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THE 

EUROPEAN 
WAR 



VOLUME XII 

JULY SEPTEMBER, 1917 



With Alphabetical and Analytical Index 

Illustrations, Maps and Diagrams 



NEW YORK 

THE NEW YORK TIMES COMPANY 




MAY 1 8 1956 



Copyright 1917 
By The New York Times Company 

Times Square, New York City 



INDEX AND TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Volume XII. 

[This Index constitutes a Table of Contents and an Analytical Index of Authors, 
Subject Matter, and Titles.] 

[Titles of articles appear in italics} 



ADDISON, (Dr.) Christopher, on munitions 
output, 224; on aircraft manufacture in 
England, 514. 

ADLER, (Dr.) Friedrich, decision of Aus- 
trian Parliament on trial, 226; summary 
of his own defense of assassination of 
Count Stuergkh, 330. 

Adventures of Submarine Victims, 95. 

AERONAUTICS, plans for creation of U. S. 
air fleet; use of Wright field at Dayton 
by Govt., 13; feats of aviators over Mes- 
sines Ridge, 40; accounts of air raids OH 
England from May 23 to June 16, 76; air- 
planes shot down on western front dur- 
ing April and May; Major Rees on Brit- 
ish and French supremacy, 78 ; on length 
of training for pilot, 79; description of 
his own capture by Prince Karl Fried- 
rich, 79; fight on western front described, 
80; tribute to work of Lafayette Esca- 
drille at Verdun, by L. Cammen, 81 ; ap- 
propriation for air fleet passed by House, 
226; use of airplanes and hydroplanes in 
detecting submarines, discussed by T. G. 
Frothingham, 249; Govt. training camps 
in Canada, 289; tactical value of aircraft 
in three years of war, 427; U. S. appro- 
priation for aviation corps ; H. Coffin on 
work ahead of Aircraft Board; Dr. Ad- 
dison on aircraft manufacture, 514; ac- 
count of attacks on London and Paris, 
516; meeting called by Lloyd George to 
consider reprisals, 517; French raid in 
reprisal ; bombing of Krupp works, 518 ; 
British raid on Ghistelles ; list of air raids 
since May 1, 519; losses, Italian raids, 
520; "Early Raids of Note," "German 
Airman's Story of a Raid on London," 
521; "Ear Disturbances Suffered by 
Aviators," 523: Congressman Tilson on 
" Airplanes and Gas Bombs," 525. 

AFRICA, see GERMAN East Africa. 

AGRICULTURE, T. P. O'Connor on land 
under cultivation in England and Ireland, 
275 ; work by French authorities in re- 
storing lands devastated by Germans, 
347. 

AIMS of the "War, Pres. Wilson's Flag Day 
address, 1 ; Pres. Wilson's note to Rus- 
sia, 49; first address of Dr. Michaelis, 
197 ; speech of Lloyd George at Glasgow, 
261 ; Baron Sonnino on Italy's aims, 203 ; 
stated in French reply to Russian demand 
for statement. 264; speech in Deputies by 
R. Viviani, 277 ; reply of Bethmann Holl- 
weg to Pan Germanist. protest against 
narrow view of utilization of victories, 
353 ; P. Scheidemann on leading factors, 
449 ; address at Madison Barracks by 
Secretary Lansing on aims of U. S., 455; 
Sen. Borah on U. S. aims, 460; views of 
H. H. Asquith, 466; France accused by 
Dr. Michaelis of making secret treaty 
with Russia aiming at conquest, in reply 
to Lloyd George, 467 ; Baron Sonnino oh 
Italian attitude toward Balkan issues, 
476; statement given out by Admiral of 
Italian Navy, 477. 

See also CAUSES of War; PEACE. 
AIR raids, see AERONAUTICS. 
Airplanes and Gas Bombs, 525. 

ALBANIA, offers of autonomy by Austria 
and by Italy, 85; Italian occupation, 86; 

Vol. XII 



republic established by Allies at Koritza, 
87 ; article on rival plans of autonomy and 
attitude of country, 284; text of Italian 

reclamation of autonomy, 285; Baron 
onnino on Italian aims, 477. 
ALBERT, King of the Belgians, letter to 
Pres. Wilson presented by Belgian Mis- 
sion, 272. 

ALEXANDER L, King of Greece, succeeds 
Constantine, 83; proclamation on ascend- 
ing throne ; manifesto by M. Jonnart off- 
setting proclamation, 282. 

ALEXANDRA Feodorovna, Czarina of Rus- 
sia part in war compared with that of 
Marie Antoinette in French Revolution, 
108, 118. 

ALEXEIEFF, (Gen.) Michael V., resigna- 
tion, 55. 

ALGECIRAS Conference, attitude of U. S. 
toward enforcement of treaty, 304. 

ALIENS, see ENEMY Aliens; UNITED 
STATES Foreign Population. 

All Anti-Jewish Laws Repealed, 214. 

ALLIES' Commissions to United States, edi- 
torial comment, 19; closing addresses of 
French and British Envoys and summary 
of work, 59 ; account of visit of Italian 
Commission, 62 ; French Mission in Balti- 
more 237; account of visit of Russian 
Mission, 266; missi9n resolves itself 
into permanent Russian Embassy, 269; 
" Tour of the Italian Mission " speeches 
of G. Marconi, E. Arlotta, and Prince 
Udine, 270; account of visit of Belgian 
Mission, 272; speech of Lord Northcliffe 
in New York ; representatives of Irish 
Parliamentary Party, purpose explained 
by T. P. O'Connor, 274; visit of Irish 
Nationalist leaders; Andre Tardieu as 
French High Commissioner, 275 ; Ruma- 
nian Patriotic Mission, 276; "Objects of 
Japanese Mission," 276: account of arrival 
of Japanese Mission, 429. 
See also HOLLAND ; NORWEGIAN Com- 
mission ; SWEDEN; SWITZERLAND. 

ALLIES' Conference on Balkan Affairs, de- 
cisions, 438. 

ALLIN, C. D., 64. 

ALNWICK Castle (S. S.), account by Capt. 
Chave of torpedoing, 93. 

ALSACE-LORRAINE, resolution on return 
to France, in Chamber of Deputies, 50; 
restoration demanded as condition of 
peace in French note to Russia, 264 ; 
Order of the Day in French Chamber of 
Deputies on return. 264; text of Declara- 
tion of Bordeaux, 265; A. J. Balfour on 
restoration, 469. 

AMEGLIO, (Gen.) Giovanni, 299. 

" America Will Make No Difference," 463. 

AMERICAN Commission to Russia, see under 
RUSSIA. 

AMERICAN Escadrille, see LAFAYETTE 
Escadrille. 

AMERICAN Federation of Labor, 444. 

AMERICAN Fund for French Wounded, in 
charge of rebuilding Behericourt, 349. 

American Mission in Russia, 57. 

America's Army in the Making, 11. 

America's Fleet in Being, 14. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



AMMUNITION, " Enormous Weight of 
Metal Hurled by Artillery," 334. 
See also MUNITIONS of War. 

ANDERSON, (Dr.) William, 64. 

ANNEXATION, see AIMS of War ; PEACE. 

Appalling Waste of the War, 452. 

Appeal to American Patriotism, 387. 

APPONYI, (Count) Albert, made Minister of 
Education, 20. 

ARABIA, new kingdom protected by Entente 
Allies, 531. 
See also CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 

Arabs and the Turks in the War, 531. 

ARBITRATION, International, view of Ger- 
man Chancellor in 1911, 72; attitude of 
U. S. and of Germany, 306, 309. 

ARIGA, (Prof.) Nagao, 104. 

ARKWRIGHT, John S., poem, " O Valiant 
Hearts," 432. 

ARLOTTA, Enrico, plea for war materials 
and ships, 271. 

ARMED Merchant Ships, see UNITED 
STATES Armed Neutrality. 

ARMENIA, see ATROCITIES. 

Armenian Tragedy, 332. 

ARMIES, Sir W. Robertson on number of 
men in Franco-Prussian war and in pres- 
ent conflict, 136 ; comment on small armies 
and decisive battles, 226. 
See also under names of countries. 

ARNIM, (Gen.) Sixt von, report on ammu- 
nition expended in Somme battle, 334. 

ASIA, see CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 

ASPHYXIATING Gas, account of first at- 
tacks at Ypres, 125 ; use of sabadilla f9r 
production of gases, 258 ; sketch of use in 
warfare, by Congressman Tilson, 526. 

ATHOS (S. S.), account of heroism on, 92. 

ATROCITIES, Armenians referred to by Lord 
Cecil in defense of annexation policy, 46 ; 
" The Armenian Tragedy," by E. Cand- 
ler, 332. 
See also VANDALISM. 

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, Cabinet changes and 
racial problems, 20; attitude on submarine 
issue and break with U. S., 73; figures 
showing division of races and plan for 
ideal reconstruction, 222 : wartime life in 
Vienna and desire for peace, 321 ; sum- 
mary of Dr. Adler's justification of his 
assassination of Count Stuergh by condi- 
tion of country, 330; "The Pope's Peace 
Proposal and the Austrian Empire," 408. 

AUTOMOBILES, tanks at Messines Ridge 
battle, 39; " tank " at Gaza, described by 
W. T. Massey, 165; war demand for trucK 
output and drivers stated by Lord North- 
cliffe, 274. 

AVIATION, see AERONAUTICS. 

AYLMER (Gen.). 303. 

B 

BAGDAD, see CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 

BAGDAD Railway, value in control of Cen- 
tral Europe, 97 ; effect of war on, 160. 

BAKER, (Sec.) Newton Diehl. statement on 
war strength of army, 12 : address at 
drawing of conscription numbers, 385 ; let- 
ter of A. Tardieu on France's fighting 
strength, 481. 

BAKHMETEFF, Boris A., heads Russian 
mission, 19 ; formal address upon presenta- 
tion of credentials as Ambassador, 207 ; 
reply of Pres. Wilson, 208 ; statement to 
newspaper men on political and military 
program of Russia, 266 ; address before 
the House, 267 ; at Washington's tomb ; 
speech in Senate, 278; speech in Central 
Park and reception in New York ; resolves 
mission into permanent Russian Embassy, 



BALFOUR, Arthur James, speech in Parlia- 
ment in Ottawa, 61 ; on restoration of 
Alsace-Lorraine, and on democratization 
of Germany, 469. 

BALKAN States, agreements reached in Al- 
lies' Conference, 438; Italy's position on 
issues defined by Baron Sonnino, 476. 
See also names of States. 

BALL, (Capt.) Albert, 79. 

BALTBIE, (Surgeon Gen. Sir) W., censured 
for deficiencies in medical service in 
Bagdad campaign, 540. 

BALTIMORE, Md., ground broken by French 
Mission for Lafayette monument, 237. 

BARBARITIES, see ATROCITIES; VAN- 
DALISM. 

BARATIER, (Gen.) A., tribute to P. G Os- 
born, 412. 

BARBOSA, Ruy, extract from speech in Rio 
Janeiro calling for war, 280. 

BARKET, J. H., " Joffre's Tribute to La- 
fayette at Baltimore," 237. 

BARLOW, Lester P., 525. 

BARNES, G. N., stand against Stockholm 
Conference, 443. 

Barrage Fire in Modern Warfare, 507. 

BARROW, (Maj. Gen. Sir) Edmund, 244, 
538. 

BATOCKI, Adolph von, on potato crop ; 
bread-carp, system, 152; resignation, 411. 

Battle of Messines Ridge, 35. 

Battle of the Chancelleries, 464. 

BATTLES, see CAMPAIGNS; NAVAL Oper- 
ations. 

BAUDRILLART (Mgr.), 53. 

BEAUCHAMP, (Capt.) de, 521. 

BEBEL, August, on attitude of Social Demo- 
crats toward war, 450. 

BEHERICOURT, to be rebuilt by Amer. 
Fund for French Wounded, 349. 

BELGIAN Commission to United States, see 
ALLIES' Commissions. 

BELGIAN Prince (S. S.), accounts of sink- 
ing, by survivors, 406. 

BELGIUM, official memorandum on eco- 
nomic exploitation and deportations by 
Germans, 143 ; reorganization of war in- 
dustries and of army, 146 ; Lloyd George 
on restoration by Germany, 261 ; plan of 
Barpn von Bissing for annexation, 352; 
German levies discussed in Belgian So- 
cialist manifesto, 446; necessity for resto- 
ration as peace guarantee stated by Lloyd 
George, 465; version of necessity for in- 
vasion given in telegram from Kaiser to 
Pres. Wilson, Aug 10, 1914, 474 ; account 
of sufferings of repatriated deportees, 
498. 
See also CAMPAIGN in Europe, Western. 

BENEDICT XV., Pope, text of appeal to 
belligerent countries for peace, 392 ; ac- 
companying note from Cardinal Gasparri, 
393; attitude of countries toward note, 
394. 

BERGER, Victor L., 20. 

BERLIN, war conditions described by F. S. 
Delmer, 324, 508. 

BERLINER Tageblatt, on territory occupied 
by Germany at close of third year, 480. 

BERNHARDI, Friedrich von, quoted, 75. 

BELLS, in churches in South Jutland seized 
by Germans, 513. 

BETHMANN HOLLWEG, (Dr.) Theobald 
von, comment of Lord Cecil on speech, 
48; quoted on invasion of Belgium, 69; 
resignation forced by political crisis, 191 ; 
antagonism of Crown Prince toward, 195; 
letter of Kaiser accepting resignation, 
196 ; fealty to Emperor, by C. D. Hazen, 
199; opposition to secret voting. 202; re- 
ply to Baron Gebsattel on Pan-Germanist 
war alms, 353. 



Vol. XII 



INDEX AND TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Better to Die, 104. 

BIRDS, description of bird life in battle zone. 

by H. Thoburn-Clarke, 140. 
BISMARCK, (Prince) Otto von, and " Ems 

dispatch," 70; as Chancellor, 221. 
BISSING, (Gen.) Moritz P. von, plan for an- 
nexation of Belgium, 352. 
BLISS, Cornelius N., 25. 
BLOCKADE, British, mistakes discussed by 

T. G. Frothingham, 422. 
BLOCKADE, German, see SUBMARINE 

Warfare. 

BOMBS, see ASPHYXIATING Gas. 
BORAH, William Edgar, on aims of U. S 

in war, 460. 

BORDEAUX, Declaration of, text, 265. 
BORODINE (Prof.), 266. 
BOXER Indemnities, abrogation promised 

by Allies, 101. 
BRAILLON (Dr.), 343. 

BRAZIL, preparations for entering 1 war, 23 ; 
note to U. S. on revocation of neutrality, 
279; reply by F. L. Polk; seizure of Ger- 
man vessels ; co-operation of navy with 
U. S. fleet; R. Barbosa's speech in Rio de 
Janeiro calling for war, 280. 
BREAD Cards, summary of system in Ger- 
many, 153. 

See also FOODSTUFFS. 

BRIAND, Aristide, part in development of 
general strikes, 439; accused by Dr. 
Michaelis of aiming at conquest, 467. 
BRIDGES, Robert, poem, " To the United 

States of America," 316. 
Britain's Fight on Food Shortage, 149. 
BRITISH Commission to United States, see 

ALLIES' Commissions. 
British in the Promised Land, 163. 
British Reverse on the Yser, 242. 
BROQUEYILLE, Charles de, 146. 
BROUCKERE, (M.) de, 445. 
BRUSILOFF, (Gen.) Alexis, made Comman- 
der in Chief, 55; resignation, 435. 
BUELOW (Prince) von, on German militar- 
ism, 203 ; as Chancellor, 221. 
BULGARIA, entry into war, 506. 
BUSINESS, appeal of Pres. Wilson against 

profiteering, 256. 

BUTCHKAREFF (Lieut.), raises regiment of 
women, 56 ; on system of training of regi- 
ment of women, 210. 



CADORNA, (Gen.) Luigi, 295. 

CAINE, Hall, " The Appalling Waste of the 
War," 452. 

CALDWELL, (Rev.) M., 79. 

CAMBON, Jules, on charge by Dr. Michaelis 
of French desire for annexation, 471. 

CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor, objectives and 
events of British and Russian operations 
in Western Asia discussed by J. B. Mac- 
donald, 156; article by W. T. Massey, 
" The British in the Promised Land," 
163; Russian failure, 233; "Report on 
British Disaster at Kut-el-Amara." 244; 
review of operations, by Maj. Dayton, 
300; in Spring of 1916, 425; "The Arabs 
and the Turks in the War," 531; extracts 
from report of British Commission on 
failure of Mesopotamian expedition, 1915- 
1916, 538; text of report by Gen. Maude 
on operations culminating in capture of 
Bagdad, 544. 

CAMPAIGN in Europe, Austro-Italian Bor- 
der, reviewed by J. B. W. Gardiner, 26; 
account of Italian offensive on Carso and 
Isonzo fronts, 33 ; account of operations 
since beginning, by Maj. Dayton, 295. 

CAMPAIGN in Europe, Balkan States, situa- 
tion reviewed by J. B. W. Gardiner, 29; 

.Vol. XII 



Italy in Balkans; occupation of Albania 
86; Gen. Ameglio in Albania, 300. 
CAMPAIGN in Europe, Eastern, Russian 
front in 1915, reviewed by Maj. Dayton 
128; renewal of Russian offensive in Ga- 
licia, reviewed by J. B. W. Gardiner, 227 ; 
W. Littlefield on Bukowina offensive, 398; 
" The Grand Tactics of Three Years of 
Warfare," by T. G. Frothingham, 419; 
retreat of Russians in Galicia, 442. 

CAMPAIGN in Europe, Western, battle of 
Messines Ridge reviewed by J. B. W. 
Gardiner, 27 ; account of battle on Mes- 
sines- Wytschaete Ridge, 35; "Storming 
of the Aisne Quarries " described by W 
Williams, 41; account of work of Ameri- 
can Escadrille at Verdun, by L. Cammen. 
81 ; second battle of Ypres, Verdun, Artois, 
and Festubert, article by Maj. Dayton 124 
extracts from diary of Cardinal Lucon on 
bombardment of Rheims, 139 ; J. B. W 
Gardiner on British at Lens and German 
attack on Chemin des Dames, 231 ; on 
German attack on Yser, 232; "War's In- 
ferno on the Aisne Ridge," by W. Will- 
iams, 239; "A British Reverse on the 
Yser," by P. Gibbs, 242; official report of 
Sir D. Haig on battles on Ancre from 
Nov., 1916, to Mar., 1917, 335; account of 
storming of Ginchy, by Lieut. Young, 354 ; 
events from July IS to Aug. 18, 1917, 394; 
"Battle of Flanders," 400; "German 
Word Picture of the British Attack in 
Flanders," by M. Osborn, 403; "The 
Grand Tactics of Three Years of War- 
fare," by T. G. Frothingham, 419; Ger- 
man version of the Marne reviewed by J. 
Reinach, 487 ; summary of address by 
Gen. Clergerie, " How Paris Was Saved," 
495; account of operations in Autumn of 
1915, by Maj. Dayton, 499; report of Sir 
D. Haig on operations in France from re- 
treat of Germans to opening of Spring of- 
fensive, 534. 

CANADA, conscription bill and opposition in 
Quebec. 21 ; article by F. Yeighi, " Can- 
ada's Three Years of War," summing up 
war activities, 287; article by V. De W. 
Rowell on Indians at the front, 290; at- 
titude of Roman Catholic clergy and of 
political parties toward conscription, 292; 
convention of Liberals called, 293 ; com- 
ment on passage of draft act, 411. 

CANDLER, Edmund, " The Armenian Trag- 
edy," 332. 

Cardinal's Bombardment Diary, 139. 

CARSO, see CAMPAIGN in Europe, Austro- 
Italian Border. 

CARSON, (Sir) Edward, extract from sum- 
mary of war events, on Russian revolu- 
tion and entry of U. S., 466; comment on 
close of third year of war, 473. 

CARTIER de Marchienne, Emile de, 143. 

CASUALTIES, Austrian losses in Italian 
campaign, 34; losses on Messines Ridge, 
35 ; American lives lost on ocean during 
war, 66 ; in air raids on England, 76 ; 
compared by Sir W. Robertson with those 
in 1870, 136; in battle at Gaza, 159; in 
Thirteenth and Eighteenth Turkish Army 
Corps, 163 ; German losses during May and 
total to date, 226; Canadian, for three 
years, 288; British at Ctesiphon, ?.02 ; of 
Gen. Aylmer near Felahie, 303; German 
since Aug., 1916, 399; British losses in 
Flanders, during two weeks of August, 
402: on British merchantmen, up to Aug., 
1917, 405; Russian in retreat in Galicia, 
423; British losses per month in battle of 
Somme in 1916, 425: "Estimates of War 
Casualties," 427; French percentage in 
proportion to strength, 481; British losses 
at Loos, 503 ; French losses in Champagne, 
504; British losses on western front from 
Sept. 25-Oct. 18, 1915, 506; deaths due to 
air raids in London, 518. 

CAUSES of the War, German responsibility 
discussed by Pres. Wilson in Flaer Day 
address, 2 ; annotations on Pres. Wilson's 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



war message, 64 ; responsibility of Russian 
mobilization discussed in Reichstag by Dr. 
Michaelis, 196; "How the War Came to 
America," official statement, 304; "Why 
We Entered the Great War," by W. H. 
Taf t, 317 ; London Times account of Pots- 
dam meeting at which ultimatum to Ser- 
bia was decided upon; denial by Wolff 
Bureau, 470; U. S. in possession of proof 
that Serbian ultimatum was first in hands 
of German Emperor, 471 ; telegram from 
Kaiser to Pres. Wilson, Aug. 10, 1914, 
giving version of how war began, 473; 
comment on telegram by S. Lauzanne 
showing how Kaiser contradicted himself, 
474. 

CAVE, CSir) George, statement on air raid 

casualties, 518. 
CAVELL, Edith, quoted by Lord Cecil, 48. 

CECIL, (Lord) Robert, address in Parliament 
in reply to amendment on annexation by 
P. Snowden, 46 ; statement at close of 
third year of war, 473. 

CELS, Jules, on submarine menace to ship- 
ping, 88. 

CENSORSHIP, failure of Congress to estab- 
lish, 23. 

CENTRAL Europe, German plans stated by 
Pres. Wilson in Flag Day address, 3; 
article by T. G. Frothingham on " Threat 
of ' Mittel-Europa,' " 97. 

CEVADILLA, 258. 

CHABRANNES, (Com tease) de, takes charge 
of rebuilding Maucourt, 349. 

CHAMBERLAIN, J. Austen, consured for 
failure of Mesopotamian expedition, 1915- 
1916, 538; resignation, and reply in Com- 
mons to censure, 542. 

CHANG, Hsun, 259. 

CHARLES I., Emperor of Austria, first 
Throne speech, 44. 

CHAVE, (Capt.) Benjamin, report on torpe- 
doing of S. S. Alnwick Castle, 93. 

CHERNOFF, M. T. N., 441. 

CHIESA, Eugenio, on Italian occupation of 
Albania, SO. 

CHINA, article by G. L. Harding on events 
leading up to break with Germany, 100; 
account of beginning of disorder, 102 ; re- 
appointment of Premier Tuan, retirement 
of Li Yuang-hung in favor of Feng Kuo- 
chang, 220 ; account of attempt to restore 
Manchu dynasty, 258 ; comment on declara- 
tion of war against Germany ; statement 
of Feng Kuo-chang, 406; "China's Mil- 
lennium of Peace," 407. 

China Foils a Royalist Coup, 259. 

CHOULGINE (M.), account of Czar's abdi- 
cation, 115. 

CHRONOLOGY of the War, 29, 233, 415. 

CHTYHEGLOVITOFF. indicted, 208. 

CIVIL War (U. S.), draft riots in New York, 
223. 

CLERGERIE (Gen.), summary of account of 
" How Paris Was Saved," 495. 

CLUNET, (Dr.) Jean, account of career and 
death, by R. de Lezeau, 137. 

COAL, needed by Italy supplied by U. S., 62; 
shortage in Italy discussed by G. Mar- 
coni, 270. 

COATES, Florence Earle, poem, " Better to 
Die." 104. 

COBBE (Lieut. Gen.), 544. 

COCHIN (Deputy), 467. 

COFFIN, Howard E., on use of Wright field 
for training of aviation students, 13; on 
aircraft production, 514. 

Come Into the Garden (of Eden) Maude, 96. 

COMMAND of Death, description of forma- 
tion and training, 210. 

Vol. XII 



COMMERCE, understanding worked out be- 
tween U. S. and Entente Allies as result 
of War Mission, 61; German ambitions 
and Central Europe problem, 97. 
See also EXPORTS; SHIPPING. 

COMMITTEE on Public Information, text of 
pamphlet, " How the War Came to Amer- 
ica," 304. 

CONSCRIPTION, see CANADA; UNITED 
STATES Army. 

CONSPIRACIES, see GERMAN Plots. 

CONST ANTINE L, King of Greece, over- 
throw ; connection with royal houses of 
Europe, 18 ; events leading up to abdica- 
tion, 83 ; message from Emperor William, 
84 ; account of abdication and departure, 
281; chronological table of war policy; 
arrival and reception in Switzerland, 283. 

CONSTANTINOPLE, war conditions, 327 ; at- 
titude of Russian people stated by Dr. 
Michaelis, 468. 

COSSACKS, revolution pledging support to 
Govt., 55. 
See also RUSSIA Army. 

COST of War, sociological study " Who Pays 
for the Cost of War," by W. A. Wood, 
134; "Appalling Waste of the War," by 
H. Caine, 452. 
See also FINANCE. 

COTTON, passed on by neutrals to Ger- 
many, 256. 
See also EXPORTS. 

COUNCIL of National Defense, statement on 
aviation policy, 13. 

CRANE, Charles R., " Russian Church Re- 
forms," 213. 

Creating the New American Armies, 218. 

CROCKER, Mrs. W. H., takes charge of re- 
building Vitrimont, 349. 

CROWDER, (Brig. Gen.) Enoch H., tells 
Congress number of men required in draft, 

CZERNIN von Chudenitz, (Count) Ottokar 
von, interchange of notes with Dr. 
Michaelis on relations of Germany with 
Austria-Hungary, 197 ; reply to speech of 
Lloyd George attacking Dr. Michaelis's 
first address, 468. 

Cry From the Canadian Hills, 75. 

Current History Chronicled, 18, 221, 406. 

D 

DANCOURT (Lieut.), 521. 

DANIELS, Josephus, article summarizing 
naval progress of U. S. in war measures, 
252. 

DATO, Eduardo, attitude as Premier toward 
war, 22. 

DAVID, (Dr.) E., on Social Democracy, 450. 

DAVIS, William Stearns, annotations on 
Pres. Wilson's message calling for war, 
64. 

DAVISON, Henry P., appointed on Red 
Cross Council, 25. 

DAYTON, (Maj.) Edwin W., " Military Ope- 
rations of the War," 124, 295, 499. 

Death of Prince Karl Friedrich, 79. 

DECLARATION of Bordeaux, text, 265. 

DELBRUECK, (Dr.) Hans, 192. 

DELBRUECK, Rudolf, on protection of em- 
pire through Jesuit act, 20. 

DELMER, F. Sefton, on life in Berlin during 
war, 324, 508. 

DENIKINE (Gen.), 56. 

DEPORTATIONS, see BELGIUM; JEWS. 

Deportations Planned in Advance, 143. 

DESTROYERS, value, 247. 

Details of the Czar's Abdication, 115. 

DEVONPORT (Baron), orders regulating 
foodstuffs, 149; resignation, 150. 



INDEX AND TABLE OF CONTENTS 



v. 



DJEMAL Pasha, cruelty to Jews, 167. 
DOBSON, Richard, " German Socialism and 

World War," 447. 
DONZEL (Engineer), 92. 
DORISE (Capt.). 93. 
DOUMERGUE (M.), 47, 470. 
Downfall of King Constantino, S3. 
DRAFT, see UNITED STATES Army. 
DUBOIS (M.), 415. 

DUFF, (Gen. Sir) Beauchamp, 244, 538. 
DUMAS (Gen.), salute to U. S. on arrival 

of Gen. Pershing, 7. 



Ear Disturbances Suffered by Aviators, 523. 

EFREMOFF (M.), 107, 113. 

EGYPT, political status, 411. 

EI.TEL Friedrich (Prince), charged With 

theft in France, 415. 
EMBARGO, see EXPORTS. 
EMS Dispatch, 70. 

ENEMY Aliens, annotations on Pres. Wil- 
son's reference in war message, 74. 
See also GERMAN Plots; GERMANS in 

America. 
ENGLAND : 

Army, Maoris in, 22; races and nations 
represented, 25 ; numbers of Canadian 
enlistments for three years, 287 ; state- 
ment of Lloyd George on number of 
men enrolled, 407; tribute by Sir D. 
Haig, 536. 
See also CANADA. 

Cabinet, changes announced, July 17, 224. 
Commission on Failure of Mesopotamian 

Expedition, report, 244, 538. 
Electoral Reform, effect of new bill and 

provision for woman suffrage, IS. 
Finances, Canadian contributions, 288; 

war credits tabulated by dates, 413. 
Foreign policies, in relation to Teutonic 
control of Central Europe, article by T. 
G. Frothingham, 97. 

Germany, Relations with, telegram from 
Kaiser to Pres. Wilson,. Aug. 10. 1914, 
giving account of events immediately 
following Serbian ultimatum, 473. 
See also CAUSES of the War. 
Imperial Conference, results, 147. 
Munitions of War, Dr. Addison on output, 

224 ; amounts purchased, 414. 
Royal House, abolishes German titles, list 
of substitutions, 224; announcement of 
change of name to House of Windsor, 
251. 

Russia, Relations with, note in reply to 
Russian demand for statement of war 
aims, 50. 

ZEPPELIN Raids, see AERONAUTICS. 
Enormous Weight of Metal Hurled by Artil- 
lery, 334. 

Entente Peace Terms Defined, 50. 
ENVER Pasha, 327. 

ERZBERGER, Mathias, peace move among 
Catholic clergy, 5:5 ; change of front on 
peace, 192 ; similarity of peace plans to 
those of the Pope, 408. 
ESPIONAGE Act, provisions, 23. 
ESSAD Pasha, President of Albania, 87. 
ESSEN, Krupp works bombed, 518. 
ESTERHAZY, (Count) Moritz, 20. 
EXEMPTION Boards, appointment and 

power, 386. 

EXPORTS Council, 16, 254. 
EXPORTS, decision of Pres. Wilson to place 
embargo on essential commodities to pre- 
vent neutral re-exports to Germany; 
statement of Sec. Redfield on licenses. 

Vol. XII 



16; purpose of embargo act, 23; "Em- 
bargo on Exports of Food and Other 
Commodities," 254; attitude of countries 
of Europe toward embargo ; denial by E. 
B. Trolle that Sweden's imports were not 
for home consumption, 255. 



FABRY, (Lieut. Col.) Jean, 10. 
FACIAL Surgery, progress, 412. 
Facts Supporting President Wilson's War 

Message, 64. 
FALKENHAUSEN, (Baron) Friedrich von, 

53. 

FEDERATION of Allied Nations, suggested 
by Lord Northcliffe as post-bellum 
measure, 274. 

FENG Kuo-chang, Pres. of China, appointed, 
226, 260; statement on declaration of war 
against Germany, 406. 
FERDINAND, King of Rumania, reply on 

Jewish question to deputation, 155. 
FERRERO, (Gen.) Giacinto, 285. 
Fighting Forces of France, 481. 
FIJI Islanders, part in war, 21. 
FINANCE, U. S. loans to Allies, 414; state- 
ment of Sen. Borah on amount of bond 
issues in belligerent countries, 460. 
See also under names of countries. 
FINLAND, concessions by Russian Pro- 
visional Govt., 57; problem of liberation 
and German intrigue discussed by Dr. 
Lange, 112; Russian problem in, 205. 
First American Army in France, 215. 
First United States War Loan, 17. 
FLEMINGS, views of von Bissing on move- 
ment, 352. 

FLOUR, see FOODSTUFFS. 
FOCH, (Gen.) Ferdinand, 127. 493. 
FOLKESTONE, air raid on, 70. 
Food Crisis in the United States, 15. 
Food Dictator for the United States, 389. 
Food Restrictions in France Use of Horse 

Meat, 151. 
FOODSTUFFS : 

Austria-Hungary, conditions in Vienna, 

321. 
Canada, M. J. Hanna appointed Controller 

and working with Mr. Hoover, 2S9. 
England, text of order on meatless and 
potatoless days, 149 ; official summary 
of other food regulations, 150. 
France, orders for meatless day with ex- 
ception of horse meat, regulations for 
use of flour, 151 ; list of regulations in 
Paris, 322. 

Germany, shortage of potatoes ; summary 
of bread-card system, 152 ; Dr. 
Michaelis in Reichstag on severity of 
conditions, 197 ; conditions in Berlin ; 
use of wood for flour, 326; article by 
F. S. Delmer, 508. 
Holland, need of grain, 431. 
Norway, Dr. Nansen on needs, 430. 
Turkey, scarcity and rise in prices, 169. 

328. 

United States, Pres. Wilson and measures 
to avert crisis, 15 ; tables presented by 
Senator Gallinger showing comparative 
prices in 1914 and 1917, 99; war 
measures, Pres. Wilson on program for 
control, and effect on prices, 389. 
See also EXPORTS. 
Foreign Born Men in America, 22. 

FRANCE, races represented in army, 24; 
article comparing Russian and French 
Revolutions, 118 ; war regulations in Paris, 
322 ; official report of German barbarities 
in occupied territory, 340 ; work done in 
restoring communities destroyed in Ger- 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



man retreat, 347; " Two Years Under the 
Germans," diary of a villager of Savy, 
3f>0; new income tax rates, 415; accused 
by Dr. Michaelis of making secret treaty 
with Russia aiming at conquest, 407 ; de- 
nial in Deputies by Premier Ribot, 470; 
denial of Russian protest against aims, 
by M. Tcrestchenko ; denial by J. 
Cambon, 4.71 ; assertion of Kaiser that 
Belgian neutrality was violated be- 
cause " France was already prepar- 
ing to enter Belgium," made in letter 
to Pres. Wilson Aug. 10, 1014; contradic- 
tion of assertion of Kaiser by Gen. Frey- 
tag-Loringhoven, 474; letter from A. 
Tardieu to Sec. Baker giving figures for 
strength of France as fighting unit, 481; 
war expenditures, 482. 

See also ALLIES' Commissions; CAM- 
PAIGN in Europe, Western; VAN- 
DALISM. 

FRANK (Dr.), on German lack of rights in 
politics, 200. 

FREDERICK the Great, policy of right con- 
trasted with that of George Washington, 
69. 

FREEDOM of the Seas, see INTERNA- 
TIONAL, Law. 

FREIGHT Rates, Pres. Wilson on high ocean 
rates, 257. 

FRENCH Commission to United States, see 
ALLIES' Commissions. 

FREYTAG-LORINGHOVEN, (Gen. Baron) 
von, extract from article showing France 
was caught unawares by invasion, 474. 

FROTHINGHAM, Thomas G., " The Threat 
of ' Mittel-Europa,' " 97; "The Subma- 
rine Situation," 245; "The Grand Tactics 
of Three Years of Warfare," 419. 

FRANCO-Prussian War, Bismarck's method 
cf provoking, 70. 

Fruits of Diplomatic Missions, 59. 

FULLER, Paul, 255. 



GALLIC Temperament, compared with Sla- 
vonic as shown in French and Russian 
Revolutions, 121. 
GALLIENI, (Gen.) Joseph S., at defense of 

Paris, 498. 

GALLINGER, Jacob H., table presented in 
Senate showing food prices in 1914 and 
1917, 99. 
GALLOIS, (Sergeant) Maxime, account of 

bombing of Krupp Works, 518. 
GAMA, (Dr.) Domicio, note to U. S. on revo- 
cation of neutrality by Brazil, 279; reply 
by F. L. Polk, 280. 
GARDINER, J. B. W., "Military Review of 

the Month," 20, 227. 
GARFIELD, Harry A., 391. 
GARIBALDI, Giuseppe, visit of Prince Udine 
and members of commission to memorial 
at Rosebank, 271. 
GARRELS (Consul at Alexandria), report 

on deportation of Jews from Jaffa, 107. 
GAS Bombs, see ASPHYXIATING Gas. 
GASPARRI (Cardinal), text accompanying 

Pope's peace note, 393. 
GAZA, in history, 159. 

See also CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 
GEBSATTEL (Baron), protest in behalf of 
Pan-Germanist League, reply by Beth- 
mann Hollweg, 353. 

GEDDES, (Maj. Gen. Sir) Eric, work com- 
mended by Sir D. Haig; made First Lord 
of the Admiralty, 537. 

GEORGE V.. King of England, greeting to 
Gen. Pershing, ; abolishes German titles 
cf royal house, 224; sends message to 
allied nations on third anniversary of 
v/ar, 472. 

German Airman's Story of a Raid on Lon- 
don, 521. 

Vol. XII 



German Barbarities in France, 340. 

GERMAN Conspiracies, see GERMAN Plots. 

German Crisis, 191. 

GERMAN East Africa, treatment of natives 
by Germany described by Lord Cecil, 47. 

GERMAN Language, repeal of act forbidding 
use of other languages in public meet- 
ing, 20. 

GERMAN Plots, activities of conspirators re- 
ferred to by Pres. Wilson in Flag Day 
address, 2 ; annotation on Pres. Wilson's 
war message, giving list of intrigues in 
U. S., 71; comment on Zimmermann plot 
in Mexico, 72; in Russia, 204; work of 
hostile spies in America, treated in offi- 
cial statement of U. S. on war ; extract 
from speech of Pres. Wilson in St. Louis, 
310; proclamation of Workmen's Council 
censuring pro-German agitators in Rus- 
sia, 435 ; Lenine as agent in Russia, 442. 

German Sailor's Account of the Jutland 
Battle, 497. 

German Socialism and the World War, 447. 

German Version of the Marne, 487: 

German Word Picture of the British Attack 
in Flanders, 403. 

GERMANS in America, tables showing per- 
centage unnaturalized in registration for 
draft, 220. 
See also ENEMY Aliens ; GERMAN Plots. 

GERMANY :- 

Army, W. Littlefield on waning power in 
men and stamina, 399. 

Chancellors, historical sketch of holders 
of Chancellorship, 221. 

China, Relations with, see CHINA. 

Colonies, Lloyd George on settling future 
Government in peace terms, 2G2. 
See also GERMAN East Africa. 

Electoral reform, demands leading to po- 
litical crisis, 191 ; manifesto of Em- 
peror William, 193 ; unfairness of pres- 
ent electoral system discussed by C. D. 
Hazen, 201. 

England, Relations with, telegram from 
Kaiser to Pres. Wilson, Aug. 10, 1914, 
giving account of events immediately 
following Serbian ultimatum, 473. 

Government, autocratic spirit discussed 
in annotations on Pres. Wilson's war 
message, 69; article by C. D. Hazen 
on " How the Hohenzollerns and 
Junkers Control," 198. 
See also GERMANY-Electoral Re- 
form; GERMANY Political Crisis. 

Imports, from neutrals, 255. 

Merchant marine, seizure by Allies, 414. 

Political Crisis, account of events culmi- 
nating in resignation of Bethmann 
Hollweg and appointment of Dr. 
Michaelis as Chancellor, 191; editorial 
comment on changes, 410. 

Reforms, repeal of Jesuit act and lan- 
guage paragraph, 20. 

Social Democrats, see SOCIALISTS. 

United States. Relations with, see under 

UNITED STATES. 

Germany's Attitude Toward Restoration, 479. 
GERMENI, Themistocles, 87. 
GEYER, Friedrich A. K., declaration in 

Reichstag on peace, in 1915, 447. 
GIBBON, Perceval, description of fighting on 

Italian front, 33. 
GIBBS, Philip, on Battle of Messines Ridge, 

30; "A British Reverse on the Yser," 

242. 

GIRONDISTS, likened to Constitutional 
Democrats in Russia, 120. 

GLEAVES, (Rear Admiral) Albert, in com- 
mand of squadron convoying U. S. troops, 
216. 



INDEX AND TABLE OF CONTENTS 



GLENNON, (Admiral) James H., quells 

mutiny at Sabastopol, 212. 
GLOSS (Colonel), 342. 

GOLTZ, (Field Marshal Baron) von der, 303. 
GOMPERS. Samuel, letter on sending dele- 
gates to Stockholm conference ; attack on 
. Workmen's Council, 444. 
GORGAS, (Maj. Gen.) William Crawford, on 

selection of locations of training camps, 

219. 

GORKY, Maxim, 119. 
GO UGH, (Gen. Sir) Hubert, commended by 

Gon. Haig, 536. 
GOUTOR (Gen.), 55. 
Grand Tactics of Three Years of Warfare, 

419. 
GRAVINA (S. S.), account of treatment of 

crew by Germans, 95. 
Great Britain's Royal Family Now the House 

of Windsor, 251. 
Great Fight in the Air, SO. 

GREECE, events leading up to and following 
abdication of King Constantino, So ; text 
of Entente ultimatum, account of abdica- 
tion of Constantino, 281; proclamation of 
King Alexander and events following, 282 ; 
break with Germany ; chronological table 
of leading events from Mar., 1915, 283; 
Italian attitude defined by Baron Son- 
nino, 477. 

GREEK Catholic Church, article by C. R. 
Crane on " Russian Church Reforms," 
213: "Russia's Greek Church and the 
Roman Catholics," 408. 

GREERUL Hospital, 139. 

GRENFELL, (Capt.) Francis, 126. 

GREY, (Sir) Edward, attitude toward in- 
vasion of France and Belgium as given 
in letter to Pres. Wilson from Kaiser, 473. 

GRIMM, Robert, requested to leave Russia 
on account of communication from M. 
Hoffmann on separate Russian peace, 209. 

GUNS (ordnance), captured and lost by 
British during war, 225. 
See also MUNITIONS of War. 

GURKO (Gen.), 56, 435. 

GUTCHKOFF, Alexandre Ivanovitch, at 
abdication of Nicholas II., 115. 

H 

HAASE, Hugo, quoted on peace, 440; 
ence to " Potsdam Plot," 470. 

HAGUE Conference, German refusal of 
disarmament, 71 ; statement of U. S. on 
Monroe Doctrine, 304. 

HAIG, (Field Marshal Sir) Douglas, text of 
report on operations on the Ancre from 
Nov., 1916, to Mar., 1917, 335; official re- 
port on German retreat on Ancre and 
Somme, 534. 

HAMBURGER Fremdenblatt, article on po- 
litical crisis, 193. 

HANISCHE, Konrad, 449. 

HANNA, W. J., appointed Canadian Food 
Controller and working with Mr. Hoover, 
289. 

HARDEN, Maximilian, article which caused 
suppression of Zukunft and his drafting 
as military clerk, 193. 

HARDING, Gardner L., " China and the 
World War," 100; "Japan's Part in the 
War," 528. 

HARDINGE (Baron), censured for Kut dis- 
aster and defended by A. J. Balfour and 
Commons, 244 ; censured for failure of 
first Mesopotamian expedition, 538 ; reply 
to criticism, 542 ; defended by A. Cham- 
berlain ; resignation not accepted In Com- 
mons, 543. 

Hardships of the U-Boat Service, 90. 

Vol. XII 



refer- 



HARNACK, (Dr.) Adolph von, extract from 
address in Berlin on " Wilson's American 
Ideal of Liberty," 142. 

Harrowing Sea Story, 93. 

HARVEST Prayer, German, 513. 

HATHAWAY, (Surgeon Gen.) H. G., cen- 
sured, 244. 

HAZEN, Charles Downer, " How the Hohen- 
zollerns and Junkers Control," 198. 

HAZLETON, Richard, 274. 

Heartrending Scenes in Belgium, 498. 

HEHIR (Col.), report on conditions during 
Kut-el-Amara siege, 539. 

HENDERSON, Arthur, favors Stockholm 
Conference, 443. 

Heroic Death of Dr. Clunet, 137. 

Heroic Men of the Athos, 92. 

HILLQUIT, Morris, passport for Socialist 
conference refused by Govt., 20. 

HINDENBURG, (Gen.) Paul von, at Tan- 
nenburg, 420; telegram to Dr. Michaella 
on third anniversary of war, 480. 

HINTZE, (Admiral) Paul von, 100. 

HOFFMANN, Arthur, text of note to R. 
Grimm on separate Russian peace, 209; 
resignation from Swiss Council, 210. 

HOLLAND, Mission to U. S. ; need of grain, 
431. 

HOLZMEHL, 326. 

HOOVER, Herbert C., and food crisis, 15; 
tribute by Baron Moncheur, 273 ; ap- 
pointed Food Dictator, 389 ; statement on 
purpose of food administration, 390. 

HORSE Meat, used in France, 151. 

HOSPITAL Ships, annotations on Pres. Wil- 
son's reference in message to sinking, 65. 

How American Aviators Saved Verdun, 81. 

How Paris Was Saved, 495. 

How the Hohenzollerns and Junkers Control. 
198. 

How the War Came to America, 304. 

HSU Shih-chang, made dictator, 103. 

HSUAN Tung, 259. 

HURLEY, Edward N., 25. 

HYDROPLANE, use against U-boat dis- 
cussed by T. G. Frothingham, 249. 



INCOME Tax, amount collected during 1917 
compared, with period from civil war to 
1873, 25: increase in Russia, 209; in 
France, 415. 

INDEMNITY, Lloyd George on purpose of, 
261. 
See also PEACE. 

INDIA, difficulty in feeding troops In Asia 
Minor campaign, 539; Govt. censured for 
failure of Mesopotamian expedition, 541; 
reply to Lord Hardinge to criticism, show- 
ing condition of country, 542. 

INDIANS, article by V. de W. Rowell on 
" Canadian Indians at the Front," 290. 

Indictment of Czar's Former Officials, 208. 

INSURANCE, for soldiers, 413. 

See also UNITED STATES War Risk 
Insurance Bureau. 

INTERNATIONAL, Conference of Socialists 
at Stockholm, attitude in leading coun- 
tries toward, 442; attitude of Belgian 
Socialists, 446. 

INTERNATIONAL Law, applied to Issues In 
Pres. Wilson's war message, 64; attitude 
of U. S. toward freedom of seas. Declara- 
tion of London and arbitration, 305 ; W. H. 
Taft on German violations of maritime 
laws, 317; J. Kahn on periods in which 
U. S. has been ready to fight for freedom 
of the seas, 387. 



vm. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



INTERNED Ships, value of and damage to 
vessels taken over by Govt., 21; seizure 
of German vessels by Allies, 414. 

IRELAND, convention on home rule, 19 ; 
T. P. O'Connor on situation and explana- 
tion of purpose of mission to U. S. f 274. 

IRON, shipments to Germany from Sweden, 
256. 

ISHII, (Viscount) Kikujiro, on purpose of 
mission to U. S., 270; arrival in U. S., 
speech at dinner to mission, 429. 

ITALIAN Commission to United States, see 
ALLIES' Commissions. 

Italian Offensive on the Carso and Isonzo 
Fronts, 33. 

ITALY, official communication in reply to 
Russian demand for statement of war 
aims, 51 ; purposed in war stated by Prince 
Udine in U. S. Senate ; resume of finan- 
cial conditions, G3 ; G. Marconi on strain 
of war and privation, 270; on need for 
coal ; E. Arlotta's plea for war materials 
and ships, 271; circumstances under which 
Italy revealed to France her decision to 
remain neutral and its effect on the 
Marne battle, described by G. Marconi, 
272 ; Maj. Dayton on entry into war ; 
sketch of relations with Austria and Ger- 
many, 295; historical sketch, 410; position 
on Balkan issues defined by Baron Son- 
nino, 476. 

See also CAMPAIGN In Europe, Austro- 
Italian Border. 



JACOBINS. 120. 

JAFFA, deportations of Jews from, 167. 

JAPAN, attitude toward American note to 
China, 104; article by G. L. Harding on 
44 Japan's Part in the War," 52S. 

JAPANESE Commission to United States. 
see ALLIES' Commissions. 

JESUIT act, repeal in Germany, 20. 

JEWS, agitation against ill-treatment in 
Rumania and reply of King Ferdinand, 
155; "Cruelties to Jtws Deported From 
Jaffa," 167 ; text of Russian decree affect- 
ing rights, 214. 

JOFFRE, (Marshal) Joseph, designated by 
French Govt. to co-operate with Gen. 
Pershing, 10; tribute by R. Viviani in 
speech at Waldorf, 59; breaks ground for 
Lafayette monument in Baltimore, 238; 
T. G. Frothingham on tactics at Marne, 
419 ; praised in German account of Marne, 
489. 

JONNART (Greek Senator), lays demands 
for abdication of Constantino before Zai- 
mls ; reply by Zaimis, S3 ; proclamation to 
Greek people, 84 ; manifesto to offset King 
Alexander's proclamation, 282. 

JUNKERS, article by C. D. Hazen on " How 
the Hohenzollerns and Junkers Control," 
198. 

JUTLAND, Battle of, effect, 425; account 
by German sailor from Luetzow, 497. 

K 

KAHL (Dr.), statement that "America Will 
Make No Difference " in war, 463. 

KAHN, Julius, statement on occasion of 
drawing of numbers for conscription, 387. 

Kaiser's Message to President Wilson, 473. 

KANEKO, (ViscounO Kentaro, on America's 
entry into war, 277. 

KARL Friedrich (Prince), personal account 
of capture ; death, 79. 

KERENSKY, Alexander Feodorovich, pre- 
vents collapse of army and navy, 53; part 
in revolution and Provisional Govt., 110; 
career, 114; effect on Russian situation, 
204; credited with renewal of fighting by 
J. B. W. Gardiner, 227; sketch of career, 
411 ; appointed Premier, 433 ; stand on 
Stockholm Conference, 443. 

Vol. XII 



KLUCK, (Gen.) von, anger at desertion of 
French village by natives, 346; at battle 
of Marne, 488. 

Knightly Orders for Women, 225. 

KOLOTKOFF (Col.), report on army col- 
lapse, 436. 

KORTTZA, establishment of Albanian repub- 
lic in district by Allies, 87. 

KORNILOFF, (Gen.) L. G., 435, 442. 

KOURLOFF (M.), 208. 

KRAMER, Louis, sentenced for anti-draft 
agitation, 14. 

KRONSTADT Fortress, seizure by Work- 
men's and Soldiers' Delegates, 55. 

KROPOTKIN, (Prince) Peter, 119. 

KRUIZHANOVSKY (Governor), 208. 

KRUPP Works, bombed in air raid, 518. 

KUBHLMANN, (Dr.) Richard von, 410. 

KUGEMANN (Commander), text of notice to 
civilian workers, 340. 

KUT-EL-AMARA, findings of investigation 
of failure of expedition, 244; conditions 
during siege described by Col. Hchir in 
report of commission to inquire into 
failure, 539. 
See also CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 



LABOR, exorbitant demands of Russian 
workmen, 53 ; establishment of eight-hour 
day in Russia, 54 ; recruiting of Chinese 
labor by Allies, 102 ; minimum wage passed 
in England by Commons, 415. 

LACAZE (Admiral), statements in Chamber 
of Deputies on submarine depredations 
on shipping, 88; on methods of counterat- 
tack, 89; on submarine destruction of 
shipping, 251. 

LACROIX, P., M. D., "Ear Disturbances 
Suffered by Aviators," 523. 

LAFAYETTE, Marquis de, visit of Gen. 
Pershing to tomb, 9 ; breaking of ground 
by French Mission for monument in Balti- 
more; visits of Marquis to Baltimore, 237. 

LAFAYETTE Escadrille, tribute to work at 
Verdun, by L. Cammen, 81. 

LAGERKRANTZ, Hermann, 431. 

LANGE, Christian L., " Story of the Russian 
Upheaval," 105. 

LANSING. (Sec.) Robert, address at Madison 
Barracks on war aims of U. S., 455. 

LASSALLE, Ferdinand, 447. 

LAUZANNE, Stephen, comment on Kaiser's 
letter to Pres. Wilson on causes of war, 

LAW, Andrew Bonar, on abdication of Con- 

stantine, in Commons, 83. 
LE ROUX, Hughes, " Heroic Men of the 

Athos," 92. 

LECLERCQ (Gen.), 272. 
LEE, Algernon, 20. 

LENINE, Nikolai, leader in disturbances, 
204; censure by Workmen's Council, 435; 
organizes demonstrations after return from 
exile ; peace speech shown to be mes- 
sage from Prince Leopold of Bavaria, 
441; declared by Brusiloff to be agent of 
German General Staff, 442. 

LENSCH (Dr.), on stand of Social Demo- 
crats. 449 ; on international socialism ; on 
individualism and collectivism in England, 
France, and Germany, 450. 

LEOPOLD, Prince of Bavaria, 441. 

LERROUX (Deputy), 23. 

LEVERIDGE. Lilian, poem, " A Cry From 
the Canadian Hills," 75. 

LE7EAU, Robert de, " Heroic Death of Dr. 
Clunet," 137. 

LI CHING-HSI, 103. 



INDEX AND TABLE OF CONTENTS 



ix. 



LI YUAN-HUNG, President of China, In 
crisis over break with Germany, 102; 
and Chinese rebellion, 259. 

LIBERTY Loan, success of campaign, 17; 
figures showing subscriptions, 224. 
See also UNITED STATES-Finances. 

LIEBKNECHT, (Dr.) Karl, opposition to 
German war policy, 439, 447 ; criticism of 
war loan in Reichstag and disturbance 
following, 448. 

Life in Denmark's Lost Province, 512. 

LINCOLN, Abraham, second inaugural ad- 
dress quoted, 74. 

LITTELL, (Col.) I. W., 12. 

LITTLEFIELD, Walter, " Military Events 
of the Month," 394. 

LLOYD GEORGE, (Premier) David, tribute 
in Commons to U. S. Navy, 15 ; statement 
on meeting of Imperial Conference an- 
nually, 148 ; on shipping losses, 405 ; at- 
tack on Dr. Michaelis's first speech in 
Reichstag, 464 ; reply by Dr. Michaelis, 
467 ; reply by Count Czernin to attack on 
Dr. Michaelis, 468; extract from Queen's 
Hall speech, defining German attitude to- 
ward " restoration " ; comment of Ger- 
man press, 479 ; comment of Count Re- 
ventlow. 480. 

LOMONOSOFF (Prof.), on Russian need of 
Amer. locomotives, 268. 

LONDON, Declaration of, attitude of U. S. 
and of Germany, 305. 

LONDON, air raids, see AERONAUTICS. 

LONDON Times, on " Potsdam Plot," 470. 

LOOTING, see VANDALISM. 

LOUIS XVI., in French Revolution, 118. 

LUCACIU, (Rev.) Basil, 276. 

LUCON, Cardinal, extracts from diary on 
bombardment of Rheims, 139. 

LUETZOW (flagship), 497. 

LUTHER, Martin, quoted by H. Caine, 452. 

LUTHERANS, number and control in Ger- 
many and Austria, 222. 

LVOFF, (Prince) George E., statement on 
Russian situation, for information of 
America, 205. 

LYNCH, Arthur, 84. 

M 

McCAIN. (Brig. Gen.) Henry P.. statement 
on officers' training camps, 12. 

MACDONALD, James B., " The War in 
Western Asia," 156. 

MACDONALD, James Ramsay, plea for 
Stockholm conference, 443 ; text of resolu- 
tion on acceptance of German peace move, 
465. 

MACKENSEN, (Field Marshal) von, 12S. 

MAcNEILL, John Gordon Swift, 84. 

MAETERLINCK, Maurice, " The Mothers," 
293. 

MAHAN, (Capt.) Alfred Thayer, on merits of 
rail and water transportation in relation 
to Bagdad railway, 97. 

MAJOR Generals, list of U. S. officers, 384. 

MANN, (Major Gen.) William A., 384. 

Marching Stars 486. 

MARCONI, Guglielmo, says submarine situa- 
tion is serious, 251 ; speech in Chicago on 
burden borne by Italy ; on Italy's shortage 
of coal, in New York, 270; speech at 
Mayor's dinner on " Italy's Part in the 
Marne Victory," 271. 

MARIE Antoinette, compared with Empress 
Alexandra of Russia, 108, 118. 

MARINGER, Georges, 340. 

MARITIME Law, see INTERNATIONAL 
Law. 

MARSHALL (Lieut. Gen.). 544. 

MARX. Karl, 119. 

Vol. XII 



MASSE Y, W. T., " British in the Promised 
Land," 163. 

MAUCOURT, Comtesse de Chabrannes takes 
charge of rebuilding, 349. 

MAUDE, (Gen. Sir) F. Stanley, in Asia 
Minor campaign, 15G ; text of report on 
capture of Bagdad, 544. 

MAUNOURY (Gen.), 492, 495. 

MAURICE, (Maj. Gen.) Frederick B., sum- 
mary of three years of war, 483. 

MAVROMICHAELIS (Commander), 83. 

MEAT, see FOODSTUFFS. 

MESOPOTAMIA, disposition in peace con- 
ference suggested by Lloyd George, 261; 
report of Commission on Failure of First 
Expedition, 538. 
See also CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 

Mesopotamian Disaster, 538. 

MESSINES, see CAMPAIGN in Europe, 
Western. 

MEXICO, Zimmermann plot for German- 
Japanese-Mexican alliance, 72. 

MICHAEL Alexandrovitch (Grand Duke), 
116. 

MICHAELIS, (Dr.) Georg, succeeds Beth- 
mann Hollweg as Chancellor, 191 ; first 
address to Reichstag, 196; sends message 
to Count Czernin on relations with Aus- 
tria, 197; first speech in Reichstag at- 
tacked by Lloyd George, 464; reply to 
Lloyd George, 467; extract from address 
on Aug. 4, 480. 

Military Events of the Month, 394. 

Military Operations of the War, 124, 295. 
499. 

Military Review of the Month, 26, 227. 

MILITARY Science, see TACTICS. 

MILNER (Viscount), on exporting from neu- 
trals to Germany, 255. 

MINIMUM Wage, rate fixed in England. 
415. 

MOHAMMEDANS, deported from Jaffa, 168. 

MOLLARD, Armand, 340. 

MOLTKE, (Gen.) von, 487. 

MOLTKE, (Count) Helmuth Karl Bernhard 
von, 491. 

MONCHEUR, (Baron) Ludovic, at head of 
Belgian Mission to U. S., 19; statement 
to newspaper correspondents at Washing- 
ton ; address at tomb of Washington ; 
speech in House, 273. 

MONROE Doctrine, referred to in Brazilian 
note to U. S., 279; as foreign policy and 
in relation to present war in official pam- 
phlet issued by Committee on Public In- 
formation on cause of war, 304. 

MORRISON, (Dr.) George, fn Chinese crisis, 
104. 

MORRISON, (Maj. Gen.) John F., 13. 

MORTON, (Maj. Gen.) Charles G., 13. 

MOTA, Jean, 276. 

MOTHERS, tribute by M. Maeterlinck, 293. 

MOTT, John R., summary of address at 
sobor of Greek Church, 213. 

MOUJEAU (Sergeant), 93. 

MOUTET (Deputy), 467. 

MUNITIONS of War, control centralized by 
Allied Buying Committee, 61; statement 
by Sir W. Robertson on tons of ammuni- 
tion expended, 136; reorganization of Bel- 
gian war industries, 146; Dr. Addison on 
English output, 224; U. S. embargo and 
furnishing of supplies to Germany by 
neutrals, 255; Canadian supply, 289; de- 
fense of right of neutral to sell munitions, 
in official Amer. statement on causes of 
war, 309. 

MURPHY, Grayson, M. P., 25. 

MURRAY, (Gen. Sir) Archibald, in Palestine. 
159. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Mustering Our Armed Forces, 381. 

N 

NANSEN, (Dr.) Fridtjof, visit to U. S. to 
procure food supplies for Norway, 276; 
head of Norwegian Mission ; statement on 
shipping to Germany, 430. 

NAPOLEON I., account of visit of Gen. 

I'ershing to tomb, 8. 
NARISCHKINE (Gen.), 115. 

NATIONAL, Guard, see UNITED STATES 

Army. 
NAUMANN, (Dr.) Friedrich. quoted on lack 

of power of Reichstag, 200. 

NAVAL Operations, tactics of three years 
discussed by T. G. Frothingham, 420; ac- 
count of Jutland battle by German sailor 
from Luetzow, 497. 
See also SUBMARINE Warfare. 

NESLE, account of barbarities of German 
occupation, 340, 342. 

Nesting Mothers of Battle Zone, 140. 

Never Heard of the War, 22. 

New Phase of Air Raids on England, 76. 

NEW YORK (City) draft riots in 1863, 223. 

NEY, Marshal, 471. 

NICHOLAS II., Czar of Russia, allowed 
privilege of voting, 56; likened by Dr. 
Lange to Louis XVI., 108; details of 
abdication, 116; appeal to be allowed 
stock in " Loan of Freedom," amount of 
possessions, 209; exile to Tobolsk with 
family, 437; telegram to Kaiser on sub- 
mitting Serbian question to Hague, 475. 

NIXON, (Sir) John, censured for Mesopo- 
tamian disaster, 244, 538. 

NONCOMBATANTS, annotations on refer- 
ence in Pres. Wilson's war message, 66. 

NORTHCLIFFE (Lord), as head of British 
Commission to U. S., 19; speech in New 
York, 274. 

NORTON, Charles D., 25. 

NORWEGIAN Commission to United States, 
276, 430. 

NOYON, adopted by Washington, D. C., for 
restoration, 349. 

o 

O Valiant Hearts, 432. 

O'CONNOR, T. P., as representative of Irish 

Nationalist Party explains purpose of 

mission to U. S., 274. 
OFFICERS' Training Camps, see UNITED 

STATES Army. 
OILS, shortage in Berlin, 511. 
OLD Dutch Market Company, 99. 
1,430 Airplanes Shot Down in Two Months, 78. 

ORDERS, of knighthood, conferred on wom- 
en. 225; "Order of British Empire" and 
" Companions of Honour," established 
and opened to women, 328. 

ORLEANS (Duke of), offer of services to 
U. S. Army, 123. 

OSBORN, Max. account of British attack in 
Flanders, 403. 

OSBORN, Paul G., comment on bravery and 
death, 412. 

OUDARD, Leon, 342. 



PAILLOT. Edmond, 340. 

PARIS, complete list of war regulations, 

322 ; air raid on, 518. 

Paris Conference on Balkan Affairs, 438. 
PASSPORTS, refused by U. S. to Socialist 

delegates, 20. 
PALESTINE, see CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 

Vol. XII 



PATROL Boats, Admiral Lacaze on use in 
counterattack on submarines and on diffi- 
culty in acquiring, 89. 

PAULSEN (Prof.), quoted on soul of Ger- 
man people, 73. 

PAXTON, John, Stanhope medal awarded 
for bravery, 154. 

PEACE, German intrigue for, discussed by 
Pres. Wilson in Flag Day address, 4; 
International Socialist Conference and ef- 
forts for terms, 19 ; referred to by Em- 
peror Charles of Austria in throne speech, 
45 ; Russia's demand for restatement of 
war aims by her allies ; repudiation of an- 
nexation by Russia ; amendment in Par- 
liament moved by P. Snowden on repu- 
diation of annexation ; address of Lord 
Cecil in reply defending policy of annexa- 
tion and indemnities, 46; Pres. Wilson's 
note to Russia, 49 ; text of replies of En- 
tente Allies to Russian demand for state- 
ment of war aims, 50; criticism of replies, 
by Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' 
Council, 51; report of Workmen's Coun- 
cil on efforts of Central Powers to nego- 
tiate for peace ; dispatch on German peace 
manoeuvres, 52 ; further German efforts 
for peace ; Council of Peasant Deputies in 
Russia declares against separate peace, 
53; alliance of Russian commercial and 
banking institutions declares against sepa- 
rate peace, 56 ; M. Erzberger declares for 
peace without annexations and indemni- 
ties, 192 ; liberal policy of Dr. Bethmann 
Hollweg responsible for fall, 195; resolu- 
tion in Reichstag supported by Centre 
Radicals and Socialists, 195; Dr. Michaelis 
on German desire for and aims, in Reichs- 
tag, 197 ; text of note from M. Hoffmann 
on separate Russian peace, causing expul- 
sion of R. Grimm from Russia, 209 ; Lloyd 
George on German desire for peace, 261 ; 
extracts from speech in Italian Deputies 
by Baron Sonnino, French reply to Rus- 
sian proclamation on annexation and in- 
demnities, 263 ; rejection by Russia re- 
ferred to by B. Bakhmeteff in speeches, 
267, 268; German note in 1916 discussed 
in official U. S. statement, " How the 
War Came to America," 311; extract from 
Pres. Wilson's speech in Senate Jan. 22, 
1917, 312 ; desire for peace in Vienna, 322 ; 
text of appeal of Pope to belligerent coun- 
tries, 392 ; sentiment of nations toward 
note, summary of statement of Vatican 
on note, 394 ; " The Pope's Peace Pro- 
posal and the Austrian Empire," 408; 
pacifist activities of Socialists in various 
countries, 439 ; manifesto of Belgian So- 
cialists on annexations and indemnities, 
445; speech by Lloyd George attacking 
first speech of Dr. Michaelis and outlining 
guarantees of peace, 464 ; resolution by 
J. R. Macdonald in Commons on accept- 
ance of German move, 465 ; Macdonald 
resolution discussed by H. H. Asquith, 
466; reply by Dr. Michaelis to attack of 
Lloyd George, 467 ; reply by Count Czer- 
nin to charge of Lloyd George that Con- 
tral Powers' proposal was a " bluff," 468; 
conditions agreeable to Italy defined by 
Baron Sonnino, 476; Lloyd George on Ger- 
man attitude toward restoration; retorts 
of German press on "restoration," 479; 
comment of Count Reventlow on Lloyd 
George's speech, 480; right of indemnity 
claimed by Serbia, 485. 
See also AIMS of War. 

Peace Program of Belgian Socialists, 445. 

PEOPLE'S Council of America, attack by 
Samuel Gompers, 444. 

PERONNE, vandalism of Germans, 344. 

PERSHING, (MaJ. Gen.) John J., account 
cf reception in England and France; 
message to British public, 6; status, 10; 
comment on his being first soldier to draw 
sword of America on European battlefield, 
24; text of statements on arrival of troops 
in France, 216 ; text of order on behavior 
of soldiers, 217; demonstration for, in 



INDEX AND TABLE OF CONTENTS 



xi. 



Deputies, 279; on progress of organiza- 
tion in France, 388. 
PERSIA, German propaganda, 531. 

See also CAMPAIGN in Asia Minor. 
PERSIUS, (Capt.) L., "Hardships of the 

U-Boat Service," 90. 

PETAIN, (Gen.) Henri Philippe, text of 
order on arrival of American troops, 217. 

PILLAGE, see VANDALISM. 

POEMS : 

Arkwright, J. S., " O Valiant Hearts," 

432. 
Bridges, Robert, " To the United States 

of America," 316. 
Coates, Florence Earle, " Better to Die," 

104. 
" Come Into the Garden, (of Eden,) 

Maude," 96. 
Leveridge, Lilian, " A Cry from the 

Canadian Hills, 75. 
Villeroy, A., " The Marching Stars," 486. 

POINCARE, (Pres.) Raymond, reply to mes- 
sage of Pres. Wilson on Bastile Day, 218. 

POLAND, mentioned by Lord Cecil in de- 
fense of annexation policy, 47 ; mentioned 
in British note in reply to Russian de- 
mand for statement of aims of war, 51 ; 
possibility of free Poland discussed by 
Dr. Lange, 113. 

POLK, Daisy, 349. 

POLK, Frank L., reply to Brazilian note, 
280* 

Polyglot Armies of the Entente, 24. 

POLYNESIANS, in the war, 21. 

Pope Benedict's Appeal for Peace, 392. 

PORTUGAL, seizure of German vessels, 415. 

" Potsdam : Plot " and Countercharges, 469. 

Premier Lvoff on Russia's Situation, 205. 

President Wilson's Note to Russia, 49. 

PRICES in 1914 and 1917, 99 ; appeal of Pres. 
Wilson against undue profits, 256. 
See also FOODSTUFFS. 

PRISONERS of War, captured by British at 
Messines Ridge, .28 ; taken in Italian of- 
fensive, 33, 34; taken on Messines Ridge, 
35; in offensive between Soissons and 
Rheims, 42 ; inhuman treatment by Ger- 
mans described by member of crew of 
Gravina, 95 ; taken by British at Festu- 
bert; Russian claims in Bukowina cam- 
paign, 128; taken by Russians at Krasnik, 
130 ; by Germans at Kovno ; by Russians 
at Tarnopol, 131 ; British and German, 
225 ; average weekly number of parcels 
sent to Germans, 226 ; taken by Germans 
at Yser attack, 233, 242.; Canadians in 
Germany, 288; taken by Austrians at Go- 
rizia, 300; claimed by Turks in surrender 
of Gen. Townshend, 303 ; account of man- 
ner of surrender and treatment accorded 
Germans at Ginchy, 359; text of protest 
of German Foreign Office against use of 
skeletons of Germans for anatomy study 
as depicted in Daily Mirror; British de- 
nial made by Foreiern Minister, 339; at 
battle of Flanders, 395 : Associated Press 
estimates made May, 1917, 429; taken by 
French in Champagne in 1915, announced 
by Gen. Joffre, 504 ; taken in operations 
leading to capture of Bagdad, 550. 

PROFITS, text of appeal of Pres. Wilson 
against profiteering, 256. 

Progress of the War, 29, 233, 415. 

PROTpPOPOFF, Alexander Dmitrievitch, 
indicted for stealing dispatches of Ras- 
putin, 209. 

PRUSSIA, Government, and domination of 
nation, by C. D. Hazen, 200. 
Sec also GERMANY. 

PRZEMYSL, see CAMPAIGN in Europe, 
Eastern. 

PUBLIC Kitchens, in Berlin, 509. 

Vol. XII 



Putting the Conscription Law Into Opera- 
tion, 13. 

Q 

QUEBEC, secession urged by Roman Catho- 
lic press, 292. 
See also CANADA. 

R 

RAILROADS, value of Bagdad Railway in 
control of Central Europe, 97; "War's 
Effects on Turkish Railways," 166; Prince 
Lvoff on difficulties in Russia and hope 
from Stevens Railroad Commission, 206; 
recommendations of J. F. Stevens for 
Russian improvement, 212; Prof. Lomo- 
nosoff on conditions in Russia and need 
for American locomotives, 268. 

RAPPARD, (Prof.) William, 431. 

RASPUTIN, Gregory, influence over Em- 
press Alexandra, 108. 

RATHENAU, (Dr.) Walter, plan for ex- 
ploitation of occupied countries, 143. 

RAWLINSON, (Gen. Sir) Henry, mentioned 
by Sir D. Haig in report, 536. 

RED Cross, members of American War 
Council, 25. 
See also RELIEF Work. 

REDFIELD, (Sec.) William C., on export 
licenses, 16. 

REES, (Maj.) L. W. B., on supremacy of 
British and French in aerial warfare, 78. 

Re-establishing Albania, 284. 

REGISTRATION Day, proclaimed by Pres. 
Wilson, 13. 
See also UNITED STATES-Army. 

REINACH, Joseph, review of " German Ver- 
sion of the Marne," 487. 

RELIEF Ships, annotation on Pres. Wilson's 
reference to sinking, 65. 

RELIEF Work, services of Dr. Clunet in 
fighting epidemics at Dardanelles and in 
Rumania, 137 ; Canada's contributions, 
288; in communities devastated in Ger- 
man retreat, 348 ; progress in facial 
surgery, 412 ; report of breakdown in 
medical arrangements in Bagdad cam- 
paign, 540. 

RELIGION, article by Maj. W. Redmond on 
effect of war on revival, 132 ; Catholics 
and Lutherans in Germany and Austria, 
222 

RENNENKAMPF, (Gen.) Paul Charles von, 
208. 

RESTORATION, see PEACE. 

Results of Three Years of War, 483. 

Resurrection of Devastated France, 347. 

REVENTLOW. (Count) Ernst von, comment 
on Lloyd George's speech on " restora- 
tion," 480. 

REVOLUTIONARY War (U. S.), decisive 
battles with small bodies of troops, 226. 

RHEIMS, extracts from diary of Cardinal 
Lucon during bombardment, 139. 

RHONDDA (Lord), on U. S. embargo, 255. 

RIBOT, (Premier) Alexandre, extract from 
greeting to Gen. Pershing, 9; on resolu- 
tion in Deputies on peace terms, 50; on 
abdication of Constantine, 84; accused by 
Dr. Michaelis of conspiracy for conquest, 

ROBERTS, George Henry, stand on Stock- 
holm Conference, 443. 

ROBERTSON, (Gen. Sir) William, state- 
ments on war at Mansion House, 136; re- 
view of three years of war, 484. 

ROMAN Catholic Church, movement of Ger- 
man and Swiss clergy for peace, 53; 
numbers compared with 'Lutherans in 
Germany and Austria, 222; attitude in 
Canada toward conscription, 292. 
See also RELIGION. 



xii. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



ROOP (Lieut. Gen.), 266. 

ROOT, Elihu, first address in Russia as head 
of American Mission ; response by M. 
Terestchenko, 57 ; speeches in Moscow, 
211 ; statement on accomplishment of pur- 
pose of mission, 212 ; speech on return 
from Russian mission outlining situation, 
430. 

ROSE, (Dr.) J. N., 258. 
ROTHSCHILD, (Baron) Henri de, 349. 
ROUSSEAU, Jean Jacques, 119. 
ROWELL, Verne De W., " Canadian In- 
dians at the Front," 290. 
Royal Volunteer for the American Army, 

123. 

RUKOVISHIKOFF, Barbara, 210. 
RUMANIA, Jewish question; reply of King 

Ferdinand to deputation of Jews, 155. 
RUMANIAN Mission to United States, see 

ALLIES' Commiscions. 

RUSSELL, Charles Edward, work on Ameri- 
can Commission in. Russia, 212. 
RUSSIA : 

American Commission, arrival in Russia, 
first address of E. Root, 57 ; text of 
Pres. Wilson's note explaining: aims of 
mission, 58 ; account of activities, 211 ; 
summary of address of J. R. Mott, 
213 ; return, 436. 

Army, new regulations, 54; resolution of 
Peasant Council calling upon army to 
submit to discipline ; female regiment 
raised by Ensign Butchkareff, 56; 
views of Dr. Lange on reverses, 113 ; 
account of a mutiny and the attitude 
of loyal troops, 123; mobilization as 
cause of war discussed by Dr. 
Michaelis, 196; strengthening of mo- 
rale, 204 ; Premier Lvoff on improve- 
ment in morale, 206 ; regiment of wom- 
en, 210 ; comment on women soldiers, 
413; appeal of Workmen's Delegates 
to, 433, 434; disorder, 434; report of 
Colonel Kolotkoff on collapse, 436; 
break in discipline due to Socialist 
Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' 
Delegates, 442 ; mobilization given as 
one of causes of war by Kaiser in 
letter to Pres. Wilson, 473; article by 
S. Lauzanne disproving Kaiser's as- 
sertion, 474. 
Cabinet, Kerensky appointed Premier, 

433 ; reorganization, 435. 
Church Reforms, article by C. R. Crane 
on progress and work of J. R. Mott, 
213. 

Congress of Peasant Deputies, against 
separate peace, 53 ; resolution calling 
on army to submit to discipline, 56. 
Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Dele- 
gates, statement on German efforts 
for separate peace, 52 ; resolutions in 
support of army ; seizure of Kronstadt 
Fortress, 55; organization, 109; com- 
pared with Jacobins in French Revo- 
lution ; part of soldiers and of work- 
men, 121 ; resolution to abolish Duma, 
210 ; proclamations appealing to sol- 
diers, 434, 435; proclamation censuring 
pro-German agitators, 435; opposition 
to Provisional Govt., 441. 
Duma, resolution In reply to demand by 
Congress of Soldiers' Deputies that it 
be abolished, 210. 
Finances, views of Dr. Lange, 114 ; new 

measures, 209. 

France, Relations with, negotiations for 
French conquest charged by Dr. 
Michaelis, 467; denial by Premier 
Ribot, 470; denial by M. Terestcnenko 
of Russian protest against aims, 471. 
German Influence, 71. 

See also GERMAN Plots. 

Politics and Government, " Russia's 
Perilous Transitional Stage," 53. 

Vol. XII 



Provisional Govt., proclamation against 
disorder, 434. 

Reforms, Prince Lvoff on advances under 
Provisional Govt., 206; anti- Jewish 
laws repealed, 214. 

Revolution, report of Investigation by Dr. 
Lange at instance of Carnegie Endow- 
ment, 105; "Details of the Czar's Ab- 
dication," by M. Choulgine, 115; arti- 
cle on parallels with and contrasts to 
French Revolution, 118 ; telegram of 
M. I. Terestchenko to allied powers 
telling difficulties of reorganization, 
176; achievements and problems in 
fourth month, 204 ; views of Prince 
Lvoff, 207 ; " Indictment of Czar's 
Former Officials," 208; progress and 
program outlined by B. Bakhmeteff in 
speeches in U. S., 266-269; new crisis; 
rise of Kerensky Govt. and events 
during July and August, 433; situation 
discussed by E. Root in New York, 
436; Socialist activities, 411; effect on 
military situation discussed by Sir E. 
Carson, 466, 

Rural conditions, described by Dr. Lange, 

United States, Relations with, see under 

UNITED STATES. 

Russia Passes Through Deep Waters, 433. 
Russia Renews Pledge to Her Allies, 476. 
Russian and French Revolutions, 118. 
RUSSIAN Commission to United States, see 

ALLIES' Commissions. 
Russia's New Outlook, 204. 
Russia's Perilous Transition Stage, 53. 
RUSZKY, (Gen.) Nicholas, retirement. 435. 



SABADILLA, use for poison gases, 258. 

" SAMMIES " name given by French to U. 
S. soldiers, 216. 

SAMPSON (Admiral), attack on Santiago 
compared with present German usage, 66. 

SARRAIL (Gen.), 85. 

SAXONY, revolt in Diet over political re- 
form, 191. 

SCHEIDEMANN, Philip, support of imperial 
war policy ; on peace, 440 ; defense of sup- 
port of Govt. war policy by Social Demo- 
crat majority, 449. 

SCHELTEMA, (Dr.) J. F., " The Arabs and 
the Turks in the War," 631. 

SCHLESWIG-Holstein, life in wartime de- 
scribed by G. R. Toksirg, 512. 

SCIALVIA, Viterio, address in Rome on 
American reception of Italian Mission, 63. 

SCULLY (Lieut.), 10. 

SEAS, Freedom of, see INTERNATIONAL 
Law. 

Selecting the Conscript Army, 220. 

SERBIA, plan of reorganization, 431 ; account 
of meeting at Potsdam to discuss Aus- 
trian ultimatum, 470; memorandum 
transmitted to Amb. Sharp charging ex- 
ploitation of country by conquerors, 485. 

SHIPPING, annotations on references In 
Pres. Wilson's war message, 64; under- 
standing reached by U. S. and the Allies, 
61; sunk by submarines from May 14- 
June 23, 88 ; record of destruction from 
June 13-July 15, 250; Pres. Wilson on high 
rates, 257 ; destruction from July 15 to 
Aug. 12, 405; Lloyd George on British 
tonnage and diminution of losses, 407 ; 
Dr. Nansen on Norwegian situation, 430; 
growth of Japanese tonnage, 530. 

SHIPS, pleas of G. Marconi and E. Arlotta 
for rapid construction, 271. 
See also INTERNED Ships. 

SIAM, declares war on Germany, 407; "The 
Peoples of Siam," 409. 



INDEX AND TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Xlll. 



S1EERT, (MaJ. Gen.) William L., 13, 216. 

SIMS, (Vice Admiral) William S., in com- 
mand of allied forces in Irish waters, 15, 
248; statement by Sec. Daniels on declara- 
tion in England that blood was thicker 
than water, 253. 

SKAGERRAK, see JUTLAND. 

SKRYDLOFF, Marya, 210. 

SLAVS, comparison of temperament with 
Gallic as shown in Russian and French 
Revolutions, 121. 

Small Armies in Decisive Battles, 226. 

SMOKE Screen, 248. 

SNELL, William, account of sinking of S. S. 
Belgian Prince, 406. 

SNOWDEN, Philip, amendment in Parlia- 
ment on repudiation of annexation policy, 
address in reply by Lord Cecil, 46. 

SOCIALIST Party of United States, open 
letter to " Socialists of Belligerent Coun- 
tries," 443. 

SOCIALISTS, conference at Stockholm and 
peace terms, 19; refusal of U. S. Govt. to 
issue passports to delegates, 20; dissatis- 
faction in Russia with Allies' reply on 
aims of war, and with message of Pres. 
Wilson, correspondence over call for inter- 
national conference to consider peace in 
reply to A. Thomas, A. Henderson, and 
E. Vandervelde, 51 ; expulsion of R. 
Grimm from Russia caused by note from 
M. Hoffmann on separate peace, 209; 
German attempt to neutralize Russia 
through, 230; "The Socialists in the 
War," 439; manifesto of Belgian Socialists 
on peace, 445 ; attitude of Social Demo- 
crats in Germany toward Govt. war 
policy, 447; reply in Vorwaerts to appeal 
of Socialists in other countries for non- 
support of Kaiser. 481. 

SOLDIERS, aid of Canadian Govt. for re- 
turned soldiers, 289 ; U. S. and Canadian 
plans for maintenance of dependents, 413. 
See also heading ARMIES under names of 
countries. 

SONNTNO, (Baron) Sydney, extracts from 
speech in Deputies on Italy's war aims, 
263; address in Parliament on Italian 
aims in war, 476. 

SPAHN, (Dr.) Peter, 411. 

SPAIN, account of disagreement of factions 
on stand on war, 22. 

SPANISH- American War, Admiral Samp- 
son's treatment of Santiago compared with 
present German usages, 66. 

SQUIER, (Brig. Gen.) George O., on ap- 
propriation for air fleet, 13. 

STANHOPE Medal, awarded to John Paxton, 

STEVENS, John F., recommendations for 
meeting Russian railway problems, 212. 

STOCKHOLM Conference of Socialists, see 
INTERNATIONAL Conference of Social- 
ists. 

STOICA, (Lieut.) Vasili, 276. 

Storming of the Aisne Quarries, 41. 

Story of the Russian Upheaval, 105. 

STRIKES, in Germany, caused by smaller 
bread ticket, 326. 

STUERGKH, (Count) Karl, summary of de- 
fense of assassination by Dr. Ad'ler, 330. 

STURMER, Boris, indictment and Imprison- 
ment, 208. 

SUBMARINE Warfare, annotations by Prof. 
W. S. Davis on Pres. Wilson's references 
In war message, 64; effect on shipping 
shown by figures, 88; Admiral Lacaze on 
methods employed to counterattack sub- 
marines, 89; Capt. Persius on "heroic 
activities" of U-boats, 90; account of 
heroism on torpedoed Athos, 92; report 
of Capt. Chave on torpedoing of S. S. 
Alnwick Castle, 93; adventures of crew 

Vol. XII 



of Gravina captured by submarine, 95; 
protr-sts of China and events leading to 
break with Germany, 100; declared by Dr. 
Michaelis in Reichstag to have been 
forced by British blockade, 196; attacks 
on American ships transporting troops, 
215; article by T. G. Frothingham on peril 
of U-boat, 245 ; destruction of shipping, 
June 13 to July 15, 250; destruction of 
shipping, July 15 to Aug. 12. 405; T. G. 
Frothingham on " Great Tactics of Three 
Years of Warfare," 419. 
See also UNITED STATES War with 
Germany. 

SUBMARINES, article by Capt. Persius on 
hardships in life of crews, 90; G. Marconi 
on way Germany sends boats into Medi- 
terranean, 251. 

SUKHOMLINOFF (M), in prison, 209. 

SURGERY, advances in facial surgery, 412. 

SUZ, John, 431. 

SWEDEN, alarmed by U. S. embargo; de- 
nial by E. B. Trolle of charge that im- 
ports were not for home consumption, 255 ; 
mission to U. S., 431. 

SWITZERLAND, Mission to U. S., 431. 



TACTICS, article by T. G. Frothingham on 
" Grand Tactics of Three Years of War- 
fare," 421. 

TAFT, William Howard, appointed to Red 
Cross Council, 25; " Why We Entered the 
Great War," 317. 

TAKESHITA, (Vice Admiral) Isamu, 276. 

TANKS, see AUTOMOBILES. 

TARDIEU, Andre, head of French Commis- 
sion, 19 ; extract from speech at Franco- 
American Society on organization of U. 
S. for war, 275; statement sent to Sec. 
Baker on " Fighting Forces of France," 
4S1. 

TCHEREMISSOFF (Gen.), 435. 

TERESTCHENKO, M. I., response to ad- 
dress of E. Root, 58; commits Govt. to 
concessions in Ukraine, 205; denial of ac- 
cusation by Dr. Michaelis that Russia 
protested against French aims, 471 ; text of 
telegram to allied powers renewing pledge 
of support, 476. 

TERRITORY Occupied, figures given by Ber- 
liner Tageblatt, 480; figures for Belgian, 
English, French, and German, 481. 

TESSAN, (Lieut.) de, 10. 

THIRD Year of War, review in Berliner 
Tageblatt, 480; Maj. Gen. Maurice on 
"Results of Three Years of War," 483; 
review by Gen. Robertson, 484. 

Threat of " Mittel-Europa," 97. 

THOBURN-Clarke, H., " Nesting Mothers of 
Battle Zone," 140. 

THOMAS, Albert, 51. 

TILSON, John Qulllin, on airplanes and gas 
bombs, 525. 

TINKHAM, (Capt.) E. I., leader of first U. 
S. combatant corps at front, 10. 

To the United States of America, 316. 

TOKSVIG, Gudrun Randrup, " Life in Den- 
mark's Lost Province," 512. 

TOLSTOY, (Count) Leo, influence on Russia 
at present time compared with that of 
Voltaire, 119. 

TOWNSHEND (Gen.), In Asia Minor cam- 
paign, 301; said by Col. Hehir to have re- 
tained confidence of men, 539. 

TRANSPORTATION, merits of rail and wa- 
ter travel discussed by Capt. Mahan, 97; 
difficulties in Russia, 206; Gen. Haig on 
problem on western front, 537; difficulties 
in Bagdad campaign, 539. 

TREASON, U. S. statutes, 74. 

TREES, Fruit, devastated by Germans In re- 
treat in France saved by surgery, 347. 



XIV. 



THE NEV/ YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



TROLLE, E. B., statement on Sweden's im- 
ports, 255. 

TRUMBIC, (Dr.) Anto, 432. 

TSCHEIDZE, N. S., account of interview on 
the effect of war on English democracy, 
117; compromise with Finnish National- 
ists due to efforts, 205. 

TSERETELLI (Prince), commits Govt. to 
concessions in Ukraine, 205. 

TUAN Chi-jui, disagreement with Govt., 102; 
dismissal, 103; re-appointed Premier, 226. 

TURKEY, comment of Lord Cecil On turning 
Ottoman Empire out of Europe, 48; ac- 
count of conditions due to war, 169; illu- 
sions regarding German power ; financial 
condition, 170 ; war conditions, 327 ; prog- 
ress of women, 328; merits of soldiers dis- 
cussed by Dr. Scheltema in article " Arabs 
and the Turks in the War," 531. 

Two Offers of Autonomy for Albania, 85. 

Two Years Under the Germans, 350. 

u 

U-Boat Destruction of Shipping, 250, 405. 
UDJNE (Prince of), head of Italian Commis- 
sion to U. S., formal address to Pres. 
Wilson ; address in Senate, 62 ; at Gari- 
baldi Memorial on Staten Island, 271. 
UKRAINE, demand for autonomy, 205. 
UNITED STATES: 

Armed Neutrality, comment on previous 
periods in U. S. history ; German code 
before war, 67 ; phase in relations with 
Germany, 314. 

