj ^ ^ AA i_ j_ i j> 

Trawlers Denmark, 1; Holland, 7. 3,10V merchant vessels. 

German White Book on Armed Merchantmen 

rilHE German Government has issued 
J_ a White Book on Armed Merchant- 
men, containing " facsimiles of the 
secret orders of the British Admiralty." 
The main text consists of the " Memoran- 
dum of the Imperial German Government 
on the Treatment of Armed Merchant- 
men," which was published in the April 
number of CURRENT HISTORY along with 
a brief summary of the numerous 
"annexes" or "exhibits" with which that 
document was fortified. The full text of 
these exhibits is now available in the 
White Book in question. 

Four pages are occupied by a " List 
of Cases in Which Enemy Merchantmen 
Have Fired on German or Austro- 
Hungarian Submarines," beginning with 
one on April 11, 1915, and ending with 
that of the British steamer Melanie on 

Jan. 17, 1916, in the Mediterranean. The 
items of most general interest, however, 
are the reprints of confidential British 
instructions to gunners on armed mer- 
chantmen. The fifth exhibit reads as 
follows : 

Confidential. Exhibit 5. 

Instructions for Guidance In the Use, 

Care, and Maintenance of Armament 

tn Defensively Armed Merchant Ships. 


1. Ratings embarked as gun's crew will 
sign the ship's articles at the rate of pay 

2. They are to obey the orders of the 
master and officers of the ship. If they 
think it necessary to make a complaint 
against any order they are to obey the order 
and make their complaint in writing, asking 
that it may be forwarded to the proper au- 

3. The ratings are not required for duties 


CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

unconnected with the armament except in 
case of emergency, but they are to assist at 
all times in the welfare of the ship and look 
after the cleanliness of their berths. 

4. They are to keep watch and watch at 
sea, and also when the ship is anchored in 
any place liable to attack by submarines. 

5. They will receive their pay through the 
master of the ship. They will not mess with 
the crew, but in one of the officers' messes 
as the master may decide. 

6. Uniform is not to be worn in neutral 

7. A brief report is to be rendered by the 
senior rating on the 1st of each month, 
countersigned by the master, and sent to : 

The Director of Trade Division, 

Admiralty, Whitehall, S. W. 

After ten other paragraphs devoted to 
technical instructions on " Drill and 
Maintenance of Gun," the instructions 
conclude with these directions for action 
in presence of a hostile submarine : 

The master <is responsible for handling- the 
ship and for opening and ceasing fire. He 
has been furnished with instructions which 
will enable him to do this to the best advan- 
tage. The duty of the gun's crew is to fight 
the gun under the general direction of the 
master, who will communicate to them so 
much of the instructions as he may consider 
necessary to enable them to fight the gun to 
the best advantage. 

In action the following instructions should 
be carried out : 

(1) When in submarine waters, everything 
should be in a state of readiness, but the gun 
should not be kept actually loaded. 

(2) When the enemy is engaged : 

(a) The point of aim should be the centre 

of the water line. 

(b) It is to be remembered that " over " 

shots are useless. A short shot by 
causing a splash confuses the ene- 
my. It may ricochet into the ene- 
my. If the shell bursts on striking 
the water as it usually does some 
fragments are likely to hit the 
enemy. To get the best result, at 
least half of the shots fired should 
fall short. 

(3) The master will probably keep the sub- 
marine astern so that little deflection will be 

(4.) It is not advisable to open fire at a 
range greater than 800 yards, unless the ene- 
my has already opened fire, for the following 
reasons : 

(a) The ammunition supply is limited. 
(5) Accurate shooting under probable ex- 
isting conditions cannot be expected 
at greater ranges. 

(5) When in action and a miss-fire occurs 
with a percussion tube, the following proce- 
dure is to be adopted : 

(a) The B.M. Lever is to be tapped to in- 

sure it is closed. 

(b) The striker is to be re-cocked. 

If the gun does not then fire : The striker 
is to be taken out to insure that the point is 
not broken. If unbroken the breech is to be 
opened and the cartridge is to be thrown 
overboard, it having been ascertained that the 
percussion tube has been inserted. 

The gun is then to be reloaded. 
The ninth and tenth exhibits are in- 
structions to British shipmasters whose 
vessels carry guns for defense. Both are 
the same, except that the tenth is later 
and fuller. It reads thus: 
Confidential. NO. 201. 


In No Circumstances Is This Paper to be 
Allowed to Fall Into the Hands 
of the Enemy. 

This paper is for the master's personal in- 
formation. It is not to be copied, and when 
not actually in use is to be kept in safety 
in a place where it can be destroyed at a 
moment's notice. 