Army, arrival of Gen. Pershing in Eng- 
land and France, 6 ; special units which 
preceded Gen. Pershing, 10 ; plans and 
progress of organization for war, 11 ; 
training camps for providing officers, 
12; promotion of officers by Pres. Wil- 
son ; plans for new air fleet ; results of 
registration for draft, 13 ; submarine 
attacks on transports and account of 
arrival and reception of first contin- 
gents in France, 215; month's prog- 
ress in recruiting, 218 ; mobilization of 
National Guard ; locations of training 
camps, 219 ; numbering of regiments 
and training of officers; tables show- 
ing registration by States, 220; plans 
for draft, 221; "Draft in 1S63 and 
1917," 223; small number of men in 
battles of Revolution, 226 ; progress of 
mobilization and training, 381 ; new 
system of organization, 382; list of 
Major Generals ; new promotions, first 
National Guard Division to be sent to 
France, 384 ; account of drawing of 
numbers for conscript army, 384 ; 
power of exemption boards, 3S6: re- 
sistance to conscription law, 387 ; bil- 
leting and training in France, 388; re- 
ception in England, 389; figures show- 
ing strength, 407 ; new appropriation 
for aircraft; H. E. Coffin on task be- 
fore Aircraft Board and Dr. Addison 
on mnnuf nature of flying machines in 
England, 514. 

Bureau of Export Licenses, 255. 
China, Relations with, American note ex- 
pressing regret for rebellion. 103 ; Japa- 
nese attitude toward note, 104. 
Congress, chronology of war measures, 

68. 

Economic Mobilization, A. Tardi^u on al- 
lied co-ordination of forces, 275. 
England, Relations with, controversies 

over maritime rights, 308. 
Finances, success of Liberty Loan cam- 
paign, allotments and subscription, 
17 ; subscriptions and allotments by 
districts for Liberty Loan, 224; loans 
to allies. 414. 

Foreign Policy, outstanding features dis- 
cussed in " How the War Came to 
America," published by Committee on 
Public Information, 304. 

Vol. XII 



Foreign Population, foreign-born males, 
22; statement of Secretary of War, 
223. 

See also ENEMY Aliens ; GERMANS in 
America. 

Germany, Relations with, lack of arbitra- 
tion treaty and events leading up to 
war, official American statement, 309. 
See also UNITED STATES War with 
Germany. 

History, participation of country in former 
European and African wars, 24. 

Industries, text of appeal by Pres. Wilson 
against profiteering, 256; mobilization 
discussed by Lord Northcliffe, 274. 

Navy, assistance being rendered to allies', 
14 ; increase of strength of navy and 
Marine Corps, 15 ; active part played 
by destroyer flotilla, 89; location of 
training camps, 219; valuable work of 
destroyers under Admiral Sirns in 
British waters, 248; progress of war 
measures summarized by Sec. Daniels, 
252 ; strength of forces and enlistments, 
382, 407; tribute by Lloyd George, 407. 

Russia, Relations with, note of Pres. Wil- 
son giving objects of U. S. in war, 49; 
arrival of American Mission to Russia ; 
first address of E. Root, 57 ; text of 
Pres. Wilson's note explaining aims of 
Root commission, 58; Prince Lvoff on 
program for American aid and on 
"America as Russia's Ideal," 206; 
address of B. Bakhmeteff upon pres- 
entation of credentials to Pres. Wil- 
son, 207; Pres. Wilson's reply, 208; 
activities of Root commission. 211 ; 
J. R. Mott of commission addresses 
sobor of Greek Church, 213; visit of 
Russian Commission to U. S., 266. 

War Risk Insurance Bureau, list of losses 
on vessels, 25. 

War with Germany, Pres. Wilson's Flag 
Day address giving reasons, 1 ; note of 
Pres. Wilson to Russia explaining aims 
of U.S., 49: "Facts Supporting President 
Wilson's War Message," annotations 
citing the issues in international law, 
by Prof. W. S. Davis, 64; effect of 
entry of U. S. into war on Greek situa- 
tion, 85; extract from speech by Dr. 
von Harnack, 142; effect belittled by 
Dr. Michaelis in Reichstag, 197; J. S. 
Williams on necessity for, 260: com- 
ment of Lloyd George in Glasgow, 262 ; 
comment on entry, by King Albert and 
by Baron Moncheur, 273 ; speech by R. 
Viviani in Deputies, 278; text of 
pamphlet issued by Committee on Pub- 
Public Information, " How the War 
Came to America," setting forth events 
that forced entry into war, 304-316; 
text of resolution declaring state of 
war, 316; "Why We Entered the 
Great War," by W. H. Taft, 317; 
Secretary Lansing on " Our War 
Aims," 455; Sen. Baker on war 
aims, 461 ; statement by Dr. Kahl that 
" America Will Make No Difference," 
463; U. S. declared by Lloyd George 
to be underestimated by Germany, 
464 ; views of Sir E. Carson, 466. 



VANDALISM in France, official report of 
illegal treatment inflicted upon territory 
occupied by Germans, 340; account of work 
in restoring communities destroyed in 
German retreat, 347 ; in Savy, 351 ; in 
Serbia, 486. 

VANDERVELDE, Emlle, refusal to meet 
German Socialists. 440: manifesto, " Peace 
Program of Belgian Socialists," 445. 

VENIZELOS, Eleutherios, return to power; 
statement upon taking oath, 283. 

VERDUN, see CAMPAIGN in Europe, West- 
ern. 



INDEX AND TABLE OF CONTENTS 



xv. 



VESNITCK (Serbian Ambassador), 485. 

VICKERS, (Capt.) C. G., bravery, 506. 

VIENNA, Wartime Life in, 321. 

VILLAIN, 343. 

VILLEROY, August, poem, " The Marching 
Stars," 480. 

V1NAWER, see WINAWER. 

VIOLLETTE, Maurice, 151. 

V1RUBOVA (Mme.), 209. 

VITRIMONT, rebuilding taken in charge by 
Mrs. Crocker, 349. 

VIVIANI, Rene, speech at dinner of Mayor's 
Committee at Waldorf-Astoria, recalling 
battle of the Marne, 59 ; tribute to Amer- 
ica in Chamber of Deputies, 277. 

VOLLENHOVEN, Joost von, on Holland's 
need of gain, 431. 

VOLTAIRE, Francois M. A. de, influence 
compared with that of Tolstoy in present 
war, 119. 

Von Batocki's Bread-Card Methods in Ger- 
many, 152. 

w 

WADSWORTH, Eliot, 25. 
WALDORF, (Herr) von, 411. 

WAR, sociological study, "Who Pays for 
the Cost of War," 134; article by H. Caine 
on " Appalling Waste of the War," 452. 

War Aims and Peace Terms Restated, 261. 

War Aims of Allies Restated, 4G. 

War for American Honor and Lives, 460. 

WAR Risk Insurance, losses of U. S. bureau, 
25. 

WARREN, Whitney, 477. 

War's Inferno on the Aisne Ridge, 239. 

WARSAW, see CAMPAIGN in Europe, East- 
ern. 

Wo-rtime Life in European Capitals, 321. 

Wartime Suffering in Turkey, 169. 

WASHINGTON, George, extract from' first 
inaugural address contrasted with senti- 
ment of Bethmann Hollweg on invasion of 
Belgium, and with Frederick the Great 
on question of right, 69 ; extract from 
address of B. Bakhmeteff during visit of 
Russian and British Missions to tomb, 268 ; 
called as Commander in Chief in 1798, 
387. 

WASHINGTON, D. C., "adopts" Noyon, 
France, to rebuild, 349. 

" We Grazed the Very Edge of Cowardice," 

i:eo. 

Welding Britain's Empire Closer, 147. 
What Has Paralysed Russia's Armies, 116. 
What the American Navy Has Done, 252. 
WHEAT, H. C. Hoover on regulation, 390; 

Federal wheat corporation, 391. 

See also FOODSTUFFS. 
Who Pays the Cost of War, 135. 
Why We Entered the Great War, 317. 
Why We Went to War, 1. 

WILLIAM II., Emperor of Germany, speech 
to Brandenburg troops, 53; message to 
Constantine on abdication, 84; manifesto 
on electoral reform, 193 ; letter accepting 
resignation of Bethmann Hollweg, 196; 
political power discussed in article by C. 
H. Hazen on " How the Hohenzollerns" and 
Junkers Control," 198; proclamations at 
close of third year of war, 472 ; telegram 
to Pres. Wilson on Aug. 10, 1914, telling 
how war began, 473. 

WILLIAM, Crown Prince of Germany, reason 
for summoning to Crown Councils, 194; 
antagonism toward Dr. Bethmann Holl- 
weg; applause for Heydebrand in Agadir 

Vol. XII 



debate and attitude toward Zabern affair, 
195. 

WILLIAMS, John Sharp, extract from speech 
in reply to Sen. Stone on war, 260. 

WILLIAMS, Wythe, " Storming of the Aisne 

Quarries," 41; "War's Inferno on the 

Aisne Ridge," 239. 
WILLOUGHBY, (Dr.) W. f on Chinese crisis, 

104. 
WILSON, (Capt.) Henry B., in command of 

coast patrol, 253. 

WILSON, (Pres.) Woodrow, Flag Day ad- 
dress at Washington giving reasons for 
war with Germany, 1 ; promotion of offi- 
cers, 13 ; efforts to avert food crisis, 15 ; 
letter to H. C. Hoover on conservation of 
food, 16 ; note to Russia explaining objects 
of U. S. in entering war, 49 ; reference to 
war message, in British note to Russia on 
war aims; comment in Italian note; com- 
ment on message to Russia in Council of 
Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates bul- 
letin, 51 ; text of note to Russia on aims 
of Root commission, 58 ; annotations by 
Prof. W. S. Davis on issues in war mes- 
sage, 64; extract from speech by Dr. von 
Harnack attacking "ideal," 142; reply 
to address of Ambassador Bakhmeteff, on 
Russo-American relations, 208 ; eulogy by 
Mayor of Moscow ; telegram thanking him 
for Root commission, 211; message to 
Pres. Polncare, on Bastile Day; reply of 
Pres. Poincare, 218; on purpose of Ex- 
ports Council, 254 ; statement on licensing 
exports, 255 ; text of appeal against prof- 
iteering, 256; letter from King Albert, 
presented by Belgian Mission, 272 ; quoted 
on neutrality at beginning of war, 307; 
on willingness of U. S. to enter a peace 
league, 308; extracts from speeches in 
Topeka and St. Louis on war, 310; extract 
from speech in Senate on peace, 312 ; 
statement on food control program, 389 ; 
charged by Dr. Kahl with playing false, 
463; telegram from Emperor William, 
Aug. 10, 1914, telling how war began, 473. 

WINAWER (M.), declines High Court nomi- 
nation, 112. 

WINDSOR, House of, now name of British 
royal family, 251. 

WOMAN Suffrage, clauses In British elec- 
toral reform bill, 18. 

WOMEN, Russian regiment under Lieut. 
Butchkareff ; represented in Russian Con- 
stituent Assembly, 56; change in status 
in Turkey, 169 ; description of regiment 
in Russia, 210; knightly orders conferred 
upon, 225 ; progress in Turkey ; two new 
orders of knighthood in Ergland open to 
women, 328; comment on Russian regi- 
ment of women, 413. 

WOOD, William A., "Who Pays for the 

Cost of War," 134. 
WOOD, used for flour in Germany, 326. 

WOOLSEY, Theodore S., quoted on subma- 
rine usage in neutral ports, 67. 

WORKMEN'S Council, 444. 

WRIGHT Bros., original aviation field in- 
cluded in new Govt. four-squadron field, 
13. 

WU TING-FANG, protest to Germany 
against submarine warfare, 100. 

Y 

YAVEIN, (Mme.) Shishkin, representative 
in Russian Constituent Assembly, 56. 

" Year's Bravest Englishman," 154. 

YEIGH, Frank, " Canada's Three Years of 
War," 287. 

YOUNG, (Lieut.) Arthur C., " Battle's Grim 
Realities at Ginchy," 354. 

YOUNG, (Lieut.) I. E. R., 517. 

YPRES, see CAMPAIGN in Europe, Western. 



XVI. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



ZAIMIS, Alexander, reply to demand for 

abdication of Constantine, 83. 
ZEMSTVOS, work in war, 107. 



ZIMMERMANN, (Dr.) Alfred, Mexican plot. 

ZINOVIEFF. Leone, 435. 

ZUKUNFT, Die, suppression and article which 
was cause, 193. 



Portraits 



ADOR, Gustave, 285. 

ALEXANDER, King of Greece, 47. 

BARNETT, (Maj. Gen.) George, 205. 

BEATTY, (Admiral Sir) David, 458. 

BENSON, (Admiral) W. S., 221. 

BORAH, William E., 460. 

BORDEN, (Sir) Robert, 317. 

CADORNA, (Gen.) Luigi, 296. 

CASTELNAU, (Gen.) de, 501. 

CHANG HSUN (Gen.), 259. 

CROWDER, (Brig. Gen.) Enoch H., 15. 

CROZIER, (Gen.) William, 221. 

CURRIE, (Sir) Arthur, 317. 

DATO, Eduardo, 285. 

DOYEN, (Col.) Charles A.. 220. 

DUKE, Henry E., 316. 

FENG KUO-CHANG, Pres. of China, 506. 

GEDDES, (Vice Admiral Sir) Eric, 459. 

GEORGE V., King of England, and Admiral 

Beatty, 458. 

GLKAVES, (Rear Admiral) Albert, 204. 
HANNA, W. J., 317. 
HOETZENDORF, (Gen.) von. 298. 
KLUCK, (Gen.) von, 488. 
KNUDSEN, Gunnar, 285. 



KORNILOFF, (Gen.) L. G., 427. 
KUHN, (Gen.) Joseph E., 221. 
LAURIER, (Sir) Wilfrid, 317. 
LITTELL, (Col.) Isaac W., 221. 
McADOO, William Gibbs, 46. 
McCAIN, (Brig. Gen.) Henry P., 14. 
MACKENSEN, (Gen.) A. L. F. August von, 

129. 

MARCONI, Guglielmo, 94. 
NANSEN, (Dr.) Fridtjof, 430. 
NICHOLAS, Nicholaievitch, (Grand Duke). 

130. 

NORTHCLIFFE (Lord), 95. 
OSBORN, Paul G., 412. 
PAINLEVE, Paul, 475. 

ROBERTSON, (Gen. Sir) William R., 426. 
RUSSIA'S First Revolutionary Cabinet, 142. 
SCHEIDEMANN, Philipp, 284. 
SQUIER, (Brig. Gen.) George O., 236. 
TARDIEU, Andre, 275. 
TERESTCHENKO, M. I., 474. 
TOWNSHEND (Gen.), 302. 
TSCHEIDZE, N. S., 127. 
VAJIRAVUDH, King of Siam, 507. 
ZAHLE, C. T., 285. 



Illustrations 



AIRPLANE for Bombing, German, 523. 
BELGIAN Mission in America, 268. 
BRITISH Army Entering Bagdad, 522. 
DRAWING the Numbers of America's First 

Conscripts, 394. 
ITALIAN Mission to United States at City 

College Stadium in New York, 269. 
JOFFRE Breaking Ground for Lafayette 

Monument, Baltimore, 237. 



ORDER of the British Empire, 329. 
RECRUITING Posters, army, 78; navy, 79. 
RUSSIAN Duma, Delegates of Workmen's 

and Soldiers' Delegates Electing Council, 

143. 

RUSSIAN Mission in America, 268. 
SUBMARINE, New German Type, 246. 
UNITED STATES Army, Medical Unit at 

Blackpool, England, 237; on French Soil, 

395. 



Maps 



ALBANIA, 8G, 285. 

ALSACE-LORRAINE, 332, 333. 

ASIA MINOR Campaign, British and Russian 
operations, 158 ; Russian operations, 162 ; 
capture of Bagdad, 547. 

CARSO Plateau, Italian drive, 31. 

EASTERN Campaign, 399, 411. 

FLANDERS, Battle of, 36, 397, 410. 

GALICIA, progress of new Russian offen- 
sive, 228. 

GINCHY, 355. 



LENS, British advances, 235, 396. 

LOOS, Battle of, 502. 

TERRITORY held by Central Powers, at be- 
ginning of 1915 and at end of three years, 
421. 

VERDUN Front, 30. 

WESTERN Campaign, proximity of French 
battle line to lost Province of Lorraine, 
332 ; section of Alsace regained by France, 
333 ; German retreat on Ancre and 
Somme, 535. 

YPRES, see FLANDERS. 

YSER River, British reverses, 232. 



Cartoons 

CARTOONS, 168, 171-190, 361-380, 451, 551-570. 



Vol. XII 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 

THE EUROPEAN WAR 

Period July, 1917 September, 1917 



INTRODUCTION 



THE travail of revolutionary Russia 
seeking to adjust itself to a new 
order and gradually abandoning 
the purposes for which the Czar's 
Government had gone to war, on the one 
hand, and, on the other, the rapid growth 
of the United States as a factor in the 
war were the two chief distinguishing 
features of the march of events during 
the months of June, July, and August, 
1917. As Russia's military power col- 
lapsed, that of the United States began 
to grow and to exercise, though not 
rapidly enough to compensate for the 
failure of the eastern ally, an enormous 
pressure, which, when fully developed, 
must ultimately outweigh all the chances 
of victory which still encourage the Cen- 
tral Powers. 

During this period there was a partial 
improvement of the Allies' position in 
the Balkans through the abdication of 
King Constantine of Greece, and Pope 
Benedict made an attempt to bring about 
the initiation of peace negotiations. The 
three months were not so rich in dra- 
matic climaxes as the one which pre- 
ceded it, since there could be few events 
as momentous as the Russian revolution 
or America's entry into the war, but the 
consequences of these great pivotal 
events were full of significance for the 
historian. 

The most important military opera- 
tions were those conducted on the west- 
ern front, where the British Army was 
almost continuously engaged, and where 
during a period of determined and per- 



sistent effort it gained a series of bril- 
liant victories, which were evidence that 
the work of creating an efficient fighting 
machine had at last been successful. 
These victories, however, were the re- 
sults of independent battles, and their 
chief value, ultimately, was of only a 
tactical nature. 

Early in June it became apparent that 
the British were shifting the weight of 
their offensive operations to the more 
northern sectors of the battle front, and 
that once more the region around Ypres 
was to be the scene of furious and sus- 
tained fighting. 

One of the problems that had long de- 
manded solution was Messines Ridge, 
which was held by the Germans, and 
from which their guns were able con- 
stantly to sweep the British positions in 
the Ypres salient. The British Generals, 
however, had not been idle. For more 
than a year past engineers and sappers 
had been tunneling and mining below the 
ridge all unknown to the Germans above, 
and at last nineteen mines containing 
over one million pounds of explosive 
were ready for one of the greatest of all 
blasting operations. The British plan 
was literally to blow the top off Mes- 
sines Ridge and with it the whole system 
of trenches and defense positions which 
the Germans had there created, and then, 
almost the next moment, launch an of- 
fensive between the Ypres salient and 
Armentieres, the success of which would 
straighten out the line south of Ypres 
and give the British possession of the 

VOLUME XII. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



ridge between Wytschaete and Messines, 
one of the few elevations in this extreme- 
ly flat region. 

The plan succeeded. After a terrific 
preliminary bombardment the signal for 
exploding the nineteen mines beneath the 
ridge was given on the morning of June 
7, and in a moment the German positions 
on a ten-mile front were shattered to 
pieces. According to witnesses the con- 
cussion was so great that the sound of 
the explosion could be heard as far away 
as London. Woods were swept out of 
existence, hill slopes were stripped and 
laid bare, and villages like Wytschaete 
and Messines disappeared beneath piles 
of ruins and debris. With the artillery 
maintaining an effective barrage fire and 
the airmen fighting overhead, the British 
swept forward. A brief struggle won 
the village of Messines, and after a few 
hours' fierce fighting they took the vil- 
lage of Wytschaete. By noon the whole 
ridge was in their possession, and then 
the British swept down the other side 
and attacked the German rear defenses, 
capturing the village of Oosttaverne in 
the afternoon and the whole of the Ger- 
man defense system before the end of the 
day. The enemy fell back on a new line 
from north of Hollebeke to a point about 
a mile west of Warneton. The German 
losses were very heavy. The British 
took 7,000 prisoners and many guns, 
while large numbers of Germans were 
either killed or buried alive under the 
debris following the explosion. Despite 
the counterattacks which the Germans 
launched to relieve the pressure of the 
British advance, they were compelled to 
yield additional sections of their defen- 
sive system. The British further im- 
proved their position by taking, on June 
15, the portion of the Siegfried line 
northwest of Bullecourt, which the Ger- 
mans had still managed to hold. 

The value of these operations was 
shown subsequently when the British 
artillery was able to force the abandon- 
ment of several lines of trenches almost 
without the infantry going into action 
at all, and when it became possible 
finally to draw a straight line from Hill 
60, east of Zillebeke, to a point east of 
Armentieres, thus getting rid of the for- 



midable German salient south of Ypres. 
The Germans were now afraid that the 
British would attempt to advance down 
the valley of the Lys and thereby en- 
danger their positions on the Belgian 
coast as well as their line southward 
from Lille. During July both sides 
maintained a bombardment of extraordi- 
nary fury and intensity along the entire 
line from the coast to the Lys. In addi- 
tion to their artillery concentration the 
Germans brought up large infantry rein- 
forcements. Still believing that the Brit- 
ish intended to push along the Belgian 
coast from Nieuport to Ostend, for the 
purpose of destroying the submarine 
bases at Ostend and Zeebrugge, the Ger- 
mans decided to anticipate the British 
by taking the initiative, which they did 
for the first time after a long interval of 
merely remaining on the defensive or 
counterattacking when the British made 
a drive. This German offensive was well 
prepared and thoroughly successful. It 
was launched against the British line as 
it had been established after the German 
attempt to push through to Calais. The 
line ran about 600 yards to the east of 
the southward stretch of the Yser, cir- 
cled about the town of Nieuport, and, 
crossing the Yser Canal, continued south 
past Ypres to Armentieres. The small 
British force on the Yser was caught 
unexpectedly with the river in its rear, 
so that reinforcements could not reach 
the front-line trenches, and in a very 
short time it was completely destroyed 
either through capture or casualties. 
The result was to improve the German 
defensive position by making it neces- 
sary for the British to cross the river 
under fire the next time they began an 
offensive in this sector. Though a bril- 
liant move on the part of the Germans, 
it was of only minor importance in re- 
gard to the general situation. 

The chief interest still lay in the re- 
gion around Ypres, but it now moved to 
the northern half of the salient, where 
in the last days of July there began what 
was called the third battle of Ypres, or 
the battle of Flanders. Were it not for 
the taking of Messines Ridge the British 
would not have been in the advantageous 
position they were now for the initiation 



VOLUME XII. 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME XII. 



of this great struggle. They also re- 
ceived a certain amount of assistance 
from the French, who sent a number of 
units to participate in the northern part 
of the offensive. The preliminary bom- 
bardment reached its height on the night 
of July 30, and the following day the of- 
fensive was launched along a front of 
fifteen miles from the Lys to the Yser. 
The German positions were penetrated 
to a depth of two miles in the centre and 
one mile on the right centre. This, the 
first phase of the battle, lasted only one 
day; and the second did not open till 
Aug. 16, by which date many strong 
German positions were captured as well 
as the villages of La Bassee Ville, Holle- 
beke, Bixschoote, Verlorenhoek, Frezen- 
berg, St. Julien, Pilkem, Hooge, West- 
hoek, and Langemarck. Between Aug. 
18 and 22 the British and French con- 
solidated their gains and once more be- 
gan pressing forward. The fighting be- 
tween the British and the Germans 
around the Ypres-Menin road was ex- 
tremely desperate, both sides suffering 
terrible losses. 

The next in importance among the of- 
fensives which the British conducted was 
that around Lens. Ever since the taking 
of Vimy Ridge they had been nibbling at 
the German position here, trying to sur- 
round it from the south and so force the 
Germans out by a process of squeezing. 
The Canadians, who held this part of the 
front, seized the high ground west of the 
suburb of La Coulotte and next the sub- 
urb itself, establishing a line across the 
Lens-Avion road, occupying Avion and 
placing Lens in a deep pocket. No at- 
tempt, however, was made against Lens 
itself, because it would have been far too 
expensive an operation. The Germans 
had razed the houses of the town and 
turned the whole place into a vast nest 
of machine guns, making it the strongest 
single position that had confronted the 
Allies on the western front since the be- 
ginning of the war. On Aug. 21, how- 
ever, the Canadians renewed the attack 
around the city, encountering a fierce 
counteroffensive launched simultaneously 
by the enemy. Despite the occupation of 
some isolated quarters of the town and 
several suburbs, the city itself, which lay 



between with its coal pits and cleverly 
constructed defense positions of rein- 
forced concrete, was beyond the power 
of the attacking forces to take. The 
struggle developed into a succession of 
avalanches of gas, burning oil, rifle, and 
machine-gun fire, and hand-to-hand com- 
bats in which the German losses seemed 
out of all proportion to the military value 
of the place with its then industrial use- 
lessness. 

The French won several brilliant suc- 
cesses on the Aisne and the Meuse in the 
three months. To the Germans the pos- 
session of the famous road, the Chemin 
des Dames, had now become more impor- 
tant than any other position on the 
whole battle front. As long as the 
Chemin des Dames was in French hands 
it remained a constant threat against 
the German position at Laon, the very 
pillar of the whole line northward. The 
German attacks were as unceasing, as 
persistent, and as regardless of the cost 
in human life as those they delivered 
earlier in the war against Verdun. But 
throughout the ordeal the French held 
fast, and the German sacrifices were all 
in vain. 

Nor had the last been heard of Ver- 
dun, for here after an interval of nine 
months the French suddenly pulled 
themselves together for one of the drives 
which had characterized their record on 
the Meuse. On Aug. 20, after a three 
days' bombardment, they went forward 
astride the Meuse, taking on an eleven- 
mile front, at a penetration of one and a 
quarter miles, all the fortifications be- 
tween Avocourt and Bezonvaux, includ- 
ing Avocourt Wood, Le Mort Homme, 
(Dead Man Hill,) the Corbeaux and 
Cumieres Woods, and the Cote de Talou, 
Champneuville, Mormont Farm, and Hill 
240. Further positions were taken on 
the following days, and by the time the 
drive came to an end nearly 100 of the 
120 square miles originally lost to the 
Germans were recovered, thus almost 
completely setting at naught the whole 
of the terrible effort of the Crown Prince 
to capture Verdun, for which he sacri- 
ficed, it is estimated, nearly a million 
men. 

The Italian offensive had died down 

VOLUME XII. 



IV. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



at the end of May, and a considerable 
interval passed before operations were 
resumed by either the Italians or the 
Austrians. Toward the end of July the 
Austrians began to show new signs of 
activity by attacking advanced Italian 
posts in the Trentino, while the Italians 
opened a series of bombardments along 
the Julian and Carso sectors. On Aug. 
19 the Italians began a great offensive 
on a front thirty-seven miles long from 
the region of Tolmino to near the head 
of the Adriatic Sea, and on Aug. 24 they 
gained a great success by occupying 
Monte Santo and hoisting their colors on 
the summit. A week later they had 
penetrated to a depth of seven and a 
half miles on a front of eleven over the 
Bainsizza, occupying all fortified posi- 
tions and more than forty villages and 
hamlets. Another Italian army en- 
deavored to create a diversion before 
Mount Hermada assisted by a naval 
force consisting of Italian and British 
monitors. But the Italian armies were 
unable to push their lines further, and, 
as we shall see, they were a couple of 
months later falling back before Austro- 
German forces invading their own soil. 

The political change in Russia where- 
by Kerensky became Minister of War 
had, for a briel spell, an important bear- 
ing upon the situation on the eastern 
front. The revolutionary leader now be- 
came also a military leader, rallying the 
Russian armies for what promised to be 
a successful offensive and demonstrating 
to the Allies that their apprehensions re- 
garding Russia were mistaken. Despite 
the fraternization which had been going 
on between the Russian and the Austro- 
German troops, despite the deterioration 
of discipline and morale, despite the 
labor troubles which were paralyzing 
the munitions industry, and, despite the 
general condition of disorganization 
which prevailed, Kerensky was able to 
overcome the pacifist spirit in the Rus- 
sian Army and inspire the soldiers with 
a new ardor for war. It was a great ef- 
fort, but it was not destined to last 
longer than a couple of weeks. Soon 
there was a complete reversal of fortune, 
and the advancing Russian troops, once 
more swayed by the view that they 



should no longer fight, and rapidly en- 
tering a state of mutiny, began to retreat 
and add to Russia's military record still 
another disaster. From that time on- 
ward the Russian Army was no longer a 
fighting force, but was clamorous for 
peace and more intent upon internal re- 
form than upon the international prob- 
lems the war had raised. 

When the Russian offensive of 1916 
had been brought to an end, the battle 
line followed the eastern bank of the 
Zlota Lipa from its source near Zloczow 
as far as Brzezany, where it curved 
round, crossed the river, and continued 
southward to the Dniester, which it 
crossed just west of Maryimpol. Pass- 
ing west of Stanislau it continued south 
to the Carpathian Mountains, where it 
linked up to the Rumanian line along the 
border between Rumania and Transyl- 
vania. 

The objective of the offensive which 
was launched on July 1, 1917, with Ke- 
rensky himself leading the Russian 
Army, was Lemberg, the capital of Ga- 
licia. By July 11, Halicz, the strategic 
key to that city, was occupied by the 
Russians, and a week later the drive 
reached its furthest point with the in- 
vestment of Zloczow and Brzezany, forty 
miles east of Lemberg. On July 21 the 
Russian Army was already in a muti- 
nous condition and the retreat in Galicia 
was in full swing, extending in a couple 
of days to a 150-mile front. The Russo- 
Rumanian forces, however, continued 
fighting and gained local successes in the 
Susitza and Putna valleys. But in Ga- 
licia the Austro-German armies swept 
everything before them, taking Stani- 
slau and Tarnopol in rapid succession, 
crossing the Sereth from Tarnopol to 
Czortkow, and finally capturing Czerno- 
witz and driving the last Russian soldier 
out of the Bukowina. The difficulties 
experienced by the Austrians on the right 
bank of the Sereth in Moldavia in get- 
ting reinforcements and supplies alone 
gave a respite to all that remained of 
Rumanian territory. 

The retreat in Galicia was not the end 
of Russia's military misfortunes. To- 
ward the end of August the Germans be- 
gan to make a thrust at Riga by launch- 



VOLUME XII. 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME XII. 



ing an offensive between the Tirul 
marshes and the River Aa and penetrat- 
ing the Russian positions. The Russians 
abandoned Riga to its fate as the Ger- 
mans drew nearer. The Russian armies 
were becoming more disorganized every 
day, and from the standpoint of the west- 
ern allies were creating a very serious 
situation by permitting the Germans 
and Austrians to withdraw troops from 
the eastern front to strengthen their 
forces in Flanders, France, and Italy. 

In the other theatres of the war, name- 
ly, on the Saloniki front, in Asia Minor, 
Palestine, and Mesopotamia, operations 
were either at a standstill or of a quite 
desultory and unimportant character. 

In addition to the intense aerial ac- 
tivity which was a part of the fighting 
on all fronts, air raids on England were 
frequent. On June 5 sixteen German 
airplanes made an attempt to destroy 
the naval dockyards and workshops at 
Chatham. Twelve people were killed 
and 36 injured. On their return journey 
the German aviators encountered an al- 
lied air squadron from Dunkirk and lost 
several machines in the battle which fol- 
lowed. London was subjected on June 
13 to one of the most disastrous aerial 
bombardments since the beginning of the 
war. In the broad daylight of noon 157 
people were killed and 432 injured, 142 
children being among the victims. On 
July 4 11 persons were killed at Har- 
wich. On July 11 London was again 
visited by German air raiders, and 37 
persons were killed and 141 injured. 
Three of the twenty German machines 
were brought down. On July 22 Felix- 
stowe and Harwich were bombarded, 11 
persons being killed and 36 injured. On 
Aug. 12 23 persons were killed and 50 
injured during an attack on the south- 
east coast of Essex. On Aug. 22 11 per- 
sons were killed and 13 injured at Dover 
and other towns on the coast of Kent. 
Zeppelins were also used for aerial at- 
tacks, but they were far less effective 
than the Gotha airplanes employed by 
the Germans. One of the few syste- 
matic raids on Germany was carried out 
by the French on July 16 when eighty- 
four machines dropped bombs on Treves, 
Coblenz, Essen, and other towns of mili- 



tary importance and caused heavy dam- 
age to the Krupp works. Frequent raids 
on the German depots in Belgium were 
conducted by the British Air Service. 

Naval operations continued to be con- 
fined to minor craft. British monitors, 
however, aided the land forces in Flan- 
ders by bombarding Ostend in June. The 
largest warship lost during this period 
was the French armored cruiser Kleber, 
which was struck by a mine and sunk 
with a loss of 38 men. 

Compared with the three months which 
had gone before, the destruction of mer- 
chant ships by German submarines 
showed some diminution. Nevertheless, 
the losses of ships belonging to the Al- 
lies and neutrals was heavy enough to 
be a source of very great anxiety. Dur- 
ing the thirteen weeks ended Aug. 26 
the British Admiralty reported that 235 
merchant ships over 1,600 tons, 55 under 
1,600 tons, and 43 fishing craft had been 
sunk. The aggregate tonnage of these 
vessels, in accordance with the policy 
which the Admiralty refused to depart 
from, was not given. Various reports, 
official and unofficial, showed that the 
other allies and neutrals, particularly 
the Scandinavian countries, were suffer- 
ing losses in about the same proportion 
as Great Britain. An estimate made by 
competent authorities put the total loss 
during the months of June, July, and 
August at 1,800,000 tons for all the 
allies and neutrals, excluding raider 
losses and ships damaged or beached but 
not sunk. Since the neutral vessels de- 
stroyed were nearly all carrying cargoes 
for the Allies, their loss was almost as 
serious as that of the allied merchant- 
men. 

The problem of meeting the situation 
thus created was twofold. In the first 
place, there was the question of overcom- 
ing the submarine peril itself; and, 
secondly, there was the task of replacing 
the lost ships by the rapid building of 
large numbers of new ships. In regard 
to the submarines, great improvements 
in the methods employed by the navies of 
Great Britain, France, Italy, the United 
States, and Japan had taken place. It 
was claimed that German submarines 
were being destroyed in increasing num- 

VOLUME XII. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



bers both by naval craft and by the naval 
gunners who were placed on merchant 
ships. But even when allowances had 
been made for fluctuations, the losses 
were not far enough below the level of 
destruction of the first months of the 
German unrestricted campaign to dissi- 
pate the anxieties of the allied Govern- 
ments. While the naval experts were 
doing their best to combat the submarine, 
efforts were being made to build enough 
new ships to replace those lost. The 
British shipyards had long been working 
at their maximum capacity, and it was 
only by the efforts of the United States 
that the problem of the shortage of ships 
could be solved. How America met the 
situation will be described when we come 
to the consideration of the industrial 
side of the nation's war program. 

During the third, fourth, and fifth 
months of America's participation in the 
war the nation made considerable prog- 
ress in preparing to meet the new de- 
mands. When we remember the com- 
plex industrial and social activities of a 
nation with an area of 3,000,000 square 
miles and a population of over 100,000,- 
000, it was remarkable how this huge 
national organism began to swing 
round from its peaceful pursuits to the 
purposes of war. Dissatisfaction, fric- 
tion, criticism, and even confusion there 
were on all sides, and inevitably so, but 
in the midst of it all we saw the crea- 
tion of a great war machine a new army 
of fighting men backed up by its neces- 
sary noncombatant organization em- 
bracing practically the whole nation. 

The United States Navy, the first 
branch of the nation's fighting services to 
join forces with the Allies, had begun to 
render assistance almost from the first 
day of America's entrance into the war. 
On June 6 it was announced by the 
French Minister of Marine that Amer- 
ican warships had anchored off the 
French coast; and the same day the de- 
stroyer flotilla, under Admiral Sims, 
completed its first month of war service, 
which consisted mainly in helping to pro- 
tect the merchantile marine of the Allies. 
Recognition of America's valuable co- 
operation was seen in the British Admi- 
ralty announcement on June 19 that Ad- 
miral Sims had been appointed to take 



charge of the allied naval forces in 
Irish waters during the absence of the 
British Naval Commander in Chief. Two 
naval bases were established on the 
French coast and one in the British Isles 
from which American destroyers operated 
against German submarines. 

The navy was also active in arming 
merchant ships and providing gun crews 
for them. From the time that the Presi- 
dent decided upon this course till about 
the end of August nearly 200 ships had 
thus been given means of protection 
against hostile submarines. Another item 
in the United States Navy's record in 
these months was the taking over of the 
cruiser patrol of the Atlantic coasts 
from Newfoundland to Brazil. But 
the most important work was the con- 
voying of the numerous contingents of 
American soldiers, which now began to 
cross the ocean to form the great army 
under General Pershing in France, and 
it was to the credit of the navy that not 
a single soldier was lost through any 
hostile action. 

Pershing, with his staff, arrived safely 
in England on June 8, and five days later 
he stepped ashore on French soil at 
Boulogne. The reception he received in 
Paris was by far the most spontaneous 
and thrilling that anybody had received 
since the outbreak of the war. After a 
series of brilliant official and popular 
greetings, the American commander set- 
tled down to work and established his 
headquarters in France in readiness for 
the coming of the first units of the expe- 
ditionary force. 

The first contingents of the first United 
States Army to fight in Europe since the 
foundation of the Republic arrived at a 
port in France on June 26 and 27. Al- 
though they reached their destination in 
safely, it was not without some stirring 
moments, during which disaster was an 
imminent possibility; but, thanks to the 
skillful handling of the convoy squadron, 
commanded by Rear Admiral Albert 
Gleaves, the two attacks made by Ger- 
man submarines were beaten off. 

The arrival of the first American sol- 
diers, under the command of Major Gen. 
William L. Sibert, was the occasion of 
a magnificent welcome by the French 
people, who, if discipline had not been 



VOLUME XII. 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME XII. 



vii. 



maintained, would have stopped at noth- 
ing in lavishing attentions upon the new 
defenders of the sore-pressed sister Re- 
public. Two celebrations followed a little 
later, in which the traditional bond of 
friendship between France and the United 
States was cemented anew. On July 4 
all France celebrated the anniversary of 
American Independence. The march 
through Paris of a battalion of American 
troops, which was about to leave for 
training near the battle front, was a 
thrilling and memorable event. On July 
14, the anniversary of the fall of the 
Bastile, President Wilson and President 
Poincare exchanged appropriate mes- 
sages, while the American soldiers joined 
with their French comrades in com- 
memorating the day honored as that on 
which the French Revolution began. 

The number of American soldiers in 
France gradually increased as additional 
contingents arrived, and training made 
excellent progress with the assistance of 
French and British instructors. Toward 
the end of July trenches began to be 
dug in and near the American camps, and 
a start was made with intensive training. 
After Pershing had made a thorough in- 
spection of the training centres on Aug. 
1 and 2 and inspected various places 
suggested as his field headquarters in 
anticipation of his removal from Paris, 
he expressed himself as well satisfied 
with the arrangements made and with 
the evidences of progress in the training. 

Meanwhile, the raising, equipping, and 
training of a huge army in America was 
the chief subject occupying the attention 
of the Government. Recruiting to in- 
crease the regular army to the full 
strength of 300,000 authorized by Con- 
gress was slow, and it was not until Aug. 
9 that the 183,898 enlistments required on 
April 1 were obtained. The National 
Guard did not yet reach its full strength, 
but enlistments were fairly steady, and, 
when the last units were mustered into 
Federal service on Aug. 5, this branch of 
the nation's armed forces numbered 350,- 
000 men. The regular army and the 
National Guard together now had a 
strength of 650,000 to form the nucleus 
of the expeditionary force which would 
fight in France and which would be added 
to by the national army created under 



the Selective Draft act, approved on May 
18. The registration of over 9,500,000 
young men took place on June 5, and the 
drawing of numbers to decide the first 
687,000 to be called into service was held 
on July 20. The exemption boards pro- 
ceeded promptly to work, and by the end 
of August the first contingents of con- 
scripts were ready to report for duty. 
Progress was also made in building can- 
tonments for the new armies; many new 
officers to lead these armies were being 
turned out from the camps specially 
designated for their training; $640 ,000,- 
000 was voted for the creation of an 
aviation corps; and already the War De- 
partment was preparing to handle over 
2,000,000 men, including special branches 
of service. 

The work of creating a war machine to 
maintain America's armed forces on the 
highest level of efficiency by utilizing 
the whole of the nation's resources was 
carried on during the period under review 
with the greatest enthusiasm and de- 
termination both by the Government, 
through its legislative and executive 
branches, and by the leaders of the na- 
tion's industry. Taking first the pro- 
vision of financial means to conduct the 
war, we find that on June 15 an appro- 
priation act was approved for $3,281,094,- 
541 for army and navy expenditures, and 
on July 24 the President signed an act 
providing $640,000,000 for the aviation 
service. The same day Secretary Mc- 
Adoo informed the Senate Committee 
on Finance that $5,000,000,000 in addi- 
tion to previous estimates would be re- 
quired to carry on the war to June 30, 
1918. The Treasury Department's esti- 
mates for the War Department, when re- 
ceived in the House on July 26, were for 
$5,278,636,000, half of which was for 
armament. Chairman Kitchin of the 
House Ways and Means Committee on 
Aug. 27 estimated the war expenses of 
the United States to June 30, 1918, at 
$19,300,000,000, including actual expenses 
of $10,000,000,000, and loans to the allied 
Governments amounting to $7,000,000,- 
000. 

To meet these expenditures the issue 
of bonds and the levying of taxation on 
an unprecedented scale were both under 
consideration by Congress. On June 15 



VOLUME XII. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



the first Liberty Loan, which had been 
floated on May 2 for $2,000,000,000, 
closed with an oversubscription of more 
than an additional billion dollars, the 
number of persons subscribing being over 
4,000,000. The next increase of the 
nation's war debt was outlined by Secre- 
tary McAdoo on Aug. 17, when he pro- 
posed the issue of 4 per cent, bonds to the 
amount of $7,000,000,000, subject to in- 
come surtax, to provide $4,000,000,000 
new money and retire the former 3*& 
per cent, bonds amounting to $3,000,000,- 
000. Meanwhile, Congress was discuss- 
ing a war revenue bill to raise $2,000,- 
000,000 by taxation, but this, the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury explained, would 
not be sufficient, and another billion 
would have to be raised either in the 
special session or later, when also another 
$9,000,000,000 would have to be added to 
the $7,000,000,000 worth of bonds already 
authorized. 

After nearly two months of discussion 
the important Food Control act was ap- 
proved on Aug. 10. Drastic powers were 
conferred upon the President to regulate 
practically the whole of the nation's 
business in foodstuffs, to fix prices, 
punish hoarders, and in other ways re- 
strict private enterprise. With this act 
in force, the Food Administration, headed 
by Herbert C. Hoover, was enabled to 
begin the tremendous work of providing 
increased supplies for the Allies while 
insuring a sufficiency of food for the 
people of the United States. Progress 
was necessarily slow in achieving the 
desired ends, and for some time little 
seemed to be happening apart from dis- 
cussions with food dealers and the issue 
of lengthy statements and numerous 
regulations. An important decision, how- 
ever, was announced on Aug. 30, when 
the Food Administration fixed the price 
of wheat at $2.20 a bushel for the United 
States and the Allies. Another act ap- 
proved at the same time as the food con- 
trol law provided for a survey of the 
nation's food supplies and an investiga- 
tion of the basic facts relating to the 
production and the distribution of food- 
stuffs. This task was assigned to the 
Department of Agriculture. 

The Espionage act, approved June 15, 
dealt with a wider range of subjects than 



its title indicated, for it covered the 
movements and safety of shipping, the 
protection of munitions and other goods 
intended for exportation, the seizure of 
arms and ammunition intended to be sent 
out of the country without authority, 
embargo on exports, passports, seditious 
and treasonable proceedings of various 
kinds, and the use of the mails for un- 
lawful purposes. Another act important 
enough to mention was that approved 
on Aug. 10 providing for priority in ship- 
ments in view of the inadequacy of trans- 
portation facilities to do the country's 
business under the conditions created by 
the war. This was evident from the re- 
port of the Railroads' War Board, which 
showed that while the increase of equip- 
ment between June, 1916, and June, 1917, 
was only 3 per cent., traffic had increased 
26 per cent. 

Turning now to what might be de- 
scribed as the psychological condition of 
America at this time, we find that the 
great mass of the people was very slow 
in realizing the enormous issues at stake 
in the world war. There was accordingly 
a disposition not to take seriously enough 
the various measures adopted or pro- 
posed by the Government. The habits of 
a peace-loving people, who lived far re- 
mote from the bloody battlefields of 
Europe, and who until a little while pre- 
viously had been enjoined to be neutral 
both in word and deed, were naturally 
not easy to change at a moment's notice. 
Individuals accustomed to comfortable 
lives only gradually gave ear to the call 
for sacrifice; while the commercial in- 
stinct of many Americans was so ex- 
tremely difficult to subordinate to the 
new needs of the nation that President 
Wilson was compelled to take the bold 
step of issuing an appeal on July 11 to 
the business interests of the country to 
place patriotism before profits. In plain 
language he put the question: Do you 
wish to " exact a price, drive a bargain 
with the men who are enduring the agony 
of this war on the battlefield, in the 
trenches, amid the lurking dangers of 
the sea, or with the bereaved women and 
pitiful children, before you will come 
forward to do your duty and give some 
part of your life, in easy peaceful fash- 
ion, for the things we are fighting for, 



VOLUME XII. 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME XII. 



IX. 



the things we have pledged our fortunes, 
our lives, our sacred honor, to vindicate 
and defend liberty and justice and fair 
dealing and the peace of nations ? " To 
this appeal there was a general response 
with a new enthusiasm. Leading finan- 
ciers, captains of industry, experts in 
matters technical, and professional men 
volunteered to place at the service of 
the Government their resources, ex- 
perience, and skill without thought of 
the slightest recompense. Gradually 
Washington became populated with a 
small army which, recruited from the 
commercial and intellectual talent of the 
nation, became an increasingly valuable 
auxiliary to the Government and an 
example in subordinating the individual 
to the national will. 

In Russia the overthrow of the Czar's 
rule was, as we have seen, only the open- 
ing episode of the revolution. A bitter 
contest had begun for the possession of 
the supreme power, and gradually the 
breach between the capitalist and well- 
to-do classes on one hand and the poorer 
peasants and industrial workers on the 
other widened into a definite class strug- 
gle on the lines advocated by exponents 
of Marx and other revolutionary Social- 
ists. Socialists in Russia, like those in 
nearly every other country, were divided 
into a number of political groups and 
schools of thought. One of the chief 
lines of cleavage was between those who 
believed that the Socialist ideal could be 
attained only by a gradual process of 
transformation and those who insisted on 
driving hard all the time without the 
least compromise for the maximum de- 
mands of the Socialist program. In Rus- 
sia these two wings of the Socialist move- 
ment were known as Mensheviki and 
Bolsheviki. The leader of the Bolsheviki 
was Nikolai Lenine, who had for more 
than twenty years been a revolutionary 
leader. He had built up a reputation as 
a writer on the economic problems of 
Russia and had especially won the confi- 
dence of what he called the agricultural 
proletariat, the vast majority of the 
peasants who had little opportunity of 
improving their lot because they could 
not get land. This question of the land 
was, throughout all the troubles which 
followed in the train of the revolution, 



almost as important a factor as the de- 
mand for peace. No party could exist 
without an agrarian policy. The Con- 
servatives and Constitutionalist-Demo- 
crats promised the peasants the Czar's 
estates and the land belonging to the 
Church and offered to sell their own hold- 
ings at reasonable prices, while the 
moderate Socialists, led by Kerensky, 
held that the matter should be left for 
the Constituent Assembly to deal with. 
But Lenine, who returned from exile 
almost immediately after the Czar's abdi- 
cation, declared without hesitation that 
all the land must be taken from the land- 
holders by the peasants at once. Similar- 
ly the workers in the factories were en- 
couraged to take possession of those 
means of wealth production. 

But the question of peace remained 
uppermost in the minds of the Russian 
people. At the end of May the recon- 
structed Cabinet in which Kerensky was 
War Minister, and in which Terestchenko 
directed foreign policy was apparently 
in a stable position, committed only to a 
general peace without annexation or in- 
demnity. Yet on June 1 the first signs 
of Leninist influence were seen. That 
day the Kronstadt branch of the Soldiers' 
and Workmen's Council seized the fortress 
and assumed control of the city in de- 
fiance of the Provisional Government. 
A few days later, however, Kronstadt 
recognized the authority of the Govern- 
ment, but only for a very short period; 
on June 11 there followed another decla- 
ration of independence. In other parts 
of Russia there was a similar tendency 
toward local autonomy and communism, 
and everywhere an ever-growing diver- 
sity of both class and local interests. 
While representatives of commercial, 
banking, and industrial institutions were 
consolidating their forces and endeavor- 
ing to strengthen the alliance of all 
bourgeois interests, the small left wing 
of the Socialist Party, led by Lenine, kept 
driving hard for the complete overthrow 
of capitalist rule and for an immediate 
peace. Kerensky was still able to keep 
the situation in hand and actually make 
what appeared at the time successful ef- 
forts to reorganize the Russian armies 
for a new offensive. The story of this 
offensive, initiated on July 1, with its 

VOLUME XII. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



speedy failure, has already been de- 
scribed, the main cause of the disaster 
having been the permeation of the fight- 
ing forces with the ideas propagated by 
the Leninists, who from this time on- 
ward became more and more influential. 

The first serious uprising of the 
Bolsheviki, or Communists, as Lenine 
preferred to call his followers, took place 
in Petrograd on July 17. Several hun- 
dred people were killed and wounded 
during two days of street fighting, but 
the twofold aim of overturning the Pro- 
visional Government and recalling the 
Russian armies from the front was de- 
feated. Lenine's attempt to seize the 
supreme power for the proletariat was 
premature. 

Another element which was now mak- 
ing the situation still more serious and 
complicated was the demand for the 
autonomy of the Ukraine and Finland's 
resolve to separate from Russia and 
begin without delay its career of national 
independence. The Ukraine question 
was directly responsible for a Cabinet 
crisis, leading to the resignation of five 
Ministers of the Provisional Government 
on July 15. Three days later the Russian 
offensive was converted into a retreat, 
with the Teutonic forces sweeping every- 
thing before them in Galicia. The situa- 
tion was now so critical that it was felt 
necessary to replace Prince Lvoff, the 
Premier, by a stronger man, and on July 
20 Kerensky was appointed to head the 
Government with dictatorial powers to 
save the army from disaster and the 
nation from disintegration. It was too 
late to retrieve Russia's military for- 
tunes, but there was still a chance that 
Kerensky could prevent the country from 
drifting further into the condition of dis- 
order and chaos now threatening it. On 
July 24 there was another Cabinet reor- 
ganization, Kerensky being assisted by 
five Socialists and seven non- Socialists in 
the hope that the conflicting interests of 
bourgeoisie and proletariat might be 
reconciled and that there might result a 
temporary cessation of the class strug- 
gle. Kerensky's whole policy now seems 
to have been summed in a reconciliation 
of class interests for the sake of national 
unity. Though himself a Socialist, he was 
prepared to make very substantial con- 



cessions to the bourgeoisie. He was thus 
able to secure the support of the Cadets, 
or Constitutionalist-Democrats, the chief 
political expression of the bourgeoisie, 
but, as after events proved, the weakness 
of this line of conduct was that it encour- 
aged the counter-revolutionary elements 
on the one hand, while on the other it 
provoked and finally strengthened the 
Socialist left wing. 

Pursuing his policy of reconciliation 
and national unity, and without waiting 
for the Constituent Assembly to meet, 
Kerensky on July 27 summoned an 
" Extraordinary National Council," rep- 
resenting all political factions, adminis- 
trative departments, and legislative 
bodies, to assemble in Moscow. In the 
meanwhile he was too vacillating to 
maintain peace between the bourgeoisie 
and the uncompromising leaders of the 
proletariat. While the calling of the 
Moscow conference was a concession to 
the former, Kerensky refused to deal 
drastically with the Leninists, who were 
undermining army discipline and work- 
ing for the complete social revolution. 
One result of this timidity was the resig- 
nation of General Brusiloff as Com- 
mander in Chief of the Russian armies 
on Aug. 2, Korniloff being appointed to 
succeed him. Another Cabinet crisis fol- 
lowed, and most of the Socialist Ministers 
were replaced by Cadets in a new Coali- 
tion Government which began work on 
Aug. 7. Korniloff set himself the task of 
reorganizing the army and restoring dis- 
cipline, while the Government, now once 
more largely influenced by the Cadets, 
appeared as if it were going to establish 
something approaching law and order. 
The forthcoming Moscow conference, 
they hoped, would again put Russia on 
a firm basis as a belligerent capable of 
helping the Allies and prevent the coun- 
try being given over to the war of the 
classes. 

The Moscow conference met on Aug. 
26. It was attended by 2,500 delegates, 
representing the Duma, the Peasants, 
the Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils, 
the municipal governments, the Zemstvos, 
industrial and co-operative organizations, 
and unions of professional workers. 
Premier Kerensky struck the keynote of 
warning in his opening address, in which 

VOLUME XII. 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME XII. 



he declared that Russia was passing 
through " a period of mortal danger." 
A discussion of the separatistic tenden- 
cies of various nationalities and of " the 
shameful events at the front" followed. 
He declared against a separate peace, 
threatened autocratic action against those 
opposing the Provisional Government, 
and announced that the period of recon- 
struction was at hand. The Government, 
he said, would " endeavor to protect the 
army against subversive influences, 
which deprived soldiers of all sense of 
military duty," and would " struggle 
energetically against the Maximalists, 
against all attempts by them to corrupt 
discipline." On the following day Korni- 
loff made a notable speech describing the 
state of insubordination and disorganiza- 
tion in the army and urging that the 
death penalty be restored, the authority 
of officers strengthened, and the func- 
tions of soldiers' committees restricted. 
One of KornilofFs strongest supporters 
was General Kaledine, the Hetman, or 
chief, of the Don Cossacks. The Socialist 
standpoint was stated by Tshcheidze, 
President of the All-Russian Council of 
Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, and 
other working-class representatives. 

The net result of the Moscow confer- 
ence was not so much to emphasize the 
opposition of the radical Socialists to the 
Provisional Government as to give the 
bourgeois enemies of the Government an 
opportunity to consolidate their forces 
for an attempt to seize the supreme 
power. Almost immediately afterward 
Korniloff, on behalf of the bourgeoisie, 
initiated a counter-revolutionary move- 
ment, but the story of this sequel to the 
Moscow conference does not come within 
the period with which we are now con- 
cerned. 

Several political changes took place in 
England, but none of them arose from 
any fundamental difference in policy. The 
Ministry, headed by Lloyd George, re- 
mained securely in power despite criti- 
cism of various measures, past and 
present. The report of the commission 
on the failure of the first Mesopotamian 
expedition revealed mismanagement and 
inefficiency and severely censured Lord 
Hardinge, who at that time was Viceroy 
of India, and Austen Chamberlain, India 



Secretary. Lord Hardinge, who was now 
the non-political head of the Foreign 
Office, offered to resign, but the Gov- 
ernment insisted on his remaining at his 
post. Mr. Chamberlain, however, re- 
signed on July 12 and was succeeded by 
E. S. Montagu, who not long after took 
the unusual step for an India Secretary 
of visiting India and learning on the 
spot thG conditions which were respon- 
sible for the unrest among the natives. 

A much more important reorganization 
of the Government was announced on 
July 17. Bonar Law vacated his position 
in the War Cabinet so as to give his 
undivided attention to his work as Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer. He was suc- 
ceeded by Sir Edward Carson, who, in 
consequence, ceased to be First Lord of 
the Admiralty. Carson's promotion to 
the War Cabinet was criticised on the 
ground that an extremely partisan oppo- 
nent of Irish home rule, such as he was, 
should not have a voice in the supreme 
council of the empire at a time when 
every endeavor was being made to abate 
the rancor of contending parties in Ire- 
land. Another appointment which oc- 
casioned comment, but of a favorable 
nature, was that of Sir Eric Geddes to be 
First Lord of the Admiralty. Geddes had 
never been in politics and won his promo- 
tion by his work, first in transportation 
under Kitchener, and later as Director 
General of Munitions. Winston Churchill, 
who had been excluded from office on 
account of his connection with the Ant- 
werp and Dardanelles failures, was ap- 
pointed Minister of Munitions. Finally, 
Dr. Christopher Addison became Minister 
without portfolio in charge of reconstruc- 
tion, a position the creation of which indi- 
cated that the Government was beginning 
to look ahead to the many difficult prob- 
lems which would arise on the return of 
peace. In the House of Commons con- 
sideration was begun of the Representa- 
tion of the People bill, a measure intend- 
ed to abolish many of the undemocratic 
features of the British franchise system. 
It was proposed to give the vote to 2,000,- 
000 additional men and to 6,000,000 
women over the age of 30. 

With the meeting on July 25 of the 
Irish Convention a new and more hopeful 
phase of the home-rule question opened. 

VOLUME XII. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



All parties and interests were repre- 
sented except the Sinn Feiners and the 
O'Brienites, who remained irreconcilable 
opponents of anything and everything the 
British Government did or proposed to 
do. H. E. Duke, the Chief Secretary for 
Ireland, opened the convention on behalf 
of the Government, and Sir Horace 
Plunkett was unanimously elected Chair- 
man. The convention then adjourned to 
Aug. 8, and on reassembling decided to 
consider various schemes of self-govern- 
ment. Under Plunkett's leadership a 
spirit of toleration entered into the dis- 
cussions which amazed all who believed 
that Ireland must remain everlastingly 
the prey of feuds and dissensions. Never- 
theless, the Sinn Fein opposition re- 
mained strong and even grew more 
formidable as the irreconsilables began 
to gain adherents for their view that Red- 
mond and the Nationalist Party was too 
ready to compromise with the British 
Tories and the Ulster Unionists. 

Elsewhere in the British Empire the 
most interesting development was the 
adoption of conscription in Canada. The 
law, which was approved on Aug. 29, 
provided for the raising of 100,000 men 
and applied to males between 20 and 45 
years of age, the first class to be called 
up including unmarried men between 20 
and 34. 

In France the Government, headed by 
Ribot, endeavored to maintain the con- 
tinuity of a strong war policy, but a 
change was perceptibly coming over the 
whole political situation. The cessation 
of the grand offensive which was launched 
on April 16, the subsequent replacement 
of Nivelle by Petain as Commander in 
Chief, the activity of a secret pacifist 
intrigue, the reappearance of former 
Premier Joseph Caillaux to public notice, 
and, finally, the decision of the Socialists 
early in August to withdraw their sup- 
port from the Government war policy 
were all matters which caused uneasiness. 
The most important discussions in the 
Chamber of Deputies and in the Senate 
were held in secret, but there was no 
doubt that a state of unrest prevailed, 
induced by the activities of politicians. 

Apart from a crisis threatened through 
friction between Baron Sonnino and other 
members of the Cabinet on the Albanian 



question and minor changes in the Minis- 
try, there was no political development 
cf importance in Italy. The absence of 
basic industries and the consequent de- 
pendence upon outside sources of supply 
for munitions caused ever-recurring 
troubles in the prosecution of the Italian 
campaign. In turn, this inability to con- 
tinue war successes uninterruptedly, com- 
bined with the distress which a state of 
war caused among the people, gave many 
openings for the spread of a spirit of dis- 
content and its crystallization into paci- 
fist propaganda, promoted, it was 
charged, by the Clericals. The effect 
of the revolution in Russia was to stimu- 
late socialistic and anarchistic agitation, 
which, while it did not blaze up into re- 
volt, sowed the seeds of the disaster 
which was to overtake the Italian armies 
later in the year. Italy, as a whole, was 
unable to prosecute a continuously vigor- 
ous campaign, and the masses of the 
people, who listened to the preachers of 
revolution, were not sufficiently organ- 
ized to follow the Russian example. 

Greece, long a source of annoyance 
and a positive hindrance to the Allies' 
war plans in the Balkan Peninsula, was 
at last given serious attention. The 
allied Governments, believing that King 
Constantine was treacherous and would, 
if unchecked, drag Greece into the war 
on the side of the Central Powers, ap- 
pointed Senator Jonnart, a former For- 
eign Minister of France, to act as High 
Commissioner and deal with the Greek 
monarch. Jonnart arrived at Athens on 
June 11 and at once told the Greek 
Premier, Alexander Zaimis, that Con- 
stantine must abdicate. The following 
day Zaimis announced that the King, 
after consulting the Crown Council, had 
bowed to the will of the allied Govern- 
ments and resigned his throne to his 
second son, Prince Alexander. Constan- 
tine and all the members of his family, 
except the new King, left Athens for 
Switzerland on June 13. The way was 
now open for the return of Venizelos, 
who had been at the head of a Provisional 
Government at Saloniki. He reached 
Athens on June 21, and a few days later 
once more became Premier of Greece at 
the head of a Ministry pledged to sup- 
port the Allies. On June 29 the new 

VOLUME XII. 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME XII. 



Government severed diplomatic relations 
with the Central Powers and stated that 
it considered itself at war on the ground 
that Greek territory had been invaded. 
The price of the treachery of the King 
and his spouse, Queen Sophia, to the 
Allies was subsequently revealed by docu- 
ments. 

Other countries which declared war 
against Germany were Siam on July 22, 
Liberia on Aug. 4, and China on Aug. 14. 
Several Latin-American republics took 
the step of severing diplomatic rela- 
tions. 

The internal condition of Germany 
underwent no material change making 
for political progress. As before, the 
liberal bourgeois elements had neither 
the will nor the ability to overthrow the 
rule of Prussian conservatism, while the 
Socialists, who alone represented a 
genuine democratic movement in Ger- 
many, were for the most part content to 
follow Scheidemann in his policy of co- 
operation with the Government. Erzberg- 
er, one of the leaders of the Centre, or 
Catholic Party, however, made an ener- 
getic gesture to create an opposition to 
the war party. His declaration before 
the Reichstag Main Committee on July 
7 for a program of peace without an- 
nexations promised to cause a crisis 
which might possibly have had good re- 
sults if the imperialistic Junkers had 
not been permitted to have so much in- 
fluence. Three days later the Imperial 
Chancellor, von Bethmann Hollweg, once 
more swaying to the side of the war 
party, told the same committee that a 
peace such as that proposed by Erzberg- 
er was unacceptable and that Germany 
"must fight and conquer." The war 
party, however, was becoming doubtful 
of the Chancellor, and, fearing lest he 
might swing back to the popular side, de- 
cided that the time had come for him to 
retire. The Crown Prince appears to 
have played a prominent part in the 
councils of the war party, which had to 
take prompt measures to stem the tide 
of discontent and unrest which was only 
too evident and check the movement for 
a more democratic form of government. 
The Chancellor resigned on July 14, and 
Dr. Georg Michaelis, Prussian Under 



Secretary of Finance and Food Con- 
troller, was appointed his successor. 
Michaelis was merely a stopgap nomi- 
nated by the war party, and the inclu- 
sion of a member of the Reichstag in the 
hew Ministry meant nothing from the 
standpoint of democracy. The imperial- 
ists and reactionaries who controlled the 
Government were strong enough to flout 
popular opinion, even when there ap- 
peared in the Reichstag on July 15 for 
the first time something faintly ap- 
proaching an opposition. This was a 
combination of the Centre with the 
Radicals and Socialists which carried a 
resolution calling for no annexations 
and no economic boycott by 214 votes 
against 116. 

In both the Austrian and Hungarian 
Parliaments there was much outspoken 
espousal of the cause of peace. On 
June 19 the refusal of the Polish Party 
in the Reichsrat to vote war credits 
caused the resignation of the Austrian 
Premier, Count Clam-Martinic. He was 
succeeded by Dr. von Seydler. On July 
14, Praschek, a former Czech Minister, 
caused tumultuous scenes by making a 
speech in which he urged separation 
from Germany, which nation, he said, 
had caused the war. He also demanded 
that Austria make a separate peace. In 
the Hungarian Parliament an equally 
vehement attack on Germany was made 
on June 19 by Count Michael Karolyi, 
leader of the Independent Party, who 
blamed the Teutonic leaders for causing 
the war and demanded instant dissolu- 
tion and the establishment of a demo- 
cratic Government. Great as was the 
desire for peace throughout the Dual 
Monarchy, the Government was too thor- 
oughly subordinated to the will of Ger- 
many to effect its purposes except by in- 
direct means. It was generally credited 
that the influence of Austria, a Catholic 
country, was as much responsible for 
Pope Benedict issuing his peace note a3 
Erzberger, who represented numerous 
and powerful elements in Catholic Ba- 
varia. 

The discussion of war aims and peace 
terms continued in all countries. Those 
Socialists and pacifists who did not open- 
ly demand an immediate attempt to se- 



VOLUME XII. 



xiv. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



cure peace by negotiation kept up an 
agitation for a more precise and specific 
statement of what were the objects to 
be attained by continuing the war. It 
was argued that the peoples of the world 
were entitled to know exactly what they 
were making sacrifices for, and that if it 
were not for imperialistic ends, that fact 
should be stated with clearness and em- 
phasis. Many who were neither Social- 
ists nor pacifists had a somewhat dif- 
ferent reason for demanding less vague 
outlines of war aims. Senator Borah, 
for example, in the United States Senate 
on July 26 said : " We cannot carry on 
this war without a thoroughly aroused 
and sustained public opinion, which at 
this time does not exist." The absence 
of such public opinion, the Senator held, 
was due to the nebulous character of the 
terms for which the nation was fight- 
ing. Many Americans, however, con- 
sidered that President Wilson in his Flag 
Day address on June 14 quite adequately 
stated the aims of the American Nation 
when he said : " With us rests the choice 
* * * to help set the world free or 
else stand aside and let it be dominated 
a long age through * * * by the na- 
tion which can maintain the biggest 
armies and the most irresistible arma- 
ments." And in Great Britain, similar- 
ly, Lloyd George's declaration at Glas- 
gow on June 29 that "peace must be 
guaranteed by the destruction of Ger- 
man militarism " was regarded as a suf- 
ficient summing up of British war aims. 
The idea shared by President Wilson and 
the allied statesmen was that there could 
be no peace with the present ruling class 
in Germany, that the German armies 
must be defeated to wreck the power and 
prestige of that class, and that, there- 
fore, the war must go on until there was 
a decisive military victory for the Allies. 
Pope Benedict on Aug. 14 issued pro- 
posals for peace in a message dated Aug. 
1 which he addressed to the rulers of the 
belligerent peoples. The substance of 
his peace plan was not unlike that out- 
lined by President Wilson before the 
United States entered the war; but now 
when the President replied to the Pope 
on Aug. 27 he again made clear the op- 
position of the Government of the United 



States to German autocracy and militar- 
ism. " We cannot," the President wrote, 
" take the word of the present rulers of 
Germany unless explicitly supported by 
such conclusive evidence of the will and 
purpose of the German people them- 
selves as the other peoples of the world 
would be justified in accepting." 

Nevertheless, the repeated declarations 
of President Wilson and the Govern- 
ments of the western allies were not per- 
mitted to occupy the whole field of dis- 
cussion. The Russian Socialists, with 
their formula of " no annexations, no in- 
demnities, and the self-determination of 
all peoples," had injected a new element 
into the controversy, particularly in 
France, where the question of Alsace- 
Lorraine was uppermost. Leaders of 
French opinion refused for one moment 
to entertain the idea that the restoration 
of these lost provinces could be regarded 
in the light of annexationist policy. The 
British Foreign Secretary, A. J. Balfour, 
on behalf of his Government, supported 
the French view in a speech on July 30 
when he declared: "As long as France 
fights for Alsace-Lorraine we shall sup- 
port her." Even British, French, Ital- 
ian, Belgian, and Greek delegates at the 
Interallied Socialist Conference, which 
was held in London at the end of August, 
while indorsing the Russian peace for- 
mula, qualified the statement in regard 
to annexations by deciding that it did not 
mean the " disannexation of land con- 
quered by force." 

While no responsible statesman re- 
jected the principle of no annexations, it 
was clear on all sides that no one intend- 
ed trying to restore the status quo ante 
bellum, and that in Germany and in some 
of the allied countries the Governments 
were actuated by definite if undefined 
annexationist motives. Peace was still 
far off, because at this time no Govern- 
ment, except that in Russia, believed 
there could be any outcome to the war 
except a decisive result which would 
enable one or the other side to dictate 
terms of peace, instead of being satisfied 
with a compromise brought about by 
negotiation. Germany desired peace be- 
cause her armies were in possession of 
valuable European territories which she 



VOLUME XII. 



INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME XII. 



xv. 



wished to keep or else bargain with to 
exact substantial concessions. The Al- 
lies were determined to go on with the 
war till victory was theirs, so that Ger- 
many would not be in a position to ob- 
tain anything except what the Allies 
might be pleased to give. Hence, while 



it seemed that the refusal to state defi- 
nite and concrete war aims obscured the 
purposes of the war, the reason for con- 
tinued military effort was in reality 
quite clear in the minds of all who 
realized the true significance of the 
great struggle. 




VOLUME XII. 



PERIOD XXXIV. 

President Wilson's Flag Day Address Italian Of- 
fensive on the Carso and Isonzo Fronts The Battle of 
Messines Ridge Storming of the Aisne Quarries Em- 
peror Charles's Throne Speech Russia's Perilous Tran- 
sition Stage The New Phase of Air Raids on England 
The Downfall of King Constantine Two Offers of 
Autonomy for Albania Shipping Sunk by Submarines 
The Threat of "Mittel-Europa"-- China and the World 
War Story of the Russian Upheaval The Religious Re- 
vival in France Who Pays for the Cost of War Nesting 
Mothers of the Battle Zone Welding Britain's Empire 
Closer Britain's Fight on Food Shortage Jewish Lib- 
erty in Rumania : King Ferdinand's Promise The War 
in Western Asia. 



VOLUME XII. 



I 



WHY WE WENT TO WAR 

President Wilson's Flag Day Ad- 
dress Explains the Grievance of 
the United States Against Germany 



President Wilson delivered an ad- 
dress at Washington, June 14, at a 
Flag Day celebration, in which he 
set forth in detail the reasons why 
the United States went to war with 
Germany. He spoke as follows: 

MY FELLOW-CITIZENS: We 
meet to celebrate Flag Day 
because this flag which we 
honor and under which we serve 
is the emblem of our unity, our 
power, our thought and purpose 
as a nation. It has no other charac- 
ter than that which we give it 
from generation to generation. The 
choices are ours. It floats in majes- 
tic silence above the hosts that exe- 
cute those choices, whether in peace 
or in war. And yet, though silent, 
it speaks to us speaks to us of the 
past, of the men and women who 
went before us and of the records 
they wrote upon it. We celebrate the 
day of its birth; and from its birth 
until now it has witnessed a great 
history, has floated on high the 
symbol of great events, of a great 
plan of life worked out by a great 
people. We are about to carry it into 
battle, to lift it where it will draw 
the fire of our enemies. We are 
about to bid thousands, hundreds of 



I 
1 
I 
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ff 
I 
I 
I 
I 
f 
f 
f 
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f 
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f 



thousands, it may be millions, of our 
men, the young, the strong, the 
capable men of the nation, to go 
forth and die beneath it on fields of 
blood far away for what? For 
some unaccustomed thing? For 
something for which it has never 
sought the fire before? American 
armies were never before sent across 
the seas. Why are they sent now? 
For some new purpose, for which 
this great flag has never been car- 
ried before, or for some old, fa- 
miliar, heroic purpose for which it 
has seen men, its own men, die on 
every battlefield upon which Ameri- 
cans have borne arms since the 
Revolution ? 

These are questions which must be 
answered. We are Americans. We in 
our turn serve America, and can 
serve her with no private purpose. 
We must use her flag as she has 
always used it. We are accountable 
at the bar of history and must plead 
in utter frankness what purpose it 
is we seek to serve. 

Items of the Indictment 

It is plain enough how we were 
forced into the war. The extraordi- 
nary insults and aggressions of the 
Imperial German Government left us 
no self-respecting choice but to take 



I 

I 

I 



Jf up arms in defense of our rights as 
J| a free people and of our honor as a 
Jf sovereign Government. The military 
Jf masters of Germany denied us the 
Jf right to be neutral. They filled our 
Jf unsuspecting communities with vi- 
Jf cious spies and conspirators and 
Jf sought to corrupt the opinion of our 
Jf people in their own behalf. When 
1J they found that they could not do 
Jf that, their agents diligently spread 
^ sedition among us and sought to 
Jf draw our own citizens from their al- 
Jf legiance and some of those agents 
Jf were men connected with the official 
Jf embassy of the German Government 
Jf itself here in our own capital. They 
Jf sought by violence to destroy our in- 
Jf dustries and arrest our commerce. 
Jf They tried to incite Mexico to take 
Jf up arms against us and to draw 
Jf Japan into a hostile alliance with 
Jf her and that, not by indirection, but 
Jf by direct, suggestion from the For- 
Jf eign Office in Berlin. They impu- 
Jf dently denied us the use of the high 
Jf seas and repeatedly executed their 
Jf threat that they would send to their 
Jf death any of our people who ventured 
Jf to approach the coasts of Europe. 
Jf And many of our own people were 
Jf corrupted. Men began to look upon 
|f their own neighbors with suspicion 
Jf and to wonder in their hot resent- 
Jf ment and surprise whether there was 
Jf any community in which hostile in- 
Jf trigue did not lurk. What great na- 
if tion in such circumstances would not 
|f have taken up arms? Much as we 
Jf had desired peace, it was denied us, 
Jf and not of our own choice. This flag 
1 under which we serve would have 
Jf been dishonored had we withheld our 
|f hand. 

But that is only part of the story. 



We know now as clearly as we knew 
before we were ourselves engaged 
that we are not the enemies of the 
German people and that they are not 
our enemies. They did not; originate 
or desire this hideous war or wish 
that we should be drawn into it; and 
we are vaguely conscious that we are 
fighting their cause, as they will 
some day see it, as well as our own. 
They are themselves in the grip of 
the same sinister power that has now 
at last stretched its ugly talons out 
and drawn blood from us. The 
whole world is at war because the 
whole world is in the grip of that 
power and is trying out the great 
battle which shall determine whether 
it is to be brought under its mastery 
or fling itself free. 

Germany's Military Masters 
The war was begun by the military 
masters of Germany, who proved to 
be also the masters of Austria-Hun- 
gary. These men have never regard- 
ed nations as peoples, men, women, 
and children of like blood and frame 
as themselves, for whom Govern- 
ments existed and in whom Govern- 
ments had their life. They have re- 
garded them merely as serviceable 
organizations which they could by 
force or intrigue bend or corrupt to 
their own purpose. They have re- 
garded the smaller States, in partic- 
ular, and the peoples who could be 
overwhelmed by force as their nat- 
ural tools and instruments of dom- 
ination. Their purpose has long been 
avowed. The statesmen of other na- 
tions, to whom that purpose was in- 
credible, paid little attention; regard- 
ed what German professors ex- 
pounded in their classrooms and Ger- 






f 
f 



man writers set forth to the world 
as the goal of German policy, as 
rather the dream of minds detached 
from practical affairs, as preposter- 
ous private conceptions of German 
destiny, than as the actual plans of 
responsible rulers; but the rulers of 
Germany themselves knew all the 
while what concrete plans, what well- 
advanced intrigues lay back of what 
the professors and the writers were 
saying, and were glad to go forward 
unmolested, filling the thrones of 
Balkan States with German Princes, 
putting German officers at the ser- 
vice of Turkey to drill her armies 
and make interest with her Govern- 
ment, developing plans of sedition 
and rebellion in India and Egypt, 
setting their fires in Persia. The de- 
mands made by Austria upon Serbia 
were a mere single step in a plan 
which compassed Europe and Asia, 
from Berlin to Bagdad. They hoped 
those demands might not arouse Eu- 
rope, but they meant to press them 
whether they did or not, for they 
thought themselves ready for .the 
final issue of arms. 

Austria-Hungary a Pawn 
Their plan was to throw a broad 
belt of German military power and 
political control across the very cen- 
tre of Europe and beyond the Medi- 
terranean into the heart of Asia; and 
Austria-Hungary was to be as much 
their tool and pawn as Serbia or Bul- 
garia or Turkey or the ponderous 
States of the East. Austria-Hun- 
gary, indeed, was to become part of 
the Central German Empire, ab- 
sorbed and dominated by the same 
forces and influences that had origi- 
nally cemented the German States 



themselves. The dream had its heart 
at Berlin. It could have had a heart 
nowhere else! It rejected the idea of 
solidarity of race entirely. The 
choice of peoples played no part in it 
at all. It contemplated binding to- 
gether racial and political units 
which could be kept together only by 
force Czechs, Magyars, Croats, 
Serbs, Rumanians, Turks, Armeni- 
ans the proud States of Bohemia 
and Hungary, the stout little com- 
monwealths of the Balkans, the in- 
domitable Turks, the subtile peoples 
of the East. These peoples did not 
wish to be united. They ardently 
desired to direct their own affairs, 
would be satisfied only by undis- 
puted independence. They could be 
kept quiet only by the presence of 
the constant threat of armed men. 
They would live under a common 
power only by sheer compulsion and 
await the day of revolution. But the 
German military statesmen 'had reck- 
oned with all that and were ready to 
deal with it in their own way. 

The Present Situation 
And they have actually carried 
the greater part of that amazing 
plan into execution. Look how 
things stand. Austria is at their 
mercy. It has acted, not upon its 
own initiative or upon the choice of 
its own people, but at Berlin's dicta- 
tion ever since the war began. Its 
people now desire peace, but cannot 
have it until leave is granted from 
Berlin. The so-called Central Pow- 
ers are in fact but a single power. 
Serbia is at its mercy, should its 
hands be but for a moment freed; 
Bulgaria has consented to its will, 
and Rumania is overrun. The Turk- 



I 









ish armies, which Germans trained, 
are serving Germany, certainly not 
themselves, and the guns of Ger- 
man warships lying in the harbor 
at Constantinople remind Turkish 
statesmen every day that they have 
no choice but to take their orders 
from Berlin. From Hamburg to the 
Persian Gulf the net is spread. 

German Cry for Peace 
Is it not easy to understand the 
eagerness for peace that has been 
manifested from Berlin ever since 
the snare was set and sprung? 
Peace, peace, peace has been the 
talk of her Foreign Office now for 
a year and more; not peace upon 
her own initiative, but upon the in- 
itiative of the nations over which 
she now deems herself to hold the 
advantage. A little of the talk has 
been public, but most of it has been 
private. Through all sorts of chan- 
nels it has come to me, and in all 
sorts of guises, but never with the 
terms disclosed which the German 
Government would be willing to ac- 
cept. That Government has other 
valuable pawns in its hands besides 
those I have mentioned. It still 
holds a valuable part of France, 
though with slowly relaxing grasp, 
and practically the whole of Bel- 
gium. Its armies press close upon 
Russia and overrun Poland at their 
will. It cannot go further; it dare 
not go back. It wishes to close its 
bargain before it is too late, and it 
has little left to offer for the pound 
of flesh it will demand. 

The military masters under whom 
Germany is bleeding see very clearly 
to what point fate has brought them. 
If they fall back or are forced back 



an inch their power both abroad and 
at home will fall to pieces like a 
house of cards. It is their power at 
home they are thinking about now 
more than their power abroad. It is 
that power which is trembling under 
their very feet; and deep fear has 
entered their hearts. They have but 
one chance to perpetuate their mil- 
itary power or even their controlling 
political influence. If they can secure 
peace now with the immense advan- 
tages still in their hands, which they 
have up to this point apparently 
gained, they will have justified them- 
selves before the German people; 
they will have gained by force what 
they promised to gain by it an im- 
mense expansion of German power, 
an immense enlargement of German 
industrial and commercial opportuni- 
ties. Their prestige will be secure, 
and with their prestige their polit- 
ical power. If they fail, their people 
will thrust them aside ; a Government 
accountable to the people themselves 
will be set up in Germany as it has 
been in England, in the United 
States, in France, and in all the 
great countries of the modern time 
except Germany. If they succeed 
they are safe and Germany and the 
world are undone; if they fail Ger- 
many is saved and the world will be 
at peace. If they succeed America 
will fall within the menace. We and 
all the rest of the world must re- 
main armed, as they will remain, and 
must make ready for the next step 
in their aggression; if they fail the 
world may unite for peace and Ger- 
many may be of the union. 

Do you not now understand the 
new intrigue, the intrigue for peace, 









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and why the masters of Germany do 
not hesitate to use any agency that 
promises to effect their purpose, the 
deception of the nations? Their pres- 
ent particular aim is to deceive* all 
those who throughout the world stand 
for the rights of peoples and the self- 
government of nations; for they see 
what immense strength the forces of 
justice and of liberalism are gather- 
ing out of this war. 

Tools of Peace Propaganda 
They are employing liberals in 
their enterprise. They are using 
men, in Germany and without, as 
their spokesmen whom they have 
hitherto despised and oppressed, 
using them for their own destruction 
Socialists, the leaders of labor, the 
thinkers they have hitherto sought to 
silence. Let them once succeed and 
these men, now their tools, will be 
ground to powder beneath the weight 
of the great military empire they will 
have set up; the revolutionists in 
Russia will be cut off from all succor 
or co-operation in Western Europe 
and a counter-revolution fostered 
and supported ; Germany herself will 
lose her chance of freedom, and all 
Europe will arm for the next, the 
final, struggle. 

The sinister intrigue is being no 
less actively conducted in this coun- 
try than in Russia and in every coun- 
try in Europe to which the agents 
and dupes of the Imperial German 
Government can get access. That 
Government has many spokesmen 
here, in places high and low. They 
have learned discretion. They keep 
within the law. It is opinion they 
utter now, not sedition. They proclaim 
the liberal purposes of their masters ; 
declare this a foreign war which can 
touch America with no danger to 
either her lands or her institutions; 
set England at the centre of the 
stage and talk of her ambition to as- 
sert economic dominion throughout 
the world; appeal to our ancient tra- 
dition of isolation in the politics of 






5 



the nations, and seek to undermine 
the Government with false profes- 
sions of loyalty to its principles. 

But they will make no headway. 
The false betray themselves always 
in every accent. It is only friends 
and partisans of the German Govern- 
ment whom we have already identi- 
fied who utter these thinly disguised 
disloyalties. The facts are patent to 
all the world, and nowhere are they 
more plainly seen than in the United 
States, where we are accustomed to 
deal with facts and not with sophis- 
tries; and the great fact that stands 
out above all the rest is that this 
is a people's war, a war for free- 
dom and justice and self-government 
among all the nations of the world, 
a war to make the world safe for 
the peoples who live upon it and have 
made it their own, the German peo- 
ple themselves included; and that 
with us rests the choice to break 
through all these hypocrisies and 
patent cheats and masks of brute 
force and help set the world free, 
or else stand aside and let it be 
dominated a long age through by 
sheer weight of arms and the arbi- 
trary choices of self-constituted 
masters, by the nation which can 
maintain the biggest armies and 
the most irresistible armaments a 
power to which the world has af- 
forded no parallel and in the face of 
which political freedom must wither 
and perish. 

For us there is but one choice. We 
have made it. Woe be to the man 
or group of men that seeks to stand 
in our way in this day of high reso- 
lution when every principle we hold 
dearest is to be vindicated and made 
secure for the salvation of the na- 
tions. We are ready to plead at the 
bar of history, and our flag shall 
wear a new lustre. Once more we 
shall make good with our lives and 
fortunes the great faith to which we 
were born, and a new glory shall 
shine in the face of our people. 

^fm^fcfcfcfcfcfefc^tete 1 



General Pershing in France 

Advance Guard of American Expeditionary Force On the 

Way to the Front 



M 



AJOR GEN. JOHN J. PER- 
SHING r who is to command 
the American expeditionary; 
force on the western front, ar- 
rived safely in England on June 8 with 
his staff of 53 officers and 146 men, in- 
cluding privates and civilian attaches. 
On landing at Liverpool from the White 
Star liner Baltic, he gave the following 
message to the British public: 

We are very proud and glad to be the 
standard bearers of our country in this great 
war for civilization and to land on British 
soil. The welcome which we have received is 
magnificent and deeply appreciated. We 
hope in time to be playing our part and we 
hope it will be a big part on the western 
front. 

The American commander was received 
by a British General with a guard of 
honor and a regimental band, which 
played " The Star-Spangled Banner." 
The British Admiralty was represented 
by the Admiral in command of the port 
and the municipal authorities by the Lord 
Mayor of Liverpool. After these greet- 
ings were concluded General Pershing 
left for London by special train, the offi- 
cial state car being attached for him to 
travel in; and on arrival in London he 
was received by Lord Derby, Secretary 
of State for War; General Lord French, 
other high officers of the British Army, 
the United States Ambassador, and Ad- 
miral Sims of the United States Navy. 
At every stage the British Government 
showed every possible mark of honor to 
America's commander, while the greet- 
ings of the people were warmly enthusi- 
astic. 

The following day General Pershing 
and his entire personal staff were re- 
ceived by King George at Buckingham 
Palace. General Lord Brooke, com- 
mander of the Twelfth Canadian Infan- 
try Brigade, presented the American 
commander to the King, who said to him: 
It has been the dream of my life to see the 
two great English-speaking nations more 
closely united. My dreams have been real- 



ized. It is with the utmost pleasure that I 
welcome you, at the head of the American 
contingent, to our shores. 

Later King George chatted for a few 
moments with each member of Pershing's 
staff. He conversed with the General 
for a quarter of an hour, shaking hands 
enthusiastically as they parted. A series 
of calls and entertainments followed the 
ceremony at the palace. On June 11 Gen- 
eral Pershing and Ambassador Page took 
luncheon with King George and Queen 
Mary, spending nearly two hours at the 
palace. After luncheon the King and 
Queen showed the visitors through the 
historic rooms and about the palace 
grounds. From the palace General Per- 
shing went to the War Office, where mem- 
bers of his personal staff had been in 
conference for several hours with repre- 
sentatives of their corresponding depart- 
ments in the British Army. The officer 
who represents the American military air 
service devoted two hours to discussing 
plans for co-operation with the British 
service. 

In the afternon General Pershing vis- 
ited the House of Commons. He sat in 
the Distinguished Visitors' Gallery for a 
time, and later took tea on the Terrace 
as a guest of members. In the evening 
he took dinner with Ambassador Page at 
his residence to meet members of the 
British Cabinet and naval and military 
officers. Among the guests were Premier 
Lloyd George, Arthur J. Balfour, Lord 
Derby, Lord Robert Cecil, Viscount 
French, Admiral Sir John R. Jellicoe, 
Vice Admiral William S. Sims, U. S. N., 
and General Jan Smuts. 

The first opportunity General Pershing 
had of observing British Army methods 
was on June 12, when he was taken to 
a training camp to watch instruction in 
trench warfare. Afterward he was the 
War Secretary's guest at luncheon. In 
the evening the General and eighteen 
members of his staff were the guests of 
the British Government at a formal dinner 



GENERAL PERSHING IN FRANCE 



at Lancaster House, a Government build- 
ing devoted solely to purposes of state 
entertainment of distinguished visitors. 
There were thirty other diners, including 
eight members of the Cabinet. The 
Prime Minister sat at the first of six 
round tables in the sumptuous dining 
hall. The other tables were presided over 
by Lord Curzon, Lord President of the 
Council; Viscount Milner, member of the 
War Cabinet; the Right Hon. George M. 
Barnes, Pensions Minister; the Earl of 
Derby, Secretary for War, and Sir Al- 
fred Mond. 

The dinner was not an elaborate af- 
fair, the menu conforming strictly to the 
prescribed war rations. There were no 
speeches, but toasts were drunk to the 
King and the President. Early in the 
evening, before Major Gen. Pershing left 
his hotel, ex-Premier Asquith called on 
him. 

Enthusiasm in France 

An even more thrilling welcome await- 
ed General Pershing on French soil. " I 
salute the United States of America, 
which has now become united to the 
United States of Europe," from the lips 
of General Dumas, commanding the 
northern region, were the first words 
that greeted Pershing as he stepped 
ashore at Boulogne on the morning of 
June 13. It was the first time in his- 
tory that a soldier wearing the Amer- 
ican uniform had landed on the Euro- 
pean Continent with sword in hand for 
the purpose of using it against an enemy. 
As Pershing himself said, it was a his- 
toric moment. 

The scenes that greeted him, the re- 
ception that followed, both at Boulogne 
and in Paris, were both historic and 
deeply significant. Drawn up on the 
landing quay was a detachment of French 
infantry in battle uniform. They came 
only recently from the trenches. As the 
American chief greeted their colors, they 
came to salute and stood like iron stat- 
ues as he passed slowly down the line. 
Pershing's face showed his emotion. 
They were all grizzled or middle-aged 
veterans. There was not a youth among 
them that little detachment of the army 
of France. Their faces, too, showed 



eagerness at his coming, and the few 
Americans who were there felt heart- 
throbs of pride at the splendid way in 
which their leader fitted into the picture. 
As the boat neared the landing stage 
Pershing's figure stood out prominently 
from the centre of his staff, and the com- 
mon French utterance was: " Truly, here 
comes a man! " 

Among the officials that met him were 
Rene Besnard, Under Secretary of State 
for War; Brig. Gen. Pelletier, who is chief 
of the French Mission to the American 
expeditionary force ; General Dupont, who 
represented General Petain; General Du- 
mas, commanding the region of the 
north; Sir George Fowke, representing 
Sir Douglas Haig; Captain Baron de 
Courcel, who was to act as Pershing's of- 
ficial interpreter; also the Military Gov- 
ernor of Boulogne, and representatives 
of the French and British Navies. The 
American War Department was repre- 
sented by Captain Boyd, Military At- 
tache. 

After a drive through Boulogne, where 
great crowds gathered in all the streets, 
the entire staff departed by special train 
for Paris. Immediately after the start, 
General Pershing received the French 
newspaper men in his private car, and 
afterward the representaives of the 
American press. To the former he said, 
after expressing his pleasure at landing 
in France: "The reception we have re- 
ceived is of great significance. It has im- 
pressed us greatly. It means that from 
the present moment our aims are the 
same." To the Americans he declared 
that this arrival of the advance guard of 
the American Army " makes us realize 
the fullest importance of American par- 
ticipation. America has entered the war 
with the fullest intention of doing her 
share no matter how great or how small 
that share may be. Our allies can depend 
on that." 

Stirring Reception in Paris 
The reception at Paris was by far the 
greatest given to anybody since the out- 
break of the war. From the moment the 
fortifications were reached every house- 
top, wall, and window was filled with 
cheering thousands. At the Gare du 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Nord special cordons of troops lined the 
platforms, while dense ranks of soldiers 
flanked every street for blocks and pa- 
trolled the route of the party all the way 
to the Hotel de Crillon, in the Place de la 
Concorde, where the General made his 
temporary headquarters. Paris turned 
out literally tens of thousands, and it 
seemed every one was waving an Ameri- 
can flag, while cries of "Vive 1'Ameri- 
que! " became a sustained roar all the 
way from the Gare du Nord to the Boule- 
vards. General Pershing was visibly af- 
fected by the welcome as he stepped from 
the train. Bands in the station played 
" The Star-Spangled Banner " and the 
" Marseillaise." Those who greeted him 
were Marshal Joffre, M". Viviani, M. 
Painleve, Minister of War; Generals 
Foch and Dutail, Ambassador Sharp, and 
all the attaches of the American Em- 
bassy. 

To the masses in the streets as they 
followed the automobiles from the Gare. 
it seemed the coming of Pershing was 
veritably the coming of an army. Here 
was America to help them, America, 
which had always stood in popular im- 
agination as the symbol of incredible 
wealth and greatness. In the person of 
the simply dressed American General 
they cheered the whole American Army 
millions strong, if need be, to carry the 
War to victory. 

In the evening Ambassador Sharp gave 
a dinner at the American Embassy, 
where the General met the chief mem- 
bers of the French Cabinet and officers 
of the army and navy. 

Pershing at Napoleon's Tomb 
Among the most moving episodes was 
Pershing's visit to the tomb of Napoleon, 
in the Hotel des Invalides, on June 14, for 
here was witnessed the impressive scene 
of the American commander standing 
with uncovered head at the resting place 
of the world's most famous soldier. Per- 
shing, accompanied by his staff, was re- 
ceived at the Hotel des Invalides by Gen- 
eral Niox, the military commander of 
the historic monument, and General Mal- 
terre. As the American party entered 
the spacious grounds leading to the 
building they encountered a number of 



veterans of the French wars who have 
their home at this institution. One of 
these was a grizzled soldier of the 
Crimea, who still wore the ancient uni- 
form and carried on his breast decora- 
tions of the old days. As the veteran 
saluted General Pershing the General 
stopped and extended his hand, saying: 
" It is a great honor for a young soldier 
like myself to press the hands of an old 
soldier like yourself, who has seen such 
glorious service." 

Passing into the Invalides, General 
Niox conducted the American command- 
er within the vast rotunda with its walls 
hung with battle flags, and thence the 
party proceeded below to the crypt 
where the sarcophagus of Napoleon re- 
poses. Entrance to the crypt is rigor- 
ously restricted, and it is seldom that any 
one is admitted except crowned heads or 
former heads of States, as in the case of 
ex-President Roosevelt when he visited 
Paris. 

General Pershing and his staff were 
conducted to the crypt by Marshal Joffre, 
who followed the precedent laid down by 
Napoleon, that only a Marshal of France 
might remain covered in his presence. 
The great key was inserted in the brass 
door of the crypt. Marshal Joffre and 
General Niox drew aside while General 
Pershing faced the door alone. He took 
a deep breath, stepped suddenly forward, 
and with a single motion threw his arm 
straight out and turned the key. In a 
tiny alcove at one side of the crypt the 
Governor of the Invalides unlocked the 
case, drew out the sword, and raised it 
to his lips. Then he presented the hilt to 
General Pershing, who received it, held it 
at salute for a moment, and then kissed 
the hilt. The same ceremony was fol- 
lowed with the cross of the cordon of the 
Legion of Honor, General Pershing hold- 
ing the cross to his lips before passing it 
back to the Governor. This was the most 
signal honor France ever bestowed upon 
any man. Before this occasion not even a 
Frenchman ever was permitted to hold 
the historic relics in his hands. Kings 
and Princes have been taken to the crypt 
that holds the body of the great Emperor, 
but they only viewed the sword and cross 
through the plateglass of the case in 



GENERAL PERSHING IN FRANCE 



which they rest. The relics had not been 

touched since the time of Louis Philippe. 

Visit to President Poincare 

After his visit to the Invalides Gen- 
eral Pershing made a formal call on Am- 
bassador Sharp, and was then escorted 
with military honors to the Elysee Palace 
to be presented to President Poincare. 
At 1:30 o'clock the President and Mme. 
Poincare gave a state breakfast in honor 
of the American commander. Other 
guests were Premier Ribot, Paul Pain- 
leve, Minister of War; Marshal Joffre, 
Rene Viviani, Minister of Justice, and 
Ambassador Sharp. 

General Pershing received a remark- 
able greeting from the Deputies when he 
entered the diplomatic box in the Cham- 
ber of Deputies at 3 o'clock, just before 
Premier Ribot rose to tell the Chamber 
what the Allies purposed doing in Greece. 
The first part of the session partook of 
the nature of an official parliamentary 
reception to General Pershing, the United 
States figuring in M. Ribot's speech and 
being the theme of an eloquent oration 
by M. Viviani. Once they were aware of 
General Pershing's entry, the Deputies 
rose and stood, cheering, until the Gen- 
eral bowed his acknowledgments. Then 
the galleries caught up the enthusiasm 
and violated the tradition of the House 
by joining in the applause. The Deputies 
again rose and turned toward General 
Pershing, cheering, when M. Ribot fin- 
ished his speech by quoting President 
Wilson's phrase in his message to Russia: 
" The day has come to conquer or sub- 
mit," and declaring: "We will not sub- 
mit; we will vanquish." M. Viviani fol- 
lowed M. Ribot, describing the spirit of 
the United States and the principles for 
which both republics were fighting. 
General Pershing was compelled to re- 
spond to another demonstration after M. 
Viviani's speech, and at 4 o'clock he left 
the Chamber, followed by a storm of 
cheering. 

Premier Ribot said in the course of his 
speech: 

The people of France fully understand the 
deep significance of the arrival of General 
Pershing in France. It is one of the greatest 
events in history that the people of the Uni- 
ted States should come here to struggle, not 



in the spirit of ambition or conquest, but for 
the noble ideals of justice and liberty. The 
arrival of General Pershing is a new message 
from President Wilson, which, if that is pos- 
sible, surpasses in nobility all those preced- 
ing it. 

The people of Paris gave Pershing and 
Joffre a remarkable reception on the 
morning of June 15, when the two Gen- 
erals stool bareheaded together on the 
balcony of the Military Club, looking 
down on the excited crowd on the Place 
de 1'Opera. " Vive Joffre, who saved us 
from defeat! Vive Pershing, who brings 
us victory! " cried an excited girl, cling- 
ing to the arm of a be-medaled permis- 
sionaire, in a brief moment of silence, 
and at her words cheering burst forth 
tenfold only to cease long after the club 
balcony was vacant and the crowd was 
at last convinced that its two idols had 
definitely withdrawn. 

A Wreath for Lafayette 
General Pershing's personal program 
of official calls, dinners, and ceremonies 
came to an abrupt end in the afternoon 
after he visited Picpus Cemetery, where 
he placed a huge wreath of American 
Beauty roses on the tomb of Lafayette. 
Then he announced definitely that next 
day he intended to get down to work at 
the headquarters of the American Army, 
which was already in full operation, in 
the Rue de Constantine. The ceremony 
at the tomb was very brief, simple but 
impressive. With half a dozen officers 
of his staff he motored to the cemetery, 
where he was received only by the Mar- 
quis and the Count de Chambrun, de- 
scendants of Lafayette, who conducted 
him to the tomb. The wreath was car- 
ried behind by two orderlies. The Mar- 
quis de Chambrun said a few words wel- 
coming General Pershing, who replied 
simply, expressing the great pleasure of 
every American to visit the tomb of one 
who had done so much for the United 
States to pay a tribute of devotion 
which sealed friendship forever. Then 
the wreath was placed on the slab, while 
General Pershing and the officers stood 
at salute. The streets along the route 
to and from the cemetery were lined, as 
usual, with crowds, whose cheers seemed 
to indicate their appreciation of General 



10 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Pershing in this symbolic fashion repay- 
ing the debt of Lafayette. 

General Pershing spent his third and 
last day in Paris before leaving for the 
front in making official calls, paying a 
visit to Marshal Joffre, with whom he 
had luncheon, and visiting the Senate. 
During his visit to the Senate there were 
scenes of enthusiasm similar to those in 
the Chamber of Deputies on the previous 
day. The Senators stood when General 
Pershing appeared in the diplomatic box, 
accompanied by the American Ambassa- 
dor, and applauded him for several min- 
utes. The General had to bow his 
acknowledgments repeatedly. 

M. Ribot, the Premier, alluded to the 
presence of the distinguished American 
soldier, and called on Foreign Minister 
Viviani to address the Senate. M. 
Viviani, speaking at first with restraint, 
launched with great beauty of expression 
into an oration, in which he described 
the refusal of the United States to see 
the ideals of civilization, of democracy, 
and of right in battle with destructive 
forces without taking her part, which, he 
declared, was a great and noble part. The 
speaker was frequently interrupted by 
applause, and at the close of his address 
all the members of the Senate stood and, 
turning again toward General Pershing, 
clapped their hands and shouted, " Vivent 
les Etats Unis." General Pershing rose 
and bowed several times before the dem- 
onstration subsided. 

The Senate took a recess of half an 
hour, so that the members might be in- 
troduced to General Pershing, and An- 
tonin Dubost, President of the Senate, 
escorted him through the immense lobby 
of the Luxembourg Palace, introducing 
him to the members, Baron D'Estour- 
nelles de Constant assisting in the pres- 
entations. 

Organizing for the Front 

With the great series of official and 
popular greetings at an end General 
Pershing set to work to establish his 
headquarters in France. Marshal Joffre 
was designated by the French Minister 
of War to continue his work, begun in 
Washington, of assisting to organize 
American participation in the war. He 



will, therefore, be the representative of 
the French Government in co-operating 
with the American Commander, Lieut. 
Col. Fabry, as Chief of Staff, and Lieu- 
tenant de Tessan as aid, both members 
of the French War Commission to the 
United States, continue with the Mar- 
shal. According to a statement made by 
the War Department at Washington on 
June 13, General Pershing, in confer- 
ence with French army heads, will deter- 
mine where the American expedition 
shall be sent, and his recommendations, 
which will be practically final, will be 
approved by the authorities at Washing- 
ton. He will be an independent com- 
mander, like Field Marshal Haig, neces- 
sarily co-operating with the French high 
command while on French soil. 

General Pershing was preceded to 
France by various special units of the 
American Army, and on May 24 the first 
United States combatant corps went to 
the front under Captain E. I. Tinkham, 
who won the War Cross at Verdun, and 
Lieutenant Scully of Princeton. It was 
a proud moment when the first detach- 
ment of the American field service, con- 
sisting mainly of Cornell undergraduates, 
departed for the Aisne battlefield. They 
were armed with carbines, attired in 
khaki uniforms, and drove American five- 
ton motor cars. As they left, the Stars 
and Stripes, floating over the canton- 
ment in a historic French forest, spread 
out in the breeze, and other contingents 
cheered them on their way. Other Amer- 
ican sections, drilling in preparation for 
active participation in the fighting, in- 
cluded detachments from Andover, Dart- 
mouth, Harvard, Johns Hopkins, Yale, 
Chicago, and Williams College, while a 
large body from Princeton is awaiting 
organization. Most of them intended to 
serve with the American Ambulance 
Corps, but selected the fighting corps 
after the United States decided to enter 
the war. 

An official statement issued by the 
British War Office on May 28 said that, 
counting the Americans serving in the 
British and French armies and the ad- 
ditional units ordered to France, there 
would shortly be 100,000 Americans in 



GENERAL PERSHING IN FRANCE 



11 



France, and, further, that 3,500 war air- 
planes would be constructed and 6,000 
aviators trained in the United States this 
year. The statement added that flotillas of 
destroyers were..co-operating with the En- 
tente Allies in the submarine zone, that 
one army division, a force of marines, and 
nine regiments of engineers had been or- 
dered to France, and that 10,000 doctors 



and many nurses had been ordered to 
England, hundreds of these having al- 
ready arrived. " Together with the Amer- 
icans already serving in the British and 
French armies," the announcement ex- 
plained, " these additional units will 
shortly give a total of 100,000 Americans 
in France, equaling five German divis- 
ions." 



America's Army in the Making 



rpHE work of pulling together the dif- 
ferent lines of organization which 
will result in the formation of a 
United States Army fighting in Europe 
has been proceeding gradually and me- 
thodically. Explaining the Government's 
military plans, Secretary of War Baker, 
in a statement on May 9, said that all 
the forces raised for the war were to be 
dovetailed into one great army machine 
of more than 1,200,000 men when the 
National Guard had been raised to full 
war strength, when the regular army 
had been similarly increased and 
strengthened, and when the first draft of 
500,000 men for the national army had 
been raised. This army would consist 
of about forty divisions. 

Under the National Defense act of 
June 3, 1916, the full war strength of the 
regular army was fixed at 293,000 men, 
and of the National Guard at 409,000, 
but recruiting for both branches has been 
below requirements. On April 1, 1917, 
the regular army still needed 183,898 
men, but the number of enlistments on 
June 18 had reached only 120,815. In 
some States the National Guard actually 
showed a decrease through discharges. 
It, therefore, became obvious that more 
than the 500,000 men, as originally in- 
tended, would have to be drafted. Gen- 
eral Crowder told the Senate Military 
Affairs Committee on June 4 that the 
number then required was 625,000, and 
to obtain this number it would be neces- 
sary to draft at least 900,000 and pos- 
sibly 1,500,000, because of expected ex- 
emptions. The additional 125,000 would 
be needed to fill up vacancies in the army 



and to keep the training camps in con- 
tinuous operation. 

The President on May 14 had already 
approved the completed plans for the 
immediate expansion of the regular army 
to its full war strength of 293,000 men 
through the formation as rapidly as pos- 
sible of all the new units authorized by 
the National Defense act of June 3, 1916. 
To accomplish this forty-five new regi- 
ments of infantry, cavalry, and field 
artillery are being organized. This in- 
crease, as contemplated by Congress in 
1916, was to have been obtained in five 
equal increments in a five-year period. 
The orders issued by the President now 
call for the formation of twenty-seven 
regiments of infantry, twelve of field 
artillery, and six of cavalry. When these 
have been obtained the army will com- 
prise sixty-four regiments of infantry, 
twenty-one of field artillery, and twenty- 
five of cavalry a total of 110 regiments 
exclusive of coast artillery, staff corps, 
and special service units. There will be 
3,379 officers and 127,985 men in the in- 
fantry, 1,325 officers and 37,175 men in 
the cavalry, and 897 officers and 26,748 
men in the field artillery. The entire 
regular army will comprise more than 
12,000 officers and 293,000 men. Pre- 
viously there had been thirty-seven regi- 
ments of infantry, nine regiments of field 
artillery, and nineteen regiments of cav- 
alry. The new infantry regiments will 
be known as the Thirty-eighth to the 
Sixty- fourth, inclusive; the new field ar- 
tillery will be the Tenth to the Twenty- 
first, inclusive, and the new cavalry, the 
Twentieth to the Twenty-fifth, inclusive. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Expanding the Army 
The expansion of the army is being 
accomplished by the conversion of each 
existing battalion into a full regiment. 
When the expansion is complete, the 
regular army will have seven full di- 
visions, including the four infantry and 
two cavalry divisions regarded as es~ 
sentially troops of the mobile army. A 
full war strength division is maintained 
in the Philippines and additional forces 
are in the Panama Canal Zone and 
Hawaii. 

Secretary of War Baker in a state- 
ment with reference to the regular 
army says: 

The Cavalry, Engineers, Coast Artillery, 
Signal Corps, and Quartermaster Corps of 
the regular army have already been brought 
to war strength. 

Forty-five thousand recruits are needed 
at once to complete the new regiments of 
infantry and field artillery. 

Twenty-five thousand additional recruits 
are desired at the earliest practicable date 
to fill vacancies in order that the war 
strength of 300,000 men may be maintained. 

Facilities are in readiness for placing 1 these 
70,000 men under proper training. 

The expansion of the National Guard 
has also been planned on the principle of 
enlarging existing units and forming new 
ones. Including naval militia the total 
authorized is 433,800. This force is being 
formed on the basis of 800 guardsmen for 
each Senator and representative. For 
the 531 Senators and representatives this 
allotment would give 424,800 men. Adding 
9,000 for the insular possessions, and sub- 
tracting 24,700 reserved for the naval 
militia, gives a total of 409,100 for the 
National Guard. There were recently 
fewer than 200,000 in the guard. 

In accordance with President Wilson's 
orders, Brig. Gen. William A. Mann of 
the General Staff, as Chief of the Divi- 
sion of Militia Affairs, has sent to each 
Adjutant General complete information 
about the quota assigned for each State, 
the units to be comprised, and the order 
in which the units shall be organized. 
The War Department, in an explanation 
of what had been done, added: 

Notwithstanding such action some States 
have undertaken the organization of units 
which cannot be utilized in the formation of 



complete higher tactical units. While it is 
much to be desired to take full advantage of 
the patriotic interest stirring in the country, 
such advantage can only come through a co- 
ordination and regulation in keeping with a 
general and basic plan. 

The War Department and the Militia 
Bureau are vitally concerned in getting the 
best value from the National Guard and to 
that end have perfected, as far as practicable, 
definite plans, for which co-operation on the 
part of State officials and representatives is 
urgently desired. 

All persons desiring to offer their services 
in the National Guard, and especially those 
interested in raising new units, are requested 
to communicate with the Adjutant General 
of their State and to be governed by the 
wishes of the State authorities in carrying 
out the announced policy of the War Depart- 
ment in the organization and acceptance of 
such troops. 

For the training of the new draft 
armies plans have been adopted to build 
sixteen cantonments, which will practi- 
cally be cities. Here accommodation will 
be provided for 600,000 conscripts. The 
building of the sixteen soldier cities is 
under the direction of Colonel Littel, 
Chief of Cantonment Construction. 
Training Thousands of Officers 

Sixteen camps in different parts of the 
United States for the training of officers 
began work on May 15, the number of 
trainees in attendance being 40,000. The 
preliminary training was concluded about 
five weeks later. During this period only 
engineers received special instruction; all 
the other officers were formed into in- 
fantry regiments, and trained as infantry. 
The second training period began on June 
18, when the future officers began to 
specialize in the different branches of 
the service. They now ceased to be 
" rookies." The second period of -train- 
ing is to conclude about the middle of 
August, a week or two before the first 
500,000 men of the draft army will be 
called to the colors. 

But as officers will be required for the 
second 500,000 men the War Department 
has already completed plans for a second 
series of officers' training camps. Brig. 
Gen. Henry P. McCain, Adjutant General 
of the army, on June 2 issued the follow- 
ing statement: 

To provide officers for the drafted forces 
of the national army, the War Department 
has adopted the policy of commissioning new 



AMERICA'S ARMY IN THE MAKING 



13 



officers of the line (infantry, cavalry, field 
and coast guard artillery) purely on the basis 
of demonstrated ability, after three months' 
observation and training in the officers' train- 
ing camps. 

To provide officers for the first 500,000 the 
War Department has put into operation six- 
ten officers' training camps, with about 40,000 
'men in attendance. These sixteen camps cor-- 
respond to the territorial divisions in which 
the national army will be raised. The pres- 
ent camps will provide line officers sufficient 
in quantity and quality for the first 500.000 
and a reserve for that increment. It is pro- 
posed to officer further increments raised 
under the draft by promotion from the ranks 
of the regular army, the National Guard, and 
drafted forces previously in service. 

The second series of officers' training camps 
will be held beginning Aug. 27, with the defi- 
nite mission of producing a body of line 
officers capable of filling all places in the 
grades above Lieutenant and many places 
in the Lieutenant grades of the second 500,000 
troops. These camps will open on Aug. 27, 
1917, and the training period will last until 
Nov. 26, 1917. 

The President has commissioned offi- 
cers by the hundred for the Officers' Re- 
serve Corps, until its total strength is 
now in the neighborhood of 10,000. Many 
promotions have become necessary, and 
on June 8 President Wilson raised three 
Brigadier Generals (John F. Morrison, 
Charles G. Morton, and William L. Si- 
bert) to the rank of Major General, 
while eighteen new Brigadier Generals 
and three new Lieutenant Colonels were 
also nominated. In making these promo- 
tions the President disregarded strict 
seniority and went down the list in 
search of "live wires," promoting sev- 
eral officers by selection. 

A Great Air Fleet 
The creation of a great American air 
fleet has begun. Three aviation fields are 



under construction and cadets are in 
training at the preliminary aviation 
schools established in six representative 
engineering colleges and universities. The 
Aircraft Production Board announces also 
that a site has been selected in France 
for the final training of the first aviators 
graduated from the American fields. 

Work has been begun on a big four- 
squadron aviation field at Dayton, Ohio, 
and " it is significant," says Howard E. 
Coffin, Chairman of the Aircraft Pro- 
duction Board, " that this Dayton field of 
2,500 acres, built to accommodate the 
largest group of aviation students to be 
trained in the great project on which 
America has now set forth, should be on 
the site of the original field on which the 
Wrights developed their first successful 
airplanes. The original Wright hangar, 
placed on a modest tract of eighty-six 
acres, which constituted the Wright 
experimental field, is set within the 
boundaries of the big new Government 
field." 

A statement by the Council of National 
Defense says in regard to aviation 
policy: 

The immediate policy involves, roughly, a 
program for the first year of turning out in 
American factories about 3,500 air machines, 
including both training and battle types, and 
the establishment of schools and training 
fields with sufficient capacity not only to 
man these machines but to supply a constant 
stream of aviators and mechanics to the 
American forces in Europe. 

Brig. Gen. George O. Squier, Chief 
Signal Officer of the United States Army, 
who directs the aviation service, informed 
Congress on June 15 that $600,000,000 
was needed as an initial appropriation 
for America's air fleet. 



Putting the Conscription Law Into 
Operation 



THE first step in putting into opera- 
tion the select conscription law, of- 
ficially known as " an act to author- 
ize the President to increase temporarily 
the military establishment of the United 
States," which was approved on May 18, 
1917, was to register all male residents 



who had reached the age of 21 years but 
who were not yet 31 years of age. The 
President by a proclamation, dated May 
18, fixed June 5 as the day of registra- 
tion. 

When it became apparent that men 
who came under the law were leaving, or 



14 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



endeavoring to leave the country, the 
President on June 1 issued another proc- 
lamation warning all persons subject to 
registration who withdrew from the 
United States for the purpose of evad- 
ing registration that th'ey would be prose- 
cuted on their return and be liable to 
one year's imprisonment. 

The registration blank contained twelve 
questions covering among others, name, 
address, age, nationality, birthplace, 
and occupation, and concluding with the 
interrogation, " Do you claim exemption 
from draft (specify grounds) ? " The 
official estimate by the Census Bureau 
of the number of men who should register 
was 10,264,867, and they were directed to 
appear at their polling booths and other 
places usually employed for elections. 

Registration day passed off quietly. 
Although trouble was expected from anti- 
conscriptionists, there was practically no 
disorder. A few arrests were reported, 
but the method employed by the young 
men who were opposed to conscription 
was in nearly every case simply to ne- 
glect to register. An official statement 
given out by the Committee on Public 
Information on the evening of June 5, 
said in part: 

Nearly 10,000,000 Americans of military age 
registered today for service in the army 
against Germany. The registration was ac- 
complished in a fashion measuring up to the 
highest standards of Americanism. The young 
men came to the registration- places enthusi- 
astic ; there was no hint of a slacking spirit 
anywhere except in a few cases where mis- 
guided persons had been prevailed upon to 
attempt to avoid their national obligation. 

From every State reports were received 
showing that the sporadic conspiracies to 
thwart the first step toward the mobilization 
of as large an army as the country may need 
to bring the war to a victorious conclusion 
had failed utterly. The Department of Jus- 
tice had a tremendous machinery ready to 
cope with these conspiracies, but it proved to 
be unnecessary. 

Arrangements had been made by the De- 



partment of Justice and the War Department 
to secure immediate telegraphic reports upon 
any outbreaks or troublesome occurrence. 

The spirit of the young men from whom the 
fighting forces are to be selected was evi- 
denced in their attitude toward Question 12 
on the registration blanks, which asked if ex- 
emption was claimed. In thousands of cases 
young men availed themselves of their right 
to ignore this question and to leave it entirely 
for the Government to decide whether they 
should be selected. This spirit was evidenced 
again in the receipt during the day of num- 
erous requests from diplomatic and consular 
officials of the United States for additional 
registration cards to be used by citizens who 
are now in other countries ; this fact was im- 
pressive because registration is voluntary on 
the part of Americans resident abroad. 

Provost Marshal General Crowder, on 
June 16, gave figures to show the re- 
sults of the registration. With the re- 
ports from Kentucky, New Mexico, and 
Wyoming still missing, the number reg- 
istered was 9,401,314. It was estimated 
that the missing States would add at 
least 265,000 to this number, and that 
the grand total would be not less than 
9,666,000. This, the War Department con- 
sidered, would represent a registration of 
slightly more than 100 per cent, of the 
census figures, as a careful tabulation 
showed that there were at least 600,000 
men in the service of military age who 
were not compelled to register, although 
they were included in the census esti- 
mate. 

From various parts of the country 
plots and conspiracies to avoid or op- 
pose the draft were reported. In many 
places those who had failed to register 
were rounded up and given another 
chance to enroll. There were also some 
arrests. Anarchist agitators were the 
most troublesome, and one of them, 
Louis Kramer, was sentenced by the 
Federal Court in New York to three 
years' imprisonment for conspiracy to 
dissuade men of conscript age from reg- 
istering. 



America's Fleet in Being 

THE United States Navy began to of the Atlantic Fleet have been shroud- 
render the Allies assistance almost ed in secrecy, but announcements have 
from the first day of America's been made regarding the movements of 
entrance into the war. The whereabouts certain units. On June 6 the French 






BRIGADIER GENERAL HENRY P. McCAIN 




Adjutant General of the United States Army and Director 

of the Organization of the New Forces for 

Service in Europe 



BRIGADIER GENERAL ENOCH H. CROWDER 




Judge Advocate General of the United States Army, One of 

the Chief Officers Concerned in the Making 

of the New Draft Armies 

(I'hoto Rain Neivs Service) 



AMERICA'S FLEET IN BEING 



15 



Minister of Marine stated that American 
warships had anchored off the French 
coast. The same day the flotilla of 
American destroyers under Rear Ad- 
miral Sims, who has been promoted to 
,the rank of Vice Admiral, completed 
their first month of war service. In the 
course of a speech in the House of Com- 
mons, on May 25, Prime Minister Lloyd 
George referred to the work of the 
United States Navy in these words : 

We owe a very considerable debt of grat- 
itude to the great American people for the 
effective assistance they have rendered and 
the craft they have placed at our disposal. 
Now that the American Nation is in the 
war it is easier to make arrangements for 
the protection of our mercantile marine than 
it was before. 

The American destroyers have been as- 
signed to work hand in hand with the 
British squadrons, being virtually assimi- 
lated into the British naval machinery. 
A destroyer is usually out for four or 
five days, and then returns to port for 
two or three days while coaling and load- 
ing supplies. The Americans take their 
turn with the British boats in all routine 
work of patrol and convoy. The work, 
although largely routine, is interesting, 
and the Americans have never yet found 
time hanging heavy on their hands. The 
lookout must be constant, and eyes must 
be trained to an unbelievable degree of 
keenness. The young Americans take 
zealously to this business of finding the 
periscopic needles in the nautical hay- 
stack, and daily reports of submarines 
sighted, of observations made, of wire- 
less warnings sent broadcast, show that 



the American boats are already making 
an average of results almost as satis- 
factory as the long-experienced English 
boats with which they are operating. An 
assignment to convoy a liner " from 
home " that is, from an American port 
is regarded as an especially choice 
morsel. A transatlantic liner which 
sights the American flag approaching to 
escort her to land never fails to respond 
with a great waving of flags and hand- 
kerchiefs from her decks, and there is a 
fine exchange of wigwag signals in lieu 
of handshakes. 

Admiral Sims, it was officially an- 
nounced in London on June 19, had been 
appointed by the British Admiralty to 
take general charge of the allied naval 
forces in Irish waters during the ab- 
sence of the British naval Commander in 
Chief. Admiral Sims accordingly hoisted 
his flag as allied senior officer command- 
ing. 

By an act of Congress, approved by 
the President on May 22, the enlisted 
strength of the navy and Marine Corps 
was increased to 150,000 and 30,000 men, 
respectively. A substantial increase in 
the pay of enlisted men and a temporary 
increase in the commissioned personnel 
were provided for. Secretary of the 
Navy Daniels on June 8 said that the 
navy was so popular that recruits had 
come in far more rapidly than had been 
expected. Since Jan. 1 about 60,000 re- 
cruits have been added to the service. The 
Marine Corps has also made good prog- 
ress. On May 16 it had 21,864 officers 
and enlisted men. 



Food Crisis in the United States 



PRESIDENT WILSON has exerted all 
his authority during the month to se- 
cure measures to cope with an im- 
pending food crisis in the United States. 
In a statement issued on May 19 he de- 
clared that it was absolutely necessary 
to place unquestionable powers in his 
hands to prevent hoarding and specula- 
tion, and generally to regulate the dis- 
tribution and consumption of food. 

Herbert C. Hoover, whom the Presi- 



dent has designated as Food Admin- 
istrator, stated officially on June 2 that 
America's allies would require 971,000,000 
bushels of bread and fodder grains out 
of . the next harvest and, in addition, 
provision must be made for the grain 
ships destroyed by submarines. It would 
be impossible for North America, Mr. 
Hoover added, to furnish all of the 971,- 
000,000 bushels, but the major load must 
fall on us. 



16 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



At a conference in Washington on 
June 13, which was attended by Mr. 
Hoover, representatives of organized 
labor, and about twenty-five Congress- 
men, the statement was made that the 
present cost of living probably could be 
reduced about 30 per cent, in a com- 
paratively short time if President Wilson 
received the powers he demanded. It 
was said that hundreds of millions of 
dollars were being wasted in getting 
foodstuffs from the producer to the con- 
sumer; that speculators and illegitimate 
middlemen were getting the greater part 
of this wastage, and that poorly organ- 
ized methods of transportation and dis- 
tribution were to blame in no small 
measure for the rest. 

President Wilson made clear his de- 
cision in this matter by publishing a 
letter which he had written on June 12 
to Mr. Hoover and which was issued on 
June 16: 

My dear Mr. Hoover : It seems to me 
that the inauguration of that portion of the 
plan for food administration which con- 
templates a national mobilization of the 
great voluntary forces of the country which 
are ready to work toward saving food and 
eliminating waste admits of no further delay. 

The approaching harvesting, the immediate 
necessity for wise use and saving not only 
in food, but in all other expenditures, the 
many undirected and overlapping efforts be- 
ing made toward this end, all press for 
national direction and inspiration. While it 
would in many ways be desirable to wait 
complete legislation establishing the food ad- 
ministration, it appears to me that so far 
as voluntary effort can be assembled we 
should not wait any longer, and therefore 
I would be very glad if you would proceed 
in these directions at once. 

The women of the nation are already 
earnestly seeking to do their part in this 
our greatest struggle for the maintenance 
of our national ideals, and in no direction 
can they so greatly assist as by enlisting 
in the service of the food administration and 
cheerfully accepting its direction and advice. 
By so doing they will increase the surplus 
of food available for our own army and for 
export to the Allies. To provide adequate sup- 
plies for the coming year is of absolutely 
vital importance to the conduct of the war, 
and without a very conscientious elimination 
of waste and very strict economy in our 
food consumption we cannot hope to fulfill 
this primary duty. 

I trust, therefore, that the women of the 
country will not only respond to your appeal 
and accept the pledge to the food administra- 
tion which you are proposing, but that all 



men also who are engaged in the personal 
distribution of foods will co-operate with 
the same earnestness and in the same spirit. 
I give you full authority to undertake any 
steps necessary for the proper organization 
and stimulation of their efforts. Cordially 
and sincerely yours, WOODROW WILSON. 

The extent to which speculation had 
been rife since the beginning of 1917 
was described by Mr. Hoover when he 
appeared, on June 19, before the Senate 
Committee on Agriculture to explain the 
Food Administration bill. In the last 
five months, he. said, on the item of 
flour alone $250,000,000 had been ex- 
tracted from the American consumer in 
excess of normal profits. Mr. Hoover 
then uttered this warning: 

We now have a high cost of living beyond 
the abilities of certain sections of the popu- 
lation to withstand and to secure proper 
nourishment from the wage levels. Unless 
we can ameliorate this condition and unless 
we can prevent further advances in prices, 
we must confront further an entire re- 
arrangement of the wage level, with all the 
hardships and social disturbances which 
necessarily follow. We shall in this turmoil 
experience large loss in national efficiency 
at a time when we can least afford to lose 
the energies of a single man. 

President Wilson, it was announced on 
June 19, had decided to exercise in full 
the powers conferred upon him by the 
embargo clause in the espionage law and 
thereby make it impossible for neutral 
countries or the allies of America to 
export from this country so much as a 
bushel of wheat or the smallest quantity 
of any other essential commodity without 
obtaining a license and the approval of 
an Exports Council, to be composed of 
Herbert C. Hoover and representatives 
of the Departments of State, War, Navy, 
and Commerce. The statement to this 
effect was made through Secretary Red- 
field of the Department of Commerce: 

The procedure of issuing an export license 
will be about as follows : The President's 
proclamation will designate the particular 
articles under control and countries to which 
such controlled articles may be exported un- 
der license. The quantity of the particular 
commodity to be exported under license will 
be decided by the Exports Council, and upon 
the advice of the departments concerned, and 
with such facts as may be presented by the 
trade expert dealing with that particular com- 
modity. After the amount has been deter- 
mined, the Division of Export Licenses will 
then restrict the amount licensed to the 



FOOD CRISIS IN THE UNITED STATES 



17 



amount determined upon by the Exports 
Council. 

President Wilson has assumed full re- 
sponsibility for the decisions which are 



to be made, and in reaching his conclu- 
sions he will have at his disposal all of 
the information and advice of Secretary 
of State Lansing and Mr. Hoover. 



The First United States War Loan 



THE first popular offering of bonds 
for the war in the sum of $2,000,- 
000,000 closed June 15, 1917, in 
a large oversubscription, the. total amount 
subscribed exceeding $2,900,000,000. 
There were nearly 3,000,000 individ- 
ual subscribers. It was the largest bond 
offering in the history of the United 
States, and the individual subscriptions 
exceeded several times the largest total 
ever before recorded in this country. 

The loan was known as " The Liberty 
Loan." The interest rate was 3V 2 per 
cent., and the amount was limited to 
$2,000,000,000. Allotments were made of 
the sums expected from each of the 
twelve Federal Reserve Districts, and in 
every case, with one exception, these 
amounts were largely exceeded. The of- 
ficial figures have not been issued at 
this writing, (June 20,) but semi-official 
reports show the following subscriptions 
in the various Reserve Districts: 

Minimum. Estimated 
District. Allotment. Subscription. 

New York $600,000,000 $1,050,000,000 

Philadelphia ... 140,000,000 225,000,000 

Boston 240,000,000 300,000,000 

Richmond 80,000,000 100,000,000 

Atlanta 60,000,000 58,582,000 

Chicago 260,000,000 355,000,000 

Cleveland 180,000,000 276,286,950 

St. Louis 80,000,000 90,000,000 

Minneapolis 80,000,000 62,000,000 

Kansas City 100,000,000 100,000,000 

Dallas 40,000,000 48,000,000 

San Francisco.. 140,000,000 180,000,000 



Total $2,000,000,000 $2,844,868,950 



The last days of the loan campaign 
were marked by picturesque propaganda. 
In many cities bells were rung and 
whistles blown to indicate progress of the 
subscriptions; enormous clocks were con- 
spicuously placed to show how the totals 
were mounting; women and men all over 
the country delivered addresses at street 
corners and in public places, advocating 
subscriptions; flaming and appealing pos- 
ters were everywhere displayed, and all 
the newspapers inserted large advertise- 
ments gratuitously. The Liberty Bell at 
Independence Hall in Philadelphia was 
rung for the first time in half a century 
on the last day, and as the broken bell 
pealed the sound was taken up at the 
same time by other bells in all parts of 
the country. 

Secretary of the Treasury McAdoo 
visited the leading cities in advocacy of 
the loan, and everywhere met with an 
enthusiastic reception. Large corpora- 
tions, railroads, industrial, commercial, 
and banking institutions made subscrip- 
tions for their employes, allowing them 
to subscribe on the installment plan, in 
this way giving the loan a wide distri- 
bution. Banks and bond houses all over 
the United States put all the machinery 
and energy of their sales organization 
behind the loan without charge, and this 
one fact contributed in no little degree to 
its success. There was much gratification 
over the large oversubscription, and es- 
pecially because of the large number of 
individual subscribers. 



CURRENT HISTORY CHRONICLED 



PERIOD ENDED JUNE 20, 1917 



BRITISH ELECTORAL REFORM: VOTES FOR 
WOMEN 

THE Representation of the People bill, 
introduced in the House of Com- 
mons by Mr. Long, is in its way more 
radical even than the first great Reform 
bill of 1832, which brought about the 
downfall of the Duke of Wellington, the 
victor of Waterloo, who violently opposed 
it; much greater than the Reform bill 
of 1867, which enfranchised the artisan 
class and added over 3,000,000 to the 
voters of the nation; greater by far than 
the Reform bill of 1885, which was, in 
the main, a redistribution bill, reappor- 
tioning the seats in Parliament in ac- 
cordance with the population. 

The effect of the new Reform bill may 
be summarized as follows: There were 
in 1915 8,357,000 male voters on the 
registers; the present bill will add over 
2,000,000 male voters to this number; 
but far more striking is the addition of 
over 6,000,000 women voters, in accord- 
ance with the following clauses of the 
bill: 

1. A woman shall be entitled to be regis- 
tered as a Parliamentary elector for a con- 
stituency, (other than a university constitu- 
ency,) if she has attained the age of 30 years, 
and is entitled to be registered as a Local 
Government elector in respect of land or 
premises in that constituency, or is the wife 
of a husband entitled to be so registered. 

2. A woman shall be entitled to be regis- 
tered as a Parliamentary elector for a uni- 
versity constituency if she has attained the 
age of 30 years, and would be entitled to be 
so registered if she were a man. 

3. A woman shall be entitled to be regis- 
tered as a Local Government elector for any 
Local Government electoral area where she 
would be entitled to be so registered if she 
were a man ; provided that a husband and 
wife shall not both be qualified as Local Gov- 
ernment electors in respect of the same prop- 
erty. 

The age limit was adopted because the 
bill could not have been passed without it. 
The reason for the apparent discrimina- 
tion against women in the matter of age 
seems to be that, with the destruction of 
male voters now going on at the front, 
the women would vastly preponderate at 



the polls if they, like the men, were al- 
lowed to vote at the age of 21, and it was 
thought safer to give time for the equal- 
ization of the sexes numerically. 

* * * 

CONSTANTINE AND HlS DYNASTY 

pONSTANTINE of Greece, who has 
\J lost his throne, reversed the policy 
of his father, George I., King of the Hel- 
lenes, who was strongly pro-English, and 
who succeeded Otho of Bavaria when the 
Greeks drove him out of the country in 

1862. The Greek Nation thereupon, by a 
plebiscite, elected, as King, Prince Alfred, 
son of Queen Victoria, the Duke of 
Edinburgh; and, when he refused the 
throne, requested Great Britain to nomi- 
nate a candidate. The British Govern- 
ment chose Prince Christian William 
Ferdinand Adolphus of Schleswig-Hol- 
stein-Sonderburg-Glucksburg, who was 
recognized by the powers on June 6, 

1863, and for whom the Conference of 
London, in August, 1863, created the 
style, King of the Hellenes, at the same 
time making Greece a present of the 
Ionian Islands, which contain about one- 
tenth of the population of Greece. 

Just before his nomination the new 
Greek King's sister, Princess Alexandra, 
had married the Prince of Wales, after- 
ward King Edward VII., and it has been 
repeatedly affirmed and denied, in the 
House of Commons, that Queen Alexan- 
dra's protection kept her nephew Con- 
stantine on the throne long after his 
policy had become an open danger to the 
Allies at Saloniki. 

Shortly after George of Denmark be- 
came King of the Hellenes, his father 
succeeded to the crown of Denmark, 
while another sister, Princess Dagmar, 
married the future Czar Alexander III. 
of Russia; she, also, as Dowager Em- 
press Marie of Russia, was supposed to 
uphold Constantine, who is further allied 
with several of the Russian Grand Ducal 
families, his mother having been the 
daughter of Grand Duke Constantine, his 



CURRENT HISTORY CHRONICLED 



19 



sister having married the Grand Duke 
George Mikhailovitch, while his brother 
Nicholas married the Grand Duchess 
Helena Vladimirovna. From each of the 
three powers which guarantee the consti- 
tutional Government of Greece, King 
George received a personal allowance of 

$20,000 yearly. 

* * * 

VISITING COMMISSIONS 
T ORD NORTHCLIFFE, proprietor of 
J-' The London Times, The London 
Mail, and other publications, arrived at 
New York June 12 to take up the duties 
of head of the British Commission to the 
United States, which post had been ten- 
dered him by Premier Lloyd George. His 
duties are to co-ordinate the work of the 
various British organizations already en- 
gaged in the task of supplying British 
war and other needs. His appointment is 
not a diplomatic position. Each of the 
allied Governments has numerous com- 
missions engaged in various duties of as- 
sembling and procuring supplies in this 
country. The head of the French Com- 
mission is Andre Tardieu. Baron Mon- 
cheur, former Belgian Minister to the 
United States, arrived at New York with 
a Belgian Commission June 16. A com- 
mission of Russians consisting of forty 
members, headed by Boris A. Bakmetieff, 
arrived at Seattle June 13; this commis- 
sion was appointed prior to the fall of 
the Milukoff Cabinet. 

* * * 

THE IRISH CONVENTION 
T^HE Irish convention which will de- 
* liberate during the Summer to en- 
deavor to reach an agreement on a form 
of home rule will consist of 101 members. 
The British Government, seeking to se- 
cure for this convention representatives 
of the everyday life of Ireland, invited 
the Chairmen of every County Council 
and county borough, while, in addition, in- 
vitations had been extended to the Chair- 
men of small towns and urban districts 
in each of the four provinces to appoint 
two members to the convention. 

The convention will also include four 
Roman Catholic Bishops, together with 
the Primate, Dr. Crosier, and the Arch- 
bishop of Dublin, Dr. Bernard, repre- 
senting the Protestant Church of Ireland, 



and Dr. John Irwin, Moderator of the 
Irish Presbyterian Assembly. Commerce 
will be represented by the Chairmen 
of Chambers of Commerce in Dublin, 
Belfast, and Cork, while five representa- 
tives of labor will be sent by the trade 
councils of Dublin, Belfast, and Cork, 
and trade unions. 

Political parties will be represented 
as follows: Five Nationalists, five Ulster 
Unionists, two O'Brienites, two Irish 
representative peers, five Southern Un- 
ionists, and five Sinn Feiners or Separa- 
tists. As to Sinn Feiners, the spokesmen 
of the Separatists' bodies had stated 
they would not enter the convention, but 
the Government reserved five places for 
them. Fifteen additional members will 
be nominated by the Government from 

among leading Irishmen of all sections. 

* * * 

SOCIALIST EFFORTS FOR PEACE 
rpHE International Socialist Conference, 
* which was summoned to meet at 
Stockholm in May, but which was de- 
layed because delegates from important 
countries would not attend or were not 
permitted by their Governments to go to 
Stockholm, has taken on a more im- 
portant aspect since the Russian Council 
of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates as- 
sumed the responsibility for summoning 
the assembly. The Russian Provisional 
Government has indorsed the invitation. 
The British and French Governments 
have granted passports to Socialist dele- 
gates, including so ardent a pacifist as 
Ramsay MacDonald, evidently because 
the Socialists of the allied countries com- 
mand a majority of the votes in the con- 
ference and for them not to attend would 
give the delegates from the central coun- 
tries a chance to dominate the gathering. 
The Dutch-Scandinavian Socialist Com- 
mittee at Stockholm has been holding 
a series of preliminary consultations and 
informal discussions with Socialists from 
the different belligerent countries, and 
has succeeded in eliciting from the Ger- 
man majority Socialists, who, under 
Scheidemann's leadership, are support- 
ing their Government, a statement of 
their peace terms. This statement has 
been condemned by prominent anti- 
Government leaders among German 



20 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Socialists, on the ground that it merely 
represents German imperialism. At the 
conference, which has been called for 
July 8, Germany has twenty votes, but 
they are divided equally between the 
Scheidemann group and the minority, 
which includes Kautsky,, Haase, and Bern- 
stein. The United States Government 
refused to issue passports to Morris 
Hillquit, Algernon Lee, and Victor L. 
Berger, the delegates chosen by the 

Socialist Party of America. 
* * * 

CHAOS GROWING IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 

COUNT MORITZ ESTERHAZY has 
completed the formation of a new 
Hungarian Cabinet, in which all parties 
opposed to the policies of Count Tisza 
are represented, Count Albert Apponyi 
being Minister of Education, while Count 
Karolyi has so far refused to take of- 
fice. Hungarian feeling both against 
Germany and against the German domi- 
nance of Austria is reported as steadily 
growing; but the rock in the channel is 
the Slav question. More than half the 
population of Hungary is either Slav or 
Rumanian, and is held in political helotry 
by the dominant Magyars. Without the 
help of Germany and of the Austrians in 
Germany the Magyars would inevitably 
be submerged in the rising flood of Slav- 
dom. 

The difficulties of the Austrian half of 
the Dual Monarchy which, since 1S66, 
has been the weaker half are also rap- 
idly growing. The Southern Slavs, agi- 
tation among whom was one of the causes 
of the war, are restive under the Ger- 
manizing pressure of the Vienna Govern- 
ment, while the Northern Slavs the 
Czechs of Bohemia, the Moravians, and 
Slovaks are practically in open rebel- 
lion, and these two Slav groups far out- 
number the German factions in Austria, 
as the non-Magyars outnumber the Mag- 
yars in Hungary. 

German and Magyar domination has 
only been maintained by franchise laws, 
and now, as in Prussia, there is strong 
pressure for the establishment of a wide- 
ly extended franchise. If this were done, 
the domination of both Magyars and 
German-Austrians would come to an end. 
Even now, in the Reichsrat, 233 Germans 



who are divided into mutually antago- 
nistic parties are faced by 263 Slavs 
and Italians, the Slavs including 108 
Czechs, some 80 Galician Poles, and a 
certain number of Ruthenians, Slovenes, 
Dalmatians, Croatians, and Italians. On 
June 19 the Poles in the Austrian Parlia- 
ment refused to vote for the war budget 
and forced the Austrian Premier, Count 
Clam-Martinic, to resign; the Poles are 
seeking independence. 

* * * 

Two GERMAN REFORMS 
HTHE German Federal Council has de- 
* cided upon the repeal of two of the 
main features of " exceptional legisla- 
tion " in Germany, the Jesuit act and the 
language paragraph, the first of which 
forbade members of the Society of Jesus 
to establish themselves in Germany, while 
the second forbade the use in public meet- 
ings of any language but German, except 
in the case of international congresses 
and election meetings. This decision is 
final, and will not be referred to the 
Reichstag, as that body is formally re- 
garded as having already given its con- 
sent, having voted in favor of the aboli- 
tion of the Jesuit act in 1894, and again 
in 1899, and in favor of the repeal of the 
language paragraph in 1908. On all three 
occasions, however, the Federal Council 
refused to ratify the decision of the 
House, whose vote has, therefore, been 
overruled until now. 

The language paragraph was directed 
against the Polish and Danish subjects of 
the empire and the inhabitants of Al- 
sace-Lorraine, and was considered neces- 
sary, in view of the German custom of 
arranging for a State official to be pres- 
ent at any public meeting, so as to inter- 
vene in the event of any inadmissible ut- 
terance. 

The Jesuit act dated from 1872 and 
marked the beginning of the famous Kul- 
turkampf. The aggressive policy of the 
Vatican at that time had aroused Prot- 
estant opinion, and its claim as to the 
precedence of ecclesiastical over secular 
jurisdiction had given rise to the convic- 
tion that, as Herr Rudolf Delbriick, the 
then Secretary of State, stated in the 
Reichstag at the time, the young German 



CURRENT HISTORY CHRONICLED 



21 



Empire must be protected from the dis- 
integrating effect of international influ- 
ences on the imperial consciousness being 
evolved in its midst. The Society of 
Jesus and its kindred organizations were, 
therefore, forbidden to establish them- 
selves in Germany, their existing settle- 
ments were ordered to be broken up 
within six months, and Jesuits of non- 
German nationality were permitted to re- 
side only in certain districts, and were 

liable to banishment at any time. 

* * * 

OUR GERMAN AND AUSTRIAN SHIPS 
f^ ERMAN merchant vessels numbering 
^ about 100 and representing a gross 
tonnage of about 600,000 were taken un- 
der the control of the United States Gov- 
ernment on April 6, the German crews 
being removed and turned over to the 
immigration authorities. Customs offi- 
cials took over the ships at Porto Rico 
and Hawaii, while the War Department 
had earlier taken possession of German 
merchant ships in the Canal Zone, the 
Navy Department taking control of the 
German raiders at Philadelphia. It is 
estimated that, while the German ships 
now controlled by the United States Gov- 
ernment cost more than $50,000,000, they 
now represent, even in their present dam- 
aged condition, considerably over $100,- 
000,000; and while practically every ship 
was more or less damaged, by orders 
emanating from the German Embassy, 
the injuries, except in one or two cases, 
were much less serious than had been 
feared. The Kronprinzessin Cecilie was 
probably the most seriously damaged, 
while the Liebenfels, sunk in Charleston 
Harbor, was almost intact, except for 
the opening of the seacocks. 

Fourteen Austrian ships, of a gross 
tonnage of 67,807, were also taken over, 
the largest being the Martha Washing- 
ton, 8,312 tons; the Dora, 7,037 tons; the 
Lucia, 6,744 tons, and the Ermy, 6,515 
tons. The first two were in New York, 
the third at Pensacola, and the fourth at 
Boston. Of these fourteen Austrian 
ships, eight belonged to the Union Aus- 
triaca di Navigazione. The four Ham- 
burg-American liners seized at Colon 
the Griinewald, Sachsenwald, Savoja, and 
Prinz Sigismund were first moved to 



Gatun Lake, in order that the fresh water 
might kill the barnacles accumulated on 
their hulls. 

Rush repairs were immediately begun 
on all the ships except those at Hono- 
lulu, H. T., and the Vaterland at New 
York, the latter being too large for any 
American dry dock. By a unanimous 
Senate resolution, no suit for compensa- 
tion may begin until one year after peace 
is made. 

* * * 

CANADA'S CONSCRIPTION BILL 
A BILL has been introduced in the Ca- 
^~*- nadian Parliament providing for 
compulsory military service for men 
between the ages of 20 and 45. Ac- 
cording to the bill, drafts shall be called 
out by the Governor in council in prece- 
dence of youth and lack of home entan- 
glements. Ten classes are provided in 
which age and dependents (confined to 
wives and children) are given the prefer- 
ence. When a certain class is called out 
by proclamation those who fall under 
that class are bound to respond to the 
call. Those who do not may be designat- 
ed as deserters and held liable to impris- 
onment not exceeding three years. The 
proposition is bitterly opposed in the 
Province of Quebec, especially by the 
French Catholics. An effort was made 
to form a coalition Cabinet to pass the 
measure without party division, but it 
failed. 

* * * 

THE FIJI ISLANDERS IN THE WAR 
rpHE Fijians, whose archipelago became 
* British territory in 1874, have actively 
entered the world war, a group of sturdy 
Fijians recently disembarking at Van- 
couver and passing through Canada on 
their way to France, where they will act, 
however, not as belligerents, but as ste- 
vedores on the wharfs of France. But 
a larger contingent may follow, trained 
for war. Many of the Polynesian races, 
to which the Fijians belong, are splen- 
didly built. At the Columbian World's 
Fair the prize for physical perfection was 
awarded to a South Sea Islander, and the 
average among some of these races is 
the highest in the world both for stature 
and for all-round physical development. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



These Fijians are, however, not the 
first group of Polynesians to take an act- 
ive part in the war; a strong force of 
fully trained Maoris, who are also of the 
Polynesian race, accompanied the " An- 
zac " Australian and New Zealand Army 
Corps to Gallipoli and served with great 
gallantry. And the entry of the United 
States into the war has made belliger- 
ents of the large Polynesian population 
of Hawaii. All over the vast South Sea 
archipelagos the Polynesian race is sin- 
gularly uniform, except in certain re- 
gions, where there is an infusion of 
Malay or Melanesian blood; the group of 
languages which covers this area, while 
they have been separated by vast spaces 
of ocean for unnumbered centuries or 
millenniums, are nevertheless quite evi- 
dently very closely related. 

* * * 

NEVER HEARD OF THE WAR 

rE Japan Chronicle notes the fact 
that recently a Japanese girl came to 
Kobe to work in the house of an English 
lady. A portrait of a young man in 
khaki stood on the mantelpiece of one 
room, and as the mistress speaks Japa- 
nese fluently, the girl asked about him 
and his uniform. On being told that he 
was fighting in the great war in Europe, 
she asked, " What war? " Further in- 
quiry showed that this young woman, 
though quite intelligent, had never heard 
of the war. She herself had lost her 
father in the Russo-Japanese War when 
she was about 7 or 8 years old, and her 
mother had had a terrible struggle to 
maintain the family. But she had not 
heard of any war being waged at pres- 
ent, nor had she heard any one talk of the 
war or refer to it in any way. 

* * * 

FOREIGN-BORN MEN IN AMERICA 

THE foreign-born white males 21 years 
of age and over in the United States 
in 1910 totaled 6,646,817, of whom 3,034,- 
117 were naturalized and 2,266,535 were 
aliens; 570,772 had first papers and 
775,393 failed to report citizenship. The 
increase in total foreign population in 
ten years from 1900 was 35.5 per cent.; 
there was only 6.6 per cent, increase in 
the number naturalized, but an increase 



of 147.7 per cent, in the number of 
aliens. The total number of aliens ad- 
mitted in 1916 was only 298,826, and 129,- 
765 departed. 

In 1910 the percentage of foreign-born 
males over 21 years of age in the United 
States who had been naturalized was dis- 
tributed as follows: Ireland, 67.8; Can- 
ada, 51; Russia, 26.1; Italy, 17.7; Eng- 
land, 59.4; Germany, 69.5; Sweden, 62.8, 
and Scotland, 56.5. 

Figures just compiled by the Bu- 
reau of the Census show the total 
number of alien inhabitants in the United 
States of the nationalities with which 
this country is at war or which are allied 
with Germany, to be 4,662,000, constitut- 
ing 4y 2 per cent, of the total number of 
inhabitants. The distribution is as fol- 
lows, and contains all men, women, and 
children born in the countries named: 

Germany 2, .",40,000 

Austria ],:',7(;,oiH> 

Turkey iss.ouo 

lUilirnria 11,000 

The number of male aliens 21 years of 
age and over would be about 964,000, or 
about 3.2 per cent, of the total number of 
male inhabitants of the United States 21 
years of age and over, and the distribu- 
tion of these males according to country 
of birth is: 

Germany 1H5,000 

Austria 4 1 7,000 

Hungary lisO.OOO 

Turkey '.:?, OOO 

Bulgaria s,ooo 

Up to 1910 most of the Germans were 
naturalized, but the Austrians and Hun- 
garians did not seem so ready to amalga- 
mate with the Americans and become 
citizens. 

* * * 

DIFFICULTIES BEFORE THE NEW SPANISH 

MINISTRY 

T^DUARDO DATO heads the new Min- 
*-' istry, pledged to preserve the neu- 
trality of Spain. His immediate prede- 
cessor, Marquis Manuel Garcia Prieto, 
held office only since April 19, when 
Count de Romanones resigned, declaring 
that acquiescence in Germany's ruthless 
submarine campaign was endangering 
the very life of the Spanish Nation and 
that Spain should forthwith join the En- 



CURRENT HISTORY CHRONICLED 



tente Allies. Eduardo Dato was Premier 
when the war broke out. Germany tried 
hard to induce him to assume an attitude 
of open hostility toward France, mobiliz- 
ing troops south of the Pyrenees, and 
thus compelling Joff re to withdraw large 
forces from the defense of Paris and the 
Marne. Dato, though considered pro- 
German, refused the offer of Gibraltar 
and Morocco and held Spain to a rigid 
neutrality. 

The Premier's position is highly pre- 
carious. Spain, with a population of only 
20,000,000, has ten organized political 
parties whose Parliamentary combina- 
tions are exceedingly unstable. The ultra- 
Conservatives, who include the nobility, 
the Church, and army, are openly pro- 
German, the army upholding militarism 
and a military caste, while the German 
bait of temporal power for the Pope is in- 
tended to capture the Church. Other 
groups still resent the French invasion 
during the Napoleonic wars, and are not 
pro-English, in spite of Wellington's 
help at that time, because of England's 
holding Gibraltar. 

The Liberals, the Republicans, and the 
moderate Socialists, who are all grouped 
together as Reformists, are strongly pro- 
ally, Senor Lerroux, Deputy for Bar- 
celona, having said, on April 30, that 
Spain's moral ascendancy over Latin 
America has already passed to the United 
States; that this moral loss would be 
followed by economic loss, and that, by 
failure to enter the war on the side of 
the Allies, Spain showed her impotence, 
fear, and incapacity. But a lively Ger- 
man propaganda still dominates the Con- 
servatives, whom Dato leads. This Ger- 
man domination is provoking widespread 
revolutionary protest in Catalonia, Astu- 
rias, and elsewhere throughout Spain. 
On June 18 it was reported that the 
Province of Catalonia, which embraces 
the City of Barcelona, was in a political 
ferment and threatened to secede from 
Spanish dominion. Authentic reports 
from Madrid on June 18 indicated that 
demand for radical reforms was acute 
all over Spain and that a thorough liber- 
alization of the electoral, military, and 
economic laws was inevitable. 



ESPIONAGE AND EMBARGO ACT 
rpHE Espionage act, as finally passed 
J- by Congress, is much wider in its 
scope than its title indicates, although it 
does not go so far in many directions as 
the Administration desired. The most 
serious clash between the Executive and 
the Legislature was with regard to a 
press censorship. Despite the urgent 
appeals of the Administration, Congress 
refused to set up a censorship, thus 
leaving the newspapers of the United 
States practically the only ones in a bel- 
ligerent country not subject to the of- 
ficial blue pencil. The Espionage act 
prescribes death or long imprisonment 
as the punishment for convicted spies, 
penalizes interference with foreign com- 
merce, provides for the enforcement of 
neutrality, authorizes the seizure of 
shipments of arms designed for unlaw- 
ful purposes, fixes penalties for injuring 
vessels in foreign commerce and for 
disturbing foreign relations, and sets 
forth new restrictions upon passports. 
Other important provisions deal with 
censorship of mails and the extension of 
the use of search warrants, and confer 
on the President authority to embargo 
exports. The embargo feature puts into 
the hands of the Executive a weapon by 
which it is intended to stop supplies 
from entering Germany through neutral 

countries. 

* * * 

BRAZIL PREPARES TO ENTER THE WAR 

WHILE Brazil has definitely ranged 
herself on the side of the United 
States and the Entente Powers, it is 
somewhat difficult to give an accurate 
legel definition of her position. Brazil 
is not at peace with Germany; she 
is not neutral; she is not an active bel- 
ligerent. At the end of May the Bra- 
zilian Foreign Minister declared: " Brazil 
declares war on nobody. It is Germany 
which declares war on all neutrals. * * * 
Our Government is not free to declare 
war; that is for Congress to decide." 

The Brazilian Chamber on May 28 
passed the first reading of the Adminis- 
tration measure revoking Brazil's neu- 
trality in the war between Germany and 
the United States by a vote of 136 to 3. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Thereupon Brazil began to take active 
war measures. The Chamber of Depu- 
ties authorized the Government to utilize 
German ships in Brazilian ports, and on 
June 2 President Braz signed a decree 
carrying this into effect. Forty-six Ger- 
man merchant ships were laid up in Bra- 
zilian ports early in the war, aggregating 
240,779 tons displacement. The largest 
of these is the Hamburg-American liner 
Bliicher, of 12,350 tons; while thirty- 
three of the vessels are of more than 
4,000 tons each. A second step was the 
opening of Brazilian ports to all Entente 
warships, including those of the United 
States. A third step was the develop- 
ment of measures whereby Brazil will 
share with the United States Navy the 
policing of the South Atlantic, thus lib- 
erating many English and French ships 
to fight in the North Sea and the Mediter- 
ranean. 

It will be remembered that Brazil, once 
a colony of Portugal, and still using Por- 
tuguese as its official language, is one of 
the largest countries in the world, with an 
area of 3,218,991 square miles and a popu- 
lation approaching 20,000,000, being ex- 
ceeded in area only by the British Empire, 
the Russian, French, and Chinese domin- 
ions, and the United States. Most of 
South America is preparing to follow 
Brazil's lead, while in Central America 
only Costa Rica and Salvador still main- 
tain relations with Germany. 
* * * 

GENERAL PERSHING CARRIES AMERICA'S 
SWORD TO EUROPE 

SINCE the national existence of the 
United States began, General Per- 
shing is the first soldier of the Republic 
to draw the sword of America on a Eu- 
ropean battlefield, though a full army 
corps of young Americans have been 
fighting in the battlefields of France un- 
der the flags of France and England. In 
the Colonial period, during the wars 
waged between 1689 and 1763 King 
William's war, Queen Anne's war, and 
the war of the Austrian succession, pre- 
cipitated by the attack of Frederick the 
Great against Maria Theresa all offi- 
cers in the British colonies in America 
were, of course, officers of the English 
Crown, and it may be held that for this 



reason they took part in European wars, 
though fighting in America. Thus, Wash- 
ington and Clive were at the same time 
fighting on the same side in the same 
war, though the one was engaged at 
Pittsburgh, the other at Plassey, in Lower 
Bengal. In this war both Cuba and the 
Philippines were taken by England from 
Spain, but were returned when peace was 
made. 

In the Barbary wars, from 1802 to 
1806, the United States was at war in the 
Old World, on the north coast of Africa. 
The Pasha of Tripoli, who had collected 
tribute from the United States, declared 
when payment of this tribute was stopped 
that " we are all hungry, and if we are 
not provided for we soon get peevish," 
and opened a war against the United 
States. There was naval fighting in Eu- 
ropean waters when John Paul Jones, 
leading a little fleet fitted out by France, 
cruised in the North Sea and took the 
British ship Serapis in September, 1779. 
Since the United States was then allied 
with France, it may be said that Paul 
Jones carried the sword of America to 
Europe. 

The war of 1812 was directly caused by 
the great European struggle against Na- 
poleon, but the United States was no 
longer allied with France. Indeed, it was 
openly declared in Congress that the 
United States "ought to fight France 
also." So General Pershing opens a new 
page, carrying the sword of America to 
the battle plains of Belgium and France. 
* * * 

POLYGLOT ARMIES OF THE ENTENTE 

rriHE forces of humanity are, in the 
* most literal sense, fighting against 
the tyranny of the Central Empires; 
practically every race, creed, and color 
under the sun is represented in the En- 
tente armies, whether already in the field 
or in training camps. France's Foreign 
Legion is already a congress of races; 
but there are also, in the armies of the 
French Republic, representatives of half 
a dozen African and Asian stocks, includ- 
ing the troops of Arab and Moorish 
blood, from Algeria, Tunis, and Morocco, 
who fought valiantly in the Champagne 
offensive; and, at Verdun, the coal-black 



CURRENT HISTORY CHRONICLED 



sharpshooters from Senegal and the Up- 
per Niger territories largely opened up 
by Gallieni and Joffre and the Colonials 
from French Farther India, from the 
territories of Tonking. Many Chinese are 
also working for France, in the munition 
shops and in the fields. 

England's army is even more varicol- 
ored, as England's Empire is more wide- 
ly extended; and it should be remembered 
that, with the exception of Great Britain 
that is, England, Scotland, and Wales 
the armies of England, including the 
large contingents from India, are all vol- 
unteers. Fighting with the Colonials are 
Red Indians from the Canadian North- 
west, Polynesians and Maoris aboriginal 
New Zealanders and, in the Imperial 
Army of Britain, there are representa- 
tives of a dozen nations of India, and of 
one at least, the Gurkas, who do not owe 
political allegiance to England, but who 
cross over the frontier from Nepal, to en- 
list in the British Indian army, because it 
offers a career to these hereditary fight- 
ing men. 

In Africa,' side by side with the Britons 
and the Boers, led by Generals like Louis 
Botha and Smuts, who, not so long ago, 
were fighting against England, there are 
representatives of several South African 
races, of the Kaffir stock, who are quite 
distinct from the negro races of Equa- 
torial Africa. Besides the Christian re- 
ligion, there are represented, among 
these troops, Brahamanism, Buddhism, 
Mohammedanism, Jainism, and a dozen 
forms of paganism and fetich worship. 
* * * 

TTENRY P. DAVISON of J. P. Morgan 
*- & Co. has been appointed Chairman 
of the Red Cross War Council by Presi- 
dent Wilson. It is proposed to raise 
$100,000,000. With Mr. Davison on the 
War Council will be William H. Taft, 



Edward N. Hurley of Chicago, former 
Chairman of the Federal Trade Commis- 
sion; Cornelius N. Bliss, Jr., Charles D. 
Norton, Grayson M. P. Murphy of New 
York, and Eliot Wadsworth of Boston, 
Chairman of the Executive Committee of 
the American Red Cross. 

* * * 

rpHE total amount of income taxes col- 
-* lected in the United States from the 
civil war law in the ten years it remained 
on the statute books, 1863 to 1873, was 
$346,762,000, as against $330,565,628, the 
total amount collected in the single year 
ended June, 1917. 

* # * 

WAR INSURANCE LOSSES 

THE United States War Risk Insurance 
Bureau up to May 23, 1917, had 
issued policies totaling $504,003,016, with 
net losses of $5,844,531; total premiums, 
$10,300,355. The following were the 
losses: 

1915. 
Vessel. Hull. Cargo. Total. 

Evelyn $100,000 $301,000.00 $401,000.00 

Carib 22,253 235,850.00 258,103.00 

Greenbrier . . . 50,000 50,000.00 

Wm. P. Frye. 11,550 11,550.00 

Navajo 58,368.34 58,368.34 

Seguranca 235.73 235.73 



Total for 1915 $779,257.07 

1916. 
Carolyn $62,595.03 $62,595.03 



1917. 

Healdton $400,000 $99,000.00 $499,000.00 

Illinois 250,000 250,000.00 

Rockingham . 800,000 498,108.00 1,298,108.00 

Missourian ..1,000,000 1,000,000.00 

Edw. R. Hunt 50,000 50,000.00 

N. York, (est.) 100,000 150,000.00 250,000.00 

Percy Birdsall 25,000 25,000.00 

Vacuum 1,000,000 1,000,000.00 

Hilonian 275,000 414,627.00 689,627.00 

Total for 1917 $5, 061, 735. 00 

Total losses $5,903,587.10 




Military Review of the Month 

Period From May 18 to June 18, 1917 

By J. B. W. Gardiner 

Formerly Lieutenant Eleventh U. S. Cavalry 
[See map of Italian front Page 31, and of Yprea front on Page 36] 



A last month's review was being 
written, one of the fiercest Ital- 
ian battles of the war was being 
fought on the front between Tol- 
mino and the sea. The Italian objective 
was the Carso Plateau, on which they 
already had a foothold, obtained shortly 
after the fall of Gorizia last year. In- 
stead of attacking here, however, they 
began operations on the Isonzo between 
Tolmino and Gorizia, thereby following 
the same strategy which has marked all 
the later battles of the Entente. Two 
points were particularly selected for the 
attack: The first Canale, and the second 
Plava. After a very heavy bombard- 
ment the Italians, who were on the west 
bank of the river, surged across and es- 
tablished themselves on the east bank. 
Vodice Ridge, close to the river and just 
to the north of Mount Cucco, was taken 
and Mount Cucco itself occupied. 

For days there was fighting of the 
heaviest character. The Austrians coun- 
terattacked heavily in an effort to throw 
the Italians back across the river, and, 
when this failed, began a minor attack 
in the Trentino in order to divert atten- 
tion. In both, however, they were un- 
successful. The Italians had their object 
thoroughly in mind and were not to be 
distracted from it. 

Fighting on the Carso 
Then the scene of operations was sud- 
denly shifted south of the valley of the 
Vippaco. It was the much discussed plan 
of the oscillating attack. As in most 
other cases where it has been tried, it 
was successful. The work on the Carso 
was brilliantly performed. The front at- 
tack extended from Castagnavizza to the 
sea. There was no attempt to advance 
the entire Carso line. It was not neces- 
sary, nor could sufficient concentration of 
guns and shells have been made. 

The Carso is a hairpin-shaped plateau 



which generally parallels the seacoast. 
The distance from the southern edge to 
the seacoast varies considerably, in some 
cases being several miles, in others prac- 
tically nothing, the sides of the plateau 
sloping down to the water's edge. The 
surface of the Carso is broken and rough, 
honeycombed with natural caverns of 
varying size, the plateau being of vol- 
canic origin and calcareous in nature. It 
is the great barrier to Trieste from what- 
ever direction a land attack might come, 
and must be occupied in its entirety 
before Trieste can be taken. 

The advance, after the most severe 
fighting, was for a depth of nearly a 
mile, and many thousands of prisoners 
were taken. The Italians finally reached 
a point about half way up the western 
slopes of the Hermada Hill, or Hill 323. 
This hill is the key to the entire situation. 
It is a nearly isolated height about 1,000 
feet above sea level, which dominates the 
Adriatic and both the highway and the 
railroad which run along the coast at 
the base of the tableland. Its capture 
would give the Italians almost perfect 
observation for a distance of five miles, 
whereas, as matters now stand, the 
Austrians are in a position to observe 
every preparation the Italians put under 
way. This is always a matter of car- 
dinal importance because it is on perfec- 
tion of observation that any success in 
this war is based. 

In this case it is of particular im- 
portance in view of the railroad and 
supply situation. The Carso is bounded 
by two railroads, one generally following 
the line of .the Vippaco on the north and 
the other on the south, running along the 
seacoast, the latter branching at Na- 
bresina. The plateau itself is not touched 
by any railroad. A few indifferent dirt 
roads pass over it, which, after consider- 



MILITARY REVIEW OF THE MONTH 



27 



able winding, connect with one of the 
two railroads. The only road of moment 
which crosses the Carso runs from 
Nabresina through the village of Comen 
to Scherbina, a rail junction in the Vip- 
paco Valley. Once Hermada Hill is in 
Italian hands, this road with its southern 
connection is not alone under observa- 
tion but under reasonably close artillery 
fire. 

The Italian attack lasted for eighteen 
days without pause. It was the longest 
and most sustained offensive yet carried 
on by any of the belligerents, and the 
fact that the Italians were able to con- 
tinue for such a great length of time 
speaks exceedingly well for their trans- 
port system. After that time the at- 
tacks gradually lessened and then died 
down. Since then they have not been re- 
newed. 

The Austrians were able to strengthen 
their line greatly at the expense of the 
Russian front. This latter front was 
still inactive, with no prospect of its be- 
coming otherwise, and men could be 
taken without danger. This was done 
freely, and several divisions were recog- 
nized as having been on the Russian 
front a short time before. This in itself 
is sufficient reason for the final halting 
of the Italian offensive. After several 
days the Austrians, who had refused to 
admit that Italy had moved forward at 
all, counterattacked and reported that all 
their lost positions (which up to this 
time had not been lost) were recovered. 
But while it is probably true that some 
gains were made, it is unlikely that any 
serious reclamation of ground took place. 
The claims made were too vague. 

Battle of Messines Ridge 

The event of the month on the west- 
ern front was the British attack between 
the Ypres salient and Armentieres. The 
defeat of the German attempt to reach 
Calais, known as the battle of Ypres, 
left the lines most peculiarly shaped. A 
great wedge bulged out into the German 
lines east of Ypres, with the flanks 
beaten back, one as far west as Furnes 
on the Ypres Canal, the other well to the 
west of the village of Wytschaete. From 
Wytschaete the line curved about Mes- 



sines, and then continued on east of Ar- 
mentieres. The British attack was 
launched from Hill 60, just west of Zil- 
lebeke, to a point south of Warrenton 
on the Lys River. The object of the at- 
tack was twofold: first to straighten out 
the British lines from Ypres south and 
remove the danger of having the south- 
ern side of the Ypres salient crushed in. 
This danger was always present, and if 
such an attack should succeed there would 
be an immediate possibility of the Ger- 
mans being able to continue the drive to 
Calais. 

There was the second consideration of 
improving the line from the standpoint 
of terrain. This section of Belgium and 
of France is extremely flat. There are 
but few points which rise more than 
seventy-five feet above the sea; indeed, 
this is almost the exact level of the entire 
belt. Between Wytschaete and Messines, 
however, there is a distinct ridge which 
varies in height from 260 feet to about 
190. This ridge, together with Hill 60, 
the British had most thoroughly and 
carefully mined. In fact, from the extent 
to which preliminary work was carried 
it must have been begun nearly a year 
ago. Its importance justified this 
measure, and all the work that was in- 
volved. There is not an artillery posi- 
tion within ten miles of this section of 
the British front after this ridge has 
been eliminated. It is impossible for the 
Germans to move any considerable body 
of troops or to move their guns, whether 
in reinforcement or withdrawal, without 
the entire .operation opening out under 
the British- eyes. On the other hand, in 
order for the British to make the most 
important concentrations unobserved, it 
is only necessary to keep German air- 
planes away, and the work can be done in 
complete concealment. 

The fighting was begun by setting off 
the mines, which had been so placed and 
so carefully constructed that the entire 
German front positions were destroyed. 
Immediately the artillery began, and in 
a short time the infantry went forward. 
The Germans had full warning of the at- 
tack. The action of the artillery, which 
was of very heavy calibre, for some days 



28 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



before the infantry went into action, was 
in itself a warning that an attack was 
pending. In spite of this the resistance 
was not up to the German mark. The 
entire command seems to have been 
thrown into a panic by the explosion and 
was unable to fight effectively. At an 
absurdly small loss the infantry took 
these two villages, Wytschaete and 
Messines, and occupied the entire ridge 
between. Over 7,000 prisoners were cap- 
tured in the operation more than the 
total British loss. The entire British 
objective was gained; at no point was 
a reverse suffered. This meant the oc- 
cupation of the entire ridge and to a 
large extent the flattening out of the old 
salient. 

Later operations showed almost im- 
mediately the value of the positions 
which the British had gained. The 
weight of British artillery fire, directed 
partly from the new observation posts 
and partly by airplane, forced the 
abandonment of several lines of trenches 
almost without the infantry going into 
action at all. This was particularly the 
case between the Lys River and the vil- 
lage of St. Yvon, where the Germans 
fell back solely because of the effects 
of the artillery. 

The final result of this fighting as it 
stands at the moment of writing is that 
the British have cleaned out the old 
salient in its entirety and have drawn 
a straight line from Hill 60, east of 
Zillebeke, to a point east of Armen- 
tieres. To the north the old salient still 
exists. But in this case the Germans 
have to launch their attack across the 
Furnes Canal, which stretches out before 
the British lines; judging from former 
experience, this is apt to prove an im- 
passable obstacle with the important ar- 
tillery positions all in British hands. 

The British attack, however, did a 
great deal more than straighten out the 
dangerous southern salient. It will event- 
ually mean the abandonment by the Ger- 
mans of the triangular strip of terri- 
tory, the vertices of which are Hill 60 
on the north, Comines on the east, and 
Warrenton on the south. This triangle is 
bounded on its eastern sides by the Ypres 



Canal and the River Lys. The ground 
embraced by it is exceedingly low with- 
out a single elevation. It is nothing like 
the rolling country found in Artois 
further south. It is absolutely flat, ex- 
cept for a gentle slope from west to east. 
There is no cover, there are no positions 
from which a German attack can be 
launched. That the British have not yet 
launched another attack does not mean 
that they are not in a position to take 
advantage of this situation. But the 
lesson had been dearly bought with ex- 
perience, that liberal use of the mechanics 
of war is to be economical in human lives. 
The British output of shells is sufficient 
to permit them to be used lavishly, and 
this the British are prepared to do. It is 
a question, however, of accumulating 
them in the gun positions of transporta- 
tion. It is this accumulation which is 
going on now, and when it is deemed suf- 
ficient, the Germans are almost certain 
to feel the weight of another torrent of 
steel. 

The capture of this triangle will push 
well out into the German positions a deep 
wedge several miles beyond their present 
lines. It will endanger both Lille on the 
south and the Germans about the Ypres 
salient on the north. Their lines before 
Armentieres will be taken almost directly 
in the rear and the whole line as far 
south as Lens endangered. The situation 
created in the German lines by this recent 
success, though generally local, is still 
the most interesting from the standpoint 
of possible developments, and will bear 
the closest watching. 

Further south the fighting has come 
to a standstill. After taking Bullecourt, 
for which the struggle was most intense 
and most bitterly contested, the British 
found that they were unable to advance 
further. Heavy counterattacks held them 
in place and even wrested from them 
isolated sections of trenches which they 
had won at so great a cost. On the whole, 
however, both sides have been fought to 
a standstill with but little to choose. On 
the French front matters are in very 
much the same state, and the fighting 
has generally ceased on a large scale. 
Attacks by the Germans all fruitless 



MILITARY REVIEW OF THE MONTH 



against the Chemin des Dames have been 
the only outstanding features. 

Situation in the Balkans 

The most hopeful thing from the stand- 
point of the Allies has been the abdica- 
tion of the Greek King Constantine with 
his heir apparent in favor of the second 
son. For many months Constantine has 
been a thorn in the side of Sarrail's army 
before Saloniki. The latter has been 
afraid to make any serious attempt to 
move forward lest the Greek Army under 
the King's directions sever his lines of 
communications behind him. This fear is 
now removed and there is nothing to pre- 
vent an offensive movement should he 
care to make it. 

It is extremely doubtful if this attempt 
will be made at the present time. A 
change of plan is under way now on this 
front from which anything may develop. 
It would surprise no one if the main part 



of the armies which now hold this front 
should be withdrawn for service in other 
fields possibly the Near East leaving 
only a covering force of sufficient 
strength to hold the Bulgarians in check. 
This force will of course be assisted in 
part at least by the Greek Army, and 
could be safely left to look after the posi- 
tion of the Entente, while close to 750,000 
men could be detached. 

As matters now stand, the task before 
the Saloniki army of moving up either 
the Vardar, the Struma, or the Cerna 
against Nish seems well nigh hopeless. 
Such a movement could only be begun 
with Russia sufficiently active to prevent 
withdrawals from her front. As this is 
far from being the case, it is not apparent 
just what use the army is in its present 
location. All indications point to a com- 
plete readjustment of this entire situa- 
tion in the near future. 



Progress of the War 

Recording Campaigns on All Fronts and Collateral Events 
From May 19 Up to and Including June 18, 1917 



UNITED STATES 

Announcement was made on May 19 that a 
regiment of American marines under 
Colonel Doyen would be sent to the fight- 
ing front at the earliest practicable mo- 
ment. On June 7 the French Ministry 
of Marine announced the arrival of 
American warships off the French coast, 
and the collier Jupiter arrived at a port 
in France with wheat and other supplies 
for the American troops. On June 8 an- 
nouncement was made that one thousand 
naval aviators had arrived in France. 
On the same day Major Gen. Pershing 
reached London, and went from there to 
Paris. Several hospital units arrived in 
Europe. 

The State Department refused passports to 
delegates to the International Socialist 
Conference at Stockholm. 

An Italian Commission headed by Prince 
Ferdinand of Udine conferred with Amer- 
ican officials in Washington on the con- 
duct of the war, and a Belgian Commis- 
sion headed by Baron Moncheur reached 
this country and was received by Presi- 
dent Wilson. Lord Northcliffe was t sent 
from England to act as head of the Brit- 
ish Commission. 



Congress passed an Espionage bill with an 
embargo clause giving the President 
power to control exports. 

Between 9,000,000 and 10,000,000 men regis- 
tered on June 5 in compliance with the 
army draft law. 

Subscriptions to the Liberty Loan, closed 
June 15, reached a total of almost 
$2,900,000,000. 

SUBMARINE BLOCKADE 

The British official statement for the week 
ended May 19 showed that eighteen mer- 
chant ships of over 1,600 tons each had 
been sunk ; for the week ended May 26, 
eighteen vessels; for the week ended 
June 2, fifteen, and for the week ended 
June 9, twenty-two ships of more than 
1,600 tons. 

On May 22 announcement was made that 
Denmark had lost 150 ships since the 
beginning of the war through subma- 
rines or mines. 

Germany sent a conciliatory reply to Spain's 
protest concerning the sinking of the Pa- 
tricio, offering an indemnity and a salute 
to the Spanish flag. Two other Spanish 
ships, the mail steamer C. De Eizaguirre 
and the steamship Begona, were sunk. 
More than eighty lives were lost on the 



30 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Eizaguirre. Pro-ally demonstrations were 
held in Madrid. 

Several Swedish grain ships were sunk. In 
reply to a protest from the Swedish Gov- 
ernment, Germany expressed regret. A 
Swerhsh ship engaged in the work of the 
Belgian R3lief Commission was also sunk. 

Three American sailing vessels, the Dirigo, 
the Frances M., and the Barbara, were 
sunk. 

The British hospital ship Dover Castle was 
sunk, but all the patients on board were 
saved. One hundred ninety men lost 
their lives in the sinking of the South 
Atlantic liner Sequana. The Leyland 
liner Anglian and the British steamship 
Southland were sunk. 

A French submarine sank an enemy subma- 
rine as it was coming out of Cattaro har- 
bor on June 2, escorted by a torpedo boat. 

Nicaragua and Haiti severed relations with 
Germany. 

The Brazilian steamer Tijuca was sunk. 
Following the recommendation of Presi- 
dent Braz, the Brazilian Chamber of Dep- 
uties passed a bill authorizing the revoca- 
tion of neutrality in the war between the 
United States and Germany, and au- 
thorized the seizure of German ships in 
Brazilian ports. 

CAMPAIGN IN EASTERN EUROPE 

May 20 Russians repulse German attacks 
east of Kalncem. 

June 2 Germans bombard Russian positions 
at Krevo and Brody. 

June 4 Russian scouts raid German lines 
near Kovel and Pnevi. 

CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN EUROPE 

May 19 Germans launch strong attack on 
the Aisne; small force reaches French 
lines northwest of Braye-en-Laonnois. 

May 2O British break into Hindenburg line 
on a front of over a mile between Fon- 
taine-les-Croisilles and Bullecourt; Ger- 
mans seize French trenches on a 216-yard 
front on the Chemin-des-Dames. 

May 22 French repulse strong attacks 
against new positions in Western Cham- 
pagne, north of Mont Carnillet, and 
against the heights of Casque and the 
Teton; Germans bombard Rheims. 

May 23 French seize the last heights domi- 
nating the valley of the Aillette River and 
enlarge their positions on the northern 
slopes of the Vauclerc and Californie 
Plateau. 

May 24 French check German assault on 
Vauclerc Plateau. 

May 25 Germans penetrate French lines 
near Braye, but lose most of the ground 
later; British make gains southeast of 
Loos. 

May 26 French extend their gains on both 
sides of Mont Carnillet. 

May 27 Germans pierce French lines at the 
eastern end of the Moronvilliers Range; 
British gain near Fontaine-les-Croisilles. 



May 28 Germans fail in three attempts to 
wrest Moronvilliers Heights from the 
French. 

May 30 Germans attack French trenches 
south of Mont Blond, but are driven 
back ; fighting resumed south of St. 
Quentin. 

June 1 Berlin reports unusual activity in 
the region of the sand dunes on the Bel- 
gian coast, at the Ypres salient, and in 
the sector of Wytschaete ; Germans attack 
on the Aisne and penetrate French 
trenches near the Laffaux mill, but lose 
most of their gains ; French capture a 
German outpost south of Chevreaux. 

June 2 General von Hindenburg announces 
that the French and British offensive has 
come to a definite conclusion ; French 
War Office reports capture of 52,000 
prisoners and an enormous amount of 
war material since April 1. 