Such portions as call for immediate action 
may be communicated verbally to the officers 
concerned. April, 1915. 

Instructions Regarding Submarines Ap- 
plicable to Vessels Carrying a 
Defensive Armament. 

1. .Defensively armed vessels should follow 
generally the instructions for ordinary mer- 
chant ships. 

2. In submarine waters guns should be kept 
in instant readiness. 

3. If a submarine is obviously pursuing a 
ship by day, and it is evident to the master 
that she has hostile intentions, the ship pur- 
sued should open fire in self-defense, not- 
withstanding the submarine may not have 
committed a definite hostile act, such as 
firing a gun or torpedo. 

4. In view of the great difficulty in dis- 
tinguishing a friend from an enemy at night, 
fire should not be opened after dark unless 
it is absolutely certain that the vessel fired at 
is hostile. 

5. Before opening fire, the British colors 
must be hoisted. 

It is essential that fire should not be 
opened under neutral colors. 

6. If a defensively armed vessel is pursued 
by a submarine the master has two alterna- 
tives : 

(a) To open fire at long range immediately 

it is certain that the submarine is 
really in pursuit. 

(b) To retain fire until the submarine has 

closed to a range, say 800 yards, at 
which fire is likely to be effective. 
In view of the very great difficulty of dis- 
tinguishing between friendly and hostile sub- 
marines at long range (one British submarine 
has already been fired at by a merchant 



vessel which erroneously supposed herself 
to be pursued by the submarine) it is 
strongly recommended that course (&) should 
be adopted by all defensively armed ships. 

7. A submarine's flag is no guide to her 
nationality, as German submarines frequently 
fly British colors. 

8. Vessels carrying a defensive armament 
and proceeding to neutral ports must not be 
painted in neutral colors or wear a neutral 

9. It is recommended that in neutral ports, 

particularly those of Spain, the armament 
should toe concealed as far as possible. A 
canvas cover is recommended for this purpose. 

The eleventh exhibit is a secret memo- 
randum to masters of transports carrying 
troops, and the twelfth and last is a brief 
typewritten memorandum to British mer- 
chant vessels in the Mediterranean, (dated 
June, 1915,) giving directions as to how 
to avoid attack by submarines. 

British Enemy Trading Acts 

THE British Government, in reply to 
an inquiry by the American Gov- 
ernment regarding the extension 
of restrictions to trade with enemies of 
Great Britain, has stated that the law 
will be so interpreted as not to affect 
American commerce. The American in- 
quiry was made through Ambassador 
Page on Jan. 19, 1916, by Secretary of 
State Lansing in the following note: 

Department has given consideration to Ene- 
my Trading act, approved Dec. 23 last, the 
apparent object of which is to prevent any 
person doing business in the United Kingdom 
from trading with the enemies of Great Brit- 
ain or persons having enemy association in 
any other part of the world, and the de- 
partment has reached the conclusion that this 
act is pregnant with possibilities of undue in- 
terference with American trade, if in fact 
such interference is not now being practiced. 

As it is an opinion generally held in this 
country, in which this Government shares, 
that the act has been framed without a 
proper regard for the right of persons domi- 
ciled in the United States, whether they be 
American citizens or subjects of countries at 
war with Great Britain, to carry on trade 
with persons in belligerent countries, and 
that the exercise of this right may be subject 
to denial or abridgment in the course of the 
enforcement of the act, the Government of the 
United States is constrained to express to 
his Majesty's Government the grave appre- 
hensions which are entertained on this sub- 
ject by this Government, by the Congress, 
and by traders domiciled in the United States. 
It is therefore necessary to bring these views 
to the attention of Sir Edward Grey, and to 
present to him a formal reservation, on the 
part of this Government, of the right to 
protest against the application of this act, in 
so far as it affects the trade of the United 
States, and to contest the legality or rightful- 
ness of imposing restrictions upon the free- 
dom of American trade in this manner. 

On April 15, 1916, the following offi- 
cial reply by Great Britain, addressed to 

Ambassador Page and dated Feb. 16, 

1916, was made public: 

Tour Excellency : I have the honor to ac- 
knowledge the receipt of your Excellency's 
note of the 26th ultimo relative to the possible 
effects of the trading with the enemy (exten- 
sion of powers) act, 1915, on United States 

The act was framed with the object of 
bringing British trade with the enemy regu- 
lations into greater harmony with those 
adopted by the French Government since the 
commencement of the war by applying in 
some degree the test of nationality in the 
determination of enemy character in addi- 
tion to the old test of domicile, which ex- 
perience has shown cannot provide a suffi- 
cient basis under modern commercial condi- 
tions for measures intended to deprive* the 
enemy of all assistance, direct or indirect, 
from national resources. 