June 3 British advance near Lens, but are 
forced back by German counterattacks ; 
Germans enter British lines near Cherisy, 
but are driven out- 

June 6 British attack Arras line from Roeux 
to Gavrelle and carry German positions 
on a front of about a mile on the west- 
ern slopes of Greenland Hill, north of the 
Scarpe; Germans attack on the Aisne and 
make small gains near Braye-en-Lannois. 

June 7 British smash salient south of Ypres 
with a terrific blow, preceded by gigantic 
mine operations, and win Messines, 
Wytschaete, Oosttaverne, and other 
strongly fortified positions that had been . 
held by the Germans for two and a half 
years. 

June 8 British organize new positions south 
of Ypres and repulse German counterat- 
tacks. 

June 9. Germans make counterattack on a 
six-mile front east of Messines and near 
Klein Zillebeke, but are repulsed ; Cana- 
dians penetrate German lines on a front 
of two miles south of Lens ; French repel 
attacks along the Chemin-des-Dames. 

June 10 British make further gains at sev- 
eral points south of Ypres. 

June 11 British capture German trench sys- 
tem on a front of abo-ut a mile near La 
Poterie farm. 

June 13 British sweep forward on a front of 
about two miles east and northeast of 
Messines and occupy Gaspard. 

June 14 German troops in the Messines 
region abandon their positions between 
St. Yves and the River Lys. 

June 15 British force Germans out of new 
positions east and south of Messines and 
capture a further portion of the Hinden- 
burg line northwest of Bullecourt. 

June 16 British driven back in counterat- 
tacks east of Loos and from second line 
trenches northwest of Bullecourt, but 
make gains south of Ypres. 

June 17 Germans penetrate French salient 
northwest of Hurtebise Farm, but French 



BIRDSEYE VIEW OF VERDUN FRONT 




This Picture-Map, Drawn in Five-Mile Squares in Perspec- 
tive, Shows How the Battle Line Has Moved to 
and Fro Since the Germans Attempted to 
. Capture the Great French Fortress 

( The New York Times Mid-Week Pictorial) 



THE ITALIAN DRIVE ON TRIESTE 

HHHE 




A O R / . A T I C 



Picture-Map of the Carso Plateau, Across Which the Italians 

Are Driving in Their Attempt to Capture 

Trieste, the Key to Italia Irredenta 

(. 77ir AY ie >'orA- Tinifft Mid-Wo!c n, -tonal) 



PROGRESS OF THE WAR 



31 



retake all except a small part of the first 
line. 

June 18 British fall back east of Monchy-le- 
Preux; French capture a German salient 
in Champagne between Mont Carnillet 
and Mont Blond. 

ITALIAN CAMPAIGN 

May 19 Italians take Hill 652 on Monte 
Vodice; Austrians admit loss of Monte 
Kuk. 

May 20 Italians extend their positions on 
Hill 652 and break into Austrian lines 
east of Gorizia. 

May 23 Italians recapture positions pene- 
trated by the Austrians in the Travignolo 
Valley. 

May 24 Italians break through Austrian 
lines from Castagnavizza to the sea, cap- 
turing Boscomalo, Jamiano, and strong 
heights east of Pietrarossa and Bagni, 
and advance in the San Marco, Monte 
Santo, and Vodice areas. 

May 25 Italians capture fortified heights 
north of Jamiano and gain ground south 
of Jamiano to the sea. 

May 26 Italians capture a strong network 
of trenches from the mouth of the Ti- 
mavo River to a point east of Jamiano, 
take heights between Flondar and Me- 
deazza, and trenches around Castagna- 
vizza. 

May 27 Italians smash through Austro- 
Hungarian positions between Jamiano 
and the Gulf of Trieste, driving across 
the Monfalcone-Duino Railroad to Me- 
deazza, and carry the heights at the 
head of the Palliova Valley. 

May 28 Italians cross the Timavo estuary 
and occupy San Giovanni. 

May 31 Austrians fail in attack north of 
the Tonale Ridge, on the northern side of 
Monte Pizzul, and in the Rocolana Valley. 

June 1 Italians defeat Austrian attempts to 
recapture heights in the Vodice area. 

June 4 Italians drive Austrians from cap- 
tured advanced positions on the western 
slopes of San Marco. 

June 5 Italians repulse massed attacks 
south of Gorizia from Dosso Faiti to the 
sea and take advance positions in the 
sector between Castagnavizza and Ja- 
miano. 

June 6 Austrians regain positions before 
Flondar, south of Jamiano. 

June 7 Austrians report successful attacks 
near Jamiano and defeat of Italian at- 
tacks between the Vipacco Valley and 
the sea. 

June 11 Italians begin new offensive on the 
Asiago Plateau and seize Monte Ortigara 
and the Agnello Pass. 

June 16 Italians in the eastern Trentino 
carry Corno Cavento. 

June 18 Italians advance northeast of Ja- 
miano and repulse attacks on Monte Mos- 
ciagh, on the Asiago Plateau, and on Hill 
652 in the Vodice. 



BALKAN CAMPAIGN 

May 20 Russians repulse German attacks on 

the Rumanian front east of Koverka. 
May 27 British bombard German positions 

near Livanovo. 
May 31 Italians in Albania occupy Cere- 

voda, Velisest, Osaja, and Cafa. 
June 7 Rumanians show activity on the Do- 

brud ja front ; gun duels in Macedonia on 

the right bank of the Vardar and south 

of Huma . 
June 16 French cavalry occupies five towns 

in Northern Thessaly. 
June 17 British evacuate several villages on 

the Bulgar front, after setting them 

afire ; French extend the occupation of 

Thessaly. 

AERIAL RECORD 

Danube towns were raided by the Germans 
and many persons were killed in Ismail, 
Bessarabia. 

Many great raids, in which hundreds of ma- 
chines took part, occurred on the western 
front. The British dropped bombs on Os- 
tend, Zeebrugge, Bruges, and Niemun- 
ster. Ghent was also raided and St. 
Peter Station partly destroyed. The Lon- 
don morning papers on June 2 announced 
that 713 airplanes were shot down on the 
western front in May, of which 442 were 
German and 271 British and French. On 
June 5 the French raided eleven points 
behind the German lines, including the 
City of Troves, in Rhenish Prussia. The 
Lafayette Escadrille, composed chiefly 
of Americans, fought fifteen battles in 
the last two weeks of May. 

The Zeppelin L-43 was destroyed by British 
naval forces in the North Sea. 

Many lives were lost and hundreds of per- 
sons injured in raids on England. On May 
23 the eastern counties were attacked and 
one man killed. On May 26 seventy-six 
persons were killed and 174 injured in the 
Folkestone raid. Three machines were 
shot down. One hundred and four persons 
were killed and 403 hurt in a raid on June 
13. On June 17 two lives were lost and 
sixteen persons injured. One Zeppelin 
was brought down. 

NAVAL RECORD 

A French topedo boat flotilla put to rout a 
flotilla of German destroyers on May 20. 
One French craft was damaged. 

British warships bombarded Ostend and 
Zeebrugge. In a running fight between 
six German destroyers and the British 
squadron one German destroyer, the S-20, 
was sunk and another damaged. 

Japanese light craft arrived in the Mediter- 
ranean Sea to help in fighting sub- 
marines. 

Thirteen Bulgarian ships bombarded Kavala. 

A Russian squadron, cruising along the 
Anatolian coast on May 29, bombarded 
four ports and destroyed 147 sailing ships 
loaded with supplies. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



British warships captured Fort Saliff on the 
lied Sea. 

The American steamer Mongolia fired four 
shots at a German submarine which dis- 
charged a torpedo at the liner on June 1. 
Neither the Mongolia nor the submarine 
was damaged. The American ship Silver 
Shell had a running battle with a sub- 
marine in the Mediterranean on May 30. 
After an exchange of sixty shots the 
submarine disappeared. The Standard 
Oil steamer Moreni was sunk after a two- 
hour battle with a submarine, and four 
of her crew were lost. 
RUSSIA 

The reorganized Cabinet of the Provisional 
Government, on May 19, declared itself 
a unit for general peace only, and no 
annexations or indemnities. 

A congress of the Swedish political party 
passed a resolution favoring complete 
separation of Finland from Russia. 

On June 1 the Kronstadt Committee of the 
Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Dele- 
gates repudiated the Provisional Govern- 
ment and decided to assume control of 
Kronstadt. The committee surrendered 
on June G, but their decision was re- 
versed on June 11 by agitators, who de- 
clared that the declaration of independ- 
ence was still in force. 

A. I. Konovaloff, Minister of Commerce and 
Trade, resigned because of disagreement 
with M. Skobeleff, the Labor Minister, 
concerning economic and financial ques- 
tions. Many strikes occurred in Petro- 
grad. General Michael V. Alexeieff re- 
signed as Commander in Chief of the 
Russian Armies, and General Brusiloff 
succeeded him. General Goutor took 
Brusiloff's place on the southwestern 
front. 

An American diplomatic commission, headed 
by Elihu Root, and a railroad commission, 
headed by John F. Stevens, arrived in 
Petrograd. President Wilson sent a note 
to the Provisional Government outlining 
the objects and ideals of the United States 
in the war. These principles were ap- 
proved in a note sent by Great Britain. 

The Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' 
Delegates, in reply to Austrian overtures, 
made in a telegram from Prince Leopold 
of Bavaria, adopted a proclamation ex- 
pressing opposition to a separate peace. 
Robert Grimm, a Swiss Socialist who 
acted as Germany's agent in a new peace 
move, was expelled from the country. 



On June 17 the Duma, in secret session, 
voted for an immediate offensive by 
Russian troops. 

GREECE 

On June 12, in response to the demand of 
the protecting powers France, Great 
Britain, and Russia King Constantine 
abdicated in favor of his second son, 
Prince Alexander. Entente forces landed 
at Piraeus and Castella, and occupied the 
heights near Phalerum Bay. French 
cavalry occupied a number of towns in 
Northern Thessaly, and the populace of 
Larissa went over to the Venizelos Gov- 
ernment. M. Jonnart, the High Commis- 
sioner of the protecting powers, issued a 
proclamation guaranteeing popular lib- 
erty. 

MISCELLANEOUS 

A revolt occurred in China as the result of 
the dismissal of Premier Tuan Chi-jui. 
The rebellious provinces, under the lead- 
ership of General Chang-Hsun, demanded 
the dismissal of the National Assembly, 
the revision of the Constitution, the dis- 
missal of the President's advisers, the 
reinstatement of Tuan Chi-jui, and war 
against Germany. The United States 
Government sent a friendly message to 
the Foreign Office urging tranquillity. 

The Spanish Cabinet headed by Marquis 
Prieto resigned and a new one was 
formed by Eduard Dato. A revolution in 
the army was averted by the Premier 
granting infantry officers the right to 
form committees of defense. 

Count Tisza resigned as Premier of Hun- 
gary after a struggle over electoral re- 
forms. Count Esterhazy succeeded him. 

An attempt to form a Coalition Ministry in 
Canada failed. E. P. Patenaud, Secre- 
tary of State, resigned because of his op- 
position to conscription. 

Lord Devonport resigned as Food Controller 
in England and was succeded by Baron 
Rhondda. Colonel Churchill succeeded 
Viscount Cowdray as Chairman of the 
British Air Board. 

The Grand Dukes of Mecklenburg-Schwerin 
and Macklenburg-Strelitz consented to far_ 
reaching revision of the Constitutions of 
the duchies. 

The French Chamber of Deputies, in secret 
session, adopted a resolution declaring 
that peace conditions must include the 
liberation of territories occupied by Ger- 
many, the return of Alsace-Lorraine to 
France, and just reparation for damage 
done in the invaded regions. 




Italian Offensive on the Carso 
and Isonzo Fronts 



[See rotogravure map opposite Page 31] 



DURING the latter half of May, 
1917, General Cadorna's forces 
on the Isonzo and Carso fronts 
made one of the most remark- 
able drives of the year an assault that 
lasted eighteen days, with all its orig- 
inal fury. The fighting took place amid 
the peaks and chasms north of Gorizia, 
and on the volcanic Carso plateau to the 
south, a region of desolate rocks and 
caves, where all the water for the sol- 
diers had to be brought by building an 
aqueduct, bit by bit, as the army ad- 
vanced. This land of caves and hiding 
places had been fortified by the Austri- 
ans and complicated with broad areas of 
barbed wire, behind which enormous 10- 
inch guns and innumerable machine guns 
swept every path of approach. 

The Italians won victories despite 
these odds. They took heavy guns up 
mountains hitherto ascended only by Al- 
pine climbers who roped themselves to- 
gether. They swung bridges from one 
peak to another. They built trenches, 
fortifications, roads, tunnels, retaining 
walls 10,000 feet above sea level; all this 
in the face of an enemy fighting des- 
perately on the defensive. 

When the campaign on the Isonzo 
closed last November the town of Go- 
rizia and 43,000 Austrians had been cap- 
tured, and the Italian front, from Plezza 
on the north, just over the frontier, 
skirted the Monte Nero heights of the 
Julian Alps to the bridgehead of Tol- 
mino, (Monte Cucco,) swung along the 
same range east of Gorizia, passed over 
the plain south of that city, and, cross- 
ing the Vipacco, struck across the north- 
west corner of the Carso plateau to the 
sea, two miles from Duino, the Summer 
home of Prince Hohenlohe, and fourteen 
miles northwest of Trieste. 

This was the situation when the Ital- 
ians on May 12 began a heavy bombard- 
ment of the Austrian positions from 



Tolmino to the sea, which two days later 
became concentrated across the Isonzo, 
five miles north of Gorizia, where the 
Austrians by their defenses on the Kuk, 
611 meters high, and on the Vodice, 524 
meters, still kept the Italians on the right 
bank of the stream. On May 13 there 
was also a concentration of fire on the 
Carso front, south from the Italian posi- 
tions of Volkovniak, 343 meters, and 
Dosso Faiti, 432 meters, against which 
the Austrians later made counterattacks. 

Then on Monday morning, May 14, the 
Italian infantry crossed the river in 
several detachments, deployed on the left 
bank, and stormed the ascent of Monte 
Cucco. The following day they advanced 
east of Gorizia and also on the Carso to 
the south. On the 16th they captured 
the wooded heights on the east bank of 
the Isonzo and took several small vil- 
lages with more than 3,000 prisoners. The 
17th found the Italians fighting their 
way toward the mountain crests of 
Vodice and Monte Santo. Heavy British 
artillery had been added to the Italian 
armament. Duino was captured that 
day. Perceval Gibbon, an eyewitness of 
part of the fighting, wrote: 

" The picturesque point is Monte Santo. 
It is a steep cone, with slopes like the 
side of a roof, and on the summit strag- 
gle white buildings of a monastery long 
since shot to ruins. A single cypress, black 
and monumental, stands not far from 
the shattered walls of the close, clear- 
cut against the shell-vexed sky. About it 
a frenzy of shells roars and blazes. Our 
barrage and theirs mingle in a hellbroth 
of fire and smoke, through whose 
tempestuous fog emerges at moments 
that single statuesque tree, monumentally 
and tragically faithful to its duty of 
sentinel over the graves of forgotten 
saints. But slowly the Italian lines are 
crawling uphill, paying with their valor- 
ous lives for every yard of progress. If 
in England anybody doubted Italy's ca- 



34 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



pacity for liberal sacrifice or her inten- 
tion toward victory at all costs, he is 
now answered." 

By stubborn and sustained assaults on 
the Carso the Italians on May 23 finally 
broke through the Austro-Hungarian 
lines on a front of six miles from Cas- 
tagnavizza to the sea, taking more than 
9,000 prisoners, with the town of Ja- 
miano and the strong heights east of 
Pietrarossa and Bagni. The next day 
enlarged this success, and on the 25th 
the Italians took the heights between 
Flondar and Medeazza and a strong net- 
work of trenches extending from the 
mouth of the Timavo River to a point 
east of Jamiano. 

On May 27 General Cadorna's forces 
smashed through the Austro-Hungarian 
positions between Jamiano and the Gulf 
of Trieste, passing the Monfalcone- 
Duino Railway northeast of San Gio- 
vanni and establishing themselves with- 
in a few hundred yards of Medeazza. 
North of Plava they carried the heights 
at the head of the Palliova Valley, thus 
joining their Monte Cucco lines with 
those of Hill 363. This day's work 
brought the Italians within eleven miles 
of Trieste. The next day these results 
were consolidated by crossing the Timavo 
estuary and occupying the village of San 
Giovanni. In the northern section the 
Austrians were hunted out of their sub- 
terranean chambers and many prisoners 
added to the total, which, by this time, 
amounted to about 25,000. 

The Austrian losses in killed, wounded, 
and missing between May 14 and 29 
were estimated at 85,000, and included 
five Generals and forty high officers. 
A hundred cannon were taken or de- 
stroyed. Perceval Gibbon, writing on the 
29th, described the scene on the Carso: 

" Everywhere there is evidence of the 
ghastly Austrian losses. There are whole 
areas of ground over which the fight 
stamped its way southeast of Jamiano 
and Hudilog and along the battleground 



parallel with Castagnavizza Road which 
are littered with bodies clad in that dull 
gray which is Austria's fighting color. 
There, for the first time during this of- 
fensive, one sees what was so common 
on the Somme steel helmets of the en- 
emy lying about, many smashed or 
drilled by bullets." 

Two days later the same correspond- 
ent added a curious bit of authenticated 
history: 

" The Italians have just completed ex- 
amination of two railway tunnels upon 
the line to Trieste, one 200 yards long, 
the other slightly less. Both had been 
turned into shelters for troops and very 
completely equipped. The roofs are 
pierced with long ventilating shafts, and 
water mains have been carried in. There 
is a mass of arms and ammunition here, 
and numbers of machine guns. 

" It is here that they discovered what 
was never certainly known upon this 
front, though frequently rumored, name- 
ly, machine gunners chained and pad- 
locked to their guns. I understand they 
have been officially photographed. Each 
man has a light steel chain of twisted 
links, like a dog chain, shackled around 
one ankle and fastened to the tripod of 
the gun, and a similar chain padlocked 
around his waist and linked up to the 
barrel. These prisoners state that the 
object is to prevent them leaving the 
gun in Italian hands when falling back 
before an attack. Another explanation is 
suggested by the fact that the chief 
forces on this southern edge of the Carso 
consist of Rumanians." 

With the beginning of June the Italian 
offensive abated and the Austro-Hun- 
garians began a series of heavy counter- 
attacks, in which the daring Honveds did 
some terrific fighting and took many 
prisoners Vienna claimed 27,000. 

The net result of the month's fighting, 
however, is a considerable gain for the 
Italian forces. 



The Battle of Messines Ridge 

A British Victory That Began With the Explosion 
of Enormous Mines 



THE action of June 7, 1917, in which 
the British by one terrific blow 
smashed the strong German salient 
south of Ypres, was one of the 
most spectacular and thrilling episodes of 
the war. It took place in the little corner of 
Belgium where the allied armies had held 
the enemy checkmated for two and a half 
years, and where, all that time, they had 
been harassed by German guns on the 
Messines-Wytschaete Ridge. 

For nearly two years several companies 
of Australian, New Zealand, and British 
sappers had been patiently burrowing 
under this low range of hills, placing be- 
neath them nineteen powerful mines con- 
taining a total of more than 1,000,000 
pounds of ammonite. Great charges of 
this new explosive had been in a firing 
position for fully twelve months, yet the 
secret was kept and the dangerous work 
went on under the German fortifications. 
At 3:10 in the morning of June 7 the 
whole 'series of mines was discharged by 
electric contact, blowing off the hilltops 
in a vast flame-burst of volcanic fire, 
rocking the ground for miles as in an 
earthquake, and emitting a roar that was 
distinctly heard in England by Lloyd 
George, listening for it at his country 
home 140 miles away. 

At the same time the whole salient was 
subjected to the most intense shellfire of 
the whole war, the climax of nearly two 
weeks of artillery preparation. In the 
wake of this infernal rain came the in- 
fantry battalions of General Haig under 
Sir Herbert Plumer, dashing forward 
with rifle and bayonet. Before the day 
was over the whole of Messines Ridge was 
securely in British hands, with more than 
7,000 prisoners and many guns. The 
German casualties were estimated at 
30,000. Those of the British were about 
10,000. 

The attack was divided into three 
phases. The battle opened with the ex- 
plosion of the mines at dawn, which was 



the signal for the artillery. Large por- 
tions of the German front and support 
trenches, dugouts, and mining systems 
went up in smoke. The German front 
line over the entire distance of ten miles 
was captured in a few minutes. 

The second phase was the storming 
of the Messines-Wytschaete Ridge, which 
was accomplished with little loss three 
hours after the attack began. The Brit- 
ish went forward in a concerted rush 
along the whole sector south of Ypres, 
from Observation Ridge to Ploegsteert 
Wood, north of Armentieres. The third 
and final phase, later in the day, was the 
assault of the rear defenses, which ran 
across the base of the salient formed by 
the ridge itself. Here the British found 
the enemy in greater, strength, and the 
fighting was very fierce. Nevertheless, 
by nightfall the village of Oosttaverne 
and the whole rear position along a 
front of five miles and at a depth of 
nearly three miles had fallen into Brit- 
ish hands. The day's work was the largest 
since, Vimy Ridge. It was achieved by 
the British Second Army, under General 
Sir Herbert C. O. Plumer, and his force 
included English, Irish, Australian, and 
New Zealand troops. 

Official Report of Battle 

The British War Office summarized 
the action as follows in its report of 
June 8: 

The position captured by us yesterday was 
one of the enemy's most important strong- 
holds on the western front. Dominating as 
it did the Ypres salient and giving the enemy 
complete observation over it, he neglected no 
precautions to render the position impreg- 
nable. These conditions enabled the enemy 
to overlook all our preparations for attack, 
and he had moved up reinforcements to meet 
us. The battle therefore became a gauge of 
the ability of the German troops to stop our 
advance under conditions as favorable to 
them as an army can ever hope for, with 
every advantage of ground and preparation 
and with the knowledge that an attack v.-as 
impending. 



36 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 




ARMENTIEI 

MAP OF YPRES REGION SHOWING GROUND GAINED BY BRITISH IN BATTLE OP 

MESSINES RIDGE 



The German forward defenses consisted of 
an elaborate and intricate system of well- 
wired trenches and strong points forming a 
defensive belt over a mile in depth. Numer- 
ous farms and woods were thoroughly pre- 
pared for the defense, and there were large 
numbers of machine guns in the German gar- 
risons. Guns of all calibres, recently in- 
creased in numbers, were placed to bear not 
only on the front but on the flanks of an at- 
tack. Numerous communicating trenches 
and switch lines, radiating in all directions, 
were amply provided with strongly con- 
structed concrete dugouts and machine-gun 
emplacements designed to protect the enemy 
garrison and machine gunners from the ef- 
fect of our bombardment. In short, no pre- 
caution was omitted that could be provided 
by the incessant labor of years, guided by the 
experience gained by the enemy in his previ- 
ous defeats on the Somme, at Arras, and on 
Vimy Ridge. 

Despite the difficulties and disadvantages 
which our troops had to overcome, further 
details of yesterday's fighting show that our 
first assault and the subsequent attacks were 
carried out in almost exact accordance with 
the timetable previously arranged. * * * 

Following on the great care and thorough- 
ness in preparations made under the orders 
of General Sir Herbert Plumer, the complete 
success gained may be ascribed chiefly to 
the destruction caused by our mines, to the 
violence and accuracy of our bombardment, 



to the very fine work of the Royal Flying 
Corps, and to the incomparable dash and 
courage of the infantry. The whole force 
acted in perfect combination. Excellent work 
was done by the tanks, and every means of 
offense at our disposal was made use of, so 
that every arm of the service had a share in 
the victory. 

" The British had to level many bits 
of woodland, and then they sprayed 
these woods with drums of blazing oil, 
which burned them away and made at- 
tacking across what would be considered 
impregnable natural defenses almost an 
easy matter. The communication 
trenches were so damaged that it was 
impossible for the Germans to make 
their way along them in daylight ex- 
cept on all fours. Ration parties at- 
tempting at night to come up over the 
open were badly cut up by the constant 
British fire. 

Described by Philip Gills 

Philip Gibbs, the war correspondent, 
cabled a vivid story on the day of the 
battle, saying in part: 

" For five days at least many Ger- 
mans were pinned to their tunnels as 
prisoners of fire. No food reached 



THE BATTLE OF MESSINES RIDGE 



37 



them. There was no way out through 
these zones of death. A new regiment, 
which tried to come up last night, was 
broken and shattered. A prisoner says 
that out of his own company he lost 
fifty to sixty men before reaching the 
line. For a long way behind the lines 
the British heavy guns laid down belts 
of shell fire, and many of the enemy's 
batteries kept silent. 

" The British gunners smothered the 
German batteries whenever they were 
revealed to the airmen. Those flying 
men have been wonderful. A kind of 
exaltation of spirits took possession of 
them, and they dared great risks and 
searched out the enemy's squadrons far 
over his lines. In five days from June 
.1 forty-four separate machines were 
sent crashing down, and this morning 
very early flocks of airplanes went out 
to blind the enemy's eyes and report the 
progress of the battle. 

" In the darkness queer monsters 
moved up close to the lines, many of 
them crawling singly over the battle- 
fields under cover of woods and ruins. 
They were the tanks, ready to go into 
action on the great day of the war, when 
their pilots and crews have helped by 
high courage to a great victory. 

" Last night all was ready. The men, 
knowing the risks of it all, (for no plans 
are certain in war,) had a sense of op- 
pression, strained by poignant anxiety. 
Many men's lives were on the hazard of 
all this. The air was heavy as if nature 
itself was full of tragedy. A Summer 
fog was thick over Flanders and the sky 
was livid. Forked lightning rent the low 
clouds and thunder broke with menacing 
rumblings. Rain fell sharply, and on the 
conservatory of the big Flemish house, 
where officers bent over their maps and 
plans, raindrops beat noisily. 

March Over Dark Roads 
" But the storm passed and the night 
was calm and beautiful. Along the dark 
roads and down the leafy lanes columns 
of men were marching and brass bands 
played them through. the darkness. Guns 
and limber moved forward at a sharp 
pace. " Lights out," rang the challenges 
of sentries to staff cars, passing beyond 



the last village and nearer to the line. 
Masses of men lay sleeping or resting in 
the fields before getting orders to go for- 
ward into the battle zone. 

" All through the night the sky was 
filled with vivid flashes of bursting 
shells and with the steady hammer- 
strokes of guns. From an observation 
post looking 'across the shoulder of Kem- 
mel Hill straight to Wytschaete and Mes- 
sines Ridge I watched this bombardment 
for that moment when it should rise into 
a mad fury of gunfire, before the troops, 
lying in those dark fields, should stumble 
forward. 

" The full moon had risen, veiled by 
vapors until they drifted by and revealed 
all her pale light in a sky that was still 
faintly blue, with here and there a star. 
The moon through all her ages never 
looked down upon such fires of man-made 
hell as those which lashed out when the 
bombardment quickened. That was just 
before 3 o'clock. 

" The drone of a night flying airplane 
passed overhead. The sky lightened a 
little and showed great black smudges 
like ink blots on a blue silk cloth where 
the British kite balloons rose in clusters 
to spy out the first news of the coming 
battle. 

Ridges Co Up in Fire 
" The cocks of Flanders crowed, and 
two heavy German shells roared over 
Kemmel Hill and burst somewhere in the 
British lines. A third came, but before 
its explosion could be heard all the noise 
there had been, all these separate sounds 
of guns and high explosives and shrapnel 
were swept into a tornado of artillery 
which now began. 

" The signal for its beginning was the 
most terrible, beautiful thing, the most 
diabolical splendor I have seen in the 
war. Out of the dark ridges of Mes- 
sines and Wytschaete and that ill- 
famed Hill 60, for which many of Brit- 
ain's best have died, there gushed up 
enormous volumes of scarlet flame 
from exploding mines and of earth and 
smoke, all lighted by flame spilling 
over into fountains of fierce color, so 
that the countryside was illuminated by 
the red light. 



38 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



" Where some of us stood watching, 
aghast and spellbound by this burning 
horror, the ground trembled and surged 
violently, too. Truly the earth quaked. 
A boy, who came back wounded, spoke 
to me about his own sensations : ' I felt 
like being in an open boat in the rough 
sea. It rocked up and down, this way 
and that.' 

" Thousands of British soldiers were 
rocked like that before they scrambled 
up and went forward to the German lines 
forward beneath that tornado of 
shells, which crashed over the enemy's 
ground with a prolonged tumult. 

" Just as the day broke with crimson 
feathers unfolding in the eastern sky 
and flights of airmen, following other 
flights above the troops, rockets rose 
from the German lines. They were dis- 
tress signals, flung up by men who still 
lived in that fire zone white and red 
and green. They were calling to their 
gunners, warning them that the British 
were upon them. Presently there were 
no more of them, but others, which were 
ours, rose in places which had been 
German." 

The Scene of Destruction 

Two days later the same correspondent 
visited Wytschaete Wood and looked 
down into the vast mine craters. Here 
is his description of the captured German 
trenches : 

" They are horribly smashed, so that 
only bits of trench and a few traverses 
here and there and concrete emplace- 
ments, knocked sideways above the 
closed entrances of deep tunnels and 
dugouts, remained among the shell 
craters. Some bodies of German sol- 
diers lie amid this vast midden of war, 
their dead faces as gray as their tunics 
but not many of them. Most of those 
killed were buried as they died, buried 
under the masses of earth flung up by 
exploding shells, buried in their tunnels, 
which fell in upon them as they crouched 
under the drumfire of the British guns 
hiding deep in those subterranean cham- 
bers, buried by the wild upheaval of 
mines which opened the earth beneath 
them with yawning chasms a hundred 
yards wide and sixty feet deep. 



" Bits of tunics, bits of rifles, rags 
and tatters of equipment, weapons and 
human flesh lie in holes and pools, pro- 
truding from rubbish heaps of the 
chaotic earth ravaged by British gun- 
fire. Looking down into the mine crat- 
ers, the vast Peckham crater or that by 
Maedelstede Farm, where the primitive 
blue clay had been flung up above the 
topmost strata, I agreed with that Ger- 
man officer who came back dazed as a 
prisoner and said : * This is more than 
human nature itself can suffer.' 

How the Mines Were Sprung 

" On the night of June 7 the Australian 
tunnelers, who had waited for the mo- 
ment when their year's work would be 
accomplished by the touch of a little 
spring on a metal plate from which an 
electric wire ran to a mine shaft below 
Hill 60, assembled in a dugout not far 
away. They waited for that moment at 
dawn with nerves strung tensely, deeply 
excited, though very quiet, at this fright- 
ful expectation. They knew exactly the 
explosive power of those tons of am- 
monal packed under the enemy's po- 
sition. There was always the risk of 
misadventure, the appalling risk of fail- 
ure, because it is tricky business, this 
work of a man-made earthquake. 

" The metal disk was touched. In just 
one tick of time there was the noise of 
earth in travail, the rending, rushing 
noise breaking out into a vast roar, as 
though a cliff were falling down a 
precipice. 

" Hill 60 opened and let forth a great 
eruption of flaming clods. Some Eng- 
lish troops took Hill 60 after this ex- 
plosion, which flung some of them to 
the ground as they rose at the signal of 
attack. Below Mount Sorrel and Ar- 
magh Wood groups of Wurttembergers 
and Jagers rose from holes in the 
stricken earth and held up trembling 
hands, asking for mercy. They still 
shook with terror of the mines. Not 
many of them showed any will to fight. 
Some of them had to be searched for 
below ground, cowering in dark pits 
which had been good, deep dugouts and 
observation posts with heavy concrete 
protection. Now all were smashed like 
those I saw by Wytschaete Wood. 



THE BATTLE OF MESSINES RIDGE 



" Just south of these men, astride the 
Ypres-Comines Canal, a number of Lon- 
don troops were fighting forward to the 
ruins of a famous white chateau south 
of the canal on the west of Hollebeke. 
It was the Chateau Matthieu. The Ger- 
mans here did not surrender without a 
desperate resistance." 

Fighting in Rear Trenches 

Another correspondent, describing the 
fighting in detail, says that Dam Strasse, 
a street of houses built of great blocks of 
concrete six feet thick, gave the British 
officers great anxiety, as they expected to 
meet stiff resistance here ; but they found 
that the shellfire had been so amazing as 
to shatter many of these blockhouses, so 
that the garrison was cowed and surren- 
dered by hundreds. 

The first check came outside the ruin of 
an estaminet, in which a party of Ger- 
mans with machine guns and rifles were 
determined to sell their lives dearly. They 
poured fire into the British, who suffered 
a good many casualties here, but would 
not be balked, whatever the cost. They 
took what cover they could and used their 
rifles to riddle the place with shot. One 
by one the Germans fell and their fire 
slackened. Then the British charged the 
ruins and captured all those who still re- 
mained alive. 

Fresh waves of men came up and went 
forward into Ravine Wood, with its tat- 
tered trunks and litter of broken branches. 
There was another fight, very fierce and 
bloody, between some South Country 
troops and German soldiers of the Thirty- 
fifth Division, who attempted a strong 
counterattack. The Englishmen had their 
bayonets fixed, and at a word from the 
officers they made a quick, grim dash at 
the Germans advancing upon them 
through Dead Wood with their bayonets 
ready also. So that morning sun gleamed 
upon all this steel. The bayonets crossed. 
The men of Kent went through the ene- 
my, thrusting and stabbing, but, though 
they saw red in that hour, they gave 
quarter to the men who dropped their 
rifles and cried " Kamerad." The Ger- 
man losses here were very heavy. 

An eyewitness gives this account of the 
armored tanks and the marvels achieved 
by aviators: 



" Several tanks came up to share in 
the fighting and climbed over all this 
broken ground, but did not find much 
work to do. All along the battle line 
these brown beasts were nosing about, 
crawling through the slough, pitching and 
tossing over the cratered earth and rear- 
ing their long snouts over sandbag bar- 
ricades. Their pilots and crews were out 
for any kind of adventure over any kind 
of ground. They did not have many 
casualties and would have been more 
successful if the infantry had wanted 
more help from them, but the guns had 
done most of the work beforehand. 

" The completeness of this victory, the 
march through of the troops, and the 
utter despair of the German troops were 
due in an overwhelming way to the guns 
and the gunners who served them. It is 
only right and just that the highest trib- 
ute should be paid to these men, who 
worked day and night for nearly a fort- 
night under an intense strain and in- 
fernal noise, without sleep enough to 
relieve the nerve rack, and always in 
danger of death. The gunner officers 
are hoarse with shouting under fire. 

" They were for the moment hollow- 
eyed with bodily and mental exhaustion. 
The ammunition carriers worked them- 
selves stiff in order to feed the guns. 
They used up an incredible number of 
shells. The gunners of one division alone 
fired 180,000 shells with their field bat- 
teries and over 46,000 with their heavies. 
On the same scale has been the ammuni- 
tion expenditure of all the other groups 
of guns. 

Guns Move to New Positions 
" A historic scene, intensely thrilling, 
took place after the troops gained the 
high ground of Wytschaete and Messines. 
An order was passed along to all bat- 
teries. Horses standing by were har- 
nessed to the guns, and limbers of the 
field batteries were lined up. Then half 
way throughout the battle the old gun 
positions were abandoned after two and a 
half years of stationary warfare in a 
salient searched every day of that time 
by German shells fired by direct observa- 
tion from the ground just taken. 

" The drivers urged on their horses. 
They drove at a gallop past the old 



40 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



screens, and out of camouflaged places 
where the men had walked stealthily, and 
dashed up the slopes. The infantry stood 
by to let them pass, and from thousands 
of men, these dusty, hot, parched soldiers 
who were waiting to go forward in sup- 
port of the first waves of the assaulting 
troops, there rose a great following cheer 
which swept along the track of the gun- 
ners and went with them up the ridge, 
where they unlimbered and got into 
action again for the second phase of the 
fighting down the further slope. Never 
before in this war has there been any- 
thing like this in excitement and sense of 
victory. 

Amazing Feats of Aviators 

" As the scouts of the gunners, as their 
watchers and signalers, were the boys 
of the Royal Flying Corps. They were 
uplifted with a kind of intoxication of 
enthusiasm, and youthful madness took 
possession of them. One man's flight, told 
in his own dry words, is like a wild night- 
mare of an airman's dream. He flew to 
a German airdrome and circled around. 
A German machine gun spat out bullets 
at him. The airman saw it, swooped over 
it, and fired at the gunner. He saw his 
bullets hit the gun. The man ceased to 
fire, screamed, and ran for cover. Then 
the airman flew off, chased trains and 
fired into their windows. 

"He flew over small bodies of troops 
on the march, stopped, fired, and scat- 
tered them. Afterward he met a con- 
voy going to Comines, and he circled 
over them hardly higher than their heads 
and fired into them. Near Warne- 
ton he came upon troops massing for a 
counterattack and made a new attack, in- 
flicting casualties and making them run 
in all directions. 

" Another man found himself under 
fire by Archies mounted on lorries. He 
dived and fired on the gunners, who ran 
away and hid. One flying man attacked 



and silenced four machine-gun teams in 
strong emplacements. Others cleared 
trenches of German soldiers, who scuttled 
like rabbits into dugouts. They fired 
everything they carried, anything which 
would kill the enemy or destroy his 
material. Having used up all his Lewis 
gun ammunition upon the marching 
troops, one lad fired his signal rockets 
at the next group of men he saw. 

" They flew at the field gunners and 
put them to flight, at heavy guns crawl- 
ing along the roads on caterpillar wheels, 
at transport wagons, motor lorries, and 
one motor car, whose passengers, if they 
live, will never forget that sudden rush 
of wings four feet overhead, with a spasm 
of bullets about them. The airplane was 
so low that the pilot thought he would 
crash into the motor car, but he just 
planed clear of it as the driver steered 
it sharply into a ditch, where he over- 
turned with the five occupants. The air- 
man went on his journey, scattered 500 
infantry, and returned home after a long 
flight, never higher than 500 feet above 
the ground. 

" In this battle of Messines there was 
not anybody of the British Army who 
did not spend all his strength and take all 
risks with a kind of passionate exaltation 
of spirit. * * * It is the greatest 
and cheapest achievement of the British 
arms throughout this war, though the 
loss of so many gallant men is sad 
enough, God knows. And for the enemy 
it is as hard a blow as our taking of 
Vimy Ridge two months ago, when he 
was staggered by his losses." 

The battle of Messines Ridge took from 
the Germans the last commanding 
natural position opposite the British 
lines. Bapaume and Vimy and Messines 
Ridges, as well as Monchy Plateau, five 
miles east of Arras, were all captured by 
the British within three months, and this 
has materially changed the military 
situation on the western front. 




Storming of the Aisne Quarries 



By Wythe Williams 



[In a cable dispatch to THE NEW YORK TIMES, May 25, 1917.] 



REGARDING the offensive on the 
Rheims-Soissons front, which 
began on April 16, 1917, I am 
permitted to state that it was 
the biggest concentrated effort yet made 
by the French Army, although at first 
glance it seemed to have accomplished 
less material result than any other of- 
fensive, except the long-ago offensive 
in the Champagne, which can be classi- 
fied as a failure. I think all the army 
experts will admit that the result needs 
explanation. Yet, as the explanation was 
made to me while going over the ground, 
it was both logical and good, and in sum- 
ming it up I believe that the offensive 
will in later histories be considered as a 
success. 

In the first place, the ground chosen 
was the toughest proposition anywhere on 
the front, yet it was essential to take 
the offensive there, for the very reason 
that it was necessary to keep on bending 
back the line on which the Germans had 
already taken the initiative by their re- 
treat. 

I visited Soissons for the first time in 
September, 1914, just after the battle of 
the Marne and just at the beginning of 
the battle of the Aisne. * * * We 
talked confidently about when the Ger- 
mans were once disengaged from their 
" quarries " and another retreat from the 
Aisne would begin, just as had happened 
from the Marne. But the Germans re- 
mained in those same quarries for two 
years and seven months. Day by day 
from September, 1914, more guns, bigger 
guns, concentrated their fire upon them; 
but they held out. Week by week, month 
by month, year by year, more guns and 
bigger guns and still bigger guns were 
added, until there was an unbroken line 
of guns that in April of this year opened 
the heaviest fire the world has ever 
known, pouring 18,000 tons of high ex- 
plosives upon the quarries day after day; 
and still they held out almost intact 



until they finally were taken by storm by 
the French infantry going up on the hill- 
sides wave after wave, driving out the 
Germans with bayonets and gas bombs. 
I have often heard remarks in the last 
few weeks that the chief trouble with the 
recent offensive was that the artillery 
fire was ineffective. Yes, it was inef- 
fective, but now that I have seen those 
quarries, I know why. Until the orders 
arrived for the infantry to advance and 
take those quarry heights " at all costs " 
the Germans were quite as safe there as 
in a submarine far below the surface of 
the sea. 

Vast Underground Fortresses 

I went down into one of the quarries. 
The opening was a tiny hole in solid 
granite. I went down and down in pitch 
blackness. The officer and I stumbled 
down, fumbling at solid rock walls. A 
soldier came up to meet us with an elec- 
tric lamp, and below we could see a line 
of wooden steps, at least a hundred of 
them. Then we came into a great arched 
cavern that led into another similar one, 
and then to another, and then into long 
galleries and through dark, narrow pas- 
sages, where we had to stoop low, only to 
come into other caverns with exits lead- 
ing in various directions, and so on until, 
at least half a mile toward the German 
rear, from where we entered, we walked 
out again into daylight. That quarry 
alone was big enough to secrete 5,000 
German soldiers, who poured from a 
dozen similar exits when the French in- 
fantry advanced. 

Every gallery of these underground 
fortresses the Germans raked with ma- 
chine guns when stormed. The artillery 
positions were so constructed that the 
guns could be whirled behind granite 
walls whenever necessary to avoid de- 
struction by the concentrated French fire. 

They were the strongest defenses I 
have ever seen. They made every other 
fortress, every trench line, every concrete 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



abri I have visited seem weak. And now 
they belong to the French all of them. 
True, they were only a little way from 
the old front line, and now the front 
French line is just a little further beyond. 
The French paid dearly for them. Their 
orders were to capture them " at all 
costs." They simply had to have them, 
and now that they have them, it does not 
seem to me the offensive can in any re- 
spect be called a failure. 

The positions on that front are now 
entirely reversed. Before the French 
had all the bad positions and the Ger- 
mans the good ones in the quarries and 
on the hill crests. Besides, the French 
had the River Aisne at their backs, which 
was always an uncomfortable thought. 
Now the Germans have all the bad posi- 
tions. They are down in the hollows and 
have another river a branch of the Oise 
behind them. 

Also, in the offensive between Soissons 
and Rheims the French alone took 30,000 
prisoners, while the entire offensive 
bagged 55,000 and a total of 600 cannon 
and 1,200 mitrailleuse. 

In the light of the dwindling man 
power on both sides, 55,000 prisoners 
means nearly five divisions, and is con- 
siderable. 

All along the line the French have 
undoubtedly got the upper hand. So far 
as I am able to learn their air service is 
once more supreme, and as for the artil- 
lery, both field and heavy guns are now 
positively dominant over the enemy, as 
has been the case, in fact, ever since the 
Somme. 

Indeed so perfect is the munition or- 
ganization that now every army corps 
has a supply station directly behind it, 
where there is a platform 350 yards long, 
just for discharging heavy shells, an- 
other platform the same length for light 
shells, another for engineers' supplies, 
another for macadam for roads, and an- 
other for food. 

I was permitted to witness one of the 
engagements, beginning with the tuning 
up of the heavy guns until after the in- 
fantry had advanced in this case up a 
steep hillside and captured the posi- 
tions. As drama it was the most superb 
I ever witnessed. On the opposite hill- 



side, probably two miles distant, I stood 
with the General commanding the army 
corps who was conducting the operations. 
It was about 3 o'clock on a cloudy after- 
noon. I took a position sprawling on a 
grass patch at the top, with my back 
against a bush blending in color tone 
with my clothing, and got my glasses 
carefully adjusted for the performance 
about to begin. Although it was cloudy 
there was no haze, and the absence of 
sunshine made everything stand out 
more clearly. 

An Impressive Stage Setting 
The hillside dropped straight before 
us, and then, stretching away, was a 
great panorama of wooded valleys, 
meadows, a winding river, and a steep 
rise of a bare, shell-marked slope op- 
posed. In the centre of the slope was the 
remnant of a town, but only a remnant. 
All we could make out was a few piles 
of stones against the red earth. Near 
the top of the hill ran a darkish line that 
marked the French trenches, and beyond, 
over the crest, were the Germans. In the 
valley at our feet, in the woods and 
meadows, were French cannon but we 
could see none of them, all were so care- 
fully concealed. Immediately overhead 
were a couple of large observation bal- 
loons, one attached by ropes to an auto- 
mobile that guided it from a road on the 
side of our hill, the second guided from a 
boat in the river. All about circled air- 
planes, both observation machines and 
avions de chasse. There were at least a 
dozen, some keeping near the balloons 
and others swooping high and low over 
the German lines on the hill opposite. 

There was a constant boom of cannon 
that, in connection with the cloudiness of 
the day, seemed more like the rolling of 
thunder than artillery especially as the 
wind was away from us. We could not 
hear the sound of the shells leaving the 
guns until the reports first detonated 
across the valley. But we could constant- 
ly see the bursts of smoke where the 
shells were exploding beyond the crest. 
But this thunder of guns was only a 
minor overture. The General explained 
that the real performance was sched- 
uled to begin at exactly 3:30 P. M. I 



STORMING OF THE AISNE QUARRIES 



43 



asked how long it would last, and his 
laconic reply was: " Until we take their 
positions." 

It is estimated that in that compara- 
tively small sector of the contemplated 
attack it was not more than a couple of 
miles in breadth there were seven to 
eight hundred guns, but for this prelimi- 
nary attack probably not more than 300 
were in action. The remainder, reserved 
for the signal of infantry advance, would 
then turn on a barrage fire, so hot that 
the Germans could not bring up rein- 
forcements. 

The artillery had been pouring ex- 
plosives into those German positions for 
several days, it was explained to me. 
Already they were all pretty badly de- 
molished. It was not considered that the 
infantry would have much trouble ex- 
cept from concealed machine guns. That 
was what the guns were hunting then. 
The Germans evidently knew what was 
coming, but I wondered, nevertheless, at 
the lightness of their artillery reply. 

The day became darker, so dark, in 
fact, that down at our feet we could see 
bright flashes from the nearest guns. 
The General commanding the brigade 
leaned carelessly against a tree near me, 
holding a watch in his hand. * * * 

I was fascinated by my watch as it 
ticked around to that fatal 3:30. At the 
very tick of the second a blast of fire 
went up that shook the hill we were sit- 
ting on. Those 500 remaining guns must 
all have been fired simultaneously, and 
then on until the end of the performance 
there was one continual, awful roar of 
explosive. The hillside opposite, which 
we could see so clearly a whole minute 
before, was now completely blotted out in 
a vast roll of heavy smoke. Even with 
the glasses we could distinguish abso- 
lutely nothing. 

I looked down into the valley and the 
sparks of guns were so bright and fast I 
could not count them. The meadows and 
woods seemed alive with guns, distin- 
guished only by rapid, short flashes of 
flame. I fixed my glasses on just one 
little portion of the open field and tried 
to count the flashes, but gave it up as 
quite impossible. There were too many 



flashes from different portions of the 
field at "the same second. It looked as 
though the field were suddenly alive with 
a swarm of fireflies that fire was the 
winking of the guns as they sent out 
their shells. 

All in Motion at the Signal 

I glanced overhead. Simultaneously 
with the signal of attack both balloons 
sailed majestically forward until they 
now hung out before us over the valley, 
guided by the ropes that attached them 
to the automobile and the river boat. 
The fleet of airplanes, doubled in num- 
ber, still circled about them and now 
swooped low over the German positions 
to report back how the infantry was get- 
ting on. 

I looked across at the hillside. Just 
at the crest I could see three rockets go- 
ing up. The officer explained that it was 
the infantry's signal to the artillerymen, 
asking them to place shells just in ad- 
vance of that spot. At another point on 
the crest three more rockets appeared, 
then three more still further on. 

Through that impenetrable bank of 
heavy smoke I tried to visualize the 
companies of infantry going up to the 
crest, meeting the enemy, hurling hand 
grenades, and using bayonets, finding 
fierce resistance where the machine guns 
were hidden, and then sending up their 
rockets to show their gunners behind 
just where to send them aid. And I 
noted that wherever the signal rockets 
went up almost immediately after there 
would come a great spurt of black smoke. 

I went forward Jate the following aft- 
ernoon, not to lines which even then were 
too unsafe, but behind them through the 
forest from which the Germans had been 
driven. It was a strange, unforgettable 
sight. The entire forest bed was of long, 
slender green leaves and tiny white flow- 
ers, lilies of the valley. Resting on a bed 
of green leaves, as far as one could see, 
were the bodies of German soldiers. A 
strange, compelling, and arresting odor 
filled the air, an odor indescribably sweet 
and unspeakably horrible. It was a com- 
bination of the lilies of the valley and 
the dead. 



Emperor Charles's Throne Speech 

In the Austrian Reichsrat on May 31, 1917 

For the first time since the beginning of the war the Austrian Parliament at Vienna was 
convened by the Emperor on May 31 in the Grand Hall of Ceremonies in the Imperial 
Hofburg. Many Deputies appeared in picturesque national costumes, and the entry of 
Emperor Charles was greeted with three enthusiastic " hochs," which were repeated when 
he took his seat on the golden throne under a red and gold canopy, while the Empress and 
Archduchesses ranged themselves on the dais beside him. The Emperor read his speech in a 
resonant voice. It was his first Parliamentary address since his accession. 



Emperor Charles began with an affec- 
tionate tribute to the memory of Empe- 
ror Francis Joseph, and continued: 

SUMMONED in a fateful time to di- 
rect the State, I, from the begin- 
ning, have been conscious of the 
immense seriousness of the task 
Providence has laid on my shoulders. I 
feel, however, within me, the will and 
power loyally to discharge my duties as 
ruler, following the example of my illus- 
trious predecessor, and to do justice, with 
God's help, to my sublime office. 

The interests of the State shall no 
longer be deprived of that effective fur- 
therance which zealous co-operation of 
a popular assembly rightly compre- 
hending its power, judicious and con- 
scientious, can provide. I have sum- 
moned you, honorable gentlemen, to 
exercise your constitutional activity, and 
I heartily welcome you today on the in- 
auguration of your work. 

In full consciousness of the constitu- 
tional duties taken over from my illus- 
trious predecessor, and from my own 
deepest conviction, I desire solemnly to 
declare to you my unalterable will to 
exercise my right as ruler at all times 
in a truly constitutional spirit and to 
respect inviolably liberties according to 
the fundamental law and to preserve un- 
abridged to the people that share in the 
formation of the State's will which the 
prevailing Constitution provides for. 

In the loyal co-operation by my people 
and its representatives, I see support 
for the success of my activity, and I 
think that the welfare of the State, 
whose glorious existence has been main- 
tained in the storms of a world war by 
the grim cohesion of its citizens, cannot 
in times of peace be more securely 



rooted than in the unassailable rights of 
a mature, patriotic, and free people. 

Mindful of my obligation to the Con- 
stitution and adhering to my intention 
expressed immediately on my accession 
to fulfill this obligation freely, I must 
at the same time keep in mind the pro- 
visions of the fundamental law which 
places in my hands alone the decisions 
to be taken at the great moment of the 
conclusion of peace. I am, however, con- 
vinced that a happy development of our 
constitutional life after the unfruitful- 
ness of the past years and after the ex- 
ceptional political conditions of war time 
apart from the solution of the Gali- 
cian question, for which my illustrious 
predecessor has already indicated the 
way is not possible without expanding 
the Constitution and the administrative 
foundations of the whole of our public 
life, both in the State and in the sep- 
arate kingdoms and countries, especially 
in Bohemia. 

I trust that recognition of your serious 
responsibility for the formation of politi- 
cal conditions and your belief in the 
happy future of the empire, splendidly 
strengthened in this terrible war, will 
give you, honorable gentlemen, strength, 
in union with me, speedily to create con- 
ditions giving scope to free national and 
cultural development of equally privi- 
leged people. From these considerations 
I decided to postpone taking the constitu- 
tional oath until the time, which I hope 
is not far distant, when the foundation 
of a new, strong, and happy Austria will 
again for generations to come be firmly 
consolidated internally and externally. 

Today, however, I declare I shall al- 
ways be the just, affectionate, and con- 
scientious ruler of my dear peoples in 



EMPEROR CHARLES'S THRONE SPEECH 



45 



the sense of the constitutional idea which 
we have taken over as a heritage from 
our forefathers and in the spirit of that 
true democracy which, during the storms 
of a world war, has wonderfully stood the 
ordeal of fire in the achievements of the 
entire people at home and at the front. 

We are still in the midst of the might- 
iest war of all times. Let me, from your 
midst, with thankful heart offer my im- 
perial greeting to all the heroes who for 
nearly three years on our far-flung 
fronts have loyally discharged the heavy 
duty, and on whose iron resistance be- 
tween the Alps and the Adriatic the re- 
newed desperate enemy attack even now 
is breaking to pieces. 

Our group of powers did not seek the 
sanguinary . trial of strength of this 
world war. Aye, more than that, it has, 
from the moment when, thanks to the 
imperishable achievements of the allied 
armies and fleets, the honor and exist- 
ence of our States no longer appear se- 
riously threatened, openly and without 
ambiguity made known its readiness for 
peace, guided by the firm conviction that 
the true formula of peace can only be 
found in the mutual recognition that the 
positions have been gloriously defended. 

The future life of the peoples should, 
in our view, remain free from animosity 
and thirst for revenge, and for genera- 
tions there should be no need to employ 
what may be called the last resource of 
the State. But this high aim of hu- 
manity can only be attainable by such a 
conclusion to the war as will correspond 
to that peace formula. 

The great neighboring people to the 
east, to whom old friendship united us, 
is gradually becoming conscious of its 
true aims and tasks, and it lately ap- 
pears to approach this point of view and 
seek from an obscure impulse a direc- 
tion of policy which will save the treas- 
ures of the future before they have been 
devoured by a senseless war policy. We 
hope that, in the interest of humanity, 
this process of internal reformation will 
manifest itself externally in a strong- 
development of will, and that such en- 
lightenment of the public mind will also 
extend to the other enemy countries. 

While our group of powers is fighting 



with irresistible force for honor and exist- 
ence, it is and remains toward every one 
who honestly abandons the intention to 
threaten us readily prepared to cease 
hostilities, and whoever wishes to reopen 
better and more human relations will 
certainly find our side ready in a con- 
ciliatory spirit. In the meantime, how- 
ever, our fighting spirit will not relax; 
our sword will not become blunt. 

In true co-operation with our old ally, 
the German Empire, and the allies whom 
our just cause won during the war, we 
shall remain ready to force, if necessary 
by arms, a good end to the war, which 
we should like to be able to attribute to 
a victory of reason. 

I deplore the increasing sacrifices 
which the long duration of the war im- 
poses on our population. I deplore the 
blood of my brave soldiers, the privations 
of brave citizens, and all the distress and 
hardships which are heroically endured 
for the sake of the beloved Fatherland. 
The efforts of my Government, supported 
by well-trained officials, are incessantly 
directed toward facilitating the mainte- 
nance of the population whose loyalty 
to the State and public spirit find my 
thankful recognition and toward guar- 
anteeing that the stock of food will be 
made to go around by suitable organiza- 
tion. * * * 

Always remember, however, that the 
strength of the monarchy is rooted not 
the least in its historic associations, and 
that only affectionate regard for it can 
maintain and develop its living strength. 
Therefore, I hope you will zealously cul- 
tivate a loyal sense of unity with the 
countries of my Hungarian holy crown- 
land, which has recently proved itself 
one of the principal supports of the mon- 
archy. 

Honorable gentlemen of both houses, 
once again accept my cordial greetings. 
It is a great moment which brings a new 
ruler for the first time face to face with 
the people's respresentatives. May it be 
the beginning of a time of flourishing 
progress, a time of power and prestige 
for venerable Austria, and of happiness 
and blessings for my beloved peoples. 
God grant it! 



War Aims of Allies Restated 



RUSSIA'S revolution and the entry 
of the United States into the war 
brought about a restatement of 
the purposes of the war by the 
Allies. The Russian Council of Work- 
men's and Soldiers' Delegates had pre- 
viously forced the Russian Provisional 
Government to modify its original dec- 
laration of its war aims by forcing the 
retirement of Milukoff and the entire 
reconstruction of the Cabinet, with 
the more radical Socialists in control. 
The declaration of the new Government 
was summed up in the phrase, " Peace 
without annexations or indemnities on 
the basis of the rights of nations to de- 
cide their own destiny." On June 5 this 
policy was again announced in a call for 
an international Socialist peace confer- 
ence issued by the Russian Central Fed- 
erations and Socialist Parties, accom- 
panied by a demand that Russia's allies in 
the war restate explicitly their war aims. 



The first response to this demand was 
made in the British Parliament by Lord 
Robert Cecil in reply to a question from 
a pacifist member of the body, Philip 
Snowden. 

The debate was originated by Mr. 
Snowden, who moved the following 
amendment on May 16: 

That this House welcomes the declaration 
of the new democratic Government of Russia, 
repudiating all proposals for imperialistic 
conquest and aggrandizement, and calls on 
his Majesty's Government to issue a similar 
declaration on behalf of the British democ- 
racy, and to join with the Allies in con- 
formity with the Russian declaration. 

Mr. Snowden wanted to know whether 
the treaty made with the old order in 
Russia was still binding or whether it 
had been rendered void by the revolu- 
tion; also whether the British Govern- 
ment accepted the declared policy of the 
new Russian Government in regard to 
war aims. 



Lord Cecil on Russia's Peace Program 



The address of Lord Cecil in reply fol- 
lows : 

WHATEVER there may be in store 
for Russia in history, she will 
at any rate have the credit of 
having carried through, by practically 
the unanimous wish, so far as an 
outsider is permitted to judge, of the 
whole of her people and of every class of 
her people, a revolution which has been 
stained with far less bloodshed than any 
movement comparable with it in size. I 
am anxious to make that clear, because, 
of course, in dealing with this declaration, 
possibly some phrase might escape me 
which would appear to be a criticism. I 
am anxious to avoid any chance of that 
being said. It is quite true that the 
phrase which is thought to crystallize 
the new policy is the phrase, " No an- 
nexation and no indemnity." The honor- 
able member for Leicester says that the 
word " annexation " is a mistranslation 
at any rate, a completely wrong version 



of what is meant. I am disposed to agree 
with him. 

But what would the real policy of 
" no annexation " mean ? Take Arabia. 
Arabia has declared its independence 
from Turkey. No human being would 
suggest that we should use our power of 
influence to place Arabia again under the 
domination of Turkey. Take Armenia. I 
do not know whether it is yet realized 
what Armenia really meant and what 
crimes were committed upon Armenia. 
Here is a statement which says: 

" Of the 1,800,000 Armenians who were 
in the Ottoman Empire two years ago 
1,200,000 have been either massacred or 
deported. Those who were massacred 
died under abominable tortures, but they 
escaped the longer agonies of the de- 
ported. Men, women, and children, with- 
out food or other provisions for the 
journey, without protection from the cli- 
mate, regardless of age or weakness or 
disease, were driven from their homes 



WILLIAM GIBBS McADOO 




The Secretary of the Treasury, the Man Officially Re- 
sponsible for the Successful Flotation of the 
Liberty Loan of Two Billion Dollars 

(Photo Underwood <( Underwood) 



KING ALEXANDER OF GREECE 




Second Son and Successor of King Constantine, Who 

Abdicated on the Demand of France, 

Great Britain, and Russia 

(Photo American Press Association) 



WAR AIMS OF ALLIES RESTATED 



47 



and made to march as long as their 
strength lasted or until those who drove 
them drowned or massacred them in 
batches. Some died of exhaustion or fell 
by the way; some survived a journey of 
three months and reached the deserts 
and swamps along the middle Euphrates. 
There they have been abandoned, and are 
dying now of starvation, disease, and ex- 
posure " I am afraid they are dead now, 
because this was written some months 
ago. " A recent report tells of a group 
of survivors at Abu Herrera, mostly wo- 
men, children, and a few old men, who 
had been without food for seven days." 

The most imperialistic annexation 
would be of benefit to the people who 
suffered such crimes as that. Take the 
case of Syria and Palestine. Although 
in Syria the numbers are not so great, 
yet there in substance the same thing has 
taken place. I confess I have some hesi- 
tation in denouncing annexation if it 
means that no territory which has been 
taken by force during this war is not to 
be restored to its original owners. If 
that is what is meant, then I am certain- 
ly unable to accept the policy of no an- 
nexation. May I give a few examples ? 
The favorite example referred to is that 
of the German African colonies. I do 
not say that we attacked the German 
African colonies in order to rescue the 
native from misgovernment. We did it 
as part of the war against Germany. I 
do not say that it would have been right 
in any circumstances to go to war in or- 
der to rescue the African population from 
misgovernment by Germany. But hav- 
ing rescued them, are you to hand them 
back ? That is a very different question, 
which requires to be carefully considered. 

German East Africa 

Just let me read one or two descrip- 
tions, because I am not sure that this is 
always realized. This, for instance, is 
from a description given to us this year 
as to the treatment of carriers in Ger- 
man East Africa: 

" Many carriers are dying of cold. The 
treatment of carriers lately by the Ger- 
mans has been terrible; their carriers in- 
clude our Indian soldier prisoners of war, 
and many wretched villagers, young 



boys, old men, and women; in fact, they 
catch those who cannot run away. They 
chain them together, and just work them 
until they die of starvation and exhaus- 
tion. In following upon Wahle's track 
from Walangali to Lupembe we kept 
finding dead and dying carriers. Nor 
after an action do they trouble any more 
about their wounded Askari, but just 
leave them to die. 

" The great aim of German p'olicy in 
German Southwest Africa as regards the 
native is to reduce him to a state of 
serfdom, and, where he resists, to destroy 
him altogether. The native, to the Ger- 
man, is a baboon, and nothing more. The 
war against the Hereros, conducted by 
General Trotha, was one of extermina- 
tion; hundreds men, women, and chil- 
dren were driven into desert country, 
where death from thirst was their end; 
those left over are now in great locations 
near Windhuk, where they eke out a mis- 
erable existence; labor is forced upon 
them, and, naturally, unwillingly per- 
formed. Again with the Hottentots 
their treatment is still more barbarous, 
as the Germans are fully determined to 
root out that race lock,stock, and barrel." 

I do not know, of course, and it is im- 
possible to say, what we may not be 
forced to do at the end of the war, but if 
there is any measure of success I con- 
fess I should regard with horror the idea 
of returning natives who have been freed 
from a Government of that kind. What 
about Poland? I think we are all agreed 
that it was desirable to set up an inde- 
pendent Poland. Is there to be no an- 
nexation there? Are you to say really 
that Germany, having taken two prov- 
inces from France, they shall not be 
restored? Take Italia Irredenta. Are 
we really to commit ourselves to the 
proposition that under no circumstances 
would we restore to Italy provinces pop- 
ulated by Italians? I should regret any 
acceptance of short, misleading phrases. 
Mr. Whyte referred to another phrase 
" No peace with the Hohenzollerns." 
There is a great deal in that that is very 
attractive to any ordinary British mind, 
but at the same time I agree with him 
that it is too attractive to be quite true 
at any rate, to be quite prudent as a 



48 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



definition of national policy. It may be 
quite true that it would not be a good 
ground for going to war to accomplish 
acts of justice and reparation such as I 
have described, yet it is quite a different 
thing to ask to resign and abandon the 
fruits which every one must recognize 
are desirable achievements. 

" No Indemnity " Crp 

About " No indemnity " I confess that 
for us to talk about not wishing for 
any indemnity seems to me a little diffi- 
cult. What about Belgium? Does the 
honorable member say no indemnity to 
Belgium? 

Mr. Snowden We have always de- 
manded as an essential of any settlement 
the restoration to Belgium of its inde- 
pendence, and not only that, but of all 
the damage that has been done. 

Lord R. Cecil What about Serbia? 
What about the northern provinces of 
France? Are we to rule out definitely 
all reparation for the destruction of 
peaceful merchant vessels by subma- 
rines? I certainly am not prepared to do 
it. Mr. Snowden said the allied Govern- 
ments should rewrite their reply to Presi- 
det Wilson and issue a new note in very 
different terms. He proceeded to give 
a description of the note, which, indeed, 
I read in the German papers, but which 
is altogether at variance with the terms 
of the note. The one statement in the 
note which I suppose is objected to is 
that referring to the turning out of 
Europe of the Ottoman Empire. I re- 
member the time when it was one of the 
greatest doctrines of the most progres- 
sive forces in this country that the Turks 
were to go out bag and baggage. It was 
only we benighted Tories who ever said 
anything for the Turks in those days. 
We are all agreed there is nothing to be 
said for the Turks now. If that is the 
only sentence which the honorable mem- 
ber thinks conflicts with the general 
spirit of the declaration made by the 
Council of Workmen, I cannot see that 
there is any ground for saying there is 
any substantial difference of opinion be- 
tween any of those who have spoken in 
this debate. I confess that at this mo- 
ment it does not seem to me that it would 



be desirable for us to ask for terms of 
peace from Germany. There is a well- 
known French proverb, Que messieurs 
les assassins commencent, (let the mur- 
.derers begin.) 

Belhmann Hollweg's Speech 

To judge by the German Chancellor's 
speech, there is no inclination on the 
part of the Germans even to state what 
terms of peace they are ready to accept. 
As far as I can see, what has happened 
in Germany now is what has happened 
in every domestic controversy in that 
country for the last forty or fifty years. 
There is a popular demand for some re- 
form, an appearance by the Government 
that they are going to yield and make 
terms, a protest generally couched in 
very offensive terms from the Junker 
party, and an immediate surrender by 
the Government to the Junkers. That is 
really the meaning of Bethmann Holl- 
weg's speech in the Reichstag yesterday, 
and until that spirit has been exorcised 
from Germany it appears to me to be 
ludicrous apart from want of dignity 
to suggest that we should ask for 
terms from the German Emperor. 

We of the Allies are determined not 
to accept a peace that will be no peace. 
It must be a peace just and durable. I 
am a great adherent of the idea of a 
league of nations, but before there can 
be, in the most sanguine mind, the slight- 
est expectation of its success, you must 
first establish a sound, just, equitable 
peace. The honorable member quoted 
some phrase about patriotism. I think 
the last word on that subject was said 
by Miss Cavell when she was under 
sentence of death. " Patriotism is not 
enough," she said. I agree; but you do 
not want less than patriotism; you want 
mO re you want the condition, and this 
must be the foundation of any peace we 
make justice, chivalry, respect for obli- 
gations, and respect for the weak. If we 
can secure peace founded on this central 
doctrine, I shall be glad to co-operate 
with any honorable member of the House 
to erect what barriers may be possible 
against the recurrence of a devastating 
war such as the present is. 



President Wilson's Note to Russia 



The Allies, however, seemed to have 
agreed that the formal reply should be 
made by the United States. This was 
done in a note cabled to Russia May 26, 
but its publication was delayed until 
June 10. The note follows: 

IN view of the approaching visit of the 
American delegation to Russia to ex- 
press the deep friendship of the 
American people for the people of Rus- 
sia and to discuss the best and most prac- 
tical means of co-operation between the 
two peoples in carrying the present 
struggle for the freedom of all peoples 
to a successful consummation, it seems 
opportune and appropriate that I should 
state again, in the light of this new 
partnership, the objects the United 
States has had in mind in entering 
the war. Those objects have been very 
much beclouded during the last few 
weeks by mistaken and misleading state- 
ments, and the issues at stake are too 
momentous, too tremendous, too signifi- 
cant for the whole human race to permit 
any misinterpretations or misunderstand- 
ings, however slight, to remain uncor- 
rected for a moment. 

The war has begun to go against Ger- 
many, and in their desperate desire to 
escape the inevitable ultimate defeat 
those who are in authority in Germany 
are using every possible instrumentality, 
are making use even of the influence of 
groups and parties among their own sub- 
jects to whom they have never been just 
or fair or even tolerant, to promote a 
propaganda on both sides of the sea 
which will preserve for them their in- 
fluence at home and their power abroad, 
to the undoing of the very men they are 
using. 

The position of America in this war is 
so clearly avowed that no man can be 
excused for mistaking it. She seeks no 
material profit or aggrandizement of 
any kind. She is fighting for no advan- 
tage or selfish object of her own, but for 
the liberation of peoples everywhere 
from the aggressions of autocratic force. 
The ruling classes in Germany have 
begun of late to profess a like liberality 



and justice of purpose, but only to pre- 
serve the power they have set up in Ger- 
many and the selfish advantages which 
they have wrongly gained for themselves 
and their private projects of power all 
the way from Berlin to Bagdad and be- 
yond. Government after Government 
has by their influence, without open con- 
quest of its territory, been linked to- 
gether in a net of intrigue directed 
against nothing less than the peace and 
liberty of the world. The meshes of that 
intrigue must be broken, but cannot be 
broken unless wrongs already done are 
undone; and adequate measures must be 
taken to prevent it from ever again being 
rewoven or repaired. 

Of course, the Imperial German Gov- 
ernment and those whom it is using for 
their own undoing are seeking to obtain 
pledges that the war will end in the res- 
toration of the status quo ante. It was 
the status quo ante out of which this ini- 
quitous war issued forth, the power of 
the Imperial German Government within 
the empire and its widespread domina- 
tion and influence outside of that em- 
pire. That staus must be altered in such 
fashion as to prevent any such hideous 
thing from ever happening again. 

We are fighting for the liberty, tne 
self-government, and the undictated de- 
veloT)ment of all peoples, and every fea- 
ture of the settlement that concludes this 
war must be conceived and executed for 
that purpose. Wrongs must first be 
righted, and then adequate safeguards 
must be created to prevent their being 
committed again. We ought not to con- 
sider remedies merely because they have 
a pleasing and sonorous sound. Practi- 
cal questions can be settled only by prac- 
tical means. Phrases will not accom- 
plish the result. Effective readjustments 
will; and whatever readjustments are 
necessary must be made. 

But they must follow a principle, and 
that principle is plain. No people must 
be forced under sovereignty under which 
it does not wish to live. No territory 
must change hands except for the pur- 
pose of securing those who inhabit it a 



50 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



fair chance of life and liberty. No in- 
demnities must be insisted on except 
those that constitute payment for mani- 
fest wrongs done. No readjustments of 
power must be made except such as will 
tend to secure the future peace of the 
world and the future welfare and happi- 
ness of its peoples. 

And then the free peoples of the world 
must draw together in some common 
covenant, some genuine and practical co- 
operation that will in effect combine 
their force to secure peace and justice in 
the dealings of nations with one another. 
The brotherhood of mankind must no 
longer be a fair but empty phrase; it 
must be given a structure of force and 
reality. The nations must realize their 
common life and effect a workable part- 



nership to secure that life against the 
aggressions of autocratic and self-pleas- 
ing power. 

For these things we can afford to pour 
out blood and treasure. For these are 
the things we have always professed to 
desire, and unless we pour out blood and 
treasure now and succeed, we may never 
be able to unite or show conquering force 
again in the great cause of human lib- 
erty. The day has come to conquer or 
submit. If the forces of autocracy can 
divide us they will overcome us; if we 
stand together, victory is certain and the 
liberty which victory will secure. We 
can afford, then, to be generous, but we 
cannot afford, then or now, to be weak or 
omit any single guarantee of justice and 
security. WOODROW WILSON. 



Entente Peace Terms Defined 



MORE precise definition of France's 
aims was given by the Chamber 
of Deputies on June 5, when, by 
a vote of 453 to 55, a resolution was 
adopted in the following terms: 

The Chamber of Deputies, the direct expres- 
sion of the sovereignty of the French people, 
salutes the Russian and other allied democ- 
racies, and indorses the unanimous protest 
which the representatives of Alsace-Lorraine, 
torn from France against their will, have 
made to the National Assembly. It declares 
that it expects from the war imposed upon 
Europe by the aggression of imperialist Ger- 
many the return of Alsace-Lorraine to the 
mother country, together with liberation of 
invaded territories and just reparation for 
damage. 

Far removed from all thoughts of conquest 
and enslavement, it expects that the efforts 
of the armies of the republic and her allies 
will secure, once Prussian militarism is de- 
stroyed, durable guarantees for peace and in- 
dependence for peoples great and small, in a 
league of nations such as has already been 
foreshadowed. 

Confident that the Government will bring 
this about by the co-ordinated military and 
diplomatic action of all the Allies and reject- 
ing all amendments, the Chamber passes to 
the order of the day. 

Speaking to the resolution, Premier 
Ribot said: 

When the hour for supreme decisions 
strikes it will be for representatives of the 
country to determine the conditions of peace. 
We wish to bring about the triumph of 
the rights of the peoples and the ideas of 



justice and liberty. Do not let us be deceived 
by formulae whose makers hide themselves 
and who wish to spread the conviction that 
we seek conquest. We ask only that what is 
ours be returned to us. We demand that the 
provinces which never ceased to be French be 
restored to us. 

The resolution which the Government asks 
you to pass demands a reparation, which 
none can contest, for appalling damages. The 
universal conscience will ratify these preten- 
sions. 

Appealing to what has been said by the 
President of the great Republic of the United 
States, we wish to establish in stable fashion 
justice and right for all nations, guarantees 
for tomorrow, for our children against the 
renaissance of barbarism. If we fall back 
into our old differences the danger might be 
great, but France united cannot be van- 
quished. 

I ask you in the name of the Government, 
in the name of France, that your vote be 
unanimous. 

British and Italian Alms 
The following note was forwarded on 
June 11 by the British Government to 
the Russian Provisional Government's re- 
quest for a statement of war aims: 

In the proclamation to the Russian people 
inclosed with the note it is said that free 
Russia does not purpose to dominate other 
peoples or take from them their national 
patrimony or forcibly occupy foreign terri- 
tory. In this sentiment the British Govern- 
ment heartily concur. They did not enter the 
war as a "war of conquest ; they are not con- 
tinuing it for such object. Their purpose at 



WAR AIMS OF ALLIES RESTATED 



51 



the outset was to defend the existence of 
their country and enforce respect for interna- 
tional engagements. To those objects have 
now been added that of liberating- populations 
oppressed by alien tyranny. 

They heartily rejoice, therefore, that free 
Russia has announced her intention of lib- 
erating Poland, not only Poland ruled by the 
old Russian autocracy but equally that within 
the dominion of the Germanic Empires. In 
this enterprise the British democracy wish 
Russia godspeed. 

Beyond everything we must seek such set- 
tlement as will secure the happiness and con- 
tentment of peoples and take away all legiti- 
mate causes of future war. 

The British Government heartily join with 
their Russian allies in their acceptance and 
approval of the principles laid down by Presi- 
dent Wilson in his historic message to the 
American Congress. These are the aims for 
which the British peoples are fighting. These 
are the principles by which their war policy 
is and will be guided. 

The British Government believe that, 
broadly speaking, the agreements they have 
from time to time made with their allies are 
conformable to these standards, but if the 
Russian Government so desire they are quite 
ready, with the allies, to examine and, if 
need be, to revise these agreements. 

An official communication, dated June 
13, which was received in Washington 
from the Italian Government read: 

In Italian political circles it is felt that the 
attitude of the Allies toward Russia warrants 
them in questioning the Russian Government 
concerning intentions of Russia. 

The message of President Wilson has so 
thoroughly cleared the situation it is impossi- 
ble honestly to connect the alleged democratic 
views of the Russian Government with the 
pacifist advances of the Central Powers. 

The consent on the part of England, in the 
name of all the Allies, to revise the conditions 
of the alliance excludes every pretext whatso- 
ever of the Russian extremists of evading the 
duty to fight against Germany and Austria. 

In view of these declarations of the Allies, 
it is felt that the Russian Government cannot 
further delay its decision in order to render 
the pro-German tendencies of a part of the 
Russian population vain. 

Russia must free herself from the dangerous 
position she is in now, especially for the sake 
of Russian freedom. 

This was supplemented by an unoffi- 
cial statement made in Washington to 
the effect that the Entente Powers had 
carefully examined the situation and 
reached these conclusions: 

1. That the position occupied by Russia 
affects the entire plans of the Allies, espe- 
cially as regards military operations in the 
near future contemplated by England, 
France, and Italy. 



2. That nothing Russia does can irreparably 
damage the cause or the interests of the 
Allies. 

3. That Japan can be counted upon to pre- 
vent Russia from forming an alliance with 
Germany or with giving aid to the Central 
Powers. 

Allies' Position Unsatisfactory to Rus- 
sian Socialists 

The replies of the Allies to the request 
for the war aims was not satisfactory to 
the Russian Socialists. Their newspapers 
acutely criticised the replies. The most 
important and decisive comment was 
printed June 15 in the Ivestia, the offi- 
cial bulletin of the Council of Workmen's 
and Soldiers' Delegates, in these words: 
Mr. Wilson is mistaken if he thinks that 
such ideas can find reception in the hearts of 
a revolutionary people. The Russian revolu- 
tionary democracy knows very well that the 
road to the passionately awaited universal 
peace lies only through a united struggle of 
the laboring classes with the imperialists of 
the world. It is quite easy to understand 
what feelings will be called forth by the 
strange pretense of describing the ever-grow- 
ing spirit of brotherhood and peace in the in- 
ternational Socialist, as also a German in- 
trigue. The French and English notes will 
undoubtedly not call forth enthusiasm among 
the revolutionary democracy. 

That these views represent the domi- 
nating thought of the party in control in 
Russia at the time was confirmed by the 
following reply to a letter from the Exec- 
utive Committee of the Workmen's and 
Soldiers' Council addressed to it by 
Albert Thomas, the French Minister of 
Munitions; Arthur Henderson, British 
Minister without portfolio, and Emile 
Vandervelde, Belgian Minister of Muni- 
tions, expressing surprise that a call had 
been issued by the council for an inter- 
national conference to consider peace be- 
fore the negotiations between the Brit- 
ish, French, and Belgian delegations and 
the council had been concluded. 

" The Russian revolution," says the 
statement, " which is a revolt of the peo- 
ple not only against the tyranny of Czar- 
ism, but also against the horrors of the 
world war, the blame for which falls 
upon international imperialism, has 
placed before all countries, with extraor- 
dinary acuteness, the urgent need of con- 
cluding peace. 
At the same time the Russian revolution 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



has indicated to the nations a way for realiz- 
ing this problem, notably a union of all the 
working classes to combat all attempts of 
imperialism to prolong the war in the inter- 
ests of the wealthy classes and to prevent 
peace without annexations or indemnities. 

The working classes of all countries can 
easily come to a speedy solid agreement only 
if they are inspired with their own interests 
and remove the aspirations of imperialists 
and militarists, who often hide their true 
face under a seductive mask. It is evident 
that the conference can become the turning 
point in the terrible epoch of fratricidal war 
only if the members of the conference are 
imbued with these ideas. And it is no less 
evident that all the questions you have raised 
cannot be the subject of discord or a motive 
for a continuation of the war. 

Having recognized the right of nations to 
dispose of their destiny, the members of the 
conference will come to an understanding 
without difficulty regarding the future of 
Alsace-Lorraine and other regions. More- 
over, the working classes, relieved of the 
mutual distrust with which the imperialists 
have envenomed them, will agree regarding 
the means of granting compensation and the 
amount of such compensation to the coun- 
tries devastated by war, like Belgium, Po- 
land, Galicia, and Serbia. But it goes with- 
out saying that such compensation must 
have nothing in common with the contribu- 
tion which is imposed on the conquered coun- 
try. 

Regarding your statement that it is im- 
possible for you to break the secret union 
this statement evidently is based on a mis- 
understanding, for the Council of the Work- 
men's and Soldiers' Delegates claims from 
no party as a preliminary condition the re- 
nunciation of the policy already pursued by 
it. The council expects from the conference 
of the Socialists of the belligerent and neu- 
tral countries the creation of an Interna- 
tionale, which will permit all the working 
classes of the whole world to struggle in 
concert for a general peace and break the 
bonds which unite them by force to the Gov- 
ernmen.ts and the classes imbued with im- 
perialistic tendencies which prevent peace. 

The Council of the Workmen's and Sol- 
diers' Delegates also considers it futile for 
parties to make it an absolute condition of 
their taking part in the conference that the 
preliminary consent of other parties shall be 
obtained to any obligatory decision, for that 
would give rise to irreconcilable contradic- 
tions on questions an amicable discussion of 
which might lead to a solution acceptable to 
both parties. 

Regarding your desire to obtain a previ- 
ous complete agreement between the allied 
Socialists, the way in which we put the prob- 
lem renders futile any such understanding. 
We consider that the conference can succeed 
only if the Socialists consider themselves, not 
the representatives of the two belligerent 



parties, but the representatives of a single 
movement of the working classes toward a 
common aim of a general peace. 

Teutonic Efforts for Peace 
The Central Powers' efforts to bring 
about a separate peace with Russia 
failed, despite the fact that the peace 
sentiment among the Russian people is 
both intense and widespread. One of the 
most daring peace moves made by Ger- 
many was that disclosed by the Council 
of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates on 
June 9. The council's statement read: 

The Commander in Chief of the German 
armies on the Eastern front has sent to our 
troops a wireless message proposing to indi- 
cate to them a way toward an honorable 
peace and a means for ceasing to wage war 
without a rupture with the Allies. The Ger- 
man General talks this way because he knows 
that the Russian revolutionary troops would 
reject with indignation any overt proposal for 
a separate peace. 

That is why the enemy Commander in Chief 
invites our armies to a separate armistice and 
proposes that we should enter into secret 
pourparlers with the German military lead- 
ers on the Eastern front. In his wireless tele- 
gram the German General declares that a 
separate armistice does not offer Germany 
any advantage. But this is untrue, for, in 
speaking of the inactivity of the German 
Army on the Russian front, the German Gen- 
eral forgets what Russia cannot forget, nota- 
bly the Russian defeat on the Stokhod. The 
German General has forgotten that the Rus- 
sian troops know whither the divisions and 
heavy batteries are being taken from our 
front. The German General has forgotten 
that we in Russia hear the sound of the 
bloody battles which are being fought on the 
Franco-British front. He has forgotten that 
Russia knows that the overthrow of her 
allies would mean the overthrow of Russia 
and the end of her political liberty. 

Further light was thrown on the peace 
manoeuvres of the Central Powers by the 
following dispatch, dated June 7, from 
Jassy, the temporary Rumanian capital, 
to The London Daily Chronicle: 

Following up their earlier attempts in this 
region to seduce the Russian troops, the 
enemy on the Russo-Rumanian front has now 
sent delegates to demand an armistice pre- 
paratory to the discussion of peace terms. 
Over 100 delegates have arrived on the front 
of the Russian Ninth Army under the protec- 
tion of a white flag. They include several 
officers two of high rank, one being an Aus- 
trian Prince. 

The delegates bore letters from General 
Roher, commanding the Austrian army group 
facing the Ninth Army, and also from Ger- 
man army commanders on the Rumanian 



WAR AIMS OF ALLIES RESTATED 



53 



front, stating that the delegates are duly 
accredited, and that they have been dis- 
patched with the full consent of the Austrian 
and German commanders. The peace envoys 
stated that they had been selected by the 
various Austrian divisions on the Rumanian 
front. There are no Germans among them. 

The delegates, blindfolded, were taken into 
the Russian lines, where the regimental offi- 
cers' and soldiers' committee claimed them, 
maintaining that it was the soldiers' right, 
under the new regime, to discuss and consider 
the question of an armistice. Ultimately the 
Russian soldiers' committee waived their 
claim, and the delegates were sent to the 
Ninth Army headquarters. 

There the commander took a dignified atti- 
tude. He stated simply that he was a soldier 
and could therefore listen to no peace pro- 
posals, and said it was a matter for the Rus- 
sian Government. He also refused the dele- 
gates' request that the Russians should ap- 
point military delegates to arrange an armis- 
tice preparatory to the formulation by the 
Austrians of peace terms. 

The Russian commander released two of the 
higher officers, including the Austrian Prince, 
and sent them back to the Austrian lines 
bearing a letter in which it was announced 
that he declined to entertain the request for 
an armistice, saying that he had no authority 
to negotiate, and adding that he intended to 
treat the envoys as prisoners of war. 

Another peace move was that initiated 
by the German Catholic clergy. Accord- 
ing to Mgr. Baudrillart, rector of the 
Catholic Institute in Paris, there was 
held at Olten on May 18 a meeting of 



Swiss Catholics summoned by the Ger- 
man Centre Deputy Erzberger, (Mathias 
Erzberger, leader of the Clerical Centre 
in the Reichstag.) The latter obtained 
the assistance of Swiss Catholics with a 
view to taking action with the Entente 
bishops in favor of an early peace. A 
professor of international law of Lau- 
sanne was charged with the task of 
sounding the French Catholics, and even 
some of the French bishops. Others de- 
clared themselves sure of obtaining the 
support of certain Italian bishops. 

On the other hand, the newly appointed 
Governor General of Belgium, General 
von Falkenhausen, in an interview pub- 
lished in Berlin on June 5, took up the 
position that it was no time to talk 
peace. 

The Kaiser, in a speech to the Bran- 
denburg troops a couple of days later, 
said: 

The enemy is seeking a decision. We 
await it calmly, placing our trust in God, 
who heretofore has graciously protected and 
aided us. Our enemy will be compelled to 
sacrifice men until he is exhausted and lays 
down his arms. 

You must hasten his exhaustion. When 
this is accomplished you will have won for 
the German people the position which they 
are entitled to occupy. Peace will be dictated 
through you. 



Russia's Perilous Transition Stage 

The Paralysis of Military Operations 



RUSSIA was the scene of dramatic 
episodes during the month ended 
June 20, 1917. At times the situ- 
ation seemed so critical that all 
except the most sanguine lost hope of 
avoiding anarchy or civil war between 
the radicals and conservatives. The first 
comforting word came on May 26 in the 
report that the All-Russian Council of 
Peasant Deputies, which consisted of real 
agricultural workers, with no politicians 
or professional agitators as members, 
had declared against a separate peace and 
demanded the vigorous prosecution of the 
war under a firm Government. Keren- 
sky, Minister of War, the outstanding 



figure of the revolution in the firmness, 
consistency, and courage of his efforts 
for law and order and for fidelity to the 
Entente Allies, rose to the crisis; his elo- 
quent patriotism aroused a popular re- 
sponse and prevented the complete col- 
lapse of the army and navy. 

Complete economic collapse was threat- 
ened at the beginning of June by the ex- 
orbitant demands of labor. In many of 
the factories the demands by the work- 
men for increased wages were actually 
greater than the entire profits of the fac- 
tories under the best conditions of pro- 
duction. The workmen, through their 
committees, were in virtual command of 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



the factories, and all business had to be 
submitted to them for approval. Wages 
in a majority of the factories were in- 
creased from 100 to 150 per cent. But 
there has yet been no offset by an ad- 
vance in prices of the output. 

In one of the works in Petrograd the 
workmen demanded the immediate pay- 
ment of 13,000,000 rubles normally $6,- 
500,000 to cover an increase of 15 ko- 
pecks per hour for each workman since 
the beginning of the war. The Directors 
of the organization immediately com- 
municated with the Government and 
asked to be placed under voluntary arrest 
as protection against the threats of the 
workmen, which, as usual, accompanied 
the demand. The Directors were for 
two days housed in the Ministry of Jus- 
tice. The Government finally informed 
the Directors that the matter would be 
considered, and, with the demand of the 
workmen held temporarily in abeyance, 
the Directors returned to the factory. 

An eight-hour day was everywhere es- 
tablished. In eighteen metal establish- 
ments in the Donets district, with a capi- 
talization of 195,000,000 rubles and an- 
nual profits of 75,000,000, the workmen 
had demanded an increase of 240,000,000 
rubles. The owners had agreed to 64,- 
000,000, but the workmen refused to ac- 
cept this. In some of the works the own- 
ers decided to cede all the profits to the 
workmen, but this did not meet their 
exorbitant demands. The demands in 
Southern Russian factories aggregate 
800,000,000 rubles. In the Urals the in- 
crease in wages demanded reaches 30,- 
000,000 rubles, while the annual business 
does not exceed 200,000,000. 

New Army Regulations 
The disciplinary regulations of the 
Russian Army, as promulgated May 27 
by the new Government, constitute a 
document of historic interest as betoken- 
ing the attitude of advanced Socialists 
toward a national army. They are en- 
titled " A Decree Regarding the Funda- 
mental Rights of Men in the Fighting 
Services." The wording throughout is so 
chosen as to include every one, from Gen- 
erals and Admirals down to drummer 
boys, in an absolute equality of rights. 
The decree is a document of eighteen 



paragraphs. The first three lay down 
that all fighting services men shall enjoy 
all the rights of free citizens, but must 
regulate their conduct by the require- 
ments of the service and of discipline. 
They are to have the right to belong to 
any political party and to speak, write, 
or publish anything whatsoever on any 
political, religious, social, or other sub- 
jects, within the scope of the ordinary 
laws. The fourth paragraph gives full 
religious freedom; no man is compelled 
to attend any forms of prayer anywhere. 
The next two safeguard correspondence 
and printed matter: "All printed matter, 
periodical or otherwise, without any ex- 
ception, must be delivered without hin- 
drance to the addressees." The seventh 
allows the uniform to be discarded ex- 
cept when on actual service, with some 
exceptions as to garrisons in the war 
zone. The eighth paragraph runs: " The 
relations between fighting services men 
must be based, with strict regard for 
military discipline, upon the sentiment 
or dignity of citizens of free Russia and 
upon mutual confidence, respect, and 
politeness." The next three paragraphs 
abolish various details of service as 
formerly practiced, such as fixed for- 
mulas for replies to superiors, the use of 
soldier servants, orderlies, &c. The 
twelfth runs: "The compulsory salute, 
whether for individuals or commands, is 
abolished. For all fighting services men, 
in its place, is instituted a voluntary mu- 
tual greeting." Exception is made for 
such cases as parades and ceremonial oc- 
casions. The thirteenth gives freedom out- 
side duty hours to quit barracks or ships 
on merely announcing such an intention 
to superiors. 

The fourteenth says that no one can 
be subjected to punishment without trial, 
but in actual fighting conditions the 
superior has the right, on his own per- 
sonal responsibility, to take all meas- 
ures, even to the use of armed force, 
against such as do not fulfill his orders. 
The next three paragraphs relate to 
punishments, which must nowise offend 
against the sense of honor or dignity. 
A special note abolishes the form of pun- 
ishment known as standing under arms. 
The use of any form of punishment ex- 



RUSSIA'S PERILOUS TRANSITION STAGE 



55 



cept such as is indicated in the code is 
a criminal act, for which the offender 
must be put on trial. No fighting serv- 
ices men can in any circumstances be 
subjected to physical punishment of any 
kind. The last paragraph alone contains 
some hint that commanding officers 
exist to command. By paragraph eight- 
een superiors have the right to make 
appointments and temporarily remove 
from appointments, and to issue orders 
concerning fighting activity or the prep- 
arations therefor, but all matters con- 
cerning the internal economy of the regi- 
ment or ship are in the hands of elec- 
tive committees. These, by the regula- 
tions already published, consist of men 
and officers, the latter being limited to 
one-fifth of the number of men elected 
to a company or regimental committee. 

Action of Soldiers' Delegates 

On May 30 the Congress of Delegates 
from the front voted the following reso- 
lutions : 

First, the army in the trenches declares 
that it is indispensable to take every meas- 
ure to put an end as quickly as possible to 
the international carnage and conclude peace 
without annexation or indemnities, on the 
basis of the right of all nations to dispose of 
themselves, proclaiming at the same time the 
watchword, " .Whoever wishes for peace must 
prepare for war." 

Second, the army, pointing out that the 
Russian soldiers have been fighting hitherto 
under conditions infinitely worse than those 
of the Allies,, that the Russian soldier has 
had to march almost unprotected against the 
enemy's bullets and break with bare hands 
the barbed wire entanglements, which the 
Allies and the enemy pass freely after artil- 
lery preparation, declares that the Russian 
front must be provided with munitions and 
everything necessary to maintain the princi- 
ple, " The more metal, the less gun fodder." 

In conclusion the congress declared 
that the army appealed to all to whom 
free Russia is dear to rally around the 
Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Dele- 
gates and the Provisional Government 
and not to permit " adventurers to let the 
army become manure for foreign fields." 

The Cossacks in the Ural district held 
a convention and passed a resolution to 
give their unqualified support to the tem- 
porary Government. They also issued an 
appeal to all citizens of free Russia to 
follow their example. Among the decla- 



rations contained in the appeal were the 
following : 

" You must remember that the enemy 
is watching our interior disorganization. 
Away with fraternization and disorders! 
We have only one front our own and 
that of our allies. The army must not 
remain quiet, but must help the Allies by 
advancing." 

Seizure of Kronstadt Fortress 

A most serious step was taken June 1, 
when the Workmen's and Soldiers' Dele- 
gates defied the Provisional Government 
and decided to assume control of Kron- 
stadt, the great fortress which defends 
Petrograd. Two days later it was an- 
nounced that the Provisional Government 
had decided that firm measures must be 
taken to compel the seceders to yield, and 
two Cabinet Ministers were sent to Kron- 
stadt. 

A few days later it was announce^ that 
the matter had been adjusted and that the 
Provisional Government had re-estab- 
lished its authority there. The climax 
was reached in the crisis June 2, when a 
parade of armed anarchists calling for 
the Commune and war on capitalists 
marched through the streets of Petrograd 
carrying black banners inscribed : " Down 
with Authority ! " " Long Live the Social 
Revolution and the Commune! " There 
was no interference from the authorities. 

This seemed the turning point of the 
frenzy of unrest, for from that time the 
news became more reassuring. 

On June 5 it was announced that Gen- 
eral Michael V. Alexeieff, Commander in 
Chief of the Russian Armies, had re- 
signed. General Brusiloff, Commander 
in Chief of the Armies of the Southwest- 
ern Front, was appointed to succeed him. 

General Goutor replaced Brusiloff as 
commander on the southwestern front. 

General Alexeieff was appointed Com- 
mander in Chief on April 15, soon after 
the retirement of Grand Duke Nicholas 
from that post. General Brusiloff a few 
weeks previously resigned from his posi- 
tion as Commander in Chief of the Armies 
on the Southwestern Front, but withdrew 
his resignation after a conference at Pe- 
trograd. 



56 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Peoples Call for Action 
On June 8 the alliance of all Russian 
commercial, industrial, and banking in- 
stitutions held its first meeting. After a 
discussion of the politcal situation and 
speeches by the Belgian Minister to Rus- 
sia and representatives of the French 
Embassy it was unanimously resolved 
to address to the Entente Allies a decla- 
ration rejecting emphatically all possi- 
bility of Russia concluding a separate 
peace. The resolution also expressed con- 
fidence in an approaching decisive vic- 
tory over the Central Powers. 

A resolution calling upon the army to 
submit itself to discipline and defend 
revolutionary Russia was adopted by the 
Congress of Peasants in session on June 
8, in these words: 

The peasants aspire to an equitable peace 
without humiliating annexation or indemnity 
and with the right of each nation to dispose 
of itself. International relations and treaties 
should* be submitted to the control of the peo- 
ples interested. Disputes should be settled 
by an international tribunal, and not by 
force. The congress approves the union of 
workers and appeals to the peasants of all 
countries to force their Governments to re- 
nounce annexations and indemnities. 

The congress considers that it is its duty 
energetically to defend its country, recoiling 
before no sacrifices in order to sustain the 
fighting strength of the army and the 
struggle for the safety of the patrimony of 
the Russian people. The congress summons 
the army to submit itself to discipline and 
defend revolutionary Russia, of peasants, 
and workers. It grants its benediction to this 
war, and will not forget the blood which has 
been shed. 

Minister of War Kerensky ordered that 
the resolution be read to all ranks of the 
army and navy. Two hundred girl stu- 
dents of the Petrograd Technical Insti- 
tute entered their names on the rolls of a 
female regiment which was raised by 
Ensign Butchkareff. The aim is to start 
to the front and to fight in all respects 
under the same conditions as men. Scores 
of girls and women, anxious to fight, ap- 
peared at the offices of the League of 
Equal Rights for Women, which has ex- 
pressed its approval of Lieutenant Butch- 
kareff'si plan. 

The Constituent Assembly 
On June 12 a council of sixty-one mem- 
bers under the Presidency of Kokashkine, 



a member of the Duma, met to prepare 
for the Constituent Assembly. This As- 
sembly will not only draft Russia's per- 
manent Constitution, but will also solve 
certain immediate problems, the chief of 
which are the questions of nationalities 
and the conditions of the transfer of the 
lands of the nobles to the peasantry. In 
this preparatory council sat a group of 
constitutional specialists, also deputies 
from the army and from all the political 
parties, representatives of Jews, Ukrain- 
ians, Poles, and other races, and also a 
representative of the women, the famous 
feminist, Mme. Shishkin Yavein. 

The voting age was fixed at 20, with 
secret, direct voting by both sexes, and 18 
years for soldiers. 

An important reform proclaimed June 
12 is the introduction of the small unit 
of local self-government, in which all 
classes may participate equally. Here- 
tofore the smallest of such units was 
the district Zemstvo, which adminis- 
tered a very large area, cantons and 
communes having purely peasant ad- 
ministrations. Henceforth the cantons 
will be administered by representatives 
of all classes voting equally. 

These reforms, though they were pro- 
claimed autocratically by the Provis- 
ional Government, were enthusiastically 
received, as they satisfy the historic na- 
tional demands, which the former Gov- 
ernment repeatedly promised, but never 
fulfilled. 

It was decided to allow the former 
Emperor and members of the imperial 
family the privilege of voting. 

On June 14, as evidence of the grow- 
ing confidence of the Government, a de- 
cree was issued declaring all acts of mili- 
tary disorder to be insubordination, in- 
cluding refusal to fight and also incite- 
ment to fight against the Government. 
Such acts, says the decree, are punish- 
able by long sentence to servitude in the 
penitentiary and the deprivation of 
rights to property and also the right to 
receive land under the coming land re- 
distribution. 

General Denikine, former Chief of 
Staff, was nominated to succeed Gen- 
eral Gurko who had resigned his com- 
mand of the armies on the western front. 



RUSSIA'S PERILOUS TRANSITION STAGE 



57 



The conflict caused by Finland's claim 
that the rights of the former Emperor 
as Grand Duke of Finland did not pass 
automatically to the Provisional Govern- 
ment was satisfactorily settled by a new 
law which will be valid until Russo-Fin- 
nish relations are permanently regu- 
lated by the Constituent Assembly. The 
right to decide all State transactions, 
excepting affairs affecting Russian sub- 
jects, and also the right to fill the date 



for the opening and closing of the Fin- 
nish Diet is conceded to the Finnish Sen- 
ate. Finland also gets the right of legis- 
lative initiative, the right to confirm the 
budget, revoke administrative decrees, 
summon the Ecclesiastical Council, and, 
finally, the right to pardon offenders, 
counted in almost all countries as a 
sovereign prerogative. The law prac- 
tically confers on Finland complete in- 
ternal autonomy. 



The American Mission in Russia 



THE American Commission to Rus- 
sia headed by Elihu Root, former 
Secretary of State, reached Petro- 
grad via Vladivostok on June 13. The 
commission was cordially received and 
housed in the former Winter Palace of 
the Czar. 

On June 15 the American Ambassador, 
David R. Francis, presented the Root 
mission to the Council of Ministers in 
Marinsky Palace, explaining that the 
members of the mission had come to Rus- 
sia to discover how America could best 
co-operate with its ally in forwarding the 
fight against the common enemy. The 
presentation was very informal. M. Ke- 
rensky, the Minister of War, just back 
from the front, wore the khaki blouse of 
a common soldier. 

Mr. Roofs First Address 

The Ministers listened with rapt atten- 
tion to Mr. Root's address, which was as 
follows : 

Mr. President and Members of the Council 
of Ministers : The mission for which I have 
the honor to speak is charged by the Gov- 
ernment and people of the United States of 
America with a message to the Government 
and people of Russia. The mission comes 
from a democratic republic. Its members are 
commissioned and instructed by a President 
who holds his high office as Chief Executive 
of more than 100,000,000 free people by virtue 
of popular election, in which more than 18,- 
000,000 votes were freely cast, and fairly 
counted pursuant to law, by universal, equal, 
direct, and secret suffrage. 

For 140 years our people have been strug- 
gling with the hard problems of self-govern- 
ment. With many shortcomings, many mis- 
takes, many imperfections, we still have 
maintained order and respect for law, indi- 
vidual freedom, and national independence. 
Under the security of our own laws we have 



grown in strength and prosperity. But we 
value our freedom more than wealth. We 
love liberty, and we cherish above all our 
possessions the ideals for which our fathers 
fought and suffered and sacrificed that 
America might be free. 

We believe in the competence of the power 
of democracy and in our heart of hearts 
abides faith in the coming of a better world 
in which the humble and oppressed of all 
lands may be lifted up by freedom to a her- 
itage of justice and equal opportunity. 

The news of Russia's new-found freedom, 
brought to America universal satisfaction 
and joy. From all the land sympathy and 
hope went out to the new sister in the circle 
of democracies. And the mission is sent to 
express that feeling. 

The American democracy sends to the de- 
mocracy of Russia a greeting of sympathy, 
friendship, brotherhood, godspeed. Distant 
America knows little of the special conditions 
of Russian life which must give form to the 
Government and laws which you are about 
to create. As we have developed our in- 
stitutions to serve the needs of our national 
character and life, so we assume that you 
will develop your institutions to serve the 
needs of Russian character and life. 

As we look . across the sea we distinguish 
no party, no class. We see great Russia as 
a whole, as one mighty, striving, aspiring 
democracy. We know the self-control, essen- 
tial kindliness, strong common sense, cour- 
age, and noble idealism of the Russian char- 
acter. We have faith in you all. We pray 
for God's blessing upon you .all. We believe 
you will solve your problems, that you will 
maintain your liberty, and that our two 
great nations will march side by side in the 
triumphant progress of democracy until the 
old order everywhere has passed away and 
the world is free. 

One fearful danger threatens the liberty of 
both nations. The armed forces of a military 
autocracy are at the gates of Russia and the 
Allies. The triumph of German arms will 
mean the death of liberty in Russia. No 
enemy is at the gates of America, but Amer- 
ica has come to realize that the triumph of 



58 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



German arms means the death of liberty in 
the world ; that we who love liberty and 
would keep it must fight for it, and fight for 
it now when the free democracies of the 
world may be strong in union, and not delay 
until they may be beaten down separately in 
succession. 

So America sends another message to Rus- 
sia that we are going to fight, for your free- 
dom equally with our own, and we ask you 
to fight for our freedom equally with yours. 
We would make your cause ours, and, with 
a common purpose and mutual helpfulness of 
a firm alliance, make sure of victory over 
our common foe. 

Mr. Root then added : " You will recog- 
nize your own sentiments and purposes in 
the words of President Wilson to the 
American Congress, when on the 2d of 
April last he advised a declaration of war 
against Germany," and he quoted from 
that address, closing as follows: 

That partnership of honor in the great 
struggle for human freedom the oldest of the 
great democracies now seeks in fraternal 
union with the youngest. Practical and specific 
methods and the possibilities of our allies' co- 
operation the members of the mission would 
be glad to discuss with the members of the 
Government of Russia. 

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. 
Terestchenko, who rose from a sickbed to 
attend the presentation, responded with- 
out notes, expressing great joy in wel- 
coming the commission from America. 
He said that Russia's revolution was 
based on the wonderful words uttered by 
America in 1776. He read part of the 
Declaration of Independence and ex- 
claimed : 

" Russia holds with the United States 
that all men are created free and equal." 

M. Terestchenko sketched the history 
of the Russian revolution briefly, saying 
that the Russians, enslaved for centuries, 
threw off all the old order just as the 
wind blows Autumn leaves from the 
forest. Russia now faces two problems, 
said the Minister, the necessity of creat- 
ing a strong democratic force within its 
boundaries and the fighting of an exter- 
nal foe. Then he declared for war and 
expressed unbounded confidence in the 
power of Russia to meet the situation. 

The text of President Wilson's note to 
the Russian Government explaining the 
aims of the Root Commission was made 
public June 18, and is as follows: 



The High Commission now on its way from 
this country to Russia is sent primarily to 
manifest to the Russian Government and 
people the deep sympathetic feeling which 
exists among all classes in America for the 
adherence of Russia to the principle of 
democracy, which has been the foundation 
of the progress and prosperity of this coun- 
try. The High Commissioners go to convey 
the greetings of this Republic to the new and 
powerful member which has joined the great 
family of democratic nations. 

The Commissioners who will bear this fra- 
ternal message to the people of Russia have 
been selected by the President with the spe- 
cial purpose of giving representation to the 
various elements which make up the Amer- 
ican people and to show that among them all 
there is the same love of country and the 
same devotion to liberty and justice and loy- 
alty to constituted authority. The commis- 
sion is not chosen from one political group, 
but from the various groups into which the 
American electorate is divided. United, they 
represent the Republic. However much they 
may differ on public questions, they are one 
in support of democracy and in hostility to 
the enemies of democracy throughout the 
world. 

The commission is prepared, if the Russian 
Government desires, to confer upon the bes,t 
ways and means to brin& about effective co- 
operation between the two Governments in 
the prosecution of the war against the Ger- 
man autocracy, which is today the gravest 
menace to all democratic Governments. It 
is the view of this Government that it has be- 
come the solemn duty or those who love 
democracy and individual liberty to render 
harmless this autocratic Government, whose 
ambition, aggression, and intrigue have been 
disclosed in the present struggle. Whatever 
the cost in life and treasure, the supreme 
object should be and can be attained only by 
the united strength of the democracies of the 
world, and only then can come that per- 
manent and universal peace which is the 
hope of all people. 

To the common cause of humanity, which 
Russia has so courageously and unflinching- 
ly supported for nearly three years, the 
United States is pledged. To co-operate and 
aid Russia in the accomplishment of the task, 
which as a great democracy is more truly 
hers today than ever before, is the desire of 
the United States. To stand side by side, 
shoulder to shoulder against autocracy, will 
unite the American and Russian peoples in a 
friendship for the ages. 

With this spirit the High Commissioners of 
the United States will present themselves in 
the confident hope that the Russian Govern- 
ment and people will realize how sincerely 
the United States hopes for their welfare and 
desires to share with them in their future 
endeavors to bring victory to the cause of 
democracy and human liberty. 



Fruits of Diplomatic Missions 

Closing Addresses of French and British Envoys, 
and Summary of Their Work 



MARSHAL JOFFRE and Vice 
Premier Viviani, with the other 
members of the French diplo- 
matic mission to the United 
States, sailed secretly from New York in 
the night of May 15, and the world knew 
nothing of their departure until their 
safe arrival at Brest was announced on 
May 23. They traveled on the same 
French steamer that had brought them 
over, and were convoyed by a French 
warship. The State Department at 
WasHington issued a note of appreciation 
to the press, which had imposed a volun- 
tary censorship on itself, for having suc- 
cessfully withheld every detail of news 
that might have jeopardized the safety of 
the visitors. 

The series of eloquent speeches deliv- 
ered in the United States by Rene Vivi- 
ani, head of the French mission, was re- 
corded at length in the June issue of 
CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE, with the ex- 
ception of the final one in New York, de- 
livered at the official dinner of the May- 
or's committee at the Waldorf-Astoria. 

Viviani s Waldorf Speech 

After paying a graceful tribute to New 
York and to the American people, M. 
Viviani recalled again the deeds of Joffre 
at the battle of the Marne, and con- 
tinued: 

Well, what did we make manifest to the 
whole world? Two qualities: One which all 
men knew who know the glorious traditions 
of France throughout the ages dash, in- 
trepidity, valor, contempt of death ; but an- 
other quality was denied us, that of en- 
durance, that of patience, that of quiet cour- 
age ; the steady heart and unshaken nerves 
under the storm of shot and shell. Now, in 
two battles we combined both qualities as if 
we would offer them up to the whole world 
as a homage and a lesson. In August, 1914, 
we showed what dash French troops pos- 
sessed in spite of weariness, in spite of the 
heat of an endless Summer, the exhaustion of 
three weeks' incessant fighting. Suddenly, 
miraculously, the whole French Army stood 
at bay and turned upon its enemy. 



And the man who commanded that army had 
remained calm and impassive. Every evening 
he telephoned to me, who was then Premier 
of France, the result of the military opera- 
tions; .at this very moment I can hear his 
voice come to me over the wires, quiet, 
grave, unbroken by the slightest emotion. 
And that voice spoke its unflinching confi- 
dence in final victory in spite of all.. And 
when the hour had struck, the moment come, 
the order was issued, was forwarded to the 
armies, the Generals ; every officer read it 
to his men : " My children, here we stand. 
Halt and face the barbarians. Die to the 
last man rather than retreat another step ! " 

Such was French dash, French, valor. It 
counted for nothing in German eyes. But 
the day came when the other virtue was 
shown, that on which they relied yet less. One 
day they dreamed Verdun could be taken, not 
because it was in itself the greatest prize ; it 
would have been no victory but to drive into 
France and impose peace for our enemies 
think they can let peace loose on the world 
as they unchain war. And so German armies 
were piled up on the French front. It was 
impossible for us to advance against such 
odds. Our Generals spoke : " Children, not 
one step back; if you yield a yard, let every 
yard have its bloody cost for your enemy." 
And through the endless days and nights, 
under shot and shell, under the avalanche of 
shells that tore up the very earth, among 
their falling comrades, led by their officers, 
our men held fast, contesting every inch of 
ground, fighting for months and months with- 
out an instant's respite, checking the whole 
weight of the German Army. And now when 
we leave our land, when we say those two 
names the Marne and Verdun we mingle 
in one the two master virtues of our race- 
valor and patience, courage and endurance. 

What yet remains to be done? For three 
long years the English and the French, sword 
in hand, have fought, not for England alone, 
not for France alone, but for humanity, for 
right, for democracy. For three long years 
the Russian soldiers in the northern snows, 
victorious in southern Europe, have fought 
for the same ideal ; for two years seductive, 
virile Italy has scaled the Alps and shattered 
with its hands the stony barrier that stifled 
its liberty ; for three years Serbia, murdered, 
trampled under foot ruthlessly, has fought ; 
for three years heroic Belgium has main- 
tained her honor against a perjured foe. For 
three long years we have striven, face to face 
with our enemy, tightened our grasp upon 
her throat, held our own. 



60 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



And now, when we are still strong and un- 
dismayed, neither worn out nor doubting, 
still full of force and resource, comes free 
America to our side, radiant with its demo- 
cratic ideals and ancient traditions, to fight 
with us. She read in President Wilson's in- 
comparable message which has gone to the 
heart of every Frenchman the deep reasons 
why she could not but enter into this war. 
Yes ; doubtless you had your slaughtered dead 
to avenge, to avenge the insults heaped on 
your honor. You could not for one moment 
conceive that the land of Lincoln, the land of 
Washington, could bow humbly before the im- 
perial eagle. But not for that did you rise ; 
not for your national honor alone ; do not 
say it was for that. You are fighting for the 
whole world ; you are fighting for all liberty ; 
you are fighting for civilization ; that is why 
you have risen in battle. And just now Mr. 
Choate said: " The English and French Mis- 
sions are here to tell us what to avoid and 
what to do." 

And your Mayor expressed in an accurate 
formula his generous conception of our rela- 
tions when he said: "America is founded 
on French idealism and English common 
law." Nothing could be truer; it is all the 
truth; I can add nothing to his words. But 
I will tell you what you can do. You are 
remote from our battlefields; no Zeppelins 
can fly above your towns and scatter their 
bombs over the cradles of your, innocent 
children; German ships are blocked in the 
Kiel Canal; they cannot defile your waters; 
at this distance you cannot hear the roar of 
the cannon. But can you imagine that you 
are not, in sooth, as close to us, in spite of 
distance, as we are to you that Germany 
is not as near you as she is to us, that the 
peril is remote! No. The menace of Ger- 
many lies where Mr. Balfour so philosoph- 
ically defined it. H told you that the men- 
ace of Germany lies in her scientific organ- 
ization, and I will attempt to interpret his 
words in the spirit that prompted them. We 
are all agreed Prussian militarism must be 
crushed; so long as the world contains it 
there is no safety in it for democracy. But 
what is Prussian militarism? It was not 
born yesterday; it was not born in 1914. It 
is an ancient sore. It is the bestial and in- 
human expression of a philosophy, the out- 
come of a whole race so madly intoxicated 
with conceit, that it imagines it is predes- 
tined to dominate the world, and is amazed 
to see free men dare to rise and contest its 
rights. And if you had not risen against 
it, it is not with artillery, not with shells, not 
with submarines, not with Zeppelins, you 
would have been attacked. 

It is by the methods and spirit of Germany 
gradually filtering into your brains, impreg- 
nating invisibly your hearts, and little by 
little violating your souls and consciences. 
That was the hidden danger, the menace of 
Germany. You realized the peril, and you 



have risen to face it, to fight a menace not 
to you alone, but to all civilization. Now 
all we free men are one in will. The hour 
for the liberation of all men has struck at 
last. All have risen in arms in the good 
fight, fought by us, by our children, to the 
bitter end. And we will never falter till 
victory crowns our aims. And when in far- 
off days after this war history shall tell why 
we fought, in days yet ringing with this strife, 
long after the voice of the cannon is silent, 
then impartial history shall speak. It will 
say why all the peoples arose in battle, why 
the free allied peoples fought. Not for con- 
quest. They were not nations of prey. No 
morbid ambitions lay festering in their hearts 
and consciences. 

Why then did they fight? To repel the most 
brutal and insidious of aggressions. They 
fought for the respect of international treaties 
trampled under foot by the brutal soldiery of 
Germany, they fought to raise all the peoples 
of the earth to free breath, to the ideal of 
liberty for all, so that the world might be 
habitable for free men or to perish. And 
history will add: "They did not perish. They 
vanquished. They shattered the ponderous 
sword that German militarism aimed against 
the conscience and the heart of all free men." 
And thus together we shall have won the 
moral victory and a material one. It is that 
dawn I greet, that hour of fate I bow my 
head before. May the soul of Washington 
inspire our souls ; may the great shade of 
Lincoln rise from its shroud. We are all re- 
solved to battle till the end for the deliver- 
ance of humanity, the deliverance of democ- 
racy. Rise then, brother citizens, and lift 
your brows to the level of your flag ! 

Results of Conferences 

Arthur J. Balfour, head of the British 
mission, delivered his farewell address 
before the National Press Club at Wash- 
ington on May 24. The next day he and 
the other Commissioners crossed into 
Canada on their way home, after having 
spent six fruitful weeks in the United 
States, a longer period than any other 
Foreign Secretary had been away from 
London since the Napoleonic wars. 

The situation in France depicted by M. 
Viviani and Marshal Joffre is believed to 
have been largely responsible for the 
American Government's decision to send 
at once an expeditionary force of about 
25,000 men, a division of nine regiments 
of railroad engineers, and six base hos- 
pitals. The British visitors, having faced 
the same problems that now confront 
America in training large armies for for- 
eign service, were able to clear away 
many doubts in technical matters. 



FRUITS OF DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS 



61 



The most important understandings 
arrived at were in trade matters. In 
general it was decided that the United 
States should give the Allies preferen- 
tial treatment in commerce. It was 
agreed that all shipping, so far as pos- 
sible, should be devoted to emergency 
transportation, with a view to defeating 
the German submarine campaign. Brit- 
ish trade experts have worked out accu- 
rately the amount of ship tonnage need- 
ed to continue the flow of life necessi- 
ties to England and France, and the 
Federal Shipping Board has a detailed 
program for meeting that need, with a 
priority schedule showing the order of 
importance of the various commodities 
and the minimum amounts necessary. 
A definite understanding was reached to 
cover both American and Canadian 
wheat for sale to the Allied Wheat Exec- 
utive Committee, and arrangements 
were made for full Canadian co-opera- 
tion through the proposed Food Ad- 
ministration Bureau. 

Munitions control and purchase were 
similarly centralized through the Allied 
Buying Committee, although without 
price control. The Council of National 
Defense charged itself with so increas- 
ing manufacture as to provide for the 
American war army without cutting off 
exports vitally needed abroad. 

It was agreed that the United States 
would co-operate as far as possible in 
maintaining the British blockade, and 
would participate through Consuls in the 
rationing of Holland and Scandinavia, 
with a view to preventing American 
products from reaching firms dealing 
regularly with the enemy. 

The shipping problem, in view of the 
April ravages of submarines, was the 
most urgent of all, and the American 
shipbuilding program was speeded up as 
a direct result of the British representa- 
tions on this subject. One of England's 
greatest shipping experts was sum- 
moned across the seas to supply more 
technical details than the mission pos- 
sessed. Three members of the British 
party were left in Washington to con- 
tinue work on trade problems. Confer- 
ences with General Goethals and Mr. 



Denman of the Federal Shipping Board 
helped to shape the plans of that body. 
Many of the seized German ships were 
turned over to the French, Italians, and 
Russians upon the British statement 
that England had enough tonnage for 
herself anoT was strained only to meet 
the needs of her allies. The Shipping 
Board, however, decided not to pool all 
American shipping with the other allies 
in the International Committee in Lon- 
don, owing to the need of American im- 
ports from outside the war zone. Means 
for curtailing the wasteful -use of ocean 
tonnage, which were communicated by 
the British envoys, have been embodied 
in a bill on that and kindred subjects 
now before Congress. 

Balfour in Canada 
The British mission remained in Can- 
ada until the end of May. The most 
striking address delivered there by Mr. 
Balfour was the one before the two 
houses of Parliament at Ottawa, in 
which he declared that the British Em- 
pire had " staked its last dollar on de- 
mocracy," and continued: 

I know the democraries of the Old World 
and the New will come out of this struggle, 
not merely triumphant in the military sense, 
but strengthened in their own inner life, more 
firmly convinced that the path of freedom is 
the only path to national greatness. 

Foreign speculators about the British Em- 
pire, before the war began, said to them- 
selves that this loosely constructed State re- 
sembled nothing that ever existed in history 
before, that it was held together by no 
coercive power, that the mother country could 
not raise a Corporal's guard in Canada, Aus- 
tralia, New Zealand, or wherever you will ; 
that she could not raise a shilling by taxa- 
tion. 

She had no power except the power which 
a certain class of politician never remem- 
bers the moral power of affection, sentiment, 
common aims, and common ideals. Even 
those of us who believed the new experiment 
of the British Empire was going to succeed 
felt it was difficult that so vast an empire, so 
loosely knit, should be animated by one 
soul, or that the indirect thrill of common 
necessity should go from end to end. 

No greater miracle has ever happened in the 
history of civilization than the way in which 
the co-ordinated British democracies worked 
together with a uniform spirit of self-sacrifice 
in the cause in which they believed not merely 
their own individual security but the safety 
of the empire and the progress of civilization 
and liberty itself were at stake. 



The Italian Diplomatic Commission 



rpHE Italian War Commission, headed 
by the Prince of Udine, a cousin of 
the King, was officially received by 
President Wilson May 24. The members 
included the following: Prince Udine, 
eldest son of the Duke of Genoa; Senator 
Guglielmo Marconi, the inventor of wire- 
less telegraphy; Marquis Birsarelli, 
Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs; 
Enrico Arlotta, Minister of Maritime 
and Railway Transportation, a leading 
banker of Italy; General Gugliemetti, 
Military Attache; Commander Vannu- 
telli, representing the Italian Navy; Al- 
vise Bragadini of the Transportation De- 
partment; C, Pardo of the Department of 
Industry and Commerce; Gaetano Pietra 
of the Agricultural Department, and 
Deputies Ciufelli and Nitti, former Min- 
isters. 

In his formal address to the President, 
the Prince of Udine said: 

I am proud, indeed, Mr. President, be- 
longing as I do to a house which has never 
conceived royal power otherwise than asso- 
ciated with the most complete liberty of the 
people, to have been chosen, together with 
the gentlemen of this commission, to greet 
you on behalf of my King and cousin. 
You will read the message which the King 
of Italy, a faithful interpreter of our coun- 
try's thought, has addressed to you. Permit 
me, however, to express the great sympathy 
and deep admiration which I feel for this 
great and noble country. 

As an Italian, a sailor and a Prince, I con- 
sider it a happy omen that I and my col- 
leagues, who have been chosen by the Gov- 
ernment from among the worthiest, should be 
the symbols of the fulfillment of a sincere 
aspiration of ours. I rejoice that Italy is now 
united in a brotherhood of arms with the 
American people and that it will always 
in the future be united with them by common 
ideals for the carrying out of the work of 
liberty and of civilization. 

The first conferences with the Amer- 
ican Government were held May 28. 

The problem of transporting coal to 
Italy was the most important feature of 
the discussions. Italy, it was said, need- 
ed coal to assure the continued manufac- 
ture of guns and ammunition and the 
maintenance of war industries which had 
been created since the outbreak of hos- 
tilities with Germany. Italy, it was as- 



serted at the conference, was not in ur- 
gent need of foodstuffs, but did need 
coal, iron, lumber, agricultural machin- 
ery, locomotives, and railroad equipment. 

If Italy could obtain coal in the United 
States it was said that her problem of 
making brick for use in the construction 
of mountain dugouts and trenches would 
be solved. She had heretofore imported 
brick from the United States because she 
could not afford to utilize her meagre 
coal supply in their manufacture. 

The American representatives were in- 
formed that the industries of Italy had 
grown during the war. Italy, it was said, 
was at this time making her own guns, 
and they had proved to be as effective 
as those manufactured by the French 
and Austrians. 

Following the conference it was an- 
nounced that an ample quantity of coal 
and some other supplies had been assem- 
bled at certain ports and were ready for 
shipment whenever vessels could be ob- 
tained. 

Prince Udine to the Senate 
The Prince of Udine and the Italian 
mission were received on the floor of 
the United States Senate May 31. In 
his address to the Senate he said: 

The message of your President, as our 
sovereign has said, is worthy, by the nobility 
of its conceptions and the dignity of its form, 
to rank with the most inspiring pages in the 
history of ancient and immortal Rome. It 
was greeted with the enthusiasm of faith 
when it made clear the objects of the war 
and defined the aims of American action. 

By proclaiming that right is more precious 
than peace ; that autocratic Governments, 
supported by the force of arms, are a 
menace to civilization ; by affirming the 
necessity of guaranteeing the safety of the 
world's democracies ; by proclaiming the 
right of small nations to live and to prosper, 
America has now, through the action of her 
President, acquired a title of merit which 
history will never forget. 

Italy entered into the war with aims 
equal to those which you pursue. Her ter- 
ritory had not been invaded, her insecure 
boundaries had not been violated. Our peo- 
ple understood that the sacrifice of free 
nations was the prelude to their own sacri- 
fice, and that we could not remain indiffer- 



THE ITALIAN DIPLOMATIC COMMISSION 



63 



ent without denying the very reasons of our 
existence. 

Italy wants the safety of her boundaries 
and her coasts, and she wants to secure her- 
self against new aggressions. Italy wants to 
deliver from long-standing martyrdom pop- 
ulations of Italian race and language that 
have been persecuted implacably, and are 
nevertheless prouder than ever of their Ital- 
ian nationality. But Italy has not been and 
will never be an element of discord in Eu- 
rope, and as she willed her own free na- 
tional existence at the cost of any sacrifice, 
so she will contribute with all her strength 
to the free existence and development of 
other nations. 

By increasing the ruthlessness of subma- 
rine warfare and thus rendering navigation 
unsafe and dangerous, our enemies hope to 
win the war by increasing misery and suf- 
fering. They hope that our powerful ally, 
Great Britain, will lack food ; that France 
will lack food and men, and that Italy will 
lack especially food, and that which is more 
important, coal for the war, for industries, 
and for railways. The problem of shipping 
is for all of us the greatest problem of the 
war. 

With our united efforts we shall van- 
quish all these difficulties, and that which 
the force of arms, secretly prepared and un- 
expectedly employed, was not able to accom- 
plish, will not be accomplished by disloyal 
means on land and water. We shall triumph 
over all these difficulties if we continue our 
efforts in brotherly agreement, united by 
the great duty which we now have volun- 
tarily taken upon us for a cause which is 
superior to all worldly interests, and which 
partakes of an almost divine nobility. 

The mission of which I have the honor to 
be the head and in which there are represen- 
tatives of the Senate of the kingdom, of the 
Chamber of Deputies, and members of the 
Government, desires to express through me 
the liveliest sympathy to the representatives 
of the American people. 

The mission was officially received by 
the House of Representatives June 2 
and the Prince delivered an address ex- 
pressing- warmest appreciation of Amer- 
ica's entry into the war, which gave an 



.assurance of victory. An address was 
also delivered by Senator Marconi. 

The mission was hospitably enter- 
tained in various cities. 

Stale of Italian Finances 
A resume of the Italian financial con- 
dition before the United States entered 
the war and granted a loan of $100,000,- 
000 to the Government at Rome showed 
that Italy had spent up to Dec. 31, 1916, 
$2,783,075,040 for the War Department 
and $156,198,335 for the Navy. For the 
departments of Commerce, Agriculture, 
Transportation, Colonies,. Interior, and 
Treasury the expenditures amounted in 
the same period to $3,200,000,000. 

Comparing the future expenditures 
and the income of the nation, it was 
calculated that the income would be 
about $80,000,000 larger than the expen- 
ditures. This result was attained by 
sound financing, together with the im- 
position at that time of new taxes. The 
total loans raised by Italy up to June 15, 
1917, during the war is about $3,000,000,- 
000, chiefly at 5 and 5% per cent. 

Viterio Scialoia, a member of the Ital- 
ian Chamber, in an address to the Amer- 
ican people delivered at Rome June 7, 
expressed the warmest appreciation of 
the reception given the mission by the 
American people, closing with these 
words : 

"The alliance between Italy and America 
will lead to new and greater commercial rela- 
tions, new sympathy in spirit and in common 
political actions with a view to realization 
of conditions of liberty for the peoples who 
still suffer from the violence imposed upon 
heir nations by tyrannical Governments, such 
as Austria, or from violent conquest, such as 
the conquests of Germany. All this will be 
a solid basis for the relations of the future, 
which can never be shaken, as it is impossible 
to see how even the slightest of differences 
could arise. 




The Facts Supporting President 
Wilson's War Message 



THE historic message of President 
Wilson, delivered before Congress 
on April 2, 1917, has been offi- 
cially published by the Govern- 
ment, with annotations giving the leading 
facts on which the rupture with Ger- 
many was developed, citing the issues in 
international law, and contrasting the 
spirit of Prussianism and Americanism. 
This publication is to be distributed to 
the schools throughout the country. 

In a foreword it announced that the 
editorial annotations are the work of 
Professor William Stearns Davis of the 
History Department of the University of 
Minnesota, assisted by Professor C. D. 
Allin and Dr. William Anderson. The 
official sponsor for the publication adds : 
The message is the best possible preparation 
for all loyal Americans who are studying the 
causes and justification for the present war, 
and who are trying to discover the proper 
mental attitude they themselves should take 
toward the personal part which they may be 
called to play in the struggle. * * * Mr. 
Wilson contrasts the American and Prussian 
political philosophy and methods of doing 
things in a way that would become even more 
convincing if he had been allowed time to 
enter into specific details. Solemn official 
promises made only to be broken, conspira- 
cies to burn and blow up American indus- 
tries, to hamper our manufactures and crip- 
ple our- Government by strikes and riots, 
spies in every centre of political and indus- 
trial activity, plans made on American soil 
and financed by German funds to dynamite 
canals, bridges, and munition factories in 
Canada, invitations to Mexico in times of 
peace to join with Germany in dismembering 
our Union, have led people and President 
alike to see submarine warfare as but a 
more flagrant expression of a German State 
policy running amuck in absolute disregard 
of every sense of national and international 
morals and decency and callous to the claims 
of common humanity. 

A military autocracy astride the ruins of 
Europe and dominant on the seas by virtue 
of an arm that both serves and reveals its 
ambitions and irresponsibility has forced 
America to accept its challenge. A new 
Monroe Doctrine must be defended on the 
pathways of the seas and in the fields of 
Flanders if the Western World is to be pre- 
served as the citadel of a free-developing, 
forward-looking democracy. 



CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE, May, 
1917, published the official text of the 
President's war message. Professor Da- 
vis's annotations are here reproduced, 
with brief references to the sentences 
commented upon. Thus the annotations 
are here woven into a consecutive thesis, 
elucidating and amplifying the war mes- 
sage. In explaining the President's open- 
ing reference to his choices of policy, 
which he could not adopt constitutionally 
without Congressional advice, the editors 
remark : 

There had been only two other periods in 
the history, of the country equally serious 
177G and 1861. Nobody can pretend that there 
have been any other crises in American his- 
tory (barring the Revolution and the civil 
war) when so much that citizens of this 
country count dear has been at stake. The 
War of 1812, the Mexican and Spanish wars 
seem as child's play beside the present exi- 
gency. Now, as this message makes clear, 
the very liberties of the world and the possi- 
bilities of peaceful democracies are at stake. 
If Germany should win this war, and thus 
become supreme on land and sea, the very 
existence of free democracies would be im- 
periled. 

President Wilson had the sworn duty to 
lay the facts before Congress and recom- 
mend to it the needful action. The Con- 
stitution of the United States prescribes his 
duties in such emergencies. 

It is worthy of note that the Constitution 
lays this duty and power of declaring war 
directly upon Congress, and that it can not 
be evaded by Congressmen by any referen- 
dum to the voters, for which not the slightest 
constitutional provision is made. 

Congress performed this duty by voting on 
the war question as requested. The vote of 
the Senate was 82 to 6 for war ; of the 
House 373 to 50. Such comparative unanimi- 
ty upon so momentous a question is almost 
unparalleled in the history of free nations. 

Beginning of Ruthless Polity 
The President's reference to the adop- 
tion of unrestricted submarine warfare 
by the German Government is comment- 
ed upon as follows : 

The German Chancellor in announcing this 
repudiation of all his solemn pledges in the 
Imperial Parliament, [Reichstag,] on Jan. 
31, frankly admitted that this policy involved 
" ruthlessness " toward neutrals. " When 



FACTS SUPPORTING PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGE 65 



the most ruthless methods are considered the 
best calculated to lead us to victory and to a 
swift victory * * * they must be em- 
ployed. * * * The moment has now ar- 
rived. Last August [when he was, as he 
himself here admits, allowing the American 
people to believe that in response to its pro- 
test he had laid aside such ruthless methods] 
the time was not yet ripe, but today the 
moment has come when we can undertake 
this enterprise." 

And the promise of the German Gov- 
ernment, withdrawn on Feb. 1, is re- 
ferred to in these terms : 

The broken Sussex pledge. On May 4, 1916, 
the German Government, in reply to the pro- 
test and warning of the United States fol- 
lowing the sinking of the Sussex, gave this 
promise : That " merchant vessels both with- 
in and without the area declared a naval 
war zone shall not be sunk without warning, 
and without saving human lives, unless the 
ship attempt to escape or offer resistance." 

Germany added, indeed, that if Great Brit- 
ain continued her blockade policy, she would 
have to consider " a new situation." 

On May 8, 1916, the United States replied 
that it could not admit that the pledge of 
Germany was " in the slightest degree con- 
tingent upon the conduct of any other Gov- 
ernment," (i. e., on any question of the 
English blockade.) To this Germany made 
no reply at all, and under general diplomatic 
usage, when one nation makes a statement 
to another, the latest statement of the case 
stands as final unless there is a protest 
made. 

The promise made by Germany thus became 
a binding pledge, and as such was torn up 
with other " scraps of paper " by the Ger- 
man " unlimited submarine warfare " note 
of Jan. 31, 1917. 

Regarding the President's references to 
the " cruel anl unmanly business " of 
sinking merchant ships, and the " certain 
degree of restraint " observed at that 
time, the editors cite these facts : 

As to the proper usages in dealing with 
merchant vessels in war, here are the rules 
laid down some time ago for the American 
Navy, (a fighting navy, surely,) and these 
rules hardly differed in other navies, includ- 
ing the Russian and Japanese : 

United States Naval War Code, on treat- 
ment of merchant vessels stopped or captured 
by American men-of-war, (1900 ed., P. 48:) 

" The personnel of a merchant vessel cap- 
tured as a prize are entitled to their personal 
effects. 

" All passengers not in the service of the 
enemy, and all women and children on board 
such vessels, should be released and landed 
at a convenient port at the first opportunity. 

" All persons in the naval service of the 
United States who pillage or maltreat in any 
manner any person found on board a mer- 



chant vessel captured as a prize shall be 
severely punished." 

United States Naval War College, " Inter- 
national Law Topics," 1905, Page G: " If a 
seized neutral vessel cannot for any reason 
be brought into court for adjudication it 
should be dismissed." 

United States Naval War Code, on safety 
required for persons on a captured vessel, 
(United States Naval War College, " Inter- 
national Law Topics," 1913, Page 105:) " The 
destruction of a vessel which has surrendered 
without first removing its officers and crew 
would be an act contrary to the sense of 
right which prevails even between enemies in 
time of war." 

And also Lawrence, (standard authority on 
international law,) " International Law," 
Page 406 : " It is better for a naval officer to 
release a ship as to which he is doubtful than 
to risk personal punishment and interna- 
tional complications by destroying innocent 
neutral property." 

Sinking of Hospital Ships 

The President's reference to the sink- 
ing of hospital and relief ships was elab- 
orated as follows : 

Mr. Wilson was undoubtedly thinking of the 
cases of the British hospital ships Asturias, 
sunk March 20, and the Gloucester Castle. 
These vessels had been sunk although pro- 
tected by the most solemn possible of inter- 
national compacts. The Germans seem to 
have acknowledged the sinking of the Asturias 
and to have regarded their feat with great 
complacency. Somewhat earlier in the war 
the great liner Britannic had been sunk while 
in service as a hospital ship, and the evi- 
dence seems to be it was torpedoed by a 
U-boat, although the proof here is not con- 
clusive. Since this message was written the 
Germans have continued their policy of mur- 
dering more wounded soldiers and their 
nurses by sinking more hospital ships. 

The Belgian relief ships referred to were 
probably the Camilla, Trevier, and the 
Feistein, but most particularly the large Nor- 
wegian steamer Storstad, sunk with 10,000 
tons of grain for the starving Belgians. Be- 
sides these sinkings, two other relief ships 
the Tunisie and the Haelen were attacked 
unsuccessfully. 

And to his words, " I was for a little 
while unable to believe that such things 
would in fact be done by any Government 
that had hitherto subscribed to humane 
practices of civilized nations," this note 
was added: 

No nation assuredly has made prouder 
claims than Germany to a superior " kul- 
tur," or made louder assertions of its desire 
to vindicate " the freedom of the seas." 

His sentence referring to the " wanton 
and wholesale destruction of the lives of 



66 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



noncombatants, men, women, and chil-; 
dren, engaged in pursuits which have al- 
ways, even in the darkest periods of mod- 
ern history, been deemed innocent and 
legitimate," is elucidated in these words : 

Mr. Wilson could have gone further back 
than " modern history." Even in the most 
troubled period of the Middle Ages there was 
consistent effort to spare the lives of non- 
belligerents. Thus in the eleventh century 
not merely did the Church enjoin the " truce 
of God " which ordered all warfare to cease 
on four days of the week, but it especially 
pronounced its curse upon those who out- 
raged or injured not merely clergymen and 
monks, but all classes of women. We also 
have ordinances from this " dark period " 
of history forbidding the interference with 
shepherds and their flocks, the damaging of 
olive trees, or the carrying off or destruction 
of farming implements. All this at a period 
When feudal barons are alleged to have been 
waging their wars with unusual ferocity. 

Contrast also with the German usages this 
American instance : 

On May 12, 1898, Admiral Sampson with the 
American fleet appeared before Santiago, 
and conducted a reconnoissance in force 
to see if Cervera's squadron was in the 
port, but he did not " subject the city to a 
regular bombardment " because that " would 
have required due notice " for the removal 
of the women, children, and the sick. He 
did this notwithstanding the fact that a 
sudden attack, well driven home, would prob- 
ably have given him the city. In the attack 
on the forts alone, which he actually made, 
his ship Captains were carefully charged to 
avoid hitting the Spanish Military Hospital. 
(See H. Doc. No. 12, Fifty-fifth Congress, 
Third Session, Page 368.) . 

No one certainly has ever accused the 
American Navy of " hitting soft " or of being 
unwilling to wage the most strenuous kind 
of honorable warfare. 

American Vessels Destroyed 

President Wilson's brief reference to 
the sinking of American ships calls for 
this definite list: 

American vessels sunk by submarines fol- 
lowing German decree of ruthless submarine 
policy, Jan. 31, 1917. 

Following eight or more American vessels 
which had been sunk or attacked earlier, in 
most cases in contravention to international 
law, these ships also had been sunk following 
the repudiation of her pledges by Germany : 

Feb. 3, 1917, Housatonic. 

Feb. 13, 1917, Lyman M. Law. 

March 16, 1917, Vigilancia. 

March 17, 1917, City of Memphis. 

March 17, 1917, Illinois. 

March 21, 1917, Healdton, (claimed to have 
been sunk off Dutch coast, and far from the 
so-called " prohibited zone.") 



April 1, 1917, Aztec. 

March 2, 1917, Algonquin. 

Furthermore, no American should forget 
the sinking of the William P. Frye on Jan. 
28, 1915, by a German raider. This act under 
normal circumstances would be a casus belli. 
The raider, the Prinz Eitel Friedrich, then 
impudently took refuge in an American port. 

And the American lives lost in such 
sinkings are summarized as follows: 

American lives lost on the ocean during the 
war. (See Cong. Rec., 65th Cong., 1st sess., 
p. 1,006.) 

American lives have been lost during the 
sinking of at least twenty vessels, whereof 
four were American, one Dutch, and one Nor- 
wegian. In one or two cases the vessel tried 
to escape and made resistance, and the loss 
of life was possibly excusable for the Ger- 
mans. In the bulk of the cases the destruc- 
tion was without fair warning and without 
reasonable effort to give the passengers and 
crew chance to escape. 

Among the more flagrant cases were : 

May 7, 1915, Lusitania, 114 Americans lost. 

Aug. 19, 1915, Arabia, 3 Americans lost. 

Sept. 4, 1915, Hesperian, 1 American lost. 

Oct. 28, 1916, Marina, 8 Americans lost. 

Dec. 14, 1916, Russian, 17 Americans lost. 

Feb. 26, 1917, Laconia, 8 Americans lost. 

March 16, 1917, Vigilancia, 5 Americans 
lost, (United States.) 

March 21, 1917, Healdton, 7 Americans lost, 
(United States.) 

April 1, 1917, Aztec, 28 Americans lost, 
(United States.) 

Some on Aztec probably not American citi- 
zens, although she was a regular American 
ship. 

In all, up to declaration of war by us, 226 
American citizens, many of them women and 
children, had lost their lives by the action 
of German submarines, and in most instances 
without the faintest color of international 
right. 

Losses of Other Neutrals 
The President's reference to the de- 
struction of " ships and people of other 
neutral and friendly nations " is supple- 
mented with these facts : 

The Norwegian Legation at London has an- 
nounced that during February and March, 
1917, 105 Norwegian vessels of over 228,000 
tons have been sunk, and 106 persons thereon 
killed, and 222 are missing. 

On Feb. 22, 1917, seven Dutch vessels which 
left an English port on promise of " relative 
security " from the Berlin authorities, were 
all attacked by German U-boats and six of 
them were sunk. Germany has admitted that 
its boats did the deed, and has expressed 
" regrets " to Holland, although adding 
blandly " the incident proves how dangerous 
it is to navigate the prohibited zone, and 
gives expression to our wish that neutral 



FACTS SUPPORTING PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGE 67 



navigators remain in their ports." As a re- 
sult of this policy of terrorism, the ships of 
Holland have been practically driven off the 
seas. Many of them have taken i-efuge in the 
harbors of the United States. 

Spaniards have been exasperated by the de- 
struction of their vessels, the most recent in- 
stance being that of a Spanish ship, with a 
Spanish cargo, sunk in Spanish waters. 
Swedish oversea commerce is practically 
ruined by the fear of their owners at the in- 
discriminate ruthlessness of the submarine. 

The United States Government made an of- 
ficial estimate that by April 1, 1917, no less 
than 668 neutral vessels had been sunk by 
German submarines since the beginning of 
the war. This did not include any American 
vessels. (New York Times History of the 
War, May, 1917, pp. 241 and 244.) 

" The challenge is to all mankind. 
Each nation must decide for itself how it 
will meet it." To these words of the 
President's war message Professor 
Stearns adds this summary of what other 
nations have done: 

Practically all the civilized neutral countries 
of the earth have protested at the German 
policy. Some, like Brazil, China, Bolivia, and 
Guatemala, have broken diplomatic relations 
with Germany. 

The neutral States of Europe, fearful of be- 
ing caught in the horrors of the great war, 
have protested just as far as they have 
dared. Holland and Denmark may, of course, 
at any time see a German army over their 
borders. Norway and Sweden are hardly in 
a safe position, but they have made their ve- 
hement protest at the German outrages. 
Spain, which had exercised a forbearance 
similar to that of the United States, has 
finally, after futile protests, been obliged 
(May 18, 1917) to send Germany a note in the 
nature of an ultimatum, demanding repara- 
tion for the past and guarantees for the 
future. 

The statement that the motive of the 
United States in going to war would be 
" only the vindication of right " is eluci- 
dated thus: 

Submarines are such exceptional instru- 
ments of warfare that it is held by authori- 
ties on international law that they ought 
never to submerge in neutral waters, other- 
wise it is impossible for a neutral to control 
them and be responsible for them as with or- 
dinary visiting warships. 

Says Professor Theodore S. Woolsey of 
Yale, a very high authority : 

" I think there can be no doubt that the 
U-boat is to be regarded as a surface cruiser 
with no additional rights and privileges and 
with the same duties and liabilities. Hence 
in neutral waters it should not submerge. 
Submergence imperils neutrality by making 
the performance of neutral duties more ardu- 



ous and the evasion of neutral rights easier." 
(American Journal of International Law, 
January, 1917, p. 139.) 

Arming Merchant Kesse/s 
Concerning armed neutrality and its 
present impracticability in defending our 
right to use the seas without suffering 
"unlawful violence," this comment is 
offered : 

In 1798, on account of the attacks on our 
commerce by French cruisers and privateers, 
Congress empowered President John Adams 
to arm merchant vessels, to let them defend 
themselves, and to let our warships attack 
the offending French vessels. 

There were several really serious naval 
battles, (especially when the U. S. S. Con- 
stellation took the French frigate L'lnsur- 
gente, 1799,) and international experts are of 
the opinion that very probably an actual 
state of war existed. In any case the coun- 
try was headed straight into war, and prepa- 
rations were being made to raise a strong 
army with Washington again as commander, 
with Alexander Hamilton under him, while 
an alliance was being discussed with Eng- 
land. Then at the last moment Napoleon, 
who had just come to power, had the wisdom 
to offer terms President Adams* could accept. 
The German Imperial Government had no 
such wisdom or restraint. 

" The German Government," said the 
President, " denies the right of neutrals 
to use arms at all within the areas of the 
sea which it has proscribed even in the 
defense of rights which no modern pub- 
licist has ever before questioned their 
right to defend." 

Editor's annotation: 

Before the outbreak of the war the follow- 
ing were the standing orders in the German 
Navy for dealing with even enemy merchant 
vessels, and if that was the case how much 
more consideration should be given to neu- 
trals. The new German orders are a brazen 
contradiction of their own previous precepts. 
(German Prize Code, p. 75.) 

General orders of German Admiralty staff, 
Berlin, June 22, 1914. (Note date.) 

"If an armed merchant vessel of the enemy 
offers armed resistance, such resistance may 
be overcome with all means possible. The 
crew are to be taken prisoners of war. The 
passengers are to ~be left to go free unless it 
appears that they participated in the resist- 
ance." (German Prize Code, p. 68, par. 116.) 

" Before proceeding to the destruction of 
the (neutral) vessel (which has been seized 
for proper reason) the safety of all persons 
on board, and, so far as possible, their ef- 
fects, is to be provided for." 

Dr. Wehberg, (great German authority on 
international law, quoted in American Jour- 
nal of Int. Law, Oct., 1916, p. 871.) 



68 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



" The enemy merchant ship has the right of 
defense against enemy attack, and this right 
it can exercise against ' visit,' (i. e., being 
stopped and investigated,) for this indeed is 
the first act of capture. The attacked mer- 
chant ship can indeed itself seize the over- 
powered warship as a prize." 

And still again 

In Oxford, 1913, at a meeting of the Insti- 
tute of International Law, at which the rep- 
resentatives of Germany, as well as of all 
other great nations, were present, it was de- 
cided as a firm principle : 

" Private vessels may not commit acts of 
hostility against the enemy; they may, how- 
ever, defend themselves against the attack of 
any enemy vessel." (American Journal of In- 
ternational Law, vol. 10, 1916, p. 868.) 

The President's words, " we will not 
choose the path of submission and suffer 
the most sacred rights of our nation and 
our people to be ignored or violated," are 
supported with these citations: 

Right of American citizens to protection in 
their doings abroad and on the seas no less 
than at home. Decided by Supreme Court of 
United States. (Slaughter House Cases, 16 
Wall., 36.) 

" Every citizen has the right to demand the 
care and protection of the United States when 
on the high seas or within the jurisdiction of 
a foreign Government." 

See Cooley's " Principles of Constitutional 
Law," third edition, page 273, (standard au- 
thority.) 

Obviously a Government which can not or 
will not protect its citizens against a policy 
of lawless murder is unworthy of respect 
abroad or obedience at home. The protection 
of the lives of the innocent and law-abiding 
is clearly the very first duty of a civilized 
State. 

Declaration of War 

In regard to the President's advice that 
Congress pronounce Germany's action to 
be " nothing less than war against the 
Government and people of the United 
States," the editors remark: 

Wars do not have to be declared in order to 
exist. The mere commission of warlike or 
unfriendly acts commences them. Thus the 
first serious clash in the Mexican war took 
place April 24, 1846. Congress " recognized " 
the state of war only on May 11 of that year. 
Already General Taylor had fought two seri- 
ous battles at Palo Alto and Resaca de la 
Palma. 

Many other like cases could be cited; the 
most recent was the outbreak of the war 
between Japan and Russia. In 1904 the Jap- 
anese attacked the Russian fleet before Port 
Arthur, and only several days after this 
battle was war " recognized." 

If the acts of Germany were unfriendly, war 



in the strictest sense existed when the Presi- 
dent addressed Congress. 

With reference to "the granting of 
adequate credits " : 

Bills passed by Congress, with dates on 
which they were presented to President : 

April 5, S. J. Res. 1 Declaration of war. 

April 17, H. R. 12 Deficiency Appropriation 
bill for the year ending June, 1917. 

April 23, H. R. 2,762 Bond Issue bill. 

April 23, H. R. 2,339 Increasing number 'of 
midshipmen at Annapolis. 

April 23, H. R. 2,008 Extending minority 
enlistments in the navy. 

April 23, H. R. 2,338 Authorizing additional 
officers for Hydrographic Office. 

April 23, H. R. 2,300 Increasing age limit 
for officers in Naval Reserve. 

April 23, H. R. 1,771 Amending Naval Ap- 
propriations act for the year ending June, 
1917. 

May 5, H. R. 2,893 Permitting foreign Gov- 
ernments to enlist their nationals residing in 
the United States. 

May 10, S. J. Res. 42 Authorizing seizure of 
interned German ships. 

May 11, H. R. 13 Army Appropriation bill 
for the year ending June, 1918. 

May 15, H. R. 2,337 Enrollments of aliens 
in the Naval Reserve. 

May 16, H. R. 3,330 Increasing Navy and 
Marine Corps to 150,000 men. 

May 18, S. 1,871 Conscription bill. 

Bills in conference on May 17 : 

April 16, H. R. 11 Sundry Civil Appropria- 
tions for the year ending June, 1918. 

April 16, H. R. 10 Military Academy Ap- 
propriations for the year ending June, 1918. 

May 15, S. 2 Espionage bill. 

Bills awaiting action of one house : 

S. 383 Passed Senate April 9, punishing the 
destruction of war material. 

H. R. 328 Passed House May 9, car short- 
age. 

H. "R. 3,971 Passed House May 2, Special 
War Appropriation, bill. 

The President said of the Entente Al- 
lies : " They are in the field, and we 
should help them in every way to be ef- 
fective there." The editors make this 
comment : 

To any one who will reflect upon the sub- 
ject, it will soon appear to be preposterous 
folly to suggest that we " go it alone " 
against Germany, and to fail to give all pos- 
sible aid to her original enemies. Obviously 
unless we send munitions, troops, submarine 
chasers, &c., to France, England, and possi- 
bly Russia, since the German high sea fleet 
does not at present come out, the war for us 
will mean little more than calling names 
across the Atlantic until the European war 
is ended, and then if Germany has a pound 
of strength left (and very possibly she might 
be victorious) she can vent on us all her hate 
and fury, and exact from us the indemnities 



FACTS SUPPORTING PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGE 69 



she can not wring from a bankrupt Europe. 
So obvious is the military necessity of giv- 
ing every possible help to the present enemies 
of Germany that those who try to thwart 
this are almost open to the very grave crimi- 
nal charge of giving aid and comfort to the 
enemies of the United States. 

Regarding the President's reference to 
his previous utterances: 

On Jan. 22 Mr. Wilson spoke in favor of a 
league to secure peace. On Feb. 3 he an- 
nounced he had broken diplomatic relations 
with Germany, but expressed the earnest 
hope that issues would not proceed to a clash 
of arms. On Feb. 26 he asked for " armed 
neutrality," but still avoided an actual state 
of war. 

Menace of Autocracy 

The reference to the menace of " auto- 
cratic Governments, backed by organized 
force which is controlled wholly by their 
will, not by the will of their people," calls 
forth the following: 

Contrast these two standards : Bethmann 
Hollweg addressing the Reichstag, Aug. 4, 
1914: 

" We are now in a state of necessity, and 
necessity knows no law. Our troops have 
occupied (neutral) Luxemburg and perhaps 
already have entered Belgian territory. Gen- 
tlemen, this is a breach of international law. 
The wrong I speak openly the wrong we 
hereby commit we will try to make good as 
soon as our military aims have been at- 
tained. 

" He who is menaced as we are, and is 
fighting for his highest possession, can only 
consider how he is to hack his way through." 

Or Frederick the Great again, the arch 
prophet of Prussianism, speaking in 1740 and 
giving the keynote to all his successors: 
" The question of right is an affair of Minis- 
ters. * * * It is time to consider it in 
secret, for the orders to my troops have been 
given," and still again : " Take what you 
can ; you are never wrong unless you are 
obliged to give back." ("Perkins, France Un- 
der Louis XV.," vol. 1, pp. 169-170.) 

Against this set the words of the first 
President of the young American Republic, 
speaking at a time when the nation was so 
weak that surely any kind of shifts could 
have been justified on the score of necessity. 

Said George Washington in his first in- 
augural address, (1789:) "The foundations 
of our national policy will be laid in the pure 
and immutable principles of private morality. 
There exists in the course of nature an indis- 
soluble union between virtue and happiness, 
between duty and advantage, between .honest 
policy and public felicity " [and] " the pro- 
pitious smiles of Heaven can never be ex- 
pected on a union [or government] that dis- 
regards the eternal rules of order and right, 
which Heaven itself has ordained." 



The present war is for a large part being 
waged to settle whether the American or the 
Prussian standard of morality is valid. 

The phrase applying the same stand- 
ards of conduct to Governments as to in- 
dividuals calls forth a brief statement of 
the nature of the evil in Germany: 

The autocratic spirit of the German Empe- 
ror is clearly revealed in his own utterances, 
(cf. p. 11.) The Imperial Government is in 
form a Government by the Emperor and the 
Imperial Diet. The dominant factor in the 
latter is the Federal Council, (Bundesrat,) 
appointed by the Kings and Princes. Here, 
as King of Prussia, William, II. can make or 
break any policy. Prussia is the controlling 
factor, political, economic, and military, in 
modern Germany. In area it constitutes two- 
thirds of Germany, and five-eighths of its 
population and two-thirds of the members of 
the lower house of the German Congress are 
Prussians. Within Prussia there is little 
limit on the power of William II. In a Con- 
stitution which his great uncle " decreed " in 
1850 the rights of the King and of the Jun- 
kers (the feudal military nobles east of the 
Elbe) are carefully guarded. 

The Constitution of Prussia has remained 
practically unchanged and the electoral dis- 
tricts and three-class voting system of nearly 
seventy years ago still exist. Liberal indus- 
trial and socialistic elements in the great mod- 
ern cities and manufacturing areas are with- 
out adequate representation in the Prussian 
Diet, and the old country districts are practi- 
cally " rotten boroughs," where the peasant 
who votes by voice, not written ballot, is at 
the mercy of his feudal noble landlord. It is 
the latter who back the throne and its auto- 
cratic power so long as the policy suits their 
narrow provincial militaristic views formed 
in the days of Frederick the Great and his 
despotic father and revived and glorified by 
Bismarck. 

A ttltude of German People 

It was not upon the impulse of the 
German people that the Kaiser's Govern- 
ment acted in precipitating the war. The 
editors of the war message cite the fol- 
lowing evidence: 

When the crisis was precipitated late in 
July, 1914, there was a strong peace party in 
Germany, and earnest protests were made 
against letting Austrian aggression against 
Serbia start a world conflagration. In Berlin 
on July 29, twenty-eight mass meetings were 
held to denounce the proposed war, and one 
of them is said to have been attended by 70,000 
men. The Vorwarts (the great organ of the 
Socialists) declared on that day, " the indica- 
tions proved beyond a doubt that the cama- 
rilla of war lords is working with absolutely 
unscrupulous means to carry out their fearful* 
designs to precipitate an international war 
and to start a worldwide fire to devastate 



70 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Europe." On the 31st this same paper as- 
serted that the policy of the German Govern- 
ment was " utterly without conscience.'- Then 
came the declaration of " war emergency," 
(Kriegsgefahr.) mobilization, martial law, 
and any expression of public opinion was 
stilled in Germany. 

The German people had not the slightest 
share in shaping the events which led up to 
the declaration of war. The German Empe- 
ror is clothed by the imperial Constitution 
with practically autocratic power in all mat- 
ters of foreign policy. The Reichstag has not 
even a consultative voice in such matters. 
The German Constitution (Art. 11) gives to 
the Emperor specific power to " declare war, 
conclude peace, and enter .into alliances." 
The provision that only defensive wars may 
be declared by the Emperor alone puts the 
power in his hands to declare this and any 
other war without consulting any but the 
military group, for no power in modern 
times has ever admitted that it waged ag- 
gressive warfare. "William II. declared this 
war without taking his people into the slight- 
est confidence until the final deed was done. 

The whole tendency of responsible German 
statesmen has been to ignore the people in 
foreign affairs. The retired Chancellor, 
Prince von Billow, defended this policy blunt- 
ly on the ground that the Germans were not 
capable of self-government, saying, " We are 
not a political people." 

As for William II., speeches without num- 
ber can be cited to show his sense of his own 
autocratic authority e. g., speaking at Ko- 
nigsberg, in 1910" Looking upon myself as 
the instrument of the Lord, regardless of the 
views and the opinions of the hour, I go on 
my way." And another time: " There is but 
one master in this country ; it is I, and I will 
bear no other." He has also been very fond 
of transforming an old Latin adage, making 
it read, " The will of the King is the highest 
law." 

Other Wars of Aggression 
" It was a war determined upon as 
wars used to be determined upon in the 
old unhappy days/' continued the Presi- 
dent, " when peoples were nowhere con- 
sulted by their rulers and wars were pro- 
voked and waged in the interest of dy- 
nasties or of little groups of ambitious 
men who were accustomed to use their 
fellow-men as pawns and tools." The edi- 
tors add : 

President Wilson probably had in mind 
such wars as those of Louis XIV., waged by 
that King almost solely for his own glory 
and interest and with extremely little heed 
to the small benefit and great suffering they 
brought to France. The War of the Spanish 
Succession (begun in 1701) was particularly 
such a war. History, of course, contains a 
great many others begun from no worthier 



motive, including several conducted by Prus- 
sia and earlier by Philip II. of Spain. 

There is abundant evidence that the situa- 
tion in Europe in July, 1914, was regarded by 
the German " jingo " party von Tirpitz, 
Bernhardi, et al. as peculiarly favorable. 
Russia was busy re-arming her army, and her 
railway system had not yet been properly 
developed for strategic purposes. France was 
vexed with labor troubles, a murder trial 
was heaping scandal upon one of her most 
famous statesmen, and her army was re- 
ported by her own statemen as sadly un- 
ready. England seemed on the point of be- 
ing plunged into a civil war by the revolt of 
a large fraction of Ireland. 

Such a convenient crippling of all the three 
great rivals of Germany might never come 
again. The murder of the Archduke of 
Austria at Serajevo came, therefore, as a 
most convenient occasion for a stroke which 
would either result in great increase of Teu- 
tonic prestige or enable Germany to fight 
with every possible advantage. 

There is official Italian evidence that Ser- 
bia would have been attacked by the Teutonic 
powers in August, 1913, if Italy had con- 
sented to help the scheme. Her refusal made 
the Austro-German war lords wait until July, 
1914, when they felt the situation favorable 
enough to be able to strike without waiting 
for the aid of Italy. (Signor Giolitti, in 
Italian Parliament, Dec. 5, 1914.) 

Ems Incident Recalled 

In confirmation of the statement that 
" a steadfast concert for peace can never 
be maintained except by a partnership of 
democratic nations," the method used by 
Germany to provoke the war of 1870 is 
cited : 

The willingness of Prussian rulers to pre- 
cipitate war and to throw aside ordinary con- 
siderations for peace is best illustrated, of 
course, by the famous " Ems incident " of 
1870. 

At that time Bismarck had decided that the 
quickest way to promote German unity and 
serve his political schemes was to precipi- 
tate a war with France. The inflamed state 
of public opinion in France against Prussia 
made the task easy for him. On July 13, 
1870, he received a telegram from King Will- 
iam I., telling of an interview he had had 
with the French Ambassador about a very 
ticklish matter, and leaving it to Bismarck 
to decide what facts it was wise to give to 
the press. 

Bismarck, after consulting von Moltke as to 
the state of the army, deliberately cut down 
and sharpened the wording of the telegram, 
very moderately phrased, from the King so 
as to make it appear that a deliberate insult 
had been offered the French Ambassador, 
and then gave out this iext of the dispatch 
for publication. This so enraged Paris public 
opinion, that war was immediately declared. 



FACTS SUPPORTING PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGE 71 



Bismarck took great pride in this stroke, 
and the facts are related in all the standard 
German histories, as well as many others 
which copy them. 

Bismarck always regarded the manner in 
which he precipitated this war as a master- 
piece of statecraft. It remained a kind of 
glorious example of true public policy for the 
next generation of public men in Germany. 
(See the account by Bismarck himself in his 
memoirs translated as Bismarck : The Man 
.and the Statesman.) 

Germany at The Hague 
" Only free people can hold their pur- 
pose and their honor steady to a common 
end, and prefer the interests of mankind 
to any narrow interest of their own." 

The great humanitarian aims of The Hague 
peace conferences of 1899 and 1907 were the 
limitation of armaments and the compulsory 
arbitration of international disputes. Una- 
nimity among the world powers was essential 
to the success of both. None dared disarm 
unless all would do so. The great democra- 
cies, Great Britain, France, and the United 
States, favored both propositions, but Ger- 
many, leading the opposition, prevented their 
adoption. She agreed with reluctance to a 
convention for optional arbitration, but re- 
fused at the second conference even to discuss 
disarmament. (See Scott, James Brown, 
" The Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 
1907," I., index, " Armaments " and " Arbi- 
tration.") 

The President's statement that the 
Russian autocracy, now fallen, was not 
Russian in origin, character, or purpose, 
is confirmed with these facts: 

The whole autocratic regime has been im- 
posed on a people whose instincts and institu- 
tions are fundamentally democratic. The de- 
posed Romanoff dynasty began in an election 
among the nobles. Peter the Great and the 
more despotic of his successors created large- 
ly by imitation and adaptation of German 
bureaucracy the machinery with which they 
ruled. Underneath this un-Russian machin- 
ery of despotism Russian communal and local 
life has preserved itself with wonderful vital- 
ity. 

During the Russian revolution of 1905-1906 
it was perfectly evident that the German 
Government was doing its uttermost to help 
the Czar and the old regime. The passage of 
revolutionary exiles into Germany was con- 
stantly hindered ; many were arrested by the 
Prussian police, and all who succeeded in en- 
tering Germany were kept under constant es- 
pionage. 

The Czar and the Kaiser were hand in glove 
to a large extent before the war broke out. 
The German White Paper, which was pub- 
' , lishecl.at the outbreak of the war, containing 
which passed personally between 
ll. and Wilhelm II., gives repeated 




appeals from one to the other as representa- 
tives of a common interest. 

Intrigues in United States 
The reference to the Prussian autoc- 
racy's spies and intrigues in the United 
States is thus elaborated : 

Besides undoubtedly many matters which 
from reasons of public policy the Government 
has still kept hidden, the House of Represen- 
tatives Committee on Foreign Affairs when it 
presented the war resolution following the 
President's message, went on formal record 
as listing at least twenty-one crimes or un- 
friendly acts committed upon our soil with 
the connivance of the German Government 
since the European war began. Among these 
were : 

Inciting Hindus within the United States to 
stir up revolts in India, and supplying them 
with funds for that end, contrary to our neu- 
trality laws. 

Running a fraudulent passport office for 
German reservists. This was supervised by 
Captain von Papen of the German Embassy. 

Sending German agents to England to act 
as spies, equipped with American passports. 

Outfitting steamers to supply German raid- 
ers, and 1 sending them out of American ports 
in defiance of our laws. 

Sending an agent from the United States to 
try to blow up the International Bridge at 
Vanceboro, Me. 

Furnishing funds to agents to blow up fac- 
tories in Canada. 

Five different conspiracies, some partly suc- 
cessful, to manufacture and place bombs on 
ships leaving United States ports. For these 
crimes a number of persons have been con- 
victed, also Consul General Bopp of San 
Francisco (a very high German official ac- 
credited to the United States Government) 
has been convicted of plotting to cause 
bridges and tunnels to be destroyed in Can- 
ada. 

Financing newspapers in this country to 
conduct a propaganda serviceable to the ends 
of the German Government. 

Stirring up anti-American sentiment in 
Mexico and disorders generally in that coun- 
try, to make it impossible for the United 
States to mix in European affairs. 

[N. B. This last, from a humanitarian 
standpoint, seems peculiarly outrageous. Ger- 
many had not the slightest grievance against 
the helpless Mexicans. To incite them to re- 
volt against their own Government and to 
make war on the United States simply in- 
volved their misery and probable destruction, 
in return for a very doubtful and roundabout 
gain for Germany. The greatest wrong was 
not to the United States but to Mexico.] 

German military usage has been quite in 
this spirit, however, and approves of such do- 
ings. (See German War Code, standard 
translation, p. 85.) 

" Bribery of enemies' subjects, acceptance 
of offers of treachery, utilization of discon- 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



tented elements in the population, support of 
pretenders, and the like, are permissible ; in- 
deed, international law is in no way opposed 
to the exploitation of crimes of third parties." 
This, of course, is an outrageous travesty 
of international law. As Holland (" Laws of 
War on Land," p. 61) said, speaking of such 
acts, The Hague Conference " declined to add 
to the authority of a practice so repulsive " 
by legislating. upon the subject. What would 
the German people say of America, if our 
Government hired assassions to murder Kai- 
ser Wilhelm or von Hindenburg? 

The. Zimmermann Note 
The German Government's intrigues, 
including the attempt to embroil us with 
Mexico, " have played their part in/ serv- 
ing to convince us at last that that Gov- 
ernment entertains no real friendship for 
us, and means to act against our peace 
and security at its convenience." The 
facts underlying this statement are cited 
as follows: 

A Prussianized Germany, triumphant in 
Europe and dominant on the seas, would find 
its occasion to strike down America in its 
isolation and make of us the overseas tribu- 
tary of a new Roman Empire. There can be 
no question that the future of democracy and 
of independent national'life is hanging in the 
balance in this struggle. 

The famous " Zimmermann note," exposed 
by our Government March 1, is a document 
that should stick in the memories of all 
Americans. Remember, it was composed on 
Jan. 19, 1917, at a time when Germany and 
America were officially very good friends, 
and the date was just three days before Mr. 
Wilson appeared in the Senate with his 
scheme for a league to assure peace and jus- 
tice to the world. 

Zimmermann admitted the authenticity of 
the note, and only deplored that it had been 
discovered. The significant parts were these : 
" Berlin, Jan. 19, 1917. 

" On Feb. 1 we intend to begin submarine 
warfare unrestricted. In spite of this, it is 
our intention to keep neutral the United 
States of America. 

" If this attempt is not successful, we pro- 
pose an alliance on the following basis with 
Mexico : That we shall make war together 
and together make peace. We shall give gen- 
eral financial support, and it is understood 
that Mexico is to reconquer the lost territory 
in New Mexico, Texas, and Arizona. The de- 
tails are left to you for settlement." 

The rest of the dispatch tells the German 
Minister in Mexico to open secret negotia- 
tions with Carranza the moment war with 
us is certain, and to get Carranza to draw in 
Japan. 

Germany has attempted to apologize for 
this note by saying that they did not intend 
to do anything unless we first declared war. 



It is a complete retort that decent nations do 
not go around preparing schemes for the dis- 
memberment of other nations with which 
they, are at peace, and that Zimmermann's 
whole proposal sprang out of an evil con- 
science, because he realized that the sub- 
marine policy projected was so vile that the 
United States could not submit to it without 
utter loss of self-respect, and he did us the 
justice of believing we were not such extreme 
cravens as to refuse to fight. 

The whole dispatch was so gross a revela- 
tion of international immorality that Ger- 
man-American papers immediately denounced 
it as a forgery, only to have its genuineness 
brazenly acknowledged and defended by 
Berlin. 

In the presence of such an organized 
power " there can be no security for the 
democratic Governments of the world. 
* * * The world must be made safe for 
democracy." Comment : 

It is worthy of note that although nearly all 
the nations opposed to Germany concluded 
the so-called " cooling off " arbitration 
treaties with the United States, negotiated by 
Mr. Bryan, Germany, aTtliough indulging in 
certain meaningless talk about " approving 
the principle " of arbitration, &c., declined to 
join in the. compacts. 

There was no arbitration treaty that could 
be invoked when trouble arose with Ger- 
many. 

On March 30, 1911, the German Imperial 
Chancellor had stated openly in the Reichs- 
tag that no general arbitration treaty would 
be useful for Germany, since it afforded no 
guarantee for a permanent peace. If condi- 
tions changed, from the time it was made, 
he said, then, " every arbitration treaty will 
burn like tinder and end in smoke." (Quoted 
in Bernhardi, " Germany and the Next 
War," p. 33.) 

Germany and Fair Play 

"We shall, I feel confident," said the 
President, " conduct our operations as 
belligerents without passion and our- 
selves observe with proud punctilio the 
principles of right and of fair play we 
profess to be fighting for." The editors 
add: 

" Fair play " has small part in the Prus- 
sian military usage, however. (See German 
War Code, Introduction, par. 3 ; authorized 
translation, p. 52.) 

" A war conducted with energy cannot be 
directed merely against the combatants of 
the enemy State, and the positions which 
they occupy, but will in like manner seek to 
destroy the total intellectual and material 
resources of the latter. Humanitarian 
claims, such as the protection of men and 
their goods, can only be taken into considera- 
tion in so far as the nature and object of the 
war permits." 



FACTS SUPPORTING PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGE 73 



See also Clausewitz, (the Prussian military 
authority and oft-quoted oracle.) Treatise 
" On War " (Vom Kriege,) V. : Kap. 14, (3.) 

Speaking 1 of the desirability of crushing 
down a hostile country by requisitions, &c. f 
he commends it because of " the fear of re- 
sponsibility, punishment, and ill-treatment, 
which in such cases presses like a general 
weight on the whole population." This re- 
course (of requisitions) has " no limits ex- 
cept those of the exhaustion, impoverishment, 
and devastation of the country." 

By this Prussian gospel, not merely is war 
inevitably " hell," but it is to be made de- 
liberately the lowest stratum of hell, and the 
means of rendering it such are to be worked 
out with scientific precision. 

Concerning Austria-Hungary's attitude 
on the submarine issue: 

Austria had a serious clash with the United 
States in the Ancona case late in 1915, when 
Americans perished, thanks to the ruthless 
action of an Austrian submarine. In reply 
to American protests Austria promised to 
order her commanders to behave with hu- 
manity, and (compared, at least, to her Ger- 
man allies) she kept her word with reason- 
able exactness. 

On April 8, however, Austria, probably act- 
ing under German pressure, broke off diplo- 
matic relations with the United States with- 
out waiting for action by our Government, 
and the same was done a little later by Ger- 
many's other obedient vassal, the Sultan of 
Turkey. 

The President's avowal of our sincere 
friendship for the German people, as dis- 
tinguished from their Government, re- 
ceives this annotation: 

There are now two Germanies the old noble 
idealistic Germany ; the new hard, material- 
istic nation, created by Prussia. Americans 
would fain love and recall the former. 

Here is what two of their own writers said, 
men of leadership and insight, speaking very 
shortly before the war : 

Professor Rein of Jena : " A one-sidedness 
which only esteems material values and an 
increasing control over nature is destructive 
, in its influence, and this one-sidedness set in 
during the nineteenth century in Germany. 
We Germans have ceased to be the nation of 
thinkers, poets, and dreamers, we aim now 
only at the domination and exploitation of 
nature." 

And again Professor Paulsen of Berlin : 
" Two souls dwell in the German Nation. The 
German Nation has been called the nation of 
poets and thinkers, and it may be proud of 
the name. Today it may again be called the 
nation of masterful combatants, as which it 
originally appeared in history." 

Proofs of President's Patience 
" We have borne with their present 
Government through all these bitter 



months, because of that friendship, exer- 
cising a patience and forbearance which 
would otherwise have been impossible." 
The facts back of this passage are thus 
arrayed : 

No one can accuse Mr. Wilson of the least 
precipitancy in bringing matters to an issue. 
Of course, on the contrary, his persistent at- 
tempts to bring the German Government to 
recognize the claims of reason and humanity 
have caused him to be bitterly criticised. De- 
spite this criticism he has patiently and stead- 
ily held to the policy announced a year ago, 
" to wait until facts became unmistakable and 
were susceptible of only one interpretation." 
(Sussex note, April 18, 191G.) 

Here is a partial list of the stages in the 
U-boat campaign : 

1. Dec. 24, 1914. Admiral von Tirpitz throws 
out hints in a newspaper interview of a whole- 
sale torpedoing policy. He directly asks, 
"What will America say?" This was con- 
siderably before the so-called English block- 
ade was causing Germany any serious food 
problem. 

2. Feb. 4, 1915. German Government pro- 
claims a war zone within which any ship may 
be sunk unwarned. 

3. Feb. 10, 1915. Mr. Wilson tells German 
Government it will be held to " strict ac- 
countability " if any American rights were 
violated in this way. 

4. April 22, 1916. German Embassy pub- 
lishes in New York papers warning against 
taking passage on ships which our Govern- 
ment had told their people they had a perfect 
right to take. 

5. May 7, 1915. Sinking of Lusitania. 

6. May 13, 1915. Mr. Wilson's " first Lusi- 
tania " note. 

7. May 28, 1915. Germany's reply defending 
the sinking of the Lusitania. 

8. June 9, 1915. Mr. Wilson's " second Lu- 
sitania " note. 

9. July 21, 1915. Mr. Wilson's " third Lusi- 
tania " note, (following more unsatisfactory 
German rejoinders.) 

10. Aug. 19, 1915. Sinking of the Arabic, 
whereupon ,von Bernstorff gave 'an oral 
pledge for his Government that hereafter 
German submarines would not sink " liners " 
without warning. 

11. February, 1916. (After still more debat- 
able sinkings,) Germany makes proposals 
looking toward " assuming liability " for the 
Lusitania victims, but the whole case is soon 
complicated again by the " armed ship " 
issue. 

12. March 24, 1916. Sinking of the Sussex, 
passenger vessel with Americans on board. 

13. April 10, 1916. Germany cynically tells 
United States she cannot be sure whether she 
sunk the Sussex or not, although admitting 
one of her submarines was active close to the 
place of disaster. 

14. April 18, 1916. President Wilson threat- 
ens Germany with breach of diplomatic) rela- 



74 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



tions if Sussex and similar incidents are re- 
peated. 

15. May 4, 1916. Germany grudgingly 
makes the promise that ships will not be sunk 
without warning. 

1C. Oct. 8, 1916. German submarine ap- 
pears off American coast and sinks British 
passenger steamer Stephano with many Amer- 
ican, passengers (vacationists returning from 
Newfoundland) on board. Loss of life almost 
certain had not American men-of-war been on 
hand to pick up the refugees. 

[From this time until final break several 
other vessels sunk under circumstances which 
made it at least doubtful whether Germany 
was living up to her pledges.] 

17. Jan. 31, 1917. Germany tears up her 
promises and notifies Mr. Wilson she will be- 
gin " unrestricted submarine war." 

18. Feb. 3, 1917. Mr. Wilson gives Count 
von Bernstorff his passports and recalls Am- 
bassador Gerard from Berlin. 

In all modern history it may be doubted if 
there Js another chapter displaying such pro- 
longed patience, forbearance, and concilia- 
toriness as that shown by Mr. Wilson and 
Mr. Lansing in the face of a long course of 
deliberate evasion and prevarication to them 
personally, as well as outrage after outrage 
upon the property, and, still more, upon the 
Jives of very many American citizens. 

Germans in America 

" We shall happily still have an oppor- 
tunity to prove that friendship in our 
daily attitude and actions toward the 
millions of men and women of German 
birth and native sympathy who live 
among us and share our life, and we shall 
be proud to prove it toward all who are 
in fact loyal to their neighbors and to 
the Government in the hour of test." 

On April 6, 1917, President Wilson issued a 
proclamation in which he asserted that 
" alien enemies " who preserved the peace, 
kept the laws, and gave no aid to the ene- 
mies of the United States " shall be undis- 
turbed in the peaceful pursuit of their lives 
and occupations, and shall be accorded the 
consideration 'due to all peaceful and law- 
abiding persons, and toward such [persons] 
all citizens of the United States are enjoined 
to preserve the peace and to treat them with 
all such friendliness as may be compatible 
with loyalty and allegiance to the United 
States." 

In May the Attorney General issued a 
statement congratulating the country on the 
friendly relations between Americans and 
German residents, the absence of disorders, 
and the necessity of interning only a very 
small number of persons, (about 125,) an in- 
significant fraction of the whole number of 
German citizens in this country. 

At almost the same time the cables carried 
dispatches that the German police had or- 
dered strict measures of oversight and re- 



straint for the few Americans remaining in 
Germany, although all such persons were 
probably people whose ties with Germany 
made them almost more at home there than 
in their nominal country. 

" If there should be disloyally, it will 
be dealt with with a firm hand of stern 
repression ": 

The treason statutes of the United States 
have seldom been invoked, but they exist and 
possess teeth. 

It is treason to " levy war against the Uni- 
ted States, adhere to their enemies, or give 
them aid or comfort." (Ch. 1, sec. 1, Rev. 
Stat.) The penalty is death, or imprisonment 
for at least five years, and a fine of at least 
$10,000. 