His Majesty's Government realized, how- 
ever, that the application of this principle to 
its fullest extent, while entirely legitimate 
and in accordance with the practice of other 
countries, might, if applied at the present 
time to commercial activities as widespread 
as those of British subjects, involve avoidable 
inconvenience and loss to innocent traders. 

They were careful, therefore, in devising the 
necessary legislation not only to avoid any 
definition which would impose enemy status 
upon all persons of enemy nationality and 
associations, but also to take powers of dis- 
crimination which would enable them to ap- 
ply the purely commercial restrictions con- 
templated only in regard to those persons 
from whom it was necessary in British in- 
terests to withhold the facilities afforded by 
British resources. 

His Majesty's Government have therefore 
abstained from a course of action admittedly 
within their rights as belligerents, which is 
not only the existing practice of the French 
Government, but in strict accordance with 
the doctrine openly avowed by many other 
States to be the basis upon which their trad- 
ing with the enemy regulations would be 
founded in the event of war, and have con- 
fined themselves to passing a piece of purely 
domestic legislation empowering them to re- 

244 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

strict the activities and trade of persons un- 
der British jurisdiction in such a manner and 
to such an extent as may seem to them to be 
necessary in the national interest. 

His Majesty's Government readily admit 
the right of persons of any nationality resi- 
dent in the United States to engage in legiti- 
mate commercial transactions with any other 
persons. They cannot admit, however, that 
this right can in any way limit the right of 
other Governments to restrict the commercial 
activities of their nationals in any manner 
which may seem desirable to them by the im- 
position of prohibitions and penalties which 
are operative solely upon persons under their 

In claiming this right, which appears to 
them to be inherent in sovereignty and na- 
tional independence, his Majesty's Govern- 
ment desires to assure the United States Gov- 
ernment that they will exercise it with every 
possible care to avoid injury to neutral com- 
merce, and they venture to think that the 
voluntary limitation of their powers by the 
terms of the trading with the enemy (exten- 
sion of powers) act, 1915, is evidence of 
their desire and intention to act with the 
greatest possible consideration for neutral 

For the Secretary of State, 

Punitive Expedition Into Mexico 

An International Bandit Hunt 

WHEN Francisco Villa and his 
1,500 followers crossed the 
border into New Mexico at 
dawn on March 9 and as- 
sassinated eighteen persons in the town 
of Columbus he accomplished what he 
had long been attempting to bring about 
an invasion of Mexico by American 
troops, in the hope that a clash with 
Carranza's forces might follow. Before 
President Wilson ordered the punitive 
expedition in pursuit of Villa, however, 
he came to a diplomatic understanding 
with General Oarranza, the head of the 
de facto Government of Mexico, to the 
end 'that the criminals should be pun- 
ished through the friendly co-operation 
of both Governments. 

At first General Carranza had issued 
a proclamation to the effect that he 
would never consent to see American 
soldiers on Mexican soil unless Mexican 
troops should have the reciprocal priv- 
ilege of crossing into American terri- 
tory under similar circumstances. On 
March 13 President Wilson forwarded 
a formal answer, conceding this point 
and adding: 

The Government of the United States un- 
derstands that, in view of its agreement to 
this reciprocal arrangement proposed by the 
de facto Government, the arrangement is 
now complete and in force, and the reciprocal 
privileges thereunder may accordingly be 
exercised by either Government without 
further interchange of views. 

The expedition was organized at Co- 
lumbus under direction of Major General 
Frederick Funston. It was placed tinder 
command of Brigadier General John J. 
Pershing, and a total force of 5,000 or 
more, consisting of cavalry, field artil- 
lery, and infantry, crossed into Mexico in 
two columns on March 15. 

Congress voted an emergency fund of 
$8,611,502 for the expedition and for the 
20,000 new troops added to the regular 

South through the desert wastes of 
Northern Chihuahua the soldiers followed 
the trail of the bandits by forced 
marches that tried their endurance. 
Aeroplanes and automobiles played a 
valuable part in the operations. For 500 
miles, over deserts and mountains, tha 
outlaws were pursued relentlessly into 
their own chosen retreats in the Sierra 
Madre range. General Carranza's forces 
collaborated to some extent, but the use 
of the railways was refused, except for 
the transport of certain supplies, and the 
American troops were requested not to 
enter towns for fear of trouble. 