It is " misprision of treason " to know of 
any treasonable plots or doings and fail to 
report the same to the authorities. The pen- 
alty is seven years' imprisonment. The pen- 
alty for inciting a rebellion or insurrection is 
ten years, and the crime of entering into any 
correspondence with a foreign Government 
to influence it in any dispute with the Uni- 
ted States, or to defeat any measures taken by 
our Government, calls for three years' im- 
prisonment. (Ch. 1, sec. 5.) There is also a 
penalty of six years' imprisonment for any 
seditious conspiracy to oppose the authority 
of the United States. 

All these laws President Wilson has, by 
recent proclamation, (April 6, 1917,) remind- 
ed the people are in full force. 

" Giving aid and comfort to the enemies of 
the United States " has been defined in the 
courts (30 Federal Cases, No. 18272,) as: 

" In general, any act clearly indicating a 
want of loyalty to the Government and sym- 
pathy with its enemies, and which by fair 
construction is directly in furtherance of their 
hostile designs." Such deeds are, of course, 
liable to all the penalty of treason. 

In extreme cases, also, of " rebellion and 
invasion " the Constitution specifically gives 
the Government power to suspend the writ of 
habeas corpus, (Constitution, Art. I., sec. 9, 
par. 2;) in other words, to arrest and im- 
prison on mere suspicion without trial, and 
this was actually done in the civil war. 

In support of the President's statement 
that " the right is more precious than 
peace, and we shall fight for the things 
which we have always carried nearest our 
hearts," the editors cite the following 
contrast: 

Abraham Lincoln, (second inaugural ad- 
dress, 1865:) 

" With malice toward none, with charity 
for all, with firmness in the right as God 
gives us to see the right, let us finish the 
work we are in to bind up another's wourids, 
to care for him who shall have borne the bat- 
tle, and for his widow and orphans ; to do all 
which may achieve and cherish a just and 



FACTS SUPPORTING PRESIDENT WILSON'S WAR MESSAGE 75 



lasting peace among ourselves and with all 
nations." 

Friedrich von Bernhardi, (German Lieu- 
tenant General, and acceptable mouthpiece, 
not of the whole German Nation, but of the 
Prussian military caste which holds the Ger- 
man Nation in its grip :) 

" Might is at once the supreme right, and 



the dispute as to what is right is decided by 
the arbitrament of war," (p. 23.) 

[" It is outrageous to presume that] a weak 
nation is to have the same right to live as a 
powerful and vigorous nation," (p. 34.) 

" Which of these two national view- 
points," the editors ask, " is to be al- 
lowed to dominate the world? " 



A Cry From the Canadian Hills 

By LILIAN.LEVERIDGE 

The author of these heart-searching lines, a Canadian, wrote them for The Daily Ontario 
as a tribute to her brother, Private Frank Leveridge, a member of the Thirty-ninth Canadian 
Battalion, who died of wounds in France. 



Laddie, little laddie, come with me over 

the hills, 
Where blossom the white May lilies, and 

the dogwood and daffodils; 
For the Spirit of Spring is calling to our 

spirits that love to roam 
Over the hills of home, laddie, over the 

hills of home. 

Laddie, little laddie, here's hazel and 

meadow rue, 
And wreaths of the rare' arbutus, a-blow- 

ing f or me and you; 
And cherry and bilberry blossoms, and 

hawthorn as white as foam, 
We'll carry them all to Mother, laddie, 

over the hills at home. 

Laddie, little laddie, the winds have many 

a song 
And blithely and bold they whistle to us 

as we trip along; 
But your own little song is sweeter, your 

own with its merry trills; 
So, whistle a tune as you go, laddie, over 

the windy hills. 

Laddie, little laddie, 'tis time that the 

cows were home, 
Can you hear the klingle-klangle of their 

bell in the greenwood gloam? 
Old Rover is waiting, eager to follow the 

trail with you, 
Whistle a tune as you go, laddie, whistle 

a tune as you go. 

Laddie, little laddie, there's a flash of a 

bluebird's wing, 
O hush! If we wait and listen we may 

hear him caroling. 
The vesper song of the thrushes, and the 

plaint of the whip-poor-wills, 
Sweet, how sweet is the music, laddie, 

over the twilit hills. 



Brother, little brother, your childhood is 

passing by, 
And the dawn of a noble purpose I see 

in your thoughtful eye. 
You have many a mile to travel and many 

a task to do; 
Whistle a tune as you go, laddie, whistle 

a tune as you go. 

Laddie, soldier laddie, a call comes over 
the sea, 

A call to the best and bravest in the land 
of liberty, 

To shatter the despot's power, to lift up 
the weak that fall. 

Whistle a song as you go, laddie, to an- 
swer your country's call. 

Brother, soldier brother, the Spring has 

come back again, 
But her voice from the windy hilltops is 

calling your name in vain; 
For never shall we together 'mid the 

birds and the blossoms roam, 
Over the hills of home, brother, over the 

hills of home. 

Laddie! Laddie! Laddie! "Somewhere 

in France " you sleep, 
Somewhere 'neath alien flowers and alien 

winds that weep. 
Bravely you marched to battle, nobly 

your life laid down, 
You unto death were faithful, laddie; 

yours is the victor's crown. 

Laddie! Laddie! Laddie! How dim is 

the sunshine grown, 
As Mother and I together speak" softly in 

tender tone! 
And the lips that quiver and falter have 

ever a single theme, 
As we list for your dear, lost whistle, 

laddie, over the hills of dream. 



Laddie, beloved laddie! How soon should 
we cease to weep 

Could we glance through the golden gate- 
way whose keys the angels keep! 

Yet love, our love that is deathless, can 
follow you where you roam, 

Over the hills of God, laddie, the beauti- 
ful hills of Home. 



The New Phase of Air Raids 
On England 



BETWEEN May 23 and June 16, 
1917, there were five aerial at- 
tacks on England in nearly all of 
which the Germans used air- 
planes instead of Zeppelins. Two of the 
raids were particularly serious in the 
number of civilian lives lost. The first 
of the series took place on May 23, when 
four or five German aircraft flew over 
the eastern counties of England and 
dropped bombs, killing one man. The 
second attack, on May 25, resulted in 
the killing of 76 persons and the in- 
juring of 174; practically all the casual- 
ties occurred at Folkstone, on the south- 
east coast. The principal victims were 
women and children who had been stand- 
ing in a long line in the town's busiest 
street waiting to buy potatoes. 

It was 6:30 P. M. when a peculiar 
humming noise in the sky warned the 
people of the approach of danger. The 
German airplanes, numbering about six- 
teen, were not more than three minutes 
over the town before they passed away 
in the direction of the sea. Most of the 
bombs were dropped on Folkestone. Of 
the killed twenty-seven were women and 
twenty- three children; and of the injured 
forty-three women and nineteen children. 

Airplanes of the Royal Flying Corps 
immediately went in pursuit and the Ger- 
man aircraft were also engaged by the 
Royal Naval Air Service from Dunkirk 
on their return journey. The Admiralty 
reported that three of the enemy air- 
planes were shot down in mid-Channel. 

The attack was methodically organized. 
The first squadron of five airplanes was 
followed after short intervals by a second 
squadron and then a third and fourth, 
each of which repeated the tactics of the 
first. Scarcely any part of Folkestone 
escaped injury. At least sixty bombs 
were dropped, falling in a shower all 
over the town. The worst damage done 
was from a group of bombs which struck 
the business thoroughfare thronged with 
people. At one spot here sixteen women, 



eight men, and nine children were killed, 
and forty-two persons were injured. The 
intervals of comparative quiet after the 
departure of each squadron 'of raiders 
were only broken by the sound of distant 
firing of naval guns out at sea and were 
even more harrowing to the populace 
than were the brief periods when the 
bombs were actually bursting in the 
town. 

After each visit the people in shelters 
or cellars asked each other whether this 
was the last. Hours after the last raider 
had gone many people kept to their shel- 
ters in the belief that more raiders were 
coming. There was much employment 
for voluntary relief workers. The hos- 
pitals were crowded not -only with in- 
jured, but with women and children 
suffering from shock, while the police 
and constables had their hands full pa- 
trolling the devastated districts and at- 
tending to the work of rescue, identifica- 
tion, and the hundreds of odds and ends 
which such a crisis brings to an unpre- 
pared town. 

Reports from the surrounding district 
indicated that there were some bombing 
of neighboring villages, even at some 
distance, inland. The bombs were 
dropped, for the most part, as the Ger- 
man airplanes were making a wide circle 
to approach from the land side. 

The third of this series of air raids 
took place on the evening of June 5, when 
sixteen German airplanes came over the 
North Sea and dropped many bombs on 
the small towns and villages in Essex 
and Kent. Only fourteen of them re- 
turned to their home base, for two were 
brought down by British guns. Only 
two persons were killed and twenty-nine 
injured in the bombarded districts. The 
raiders met with a lively reception, extra 
precautions having been taken by the 
British authorities after the previous 
raid. The Germans were attacked by 
British aviators before they had an op- 
portunity to carry out their raiding 



THE NEW PHASE OF AIR RAIDS ON ENGLAND 



77 



intentions to any great extent, and the 
British anti-aircraft guns were very 
effective. The official statement said 
that the raiders also attacked the naval 
establishments in the Medway. A con- 
siderable number of bombs were dropped 
and a certain amount of damage was 
done to house property, but the damage 
done to naval and military establish- 
ments was practically negligible. 

The worst raid of all was that made 
upon London on June 13 in the broad 
daylight of noon. A squadron of German 
airplanes bombed the East End and the 
business sections of the city, killing 97 
persons and injuring 437. Many of the 
victims were women and children, 120 of 
the latter being either killed or injured. 
The large number of casualties was due 
to the fact that the eating places in the 
East End were crowded at the hour of 
the raid, schools were still in session, and 
large numbers of people were on the 
streets. Of the victims, an official an- 
nouncement stated 55 men, 16 women, 
and 26 children were killed, while the 
injured comprised 223 men, 122 women, 
and 94 children. No damage cf a mili- 
tary or naval nature was done. Only 
one of the attacking airplanes was 
brought down. 

A supplementary official report 
stated : " The first bombs were dropped 
on the eastern outskirts of London at 
about 11:30 A. M. Numerous bombs fell 
in rapid succession in various districts in 
the East End. One bomb fell in a rail- 
way station, hitting an incoming train. 
Seven persons were killed and 17 injured 
here. Another bomb fell on a school, 
killing 10 and injuring about 50 children. 
A number of warehouses were damaged 
and fires were caused. A few bombs also 
were dropped near North Foreland and 
opposite the banks of the Thames, four 
persons being injured. The air raid over 
London lasted about fifteen minutes. The 
raiders were engaged by guns of the East 
London defenses and a large number of 
airplanes of the Royal Flying Corps and 
Royal Naval Air Service were sent up as 
soon as the enemy was reported off the 
coast. Several engagements took place 
in the air." 

The most tragic episode of the attack 
was the bombing of a London County 



Council School, of which the following 
graphic description was given by a 
soldier who went to assist the teachers : 

" I found the class mistress, who had 
got the uninjured children into a passage 
where, if there came another bomb, they 
would be less likely to be hurt. She was 
all alone until I came. Then we both set 
to get out the uninjured. She brought 
down two or three from the upper room 
first, then we went into the classroom 
where the bomb had sunk into the earth 
when it exploded. The sight was a ter- 
rible one, and but for the excitement it 
would have been unbearable. Many of 
the little ones were lying across their 
desks, apparently dead, and with terrible 
wounds on heads and limbs, and scores of 
others were writhing with pain and moan- 
ing piteously in their terror and suffer- 
ing. 

" Many bodies were mutilated, but our 
first thought was to get at the injured 
and have them cared for. We took them 
gently in our arms and laid them out 
against a wall under a shed. I didn't 
count them, but I should think there were 
twenty or thirty. I was just wondering 
what we should do next when some more 
people came to help, including soldiers, 
naval cadets, police, and special con- 
stables. We were frantic for ambulances 
and it was impossible to carry them to 
the hospital, which was half a mile away. 
Just then two lorries drew up and the 
driver suggested that he should help. We 
packed the poor little souls on the lorries 
as gently as we could and he drove as if 
he was afraid of something giving away 
and so at last we got them to the hos- 
pital. 

" While they were gone I put a sentry 
on the door, and I can tell you it was 
a tough job. The women were not in the 
slightest degree panicky, but they were 
selfish in their love at first and in their 
earnestness to get at their own babies 
endangered by others who were lying on 
the floor. Some mothers were almost in- 
sane with grief, and when they couldn't 
find their own children would rush 
through the bodies looking for them, and 
when you remember that there was a 
hole in the roof four feet deep and cover- 
ing the whole area of the classroom it 



78 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



will be understood what that meant. The 
worst part of our task was the last 
that of picking up the mutilated frag- 
ments of humanity." 

Two Zeppelins made an attack on the 
east coast of England in the night of 
June 16. The official report said that 
one of the airships crossed the Kentish 
coast at 2 A. M. and dropped bombs on a 
coast town, killing two persons, injuring 
sixteen, and wrecking a large number of 
houses. The second airship attacked a 
coast town of East Anglia, but did no 
damage before it was engaged by the 
Royal Flying Corps, brought down in 
flames, and destroyed. 

Thousands of people witnessed the end 



of this Zeppelin. The attack by anti- 
aircraft guns on the dirigible lasted fully 
half an hour, and people ran from their 
houses half dressed to watch the fight. 
When the black object, drifting across 
the sky from the southeast to the north- 
west, was seen to burst into flames the 
spectators cheered tumultuously. It had 
been first winged by a land gun, and 
was then finished by an airplane, which 
the Zeppelin fought to the last with her 
guns. The dirigible dropped in a field 
of corn, far from any habitation, and 
was entirely destroyed.. All of the crew 
were killed and their bodies badly 
charred. Some of the men appeared to 
have jumped from the airship. 



1,430 Airplanes Shot Down in Two Months 



THE intensity of the aerial warfare 
on the western front is indicated by 
the figures showing the number of 
airplanes lost in April and May. A com- 
pilation from the British, French, and 
German official reports shows that 717 
airplanes were shot down during April, 
the Germans losing 369, the French and 
Belgians 201, and the British 147. Dur- 
ing May 713 airplanes were shot down 
on the western front. The Germans lost 
442 and the British and French 271, of 
which 86 were admitted to have been 
British and the remainder, by inference, 
French. Thus, in two months, 1,430 air- 
planes were destroyed. 

How the British and French have 
gained the supremacy of the air was 
described by Major L. W. B. Rees of the 
British Flying Corps, during a visit to 
Washington. While the Allies' opera- 
tions are conducted almost entirely be- 
yond the German lines, the Major said, 
the German machines now cross over the 
allied lines only rarely in raiding parties. 
The British fly on three levels with three 
kinds of machines. The lowest are the 
artillery directors, who circle about in 
big figure eights about 6,000 feet above 
the enemy trenches and flash back direc- 
tions to the British gunners by wireless. 
Above them, at 10,000 feet, are the heavy 
fighters with two men to a machine and 



able to keep the air for four hours at a 
speed of 110 miles per hour. At a height 
of 15,000 feet are the single-man light 
fighters, capable of 130 miles an hour 
and of ascending the first 10,000 feet in 
ten minutes. 

The Germans have given up all at- 
tempts to guide their artillery by air- 
plane and seek only to smash up the 
allied reconnoissance over their lines. 
Their machines are largely of one class, 
therefore, fast, heavy fighters, generally 
biplanes, which are continually seeking 
to swoop down on the British artillery 
observers and send them to the ground 
before the British fighting patrols can 
reach them. Recently, however, the Ger- 
mans have developed another light fight- 
ing machine, which by climbing to 20,000 
feet seeks to overtop the British light 
fighters and clear them out. 

British losses have been running re- 
cently as high as thirty to forty machines 
a day, because of the extraordinary 
chances taken over the enemy's lines. As 
a rule they go out in squadrons of six, 
divided into three pairs and prepared to 
swoop down in unison on any German 
machine that may come up. 

Major Rees gave it as his opinion that 
the British had defeated the Germans in 
every way in the air and deprived them 
of invaluable reconnoissance power. The 



AMERICA'S CALL TO ARMS 




~t~4 h, fRANCIS ADAM', 



One of the Most Striking Posters Used in Recruiting the 
United States Army Up to War Strength 

(Poster by Frances Adams Halsted and V, Aderente) 



THE NAVY'S APPEAL FOR MEN 



1 ' 



THE NAVY 
NEEDS YOU! 
DON'T READ 

AMERICAN HISTORY- 
MAKE IT ! 




U-S-NAVY RECRUITING STATION 

A Poster Used by the Navy Recruiting Department to Obtain 
the Increased Personnel Required for the War Fleet 



i 
i 



(Poster by James Montgomery Flagg) 



1,430 AIRPLANES SHOT DOWN IN TWO MONTHS 79 

Zeppelin is now practically useless as a tance. Many American machines are in 
military weapon. Germany's whole artil- use in England for training purposes, 
lery observation is conducted by means but none on the fighting line, 
of captive balloons. A short time ago The most brilliant of British military 
the British and French made a combined aviators has been officially reported 
attack at 4 P. M. and knocked down every killed. He was Captain Albert Ball, 
captive balloon from the North Sea to D. S. O., who was reported missing early 
Switzerland. Not for three days did in May and is now known to be buried 
another balloon appear in sight. at a place named Annoeullin. Captain 
Pilots can be trained in about three Ball had brought down over forty enemy 
months, according to Major Rees, and machines. He was only 21 years of age, 
should be from 19 to 25 years old, weigh- was absolutely fearless, but never a reck- 
ing not much over 160 pounds. The less flier. General Trenchard of the 
supreme consideration he gave as in- Royal Flying Corps described him as the 
telligence and reliability, as the task in- most daring, skillful, and successful 
trusted to the airmen is of vital impor- pilot the Royal Flying Corps ever had. 



The Death of Prince Karl Friedrich 

When Prince Karl Friedrich, the Kaiser's nephew and royal airman, was 
brought down on the French front and held prisoner until he died of his wounds, 
he was visited every day by the Rev. M. Caldwell, a British Baptist minister, 
who is serving as official Chaplain to the German prisoners in France. The 
young Prince talked freely to him, describing his capture in these terms: 

" I was doing important work for my commander when I was attacked by 
British aeronauts. I kept on my course at first, but soon found I had to defend 
myself against their determined onslaught. The contest was keen and exciting. 
I was hit on my foot, and the pain was intense, but that was not my undoing. 
My machine was hit in a vital part, and, although I did my utmost to get back 
to my lines, I was compelled to descend in full view of the Australians. I saw the 
predicament I would be in when I landed, so decided to burn my machine and 
run for it. The Australians were too clever for me, and gave me a warm time 
when I took to my heels. I had a sporting chance, and took it, but I was not a 
winner. I felt a twitching sensation in my back, and fell forward, done for. 
The Australians, whose prisoner I became, treated me with the greatest kind- 
ness. They are sportsmen, and great men. I have a wonderful admiration for 
them. If I am anything, I am a sport. I have played tennis with Wilding and 
other first-class players. I shall never forget the jolly time I had in England 
when I played them all." 

The dying man added : " God is with me. When I was christened the pastor 
read out a text from the Bible, which he repeated at my confirmation, and gave 
me as my lifelong message from God. I fear I did not value it enough before I 
was wounded, but since then it has been a source of consolation to me. It keeps 
returning to my thoughts. It is, ' If God be with us, who can be against us ? ' 
What greater evidence could I have of its truth than the kindness which has 
been shown me ? Now you come daily to speak of God and pray for me. I am 
grateful to you and all who wish me well. I lie here a helpless prisoner, but 
I have no regrets. I did my best for my country, and I am not sorry I am 
finished with the war. I want to live. I am young, and when the war is over, I 
shall go back and help to build up my nation again." 



A Great Fight in the Air 

[Described by a British War Correspondent at the Front 



THIS is the story of how five Brit- 
ish airplanes fought twenty- 
seven Germans and beat them, 
sending eight to earth crashing, 
crippled or in flames. It was on Satur- 
day, May 5, 1917, a day of great heat, 
when there was a haze so thick that you 
could hardly see the ground from a height 
of 2,000 feet. Our men had started fairly 
late in the afternoon, and at 5 o'clock 
were well over in enemy country, when, 
with the sun at their backs, they saw two 
enemy machines ahead. They tried to 
close with the enemy, who made some 
show of giving fight. It was only a 
show, however, for as our leading ma- 
chine drew near the Germans turned and 
made with all speed for home. 

The tactics suggested that the two 
enemy machines were only decoys, in- 
tended to lure our little flotilla as far 
as possible from its base and the sus- 
picion was soon confirmed. Even as we 
started to chase the two flying enemies, 
out of the haze and void on all sides new 
fleets came closing in. 

The new arrivals flew in three forma- 
tions, two of which contained eight ma- 
chines, and the third contained nine, 
making twenty-five German airplanes, 
all of a uniform fighting type, to whom 
the other two, which now ceased to run 
away, joined themselves, making twen- 
ty-seven enemy machines in all. 

One of the enemy fleets, taking ad- 
vantage of the thick air, had passed be- 
hind our little squadron and came at it, 
as from the direction of our own lines, 
straight between it and the sun^-an 
awkward direction from which to have 
an enemy flying at you in the late after- 
noon, when the sun is getting fairly low. 
The other two fleets came from the 
southeast and northeast. As they ap- 
proached they spread out so that our 
men were ringed around with enemies on 
every side. 

The fight began at about 11,000 feet; 
but in the course of the things that fol- 
lowed it ranged anywhere from 3,000 to 



12,000, up and down the ladders of heav- 
en. And an extraordinary fact is that, 
all the while that it went on, the German 
anti-aircraft guns below kept at work. 
Usually, as soon as airplanes engage 
overhead, the " Archies " are silent for 
fear of hitting the wrong man; and 
whether the German gunners were drunk 
with excitement at what was going on 
above them, or whether it was that our 
machines formed so isolated and compact 
a mass in the heart of the great mael- 
strom that it seemed still possible to 
shoot at them in safety, is not known. 
At all events, the tumult in the skies was 
increased by the constant pumping into 
the tangled mass of shells from the 
ground. 

The actual fighting lasted for a full 
hour, from 5 to 6 o'clock, an extraordi- 
nary time for such a thing, and during all 
that hour our men fought tooth and nail. 
And the fight had lasted but a few min- 
utes when we drew first blood, and an 
enemy machine which Captain A. had at- 
tacked went down in flames, with the 
wings of one side shot away. Then it 
was Lieutenant B.'s turn. He caught his 
adversary at close range fairly, and the 
German airplane went down, turning 
over and over as it fell straight down 
11,000 feet, leaving a trail of smoke be- 
hind. Lieutenant C. scored next, his 
enemy's machine spinning plumb down to 
where, somewhere below the haze, it must 
have crashed. 

Then, for a moment, it seemed that our 
luck was turning. Lieutenant B.'s engine 
gave out and he was " compelled to leave 
the formation." It is a simple phrase, 
but what it means is that, helpless and 
with engine still, the airplane dropped 
out of the fight from 11,000 feet down to 
3,000 feet. It was a dizzying drop, and 
as he fell, an enemy, seeing him defense- 
less and scenting easy prey, went after 
him. 

But other eyes were watching. Lieu- 
tenant C. saw his crippled comrade slip- 
ping downward and saw the German div- 



A GREAT FIGHT IN THE AIR 



81 



ing after. Quick as a flash he followed, 
and before the German could do his work 
the British airplane was almost touching 
the tail of his machine, and in another 
second the German turned clean over in 
the air and then crashed nose foremost 
down into the abyss. 

Then, almost by a miracle, B.'s engine 
caught its breath again. Once more the 
machine was under control, and B., who 
was one of those who were new to the 
game, climbed and rejoined formation. 
Some 8,000 feet he had to climb, with 
the baffled " Archies " blazing at him 
from below, up into the inverted hell 
above, where his four comrades were 
fighting enemies who outnumbered them 
six to one. Just as he " rejoined " an- 
other German fell. It was A.'s second 
victim of the day, and friend and foe 
alike saw the machine go, sheeted in 
flames, down into the gulf. 

Then once again it seemed that a 
throw had gone against us, for, still un- 
der control, but with flames bursting 
from its reserve petrol tank, one of our 
machines began to drop. Again an ene- 
my, glimpsing an easy quarry, dived for 
the flaming ruin as it fell, but, quicker 
than he, A. also dived, and while our 
crippled machine, still belching flames, 
slid off, with its nose set for home, the 
German, mortally hit, dropped like a 
stone. 

It was just retribution. The unwrit- 
ten laws of this marvelous game pre- 
scribe that no honorable fighter attack 
an enemy in flames. Such an enemy is 
out of the fight, and has trouble enough 
for a brave man. The German who 
dived for our burning machine knew 



that he was doing an unchivalrous thing, 
and it may be that that knowledge un- 
nerved him so that he paid the penalty. 

Strangely enough, our burning airplane 
got home. I have seen the wreckage, 
with the reserve petrol tank on the roof 
bearing two bullet holes on one side and 
great ragged tears on the other where 
the bullets passed out. The whole tank 
is scorched and crumpled. The flames 
had burned away the whole central span 
of the upper plane. The thick rear main 
spar was charred and burned through, 
and two ribs were completely severed 
and hung with loose, blackened ends. 
Yet, like a great blazing meteor, it 
crossed our lines and came to earth, not, 
indeed, at its own home, but on safe and 
friendly ground; and, as another airman 
said to me in admiration, " He made a 
perfectly topping landing." 

Meanwhile the wonderful fight was 
drawing to a close. The British pilot, 
Lieutenant D., emptied a belt from his 
machine gun into an enemy when so 
close that his wings almost brushed the 
other's rudder; and the enemy turned 
turtle, clear over on his back, and, spurt- 
ing out a thick column of black smoke r 
went down-. 

Some of the enemy were already draw- 
ing off, but our men were in no mood 
to let them go. It is harder to get out 
of a losing fight than it is to begin it^ 
and before the enemy mob could disen- 
tangle itself from the battle two more 
of their machines had gone to earth 
one, his third in the fight, falling to 
Lieutenant C. and one to Lieutenant E. 

Then the last four of our machines* 
still lords of the air, came home. 



How American Aviators Saved Verdun 



The demand of the United States Gov- 
ernment for the production of 3,500 air- 
planes before the end of 1917, the output 
to be doubled each succeeding year, as an- 
nounced by the Council of National De- 
fense, lends added interest to this state- 
ment of Leon Cammen, Vice President of 
the American Aeronautical Society: 



AJL we hear of over here are the 
exploits of the daredevils of the air, 
the men who have brought down 
their nineteenth or their twentieth 
Boche. We don't hear of the less 
spectacular but fully as valuable work 
of the men who fly in squadrons against 
squadrons of the enemy, who do recon- 



82 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



noissance work or who act as the eyes 
of the big guns and hover over the 
section under bombardment spotting 
the falls of shells and directing the gun- 
ners. And it isn't generally known that 
American fliers are ideal for such work, 
just as they are unsurpassed for the 
more thrilling task of single combat. 

The point is that the French are not 
so. There is in France a class of men 
who are pre-eminent as individul fliers, 
whose skill and daring may be matched 
but cannot be excelled even by an Ameri- 
can. But this class is limited in number, 
and back of it the average Frenchman 
does not make an ideal aviator. It is the 
American who has shown himself es- 
pecially adapted to this work. 

It was a group of American fliers, 
the' Escadrille Lafayette, who saved 
Verdun. That surprises you? But it is 
true. I have it on authority of French- 
men themselves, army men and fliers, 
and there is no doubt of the truth. It 
was at Verdun, too, that military men 
first realized the value of the airplane 
for something more than bomb-dropping 
work. For, you must remember, avia- 
tion abroad was not much further ad- 
vanced at the outbreak of war than it 
is here today; not so far. At first the 
planes, just ordinary exhibition ma- 
chines, were employed to carry bombs 
to be dropped on enemy territory. It was 
Verdun that taught their value for re- 
connoissance and gun sighting. 

The attack on Verdun came so sud- 
denly and so unexpectedly that for three 
or four days the French thought it a 
feint designed to force the withdrawal of 
their men from about Ypres so that the 
Germans might break through to Calais. 
When the French found that it was a 
genuine attack they faced, the Germans 
already had sent their airmen scudding 
over Verdun and its environs. They had 
mapped the two railroads one a broad 
gauge, one a narrow gauge that en- 



tered Verdun from the southwest and 
provided the only mechanical road for 
the entrance of munitions into the for- 
tress and town. How thoroughly they had 
done their work has been disclosed to me 
by French officers, who have shown me 
photographs of the district, revealing 
that the German shells fell in squares, 
clearly mapped out by their aviators, so 
that almost undamaged sections of the 
town were surrounded by ruins where 
storehouses and depots had stood, the 
uninjured parts being residential sections 
on which the Germans had not wasted 
a shell. 

But they destroyed the railroads, or, 
rather, made them incapable of service 
by almost continuous fire, so that when 
General Petain undertook the defense 
of Verdun he found at hand munitions 
for less than ten days, and the only 
means of introducing more a motor road 
running south from Verdun to Buc. The 
salvation of Verdun, and probably of 
France, depended on keeping this road 
open, yet the German fliers had already 
begun to speed past Verdun, directing 
the shell fire of their big guns against 
just this road. Petain sent an urgent 
call for aviators to drive off the German 
fliers and to confound their artillerymen 
by depriving them of the services of their 
flying " spotters." 

And they sent him the Escadrille 
Lafayette, the American fliers who al- 
ready had made a name for themselves 
by their daring and hardihood. The 
Americans went aloft over Verdun and 
gave battle to the Germans. They drove 
them back and kept them back so that 
no man might direct a gun against that 
road to Buc " La Voie Saeree," or the 
Sacred Road, as the French now call it. 

And over it rolled the trains of mo- 
tors bringing the munitions and supplies 
that made Verdun a turning point in the 
war. So much the Escadrille Lafayette 
accomplished. Do you wonder they want 
American aviators ? 



Downfall of King Gonstantine 



THE long diplomatic struggle be- 
tween King Constantine of Greece 
and the Entente Allies culminated 
on June 12 in the abdication of 
that monarch. He was at once succeeded 
by his second son, Prince Alexander, as 
King of the Hellenes. 

The opposition of the Entente Allies to 
Constantine was based upon the allega- 
tion that he was not only pro-German in 
his sympathies, but that he repeatedly 
tried to bring Greece into the war on the 
side of the Central Powers. The ex-King, 
on the other hand, declared that his sole 
aim was to preserve Greek neutrality and 
to spare his people from the horrors and 
miseries of war. 

Early in June the Entente Allies had 
arrived at the conclusion that the time 
for decisive action had arrived. M. Jon- 
nart, a former Foreign Minister and now 
a member of the French Senate, was ap- 
pointed High Commissioner to represent 
France, Great Britain, and Russia, the 
three protecting powers of Greece. After 
visiting Saloniki, the Allies' headquarters 
and seat of the Provisional Government 
headed by M. Venizelos, M. Jonnart pro- 
ceeded to Athens and, on June 11 placed 
before the Greek Premier, Alexander 
Zaimis, the demands of the allied Gov- 
ernments. The abdication of King Con- 
stantine was insisted upon, and the 
Crown Prince George was also ruled out 
on the ground that he shared his father's 
pro-German leanings. The second son, 
Prince Alexander, was indicated as ac- 
ceptable. Alexander, who is only 24 
years old, is amenable to the ideas of the 
protecting powers in regard to the part 
which Greece should play in the war. 
M. Jonnart informed the Premier that 
troops had been placed at his disposal, 
but that they would not be landed until 
the King had given his answer. 

Premier Zaimis, in his reply to M. Jon- 
nart, said that he recognized the disinter- 
estedness of the protecting powers, 
whose sole object was to reconstitute the 
unity of Greece under the Constitution, 
and that a decision would be taken by 
the King after consulting with the 



Crown Council, composed of former Pre- 
miers. On the morning of June 12 Pre- 
mier Zaimis communicated King Con- 
stantine's decision in the following letter 
to M. Jonnart: 
The Minister and High Commissioner of 

France, Great Britain, and Russia: 
Having demanded by your note of yester- 
day the abdication of his Majesty, King Con- 
stantine, and the nomination of his successor, 
the undersigned, Premier and Foreign Minis- 
ter, has the honor to inform your Excellency 
that his Majesty the King, ever solicitous for 
the interests of Greece, has decided to leave 
the country with the Prince Royal, and nomi- 
nates Prince Alexander as his successor. 

ZAIMIS. 

The deposed monarch's proclamation 
announcing his abdication, which was 
posted throughout the streets of Athens, 
reads : 

Obeying the necessity of fulfilling my duty 
toward Greece, I am departing from my be- 
loved country with the heir to the throne and 
am leaving my son Alexander my crown. I 
beg you to accept my decision with calm, as 
the slightest incident may lead to a great 
catastrophe. 

Before King Constantine's decision was 
announced, many Greeks, loyal to the 
Crown, gathered for the protection of 
the sovereign. On the evening of June 
11 2,000 reservists formed a cordon 
around the palace in his defense, if that 
should be necessary, and a delegation 
headed by Naval Commander Mavro- 
michaelis was received by Constantine 
and pledged the devotion of the army and 
the people to his cause. The King's only 
reply was an appeal that they should re- 
main calm. All efforts of agitators to 
start a manifestation failed, and the 
army officers announced their intention 
to obey the order of the Government to 
take no part in any demonstrations and 
to maintain peace. 

The announcement of King Constan- 
tine's abdication made in the British 
House of Commons by Andrew Bonar 
Law, Chancellor of the Exchequer, was 
received with cheers, but a less favorable 
reception was given his statement that 
Prince Alexander had succeeded his 
father. The Chancellor said that Alex- 
ander had taken the oath as King of 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Greece. " We hope," added the Chancel- 
lor, " that this change may make for the 
restoration of the Constitutional Govern- 
ment of that country. Mr. Bonar Law 
was asked by Arthur Lynch, member for 
West Clare: "What does the Govern- 
ment expect to gain by the abdication of 
the King when it is perpetuating the 
same abuses under another name ? " Mr. 
Bonar Law replied: "What we hope to 
gain is a Constitutional Government 
representing the whole of Greece." John 
Gordon Swift MacNeill, member for 
South Donegal, asked if in fact permis- 
sion had been given to Constantine to 
abdicate and if, in regard to the fact that 
he had practically been expelled from the 
throne, he should be allowed to nominate 
his successor. The Chancellor replied 
that it would not be in the public 
interest to give any more information at 
present, but that Mr. MacNeill was 
wrong in saying that his successor had 
been nominated by Constantine." 

Premier Ribot, addressing the French 
Chamber of Deputies on June 14, said 
conditions in Greece had become intoler- 
able; that the attitude of Constantine 
had nullified the Constitution of Greece 
and amply justified the protecting pow- 
ers in intervening in such manner as to 
secure the indispensable unity of the 
country. " Greece," said M. Ribot, " was 
divided into two hostile camps, one hos- 
tile to the Allies and the other support- 
ing them courageously with Eleutherios 
Venizelos bearing aloft the real flag of 
Greece." Great applause greeted the 
mention of the name of M. Venizelos. M. 
Ribot then proceeded to explain to the 
Chamber the advantages which would 
arise from the new regime in Greece. 

Military measures by the Allies were 
taken simultaneously with M. Jonnart's 
action at Athens. French and British 
troops were landed in Thessaly and Cor- 
inth, the French. War Office announce- 
ment on the subject being: 

The troops charged with control of the har- 
vests in Thessaly have penetrated that 
province without difficulty as far as the 
region of Elassona. 

The ex-King and all the members of 
his family, except the new King, left 
Athens on June 13, embarking at the 



Piraeus on a British warship. One of 
Constantine's private secretaries had 
previously arrived at Lugano, in Switzer- 
land, to look for a large villa suitable for 
the exiled royalties. Prince von Billow, 
the former German Imperial Chancellor, 
and several other German diplomatists 
are staying at Lugano. 

A telegram from Berlin on June 15 
stated that Emperor William had sent 
the following message (not confirmed) 
to one of the Greek diplomatic represen- 
tatives abroad for transmission to former 
King Constantine: 

I have heard with wrath of the infamous 
outrage committed by our common enemies 
upon you and upon your dynasty. I assure 
you that your deprivation can be only tempo- 
rary. The mailed fist of Germany, with 
further aid from Almighty God, will restore 
you to your throne, of which no man by 
right can rob you. The armies of Germany 
and Germany's allies will wreak vengeance 
on those who have dared so insolently to lay 
tbeir criminal hands on you. We hope to 
welcome you in Germany at the earliest 
opportunity. A thousand cordial greetings 
from your WILLIAM. 

M. Jonnart, the High Commissioner 
who brought about the abdication of King 
Constantine, published on June 16 the 
following proclamation to the Greek 
people : 

France, Great Britain, and Russia desire 
the independence, greatness, and prosperity 
of Greece. They intend to defend the brave 
little land they have liberated against the 
united efforts of the Turks, Bulgarians, and 
Germans. They are here to checkmate the 
manoeuvres of the hereditary enemies of the 
kingdom. They will put an end to the re- 
peated violations of the Constitution, of 
treaties, and the diplorable intrigues which 
led up to the massacre of soldiers of the 
Allies. 

Yesterday Berlin was in command of Athens 
and was gradually leading the people under 
the yoke of the Bulgarians and Germans 
We resolved to re-establish the constitutional 
rights and unity of Greece. The protecting 
powers, therefore, demanded the abdication 
of the King. They have no intention of 
tampering with the constitutional preroga- 
tives; they have other aims, namely, to as 
sure the regular and constitutional progress 
ot the country, to which the late King George, 
of glorious memory, had always been scrupu- 
lously faithful, but which King Constantine 
had ceased to respect. 

Hellenes, the hour of reconciliation has 

arrived. Your destinies are closely associ- 



DOWNFALL OF KING CONSTANTINE 



85 



ated with those of the protecting powers, 
your ideals are the same as theirs, your 
hopes are identical. We appeal to your good 
sense and patriotism. 

Today the blockade is raised. Any reprisal 
against Greeks, to whatever party they be- 
long, will be pitilessly repressed. No breach 
of the peace will be tolerated. The liberty 
and prosperity of every one will be safe- 
guarded. This is a new era of peace and 
labor which is opening before you. Know 
that, respectful of the national sovereignty, 
the protecting powers have no intention of 
forcing upon the Greek people general mobili- 
zation. 

Long- live Greece, united and free ! 
Following the ex-King's departure 
from Athens, Entente troops were landed 
at Piraeus and Castella. Some of the 
troops occupied the heights near Pha- 
lerum Bay, while others marched to 
Athens. The landing at Piraeus was ef- 
fected in perfect order. At the sugges- 
tion of Premier Zaimis,the Greek superior 
officer was placed at the disposal of 
General Sarrail to facilitate the housing 
of the troops. Senator Jonnart said that 
they would remain ashore pending their 
return to resume the struggle against 
" Greece's traditional foes." He also in- 
formed Premier Zaimis that when the war 
was over and order which the Allies 
would exact had been re-established, 



Constantine would be permitted to re- 
sume his throne if such was the will of 
the Greek people. 

The entrance of the United States into 
the war, it was stated on high authority 
in London, had a direct and important 
influence in bringing about the solution 
of the Greek difficulty. American in- 
fluence was characterized by the author- 
ity in question as a fresh breeze of de- 
mocracy sweeping out the corners where 
the autocracies which disregard the 
claims of their peoples have been shel- 
tering. 

Plans for dealing with the situation 
which King Constantine provoked first 
began to assume definite shape at the 
British, French, and Italian conference 
held in Savoy, when Premier Lloyd 
George and Paul Painleve, the French 
War Minister, found themselves in entire 
agreement, and the Italian representative 
was seen to be nearly of the same mind. 
The execution of the details of the plan 
was placed in the hands of the French, 
of course in full collaboration with their 
allies, and Senator Jonnart was selected 
to take on the work with whatever sup- 
port might be necessary from General 
Sarrail and the Admiral commanding the 
allied fleets in Greek waters. 



Two Offers of Autonomy for 

Albania 



AFTER the occupation of Serbia 
/ \ and Montenegro by the Central 
JL JL Powers in 1916 the northern por- 
tion of Albania was overrun by 
Austrian troops, while the Italian troops 
continued to hold the southern portion, 
including the important port of Avlona, 
(or Valona,) on the Adriatic. Both 
powers have since issued proclamations 
offering autonomy to Albania. On March 
10, 1917, the official announcement was 
made in London that Austria-Hungary 
had issued a manifesto granting the Al- 
banians autonomy under an Austrian 
protectorate. The London statement as- 
serted that the purpose was to justify a 



levy upon Albanians for the Austrian 
armies. 

Dispatches from Rome on June 4 con- 
tained the first intimation that Italy also 
was making a definite offer of this kind 
to Albania. A semi-official statement in- 
formed the world that a proclamation of 
the unity and independence of Albania 
under an Italian protectorate had been 
issued " in support of the principle of na- 
tionality, which is one of the objects of 
the Allies in the war.'* The statement 
added : 

" Since the cessation of Ottoman do- 
minion, Italy has aimed to reconstruct 
Albania, while Austria has used Albania 



86 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



as a means to exercise dominion through 
the Balkans. She promised a deceiving 
autonomy, which, if accepted, would soon 
put the country under the Austrian 
yoke." 

Italy has been co-operating in recent 
months with the British, French, and 
Serbian forces in the Balkans, and now 




WHERE AUSTRTANS AND ITALIANS 
ARE FIGHTING FOR ALBANIA 



has 300,000 men on that front, chiefly be- 
yond the Albanian boundary, in Serbia, 
where the Allies' Saloniki forces con- 
front the Austro-Bulgarians north of 
Monastir. This large army was trans- 
ferred across the Adriatic into Southern 
Albania with the loss of only one trans- 
port and 400 men. Early in June the 
Italian forces renewed active operations 
against the enemy at Berat in Albania. 

An Italian Deputy, Eugenio Chiesa, 
who recently journeyed across Albania 
and Northern Epirus to Saloniki, made 
this statement to a correspondent in 
Rome: 



" The Italian occupation in Albania and 
Northern Epirus extends well into the 
Greek Kingdom. Not only have the Ital- 
ians occupied Valona and its hinterland, 
but they have passed a long way to south 
of the boundary between Greece proper 
and Northern Epirus at Cape Stylos, and 
have extended in a northern direction as 
far as the River Kalamas, opposite the 
south end of Corfu, which was intended 
by the thirteenth protocol of the Berlin 
Congress of 1878 and by the Berlin Con- 
ference of 1880 to have been the north- 
western frontier of Greece, but which, 
since the last Balkan wars, has been well 
within the enlarged northwestern boun- 
dary." 

The trilingual proclamation of General 
Ferrero, of which -Signer Chiesa gave the 
correspondent a copy dated April 1, in- 
formed the inhabitants that for purely 
military reasons the Allies had ordered 
their troops to occupy the region south of 
the frontier fixed by London. To the 
north of Valona the Italian occupation 
goes as far as the River Vojusa, while in- 
land the Italian outposts are at Kalibaki, 
on the road from Janina to Premeti. 

" I am opposed," said Chiesa, " to the 
permanent occupation of these places, 
nor do I believe the Italian Government 
intends to retain them. I consider as 
sincere the manifesto of the commandant 
of Valona, but Valona Kanina, the old 
Arta, north of Valona, the surrounding 
districts and the Isle of Saseto must re- 
main Italian, not only for strategic but 
for sanitary reasons, owing to the neces- 
sity of draining the pestilential marshes 
which affect the health of Valona. Veni- 
zelos, with whom I spoke at Saloniki, 
frankly recognized this occupation of Va- 
lona, Saseto, and the territory of Valona. 

" The Italians have already constructed 
over 400 kilometers of roads and opened 
over 125 schools where both Italian and 
Albanian are taught." 




The New Republic of Koritza 

Reorganization in Albania 



FEW people know that the process of 
remaking the map of Europe has 
been begun already by the Entente 
Allies in Albania. As long ago as Dec. 
12, 1916, they established the capital of a 
free and independent Albanian Republic 
in the Koritza district. This district at 
present marks the limits of the embryo 
State, for the Austrians still hold most 
of Albania; but it possesses all the ma- 
chinery of a modern Government a rul- 
ing council, an army 600 strong, postage 
stamps, paper money, a national flag, 
foreign alliances, even a budget that cov- 
ers expenditures. 

The French Army was the sponsor of 
this new-born State. The aim of its 
foundation was as much strategical as 
political. At the end of 1916 the Bulga- 
rians were in occupation of the whole 
district south of Lakes Ochrida and 
Prespa, and their patrols came as far 
south as Koritza. The Greeks were in 
control of the town. They were Royalists, 
and Koritza was a centre of espionage 
and contraband. The German mail to 
and from Athens used to pass through 
there several times a week. The Aus- 
trians had bands of paid komitadjis 
(irregulars) ranging the whole district. 

When the French patrols first reached 
Koritza they soon found that the hostil- 
ity of the local Albanians was not so 
much love of the Austrians as resentment 
of any fresh incursion of foreigners into 
their country. By ousting the Royalist 
Greeks and allowing the proclamation of 
the independence of Albania with Koritza 
as capital, the French converted enemies 
into allies. 

Themistocles Germeni, a Christian Al- 
banian Nationalist, who was one of the 
principal chiefs of irregular bands in 
the pay of the Austrians, was won over 
so rapidly by this measure that he be- 
came Prefect of Police of the new re- 
public. Authority is exercised by an 
elected council of fourteen members, 



seven Mussulman and seven Christian. 
They raise money by taxation $9,000 a 
month; $7,000 of this goes to pay their 
Albanian gendarmerie, of whom a part 
are fighting by the side of the French 
against the Austrian paid bands and 
showing themselves of great use as 
guides. 

The success of the measure of pro- 
claiming, or rather reproclaiming, the 
independence of Albania is said to be 
complete. In fact, every power involved 
in Albania seems to be driven to the 
conclusion that the Albanians must be 
humored rather than dragooned. The 
Italians have proclaimed Albanian inde- 
pendence at Premeti, in their sphere, 
and the Austrians appear to have done 
something of the same kind on their side 
in the north. 

It was the Conference of London in 
1913 that first founded an independent 
Albania and put it under the Prince of 
Wied. He was driven out in May, 1914, 
by revolution, and succeeded by Essad 
Pasha as President of the Albanian Re- 
public. In September, 1914, Essad de- 
clared war on the Austrians, and has 
throughout remained a loyal ally of the 
Entente, though, like other rulers of 
small States, he has temporarily lost his 
country and is now in Saloniki. Five 
hundred Albanians who have followed 
him are fighting at the front, brigaded 
with the French. 

Though recognized as President of 
Albania and flying his standard a 
black star on a red ground over his 
house in Saloniki, Essad Pasha con- 
stantly maintains that the present is not 
the time to decide about the future of 
Albania. The task of the moment is to 
eject the Austrian invaders from the 
country, and the congress of allied 
powers who settle the terms of peace 
will do the rest. But he holds strongly 
the view, nevertheless, that the only sat- 
isfactory Albania will be one where the 
Albanians rule themselves. 



Shipping Sunk by Submarines 

Record From May 14 to June 13, 1917 



THE destruction of merchant ship- 
ping by submarines continues to 
be very considerable. Adequate 
figures are not available, but the 
estimates of allied Government officials 
are alarmingly high. Thus, in the 
French Chamber of Deputies on May 25, 
M. Gels, a member of the Marine Com- 
mittee, gave the following striking 
figures to show the growing menace of 
submarine warfare: 

Tons of 

Shipping 

Sunk. 

1915 1,204,000 

1910 2,079,000 

1917 first four months only 2,400,000 

M. Gels said that one method of meet- 
ing the submarine menace was to build 
ships, but in 1916 the whole world's ship- 
building only reached 1,780,000 tons. 

Admiral Lacaze, the Minister of Ma- 
rine, the same evening made a statement 
supplementing that of M. Gels. With 
the captured enemy tonnage and the ton- 
nage purchased and constructed, he said, 
the allied and. neutral tonnage at the be- 
ginning of 1917 was about the same as at 
the beginning of the war. For the first 
four months of 1917 the total losses might 
be put at 2,500,000 tons. Taking into 
account the rate of construction, without 
being unduly optimistic, the losses for 
the year, if the submarine warfare con- 
tinued with the same intensity, would be 
4,500,000 tons out of a tonnage of over 
40,000,000. With what the Allies were 
doing in restricting imports they could, 
with their present tonnage, meet the re- 
quirements of the country and assure the 
transport of war material. The Minister 
pointed out that the figures of tonnage 
sunk up to May 23 showed a marked de- 
crease, being only 290,000 tons, and he 
then gave statistics proving that the Ger- 
man blockade had never been effective, 
since up to the present the French ports 
had received as many ships as they could 
accommodate. These vessels had brought 
everything of which the country stood in 
need. During the month of March 4,200,- 



000 tons of goods entered French ports, 
and during April 4,300,000 tons. 

The most recent British Admiralty 
figures show that while there was a de- 
crease in the number of ships sunk for a 
few weeks, there has been a fresh burst 
of destructive activity on the part of the 
German submarines. Continuing the of- 
ficial weekly record of British merchant 
ships destroyed, as published in the June 
issue of this magazine, we find : 
Over Under 
1,600 1,000 Fishing 
Tons. Tons. Vessels. 
Week ended May 20. .18 9 3 

Week ended May 27.. 18 1 2 

Week ended June 3. . 15 3 5 

Week ended June 10. 22 10 6 

Total for four weeks. 73 23 16 

For the previous four weeks the totals 

were: Ships over 1,600 tons, 120; under 1,600 

tons, 55; fishing vessels, 36. 

Norway's losses in May also showed a 
decrease as compared with March and 
April, the number of ships sunk being 49. 
Denmark's losses since the war, according 
to a Copenhagen dispatch of May 22, 
place the number of ships sunk by sub- 
marines or mines at 150, with the death 
of 210 Danish seamen. A number of 
Swedish ships have been sunk during the 
month, but details of size are not avail- 
able. The Athens newspaper, Patris, on 
May 28, printed a list of 102 Greek ships, 
with an aggregate tonnage of 300,000, 
which had been sunk by German sub- 
marines, thus leaving to Greece only 149 
ships with a total tonnage of 500,000. 

Among the larger ships reported sunk 
during the month have been the British 
transport Transylvania, 14,000 tons, with 
the loss of 413 lives, mainly soldiers; the 
British steamer Southland, 11,899 tons; 
the British transport Cameronia, 10,963 
tons, with the loss of 140 soldiers, and 
the British hospital ship, Dover Castle, 
8,271 tons. 

Among American ships sunk were 
three sailing vessels: The Dirigo, 3,005 
tons, with a cargo valued at $500,000, on 



SHIPPING SUNK BY GERMAN SUBMARINES 



89 



May 31; the Frances M., 1,229 tons, on 
May 18, and the Barbara, 838 tons, on 
May 24. According to the skipper of the 
American schooner Margaret B. Rouss, 
after that vessel was torpedoed in the 
Mediterranean, the crew of the German 
submarine robbed him and his crew of 
every article they possessed when they 
were in the lifeboat. 

Methods of Fighting U-Boah 
Admiral Lacaze, in the French Cham- 
ber of Deputies, May 26, .threw some 
light upon the methods employed to 
counterattack the submarines. He said: 

I see no reason why I should not speak 
of these methods in public. It would be 
childish to think they are unknown to the 
enemy. They consist of a system of patrol 
boats, of arming merchantmen with guns, 
and fitting them with wireless ; of seaplanes, 
nets, mines, smoke-raising devices, and drag- 
nets. 

I sought to get patrol boats built here and 
buy them abroad. I scoured the world over 
with missions, covering the ground from 
America to North Cape, from the Cape of 
Good Hope to Japan, but England had been 
beforehand. When I entered the Ministry I 
found 243 patrols. Now we have 552. I have 
drawn up a scheme which will increase the 
figure to 900. I continue to buy in London, 
the world's centre for shipping. I am obliged 
to do so because our shipyards had been al- 
most completely abandoned ; because, as a 
result of that short-war theory which weighed 
so regrettably upon all decisions taken at the 
outset of the war, the yards had been trans- 
formed into war material factories to meet 
the pressing need of the national defense. 
We have now got back most of the arsenals 
and a number of private yards, together with 
skilled workmen. 

The guns we mount on the patrol boats 
have been referred to disdainfully, but you 
cannot put ten-centimeter guns on a small 
vessel. A patrol boat on guard, armed with 
95-millimeter guns, met two submarines 
armed with 105-millimeter guns, sank one and 
put the other to flight. 

We have 1,200 dragnets as well as 170,500 
curtain nets and 5,000 20-foot float nets, 
which indicate the presence of submarines. 
We have special bombs for submarines and 
apparatus to throw them. 

We have organized seaplane posts all 
around the coasts, so that the zone of action 
of each post joins that of its neighbor on 



either side. By October all merchantmen and' 
patrollers will be fitted with wireless and all 
merchantmen supplied with guns of as heavy 
calibre as possible, for which measures pro- 
grams have been drawn up even beyond what 
was thought possible. 

For building the plates and frames required 
M. Loucheur, Under Secretary for Munitions, 
in charge of the manufacturing sections, has 
started up again all the rolling mills. They 
will be able to supply us with the plates I 
asked for, and we hope that the merchant 
marine will also be able to obtain the quan- 
tity of plates to which it is entitled. 

Speaking in the Chamber of Deputies 
again on June 7, Admiral Lacaze said 
that the proportion of submarines sunk 
had increased to a marked extent. " We 
are employing," he added, " a very effi- 
cient method, and we are able to see the 
possibility of developing this method so 
as to render it more efficacious." The 
Minister, reviewing the submarine situa- 
tion, said that Germany had announced a 
blockade and had fixed a certain date. 
The result had been that the Allies were 
not blockaded. Their ships had gone 
wherever it was necessary to go. At no 
moment could any one say that France 
had been blockaded, either near at hand 
or at a distant point. 

The Navy Department at Washington 
has received reports stating that more 
submarines are being run down, captured, 
and destroyed than ever before, and al- 
though the exact details cannot be di- 
vulged, it is known that the American 
destroyer flotilla, under Rear Admiral 
Sims, has been playing an active part in 
the work with the British and French 
fleets. Recently twenty-eight German 
submarines were captured or destroyed 
in a single week. 

The increased success of the campaign 
against the U-boats is attributed more to 
improvements in organization than to 
any new devices. It is said the presence 
of American destroyers has enabled the 
British and French to send some of their 
small craft to their bases for docking 
and sorely needed repairs, after virtually 
continuous service for the last two years. 



Hardships of the U-Boat Service 

Captain L. Persius, Leading German Naval Critic, 
Praises the Men Who Torpedo Merchant Ships 

This article from the Berliner Tageblatt has been translated for CURRENT HISTORY 
MAGAZINE, both on account of its human interest and because it reveals the prevailing 
German mental attitude toward ruthless submarine warfare. 



A present the crews of the German 
submarines are the objects of 
particularly warm interest. Of 
course, their heroic activities 
have been followed with undiminished 
attention ever since that notable 22d of 
September, 1914, when the never-to-be- 
forgotten Weddigen sent three English 
armored cruisers to the bottom of the 
North Sea with well-aimed torpedoes 
from the U-9. That the "David," the 
little submarine, is able to give the 
deathblow to the huge "Goliath," the 
battleship, and that it possesses powers 
far exceeding the expectations placed 
upon this most modern instrument of 
battle before the war, has been proved 
by the torpedoing of the ships of the 
line before the Dardanelles, which put 
an end to the entire Anglo-French un- 
dertaking, in particular, and further- 
more by the sinking of many other en- 
emy warships. 

But the U-boats have made them- 
selves the centre of attraction only since 
they have shown their effectiveness in 
the warfare on commerce. Here an en- 
tirely new field was opened to them. 
On Oct. 26, 1914, the British merchant- 
man Glitra fell a victim to a U-boat 
(U-17) southwest of Skudenaes on the 
Norwegian coast. This was the first 
destruction of a merchant ship by a sub- 
marine. Soon others followed on the 
Atlantic coast of France, in the Irish 
Channel, &c. The world stared in sur- 
prise. The U-boats were attacking the 
enemy's commerce. That was a novelty 
never anticipated. During the two and 
a half years that have passed the feel- 
ing of certitude has grown more defi- 
nite from month to month that the U- 
boat may be destined to cut off the 
main artery even of Great Britain, rulel* 
of the seas, through the tying up of her 



imports, and that thus the U-boat 
points to the way in which the "free- 
dom of the seas " may be insured in the 
future. 

If the nation whose existence is most 
closely connected with the uninterrupt- 
ed importation of foodstuffs sees that 
for its own life it must move for the un- 
disturbed peaceful use of the seas even 
in war times, then the last barrier will 
fall i. e., all the paragraphs contrary 
to civilization, those speaking of prizes, 
privateering, contraband, &c., must be 
removed from sea law; in short, the 
principle that ought to be taken for 
granted by civilized nations that private 
property may not be destroyed on the 
water, as it may not be infringed upon 
on land in time of war, will be recog- 
nized. 

The men who are helping create this 
condition desired in the interests of 
humanity and the development of cult- 
ure are the crews of the U-boats. Of 
course, in order to carry out their task, 
they need instruments, vessels, and 
weapons of the most cunning construc- 
tion. The creators of these things, the 
shipbuilders and engineers, must not be 
forgotten when the triumphs of the sub- 
marine weapon are brought to mind. 
Only after the war will the world recog- 
nize to its full extent what the German 
people owes to its U-boat builders and 
to the constructors of the many pieces 
of machinery concealed in the U-boats, 
and what almost incredible technical 
progress has been made in Germany 
since the Fall of 1914, not only in the 
perfection of products, but also in the 
rapidity with which the desires of the 
front have been fulfilled. Any one who 
might be permitted to raise the curtain 
just a little and to penetrate the veil 
that now naturally covers everything 






HARDSHIPS OF THE U-BOAT SERVICE 



91 



connected with U-boat construction 
would be overwhelmed with the extent 
of what has been created by German 
science in every necessary line. 

A seaman's lot is never easy. Night 
and day he is separated from a watery 
grave only by a thin plank. And yet 
his existence seems like paradise com- 
pared with that of the U-boat man. This 
man dispenses with what every one re- 
gards as indispensible for life light 
and air. When the road to hades gapes 
for the U-boat man it leads through 
darkness and torment. He knows that 
he is threatened most by a slow death 
through suffocation. Everybody else 
with exceptions like stokers, men in the 
magazines, and some others enjoys 
the fresh air and looks up and sees 
above him the broad canopy of heaven 
when in the roar of the battle he must 
enter the gates of the Great Beyond. 
Indeed, in every case, " Dulce et decorum 
est pro patria mori." But our sym- 
pathies will be more deeply moved when 
we think of the death of the U-boat man. 

Of course the U-boat man also sees 
some of the bright side of life, and it 
would be wrong to pass by without 
noting this. On board a big battleship 
the individual is more or less lost in the 
crowd. He is only one among the more 
than 1,100 men composing the crew of a 
modern ship of the line. On board the 
.U-boat every one is an important per- 
sonality. There are rarely more than 
thirty men in a high seas U-boat. So 
every one, be he sailor or oiler, has 
several duties to perform; so every one is 
fully acquainted with all the numerous 
mechanisms and expert in their use. 
The commander, watch officer, and 
chief engineer know every one of their 
men thoroughly. They stand in a com- 
radely relationship to them, they share 
their sufferings and joys in every way. 
Their food is all cooked in the same 
kettle and gift cigarettes of the same 
brand are found between their lips when 
the boat bobs up for a brief rest and the 
weather permits. Below decks smoking 
is not allowed. To be sure, the com- 
mander has a tiny room of his own in 
which to write his official reports, &c. 

But the lack of light and air, the 



absence of every comfort, the dangers 
that menace them every hour, yes, 
every minute, are the common lot of all 
U-boat men. There is, however, greater 
responsibility upon the officers and the 
chief engineers, although every single 
U-boat man, sailor and oiler alike, 
knows that oftentimes a slight over- 
sight or a false move will seal the fate 
of himself and his comrades. 

The most careful selection among 
the volunteers, who are always offering 
themselves in great numbers for the 
U-boat service, is just as important as 
the long period of training during which 
the U-boat aspirants are schooled in 
every branch of their difficult service. 
They must all be in superior health and 
be what they call "fixe Kerle " i. e., 
quick in perception and decision, never 
timid or hesitating, skilled, and also in- 
finitely serious in their conception of 
duty, dependable and steadfast. The 
sailor must be a " thoroughbred sea- 
man," the oiler a perfect mechanic. 

The members of the crews are 
trained at the U-boat school. There 
they became acquainted with all the 
complicated apparatus, the expert use 
of which forms the basis for every suc- 
cess. The pupils are made familiar with 
the instruments that show the condition 
of the atmosphere, the trim of the boat 
and the height and depth, with the func- 
tions of the numerous valves, slides and 
levers, &c., and with the safety and 
life-saving apparatus, a thorough 
knowledge of which is indispensable for 
every U-boat man. In addition to these 
general points, the submarine sailor 
must have skill in navigation, in sig- 
naling, in serving and launching tor- 
pedoes and in handling the deck guns 
and their ammunition, while the oiler 
must understand the care of the engines 
that drive the U-boat above and below 
the water well enough to enable him, 
in case of necessity, to take the place of 
the engineers and, if possible, that of 
the chief engineer. 

Correspondingly greater demands are 
made upon the officers and the engin- 
eers. Every U-boat commander is al- 
most a " superman." He must possess 
extraordinary gifts of both an intellect- 



92 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



ual and physical kind if he wants to fill 
his post with success. To him belongs 
a quite special talent. The officers' 
corps of the German Navy includes a 
number of such " supermen." These 
commanders are reinforced by an ex- 
cellent body of engineers, whose loyalty 
and knowledge already in times of peace 
had more than once demanded unlimited 
recognition. 

The U-boat commander and chief en- 



gineer, manager of the boat and com- 
mander of the weapons on board and 
manager of the engines that is, the 
forces that give life to the boat are 
supported by a personnel of sailors and 
oilers capable and filled with the joy of 
service. They all blend in a whole that 
firmly binds " a row of brothers " in 
danger and distress, and that, if a pitiless 
fate so decides, maintains its firmness 
in loyal comradeship in death itself. 



The Heroic Men of the Athos 

By Hughes Le Roux 

To the soul of America, on the eve of her entry into the world war, this stirring tale 
of heroism was dedicated. Printed in Le Matin, Paris, it has been specially translated for 
CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE. 



IT is not enough to say: "Such a 
liner has sunk, gutted by a German 
torpedo. * * * The conduct of 
the crew and of the passengers was 
splendid. * * *" It is necessary to 
go further and set forth before the eyes 
of the world certain explanations which 
will show what, in this third year of the 
war, the expression " splendid conduct " 
means in French. 

I wish to place on record the story of 
how the Athos died, with the tricolor 
floating from her mizzenmast. The affair 
took place on Feb. 17, 1917. Launched 
by an attacking submarine which re- 
mained unseen, the torpedo penetrated 
the liner. The Captain calculated that 
he had ten minutes to save whatever could 
be saved. 

A torpedoed steamship does not simply 
sink; she often blows up. She tosses 
into the air men's bodies, smashed, dis- 
membered, shot forth by the explosion 
like stones from a sling. On board the 
Athos there was an engineer officer who 
made up his mind: "At least, I will 
prevent that! " 

The liner was listing frightfully. By 
the narrow steel stair, slimy with oil, the 
officer, whose hand was already muti- 
lated, made his way down into the engine 
room, from which he knew he would 
never come forth again. He shut off the 
valves; he handled the control levers; he 



checked the explosion. He sleeps now in 
the abysses of the sea. This was his 
choice. His name was Donzel. Let us 
salute him! 

At Hongkong the Athos had embarked 
a thousand Chinese coolies, the sallow- 
faced workers who come to France to 
replace our lacking workmen. They be- 
gin their journey under contracts worthy 
of France and of themselves a part of 
their earnings is kept back for their 
wives, their parents, their children, those 
whom they love as we love our own kin. 
These Asiatics were in charge of a 
French Captain and a dozen Corporals 
and interpreters. 

These officers and interpreters did not 
say to themselves : " There are four hun- 
dred million more Chinese in China! Let 
us think first of our own lives. They are 
more valuable." Until the last second 
they worked to secure the safety of these 
foreign laborers who had intrusted them- 
selves to Fance. For themselves, the ship 
was their coffin. We salute Captain Sil- 
vestre and his valorous aids! 

The Athos was bringing back to France 
three German prisoners. They had been 
taken aboard at the port of Indo-China. 
They had wormed their way into our col- 
ony to whisper words of treason and of 
hate in the ears of the natives whom 
France is governing in friendship, guid- 
ing them toward a higher justice. Pris- 



THE HEROIC MEN OF THE ATHOS 



93 



oners below decks, they were in charge of 
a Sergeant. 

At the moment when the German tor- 
pedo pierced the hull of the French ship, 
this Sergeant thought: " These Germans 
are human beings. I will not leave 
them in their cells simply because their 
fellow-countrymen are infamous." He 
went below. He had time to open two 
cabins. He set free two Germans, who 
succeeded in getting up on deck and 
jumping into the sea. They were picked 
up. He, the French Sergeant, was 
drowned while opening the door of the 
third cabin to save the third of his 
enemies. 

Dear friends in America, would you 
not wish, in the list of your Laconia 
dead, to write the name of Sergeant 
Moujeau between those of Mrs. Hoy and 
Miss Hoy of Sergeant Moujeau, who 
died in order to bear witness, before the 
world, that France is the fatherland of 
honor for all men, good and evil equally ? 

Further, the Athos had taken aboard a 
battalion of Senegalese sharpshooters, 
under the orders of Major Colonna 
d'Istria. Paris and France know them 
well today and love them, these black 
soldiers. In our field hospitals, the 
hands of our wives and of our daughters 
have dressed their wounds. France has 



taught them to live and die with joy, for 
a bit of ribbon, for a ray of honor. 

They were in numbers on the Athos, 
and inevitably in the ship's boats and 
on the rafts there was not room for 
every one. Their officers organized the 
work of rescue under rigid discipline. 
Naturally, these officers elected to re- 
main with those for whom there would 
not be room, and to go first into the 
abyss. This, then, is what happened: 
At the moment when the liner sank, 
drawn up in ranks as though on parade, 
Major Colonna d'Istria's Senegalese 
sharpshooters presented arms. They 
sank with their hands upon their rifles, 
with bayonets fixed. They were saluting 
France. Commandant Dorise, Captain of 
the Athos, had not left the bridge. He 
dominated this scene of death by the 
calmness of his voice and orders. When 
the sinking ship went under he was 
thrown from a height of sixty feet. But 
his soul remained with his ship. He was 
already a dying man. He was kept afloat 
in the water by Maurel, the supervisor 
of the mails, and Ensign Verdelhan, as 
a bit of glorious wreckage. He was dead 
when they landed him in Malta, where 
his grave will be. 

This, then, is what did not sink with 
the Athos! 



A Harrowing Sea Story 

Captain Chave's Report 



ONE of the most heroic and terrible 
sea episodes of the war is enshrined 
in the report made by Captain Ben- 
jamin Chave to the owners of the British 
merchant steamer Alnwick Castle, which 
he had commanded. The Alnwick Castle 
was torpedoed without warning by a 
German submarine 320 miles at sea, off 
the Scilly Isles, in April, 1917, and the 
crew were left in six open boats at the 
mercy of wild North Atlantic gales. Some 
of these boats were never heard of again. 
The one with Captain Chave contained 
twenty-nine men, and their awful suffer- 
ings are an index to what the missing 
ones endured before they perished. 



The Captain's boat soon lost sight of 
the others. There were only three men 
with him who could help him to steer, 
and one of these soon became delirious. 
The wind and waves were unsafe for 
sailing. There was a terrible fight with 
the sea, and the men were constantly 
soaked with spray and pierced with the 
bitter north wind. Water was served out 
twice daily each portion about one-third 
of a condensed milk tin. A can of milk 
was divided among four men once a day, 
and a six-pound can of beef was appor- 
tioned daily among twenty-nine persons. 
The men's thirst became terrible, and 
pitiful appeals for water were made. An 



94 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



extra ration was served to a few of the 
weaker men. 

The ship had been sunk on a Monday, 
and on Thursday morning the wind fell 
for a couple of hours, and several show- 
ers of hail fell. The Captain continues: 

" The hailstones were eagerly scraped 
from our clothing and swallowed. I or- 
dered the sail to be spread out in the hope 
of catching water from a rain shower, 
but we were disappointed in this, for the 
rain was too light. Several of the men 
were getting light-headed, and I found 
that they had been drinking salt water, 
in spite of my earnest and vehement 
order. 

" It was with great difficulty that any 
one could be prevailed on to bale out the 
water, which seemed to leak into the boat 
at an astonishing rate, perhaps due to 
some rivets having been started by the 
pounding she had received. 

" Our water was now very low, and we 
decided to mix condensed milk with it. 
Most of the men were now helpless, and 
several were raving in delirium. The 
foreman cattleman, W. Kitcher, died and 
was buried. Soon after dark the sea be- 
came confused and angry. I furled the 
tiny reef sail and put out the sea anchor. 
At 8 P. M. we were swamped by a break- 
ing sea and I thought all was over. A 
moan of despair rose in the darkness, but 
I shouted to them to ' Bale, bale, bale ! ' 
and assured them that the boat could not 
sink. How they found the balers and the 
bucket in the dark I don't know, but they 
managed to free the boat while I shifted 
the sea anchor to the stern and made a 
tiny bit of sail and got her away before 
the wind. 

" The wind died away about midnight, 
and then we spent a most distressing 
night. Several of the men collapsed, and 
others temporarily lost their reason, and 
one of these became pugnacious and 
climbed about the boat uttering com- 
plaints and threats. The horrors of 
that night, together with the physical 
suffering, are beyond my power of 
description. 



" When daylight came the appeals for 
water were so angry and insistent that I 
deemed it best to make an issue at once. 
After that had gone around, amid much 
cursing and snatching, we could see that 
only one more issue remained. One fire- 
man was dead and another nearly so. 
My steward was almost gone. We tried 
to pour some milk and water down his 
throat, but he could not swallow. No 
one could now eat biscuits, it was impos- 
sible to swallow anything solid, our 
throats were afire, our lips furred, our 
limbs numbed, our hands were white and 
bloodless. During the forenoon on Fri- 
day another fireman died and my steward 
died, also a cattleman collapsed and died 
about noon. 

" To our unspeakable relief we were 
rescued about 1:30 P. M. by the French 
steamer Venezia. A considerable swell 
was running, and in our enfeebled state 
we were unable properly to manoeuvre 
our boat, but the French Captain, M. 
Paul Bonaf acie, handled his empty vessel 
with great skill and brought her along- 
side us, sending out a lifebuoy on a line 
for us to seize. We were unable to climb 
the ladders, so they hoisted us one by 
one in ropes until the twenty-four live 
men were aboard. The four dead bodies 
were left in the boat, and she was fired 
at by the gunners of the Venezia, in 
order to destroy her, but the shots did 
not take effect." 

An illustration of the spirit that ani- 
mates officers of the British merchant 
service is found in the concluding words 
of Captain Chave. In spite of the fact 
that when he was torpedoed he had sur- 
vivors of another vessel on board, which 
in its turn had observed another steamer 
blown up, and that he himself witnessed 
a further steamer sunk, in spite of the 
terrible sufferings which he had experi- 
enced, he adds-: " At present I have not 
regained fully the use of my hands and 
feet, but hope to be fit again before ar- 
rival in England, when I trust you will 
honor me with appointment to another 
ship." 



r 



GUGLIELMO MARCONI 




Pioneer of Wireless Telegraphy, Who Is a Member of the 
Italian War Mission to the United States 



(I'tioto 



Harrift <k Ewing) 



LORD NORTHCLIFFE 




The Noted British Newspaper Owner, Who Has Come to 
America to Act as Head of the British War Mission 

(Photo Underwood ( Underwood) 



Adventures of Submarine Victims 



Eight Spanish sailors from the crew of 
the British vessel Gravina, which was 
sunk by a German submarine on Feb. 7, 
1917, reached their homes in Barcelona 
in April. One of them gave the follow- 
ing account of their remarkable experi- 
ences : 

THE Gravina was struck by a torpedo 
amidships, and broke in halves. 
The fifteen survivors were able to 
keep afloat by clinging to two bales of 
corkwood. In about half an hour's time 
we saw a submarine coming toward us. 
We shouted, " We are Spaniards, we are 
Spaniards! Save us! " The submarine 
came near to us, and many of the crew 
were on its platform looking at us and 
laughing at our struggles. We expected 
to be picked up quickly, but, no, we still 
had to remain in the water another ten 
minutes while the submarine officers 
prepared their cameras to photograph us. 
Having done this, they proceeded to save 
us. They threw lifebelts attached to 
ropes and got us on board. We had been 
fighting against death for three-quarters 
of an hour. 

We were immediately made to go below 
through the afterhatch to the part of 
the submarine used for discharging tor- 
pedoes and storing ammunition. In this 
floating prison we found two companions 
in misfortune, the Captains of two Eng- 
lish steamers sunk by the same sub- 
marine. 

The monotonous but not tranquil life 
was disturbed from time to time by a 
rapid manoeuvre. Some vessel was in 
sight, and it was necessary to sink it. 
They forced us to load the torpedo, an 
operation which was performed with all 
the repugnance of honorable men. They 
opened the chamber of the tube, made us 
lift the torpedo and put it in. After- 
ward they gave the order to fire, and 
after a few seconds of anxiety we heard 
a formidable explosion. The German 
seamen jumped, laughed, and sang. They 
had hit the target. During the twelve 
days that we were on board they sank 
five vessels, among them a Swedish sail- 
ing ship which was sunk by cannon shots. 



Generally speaking, we went down at 
night time, and, although submerged, we 
always navigated. In the daytime we 
came up on to the surface of the sea, 
which, however, they never allowed us 
to see. We were aware of it by the 
change of motors. Our region of opera- 
tion (that is, of the submarine) was for 
nine days south of Ireland. 

On Feb. 15, 1917, we started on the 
homeward trip to the naval base, as the 
German seamen informed us. We went 
up the west side of England, round the 
north, and then to Jutland, always on 
the surface, and in three days arrived 
in the waters of Heligoland. One of us 
managed to see the engineer's diary, 
where the following particulars appeared: 
" Eighteen miles speed on the surface 
and thirteen miles submerged; 12,000 
tons. Crew of thirty," and- in each page 
was noted U-81. Four hours before ar- 
riving at the Island of Heligoland they 
made all the prisoners go up on the deck 
platform, and they photographed us. 
They then ordered us down below again 
to the torpedo room. The port where we 
landed was not very large. There were 
about a dozen submarines and four or 
five destroyers there, but all the quays 
and jetties bristled with seamen with 
bayonets fixed. * * * 

Three days after our arrival in prison 
camp we were awakened by cries from 
the Russians who slept in the hut. Fire 
had broken out in one hut apart from the 
others, which served as a dungeon where 
they shut up prisoners who were rebel- 
lious. That day six Russians, one French- 
man, and one Englishman were under- 
going this punishment. The prisoners 
naturally called to be let out, but in vain. 
The sentry remained unmoved. No doubt 
he was awaiting orders from his su- 
periors. Those inside the dungeon were 
being stifled. The Englishman broke the 
panes of a small window, with the idea of 
freeing himself and his companions. The 
sentry, seeing him leaning out of the win- 
dow, gave him a tremendous bayonet 
thrust in the chest. The wounded man 



96 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



fell like lead. A small but revolting 
struggle then took place. The prisoners 
attempted to get out, and the German 
soldier reddened his bayonet again and 
again with the blood of the men shut up, 
who saw with horror that the fire was in- 
creasing. The conflagration could not be 
extinguished by the other prisoners until 
it had done its work. The eight unhappy 
individuals who occupied the dungeon 
were corpses. For an hour afterward 
nothing was heard but shouts of indigna- 
tion. It looked as if a formidable out- 
break would take place. The guards were 
immediately reinforced, and we were sur- 
rounded by a number of German soldiers. 
The commander of the camp issued an or- 
der stating that he was sorry for what 
had occurred, and that on the following 
day he would allow the funeral of the 
victims to take place with ceremony. 

It was not all the prisoners who re- 
signed themselves to suffer what was 
imposed on them. The English, above 
all, were the most rebellious. One day 
we were present at a scene which was 
celebrated with great rejoicing in all the 
camp. An English seaman, who already 
had one eye blind as a result of blows 
they had given him on a previous occa- 
sion, refused to obey two officers who 
ordered him to go to work. They reviled 



one another mutually, and finally the 
Englishman invited them to fight, giving 
them such punches that as a consequence 
we saw them for days afterward with 
their heads bandaged. The German sol- 
diers were the first to scoff at the cow- 
ardice of their superiors. The English 
sailor was condemned to bread and wa- 
ter until the end of the war. 

What saddened me most were the 
seventy old men and thirty children of 
12 to 14 years of age, all English except 
one, who was French; they were young- 
sters who had been captured on board 
the vessels sunk, and ran from hut to 
hut asking for sweets and tobacco. 
Another day I also suffered a great shock 
on seeing the English Captain of our 
steamer Gravina, who had so far re- 
ceived no news from his family, who 
came up to us to beg bread. " I have 
always been good to you. Have com- 
passion on me. Give me a little piece 
of bread, if you can spare it." We 
certainly had no reason to complain of 
his treatment of us, and we respected 
him. We gave him all we could. 

[On April 14 the eight Spanish seamen 
were entrained for the Swiss frontier. 
All the way they were much struck by 
the number of wounded and by the gen- 
eral air of depression among the people.] 



Come Into the Garden, (of Eden,) Maude 

(With Apologies) 

[Contributed to The Times of India on the occasion of 
General Maude's victorious advance in Mespotamia] 

Come into the garden, Maude, 

For the black-browed Turk hath flown ; 

Come into the garden, Maude, 

For the fall of Kut atone ; 

And the " Woodbine " spices are wafted abroad 

And the bluff of the Hun is blown. 

For the screen of darkness moves 

And your star of Glory's high, 

Beginning to glow in the light we love 

In the light of victory. 

To shine in the folds of the Flag we love, 

To fight for till we die. 



The Threat of "Mittel-Europa" 

By Thomas G. Frothingham 



" The perennial conflict between land and 
water transport, between natural and artifi- 
cial conditions, in ivhich the victory is likely 
to rest, as heretofore, with nature's own 
highway, the seas." Mahan. 

GERMANY attained one of her most 
coveted aims the " bridge to the 
East " when, early in the war, 
Turkey and Bulgaria joined the 
Central Powers, and General von Mack- 
ensen swept through Serbia, opening up 
the last European section of the Berlin- 
to-Bagdad railway. The world at once 
recognized a menace in Germany's pos- 
session of this coveted commercial 
weapon. It so happens that Admiral 
Mahan has left on record a dispassionate 
estimate of the measure of this menace, 
and his words are of vital interest at 
this stage of the war. 

The Teutonic desire to control the Near 
East is only a modern form of one of the 
oldest problems in the world, a legacy of 
the ancient empires and of the Middle 
Ages, the dream of Napoleon. Seizure of 
this source of power by some rival has 
long been the dread of England. To com- 
bat imagined attempts at such control on 
the part of Russia was Great Britain's 
self-imposed task for three generations.* 
The great Slavic Empire, though vainly 
attempting to find an outlet to the sea, 
was never a real danger; yet to guard 
against the imaginary threat of this im- 
pending avalanche England unwisely 
built up Germany into a dominating 
power and retained Turkey in Constanti- 
nople, both designed to be barriers 
against Russia. Both are now united 
against Great Britain. 

It is this union of Germany and Tur- 
key that makes the present Teutonic con- 
trol of the passage to the East a serious 
matter for the whole commercial world. 
No longer is it a question of the great 
undeveloped Slavic empire seeking an 
outlet to the sea ; it is a new military and 
trade weapon already firmly in the grasp 

*British Foreign Policies and the Present 
War. CURRENT HISTORY, May, 1917. 



of the most efficient military power ever 
developed. The Teutons at present domi- 
nate the whole Balkan Peninsula, as well 
as the Dardanelles; Serbia, Montenegro, 
and Rumania have been overcome in de- 
tail and are out of the running. Russia 
has passed through a revolution, and at 
present is not to be considered as an ac- 
tive military factor. 

The Russian Empire, before the sudden 
collapse of its armies that came with 
the revolution, had given promise of 
checking, and even cutting off, Teutonic 
domination through the Russian advance 
in Asia Minor and north of Bagdad. 
Now all this is at an end at least for 
the present. It is true that Bagdad is 
in British hands, but the consolidation of 
the great strip of territory from Ger- 
many, through Austria-Hungary, the 
Balkan States, and Asia Minor, to the 
East may be called an accomplished fact 
from a military point of view. 

Teutonic control of these territories 
implies ownership of long lines of land 
transportation and domination of com- 
merce through them. What danger is 
there for the rest of the commercial 
world in this situation, with so great a 
power ready to use such control to its 
own advantage? Even under such effi- 
cient control, can artificial conditions of 
land transportation compete with the 
great natural lanes of the sea ? Never in 
history has this proved possible, yet 
here are all the elements of the most 
efficient machinery ever devised to build 
up such a structure. The foundation of 
this Germanic edifice is the Bagdad Rail- 
road, originally projected as a line from 
the Levant to the Persian Gulf, now en- 
larged into the railway systems reaching 
from Hamburg on the North Sea to the 
Euphrates and Tigris Valleys in Asia 
Minor. 

In a paper by Admiral Mahan, pub- 
lished in 1902, from which was taken the 
quotation at the head of this article, is a 
most interesting discussion of the mili- 
tary and commercial values of this rail- 



98 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



road as originally planned. He sums up 
the merits of the railway in words that 
are well worthy of study in the present 
circumstances: 

This new line will have over the one now 
existing the advantage which rail travel al- 
ways has over that by water, of greater spe- 
cific rapidity. It will, therefore, serve par- 
ticularly for the transport of passengers, 
mails, and lighter freights. On the other 
hand, for bulk of transport, meaning thereby 
not merely articles singly of great weight or 
size, but the aggregate amounts of freight 
that can be carried in a given time, water 
will always possess an immense and irre- 
versible advantage over land transport for 
equal distances. A water route is, as it 
were, a road with numberless tracks. For 
these reasons, and on account of the first 
cost of construction, water transport has a 
lasting comparative cheapness, which, so far 
as can be foreseen, will secure to it forever a 
commercial superiority over that by land. It 
is also, for large quantities, much more 
rapid ; for, though a train can carry its 
proper load faster than a vessel can, the 
closely restricted number of trains that can 
proceed at once, as compared to the numer- 
ous vessels, enables the latter in a given 
time, practically simultaneously, to deliver a 
bulk of material utterly beyond the power 
of the road. 

These wise conclusions were drawn 
from the first project of the railway 
from the Levant to the Persian Gulf 
and these fixed conditions, with which a 
railway has. to contend, are multiplied by 
length. So it must be kept in mind that 
even German efficiency has a hard prob- 
lem to solve in the railroad from Berlin 
to the East. 

A study of the map will show that the 
proper economic uses of these railway 
systems are the normal functions of any 
railroads, to distribute goods brought by 
water, to deliver goods for shipment by 
water, and to connect neighboring coun- 
tries. Under such natural commercial 
conditions, as pointed out by Admiral 
Mahan, the great bulk of freight shipped 
for long distances would not use the rail- 
ways, but no matter what concessions 
might be made in rates, would be carried 
over the seas. Railways can never com- 
pete with waterways. 

So the conclusion is obvious that, un- 
der natural conditions, even though these 
railways may be under Teutonic control, 
they are of great value to the countries 
through which they run; but that, while 



of great advantage to German trade, 
they are not a source of undue power to 
Germany. Such power, which Germany 
has unquestionably sought, can therefore 
only be founded on artificial conditions. 

Is there, then, any dangerous power in 
the conditions which have been created 
by Germany? That there is a danger 
would only be denied by one who is blind 
to German methods and German ambi- 
tions. This should be stated as baldly 
as possible. Germany aims to establish 
such a control over these regions that all 
commercial gains shall be hers, and the 
other nations be excluded. The ruthless- 
ness and tenacity of purpose of Germany 
have been so plainly shown that it is no 
wonder Germanic control of " Mittel-Eu- 
ropa " is widely held to be the greatest 
menace of the war. 

But, as is often the case, this dread 
has become exaggerated. In fact, it has 
been allowed to grow out of all propor- 
tion to the other great interests at stake 
in this war. There are counteracting 
forces that tend to make the situation 
normal. There has been so much fear of 
Germanic control of the passage to the 
East that the hardships for Germany and 
her allies of such enforced conditions 
have not been considered. 

Germany's commerce would suffer from 
this restricted traffic. To hold their own, 
even with all possible favoritism shown 
to them, the German merchants must 
make proper use of the waterways or 
submit to a ruinous tax on their trade. 
The same is true of Germany's friends 
and allies and this leads at once to nat- 
ural conditions of commerce. 

With German merchants and the mer- 
chants of her friendly States the worst 
sufferers, how is it possible to attempt 
to confine traffic to the railways? Yet 
such must be the basis of any abnormal 
German domination in the East. Conse- 
quently, leaving all the other nations out 
of consideration, the interests of Ger- 
many and her allies are against the mis- 
use of control that has been so widely 
considered the dangerous threat in the 
present conditions. 

There is another restraint on this 
much-feared Teutonic influence. To be 



THE THREAT OF MITTEL-EUROPA 



99 



maintained at all such a central control 
must be that of nations closely united 
and unanimous in purpose. Where can 
this be found in these regions ? With all 
the diversities of interest, with the an- 
tagonisms of races and religions, is it 
possible that Germany has built a har- 
monious machine that has accomplished 
what has never been done in history 
diverted the bulk of commerce from the 
sea to the land ? 

Studying the question in this way from 
conditions that have prevailed through- 
out all history and still exist we realize 
that this issue must not be magnified and 



allowed to cloud our minds. The mili- 
tary results secured by Germany should 
not be underestimated, but neither should 
they be misunderstood. In 1915 the Teu- 
tonic allies were practically besieged. 
Since then Hindenburg and his lieuten- 
ants have not only raised this siege, but 
have conquered great areas of territory 
rich in much-needed supplies. With Rus- 
sia paralyzed by revolution, all serious 
opposition to the German armies in the 
East is for the time ended. These are 
serious and far-reaching military condi- 
tions, but they must not be distorted into 
anything worse. 



Prices in 1914 and 1917 



IN the United States Senate on May 2 
Senator Gallinger of New Hamp- 
shire presented a table prepared by 
the Old Dutch Market Company showing 
a comparison of prices in April, 1914, 
with those of April, 1917. It revealed 
the fact that the average increase was 
85.32 per cent. The table is as follows: 

COMPARISON OF RETAIL PRICES OF 

FOODS DURING APRIL, 1914, BEFORE 

THE WAR, AND APRIL, 1917 



GROCERIES 



April, April, Inc. 
1914. 1917. P. C. 
$0.04 $0.09 125 



Sugar, granulated, Ib. , 
Flour : 

Gold Medal, Ib 7.25 14.00 93 

Hecker's, Ib 6.50 13.50107 

Milk: 

Condensed, can 09 .15 67 

Evaporated, tall can .07% .12 65 

Evaporated, small can 03% .06 70 

Tomatoes, standard, 2%'s, can. .07 .17142 

Corn, standard, 2%'s, can.. .07 .13 85 

Peas, D. J 07 .10 45 

Baked beans 08 .13 65 

Cornmeal, Ib 02% .05100 

Hominy, Ib 03 .05 66 

Rice, best, Ib 08 .09 12 

Oatmeal, Ib 03% .06 70 

Macaroni, spaghetti, bulk, Ib. .08 .13 65 

Prunes, small, Ib 05 .08 60 

Salmon : 

Chum, can 08 .14 75 

Red Alaska, can 14 .23 64 

Soups, can 08 .13 65 

Navy beans, best, Ib 07% .18 140 

Lima beans, dried, Ib 07 .20185 

Catsup, bo.ttle 08 .12 50 

Syrup, can 08% .12 41 

Corn flakes, (Quaker,) pkg. .04% .08 78 

Split peas, Ib 06 .12100 



Scotch peas, Ib 05 

Black-eyed peas, Ib 04 

Butter, first grade, Ib 30 

Eggs, fresh, dozen 21 



April, April, Inc. 
1914. 1917. P.C. 
.09 80 
.08 100 
.55 83 
.38 80 



VEGETABLES 

Potatoes, peck 23 .90 291 

Kale, peck 20 .40 100 

Spinach, peck 20 .40 100 

Onions, yellow, Ib 04 .13250 

Lettuce, head 05 .10100 

Sweet potatoes, peck 35 .75114 

Cabbage, new, Ib 03 .15400 

Yams, peck 40 .60 50 

BEEF 

Rib roast, Ib 20 .25 25 

Chuck roast, Ib 17 .22 30 

Plate (soup meat) 13 .16 23 

Porterhouse steak, Ib 28 .37 32 

Sirloin steak, Ib 24 .34 42 

Round steak, Ib 20 .32 60 

Chuck steak, Ib 18 .25 38 

Hamburg steak, Ib 15 .20 33 

PORK 

Fresh hams 15 .27 80 

Fresh shoulders 13% .22 58 

Fresh pork chops, lean 16 .28 80 

Fresh pork chops, loin 18 .32 80 

Fresh pork roast, lean 16 .28 75 

Fresh pork roast, centre 18 .30 66 

Corned shoulders 13% .20 50 

Corned hams 15 .24 60 

Smoked hams, whole 17 .25 47 

Smoked hams, sliced 28 .45 60 

Smoked shoulders 13% .21 50 

Smoked bacon, sliced 24 .34 42 

Smoked sausage 12% .25100 

Lard : 

Pure, Ib 12% .25100 

Compound, Ib 10 .20 100 

Total of items, 60. 

Total increase, 5,119 per cent. 

Average increase on all items shown on this 
list, 85.32 per cent. 



China and the World War 



By Gardner L. Harding 

Author of " Present Day China" 



E months following Feb. 1, 1917, 

not only by bringing America 
into the great war changed the 
face of the Western Hemisphere; 
they made a lasting alteration in the Far 
East also. On Feb. 9, Wu Ting-fang, 
Foreign Minister of the Chinese Repub- 
lican Government, handed a note to Ad- 
miral von Hintze, the German Minister to 
Peking, that made a rupture between the 
Chinese and German Governments ulti- 
mately inevitable. Six days before Presi- 
dent Wilson had issued an appeal urging 
neutral powers everywhere to show their 
abhorrence of Germany's new campaign 
of unrestricted submarine warfare by 
breaking off relations with the German 
Government. China's response was 
therefore of special interest to Ameri- 
cans, especially as, accompanying a copy 
of the note to Germany, a special note 
was handed to Dr. Reinsch, the Ameri- 
can Minister to Peking, in which there 
appeared the following significant 
words: 

China, being 1 in accord with the principles 
set forth in your Excellency's [President 
Wilson's] note, and firmly associating itself 
with the United States, has taken similar 
action by protesting energetically to Ger- 
many against the new blockade measures. 
China also proposes to take such other action 
in the future as will be deemed necessary for 
the maintenance of the principles of inter- 
national law. 

The sentences of greatest weight in Dr. 
Wu's first note to Germany were these: 

The new measures of submarine warfare 
inaugurated by Germany are imperiling the 
lives and property of Chinese citizens even 
more than the measures previously taken, 
which have already cost China many lives 
and constitute a violation of international 
law. * * * If, contrary to expectation, 
this protest be ineffective, China will be con- 
strained, to its profound regret, to sever 
diplomatic relations. 

China's reasons for taking this stand 
were amply covered by specific ills and 
grievances at Germany's hands, and by 
the wider strategy of China's own political 
position. For specific grievances, China 



had a death roll of over 200 peaceful mer- 
chant seamen, lost on neutral and bellig- 
erent ships at the hands of German sub- 
marines. In principle also the ambitious 
and rapidly developing Chinese mercan- 
tile communities, whose cornerstone of 
commercial progress is unrestricted ac- 
cess to the high seas, had begun to distin- 
guish sharply by Feb. 1 between the salu- 
tary restraint of allied policing and the 
indiscriminate outrages of German pi- 
racy. The Allies, furthermore, were the 
principal guarantors of China's integrity 
and autonomy, and in the closer associa- 
tion with them which thus became so op- 
portune, China's assurance of a place at 
the peace conference, which she might 
expect as an actual and belligerent ally, 
was the third major element which in- 
duced her Government to take its first 
step toward war. 

Influenced by America 

Lastly, China's move was due to her 
increasing and always sympathetic re- 
sponsiveness to the foreign policy of the 
United States, the only power which to- 
day holds no concessions or spheres of in- 
terest in her sovereign territory, and has 
exacted no punitive indemnity from her 
Government. For China, on America's 
invitation, capably and energetically pre- 
sented to the Peking Government by Dr. 
Reinsch, not only took the first step to- 
ward breaking off relations with Ger- 
many, but incidentally, for the first time 
in her modern history, assumed in a diplo- 
matic note a position of active interest 
and presumptive interference in the af- 
fairs of European nations. 

The German answer to China's note 
did not reach Peking till the first days of 
March, though by Feb. 25, Dr. Yen, 
China's Minister to Berlin, announced 
that the German Government had as- 
sured him orally that Germany could not 
alter her submarine campaign. By 
March 9, however, Admiral von Hintze 
had handed to the Chinese Government a 



CHINA AND THE WORLD WAR 



101 



formal refusal to accede to China's de- 
mands, offering merely the barren assur- 
ance that Germany was willing to open 
negotiations so as better to " respect the 
lives of Chinese and their property," 
* * * " hoping " that China would not 
break off diplomatic relations, and 
" promising " that Germany would do her 
utmost to secure China's participation in 
the peace conference if friendly relations 
between the two countries were main- 
tained. 

China's attitude, in the meantime, had 
substantially matured toward the final 
rupture. Three factors, in the main, 
brought her to this decision. The Japa- 
nese Government, through Baron Motono, 
its Foreign Minister, had publicly an- 
nounced that it would put no obstacle in 
the way of China's independent action. 
Tuan Chi-jui, then Prime Minister of 
China under President Li Yuan-hung, had 
assured the nation that the Allies were 
prepared to guarantee China adequate 
concessions upon her becoming a bel- 
ligerent. Chief among these concessions, 
as stated by Premier Tuan, were the 
abrogation of the Boxer indemnities 
(roughly, $15,000,000 in 1916) for the 
period of the war, and possibly for an 
even longer period; the extension to 
China of the right to raise her customs 
duties above the statutory 5 per cent, now 
allowed on a diminishing scale of price 
levels dating back more than ten years, 
and the removal of the foreign troops in- 
stalled after the Boxer outrages along 
the Peking-Mukden Railroad. And, third- 
ly, under the influence of these guaran- 
tees and the possibility of gaining even 
further concessions, and encouraged by 
relief from Japanese constraint, China's 
disputing factions took a larger view of 
their country's welfare and gave the issue 
with Germany a clear field for imme- 
diate decision. 

Diplomatic Relations Severed 

That decision was a foregone conclu- 
sion. Every politically important ele- 
ment in China's limited but energetic 
sphere of public life was in favor of 
breaking off with Germany. The Presi- 
dent and the Prime Minister, the Cabinet, 
and the military parties of the north, 
and particularly the radically inclined 



Parliament, largely representing the 
ideas of the southern parties, all decisive- 
ly ratified this momentous step. Scat- 
tered elements opposed it, such as a 
group of radicals led by the famous ex- 
President Sun Yat-sen, but the southern 
parties as a whole approved it and backed 
it. This was clearly shown when, on 
March 11, Premier Tuan Chi-jui appeared 
before both houses of Parliament and put 
the question of rupture with Germany 
to a final vote. The outcome, a majority 
of 158 to 37 in the Senate and 331 to 87 
in the House, or a joint support of the 
Premier's policy by 4 to 1, manifested 
impressively the decision of liberal 
China and gave the Government an im- 
mediate mandate to break off relations 
with Germany. 

Thereupon, on March 14, Dr. Wu Ting- 
fang handed to Admiral von Hintze a 
final note, of which the closing words 
effectually put China's position as fol- 
lows: 

It [the German reply] is therefore not in 
accord with the object of that [the Chinese 
Government's] protest; and the Government 
of China, to its deep regret, considers its 
protest to be ineffectual. It is therefore con- 
strained to sever the diplomatic relations at 
present existing with the Imperial German 
Government. 

Admiral von Hintze was at once given 
his passports, and China inaugurated her 
new status toward Germany by seizing 
German merchant ships at her ports, in- 
cluding six at Shanghai, and interning 
their crews on shore. Germany's imme- 
diate loss through her rupture with China 
went much further than this, however. 
China had been the centre and the base 
of extensive plotting and propaganda in 
the German cause throughout the Far 
East. The mutiny at Singapore, sedi- 
tious propaganda in India, and the mys- 
teriously financed Mongolian bandits 
who roved along the Siberian border dur- 
ing the first two years of the war are 
instances of Germany's opportunity, if 
not of her actual achievements, in the 
way of using China's neutrality as a safe 
and convenient shield for the virtual war 
measures with which we became some- 
what earlier so disagreeably familiar in 
America. With the loss of China's friend- 
ship, all this was substantially curtailed. 



102 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Loss of Trade Advantages 
There is still to be considered Ger- 
many's loss of an economic base there. 
Germany had 244 companies in China at 
the beginning of the war, with a total 
capitalization of over a quarter of a bill- 
ion dollars. Her trade had increased by 
120 per cent, in the eight years preced- 
ing the war, years in which American 
trade had remained practically station- 
ary. It was also of a carefully planned 
strategic quality, specializing in engi- 
neering afield in inland China and in 
representing the firms of many other 
nations as middlemen in the treaty ports. 
It had ballasted its favored position 
everywhere with special concessions; 
thus it had to lose not merely its own 
material substance, but just the sort of 
imponderable advantage derived from 
long penetration which is hardest to re- 
cover; and which China's unfriendliness 
at once enormously accentuated. 

The positive advantage to the Allies of 
China's rupture with Germany was much 
less obvious, but it was by no means in- 
significant. China had by Feb. 1 already 
sent some 100,000 of her sons as indus- 
trial workmen in Government shops, con- 
trolled establishments, and war munition 
factories in general behind the battle 
lines in France. The closer association 
with the Allies that became opportune 
after March 14 opened the way imme- 
diately to increase this service far be- 
yond previous plans; so that China's vast 
labor supply was again drawn upon, and 
estimates were made for its utilization 
by the allied Governments in a non- 
combatant army of 200,000, or even 250,- 
000 men. England also commenced to 
recruit Chinese labor, in close co-opera- 
tion with the Chinese Government, not 
only for service in the factories and on 
the farms of Europe, but for her great 
construction works in Mesopotamia; 
while in another extreme of the world's 
climate Russia, too, enlisted thousands 
of Chinese woodsmen and northern peas- 
ants to serve her agricultural needs as 
loggers and farm hands in Siberia and 
Russian Mongolia. 

Though there was no immediate pros- 
pect, or desire, even after China might 



declare war on Germany, of sending Chi- 
nese troops to Europe, the prospective 
disposal of China's enormous stocks of 
iron and coal, as well as those of tin and 
antimony, of which latter China pro- 
duces a substantial portion of the world's 
annual yield, constituted a really estima- 
ble allied advantage. Her 500,000-ton* 
production of iron ore and her 13,000,- 
000-ton* production of coal, both of ex- 
cellent quality, were each factors in the 
economic scale in a world reduced to the 
ultimates in men and metal. 

Beginning of Internal Disorder 
China's own domestic political situa- 
tion, stabilized by the crisis of March 14, 
became less and less stable, however, as 
that crisis receded. In that situation 
there were three capital factors. Domi- 
nance in China in a military sense was 
held by the Prime Minister, Tuan Chi- 
jui, who was also Minister of War and 
leader of the conservative party of the 
Generals and old officials generally 
known (though the designation is not 
quite accurate) as the northern party. 
Dominance in a political sense was held 
by the liberals, led by the President, Li 
Yuan-hung, an ex-General of the first 
revolution and a mid-Chinaman from 
the Yang-tse Province of Hupeh, and 
backed up by a Cabinet representing the 
constructive and liberal forces, as dis- 
tinct from the radicals, of the Repub- 
lican Government. The third major 
force, the radical element which was 
mainly responsible for the first revolu- 
tion, in 1911, was intrenched in control of 
the Senate, and held the balance of pow- 
er, with the assistance of so-called inde- 
pendents, in the House of Representa- 
tives. 

As the question of China's entrance 
into the war drew, during April and May, 
more and more urgently to a decision, 
sharp and irreconcilable differences be- 
tween these parties began to be revealed. 
Already there had been one crisis, be- 
tween March 6 and 8, when the Prime 
Minister, in the heat of a disagreement 
with the President, had left the capital 
and conducted the Government indepen- 

*Approximate estimates. See China Year 
Book, 1916. 



CHINA AND THE WORLD WAR 



103 



dently from Tien-tsin. The issue then 
was whether or not Tuan Chi-jui had the 
right to send a telegram to Tokio which 
virtually broke off relations with Ger- 
many, without consulting Parliament, 
through the agency and under the tute- 
lage of Japan. President Li eventually 
induced him to return to the capital and 
submit the question to Parliament, with 
the result that China broke with Ger- 
many quite as decisively, but independ- 
ently, with respect to any foreign advice 
or control whatsoever. 

Early in May the Prime Minister be- 
gan to press for China's immediate en- 
trance into the war. The President's 
party and the radical parties demurred, 
first, because they professed not to know 
positively what guarantees the Allies 
were prepared to give, and, secondly, be- 
cause they feared so they asserted the 
plenary powers which a state of war 
would place in the hands of the Premier 
and his reactionary followers. A mili- 
tary conference of the chief northern 
Generals, which had been summoned to 
the capital in April, gave color to the gen- 
eral fears of a reactionary ascendency by 
making frequent and vigorous demands 
for intervention. At length the Premier 
invited them to meet with the Cabinet, 
and on May 2 it was announced that the 
Cabinet was unanimously committed to 
an immediate declaration of war against 
Germany. 

Drifting Toward Rebellion 
On May 10 the Premier appeared be- 
fore Parliament, and amid scenes of great 
disorder, and in a session surrounded by 
soldiers and crowds friendly to the north- 
ern party, vehemently urged an uncondi- 
tional and immediate declaration of 
China's belligerency on the side of the 
Allies. After stormy sessions lasting the 
greater part of the night, Parliament 
voted down the Premier's policy. The 
press of the southern parties thereupon 
directly accused the Premier of seeking 
the war only as an excuse for instituting 
martial law and assuming control of the 
Government. The Premier rejoined by 
summarily arresting the editor of the 
leading radical paper in Peking, the bi- 
lingual English and Chinese Peking Ga- 
zette, who had also accused Tuan of con- 



niving at Japanese ascendency over 
China's war policy. On this the Presi- 
dent acted with equal promptness, and 
on May 23 dismissed Tuan Chi-jui from 
office. 

Tuan's dismissal was the signal to the 
northern Generals not merely to endeavor 
to recover their lost prestige, but to rise 
in actual rebellion against the Govern- 
ment. President Li attempted to con- 
ciliate them by appointing as Premier 
on May 29 Li Ching-hsi, nephew to the 
great statesman Li Hung Chang and one 
of their own leaders; and Parliament 
ratified his nomination by a decisive and 
obviously conciliatory majority. But the 
northern Generals, after seizing every 
trunk railroad to Peking and after plac- 
ing their own soldiers around the Presi- 
dent's immediate person in Peking, de- 
clared on June 3 that they no longer rec- 
ognized Li Yuan-hung's authority and 
appointed a Provisional Government, 
with Hsu Shih-chang, former Premier 
under Yuan Shih-kai and Viceroy in Man- 
churia under the Imperial Government, 
as Dictator. They then issued a procla- 
mation from Tien-tsin reiterating their 
demand for China's immediate entrance 
into the war, but insisting that that ac- 
tion must be accompanied by the dis- 
missal of Parliament, the extinction of 
the almost completed liberal Constitu- 
tion, and the reinstatement of Premier 
Tuan Chi-jui. They disclaimed vigor- 
ously any desire to set up a monarchy 
and professed themselves on June 5 to be 
loyal to the republic. 

The situation remained a complete 
deadlock. On June 7 the American Gov- 
ernment dispatched the following note to 
Peking, the first word to be received 
from any of the powers, which lent the 
full weight of American influence to the 
cause of conciliation: 

The United States Government learns with 
the most profound regret of the dissensions 
in China and expresses a sincere desire that 
tranquillity and political co-ordination be 
forthwith established. 

The entry of China into the war, or the 
continuance of the status quo in her relations 
with the German Government, are matters of 
secondary importance. China's principal ne- 
cessity is to resume and continue her political 
entity and proceed along the road to national 
development. In China's form of govern- 



104 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



ment, or the personnel which administers the 
Government, America has only the friendliest 
interest, and desires to be of service to China. 
America expresses the sincere hope that 
factional and political disputes will be set 
aside and that all parties and persons will 
work to re-establish and co-ordinate the Gov- 
ernment and secure China's position among 
nations, which is impossible while there is 
internal discord. 

On the same day Secretary Lansing 
added to the salutary impression of this 
note by vehemently disclaiming the 
statement that America had given any 
aid or encouragement to the rebellion. 
On June 11 Dr. George Morrison, British 
adviser to the Chinese President, added 
an intimation of the policy of his Gov- 
ernment by urging " in the strongest pos- 
sible manner the retention of Parlia- 
ment " and by saying directly to Presi- 
dent Li Yuan-hung, " You must retain 
Parliament." Professor Ariga, the Japa- 
nese adviser, gave the less decisive ad- 
vice that President Li had the right to 
dismiss Parliament if he wished to do so. 

The American adviser, Dr. W. Wil- 
loughby, interviewed in Tokio, summed up 
the situation in the following words : " I 
look for turmoil of long duration between 
militarism and constitutionalism "; dur- 
ing which, it would seem to be inferred, 
China's genuinely serviceable participa- 
tion in the war will be indefinitely de- 
layed. 



[EDITORIAL NOTE. A dispatch from Peking, 
dated June 13, announced that the Presi- 
dential mandate dissolving Parliament had 
been signed by Ching Chao-chung as Acting 
Premier, and that it was believed that the 
dissolution would bring about civil war, as 
the leaders in the southern provinces had 
telegraphed President Li Yuan-hung that 
they no longer recognized his authority, de- 
spite the fact that the President had accom- 
panied the dissolution mandate with a long 
statement attempting to justify his action. 
The President again called into conference at 
the palace Dr. George Morrison and Professor 
Nagao Ariga, who repeated the advice they 
had previously given. The President said 
that he had already placed his seal on the 
mandate, and asked what he could do, declar- 
ing that he could not obtain the signature of 
any of the members of the Cabinet to the 
document. Dr. Morrison replied that the 
President had better tear it up. Professor 
Ariga said that if the President was. unable 
to obtain a countersignature of a member of 
the Cabinet he should get one from the head 
of the judiciary. 

A Tokio dispatch of June 12 stated that the 
alleged failure of the United States Govern- 
ment to consult Japan before presenting its 
note to China had caused considerable resent- 
ment in Japan. Secretary of State Lansing 
on June 13 authorized the statement that the 
text of the note as first published in Japan 
was false and that the irritation expressed by 
the Japanese press had been caused by the 
fabricated text. The correct text was ob- 
tained later and accurately printed in the 
Japanese newspapers. Nevertheless, the latest 
dispatches show that Japanese opinion holds 
that the United States should be asked to 
recognize Japan's special position in China in 
order to prevent future misunderstandings.] 



Better to Die 

By FLORENCE EARLE COATES 



Better to die, where gallant men are dying, 

Than to live on with them that basely fly: 
Better to fall, the soulless Fates defying, 
Than unassailed to wander vainly, trying 

To turn one's face from an accusing sky! 


Days matter not, nor years to the undaunted; 

To live is nothing, but to nobly live! 
The poorest visions of the honor-haunted 
Are better worth than pleasure-masks enchanted, 

And they win life who life for others give. 

The planets in their watchful course behold them 

To live is nothing, but to nobly live! 
For though the Earth with mother-hands remold them, 
Though Ocean in his billowy arms enfold them, 

They are as gods, who life to others give! 



[OFFICIAL REPORT] 

Story of the Russian Upheaval 

By Christian L. Lange 

Secretary of the Interparliamentary Union and Correspondent of the Carnegie 
Endowment for International Peace 

Dr. Lange, a resident of Christiania, has served in the Norwegian Parliament, and was a 
member of the Second Hague Conference. The report here printed (with minor omissions) is 
the result of a special investigation in Russia undertaken by Dr. Lange at the instance of the 
Carnegie Endowment. It was written April 20, 1917, before the resignation of Milukoff 
and the reorganization of the Provisional Government. 



I LEFT Christiania on March 12, when 
as yet nothing was known at all 
about what was going on at Petro- 
grad. At Stockholm, where I stop- 
ped two days to meet the Interparlia- 
mentary Group of the Riksdag, I read 
telegrams about the riots in the Russian, 
capital. I also learned of the adjourment 
of the Duma. 

The journey to Russia is now [Spring 
of 1917] very long, the Baltic being im- 
passable. One has to go north by rail for 
forty hours. I left Stockholm Wednesday, 
March 14, in the afternoon, and only Fri- 
day morning I reached the frontier at 
Haparanda. In the train I had already 
seen the first communication from the 
Executive Committee of the Duma that 
it had seized the reins of Government, 
that the Czar's Ministers were in prison, 
that the Petrograd garrison had joined 
the Duma, and that the town was quiet. 
At Tornea, the Finnish railway ter- 
minus, we were examined by the Rus- 
sian gendarmerie, as usual at European 
frontiers during the war. I had a 
laissez-passer from the Russian Minister 
at Christiania and was not even searched, 
and I heard from my fellow-travelers 
that their examination had also been 
very lenient. The people at the station 
knew less of what had passed at Petro- 
grad than we. They had not seen the 
first communique, and the Finnish wo- 
man who kept the bookstall at the sta- 
tion was delighted when I slipped to her * 
a Swedish paper which gave the text of 
the document. 

Our excitement reached its pitch when 
we slowly came up to the platform at 
Bielo-Ostrov, where the customs and 
passport examinations take place. We 



were standing ready with our bags, lug- 
gage tickets, passports, and everything 
the platform was empty, not a human 
being to be seen. Then, all of a sudden, 
the carriage door opens, enters a little 
dwarf, no taller than my writing desk, 
and he cries out as he rolls down along 
the corridor: " Liberty is supreme. All 
the gendarmes are sent to prison to 
Petrograd. No more passports, no cus- 
toms. Only liberty reigns! " 

He was our herald of the revolution! 
And he proved true. The train left at 
once, without any examination at all, 
and within two minutes we all carried, 
God knows how, red badges in our but- 
tonholes. I got mine from the carriage 
maid, who tore asunder a piece of red 
flag cloth and freely distributed the 
pieces, and she at once became very 
communicative. There had been a strike 
for some hours on the railway lines, a 
strike of pronounced political character. 
The men had insisted on the removal of 
some high Russian officials in the rail- 
way administration. As soon as they 
had obtained satisfaction, they returned 
to work. This accounted for the delays 
we had had and still had. 

Conditions in Petrograd 
On our arrival at Petrograd we found 
the city quiet. We met some soldiers pa- 
trolling the streets; here and there we 
saw groups of young students with white 
bands around the left arm bearing in red 
the letters G. M. (Militia Guard) and a 
gun thrown across the shoulder. Once 
or twice we met some persons returning 
from a dinner party. Otherwise the streets 
were as if dead, not a horse and carriage, 
nor a tram. When we had crossed the 



106 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



great bridge we saw the dreary ruins of 
the big police court on the Lieteny Pros- 
pect, (one of the main thoroughfares.) 
It had been burned, but otherwise no 
traces of destruction were to be seen so 
far. The popular exasperation had 
turned against the police and its head- 
quarters. Unfortunately, some very im- 
portant documents were destroyed at 
the same time; not only the etats civils, 
the registers of the population, their age, 
status, and so on, but also the archives 
of the secret police have in part been 
destroyed, so it is now one of the difficult 
tasks of the new administration to trace 
the agents provocateurs, who were every- 
where. 

As I walked along the Nevsky, I met a 
procession of workmen, soldiers, and wo- 
men singing the revolutionary hymn an 
old song, I was told sung to a tune 
evidently borrowed from the " Marseil- 
laise," but in rather a depraved setting. 
The text may be rendered as follows 

Let us give tip the ancient world. 

Let us shake its dust from our feet. 

We want no idol in gold. 

We hate the palace of the Czars. 

We will go to our suffering brethren. 

We will go to those who are starving. 

With them we execrate the felon, 

And we will challenge him to fight. 

March, march, workmen, forward ! 

The procession carried red banners, on 
which was written " Land and Liberty," 
" Down with Autocracy," &c. It was a 
revolutionary sight, but at the head of 
the procession in the very middle of the 
street I saw a strange sight. High up 
in a car drawn by a horse a man was 
standing, turning, turning incessantly 
his cinematograph, preparing his " Films 
of the Russian Revolution." Then I un- 
derstood that I was really a witness of 
historic events, but also that all danger 
was passed. Petrograd had settled down 
to civilized life. 

Czar's Dread of War 

The revolution of 1917 was inevitable. 
I remember very well that, when at Pe- 
trograd in February, 1914, I was told by 
Milukoff that the Czar Nicholas had 
" une peur bleue de la guerre," because 
he very well realized that there had been 
an intimate connection between the war 
with Japan and the ensuing revolution 



of 1905-1906. This dread of the Czar 
was in Milukoff's eyes one of the guaran- 
tees of European peace, at any rate a se- 
curity against aggressive tendencies on 
the part of Russia. On the other hand, 
there was then in Russia great apprehen- 
sion of German and Austrian aggression, 
especially in connection with the negotia- 
tions which were to come as to the re- 
newal of the Russo-German Treaty of 
Commerce, which was to expire in 1917. 
War with the Central Powers was con- 
sidered as inevitable, and it may have 
served as an argument for war in 1914 
that Russia at any rate had strong allies. 

I was told now in 1917 that there had 
been divided counsels in the Government 
of 1914. The majority of the Ministers 
favored war; a minority, represented by 
Sazonoff, the Ministers of Finance and 
of Agriculture, Bark and Kriwoshein, 
were for peace, and the Rietch, which 
supported the peace policy of Sazonoff, 
was even prohibited for a time. The 
Czar was, as usual, vacillating; fits of 
seeming restiveness alternated with 
periods of complete apathy, and as it 
happened his " peur bleue de la guerre " 
had no decisive importance. Sazonoff 
was, however, at any rate able to take 
up an attitude which left the responsi- 
bility of aggression with the other side. 
But there is no doubt that also at Petro- 
grad as indeed in all capitals there 
was a military party pushing toward 
war. The responsibilities for the war 
are divided, European, but they should 
evidently be apportioned in different 
degrees. 

But 'when the war came, it was im- 
mensely popular in Russia. Slavonic na- 
tionalism, which was an important ele- 
ment in aristocracy and among the great 
landowners, turned against Austria-Hun- 
gary and Germany, who were bent on 
crushing the Slavonic sister State, Ser- 
bia. The progressive elements saw the 
immense importance of the dissolution of 
the league of the three Emperors, formed 
around the pactum turpe of the partition 
of Poland, which had held good for up- 
ward of a century and a half, and no less 
the great potentialities which might flow 
from the alliance with Western democ- 
racy. Their hopes were high during the 



STORY OF THE RUSSIAN UPHEAVAL 



107 



first year of the war, as letters from 
Efremoff and from Milukoff at that time 
testify. They saw in Germany the 
stronghold of reaction and of militarism 
in Europe, and trusted that its downfall 
would be followed by that of Russian au- 
tocracy. It has happened otherwise. But 
at any rate this feeling created a wide- 
spread feeling of responsibility for the 
war, of the necessity of supplementing, 
as far as in them lety, the shortcomings 
of the administration and of the bu- 
reaucracy. 

Work of the Zemstvos 
Thus was called into being a spon- 
taneous participation in the war work 
from the best and most healthy elements 
within Russian society. The Association 
of the Zemstvos on one side, a voluntary 
institution formed by the members of 
the Municipal Councils of the " Gouv- 
ernements," consequently by men versed 
in local government and in public af- 
fairs, combined with the leaders of the 
great commercial and industrial enter- 
prises to form all sorts of committees 
outside the administration. In a hun- 
dred ways they have been able to help 
and to prove their efficiency. When 
Brusiloff prepared his great offensive, 
he had, of course, to secure his rear. 
Trenches were to be dug for the eventu- 
ality of a retreat. But he could not use 
his own soldiers, as their offensive force 
might be sapped if they knew that posi- 
tions were prepared for a retreat. Then 
the Association of the Zemstvos at once 
mobilized 500,000 peasants, who did the 
work. Another General complained that 
his companies were suffering through the 
fact that so many soldiers were called 
off to become cooks. In a very short time 
50,000 men, not fit for military work, but 
able to do service as cooks, were put at 
his disposal. In innumerable ways the 
Industrial Committee has helped to or- 
ganize the importation of munitions and 
of raw materials for the war industries. 

Middle Class's Influence 
Quietly the direction of Russian life 
and activity during the war was more 
and more taken over by the middle class 
itself, and its services appeared all the 
more brilliant against the dark setting of 



the incapacity, the corruption, not to men- 
tion the occasional treason, of the old 
administration. It is, so to speak, the 
leaders of this activity who have now 
undertaken also the nominal direction of 
Russia. The new Premier, Prince Lvoff, 
was President of the Association of 
Zemstvos. Gutchkoff, [then,] Minister 
of War; Konovaloff, [then,] Minister of 
Commerce and Industry; Chingareff, 
[then,] Minister of Agriculture, all 
played leading or prominent parts in the 
different organizations and committees 
controlling the private activity for the 
war, while Milukoff, [then,] Minister for 
Foreign Affairs, has represented the Rus- 
sian people before the world, through his 
work in the press or through his nume- 
rous addresses abroad during the war. 
A new official Russia was silently in for- 
mation. It has now risen, shaking off 
the feeble fetters which Czardom, bu- 
reaucracy, and police were trying to lay 
on a people prepared to work out its own 
salvation, while the powers of old mani- 
festly proved incapable of their task. 

It is impossible to rate highly enough 
the importance and the influence of the 
Duma in this silent preparation of the 
momentous revolution of 1917. If a bet- 
ter horoscope is undoubtedly to be cast 
for this revolution than for its predeces- 
sor of 1905-1906, it is chiefly because the 
Duma, through its existence alone, has 
educated Russian public opinion toward 
common national aims. In the Duma 
the Russian Nation has found a com- 
mon symbol, and through the speeches 
there, especially during the war, the 
silent desires and hopes of the masses 
and of the classes have found expres- 
sion and distinct objects for a national 
policy. Some of these speeches are so 
characteristic that they may be cited 
even here. . 

Spirit of the Duma 
When Milukoff had made his famous 
attack on Sturmer, an attack which led 
to the Minister's fall and to the aban- 
donment for the time being of the pol- 
icy for a separate peace with Germany, 
Efremoff, leader of the Progressives. an 
intermediary party between the Octo- 
brists and the Cadets, these latter not 
by far a radical party made a speech 



108 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



in which he said : " There is little use 
in removing the mushrooms from a rot- 
ten trunk, they will sprout again, as 
soon as weather favors. The only ef- 
ficient cure is to cut down the rotten 
trunk." This is pure revolutionary doc- 
trine. And Kerensky once took for his 
text the famous sculptural groups on the 
Anitchkoff Bridge on the Nevsky, repre- 
senting four tamers of horses in differ- 
ent attitudes. He said: 

" In the first group you see the tamer 
dominating his horse; in the second and 
third group, the horse is more and more 
freeing itself from its master; in the 
fourth group the man is on the ground 
under the hoofs of the horse, who is 
galloping freely along. The tamer is 
the Bureaucracy, the horse is the Rus- 
sian people. It will know how to obtain 
its liberation." 

It would be a great mistake to think 
that the Fourth Duma was anything re- 
sembling a revolutionary assembly. As 
will be known, the reactionaries and Na- 
tionalists, together with the Centre, 
formed a solid majority against any evo- 
lution, even toward Parliamentary Gov- 
ernment; even the Octobrists were 
against Ministerial responsibility. But 
so glaring was the incapacity of the old 
regime that a bloc was formed during 
the war by all the bourgeois parties 
from the Cadets to the Nationalists. 
This group united on the single aim of 
pushing on the war and silently prepar- 
ing for the moment when the catas- 
trophe to Czarism was to come. The 
reactionaries dwindled down to insignifi- 
cance. Even the notorious Purishke- 
vitch, who took service in the army, 
joined the bloc, and the still more no- 
torious Markoff II. was pictured in a 
cartoon sitting sulking in his corner as 
the " only Russian conservative." 

This was long before the revolution. 
The Cadets had to make sacrifices in 
order to keep this bloc together. Thus 
they voted, and Milukoff himself spoke, 
against a proposal of raising the ques- 
tion of Ministerial responsibility before 
the Duma. " The time was not ripe." 
Miluokff's attitude then impaired his 
popularity with the radical elements, and 
this fact, together with his imperialistic 



attitude with regard to the objects of 
the war, may compromise his position. 
As a matter of fact, he is rather isolated 
in the Government. But the bloc was 
maintained, and the way paved for a 
united advance, when the movement of 
action was to come. 

Czar Like Louis XVI. 

It is doubtful whether the Duma would 
ever have taken an initiative of revolu- 
tion, but the fact that even Rodzianko, 
the moderate Octobrist President of the 
Duma, was ready to take the chair in 
the new Executive Committee; that the 
still more conservative Shulgin was 
ready to go with Gutchkoff to force 
Nicholas to abdicate, shows how far the 
conviction of the necessity of a pro- 
found change had spread. Everybody 
saw that a catastrophe was coming. 
But they did not know when. Would it 
be during the war, would it be after? 
Nobody was able to tell. But they saw 
the necessity of preparation, of, so to 
speak, mobilization for the eventuality. 
The Executive Committee was secretly 
formed; even the Ministers were desig- 
nated long ago. Therefore, the decisions 
could be made so quickly when the su- 
preme moment arrived. 

Czardom took upon itself to force mat- 
ters to an issue. Nicholas Romanoff will 
probably figure in history as no less a 
tragical personality than Louis XVI. In- 
deed, there are several points of resem- 
blance. But above all they are alike in 
having had consorts whose influence be- 
came fatal to them; both partook of the 
intense unpopularity their wives had in- 
curred. The Empress Alexandra has not 
been wasteful or extravagant as Marie 
Antoinette, but her connection with the 
notorious Rasputin, to whom in her hys- 
teria she became quite submissive, sapped 
no less the last remnants of loyalty to the 
dynasty. Rasputin's corpse was buried 
in the imperial park at Tsarskoe Selo, and 
it was told that the corpse had been re- 
moved to be burned; in order to put an 
end to this sordid story and to any at- 
tempt at beatification of the " Starest," 
an ikon (a saint's image) was found with 
the corpse, on the back of which were 
written the names Alexandra, Olga, 
Tatyana, &c. the whole family. 



STORY OF THE RUSSIAN UPHEAVAL 



109 



But the supreme trait of similarity be- 
tween the two ill-fated Queens is their 
" enemy connection " Marie Antoinette 
" 1'autrichienne "; Alexandra the German, 
female cousin of Wilhelm the Kaiser. 
And unfortunately there is no doubt that 
the Czaritsa's " enemy connection " was 
far from innocent. She has not only been 
active in all the tentative efforts for a 
separate peace, but I was told in diplo- 
matic circles that on one occasion an of- 
fensive movement, fully prepared, had 
been stopped by a telegram signed by her 
name. A wireless was in function at 
Tsarskoe Selo, corresponding with Nauen. 

Anybody can see how all this must 
have killed the last remnants of loyalty, 
already undermined by the notorious in- 
capacity of the administration to cope 
with the problems of the war. The con- 
tinual changes of Ministers proved the 
vacillation at the head of affairs. Czar- 
ism was evidently tottering to its fall. 

Quern Deus perdere vult, prius de- 
mentat. The Government, in an act of 
sheer desperation, added open provoca- 
tion to its glaring faults and shortcom- 
.ings. By stopping the transport of food 
to Petrograd it intended to call forth 
riots in the capital; they were to serve 
as pretexts for an adjournment of the 
Duma, for the creation of a practical 
dictatorship probably in the hands of 
Protopopoff or of a " strong " General, 
and lastly for the conclusion of a sep- 
arate peace. Efremoff told me that one 
was on the track of a telegram to this ef- 
fect: " Almost all transports to Petro- 
grad stopped. Everything goes well." 
Under it the signature of a Minister. 

Potter of the Proletariat 

The form which the provocation took 
called in the element which made the 
revolution. The Duma would perhaps 
have been capable of a coup d'etat, and 
Efremoff told me that in fact this had 
always been the favorite hypothesis. But 
the proletariat are willing to pay with 
their lives. And the proletariat found 
an associate in the garrison of Petro- 
grad. These two facts are of capital im- 
portance; the latter gave the victory to 
the revolution; both together determined 
the democratic character of the events, 



and it seems as if this characteristic has 
come to stay. The democratic elements 
have been very strong in the revolution 
itself, and these forces are organizing 
themselves in order to maintain their in- 
fluence. 

The troops at Petrograd combined with 
the workmen refused to shoot at the peo- 
ple, and turned their guns against the 
police. The explanation of this extraor- 
dinary fact is to be found in the compo- 
sition of these troops. They were not 
real garrison soldiers; they were partly 
older reserve soldiers, recently called to 
the colors after having passed years in 
their villages, partly young recruits, who 
had not yet undergone the influence of 
the barracks. They were really a peas- 
ant democracy, who through their stay in 
the regiments had developed a certain 
class feeling, not as soldiers, but as peas- 
ant laborers having interests in common 
with the Petrograd proletariat, among 
whom many of them probably have found 
friends or relatives from their own vil- 
lages. When ordered to fire on the peo- 
ple they immediately protested and fired 
on the police instead. And the two 
popular forces then turned to the Duma 
as the representative of the Russian Na- 
tion, asking the National Assembly to 
take the lead which had fallen from the 
hands of the Government. 

In order to co-operate, the soldiers and 
workmen organized their council, to 
which each regiment and each factory 
sent a delegate. Through an Executive 
Committee and a delegation they opened 
negotiations with the Duma, whose Ex- 
ecutive Committee, as stated above, was 
ready to act. 

Kerens^ Chief Figure 

The central figure in this situation be- 
came the Duma member for Saratoff, 
Kerensky, a young barrister. This re- 
markable man is the leader of the 
" Revolutionary Socialists " thus far a 
misnomer, as they are revolutionary 
only as the word applies to the method 
of their action. As long as the autocracy 
existed they approved of terroristic at- 
tempts. After the revolution they de- 
clared for parliamentary action and pop- 
ular propaganda alone, and one of 
Kerensky's first decrees as Minister of 



110 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Justice abolished capital punishment. 
In their program they can hardly be 
said to be Socialists; it is rather an 
agrarian party aiming at the creation of 
a class of small proprietors, and most 
of their adherents are peasants and land 
laborers, while the workers of the towns 
rally round Tscheidze, who is an orthodox 
Marxist and whose program appeals to 
the industrial workingman. 

Kerensky was the link between the 
bourgeois Duma and the Council of Work- 
men's and Soldiers' Delegates. Through 
his unique eloquence and moral courage he 
was able to exert an enormous influence 
during these first difficult weeks, and 
the state of his health is a serious mat- 
ter. It is bad, for he is suffering from 
tuberculosis of the kidneys, one of 
which has been removed, alas, very late, 
for the Russian surgeons had not dis- 
covered what was really the matter; it 
was during a visit to Finland that the 
very serious state of his health was dis- 
covered and the necessary operation un- 
dertaken. 

He is sitting in the new Government 
as the representative, but at the same 
time as the hostage, of democracy. It 
would be most difficult to find a substi- 
tute, and every well-wisher for Russia 
will hope and pray that he may be 
spared for the great mission awaiting 
him. He made an extraordinary impres- 
sion on me during my conversation with 
him; a soul of fire, sincere, and truthful 
to himself, at the same time a powerful 
intelligence and a born leader. His 
powers of work are said to be extraor- 
dinary. * * * 

The Constituent Assembly 
The big question, besides the prosecu- 
tion of the war, is the organization and 
the convocation of the Constituent 
Assembly. The Government program 
says the assembly was to meet " as soon 
as possible." I suppose the Ministers 
are likely to put the stress on the last 
word. Indeed, I hardly spoke with one 
bourgeois politician without his shaking 
his head over the impossibility of co- 
ordinating the working of this assembly 
with the active prosecution of the war. 
They, therefore, sincerely hope to see 



the end of the war in the Autumn. But 
if the end does not come, they are likely 
to insist on the necessity of postponing 
the assembly. 

On the other hand, the more extreme 
elements wish to strike the iron while 
it is hot, and the last proclamation from 
the council requests the immediate or- 
ganization of the assembly. The Pre- 
mier, Prince Lvoff, has said it was to 
meet within a period of at least three, at 
most six, months. The problem is not 
only one of organization; for instance, 
how are the soldiers at the front to vote, 
the vote being not only the act of putting 
a ballot in a box, but a method of con- 
tributing to form a real public opinion 
on a series of very grave questions ? 
There is also the serious difficulty of 
having a deliberative assembly sitting 
discussing intricate constitutional and 
social problems while the greatest war 
in history is being waged at the fron- 
tier. Indeed, it is highly to be desired 
that the bloodshed might come to an 
early end, if for no other reasons, lest 
the future of Russia should be compro- 
mised. 

Outlook f r the Republic 
As to the future constitution, there is 
officially and outwardly absolute unanim- 
ity; the cadets, even the progressives, 
have put the democratic republic on their 
program. Indeed, no sane politician, at 
the present juncture, considers any other 
solution as possible. Monarchy, and es- 
pecially the dynasty, is compromised be- 
yond remedy; none of the Grand Dukes is 
to be thought of as Czar, because it would 
imply dangerous family connections. But 
bourgeois politicians are far from en- 
thusiastic republicans. They see the 
danger in such an enormous empire pass- 
ing at one single step from an autocracy 
to a republic, and they are not blind to 
the advantages of monarchy as a symbol 
of the unity and the indivisibility of the 
nation. This did not imply any senti- 
mentalism toward the Little Father, and 
I was told that the existence of this senti- 
ment even among the peasants was great- 
ly exaggerated. There was only cool po- 
litical calculation in it. Efremoff went 
to the length of saying to me : " If we 
only had had a very popular General " 



STORY OF THE RUSSIAN UPHEAVAL 



111 



This would seem a most dangerous ex- 
periment. And I know that Milukoff and 
other cadet leaders reluctantly approved 
of the republic being admitted to their 
program. 

I imagine that the solution contem- 
plated is a sort of federal republic, based 
on the nationalities and races within the 
enormous empire as constituent parts, 
probably supplemented with local divi- 
sions in the Great Russian provinces. 
This solution, more or less on American 
lines, can, as in the United States, be 
combined with a strong executive power. 
It sounds like a prophecy that the Amer- 
ican Constitution has sometimes been de- 
nned as a " Czaristic " republic. 

Already the Government program had 
outlined large liberties of speech, of asso- 
ciation, even of strike the first instance, 
I believe, in history. The last point is of 
special importance to the industrial work- 
man, and through his participation in the 
revolution he has also obtained another 
advantage the eight-hour day. It is in- 
teresting to note that one of the Freres 
Nobel expressly stated that they were de- 
lighted with the result of this regime. Its 
sfficiency was better than the former one 
with the long hours, which had tempted 
to passivity and even to sabotage. 

These problems of industry are, hew-, 
ever, not by far so important to Russia 
as the all-dominating agrarian problem, 
which will absorb a great part of the ac- 
tivity and the interests of the Constituent 
Assembly. In his heart of hearts every 
Russian is an agriculturist, in his dreams 
a landed proprietor. " Land and lib- 
erty " was written on every second red 
banner. The soldiers, peasants them- 
selves or peasants' sons, voiced this de- 
sire, and everybody realized that it had 
to be satisfied on a very large scale. 
Rural Conditions 

The state of the Russian countryside 
during the war is very curious, and in a 
certain respect an unexpected one. The 
absolute prohibition of vodka very 
strictly executed in the Petrograd 
hotels I saw no stronger drink than 
kvass, a sort of ginger beer has stopped 
the chief expense of the peasants toward 
luxury; the soldiers' wives and mothers 
receive Government support; the absence 



of workmen creates a great demand for 
laborers, with a consequent rise of 
wages; all this combines to create an un- 
known prosperity in the villages. The 
peasant girls are able to buy a greater 
number of those gowns which, hanging 
new and not yet used in the large ward- 
robe, are to impress their suitors. They 
are now said to decline work offered to 
them with the remark: " I have got 
gowns enough." The peasants, among 
them the soldiers on returning from the 
front or from captivity, will be able to 
buy land. On the other hand, the great 
landowners are often unable to work 
their fields because of the scarcity of 
labor. They will, therefore, be willing 
to sell land. So far all seems well. 

The danger is that there may be ideas 
of the laborer's right to own the land he 
till now has been working on. There will 
be hot debates about the principle of ex- 
propriation and its application. The 
landowners will say: "Why shall landed 
property alone be considered as more or 
less liable to confiscation? Why not as 
well the industrial plant, or personal 
property? " Fortunately, immense tracts 
of land will be at the disposal of the na- 
tion in the form of public domains or of 
land belonging to the monasteries. Here 
thousands on thousands of peasants can 
be made proprietors without any great 
difficulty, and means can perhaps be 
found of financing also the transfer of 
private land from the great owners to 
small holders. Everybody will see the 
great seriousness of this problem and its 
bearing on the future of Russia. In this 
new class of small farmers new Russia 
will find the basis of its democracy, just 
as the French Revolution found it for 
France. 

Difficult Racial Problems 

The Government program proclaimed 
the abolition of all disabilities for racial 
and religious reasons. This principle, 
loyally executed, will automatically take 
away the sting in the otherwise so thorny 
questions of delimitation within the em- 
pire, especially in the west, where on the 
wide plains the different nationalities 
Poles, Ukrainians, Lithuanians, Ests, and 
other Baltic races merge imperceptibly 
one into the other, or in the Caucasus, 



112 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



where the motley diversity is as great. 
No doubt, however, there will still be 
great difficulties in this respect, and more 
especially this will be the case with the 
Jews. I had no special opportunity of 
studying the Semitic problem, and there- 
fore shall only give one piece of informa- 
tion, which shows on one hand its acuity, 
on the other the apprehensions as to the 
future. 

The leading inspirer of the cadets is 
said to be an Israelitic Petrograd bar- 
rister, Vinaver, a close friend of Milu- 
koff and an exceptionally able man. 
The Government had nominated him a 
Senator, member of the High Court, but 
he declined, because he would not expose 
the revolution to the risk of being dubbed 
a " Semitic machination." Generally the 
Jews took up an attitude of great re- 
serve. Pogroms were still considered as 
possible. 

To return to the problems of nation- 
ality, there are two questions under this 
head which require special treatment, 
namely, Finland and Poland. 

The complete liberation of Finland, 
the reversal of all laws and decrees is- 
sued contrary to the Finnish Constitu- 
tion, and the proclamation of the right of 
the Finnish people to decide, through 
their own representatives, the future re- 
lations between Finland and Russia, was 
on one hand the fulfillment of an old 
pledge from Russian liberals to the 
Finns. Especially Milukoff, Rodicheff, 
now Secretary of State for Finland, and 
Stakhovitch, now Governor General, had 
engaged themselves strongly on this line. 
It was, moreover, a sort of morning gift 
to Western democracy which has always 
taken a special interest in progressive 
Finland. And it was last, but not least 
a stroke of generous and far-sighted 
policy against the German machinations 
in Finland, which surely in certain con- 
tingencies might have been extremely 
dangerous: Finland is the glacis of Pet- 
rograd. 

The Case of Finland 

It is no secret that during the war 
numerous young Finns have crossed the 
frontier to go to Germany, where hun- 
dreds of them have been trained as offi- 



cers to lead an eventual Finnish insur- 
rection. It is said that thousands of 
young men in Finland itself have been 
equipped in secret for military service: 
two pairs of boots, a Winter coat, a gun, 
&c. But it was understood that no move- 
ment was to be initiated if the Germans 
did not succeed in throwing artillery 
across the Gulf of Finland. Hence the 
extreme importance of the Riga front. 

This movement found chiefly its ad- 
herents among the Swedish party in Fin- 
land, a political faction decidedly on the 
wane, but still important because of its 
strong intellectual and economic position. 
However, only part of them favored this 
policy of despair, which really amounted 
to a driving out of the devil by Beelze- 
bub. Some adherents were also said to 
have come from the " Old Fennomans," 
a conservative party which often has 
been very weak-kneed toward Russia. 
Their belief in authority as the supreme 
prop of social life may have brought 
some of them to admire the Prussian 
spirit. * 

[The Swedish Party late in May issued an 
address demanding a separate republic for 
Finland, but it received no approval at Pe- 
trograd. Editor CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE.] 

Finns very well see the realities of the 
problem that Russia and Finland are 
indissoluble for plain geographical rea- 
sons. It would be sheer insanity for 
Finland to rely on the support of Ger- 
many, from which it, is divided by the 
sea, while Russia dominates its entire 
land frontier to the east, while the Rus- 
sian capital is situated at a distance of 
only a few miles. Moreover, Finnish in- 
dustrial merchandise and dairy produce 
are dependent on the Russian market. 

The Finns do not desire their country 
to be merged in the Russian Empire as 
one of its constituent parts. They de- 
mand a separate existence, a Finnish 
State at Russia's side, united with the 
empire through a sort of loose union, 
giving to Russia only the direction of 
foreign affairs. The problem is a deli- 
cate one, besides entirely new in the his- 
tory of constitutional law, if Russia is to 
become a republic, and as the Finns are 
a difficult race to treat with, tenacious, 



STORY OF THE RUSSIAN UPHEAVAL 



113 



sometimes revengeful, it may tax the 
powers of statesmen on both sides. 
Free Poland Possible 

The proclamation from the Russian 
Government to the Poles is the highest 
bid made during the war for the sym- 
pathies of this people, which, after a 
tragedy of more than a hundred years, 
can at last look forward with certainty 
to a future of political independent life 
for part, if not for the whole, of the 
race. And this bid is not only a clever 
diplomatic device made to win the sym- 
pathy of the Poles, it is a sincere appli- 
cation of the principle of nationalities. 
The Russians, of course, wish to see a 
reunited Poland, including the Polish 
but not the Ukrainian part of Galicia, 
the whole of Posnania, and the Polish 
parts of Silesia and West Prussia. Only 
this enumeration suffices to show what 
problems will be raised in connection 
with this program. Germany is far from 
entertaining any idea of this sort. But 
if an independent Poland were formed, 
say, out of Russian Poland and Western 
Galicia, it would certainly exercise a 
most powerful attraction on the Poles 
in the Prussian irredenta. It is incom- 
prehensible how Austria and Germany 
have been capable of creating their 
" Kingdom of Poland " after the experi- 
ence of Austria with an Italian and a 
Serbian irredenta. The need for Polish 
soldiers must have been enormous, in- 
deed. 

Many will doubt the sincerity of Russia 
in giving full freedom of action to the 
Poles as to the future of their new 
State. I had an opportunity of discuss- 
ing the question with Efremoff, now a 
member of the Executive Committee, 
consequently in close touch with the 
Government, and his opinion was that, 
after all, an entirely independent Poland 
would perhaps represent the best solu- 
tion for Russia. A buffer State might 
be useful against Germany, though he 
saw the danger of the absence of mili- 
tary frontiers, if the principle of inter- 
national anarchy were still to prevail. 
But he added that a complete severance 
from Poland would present certain inner 
advantages to Russia. Polish nobles had 



bought land in Russia, and they were 
hard masters to the Russian peasants. 
Many Poles had obtained high situations 
in Russian administration, and after a 
very short time their offices had been 
filled with Poles. It is curious to ob- 
serve this animosity against a seemingly 
subject race which has been able to ob- 
tain a superior social position. There 
are parallels in the relation between 
English and Scots, between English and 
Irish. 

It goes without saying that full sepa- 
ration would raise most difficult prob- 
lems; Polish industry is dependent on 
the Russian market; a tariff arrange- 
ment would at any rate be necessary. A 
connection between Poland and Germany 
would spell economic ruin to Polish in- 
dustry, as it could not withstand Ger- 
man competition. For this reason alone 
no Pole in his senses can have seriously 
entertained the idea of looking westward. 

In any case, whether the solution is to 
be one of complete separation or one of 
a connection with Russia, there will be 
the most difficult problems of delimi- 
tation. * * * 

Able to Keep War Going 

There is no doubt that Russia is still 
able from an exclusively military point 
of view to prosecute the war. Its of- 
fensive powers are impaired through lack 
of munitions and guns. But the new 
regime has, at any rate, done away with 
the artificial impediments created by the 
late Government and the dynasty, and 
Russia still disposes of great reserves in 
man power it was said about forty divi- 
sions, at least one million of fully trained 
men, besides the young recruits now be- 
ing trained, and one year gives another 
million and in officers. Especially there 
is a large reserve of cavalry officers 
who might be used also as leaders of 
infantry. Besides, a potential reserve is 
to be found in young cultivated Jews 
who have been trained as soldiers but 
have not been admitted to serve as offi- 
cers. They would be able if need be 
to act as garrison officers and in other 
subsidiary military situations. 

The financial position is far from good. 
The debt is enormous, the paper money 



114 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



flooding the country is daily increasing 
in bulk, and the foreign exchange is de- 
plorable, because the exports have prac- 
tically ceased. But, economically speak- 
ing, the position of Russia is probably 
better than that of any other European 
country now at war. Agriculture is Rus- 
sia's chief pursuit; in consequence it is 
suffering far less than highly industrial- 
ized countries like Great Britain, Ger- 
many, or France. It can find within its 
own borders nearly everything it may 
want. The problem is one of transpor- 
tation and of organization. 

Russia, then, still can certainly go on 
With the war for years. And its present 
Government is firmly determined to re- 
main true to the London agreement, 
and to conclude peace only in common 
with the other allies. It must not be 
forgotten that the support of the West- 



ern Powers was decisive for the very 
success of the " miraculous " revolu- 
tion, that Russia financially is dependent 
on France and Great Britain, tied to 
them by " golden chains." The Govern- 
ment and the Duma both are bent on 
prosecuting the war as one of liberation 
for Europe in general. Russia has freed 
itself; now Germany and Austria are to 
follow suit. This is a conception com- 
mon to bourgeois liberals and to So- 
cialist workingmen. Both regard the 
two Central Powers as the props of re- 
action in Europe. The middle classes 
and the peasants, moreover, consider 
the war as a means of liberation from 
the commercial domination of Germany, 
established by the treaty of 1907. 

[Dr. Lange concludes his report with the 
prediction that Russia will remain true to 
the Allies.] 



The Career of Kerensky 



ALEXANDER KERENSKY, the real 
X\. leader of the Russian revolution, 
first became Minister of Justice in 
the Provisional Government and recently 
succeeded Gutchkoff as Minister of War, 
achieving wonders in reviving the army 
as a fighting force during May and June. 
He was born about thirty-five years ago 
in Tashkent, a Russian town in Middle 
Asia. Although of small means, he suc- 
ceeded in obtaining a university educa- 
tion and becoming a lawyer. From the 
beginmng^of his practice he was an en- 
ergetic defender of workmen and peas- 
ants, appearing in their interest when 
they were arrested and oppressed by 
agents of the Czar's Government. He 
included the Jews among his clients, and 
fought for the rights which the anti- 
Semitic powers denied them. The climax 
of his legal career came in 1912, when 
he represented the workmen in an inves- 
tigation following the shooting by the 
police of some sixty strikers in the gold 
fields along the River Lena. His work 
in this case made him famous through- 
out Russia as a friend of the revolution- 
ary forces and an enemy of the auto- 
cratic Government. 



The lawyer entered public life about 
four years ago and was elected to the 
Duma, where he became the leader of the 
Socialist labor forces. He was constantly 
under the eye of the Czar's police, who 
dared not touch him, however, without 
real provocation, because of his member- 
ship in the national body. They thought 
they had this provocation shortly before 
the revolution, when Kerensky attacked 
the Government in a speech in the Duma, 
and, according to information, the order 
for his arrest had been prepared when 
the revolution nullified it. 

As a member of the Duma, Kerensky 
strengthened his attack upon the Czar's 
Government by exposing the corruption 
and pro-Germanism among the ruling 
powers. The Black Hundreds of Russia 
were so German in their sympathies that 
they were called the " Prussian leaders," 
instead of the " Russian leaders," and 
they were the most intolerant and auto- 
cratic of all the factors in the old regime. 
Kerensky investigated their conduct dur- 
ing the war and made public exposure 
of their sentiments. 

He also turned the spotlight upon 
wholesale corruption among the officials 



THE CAREER OF KERENSKY 



115 



who purchased supplies for the army, 
and by this work did much to hasten the 
revolution. 

When the revolution was making its 
first rumblings heard, the Czar ordered 
the dissolution of the Duma, and Keren- 
sky, rising in his place, said: "We will 
not go. We will stay here." And the 
Duma stayed. 

Kerensky was made Minister of Justice 
in the original Provisional Government, 
and one of his first official acts was to 
issue an order releasing all the political 
prisoners in Siberia. 

His friends testify that one of his out- 



standing qualities is tact, and it was by 
this that he was able, they say, to assist 
materially in reconciling disputing fac- 
tions and persuading them to form the 
present Provisional Government. 

Kerensky is described as a slight, mod- 
erately tall, blonde man who looks more 
like an Englishman than a Russian. He 
is said to be one of the most forceful 
public speakers in Russia and a clear- 
thinking man, possessing ability to pre- 
sent his thoughts with compelling logic. 
His popularity among the masses, ac- 
cording to report, amounts to enthusias- 
tic faith. 



Details of the Czar's Abdication 



Nicholas II. abdicated the throne of 
Russia at Pskof Station on March 15, 
1917. A correspondent of the Paris 
Temps has obtained from M. Choulgine, 
one of the actors in the memorable scene, 
the following detailed narrative of what 
took place: 

AS our train stopped in the station of 
J7A. Pskof, one of the Emperor's Aids 
de Camp entered our carriage and 
said: "His Majesty is awaiting you." 
We only had to go a few steps to reach 
the imperial train. I was not in the 
least moved. We had reached that ex- 
treme of physical tension after the days 
which we had just lived in Petrograd, 
when nothing can either astonish or seem 
impossible. 

We entered a brightly lighted saloon 
carriage upholstered in pale green. The 
Court Chamberlain and General Narisch- 
kine were there and the Emperor en- 
tered immediately; he was wearing the 
uniform of one of the Caucasian regi- 
ments. He seemed quite calm and shook 
hands with us; he was in fact more cor- 
dial than cold. He sat down and told 
us to do the same. Gutchkoff sat by 
him near a small round table; I sat op- 
posite Gutchkoff, Freedericks sat a little 
further along, and General Narischkine 
took his seat at a table, ready to take 
down all that was said, as he had been 
asked to do by the Emperor. General 
Russky entered at that moment, apolo- 



gized for not having been there when 
we arrived, bowed to us and took his 
place next to me, that is, opposite the 
Czar. 

Gutchkoff spoke. I was afraid that 
he would be pitiless and that he would 
say something cruel to the Emperor. 
But I soon felt reassured. Gutchkoff 
spoke at length and quite easily. The 
parts of his speech seemed to come in 
perfect order. He did not refer to the 
past, but spoke of the present, trying to 
make his hearer understand how far the 
country had fallen. He spoke with low- 
ered eyes and his hand on the little 
table, and so he could not see the face 
of the Czar, and this made it easier for 
him to finish his painful speech. He 
ended it by stating that the only way out 
of the situation was for the monarch to 
abdicate in favor of the little Alexis, 
with the Grand Duke Michael as Regent. 
At the moment when Gutchkoff was say- 
ing these words, Russky leaned toward 
me and whispered: " This has already 
been decided." 

Then the Emperor spoke. His voice 
and his gestures were much calmer, much 
more simple than Gutchkoff's manner 
and speech had been. Gutchkoff was 
deeply moved by the momentous nature 
of the interview, and this made him em- 
phatic. " I have thought a great deal 
yesterday and today," said Nicholas II., 
in the same tone of voice as if he had 



116 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



been speaking of some ordinary busi- 
ness. " Up to 3 o'clock today I was pre- 
pared to abdicate in favor of my son, 
but I have since realized that it would 
be impossible for me to be separated 
from him." The Czar here paused slight- 
ly, and then continued as calmly: "You 
will understand me, I hope ! That is why 
I have decided to abdicate in favor of 
my brother." He was then silent as if 
he expected some reply. 

I then said : " This proposition is a 
surprise to us; we only considered an 
abdication in favor of the Czarevitch 
Alexis. I therefore request to be per- 
mitted to have a few minutes' private 
conversation with Alexandre Ivanovitch 
(Gutchkoff) so that we may give a con- 
sidered reply. The Czar consented, and 
I forget now how the conversation was 
resumed, but it is a certain fact that we 
made no difficulties in accepting the ob- 
jections which were set before us. Gutch- 
koff said that he did not feel he had the 
courage to combat the feelings of a 
father, and considered all pressure im- 
possible on that point. It seemed to me 
that, on hearing this, a trace of satisfac- 
tion passed over the face of the sovereign 
whom we had just dethroned. * * * 
We therefore accepted, under these con- 
ditions, the Emperor's solution. 

He then asked us if we could guaran- 
tee with certainty that the act of abdica- 
tion would bring peace to the country 



and not provoke further effervescence. 
We replied that, as far as it was possible 
to foresee the future, we did not expect 
difficulties of that kind. I am not quite 
certain as to when exactly the Czar re- 
tired into the next carriage to sign 
the act. He came back at about 11:15, 
holding a few small-sized pieces of 
paper in his right hand. He said 
to us: "This is the act of abdication, 
read it." We read it in low tones. The 
document was in noble language. I felt 
ashamed of the text which we had rapid- 
ly written down. I, however, asked the 
Emperor to add to the phrase, " We re- 
quest our brother to govern in full unity 
with the representatives of the nation 
sitting in the legislative assemblies," the 
following words : " And to give assur- 
ance of this on oath to the people." The 
Czar consented and immediately added 
what I asked, changing, however the al- 
teration, which finally read, " And to 
enter with them upon a sworn and in- 
violable agreement." Thus Michael 
Alexandrovitch was a constitutional 
sovereign in the full acceptation of the 
term. Events have gone beyond' the 
form of government which we were 
considering. 

The act was copied in type on small 
sheets of paper. * * * Two or three 
copies were made. The Emperor signed 
in pencil. * * * When I looked at 
my watch for the last time it was 11:48. 



What Has Paralyzed Russia's Armies 



M. Tscheidze's Political Ideal 



A British newspaper correspondent re- 
cently talked with M. Tscheidze, head of 
the Petrograd Committee of Workmen's 
and Soldiers' Delegates, the central revo- 
lutionary organization that has its net- 
work of committees throughout Russia 
and the Russian Army. Coming from the 
man who, with Kerensky, may be said to 
control Russia's war policy, his ideas may 
be of far-reaching importance. The cor- 
respondent wrote: 

M TSCHEIDZE, in appearance, is 
our own John Burns in duodeci- 
mo. He is a highly educated man 
and a lawyer. After courtesies, this 



brisk little gentleman, sitting sideways 
on an upright chair, with both hands 
clasped on the back of it, announced that 
while with all the will in the world he 
would answer any question about Rus- 
sian socialism which I cared to put to 
him, he would first of all be greatly 
obliged if I would allow him to address a 
few questions to me on a matter of very 
first-rate importance. 

His questions did not at that time seem 
to me of very first-rate importance. I 
now realize how important they were 
nay, how important they are still. In- 
deed, the future of our relations with 



WHAT HAS PARALYZED RUSSIA'S ARMIES 



117 



democratic Russia may turn upon the an- 
swers which Britain makes by her policy 
to these questions of M. Tscheidze. 

Briefly, his questions come to this : Is it 
not true that the war has destroyed Eng- 
lish liberalism? Is it not a fact that we 
have surrendered all those liberties for 
which we profess ourselves to be fight- 
ing? What has happened to our right of 
public meeting, our free speech, our lib- 
erty of the press, even to our right of 
trial by jury? In a word, has not this 
war forced us to abandon the democratic 
principle of government which has been 
Britain's glory for so many years, and 
obliged us to adopt the Prussian system 
of a military dictatorship, which we de- 
nounce? 

Very earnestly did I seek to persuade 
M. Tscheidze that there is all the differ- 
ence in the world between democracy's 
deliberate choice of a certain curtailment 
of its liberties, in its own general inter- 
ests, and an absolutist system of govern- 
ment holding in its iron grip a nation 
which has never been free to decide under 
what form of government it will live. He 
saw what I meant, but was not convinced. 

His point was that Britain's course had 
acted as a check to the democratic move- 
ment all over the world; that it had tend- 
ed to discredit the democratic principle, 
and that those men who were fighting 
for freedom in other nations felt them- 
selves depressed by Britain's submission 
to a virtual dictatorship. 

" Is it not true," he demanded, " that 
your soldiers decide what shall be printed 
and what not ? " 

" Only in the interests of our strategy," 
I replied, believing at the time that what 
I said was true. 

" Is it not true," he demanded, " that 
your soldiers decide what meetings 
should be held and what suppressed ? " 



I made a like answer. 

" Is it not true that your soldiers seize 
people and lock them up in prison with- 
out trial ? " 

I flatly denied this, not knowing at the 
time that Miss Howson, for one, had 
been so treated she has now been nine- 
teen months in prison without legal ad- 
vice and without a trial. 

M. Tscheidze then held forth to me on 
the general question. War, he declared, 
is the most dangerous enemy of freedom. 
Rights are surrendered which may never 
be regained. The man of thought is dis- 
placed by the man of action. Reason 
gives way to force. The destinies of the 
human race are taken out of the hands 
of the thinker and intrusted to the sol- 
dier. With the soldier in power no one 
knows what may happen no one is per- 
mitted even to discuss what ought to 
happen. The soldier only thinks in 
slaughter and destruction. He has no 
political instincts, no sense of statesman- 
ship. His one business is to kill. He 
kills, and keeps on killing till there is 
nothing more to kill. It is not safe to 
trust the world to such a man. The 
thinkers must continue to think. Dis- 
cussion must be free, so that truth may 
emerge. 

It is a dangerous policy to dismiss the 
Russian Socialist as a dreamer or to 
lament, as is done in some quarters, that 
the people of Russia have fallen victims 
to the sentimental idealism of Tolstoy. 
* * * The Rusisan Socialist believes 
that the Germans themselves will de- 
stroy Kaiserism. He is not, believe me, 
false to our ideals in this war. The 
trouble that he causes springs only from 
the fact that he hungers and thirsts 
with all the force of his idealism to get 
what we want by reason and not by 
force. 




The Russian and French 
Revolutions 

17891917: Parallels and Contrasts 



THE clamor in the fortress of 
Kronstadt for the immediate trial 
1 and punishment of the deposed 
Czar is a vivid reminder of the 
French Revolution, in the perilous days 
at the close of 1792, when Danton, Robe- 
spierre, and Marat, the leaders of the 
extremists, were debating the punish- 
ment of Louis XVI., who was condemned 
to death and executed on Jan. 21, 1793. 
The charge against Louis XVI. was 
"treason against the nation"; he had 
been proved guilty of treasonable com- 
munication with Leopold, Emperor of 
Austria, whose armies were threatening 
the very life of revolutionary France. 
The parallel is made closer when we com- 
pare the role of the former Russian 
Empress a German Princess, at heart 
devoted to the German Emperor and the 
German cause with the ill-fated Marie 
Antoinette, sister of the Austrian Em-' 
peror, fanatical upholder of despotic gov- 
ernment and fatal counselor of Louis of 
France. And, just as Marie Antoinette 
had, with blind and ruinous obstinacy, 
exercised her baneful fascination over the 
French King, most of all in the selection 
of Ministers, so Alexandra of Russia, 
prompted thereto by Germany's tool, 
Rasputin, in fact brought about the fall 
of Nicholas II. by leading him to appoint 
men like Sturmer and Protopopoff to rule 
the Russian Empire. 

Louis XVI., faced by national bank- 
ruptcy brought on by the excesses and 
fiscal follies of his predecessor, had chosen 
at first wise men like Turgot and Necker; 
Turgot, of whom Carlyle said that there 
was " a whole pacific French Revolution 
in that head," might have saved France 
from a revolution of violence by his wise 
reforms and economies abolition of the 
corvee, of the internal tolls on the trans- 
port of grain, of the ancient guilds which 
strangled labor; equalization of burdens, 
abolition of feudal dues, systematized 



public education. But all this was 
brought to nought through the fanatical 
hostility of Marie Antoinette, whose sulk- 
ing and pouting induced Louis XVI. to 
betray and dismiss Turgot. Necker fol- 
lowed, advocating similar reforms, but 
once more the Queen demanded and ob- 
tained his dismissal; and, with the ap- 
pointment of Calonne and his successors, 
unscrupulous favorites of Marie Antoi- 
nette, the revolution of violence became 
inevitable. These men were the Stunners 
and Protopopoffs of revolutionary 
France. 

Duma and Constituent Assembly 
There is a parallel equally close be- 
tween the succession of assemblies in the 
two countries. Louis XVI., after Turgot 
and Necker had been dismissed, tried to 
govern through the Notables of France, a 
body of men of the privileged classes, not 
elected but in effect nominated by the 
sovereign, who bear a close resemblance 
to the old Council of the Empire in Russia. 
When the Notables accomplished nothing, 
but, on the contrary, blocked every proj- 
ect of reform, there was a general out- 
cry for the summoning of the States Gen- 
eral; and from this body was evolved the 
revolutionary Constituent Assembly. In 
the same way, the Council of the Empire 
in Russia gave way before the Imperial 
Duma, and the Duma did much to bring 
about the Russian revolution. 

The French States General was a re- 
version to an older form of government 
that had gradually been forced out of 
existence by the growing autocracy of the 
Kings of France. It had been summoned 
last in 1614. By a curious coincidence, 
the last great representative assembly in 
Russia met almost at the same time in 
1613 this being the Constituent Assem- 
bly which elected the house of Romanoff. 
And, as the States General had at first no 
intention either to dethrone Louis XVI. 



THE RUSSIAN AND FRENCH REVOLUTIONS 



119 



or to bring about a revolution, so the 
Russian Duma expected to open the way 
not to a republic but to a constitutional 
monarchy. And in both countries it is 
practically certain that, had the sover- 
eign wisely and loyally yielded at the 
critical moment, establishing genuine 
representative institutions and a Minis- 
try responsible to the representatives of 
the nation, no revolution would have 
taken place. In both countries, likewise, 
the final and fatal opposition came from 
the foreign Queen and through her dan- 
gerous power over the sovereign. 

Voltaire and Tolstoy 

In Russia, as in France, there was a 
long preparation for the coming revolu- 
tion, carried out not by politicians and 
statesmen, but by a brilliant and impas- 
sioned group of philosophical essayists 
and writers. There is, at first blush, 
small resemblance between Voltaire, 
" that leering old mocker," as Lowell 
called him, and the grimly serious, al- 
most lugubrious Count Tolstoy; but the 
contrast between them is largely the dif- 
ference between the Gallic and the Sla- 
vonic genius. 

We think of Voltaire as an iconoclas- 
tic philosopher, jeering at churches; he 
valued himself rather as a dramatist, a 
poet, a writer of imagination, and was, 
without doubt, far prouder of his plays 
than of his theories. Tolstoy had a like 
twofold influence. Transcendently great 
as an imaginative writer, the author of 
" Anna Karenina," of " War and Peace," 
of " The Resurrection," he himself held, 
in his later years, that these things were 
valueless; that only his moral and 
political theories had real worth. History 
has, in a way, indorsed his judgment; for 
it is to the philosophic anarchism and 
pacifism of Tolstoy that we owe much of 
the dominant mood of Russia at this 
moment, from the seizure of land by the 
peasants of Pskov and Bessarabia to the 
dangerous "fraternization" in the 
trenches, where the youthful soldiers be- 
lieve that they are carrying out Tol- 
stoy's interpretation of the command 
" Love your enemies." Tolstoy wrote the 
gospel which the revolutionaries of 
Kronstadt and Schluesselburg are trying 



to carry out. His tracts are the inspira- 
tion of the Lenins and Lomanoffs who 
are urging Russia to make peace with 
her enemies, to open the era of universal 
brotherhood. 

But, just as against the philosophical 
aloofness of Voltaire stood the impas- 
sioned anarchism of Rousseau Rousseau 
with his " Social Contract," opening with 
the words, " Man was born free, but he is 
everywhere in chains," which inspired the 
opening phrase of the American Declara- , 
tion of Independence, has his Russian 
counterparts in Herzen and Bakunin, the 
real fathers of Russia's revolutionary so- 
cialism. Tolstoy, while preaching against 
political, social, and economic injustice, 
also preached pacifism and absolute non- 
resistance; his doctrines, logically fol- 
lowed, could never have led to armed re- 
volt, though they might have inspired and 
reinforced it. But Herzen and Bakunin 
were all for action; for the forcible seiz- 
ure of power by the proletariat, for the 
formation of such an internationale as 
the extremists in Petrograd are advo- 
cating today. It is true that many of 
the phrases of the Russian extremists 
were created by Karl Marx, when he 
wrote " Capital " ; such ideas as the de- 
scription of the present world conflict as 
" a capitalistic war " ; but the real drive 
and force of these ideas in Russia is due 
to the influence and writings of men like 
Herzen and Bakunin, and their disciples, 
Prince Peter Kropotkin and Maxim 
Gorky. It is quite true that Kropotkin's 
long sojourn in England has made him 
enthusiastically pro-ally, but that does 
not cancel his earlier preaching of 
anarchism. In one sense he is pro-ally 
because, he sees that the democracy of 
England and France is far closer to the 
absolute liberty which is his ideal. 

Feudalism and Bureaucracy 
To a very large degree the French 
Revolution was a passionate uprising 
against feudal privilege; against the ter- 
rible oppression and depression of the 
peasantry of France. Immediately after 
the taking of the Bastile, on July 14, 
1789, the downtrodden peasantry through- 
out France rose in armed insurrection; 
roving bands plundered and demolished 
the chateaux of the nobles, filling the 



120 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



land with a carnival of bloodshed and out- 
rage. 

Here we have the first sharp contrast. 
Russia had no feudal system. And while 
in France hardly one-fifth of the land 
was in effective possession of peasant 
proprietors, in Russia much less than 
one-fifth was in possession of hereditary 
landlords who might be compared with 
the feudal nobles of France. This, be- 
cause, as a result of the great Act of 
Emancipation carried out by the Czar, 
Alexander II., in 1861 two years before 
Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation 
large masses of the Russian peasantry 
became landowners, while some four- 
tenths of Russia's arable land formed the 
Crown demesne, having, therefore, no 
landlord but the Czar himself. And, as 
one of the first acts of the revolutionary 
Government of Russia was to declare the 
Crown demesne forfeit, there were, for 
this enormous tract of over a million 
square miles, no land-owning nobles to 
dispossess. 

There was an equally sharp contrast 
between the methods of procedure in the 
two countries. While France saw wild 
excesses of outrage and bloodshed in 
every province, in Russia the very small 
fraction of the land seized by the peas- 
ants was taken without brutality on the 
one side, without resistance on the other. 
So far, not a single murder has been at- 
tributed to this cause in Russia, though 
there have been many cases of plunder 
and incendiarism. The real enemy in 
Russia was not feudalism, but bureau- 
cracy. It follows that one chief cause of 
later disorder in revolutionary France 
the creation of the class of emigres, or 
exile nobles can have no existence in 
Russia. The French emigres, the land- 
owning nobles who survived the first 
uprising and massacre in the Summer of 
1789, fled across the eastern frontier, 
largely to Austria and Prussia, and did 
everything in their power and success- 
fully to incite these strongholds of 
despotism to make war on revolutionary 
France. One group of emigres went to 
Russia. 

" The Cause of Kings " 
With the emigres there is another 
Striking contrast between revolutionary 



France and revolutionary Russia. In 
France, war, the tremendous cycle of 
wars lasting for nearly a quarter century 
and involving all Europe, Western Asia, 
Egypt, and, ultimately in 1812 the 
United States also, sprang directly from 
the French Revolution and primarily 
from the Declaration at Pilnitz, in which 
the Austrian Emperor and the King of 
Prussia united in announcing that the 
cause of Louis XVI. was " the cause of 
Kings," and that, therefore, revolutionary 
France must be crushed into subjection. 
In Russia, on the contrary, the revolution 
sprang from the war, and directly from 
the belief that the imperial house of Rus- 
sia was planning to make common cause 
with the Austrian Emperor and the King 
of Prussia who had become the German 
Emperor against the people of Russia 
and against the democracy in all lands. 
But in both countries the link between 
the throne and the central despots was 
the foreign consort of the sovereign: 
Queen Marie Antoinette in France and 
the Hessian Princess who became Czarina 
Alexandra in Russia. 

Moderates and Extremists 

In April, 1792, revolutionary France 
declared war against Austria, Louis XVI. 
being still nominally King, while Francis 
II. had succeeded Leopold as Austrian 
Emperor. 

There is a striking resemblance be- 
tween the parties in the revolutionary 
France of that year and those in revolu- 
tionary Russia today. The Girondists, so 
called from the Gironde, the department 
on the Bay of Biscay with Bordeaux as 
its capital, from which its leaders came, 
who were also called the men of the 
Plain, because their seats were on the 
main floor of the assembly, correspond 
pretty closely to the group of the Duma, 
led by Milukoff and Rodzianko, who 
really planned for Russia not a republic 
but a limited, constitutional monarchy 
after the English model; while the Jaco- 
bins, so called because they met in a 
building formerly held by the Jacobin or 
Dominican friars of Saint Jacques, pretty 
closely correspond to the extremists who, 
in Russia, fulminate in the Council of 
Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates. The 



THE RUSSIAN AND FRENCH REVOLUTIONS 



121 



initial policy of Rodzianko and Milukoff 
was exactly the policy of Mirabeau; 
though matters have not reached the 
point in Petrograd which they had 
reached in Paris when Mirabeau wished 
to raise the provinces against the capital, 
to check the drift toward anarchism. 

The parties in the Duma, in fact, adopted 
the names created in the Assembly of 
revolutionary France, and there has been 
exactly the same shifting of the centre 
of gravity from right to left. And, just 
as, by 1792, the old party of the Extreme- 
Right had practically gone out of exist- 
ence in Paris, so the old Petrograd Ex- 
treme-Right has ceased to exist. The 
Girondists, who had begun as the Consti- 
tutionalist Left-Centre, became the party 
of the Right; just as the Constitutional- 
Democrats of Petrograd, called, from the 
initial and final letters of their name, 
the C-D-ts or Cadets, who, under the 
leadership of Milukoff, were the Left- 
Centre Party in the Imperial Duma, have 
now become the party of the Right, with 
the extreme revolutionary Socialists and 
even the Anarchists, ranged against them 
on the Left. 

Exactly in what way these extremists 
got hold of the Council of Workmen's and 
Soldiers' Delegates is not yet clear; but 
it is quite clear that, in the acts of that 
body, the soldier delegates have very lit- 
tle part, since, being mere boys without 
anything more than the most rudimen- 
tary education and with no experience of 
life, they could, in the nature of things, 
play no real role in complicated political 
discussions. All real power is in the 
hands of a small group of leaders like 
Tscheidze and Tseretelli both of them 
natives of the Caucasus, of non-Russian 
origin while it seems clear that many of 
their decisions, such as the formula, 
" Peace without annexations or contribu- 
tions," are directly inspired by German 
agents. 

It is worth noting that the pacifist-ex- 
tremists have their exact parallel in revo- 
lutionary France: Robespierre, Danton, 
and Marat were all in favor of peace and 
very active in opposing the declaration 
of war against Austria, which virtually 
opened the great epoch of the Napoleonic 
wars. 



And, just as Danton upset the Giron* 
dist Moderates and established the radi- 
cal Government of the Commune of Paris, 
so the Council of Workmen's and Sol- 
diers' Delegates at Petrograd has at- 
tempted to upset the Provisional Govern- 
ment of the Duma Moderates, though so 
far unsuccessfully, the expedient of a 
Coalition Government being at present 
tried. But the council has just issued a 
manifesto declaring that, by forming this 
Coalition Government, they have not, in 
fact, abated any of their original de- 
mands. Danton's ominous words, " The 
allied Kings march against us. Let us 
hurl at their feet, as the gauntlet of bat- 
tle, the head of a King," find their echo in 
Kronstadt's demand for the "punish- 
ment " of Nicholas II. ; but it is entirely 
possible that the Kronstadt demand is 
simply a German scheme, intended to 
plunge Russia into a civil war between 
the extremists and the wiser moderates. 

Gallic and Russian Temperament 
The moment we try to pair off the 
leaders in the two revolutions, we are con- 
fronted with the fundamental differences 
in temperament between the Gallic and 
Slavonic races. That difference has al- 
ready been strikingly manifested in three 
things: in the fact, already noted, that 
confiscation of land in Russia has been 
carried on without brutality on the one 
side, and without resistance on the other; 
in the second fact that, while Louis XVI. 
fought against the revolution openly and 
secretly, fairly and treacherously, and 
owed his death to that resistance, Nich- 
olas II. frankly accepted the Russian 
revolution at once, never contemplating 
resistance, but, with evident loyalty and 
sincerity, wishing Russia all success in 
her new venture, publicly praying for the 
welfare of the Government which had 
deposed him. Thirdly, revolutionary 
Russia began by abolishing capital pun- 
ishment, while revolutionary France in- 
vented the guillotine. On the one hand, 
a fiery people, instantly leaping to action, 
easily rushing into wild, even ferocious, 
excess; on the other, a people singularly 
gentle, even phlegmatic, by nature very 
orderly and slow to violence. This fun- 
damental difference in temperament has 



122 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



shown itself at every point since the 
Russian revolution began. 

Take, for example, the fighting at 
Petrograd from March 10 to March 15, 
when the Czar abdicated. First reports 
of the numbers killed spoke of thousands. 
But, when the bodies of " the martyrs of 
the Russian revolution " came to be in- 
terred with solemn ceremonies, they 
numbered only 182 in all. Without doubt, 
there were many casualties on the other 
side, beginning with ex-Minister Sturmer, 
who was reported to have died of fright, 
and including numbers of the political 
police, as well as officers of the army 
and navy, like General Kashtalinski and 
Admiral Butakoff, well known in Wash- 
ington as Russian Naval Attache when 
Count Cassini was Ambassador; many of 
them fanatically murdered in the first 
delirium of liberty. And there have been 
lynchings throughout Russia, chiefly of 
men supposed to be German spies. 

But, on the whole, there has been won- 
derfully little violence. Even the anar- 
chist demonstrations in Petrograd, the 
revolts at Schlusselburg and Kronstadt, 
and the declaration of independence in a 
southern district all of them, most prob- 
ably, engineered by German agents have 
been met with only the gentlest handling, 
with persuasion rather than force, in 
sharp contrast to the Parisian slaughters 
during the Red and the White Terrors, or 
even the comparatively recent holocaust 
of Parisian Communists in 1871, when, 
after desperate fighting in the streets, 
court-martial executions of large batches 
of prisoners continued for many months, 
to be followed by numberless sentences of 
transportation; these incisive measures 
being taken by the men who founded the 
Third Republic, the present Government 
of France. 

Kerens!?}) Not Like Danton 
In Russia there have been no "mas- 
sacres of the Champ de Mars," no " Sep- 
tember massacres"; the Petrograd Field 
of Mars, so named after its French coun- 
terpart or the older Campus Martius at 
Rome, has been the scene only of the 
ceremonial burial of the " martyrs of the 
revolution." This expresses the profound 
differences between the Slavonic and the 



Gallic temperament which makes direct 
comparison between the leaders impos- 
sible. 

It is true that Alexander Kerensky, 
the present Minister of War, has been 
compared to Danton, who played such a 
heroic part in creating and inspiring the 
armies of France to fight against the 
Austrian and Prussian invaders; but, in 
truth, there is small likeness beyond the 
fact that both were radical lawyers. 
Kerensky seems much more truly to re- 
semble the great Carnot, who " organized 
victory" for France. And men like 
Tscheidze and Tseretelli, who might con- 
ceivably wish to play extremist roles like 
those of Marat and Robespierre, are not 
Russians or Slavs at all but Asiatics 
from the Caucasus Mountains. 

Further, in Russia it is the leaders, 
the famous Generals, who are urging the 
nation to fight, while the common sol- 
diers hang back. In France, the men in 
the ranks were full of militant ardor, 
while the Generals, like Dumouriez, 
played traitor, surrendering fortresses to 
the enemy; even Lafayette at one time 
lost his nerve and fled to the Austrians, 
who promptly clapped him into a dungeon, 
whence only Napoleon's victories deliv- 
ered him, so that he survived to play a 
great and worthy part in the Revolution 
of 1830. 

A Charasteristic Episode 

There is a certain parallel between the 
internal fighting in France, in La Vendee, 
and in the south, at Toulon, where Na- 
poleon won his spurs, and the threatened 
conflicts at Kronstadt and in the Russian 
Army. But, through the decisive firm- 
ness of Kerensky and the Commander in 
Chief, General Brusiloff, the loyalists 
seem certain to win, and to win with lit- 
tle or no bloodshed. The sweeping vic- 
tory of the loyalists was announced from 
Petrograd on June 11, in a dispatch tell- 
ing how General Stcherbatoff one of the 
four army commanders under Brusiloff, 
in the great drive of 1916 had given an 
order to disband, for pacifist disloyalty, 
a regiment of infantry and two regiments 
of sharpshooters. 

Three regiments of another division 
were ordered to take up a new position 



THE RUSSIAN AND FRENCH REVOLUTIONS 



123 



on the Rumanian front, but refused to 
do so, and thereupon received an order to 
disband. The soldiers openly mutinied. 
The men of one of the regiments arrested 
the commander and seven officers, tore 
their badges from their uniforms, and 
beat two officers, leaving one insensible 
on the road. Thereupon a loyal com- 
mittee of soldiers of the whole army, 
after deliberating with the army staff, 
decided to take stern measures against 
the mutineers, whose ringleader was 
named Philipoff. A resolute General 
was chosen, having under his command 
two divisions of loyal cavalry, two bat- 
talions of infantry, one light battery, 
armored motor cars and airplanes. Occu- 
pying positions against the mutineers, he 
sent them an ultimatum, demanding the 
surrender of their ringleader and com- 
manding them to take up their positions 
as ordered, and to undertake to serve 
faithfully in the future. 

The mutinons soldiers, seeing that they 
were surrounded, attempted to negotiate, 
but at the last moment Philipoff incited 



them to new resistance. The loyalist 
General immediately ordered his guns 
into action, whereupon the rebels uncon- 
ditionally accepted the ultimatum and 
surrendered Philipoff and others, who 
were carried off to prison in an automo- 
bile. The loyal troops, enraged at 
this clemency, fired at the automo- 
bile, but their commander, in order to 
save the prisoners' lives, jumped into the 
car, whereupon the firing ceased. 