In his flight southward Villa attacked 
the Carranza garrison of 170 men at 
Guerrero on March 27, killing most of 
them, but suffering heavy losses him- 
self, and apparently receiving a serious 
wound in the leg. The remainder of the 
band, numbering 500, were surprised 




by Colonel George A. Dodd and his 
troopers of the Seventh Cavalry in a 
neighboring retreat on the 29th, and then 
followed the most dramatic encounter in 
the whole expedition. Though the Amer- 
icans had covered fifty-five miles in a 
rough and practically roadless country 
in seventeen hours, and then fought five 
hours more, they completely routed the 
outlaws in spite of superior numbers. 
The bare facts were related by General 
Pershing in the following dispatch: 

San, Geronimo Ranch, March 30, 1916. 

Dodd struck Villa's command, consisting 
of 500, 6 o'clock, March 29, at Guerrero. 
Villa, who is suffering from a broken leg and 
lame hip, was not present. Number Villa's 
dead known to be thirty, probably others 
carried away dead. Dodd captured two ma- 
chine guns, large number horses, saddles, 
and arms. Our casualties, four enlisted men 
wounded, none seriously. 

Attack was surprise, the Villa troops being 
driven in a ten-mile running fight and re- 
treated to mountains northeast of railroad, 
where they separated into small bands. * * * 

Large number Carranzista prisoners, who 
were being held for execution, were liberated 
during the fight. In order to reach Guerrero, 
Dodd marched fifty-five miles in seventeen 
hours and carried on fight for five hours. * * * 
Eliseo Hernandez, who commanded Villa's 
troops, was killed in fight. With Villa per- 
manently disabled, Lopez wounded, and Her- 
nandez dead, the blow administered is a 
serious one to Villa's band. PERSHING. 

For the next week the bandit's trail 
became uncertain, until it was picked up 
again far to the south by an aviator 
scout. Villa was reported to be carried 
in a litter, with a guard of 100 picked 
men, while another force of 400 follow- 
ers served as a rear guard. He was 
heading for his old headquarters at 
Parral. By a swift advance the Amer- 
ican cavalry the Seventh, Tenth, and 
Thirteenth Regiments were soon in 
close pursuit, but not close enough to 
keep him from disappearing apparently 
into Parral. When American troops en- 
tered that town the first serious clash 

246 CURRENT HISTORY: A Monthly Magazine of The New York Times 

occurred. The soldiers were attacked by 
a civilian mob and later had to fight a 
pitched battle with Carranza troops. The 
. official report of the affair, dated April 
15, says: 

Frank Tompkins's column, Troop K. Thir- 
teenth Cavalry, and Troop M, Thirteenth 
Cavalry, entered Parral 11 A. M., 12th in- 
stant. Proceeding was cordially received by 
higher civil and military authorities. Mili- 
tary Commander General Lozano accom- 
panied Major Frank Tompkins on way to 

In the outskirts of the town groups of 
native troops and civilians, following, jeered, 
threw stones, and fired on column. Major 
Frank Tompkins took defensive position 
north of railroad, but was soon flanked by 
native troops and forced to further retire. 

About 300 Carranza troops joined in pur- 
suit, and Major Frank Tompkins continued 
to withdraw to avoid further complications 
until he reached Santa Cruz, eight miles 
from Parral. Fighting ceased about fifteen 
miles from town. Major Frank Tompkins 
deserves great praise for his forbearance. 
General Lozano attempted to control his men 
when fight first began, but failed to. 

Colonel Brown, with Major Charles Young, 
Tenth Cavalry, squadron of Tenth Cavalry, 
eight miles away when notified, and joined 
Major Frank Tompkins 7 P. M. Reported 
privately forty Mexicans killed, all soldiers, 
including one Major. One civilian wounded. 
Americans killed, two; wounded, six; mis- 
sing, one. 

Major R. L. Howze, Eleventh Cavalry, ar- 
rived Parral yesterday from San Berja and 
Ballesea, having- had several skirmishes with 
Villa men. One man killed, two wounded. 


General Carranza, while expressing 
regret for the occurrence, complained in 
a long note to the American Government 

that the expedition had gone further 
into Mexico than it should, and was 
operating without an adequate basis of 
international agreement. He asked for 
the recall of the American troops on the 
ground that Villa's bandits had been 
scattered. At the present writing 
(April 18) the Americans are continuing 
their pursuit. Villa himself is reported, 
on very doubtful authority, to have died 
of his wounds. Carranza's note is re- 
garded at Washington as an invitation 
to discuss withdrawal, and as deserving 
a reasonable answer. At the same time 
the military office