What a striking illustration of Russian 
gentleness; the whole thing settled, ap- 
parently without bloodshed; the sole 
casualty recorded being one officer beaten 
into insensibility, . while the mutinous 
ringleaders, instead of being shot after a 
drumhead court-martial, are sent to 
prison, the General risking his life to save 
theirs. 

Through all parallels and resemblances 
this striking contrast of temperaments 
between the Frenchman and the Russian 
stands out sharply; throughout, the Rus- 
sian revolution has been seasoned with 
mercy. 



A Royal Volunteer for the American Army 

The Due d'Orleans, who under different conditions might have been King of 
France, has offered his services as a volunteer in the United States Army. Early 
in April he sent the following telegram to Lieut.' Col. John P. Nicholson of the Mili- 
tary Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States: 

" At the moment when America is entering the war I come to claim the 
honor and the right to serve the common cause of civilization and humanity. Son 
of Comte de Paris, veteran of the Federal Army, myself a member of the Military 
Order of the Legion of the United States, I ask you to take the steps necessary 
to obtain for me a place under your flag." 

The Due's reference to his father recalls the fact that when the American 
civil war broke out Louis Philippe d'Orleans, Comte de Paris, joined the United 
States Volunteers as Captain and Aide de Camp in 1861. He served on the 
staff of General McClellan in the Army of the Potomac, resigning in July, 1862, 
and died in 1894 at Stowe House. The commission was forwarded to him from 
Washington by Secretary W. H. Seward in September, 1861. 

Lieut. Col. Nicholson replied to the present Duke, informing him that his 
tender was received with great enthusiasm by the commanderies of the order, and 
that it was presented to the President, but that it did not yet appear that there 
was a willingness to accept volunteers. The President's Secretary had written: 
" While regretting that the services of the Due d'Orleans would not seem to be 
required, the department nevertheless appreciates very highly the Due's proffer." 



Military Operations of the War 

By Major Edwin W. Dayton 

Inspector General, National Guard, State of New York; Secretary, New York 

Army and Navy Club 

Major Dayton has long- had the official recognition of the United States War Department 
as an expert authority on strategy and tactics. This is the fifth article in a series which he 
is writing- for CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE, covering in a rapid narrative all the military events 
of importance since the beginning of the present conflict. 

V. Second Battle of Ypres Von Mackensen's Victories 

[See map of Ypres region, in " The Battle of Messines Ridge," elsewhere in this issue of 

CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE] 



PTH1HERE was a general anticipation 
among the Allies in the early part 
I of 1915 that May Day in that year 
would be a sort of military New 
Year's Day. It was confidently predicted 
that about that time the French Army, 
and more especially the British Army, 
would begin an offensive which would 
drive the invaders out of Belgium and 
France. The British disappointment at 
Neuve Chapelle in March was regarded as 
a premature effort to begin the drive be- 
fore the plans had been sufficiently ma- 
tured, but the French successes in Cham- 
pagne showed the Gallic armies to be well 
in hand and thoroughly prepared for 
hard fighting. French troops were hold- 
ing about 90 per cent, of the long west- 
ern battle front, and both French and 
British combined to defend the important 
salient around Ypres. All the publicists 
were busy prophesying allied attacks, and 
only a very few of the really expert 
writers suggested the possibility of a re- 
newed German attack. 

Second Battle of Ypres 
In the previous October the first battle 
of Ypres had been fought, and that tre- 
mendous German effort to drive a way 
through to Calais had ended in defeat 
when the final charges of the Prussian 
Guard failed on Nov. 11. Ypres is an 
important local centre of communications, 
with important roads radiating northeast, 
east, and southeast. In April, 1915, the 
allied lines circled above and beyond the 
town from four to five miles, except at 
the south, where the lines from Hill 60 
to the Yser Canal were rather less than 
two miles away. 



It will be worth the student's while to 
trace the position on the map as it was 
on April 22. Beginning at Yser Canal 
on the north, French troops were in the 
trenches which curved eastward through 
Bixschoote to a point beyond Lange- 
marck, whence General Alderson's Cana- 
dian division with four brigades stretched 
over the front to a point beyond Grafen- 
stafel. From the Canadian right the 
British Twenty-eighth Division occupied 
the trenches down to the Polygon Wood 
two miles east of Hooge. At the edge 
of this wood Princess Patricia's regiment 
was on the left of General Snow's 
(Twenty-seventh) division, which carried 
the line on down east of the Veldhoek 
Ridge to Hill 60, where at the re-entering 
angle Snow's right flank joined the 
Fifth Division of General Morland. The 
trenches held by the Canadians had 
originally been dug by the French, and 
they were wet and shallow. The dead 
were buried thick in the sides and bottom, 
so that it was an ugly task to try to 
improve these positions. 

On April 17 seven British mines were 
exploded under Hill 60 and two British 
regular regiments captured and held the 
position. For several days the Germans 
made almost continuous counterattacks, 
and both sides lost heavily in the strug- 
gle for this little hill, which was im- 
portant because it would afford the 
British an opportunity to enfilade some 
of the German trenches toward Hollebeke 
on the south. On the 20th the German 
heavy artillery began to bombard the 
town of Ypres with the object of block- 
ing the British transport, which was 



MILITARY OPERATIONS OF THE WAR 



125 



supplying the positions covering the place, 
and a large number of civilians were 
killed. 

The First Gas Attacks 

Early in the evening of April 22 a 
light, steady breeze was blowing over the 
lines from the northeast, when suddenly 
a low greenish bank of vapor was ob- 
served drifting upon the French trenches. 
Soon a demoralized stream of French 
colonial soldiers was pouring back from 
the Bixschoote-Langemarck sector, wild 
with the terror of an unheard-of attack. 
The Germans had pumped out of cylin- 
ders a large quantity of heavy chlorine 
gas, which rolled low and thick into the 
trenches, blinding, choking, and suffocat- 
ing men utterly unprepared and un- 
warned. A horrible death came upon 
hundreds, and those of their comrades 
able to run broke in gasping horror upon 
the surprised Canadian reserves in the 
rear. 

The result of this rout was a gap in 
the allied lines four miles wide, through 
which the Germans followed the de- 
moralized French troops back to the 
canal between Boesinghe and Steen- 
straate. The Canadians were less af- 
fected by the gas, but their left flank, 
held by General Turner's brigade, was 
compelled to bend back east of the 
Poelcapelle road to a wood at the right 
of St. Julien. 

Late in the night various units were 
brought up to fill the gap between St. 
Julien and Boesinghe, and under the com- 
mand of Colonel Geddes of the Buffs, this 
mixed force succeeded in blocking what 
for some hours at least had been an open 
road toward Ypres. Providentially, the 
Germans were so busy forcing a way 
across the canal near Lizerne that they 
missed the chance for a smashing drive 
into the town of Ypres, where the streets, 
blocked by shell-strewn ruins, were con- 
gested by all the transport trains and the 
mad struggle to straighten out the tangle 
into which the gas surprise had thrown 
the whole northern sector. On Friday 
the Canadian Third Brigade was covering 
St. Julien, and, despite heavy attacks, 
lack of food, and low physical conditions 
following the nausea of the gas, this 



heroic force managed to preserve touch 
with Geddes's right flank. 

Early on the morning of the 24th, after 
a violent artillery attack, the second 
great gas attack was launched by the 
Germans. Observers preserved a care- 
ful record this time, and we know that it 
took the deadly green bank of gas two 
minutes to roll across the ground inter- 
vening between the opposing trenches. It 
rose not above seven feet at most, and 
was deadliest toward the bottom. The 
heavy gas rolled down into and penetrated 
every corner of the trenches. There 
were then no such defensive appliances 
as the now familiar gas masks. Wet 
handkerchiefs, an erect position, and the 
avoidance of any deep breathing were 
the only protective measures known, and 
even these were but slightly understood. 
Those who inhaled it deeply found their 
lungs filled with the fluid and suffered 
terribly; their blue, swollen faces and 
bulging eyes, added to spasmodic gasping 
efforts to breathe, made the victims things 
of horror. More than half a mile to the 
rear the gas was still strong enough to 
cause violent nausea and dizziness. 

Allies Forced to Retreat 

Under this attack the worn-out Cana- 
dian Third Brigade gave way and re- 
treated below the Ypres-Passchendele 
road. Colonel Lipsett's Eighth Battalion 
made a superb defense of the pivotal po- 
sition on the hill at Grafenstafel and 
prevented a German flank attack which 
would have turned the whole eastern part 
of the line. 

On Sunday morning, the 25th, large 
British reinforcements had arrived, and 
a determined effort was made to recover 
St. Julien; but in spite of the hardest 
kind of fighting the effort was defeated 
and the lines forced back to Fortuin. The 
pivot at Grafenstafel was helped by the 
addition of fresh regiments, and held; 
but in the heavy fighting of Monday the 
Germans won Fortuin and drove the Brit- 
ish back another 400 yards behind Han- 
nabeeke Brook. The Northumberland 
brigade and the Lahore division (In- 
dian) suffered a bloody repulse in an ef- 
fort to retake St. Julien. The Fortieth 
Pathans (the " Forty Thieves ") fought 



126 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



well and lost not only their Colonel but 
nearly every British officer. 

For a week attacks and counterattacks 
continued, but by May 3 it became evi- 
dent that prudence demanded the sur- 
render of some of the ugly angles in the 
line, and the British shortened their hard- 
pressed front by a skillful retreat to a 
new line closer to Ypres. The French 
Ninth Corps (regulars) had taken posi- 
tion on the east bank of the Yser Canal, 
and on a curve toward the southeast their 
right joined the British left west of 
Shelltrap Farm, half way between St. 
Julien and St. Jean. The new British 
position curved east and south through 
Frezenberg and Hooge to Hill 60. The 
front between Grafenstafel and Polygon 
Wood had been withdrawn fully two 
miles. 

On May 5 the Germans took Hill 60, 
and on the 8th and 9th they drove the 
British back of the Frezenberg Hill to 
Verlorenhoek. In this fighting shellfire 
reduced the First Suffolks to seven men, 
and the Second Cheshires fought until 
they had only one officer left. Many 
other units had similar losses in this pe- 
riod; 900 eight-inch shells fell in the 
trenches occupied by one regiment of ter- 
ritorials. 

Heavy British Losses 

On May 13 the First and Third Cavalry 
Divisions under General de Lisle were 
desperately engaged in the sector be- 
tween Hooge and Verlorenhoek. The 
dismounted cavalry included some of the 
most famous regiments in British army 
annals as well as a number of Yeomanry 
regiments. The divisions fought splen- 
didly and suffered great losses, but were 
compelled to yield more ground between 
Bellewaarde Lake and Verlorenhoek. 
Shelltrap Farm, captured by the Ger- 
mans, was retaken in a bayonet charge 
by the Second Essex. 

On May 24 the Germans again released 
gas, this time on a front of three miles 
from Shelltrap Farm to Bellewaarde Lake. 
This time the cloud rose much higher 
and the wind carried it over the lines to 
the southwest. The troops had by now 
been furnished with respirators, but 
more ground was yielded in this sector 



when the gas was followed by a storm 
of shells and heavy infantry attacks. 
The hard-pressed British lines were saved 
by the heroic fighting of the cavalry 
supports, who again suffered great loss. 
The famous Ninth Lancers lost many 
officers, including that splendid soldier, 
Captain Francis Grenfell, who had won 
the Victoria Cross and greatly dis- 
tinguished himself in the battles of 1914. 
So toward the end of May the second 
battle of Ypres died away and the bodies 
of more than a hundred thousand allied 
soldiers were added to the soil of this 
hard-held salient in the western battle 
front. Two years have passed since then, 
and on this front the lines remain about 
Ypres almost as Grenfell saw them last. 
In that Spring of 1915 the man power 
of the Allies on the battlefields began 
to gain numerical superiority over the 
enemy, and that superiority has grown 
steadily since then. Yet still the Ger- 
man stands there and waits for us. 
Campaign in the South 

In March and April, 1915, the news 
vendors throughout the world were at 
their wits' end to determine who had last 
captured Hartmanns-Weilerkopf, for that 
mountain spur changed hands over and 
over again in the hard campaign fought 
in the Vosges. The Chasseurs Alpins 
under Maud'huy fought a series of small 
battles along the Valley of the Fecht 
with Colmar, an important railhead, for 
objective. Numerous small successes 
seemed to pave the way for a serious 
drive against the German frontier, but no 
really great move developed. Through- 
out the rest of 1915 the lines remained 
almost exactly as they settled down after 
the series of minor battles in the late 
Winter and Spring of that year. 

Attacks on St. Mihiel Salient 

When the German attack upon Paris 
was repulsed and thrown back after the 
battle of the Marne, the invaders still 
held the strategically important salient 
south of Verdun, at St. Mihiel, where 
their guns on the heights at the Fort of 
the Camp des Remains commanded the 
plains for miles and the valley of the 
Meuse below Verdun. In the Spring of 
1915 an important item in the French 



A. F. KERENSKY 




Russia's Minister of War, Described as the "Strong Man" 
of the Reconstructed Government 

(I'hoto ;> Underwood rf Underwood) 



................... 




President of the Russian Workmen's and Soldiers' Council, 
Addressing Sailors of the Baltic Fleet 

(Photo International Film Service) 



MILITARY OPERATIONS OF THE WAR 



127 



program was the squeezing out of this 
salient, and the plan adopted was to drive 
in the already rather constricted sides. 
The principal attack was aimed at Les 
Eparges, a dozen miles north of St. 
Mihiel, where the Germans had busied 
themselves since the previous September 
in fortifying a naturally strong position 
which defended the lines of communica- 
tion inside the salient. 

On April 5 and 6, in heavy rain, the 
French infantry attacked with the 
bayonet, and positions were won and lost 
all the way up to the summit of the 
coveted height. On the 8th several 
French regiments fought their way to 
the top and held their ground until rein- 
forced on the following day, when the 
victory was completed. Further to the 
north the French advanced to Etain, and 
it appeared as though the German com- 
mander would certainly be compelled to 
fall back upon the high ground in front 
of Metz; but the demands for a vigorous 
attack far to the north prevented the de- 
velopment of this campaign, which was 
destined to make no further progress 
toward the great German frontier 
fortress. The Germans were left in pos- 
session of the St. Mihiel salient and of 
the positions circling Verdun and joining 
the lines of the Crown Prince in the 
Argonne positions back of which they 
were able to prepare for the great at- 
tacks upon Verdun in the early part of 
1916. 

The Campaign in Arlols 

In May, 1915, two great objectives 
confronted the British and the French 
commanders. General Joffre's task was 
to take Lens and advance toward Douai, 
Valenciennes, and Namur, while the Brit- 
ish target was the great northern city 
of Lille. 

The Germans held their lines about 
Lens in strong force, and the chalk of 
the region had been carved into skillful 
defensive positions. General Foch took 
command of the French forces in this 
sector, where seven corps were gathered 
with 1,100 guns. Opposed to him was 
von Biilow, outnumbered and outgunned, 
but in a series of mutually supporting 
positions of great strength. 



On May 9 Foch's guns hurled 300,000 
shells upon the German lines between La 
Targette and Carency. Then the infan- 
try charged and took La Targette, and 
carried the attack into the streets of Neu- 
ville St. Vaast, where the battle raged at 
close quarters from house to house. The 
centre pushed on across the Arras- 
Bethune road, and in the morning hours 
succeeded in advancing nearly three 
miles. The left at Carency made slower 
progress because of the more difficult ter- 
rain, but by the day's end the French had 
made a brilliant advance on a front of 
about five miles, and had captured over 
3,000 prisoners with a large number of 
machine guns and some cannon. 

This battle raged on through the 10th, 
llth, and 12th, and on the afternoon of 
the last day the last survivors of the gar- 
rison in Carency surrendered. The 
cemetery of Neuville St. Vaast and the 
summit at Notre Dame de Lorette, as well 
as Ablain, were taken by the French, 
whose attacks would not be denied. 

On May 13 in heavy rain the French 
continued the attacks, now aimed at 
Angres, Souchez, and Neuville St. Vaast, 
and from then on through the rest of the 
month one after the other of the wonder- 
ful series of separate German fortifica- 
tions were captured. On May 29 Ablain 
fell, and on the 31st the sugar refinery at 
Souchez was stormed after changing 
hands a number of times. Early in June 
Neuville St. Vaast was taken, but just to 
the south lay the famous Labyrinth, 
where the battle raged for a long time 
in deep galleries, sometimes fifty feet 
under ground. 

Aubers Ridge and Festubert 

The British campaign toward Lille was 
ushered in as a co-operative offensive 
timed to coincide with the French attacks 
in Artois. A first objective was the win- 
ning of the Aubers Ridge overtopping the 
old fatal field at Neuve ChapeUe, On 
Sunday, May 9, the First Corps and the 
Indian Corps advanced upon theisouthern 
end of the Bois du Biez, a mile and.a half 
east of Richebourg 1'Avoue. The Eighth 
Division attacked further north, toward 
Fromelles and the northern slopes of the 
Aubers Ridge. The artillery had failed 
properly to prepare the way, and the in- 



128. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



fantry were stopped by unbroken wire 
entanglements with heavy resulting 
losses and little or no gains. 

A week later, on the 16th, there was 
another strong attack east of Festubert, 
after a bombardment in which the French 
75s assisted. There was much close 
fighting and the bombers of the First 
Grenadiers did good work. A company 
of the Scots Guards got too far ahead 
and was cut off. Some days later its 
men were found lying with plenty of 
German dead about them. 

This battle of Festubert ended in the 
last week of May with a net result of 
having given to the British the enemy's 
first-line trenches on a front of over 
3,000 yards. In addition some second- 
line trenches were taken, with nearly 800 
prisoners and ten machine guns. But 
despite the extremely heavy losses in- 
curred, the attack had nowhere succeed- 
ed in breaking the enemy line. In June 
the Belgians won a German blockhouse 
south of Dixmude, and throughout that 
month and July there was a prolonged 
struggle for the ruins of the chateau at 
Hooge, just east of Ypres. There were 
several minor battles near Givenchy, 
Festubert, and Hooge, but invariably the 
British forces were compelled to abandon 
sections of enemy trenches won at severe 
cost. The only big thing on the side of 
the Allies was the casualty list. 

In the early Summer a series of small 
victories were won in the Vosges by the 
French Alpine Chasseurs, who captured 
Metzeral in June, and in July stormed 
the Sondernach Ridge, pushing their ad- 
vance close to Miinster. 

Late in June and early in July the 
German Crown Prince made four attacks 
upon the French lines in the Argonne 
along the Vienne-le-Chateau and Binar- 
ville road. Only small gains resulted, 
and on July 7 the Kaiser's heir hurled a 
stronger attack against the hill called 
La Fille Morte, which was captured, but 
later retaken by the French. It seemed 
impossible for the Crown Prince to win 
any glory in " the day " (der Tag! ) for 
which he had openly longed in the years 
of peace. 

It is a difficult thing now for most 
people to admit what they believed two 



years ago. In the Spring of 1915 the 
consensus of European military opinion 
was that the Russians were prepared to 
launch a tremendous campaign with huge 
armies and adequate equipment. They 
had won a strong hold in the Carpathians 
and were supposed to be ready for a 
crushing invasion of Hungary. Possibly 
there would be men and guns enough to 
strike as well toward Southern Germany 
via Cracow. 

Russian Front in 1915 

The Russians took Przemysl on March 
22, and on the 25th they crossed the 
Pruth. Early in April they won the 
crest of the mountain barrier for all of 
seventy miles, and Brusiloff was within a 
few days' march of the Hungarian plains 
below. In a short campaign of a few 
weeks in Bukowina the Russians claimed 
to have captured 70,000 prisoners and 
many guns. Late in April General von 
Linsingen feinted toward Stanislau and 
succeeded in drawing down that way the 
Russian mobile reserves. 

In December Dmitrieff had dug him- 
self into a good defensive position behind 
the Donajetz River, and elt so secure 
that no positions to the rear had been 
prepared, in case retreat might become 
needful, for no such possibility seemed to 
threaten. 

The supreme command of the German 
army groups was given to that idol of 
the German Army, von Mackensen, who 
had for the great operation about to be 
undertaken as many as 2,000,000, and 
perhaps 2,500,000, men. On April 28 
the Austro-German armies lay on the left 
bank of the Donajetz down to the Cracow- 
Tarnow Railroad, and thence on the left 
bank of the Biala down to the mountains 
below Rapa and Grybow. On that day 
von Mackensen struck his first blow from 
his right flank toward Gorlice. May 1 
saw the attack developed further north, 
where, under a tremendous artillery fire, 
a crossing was effected over the Biala 
and Crezkowice was taken. Gorlice, too, 
was stormed, and by the 2d the whole 
Russian front in this sector was in full 
retreat toward the Wislowka River, 
twenty miles in the rear. The Caucasian 
corps of Irmanov came to Dmitrieff's 



MILITARY OPERATIONS OF THE WAR 



129 



help, and the Wislowka was held until 
May 7, when the Germans forced a cross- 
ing at Jaslo. The flank of the army in 
the Carpathians was turned, and its hur- 
,ried retreat involved heavy losses, but 
desperate fighting enabled Brusiloff to 
get his army clear of its perilous position 
in the mountains. 




FIELD MARSHAL VON MACKENSEN 
- ( F. O. Koch) 

By May 14 the Russians were across 
the San, and the bridgehead at Jaroslav 
was defended until men and guns were 
over. The fortnight had been a costly 
one for Russia. Her armies had retreat- 
ed something over eighty miles, and some 
corps had lost 75 per cent, of their 
strength. 

The Grand Duke Nicholas took over the 
Russian command. On May 5 a Russian 
army under General Ewarts turned in a 
strong counterattack, which, after sev- 
eral days' fighting, drove back a German 
force advancing toward Ostrowiecz with 
a loss of 30,000 casualties. Toward the 
south, too, a vigorous counterstroke made 
good progress and threatened Kolomea 
and Czernowitz. The German checks .on 
both flanks did not interfere with von 
Mackensen's main attack, which developed 
on May 15 and became one of the great 
battles of the war. 



The Battle, of the San 

The chief German attack was aimed at 
the sector between Jaroslav and Prze- 
mysl, and at midnight on the 15th the 
northern town fell. On the 18th the Rus- 
sians lost 'Sieniawa, and in the south 
von Marwitz captured the railway junc- 
tions at Dobromil and Sambor, on the 
Dniester, and drove on toward the north 
against the fortif cations about Przemysl. 
Pushing on, he took Hussakow and Lut- 
kow. 

Von Mackensen crossed the San at 
Radymno and on June 2 entered Prze- 
mysl, which the Russians had held for 
some two months or more. On June 1 
von Linsingen captured Stryj, and the 
Prussian Guard took prisoners and guns 
from Brusiloff. On June 7 the same vic- 
tor forced the Dniester at Zurawno and 
was well on his way toward Lemberg. 
Brusiloff turned, and in a three-day bat- 
tle drove von Linsingen back over the 
river with the loss of 15,000 prisoners, 
and some guns. 

However, the great German advance 
continued, and Mosciska, east of 
Przemysl, was captured June 14, and 
the Russians were back on the San, the 
Tanev, and the Grodek Ponds. By the 
16th von Mackensen was advancing to- 
ward Rava Russka, and after taking 
Javorov his army entered that position 
as well as Zolkico on June 20. On the 
22d the great City of Lemberg was taken, 
and Galicia was once more in Austrian 
hands. 

At this time the German invasion be- 
ginning at the north was approaching 
Windau on the Baltic Sea, and the Ger- 
man line, curving southeast, reached 
close to Shavli, and toward the south 
cut between Suwalka and Grodno; then 
back on a curve west of Warsaw and 
across the Vistula at the junction with 
the Tanev; thence on a broad out curve 
toward Brody and down to Halicz. In 
the north, Libau, the seaport, had been 
taken early in May, and throughout that 
month and June Courland was being 
overrun by the German forces, which, 
before long, were threatening Riga. The 
British and French efforts Fo help Russia 
by a diversion in the west at Festubert 



130 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



and Souchez were signal failures so far 
as their effect on the campaign in the 
east was concerned. 

Battles in Front of Warsaw 

'After the fall of Lemberg the German 
General Staff prepared to attack War- 
saw, now a dangerous salient for the 
Russians, with German armies threat- 
ening the railway communications both 
north and south of the ancient Polish 
capital. The strongly fortified city was 
the target, but the real object was a 
much greater thing. The Germans 
planned not only to capture cities and 
provinces, but to surround and destroy 
the field armies opposing their progress. 
They hoped to induce the Russian com- 
mander to commit great forces to the de- 
'fense of certain important localities 
where the favorite Hindenburgian tactics 
might, by far-flung flank movements, 
surround and capture or destroy them. 

A very powerful army was mobilized 
in the vicinity of Thorn for the great new 
effort after the capture of Lemberg. In 
the south the German campaign pro- 
gressed methodically. Early in July they 
took Krasnik and Zamosc. In the first 
week of July the Russians won an im- 
portant four days' battle along the Lublin 
highway above Krasnik, capturing 15,000 
prisoners and many guns. 

Late in June the German army of von 
Linsingen crossed the Dniester, and on 
the 28th captured Halicz. The Russians, 
fighting stubborn rear-guard actions, 
finally halted on the left (east) bank of 
the Zlota Lipa, a northern tributary of 
the Dniester. The battle line further 
north was temporarily halted along the 
River Bug, at Kamionka and Sokal, but 
by the middle of July von Mackensen had 
his vast force ready to strike new and 
irresistible blows from Courland in the 
north all the way down to Galicia. 
Przasnysz, north of Warsaw, was taken 
on July 14 by General von Gallwitz, and 
within the next few days the Germans 
reached the lines of the Rawka and the 
Bzura, and the Russians fell back to 
Blouie, a prepared position fifteen miles 
west of Warsaw. By July 20 the Russian 
defense on the north had fallen behind 
the Narco, a tributary of the Bug north- 



east of Warsaw, and by July 23 von 
Gallwitz won crossings over the Narev 
and two days later reached the River 
Bug between Novo Georgievsk and Se- 
rock. 

Meanwhile von Mackensen was fight- 
ing a successful campaign midway be- 
tween Lemberg and Warsaw. On July 




GRAND DUKTC NICHOLAS 
( Underwood & Underwood) 

18 he captured Krasnostav and Pilasko- 
wice, where he was dangerously close to 
a vital Russian line of communications 
the railway from Lublin through Chulm, 
to Kovel. After a series of hard-fought 
but nearly always successful actions the 
Germans south of Warsaw pressed on, 
and by July 22 had the Vistula bridge- 
head at Nova Alexandria, following the 
capture of Radom and a number of other 
positions west of the great river. 

In the far north the German wave 
rushed on, submerging Tukkum and 
Windau (July 20) and rapidly threat- 
ened Mitau, an important railway junc- 
tion southwest of Riga. On July 29 von 
Mackensen cut the railway south between 
Lublin and Chulm, and on the 30th both 
towns fell. 

Fall of Warsaw and Kovno 
On Aug. 4 the Russians who had held 
the point of the salient at Blouie fell 



MILITARY OPERATIONS OF THE WAR 



131 



back through Warsaw, for the sides of 
the salient were pinching in dangerously, 
and on Aug. 5 German cavalry entered 
Warsaw. The successful withdrawal of 
the large garrison was the forerunner 
of a long series of similar successes. 
Over and over again Russian flanks were 
strongly held while large armies nearly 
trapped were safely extricated. The 
campaign went on from victory to vic- 
tory, but the German Generals were 
always denied the darling wish of their 
strategy the capture or destruction of 
the armies which they were able to de- 
feat but not to annihilate. On Aug. 4 
Ivangorod fell, and the middle of the 
month the Germans were pressing for- 
ward toward the railway Chulm-Brest- 
Xitovsk-Grodno. 

On Aug. 17 Kovno was taken, with 
20,000 prisoners and 200 guns, after of- 
fering a heroic resistance. The fall of 
this important and strongly fortified city 
on the Niemen was a deadly blow to the 
Russian scheme of defense, for it opened 
the way toward the main railway line 
from Poland to Petrograd via Vilna.* 
On Aug. 19 von Beseler (the victor at 
Antwerp) after a three weeks' siege took 
Novo Georgievsk with another 20,000 
prisoners and more than 700 guns. This 
great fortress close to Warsaw had been 
relied upon to withstand a long siege, 
and meanwhile threaten the communica- 
tions of German armies pushing east 
into Russia. The hope was vain in face 
of von Beseler's great siege guns. 

On Aug. 23 Ossowietz fell, and Tykocin, 
just south of the fortress, was stormed. 
Two days later the Germans took Brest- 
Litovsk, the fortress covering the railway 
to Moscow. On the 26th they captured 
Bialystok, the great railway centre south 
of Grodno. Olita, a fortress defending 
the crossings, of the Niemen north of 
Grodno, fell on the 27th. Further to the 
north the Germans began an attack 
against Friedrichstadt in an attempt to 
force a crossing of the Dvina above 
Dvinsk. On the last day of August 

'General Grigorieff was tried by a Russian 
court-martial and sentenced to fifteen years' 
imprisonment at hard labor for insufficient 
measures of defense and absence from Kovno 
during the siege. 



Lutsk, on the Styr, in Volhynia, was 
captured, and on Sept. 2 the Germans 
took Grodno, against which von Beseler's 
siege artillery had been concentrated. 
The Russians lost only the rear guard of 
2,000 men and a few fortress guns. 

Czar Assumes Command 

On Sept. 5 the Czar took personal com- 
mand of all the Russian armies, and sent 
the Grand Duke Nicholas to command in 
the Caucasus. Early in September the 
Russian lines east of Grodno retired to a 
position reaching from Orany (at the 
crossing of the Petrograd railway over 
the Meretchanka River) to Mosty, on the 
Niemen. On Sept. 18 Vilna, a position of 
great strategic importance, fell after- a 
brave resistance in which two divisions 
of the Russian Imperial Guard played a 
distinguished part. Von Eichorn, the 
German commander, pushed 40,000 cav- 
alry with 140 guns toward the flank of 
the Russian position, and the garrison 
barely effected their escape along the 
line toward Minsk. By the end of Sep- 
tember the Czar's troops were making a 
stand along a line through Smorgon, be- 
tween Vilna and Molodetchno, and south 
to Novo Grodek. 

Further southward, von Mackensen 
reached and captured Pinsk on Sept. 16, 
but a week earlier the Russians made a 
surprise attack in front of Tarnopol and 
along the Sereth, in which they captured 
383 officers, 17,000 men, and nearly 100 
guns. 

That success was continued and the 
German flank driven back to the Stripa 
with heavy additional losses. Dubno 
was retaken, and General Ivanoff seemed 
for a time to threaten dangerously von 
Mackensen's right flank. 

A long series of battles were fought 
through the Autumn and early Winter 
about Czartorysk and Rafadowka, in 
Volhynia, and along the Rivers Styr, 
Stripa, and Zlota Lipa, in Eastern Ga- 
licia. Above Pinsk the Germans held 
securely Baranovitchi, an important com- 
mercial and railway centre east of 
Slonim. All efforts failed to capture 
Dvinsk, and the Dvina marked the limit 
of German progress toward Petrograd. 
On the west front of Riga the German 



1S2 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



lines curved back west of Babit See and 
Lake Kanger to the west shores of the 
Gulf of Riga. 

From Riga to Czernowitz the battle 
front measured about 785 miles, and 
while the Russians bent the southern end 
back along the Dniester in the Spring of 
1916, when they recaptured Bukowina 



from Brody (in Galicia) on to the north, 
the military frontier has remained al- 
most exactly as the great German vic- 
tories of 1915 left it. The adequate de- 
fense of that frontier, inclosing, as it 
does, all of Western Russia, required 
the maintenance on that front of nearly 
2,000,000 Austro-German troops. 



The Religious Revival in France 

By Major William Redmond, M. P. 

[Major Redmond died June 9, 1917, from wounds received in action two days before. He 
was a brother of John Redmond, the Irish Nationalist leader, and had been a member of 
Parliament for the East Division, of Clare since 1S92. He was one of the idols of his native 
land and was beloved alike by friend and opponent. The subjoined article, written shortly 
before he fell, is here published by arrangement with The London Chronicle.] 



WITH all the evil that has fol- 
lowed in its train it is good to 
find at least one beneficial re- 
sult from the war. It has led 
to the revival of religion in a most re- 
markable way. 

As to this, practically every one is 
agreed, and it is apparent in a hundred 
directions. Perhaps this revival is most 
marked of all in France, and there it is 
attributable in -no little degree to the 
splendid record of the French priests in 
the army. To many people it seemed a 
wrong thing that the ministers of the 
Prince of Peace should be called upon to 
take up arms and play a part in the 
terrible work of bloodshed and slaughter 
which has converted so large a portion 
of Europe into a veritable shambles. 
What seemed wrong, and what was from 
some point of view wrong no doubt, has 
in the result turned out a blessing. 

The spectacle of thousands of priests 
marching and fighting for the country 
and the flag has touched deeply the heart 
of France, and many and many a man 
who was, perhaps, ready enough to pro- 
claim himself an anti-Cleric will never so 
describe himself any more. The bravery 
displayed by the French priests in battle 
(2,000 have been killed) has been only 
equaled by their devotion to their holy 
office. Few things are more appealing 
than the sight of the soldier-priest turn- 
ing to administer the last consolations of 



religion to his fallen comrades round 
about. And this has been witnessed on 
every battlefield of France, and it has 
its natural effect upon the impression- 
able French character, and the effect 
will remain long after the last shot of 
the war has been fired. 

To those who have been brought to 
France by the war the manifestations of 
religion everywhere displayed have come 
more or less as a surprise, especially to 
those who had been led to believe from 
the action of many successive French 
Governments that the Church was more 
or less a .thing of the past in France. 
It is hard, of course, to judge of the 
real depth or intensity of religious feel- 
ing, but all one can say is that if this 
can be done by noticing the attendance 
at church, then the religion of France 
is today very true and very sincere. 

For over a year the writer of these 
lines has been with the British Army in 
France and has been billeted in scores 
of villages and small towns. Everywhere 
the way .in which the civil population 
thronged the churches on Sundays and 
holidays was very noticeable, and in the 
larger towns more noticeable still. It 
may be that the attacks which the enemy 
have made on holy places have caused 
a revulsion of feeling in France. The 
ruins of Rheims cathedral, Ypres, and so 
many other churches in the land have 
stricken the population with remorse and 



THE RELIGIOUS REVIVAL IN FRANCE 



133 



sorrow. Certain it is, be the real reason 
what it may, there has been a great re- 
vival in the devotion of the French people 
since war broke out. Of course the cyn- 
ical will say, " When the devil was sick 
the devil a saint would be," &c. 

The writer has seen more deep and 
reverent devotion displayed by worship- 
pers inside the walls of semi-ruined 
churches which had their stained glass 
windows shattered than ever he has seen 
before. Probably more fervent prayers 
have been poured out before broken 
crosses and shell-torn statues of our 
Saviour in France and Belgium than were 
ever offered in peace time before the 
most beautiful shrines in the whole 
world. Religion has been perhaps the 
one thing in all the world so far strength- 
ened and built up afresh amid the hor- 
rible ravages of war. That there has 
been a similar result all over the world 
and away from the actual scene of war 
is also apparent. 

The fact is that the ruin and carnage 
have been so stupendous, the sacrifices 
have been so great, the horrors have been 
so widespread and have so penetrated 
into almost every family circle that 
almost every human being in the world 
has turned to look for hope and com- 
fort beyond the grave. Miserable indeed 
is the man or woman who is not assured 
that that hope and comfort are so to 
be found, for in sooth this war has made 
this transitory world but a sorry place! 
The writer of these impressions has been 
with a section of the British Army in the 
field, which numbers very many Catholic 
soldiers in its ranks. The conduct of 
these men has undoubtedly had a good 
effect upon the population wherever they 
have been stationed. The majority of 
the soldiers are of Irish nationality, 
though of English and Scottish and over- 
seas Catholic soldiers there are also not 
a few. The simple and yet deep faith 
exhibited by these men upon all occasions 
made a wonderful impression on the 
French and Belgian peoples. 

It is not at the very best a happy thing 
to have one's country occupied by foreign 
troops, even though they come to defend 



your soil from the invader. Masses of 
men overrunning villages and towns and 
eager for some sort of relaxation from 
the rigor and hardship of trench life are 
apt to give trouble, even though well be- 
haved and well disposed in every way. 
It is always a source of anxiety to the 
higher command to secure that nothing, 
even by inadvertence, shall be done by 
the troops to cause annoyance to the in- 
habitants of occupied territory. The out- 
standing feature of the British occupa- 
tion of France and Belgium has been the 
fine and chivalrous spirit displayed by 
the men. They have put themselves on a 
footing of the best and kindest sort with 
the people, and complaints of any kind as 
to their behavior are few and far be- 
tween. 

But, in addition to the relief of the 
people in finding the troops kind and 
considerate, imagine the good ; impres- 
sion created when the French people find 
that large numbers of the men are 
devoted to their own religion and more 
earnest in their practice of it. When 
Irish regiments are billeted in a village 
the church large enough for the villagers 
becomes at once too small. It is thronged 
by the soldiers, and the cure finds his 
congregation enormous, and has, in con- 
junction with the army Chaplains, to 
arrange for many services on Sunday. 
The General commanding a division com- 
posed for the most part of Irish Catholic 
soldiers informed the present writer that 
his division never left an area without 
the local authorities, and notably the 
cure, coming to him to express their 
appreciation of the good behavior of 
the troops and their admiration for their 
earnest devotion to their religion. 

There is no doubt that the scourge of 
war has purified the hearts of many 
people, and the advent of large numbers 
of Catholic troops into France has prob- 
ably helped to bring back to some 
Frenchmen an appreciation of something 
which they may have seemed to have 
almost lost. Thus in one way, and a way 
of no little importance, the war has 
wrought a change for the better in 
France. 



Who Pays for the Cost of War 



By William A. Wood 



IT may be said in a fair spirit that 
the beliefs of the best of men di- 
vide on the problem of the cost of 
war. It has been shown by Ward 
in his " Pure Sociology " that war has 
been a leading factor in the development 
of that which we call civilization. Un- 
questionably this is true, if we tabulate 
the results; but sound reasoning re- 
quires that it be sKown that there is no 
better way. There is a better way. 
Ward's deduction does not mean that 
he favored war as a means to an end: 
he simply stated the fact from the point 
of view of the sociologist. The problem 
is at once ethical as well as sociological. 
What has been should not necessarily be 
continued. The basis of the sociological 
aspect is human achievement ; that of the 
ethical is the power of the mind; and in 
the religious field we have the main- 
springs of human conduct. 

A few facts need consideration: The 
object of nature is function. The object 
of man is happiness. The object of so- 
ciety is action. Severally and jointly 
man is equipped with certain potential 
qualities, both of mind and body, and in 
the exercise of these faculties he achieves 
whatever he sets his mind to do. The 
mind itself is not a force, but it is the 
directive agent that guides the dynamic 
qualities of men. In those epochs of civil- 
ization which mark the movements of 
man toward development and progress, 
that which has proved sturdiest among 
human qualities is the virtue of the pio- 
neer; and as obstacles have given way 
before the march of human achievement, 
the more serviceable and permanent ele- 
ments of life, have been successfully set 
up. These are not to be lost sight of in 
the glamour of war. The human race is 
unconquerable, and in the long run man 
wins over nature and becomes master of 
nature and of nature's laws. 

Thus we may trace our progress, from 
its faint beginnings in tribal successes 
onward to the establishment of those 
substantial moral gains which connote the 



value of the human soul in its struggles 
with nature. Whatever nature has set 
up as a hindrance has been largely over- 
come, but the mistakes which man him- 
self makes constitute a drag on his prog- 
ress. They check what is otherwise the 
dominion over nature which man aims to 
secure, and they do it by heaping up the 
compound interest assessed against suc- 
ceeding generations. And in this cate- 
gory war is the great offender. It is 
true in the laws of biology that the 
forces of anabolism and katabolism are 
pitted against each other, but in this 
conflict of unlike elements the forms of 
life are born and come to maturity. That 
fruition is the gift which nature pro- 
vides for the sustentation of the lives of 
men. And it is on this basis that man 
successfully builds, for in the partnership 
of the individual with others the co-oper- 
ation of the many rewards the unit with 
increased fruitage. 

Every explosion of powder is costly, if 
at the end of the range we have a human 
being, and the cost must be paid for both 
by the living and the unborn. Every ex- 
plosion of powder is costly in any case, 
for the price of the marksman is the 
price which he pays for the securing of 
the game. Bows and arrows and repeat- 
ing rifles cost human labor, and when 
men shoot arrows and bullets into the air, 
they must go and pick them up or else 
make other ones. When they explode 
shells, they must make new shells in their 
place. If they keep on firing, some one 
else must make the ammunition and fur- 
nish new guns, for guns wear out as well 
as shells. When men consume more than 
they produce, they must soon stop either 
the production or the destruction. Fire- 
works once a year cost labor; fireworks 
for nearly three years that batter forts 
and dismember bodies must be paid for in 
the only element that can produce them, 
namely, human labor. 

A nation at war is keeping a ledger, 
and as the balance is on the debit side, 
redoubled efforts are necessary to re- 



WHO PAYS FOR THE COST OF WAR 



135 



store the equilibrium. No juggling with 
figures can offset this inexorable law of 
nature. No human reasoning can com- 
pensate nature for the consumption of 
her resources; nothing but human labor 
can compensate her. Her bounties con- 
tain no values until they are carved out 
by specific and productive human energy; 
and when these values are once created 
in the form of wealth, they fall under the 
law of katabolism. If man hastens*the 
breaking-up process by recklessness or 
by war, he must pay for it in continued 
expenditure of effort, he must pay the 
cost. When a man borrows anything 
from nature he may use it or not, as he 
wills; but in any instance what he bor- 
rows must be returned to he'r reservoirs. 

War quickly destroys what man pro- 
duces, but the cost is paid for, not in 
money, but by labor augmented many 
times over as a price paid for the follies 
of men. Constructive labor yields per- 
manent results; war uproots them. Bat- 
tleships are not paid for by Governments, 
but by subjects of the nation. A thou- 
sand men on a warship produce nothing; 
the same men in action destroy both ship 
and enemy. The payment of taxes comes 
out of human labor; the payment of in- 
terest on loans is a double burden, falling 
on those who now live and labor, and 
striking hard against those who are later 
to become creators of the nation's wealth. 
We are still paying pensions on a war 
that ended 102 years ago. Wars are 
paid for in human sacrifice in human 
lives; but they are also paid for in sac- 
rifice that eats up the products of man's 
labor; and when these visible things are 
shot to pieces, an increase of human 
energy alone can replace them. Men 
who build battleships are also paying for 
the battleships. If the ships go to the 
bottom, no power on earth can replace 
them save human labor; and the more 
ships at the bottom, the greater the drain 
on the living labor which creates them 
out of earth's material. 

Take an illustration from our national 
sports, baseball and college football. 
Who pays the salaries of the twenty-two 
players on each of the sixteen teams of 
the major leagues? Who accounts for 
the cost of training the college men for 



their annual seasons on the gridiron? 
Manifestly those who pay as witnesses of 
the games. Suppose a quarter of all 
these men were killed and the same pro- 
portion injured for life. Suppose hos- 
pitals and nurses were supplied to meet 
these losses and that they were kept up 
during the entire season. Suppose fresh 
players were drawn from the ranks and 
drafted into the daily slaughter on the 
diamond or the gridiron in times of peace. 
Would any man of ordinary judgment 
infer that this loss constituted no drain 
on the nation? 

You cannot pay for war out of taxes. 
War is liquidated by the human cost, and 
by cost is meant that continued outgo of 
human labor which is the sole source of 
wealth. In addition to the destruction 
of the human element and the accom- 
panying blasting of the material element, 
war makes a steady drain on the future; 
that is to say, the cost is passed on for 
many decades, through pensions and in- 
terest, and in no sense will nature let up 
in her demands. We borrow from na- 
ture as well as from bankers, and when 
nature recalls the things we have taken, 
her mandates are scrupulously carried 
out. War hastens the destruction of all 
these elements, speeds up the processes 
by which wealth is torn to pieces, and 
when these things are shattered and scat- 
tered they must be replaced by human 
toil and increased human sacrifice. Taxes 
laid on interest augment the national 
burden by increasing the tax gatherers, 
who must be paid out of the national rev- 
enues. And in the last analysis the re- 
ceiver of interest is essentially a non- 
producer and as such he has to be fed 
along with those who do the fighting and 
the destroying. 

Man pays for war. It is his creation, 
and as long as he keeps it up he will have 
to stand for the game. Governments 
create war debts, but subjects pay them. 
Kings and Congresses may declare war, 
but that is only bequeathing to innocent 
successors the obligations that must be 
met. It cost Russia $600,000,000 to for- 
tify Port Arthur. It cost Japan $400,- 
. 000,000 to batter it to pieces. But the 
cost is not in money; it is in human lives 
and human wealth, and such destruction 



136 THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 

ultimately rolls up what no generation claims are met, else what other source 
can pay. Seventy cents out of every dol- could pay for them? If the companies 
lar received by our Federal Government get interest on loans, that only brings 
was paid out for military purposes, with other factors into the problem. The cir- 
the nation still at peace. If the baseball cle is thus widened, but the principle re- 
players killed in the supposititious war- mains the same; namely, that from hu- 
fare above cited were to leave widows and man labor is drawn the fund that corn- 
orphans requiring pensions, who would pensates for losses sustained. War raises 
stand for the increased expense of our those losses to the nth degree and leaves 
national game? The cases are parallel in to posterity the burden of paying for 
their economic bearing, and show the other people's quarrels. The interest 
principle involved in human loss. claims pile up faster than they can be 
The problem of the cost of war is so- discharged, and drain away from cpn- 
ciological and must be examined in the structive labor the higher fruits of hu- 
light of the forces and resultants of hu- man toil. 

man action. Fire insurance companies Were half the power that fills the world with 

pay for losses, but not until after they terror, 

have collected an adequate fund from Were hal f- the wealth bestowed on camps 

,, ., T . and courts, 

the community. Life insurance pre- Given to re deem the h'uman mind from error, 

miums provide the Source Out of which There were no need of arsenals or fortg. 



Nearly 24,000,000 Men Engaged 

Sir William Robertson, Chief of the British General Staff, made these note- 
ivorthy statements in a dinner speech at the Mansion House, London, in May, 
1917: 

No two wars and no two battles were ever fought under exactly the same 
conditions, and no war has ever differed so greatly from its predecessor as does 
the war in which we are now engaged. Airplanes, for instance, have entirely 
changed the whole strategical and tactical conduct of operations. The use of 
enormous masses of heavy artillery is another new factor, and has made efficient 
preparation for battle dependent upon the most elaborate system of communica- 
tions and transport, and has demanded the highest qualities of organization in 
general. During the last five or six weeks, I suppose, we have expended some 
200,000 tons of ammunition, which have had to be moved by road, rail, and sea 
from the factories in England to the guns in France and man-handled probably 
not less than half a dozen times. As you can imagine, this has entailed a great 
deal of railway work at the front as well as in England, and the skillful and 
determined way in which the work has been executed by the railway managers 
and employes who have assisted us is beyond all praise. 

But the greatest peculiarity of all is the colossal size of the armies engaged. 
In the 1870 war armies were counted by the hundred thousand, and at the battle 
of -Gravelotte, where the heaviest losses were incurred, the total casualties were 
only about 33,000 men on both sides, while for the whole war the total casual- 
ties on both sides were less than half a million. In the present war the killed 
alone can be counted by the million, while the total number of men engaged 
amounts to nearly 24,000,000. 

In fact, this war is not, as in the past, a war merely of opposing armies, 
but a war of nations, and there is not today a man or woman in the empire who 
is not doing something either to help or to hinder the winning of the war. A 
man of great distinction told me the other day that he estimated the weight of 
purely military effort at only 25 per cent, of the whole, the remaining 75 per 
cent, being, strictly speaking, of a non-military nature, and made up of many 
elements agriculture, food, shipping, diplomacy, &c. I think he is probably 
not far wrong, and when people ask me, as they sometimes do, how the war is 
getting on, I feel inclined to reply, " Why ask me? Why not ask yourself and 
the remainder of the 75 per cent.? * 



The Heroic Death of Dr. Glunet 

By Robert de Lezeau 

Dr. Jean Clunet, who died of typhus at Jassy, Rumania, in April, 1917, had so memorable 
a career that the Paris Figaro gave a leading- place on its first page to the subjoined article, 
which has been specially translated for CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE. 



ONE of the simplest and most in- 
spiring of heroes has just suc- 
cumbed to the terrible epidemic 
of spotted typhus that is ravag- 
ing Rumania. He died in the hospital 
which he had created from the ground 
up, at the bedside of the sufferers, whom 
he continued to aid to his last breath 
with all his science and all his faith: two 
warring sisters who had become recon- 
ciled in his great heart. We who knew 
him here in Jassy, at the place of his 
supreme sacrifice, cherish his memory 
as that of one of the greatest French- 
men we have ever known. 

Jean Clunet was the son of a lawyer 
who has acquired just renown in the do- 
main of international law. A former 
hospital interne, assistant in the Medical 
Faculty, and finally appointed to the 
Chair of Pathological Anatomy in the 
Medical College at Nancy, Jean Clunet 
gave himself up to science with a tire- 
less ardor that engrossed his whole mind 
and heart. He always had a sort of 
predestination for sacrifice. Wherever 
he could devote himself to others, save 
lives, comfort souls, Clunet was there. 

In 1912 he visited Morocco, and one 
day a native servant who had become 
attached to him said: " Master, you must 
leave here quick, quick, at once! They 
are going to massacre all the foreign- 
ers." 

Though he had no duty to perform, 
Jean Clunet remained. The next day 
the revolt at Fez broke out, with all its 
horrors massacres, lynchings, tortures. 
With tv/o comrades he found safety in a 
blind alley, which the insurgents could 
not capture, though they besieged the 
entrance. Twenty-four hours later two 
local officials whom Clunet had cured of 
illness sent their escorts to rescue him. 
Once free, he paid no attention to the 
mobs that were still raging, but went 
everywhere that the wounded lay. The 



dying called him and the living threat- 
ened him. Clunet was in his element. 
He dressed wounds, he performed oper- 
ations, he saved lives. And when this 
hard work was done he learned that 
among the Jewish population, which had 
taken refuge in dense masses before the 
Sultan's deer cages, an epidemic was 
breaking out. He threw himself into 
this new task, took all the precautionary 
measures, evacuated the infected cases, 
disinfected the whole place, and averted 
the epidemic. And after two months of 
this intense labor he returned to France 
feeling that he had had what he went 
for a pleasure trip. 

The great war broke out, and Clunet 
was at the front from the first day. A 
surgeon in the 332d Regiment of the line, 
he was with the vanguard at the battle 
of Charleroi. Then came the retreat, 
in the course of which two orderlies 
were killed at his side and two horses 
were struck down at the moment when 
he was mounting into the saddle. No 
matter! It was a fine life there are 
wounds to care for and well men to com- 
fort. Clunet devotes himself to those 
around him. 

The 332d withdraws as far as the 
Aisne and Berry-au-Bac. There it is 
ordered to hold a precarious, untenable 
position. It digs in, it .hangs on, in spite 
of the intensity of the bombardment 
and the violence of the rifle fire. Jean 
Clunet has set up his aid station at the 
most exposed point, because it is there 
that he can most quickly get at the 
wounded. Finally his regiment is forced 
to withdraw precipitately and cross the 
Aisne in all haste. Clunet is among the 
last to go. He has a third horse killed 
under him and crosses the river by 
swimming. 

On the other side of the Aisne the 
332d establishes itself solidly in trenches. 
The furious fighting abates. Life be- 



138 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



comes more calm, more monotonous. 
Clunet grows restless. The day is long 
with no act of devotion to perform. So, 
when he hears that an expedition is to 
be sent to the Dardanelles, he tells him- 
self: "I will go I am going!" And 
he goes. 

At the Dardanelles Clunet gives the 
maximum of his energy and devotion. 
Epidemics multiply, various and deadly. 
He fights them all. He cleans up the 
first-line trenches under fire, burying 
the dead by night. He defends himself, 
revolver in hand, against the Turkish 
patrols during that depressing labor, 
rescuing both the dead and the living. 
He succeeds in bringing drinkable water 
to the camp and in establishing, despite 
a thousand difficulties, a service for 
hauling away the dead horses and 
throwing them into the sea. 

One day, all in a second, he is struck 
down by a frightful pain that twists his 
limbs and sets his brain on fire it is 
the dreaded fever, which the colonials 
know well and which they call the 
" dingue." He is at the point of death. 
But men of that mettle do not die so 
easily. Clunet recovers and leaves the 
Dardanelles the last man to get away. 
Last in retreat, first in advance that 
was his chosen place. 

Jean Clunet then passed a month at 
Paris, chiefly in the Pasteur Institute, 
where he had formerly worked a great 
deal and where he now profited from all 
that science had learned regarding con- 
tagious diseases. " I prefer contagious 
cases," he said, " and I don't know why." 
We, his friends, knew. It was because 
those were the cases in which the physi- 
cian ran the greatest risks in treating 
them. Clunet waited, impatient for the 
next task of devotion. It came. A vio- 
lent epidemic of exanthematic typhus 
was raging in the Serbian Army at 
Corfu. Clunet said: "I will go I am 
going! " And he went. 

He was asked first to make a little de- 
tour, to go through Saloniki and set up a 
laboratory there. Clunet sailed on La 
Provence. The vessel was torpedoed and 
sinking. The officers, foreseeing the pos- 
sibility of such a catastrophe, had pro- 
vided rafts. These were thrown over- 



board, and Clunet reached one of them 
by swimming. He was safe, or would 
have been, but for the one thought that 
possessed him to save others. At the 
risk of capsizing a hundred times he 
forces the raft to right and left, haphaz- 
ard, any way to pick up the shipwrecked 
men in the water. Five, then ten, then 
fifteen! Those whom he has snatched 
from disaster cry to him : " Enough ! 
Enough! We are going to sink." But 
Clunet estimates that he can still save 
two more lives. He is determined to save 
them. Those around him mutter, almost 
threaten. He still wears his uniform 
with the chevrons of an officer. He or- 
ders silence, commands obedience. The men 
are silent, they obey, and soon two more 
unfortunates are hauled aboard the raft. 

One of them is grievously wounded in 
the head. Clunet dresses the wound. But 
the others must be fed. He succeeds in 
gathering in several loaves of bread toss- 
ing about in the waves, and thirty apples. 
At the end of eighteen hours a ship ap- 
pears and rescues them, eighteen hours 
during which Clunet has sustained the 
flagging courage of his companions, 
stimulated their energies, extinguished 
incipient revolts, dissipated ill-humor, 
all by force of his own indomitable spirit. 

Then came Corfu. To typhus was add- 
ed dysentery, and both diseases were rav- 
aging the Serbian Army. Clunet re- 
mained night and day at the bedside of the 
sufferers. He was himself stricken with 
dysentery, but did not cease his work. In 
his observation of the typhus epidemic he 
noted that the milk-diet treatment was 
giving only indifferent results. He sub- 
stituted a raw meat diet, which succeeded 
better. He did not return to France until 
the disease had been stamped out. 

Mme. Clunet, his admirable wife, was 
at the station to meet him. She was in 
black, but not in mourning. Little by lit- 
tle, with all the tact of an infinite tender- 
ness, she told her husband that their only 
son, a child of 5 years, had died three 
days before. To all his voluntary sacri- 
fices was added this involuntary sacri- 
fice, the most cruel, the most dreadful of 
all. Clunet did not bury himself long in 
his grief. Only in labor to relieve the 
sufferings of others could he forget his 



THE HEROIC DEATH OF DR. CLUNET 



own. He learned that an epidemic had 
broken out in Rumania, that the spotted 
typhus, with which he had already meas- 
ured his strength, was claiming its vic- 
tims there. How could he go anywhere 
else? He said, " I am going." But this 
time Mme. Clunet replied simply, " I am 
going, too." And they went. 

In a spacious villa near Jassy, which 
today bears the name of the Greerul Hos- 
pital, Dr. and Mme. Clunet established a 
hospital for contagious diseases. Here 
they first treated intermittent fever and 
spotted typhus, and later, when the epi- 
demic grew worse, typhus alone. Jean 
Clunet was everything in that asylum of 
pain architect, carpenter, glazier, water 



carrier, food provider, physician. Bend- 
ing over the dying, burying the dead, re- 
moving vermin from the living, he at last 
contracted the terrible disease. On the 
thirteenth day he died. He had asked 
that he might be buried near the hospital 
which he had founded. He rests there 
forever. Even in death he desired to re- 
main at the post which he had assigned 
to himself. 

Jean Clunet left behind him an admi- 
rable helpmate. I have never seen grief 
more noble or more worthy. I bow with 
respect before this woman, whom the 
hope of approaching motherhood alone 
attaches to life. She said to me simply, 
"If only it is a son! " 



A Cardinal's Bombardment Diary 



/"CARDINAL LUCON, Archbishop of 
\J Rheims, remained in that city dur- 
ing the bombardment that practi- 
cally finished the destruction of the cathe- 
dral. To a cure in Paris he sent these 
extracts from his diary: 

Holy Tuesday, April 3, [1917.1 Inter- 
mittent bombardment during the morning" ; 
continuous in the afternoon. Between 10 
o'clock and midnight a shell wrecks the apse 
of the Clairmarais Chapel, shatters the 
statue of the Sacred Heart, crushes the altar, 
and buries the holy ciborium and ten conse- 
crated wafers beneath a block of stone. The 
house of the Sisters of St. Vincent de Paul 
and the Orphanage in the Rue de Betheny 
are annihilated by ten big shells. 

Good Friday, April 6. Infernal bombard- 
ment from 4 o'clock onward : 7,750 shells ! 
Mme. Beaudet, an admirable Christian, sis- 
ter of M. le Cure of St. Benoit, killed at 8 
P. M. in a motor car, with the wife and 
daughter of the sacristan of St. Remi, the 
chauffeur, and a soldier. Five persons killed 
at Ste. Genevidve as they were leaving their 
cellar. 

Holy Saturday, April 7. At 4 P. M. the 
great seminary took fire. No water to ex- 
tinguish the flames. The firemen dare not 
approach, for the Germans are dropping four 
shells a minute on the building, keeping it up 
throughout the evening and night. Two fire- 
men were killed yesterday, Friday, and two 
others have had their legs broken. 

Easter Day, April 8. The only divine serv- 
ice was a low mass at 8 :30. No vespers. 
This was fortunate, for at the hour when it 
is customary to chant them a hellish bom- 
bardment began. The GeTes suburb is burned 
down or knocked to pieces right and left over 



the length of half a mile. The church of St. 
Andre is ruined., the vaults shattered, and 
the walls knocked in. Our little seminary 
receives such a number of shells that it is 
uninhabitable. The church of St. Benoit 
had its ceiling destroyed, its walls knocked 
in, and its porch and belfry wrecked. 

Monday, April 9. Violent bombardment- 
Six killed, seventeen wounded: 10,000 shells! 

Saturday, April 14. Violent bombardment 
from 9 to 11 o'clock all around us. Asphyxi- 
ating shells on the Rue du Barbatu and Rue 
du Cloitre, where Mile. Leparqueur is killed ; 
fifteen persons died from asphyxiation. The 
lay clerk of St. Remi, together with his wife 
and daughter, also died, poisoned and as- 
phyxiated. 

Tuesday, April 24. From 9 to 10 :15 o'clock 
systematic bombardment of the cathedral 
with big calibre shells, many of them 
305mm., fired at regular intervals. They were 
all manifestly aimed at the cathedral. A 
great number hit it, the rest falling beyond 
it, short of it, to right of it, and on the 
ruins of the Archbishop's palace to left of 
it. The cathedral is "assassinated!" The 
apse outside is " massacred," three flying 
buttresses are broken, numerous pinnacles 
truncated or knocked down, the open gal- 
leries of the apse of the lofty walls are to a 
large extent thrown down. The walls have 
received such injuries that their solidity is 
imperiled. The towers have been seriously 
damaged. Lastly, the vaults have fallen in 
in five places 1 , in the south transept, in the 
chancel which is in ruins and before the 
pulpit. The font is crushed ; the high altar, 
buried beneath the debris of the vault, is no 
longer visible. Needless to say, the stained- 
glass windows have lost the few panes which 
still remained. 



Nesting Mothers of Battle Zone 

Bird Life Where Cannons Roar 

Nature lovers, weary of the war's horrors, will find a charming interlude in this article, 
which was contributed to Land and Water by H. Thoburn-Clarke, an observant British 
soldier on the battle front in France. 



THE war, with its upheaval of most 
of our ideas of the effect of gun- 
fire upon the habits of the nature 
folk, does not appear to have 
troubled the migrating resident birds of 
the western battle zone. Already airmen . 
have encountered vast flocks of migrating 
waders, ducks, and other birds flying at 
an immense altitude far above the sound 
of our massed artillery, and this year 
great flocks of green plover have settled 
in the marshes, and appear likely to stay 
for a while. Until early in March I had 
seen only two or three green plover at 
a time during all my two years wander- 
ing up and down the battle front. Now 
they have settled down here in dozens, 
but, so far, I have not seen any of their 
absurd attempts at a nest, although they 
are wheeling, dipping, and fluttering in 
their dainty love flights over the 
marshes. 

Last year wild ducks nested among 
the reed beds to our left, and brought 
off large families of young ones. One 
family numbered ten when it first came 
off the nest, and it was most amusing 
to watch the tiny balls of fluff waddling 
up and down an almost submerged stump 
of a tree that had been felled by our 
gunfire. The mother duck would swim 
up and down watching them anxiously, 
making angry dashes every now and 
then at the coot that was occupied with 
a family of seven black velvet balls of 
fluff on the other side of the reeds. 
The two mothers would meet with a 
rush; the duck would grip hold of a 
beakful of feathers, while the coot 
would fight with beak and claws. The 
fray generally lasted for a few seconds; 
then the mothers would race back to 
their broods, each evidently considering 
that she had triumphed over the other! 
The scene was repeated at intervals, day 
after day, but, alas! the two broods grew 



daily smaller, until each mother had only 
one nestling left. Probably the rats had 
killed and eaten the rest. 

At another time I captured a tiny coot 
and took it to my dugout. I hoped to 
tame it, but the wee mite developed 
most extraordinary climbing powers. It 
literally raced up the walls of the dug- 
out, hurled itself out of boxes and 
through the entrance, and tore off, 
making by instinct in the direction of 
the river. It was caught and brought 
back, but nothing would tame its restless 
spirit, so in the evening I crept down to 
the river, with the small coot carefully 
tucked into my pocket. I could see 
nothing of the old bird and her brood. 
She had apparently left the scene. How- 
ever, I took the little coot out of my 
pocket, and allowed him to call. Almost 
immediately I heard a reply from the 
reeds on the other side of the river, 
and the mother coot came swimming 
toward me. I let the little beggar go, 
and the last I saw of him was a small 
black object swimming through the 
moonlight. He joined his mother, and 
they both vanished into the shadows of 
the opposite bank and I saw them no 
more. 

Our gun positions are favorite nesting 
places for many birds. Whenever we re- 
main in the same place for a few weeks 
they take possession of the " structures " 
we use for masking the guns. Last 
Autumn a blackbird built her nest in 
the sandbag parapet, and in spite of 
the storms and the repeated firing of 
our gun she hatched out three eggs, 
and, I believe, reared the young ones 
successfully. At another position in an 
orchard this time another blackbird 
made her nest among the sandbags; 
this time only about four feet to the 
side of the muzzle of the gun, and stuck 
tight during the whole time we were 
strafing the Germans, and successfully 



NESTING MOTHERS OF BATTLE ZONE 



141 



hatched all four of her eggs, a sur- 
prising feat when one considers the con- 
cussion. Not very far away a pair of 
blackcaps had built their nest in the 
gnarled stump of an old apple tree. They 
were unfortunate, for a well-aimed shell 
during a German evening strafe demol- 
ished the apple tree and the nest. Ap- 
parently the blackcaps did not trouble, 
for they built another nest in the next 
tree stump and hatched out and brought 
up their young ones safely. 

Ammunition wagons have a great at- 
traction for the birds. A pair of spar- 
rows endeavored to construct a nest in 
an empty one during a dinner hour, when 
we were resting, and actually followed us 
to the next rest, but the move on the 
next day discouraged them and they left 
us. During one of our stays in a cer- 
tain part of the front a pair of wrens 
succeeded in building a nest, and when 
we were moved half a mile further on 
the two birds came with the wagon and 
would no doubt have hatched out their 
young ones if the fortunes of war had 
not prevented it. A hedge sparrow had 
her home in a ruined wagon, and when 
I found her nest she was patiently 
feeding a cuckoo larger than herself. 
The hedge sparrows and their foster 
child occupied the wagon for a long time, 
and I have watched the two patiently 
feeding the cuckoo while the shells were 
bursting in all directions. At another 
time I found the nest of a hedge spar- 
row in the hub of a broken wheel lying 
in a position that was continually being 
shelled by the Germans. Evidently she 
must have stuck tight, for at the time the 
nest was discovered it had four young 
ones in it, and the parent birds were 
feeding their nestlings with serene indif- 
ference to the dropping of shrapnel and 
bursting of shells. 

It is extraordinary how fond the birds 
are of certain localities, and quite a large 
number of different varieties will nest 
together. In one wood, somewhat to the 
rear of our position, during last Summer, 
a vast number of pigeons, magpies, rooks, 
and crows were nesting in the taller 
trees, while various warblers, tree creep- 
ers, and tits built their dwellings in the 
undergrowth. Yet in the early days of 



the war the wood had been heavily 
shelled, and still bore marks of gunfire 
in the shape of fallen trees. The con- 
flict had been severe enough to have 
driven the birds to seek some safer abode, 
but evidently they had clung to the old 
place and declined to nest anywhere else. 
The numbers of pigeons seem to increase 
at an extraordinary rate. Probably the 
destruction caused by warfare does not 
equal that in times of peace, while the 
quantities of mice and rats afford suffi- 
cient food for the kestrels and other 
birds that might prey upon the young 
nestlings. Sometimes in the height of 
the nesting season the noise of the nest- 
lings in the various nests was almost 
deafening, all clamoring loudly for food 
the instant they heard the beat of their 
mother's wings. One would almost im- 
agine that each bird's wing had a dif- 
ferent sound, in that respect resembling 
the tread of the human footsteps. 

I have always associated the nightin- 
gale with a certain railway cutting in 
Berkshire, where it is possible to hear 
them singing all night through, but al- 
most impossible to find their nests, and 
exceedingly difficult to see the bird itself. 
Out here, however, the shyness has van- 
ished. I have heard of nests in the front- 
line trenches; of eggs being hatched dur- 
ing a furious bombardment; while close 
to our billets six pairs had built in a 
ruined garden, and we watched their 
nesting with keen pleasure. A blackcap 
literally sang us to sleep at nights. It 
perched in a sapling that screens a gun 
and sang constantly, its vivid notes punc- 
tuated with the boom of distant firing. 
At another place, a reedy remnant of a 
ruined moat, ten different kinds of birds 
were nesting in the weeds and rushes 
that clothed the bank. Tits, far bluer 
than any British bird, reed warblers, 
garden warblers, blackcaps, several 
greenfinches, and many other warblers. 

The martins and swallows are, I think, 
more numerous than in England, and 
appear as pleased with the ruins as the 
sparrows and starlings. I have seen 
house martins' nests built under the cor- 
nice of the ruins of a highly decorated 
drawing room, pink Cupids and blue love 
knots contrasting strangely with the mud 



142 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



of the nest. In most villages the peasants 
are very superstitious about the swallows 
and house martins, and consider that ill- 
luck will follow the destruction of a nest. 
So the swallows and martins are free to 
build where they like, and I often wonder 
whether when the ruins are reconstructed 
they will endeavor to reconcile the birds 
to a change of dwelling. At present their 
nests are everywhere. One built on the 
rack where we hung our clothes, another 
on a rafter in our harness room, while 
several occupied a shed in which the gun- 
ners were billeted during a " rest." The 
shed was strafed and a shell broke a 
large hole in the roof, but failed to ex- 
plode. The swallows had previously used 
the doorways as an entrance, but they 
at once saw the convenience of the shell 
hole, and almost before the dust of the 



broken roof had subsided they were calm- 
ly flying in and out with food for their 
young ones. Possibly young swallows 
and martins require more food than other 
nestlings, for the parent birds were feed- 
ing them from the earliest dawning until 
it was almost too dark to see the birds. 
Yet the baby birds never ceased squeal- 
ing for more. Shells might burst and 
shatter the adjoining sheds, even a 
" dud " pierce the roof that sheltered 
them, but still they cried insistently. 
Perhaps that is why the nesting mothers 
of the battlefields take matters so placid- 
ly. They have no time to waste, but 
must feed their young ones in spite of 
war's wild alarms, and, after all, it is 
the quantity of food that matters with 
the wild folk, and they have enough of 
that in all conscience at the front. 



Professor Harnack Scorns American Ideals 

Dr. Adolph von Harnack, Professor of Theology and General Director of 
the Royal Library, Berlin, delivered a lecture in Berlin on May 19, 1917, on 
" Wilson's American Ideal of Liberty." After attacking the President's " pacifist, 
democratic, and plutocratic ideal " as contrasted with the " interior and exterior 
liberty of Germans," the noted theologian continued : 

The hostility of the United States against us is reducible to the inconven- 
ience which was caused to America by German economical efficiency. A second 
reason is that America feared to lose the enormous capital she had invested in 
the Entente from the beginning, in the firm belief that the latter would be 
victorious. Now America is witnessing the chances of victory gradually dis- 
appearing, and rushes in to save what is possible. 

America conducted silent war against us long before the declaration of 
war, and never was particular in choosing her means. Wilson and many Amer- 
icans with him have undergone an ugly development from an honest democratic 
republicanism to a bedizened emperorism. In addition, Wilson distinguishes 
himself by amazing ignorance about Germany. He is an intellectual moralist, 
but without any depth whatever. 

Professor Harnack then quoted extensively from President Wilson's books 
to show " what startling political, judicial, and ethical metamorphoses the Presi- 
dent had passed through, changing his convictions as often as his trousers. 
Germany must decidedly decline this many-colored uniform of liberty which one 
can easily picture from Wilson's words and deeds. We don't want liberty, ex- 
cept of our own make and in accord with our history." 



2g 







Deportations Planned in Advance 

Belgian Official Memorandum 



A official memorandum presented 
to the United States Government 
by M. de Cartier, the Belgian 
Minister at Washington, and 
made public June 3, 1917, summarizes the 
facts of German rule in Belgium, and 
charges that enforced idleness of the Bel- 
gian workingmen was part of a deliberate 
war policy preparatory to the deporta- 
tions. 

" The cessation of the larger part of 
Belgian industry is an admitted fact," 
says the memorandum. " But Germany 
founds an argument upon this fact as 
upon an event due to the circumstances 
of a state of war, and in the presence of 
which the good intentions of the occupant 
were powerless. 

" However, this is not the case. The 
depressed condition of Belgian industry 
is not a case of accident caused by the 
force of extraneous circumstances un- 
connected with the action of the German 
authorities; these authorities are, on the 
contrary, personally responsible. Their 
responsibility is double. The German 
Government is the direct author of the 
crisis in Belgian industry and labor. The 
German Government has deliberately pre- 
vented the Belgians from applying the 
remedy. 

" Since the occupation of Belgium the 
German authorities, in spite of their de- 
ceitful proclamations, have put .into ef- 
fect the plan worked out in August, 1914, 
at Berlin, by Dr. W. Rathenau, for the 
systematic exploitation of all the economic 
resources of occupied countries to the 
profit of the war organization of the em- 
pire. 

The Rathenau Plan 
" This plan allowed, notably, the seiz- 
ure of all stocks of raw materials exist- 
ing in the occupied territories, and the 
transfer of them into Germany, in order 
to avert the consequences of the closure 
of the seas. This was to be completed 
by the removal of the implements of 
labor, and, in general, by the removal 



of all means of production which the 
empire might need for the continuation 
of the struggle. Economic commissions, 
attached to all the military authorities 
in the occupied territories, were to be 
constituted the agents for putting into 
execution the Rathenau plan. By this 
plan as the German publicists have 
written on so many occasions with the 
approval of the censor the war carried 
on by the empire would take on the 
haracter of an ' economic war.' 

" This program was methodically car- 
ried out." 

The memorandum then cites the Ger- 
man official bulletin of laws and decrees 
for the occupied territory published at 
Brussels from the end of August, 1914, 
containing more than 120 orders relating 
to economic conditions, many of them 
commandeering raw materials, finished 
products, and tools, as well as domestic 
animals, crops, and seeds. 

" The Belgian Government," it con- 
tinues, " knows that the operation of re- 
moving machines and installation was, in 
several cases, confined to the representa- 
tives of German firms who were the di- 
rect competitors of the Belgian indus- 
tries, and that, in at least one instance, 
in an artificial silk factory, the Belgian 
firm's secret process of fabrication was 
ascertained from the factory inspected. 

" Numerous Belgian industries have 
been placed under sequestration without 
plausible reason. 

" Finally, the German authorities, in 
1916, placed prohibitive tariffs on the 
remaining Belgian industries which had 
still maintained a relative degree of ac- 
tivity through their commercial relations 
with certain neutral countries the glass 
industry and the metallurgic industry. 

" These prohibitive measures are of a 
nature to close to Belgian industry any 
markets which may have remained open, 
and even to render impossible all export 
trade. 

" Attention can be called here only to 



144 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



the principal acts which have marked 
the German financial policy: 

" (a) A war tax of 40,000,000 francs per 
month for the benefit of the German war 
treasury a tax fixed, at first, for one year, 
the Belgian provinces being- jointly and sev- 
erally responsible, (December, 1914,) with the 
official promise that there should not be 
afterward any other war tax. In November, 
1915, however, this tax was made permanent. 
In November, 1916, after nearly 1,000,000,000 
francs had been extracted from the country, 
the tax was increased by the sum of 10,000,000 
francs per month, (50,000,000 francs instead 
of 40,000,000.) 

" (b) Imposition of the mark at the forced 
rate of 1 franc 25 centimes. 

" (c) Refusal of the German authorities to 
accept marks in payment of the war tax, of 
which a large proportion was required to be 
paid in francs. 

" (d) Absolute prohibition of the exportation 
of securities, even to pay for commodities 
necessary for the feeding of the civil popu- 
lation. 

" (e) Extortion of marks held as cash re- 
serve by Belgian banks, (the Banque Na- 
tionale and the Soc'ietS Generate,) that is to 
say, 430,000,000 marks which were transported 
into Germany (Sept. 12, 191G) with the stipu- 
lation of repayment two years after the end 
of the war at the average rate of exchange 
of Berlin at that period. 

" Any country whatever, if subjected 
to such a system of exploitation, would 
find itself overwhelmed by the calamity 
of unemployment. The number of Bel- 
gian workers (men) thus reduced to idle- 
ness, in spite of their desire to work, va- 
ries between 300,000 and 400,000; if this 
number (which the German statements 
tend to exaggerate in order to draw some 
quibbling argument) if this number is 
not greater, it is due only to the prodi- 
gies of ingenuity and initiative of the 
Belgians, who have truly shown them- 
selves in this, as in other spheres, * the 
nation that will not die.' " 

Next it is shown that the aid dispensed 
to the victims of the German invasion, 
amounting to 10,000,000 or 12,000,000 
francs a month, has not cost Germany a 
cent and has been only a small charge on 
the local budgets of the occupied terri- 
tory thus disposing of the oft-quoted 
German argument that it could not per- 
mit such considerable burdens to be 
placed upon local communities. 

Efforts of the Belgian authorities to 
keep the population from falling into the 



habits of idleness so strongly reprobated 
by the late von Bissing and other apostles 
of German humanitarianism were thwart- 
ed by the German authorities. One of 
these plans was to require the unem- 
ployed who received allowances from 
charity to take up the study of a trade. 
The operation of this plan was paralyzed 
by German interference. 

Unemployment Created 

" The fact is," the memorandum con- 
tinues, " that, while artif ically creating 
unemployment in Belgium by the re- 
moval of stocks of raw materials and 
tools and by the restrictions placed upon 
the commercial activity of the country, 
the German administration had conceived 
the idea of enrolling the workers, thus 
thrown into enforced idleness, in the 
service of its war industries, either in 
the requisitioned Belgian factories or in 
Germany. 

" At the beginning of the Summer of 
1915 a campaign was started to over- 
come, in this matter, the passive re- 
sistance of Belgian patriotism; the Ger- 
man authorities had had recourse, suc- 
cessively or simulaneously, to the bait 
of high wages, to intimidation, then to 
violence, in* order to procure the manual 
labor necessary for their military ob- 
jects, (see the eighteenth and nineteenth 
reports of the Belgian Commission of In- 
quiry in regard to the violation of the 
law of nations;) but these attempts had 
failed; very few Belgian workmen had 
consented to engage themselves in the 
service of the enemy; of the others, a 
certain number had been deported to 
Germany as prisoners as a punishment 
for their refusal. Then the German ad- 
ministration resolved to prevent, by all 
means in its power, the Belgian unem- 
ployed from finding elsewhere a liveli- 
hood or assistance; it counted upon hold- 
ing them at its mercy by the pressure of 
the needs and the destitution of their 
families." 

Still more incredible, except on the 
assumption that Germany had set out to 
reduce Belgium to such a state that she 
could make to the world the plea that 
the Belgians' alternatives were beggary 
or deportation, was the German opposi- 



DEPORTATIONS PLANNED IN ADVANCE 



145 



tion to works of public utility for the 
benefit of the unemployed. The Province 
of Luxembourg- had completely solved 
its problem of unemployment by or- 
ganizing works of improvement of this 
character when the order of May 2, 1916, 
was issued, in which the local authorities 
were directed to abandon these works, on 
which nearly $2,000,000 had been spent, 
because, as the memorandum says, " it 
was a matter of work for the unem- 
ployed." When the Luxembourgers thus 
thrown out of employment sought work 
in other communes the German authori- 
ties refused to authorize any work where 
employment was given to workmen from 
outside communes. 

" Thus hunted down," says the mem- 
orandum, " in every place where employ- 
ment could still be obtained in Belgium, 
the Belgian laboring class, at the end of 
September, 1916, found itself compelled 
to fold its arms by order of the German 
authorities. 

" This was the moment chosen by the 
German Government to decree the de- 
portation of the Belgian unemployed into 
Germany under the official pretext ' that 
sufficient occupation for the unemployed 
could no longer be found in Belgium.' " 

The memorandum refutes the German 
allegation that the British blockade, by 
shutting out raw materials, was re- 
sponsible for the economic woes of Bel- 
gium, showing that a system of imports 
of such materials under neutral guar- 
antees failed of adoption because of 
Germany's refusal to give the guaran- 
tee required of her. 

Deliberate Waf Measure 

The deportation order of Oct. 3, 1916, 
to which the Belgian Government con- 
tends all Germany's previous policy had 
been leading up, was essentially a war 
measure. The memorandum says: 

" This character is shown, in the first 
place, by the authority from which it 
emanates, and which is, not the civil 
Government of unoccupied Belgium, but 
the German General Headquarters. This 
character is shown, moreover, by the 
fact that similar orders were given out 
simultaneously, and by the military au- 



thorities also, covering the occupied dis- 
tricts of Poland and Lithuania. In both 
cases it was only the putting into exe- 
cution of a general plan tending to com- 
plete the entire incorporation of the re- 
sources (men as well as goods) of the 
occupied countries into the war organiza- 
tion of the empire. 

" Finally, this character is shown, in 
an absolutely decisive way, by the cor- 
relation, today openly avowed, between 
the order of Oct. 3, 1916, and the law 
of December, 1916, ordering the mobili- 
zation in Germany itself of the entire 
able-bodied civil population for the aux- 
iliary service of the army. The de- 
ported Belgians have been incorporated 
into this vast economic military organ- 
ism by approximately the same legis- 
lative claim and for exactly the same 
ends as the able-bodied male population 
of Germany; that is to say, to aid the 
German Army to support the burden of 
the war and to make a supreme effort." 

Not Justified by Danger 
While admitting the Belgian people's 
aversion to the invaders, the memoran- 
dum remarks upon their absolute Self- 
control : 

" During two years of occupation under 
a very severe regime, there has been no 
uprising, no disorder anywhere. All the 
social authorities, or those who have been 
placed in such authority, have constantly 
occupied themselves in recommending calm 
and patience to the sorely tried people. 
Moreover, the population has no arms; 
surrounded by a barrier of death-dealing 
electric wires, the population is literally 
held as in a cage. All constitutional lib- 
erties, liberty of opinion, of the press, of 
reunion and of association, are suspended. 
The danger of disorder is so remote that 
the German administration has main- 
tained only relatively weak garrisons in 
Belgium. * * * 

" It can be said without exaggeration 
that such an attack upon the essential 
rights of humanity had never before been 
made in modern times by any State call- 
ing itself civilized. The brutality and 
the duplicity with which the measure 
has been enforced have augmented (if 
such a thing be possible) this unprece- 



146 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



dented scandal; they have wrung from 
Belgium, which seemed to have already 
reached the limit of the afflictions of a 
nation at war, a cry of anguish which has 
caused an echo of horror and indignation 
from the neutral States. 

" Although in 1863 the Instructions for 
the Armies in the Field, published for the 
use of the American troops, noted even 
then that deportation and reduction to 
servitude of the civil population of con- 
quered States by the conqueror were no 
longer practiced except among barbaric 
hordes, the spectacle has been seen in 
Belgium of the regular army of a power- 
ful empire employed in carrying out me- 



thodic, slave-raids upon the citizens of 
a small, captive nation which had entered 
the war solely for the defense of its in- 
dependence and for the fulfillment of its 
international duties. * * * 

" No peace is possible, nor durable, 
without the observance of the elemen- 
tary rules of right, one of the first of 
which is respect for the human person. 

" No abuse of force can exhaust the 
resistance of the Belgian people to foreign 
oppression. All history witnesses that the 
aspiration of the Belgian people for in- 
dependence is indomitable and that their 
endurance will win the mastery over 
tyranny." 



Belgium's New War Industries 



nnHE Belgian Army in 1917 is making 
JL its own cannon, its own rifles, its 
own shells, its own transport wag- 
ons, its own saddles and harness. After 
the heroic battle of the Yser in 1914 it 
had six divisions of infantry and two di- 
visio^is of cavalry left to hold a line of 
approximately eighteen miles, or just 
about four men to the yard of front; a 
front where particular vigilance is re- 
quired because of the German tactics of 
constant trial attacks. No part of the 
Allies' line is more closely watched and 
explored by the enemy's patrols. A weak 
spot anywhere would provoke an imme- 
diate offensive. 

Belgium lost all her manufacturing es- 
tablishments and all her resources in 
raw materials in the defeat of the Allies 
at Charleroi and in the retreat from 
Antwerp, yet M. de Broqueville, Minister 
of War, with Belgian ingenuity, skill, 
and perseverance, has built up on the 
hospitable soil of France artillery and 
munitions establishments that not only 
enable the Belgian Army to reply shot 
for shot to the Germans on the Yser 
front but also contribute to the arma- 
ment and supplies of the allied armies. 

It was to the United States that M. de 
Broqueville looked immediately after the 
termination of the heroic defense of Bel- 
gian soil on the Yser for the reconstitu- 
tion of Belgian industry. Specialists 



were sent to purchase American machine 
tools for the manufacture of everything 
the army needed, and when the ma- 
chines arrived mechanics released from 
military service were ready to operate 
them. Fourteen thousand workmen are 
today employed in those establishments. 

The invasion found the Belgian Army 
in the midst of an entire reorganization 
of its artillery. Siege cannon ordered 
from the Krupp works in Germany had 
not been furnished. Millions of cart- 
ridges ordered from the same source also 
had been held up. It was with a disor- 
ganized armament and insufficient ma- 
terial that the Belgians held the Ger- 
mans before Liege. Before Antwerp, in 
the retreat to Flanders, and in the de- 
fense of the Yser, it may be said that 
the remaining debris of the armament 
and munitions was exhausted. 

The worn-out field guns, brought back 
in the retreat to the Yser, were partly 
replaced by French three-inchers, but at 
that all the Allies were short of their 
requirements in armament and mu- 
nitions. 

The Belgian Government, with no in- 
dustries left nor territory remaining out 
of range of the German guns on which 
to instil new ones, began in exile to work 
out its great problem of war supplies. 
Today it furnishes saddles and harness 
to the British Army and other supplies 



BELGIUM'S NEW WAR INDUSTRIES 



147 



of different kinds to all its allies, includ- 
ing Russia, besides keeping up the equip- 
ment of its new army. 

The Belgian Army is new in nearly 
every feature. Of the 120,000 men in 
the field and 60,000 men who garrisoned 
the forts, 30,000 fell into the hands of the 
Germans at Liege and Namur and in the 
retreat; 30,000 more took refuge in Hol- 
land, and were interned for the duration 
of the war; 14,000 were lost on the Yser, 
in addition to more than 20,000 killed and 
wounded in the battles of Liege, Haelen, 
and St. Trond. There remained neither 
bases, depots, nor hospitals. 

The reorganization was difficult. Un- 
able to call a session of Parliament to 
revise recruiting laws to accord with 



the new situation, the Government could 
only appeal to the patriotism of refugees 
in England and France. The response 
was such as to reconstitute an army of 
six divisions of infantry and two divis- 
ions of cavalry, while 14,000 men were 
detached for the , manufacture of muni- 
tions in France and 600 sent to Russia 
for the same purpose. About 30,000 more 
men were raised by decree calling up all 
Belgians eligible for service between 18 
and 40 years of age. 

A regiment of automobile artillery re- 
cruited among the Belgian refugees and 
trained in Paris was sent to the Rus- 
sian front, where it played an important 
part in Brusiloff's offensive in Galicia 
and Volhynia in the Spring of 1916. 



Welding Britain's Empire Closer 

Important Results of the Recent Imperial War Conference in London 



TO make the British Empire a more 
solidly united world power was 
the object of the Imperial War 
Conference that met in London in May, 
1917. England is only one of four coun- 
tries which constitute the United King- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland, and 
this kingdom is only part of an empire 
which embraces five self-governing colo- 
nial nations or dominions, besides the 
great Indian Empire and dependencies 
all over the world. The problems which 
the Imperial War Conference considered 
were twofold first, to devise some meth- 
od whereby the empire will be able to 
act as a political unit without interfering 
with colonial autonomy; second, to con- 
solidate the material resources of the 
empire and make it as far as possible 
economically self-contained. 

The readjusting of constitutional re- 
lations within the empire was deferred 
till after the war, but two important 
decisions were arrived at. The first was 
that India should be recognized as a 
member of the " Imperial Common- 
wealth," and the second that the domin- 
ions and India should have the right to 
" an adequate voice in foreign policy and 
in foreign relations," which they have 



not at present. While the dominions 
have loyally supported the mother coun- 
try in the prosecution of the war, it has 
become obvious that if the self-govern- 
ing peoples of the empire are to lend 
material support in future international 
relations, they should have a share in 
the shaping of those relations. The 
number of whites inhabiting the domin- 
ions is now nearly 40 per cent, of the 
population of the United Kingdom, while 
in regard to material resources and in- 
dustrial development the dominions are 
steadily gaining ground. 

The importance of the recent confer- 
ence in London is largely to be found in 
the fact that the statesmen of Great 
Britain have now definitely conceded the 
right of the dominions to an active part 
in the solving of the empire's problems. 
Commenting on this subject, the Colonial 
Secretary, Walter H. Long, in a state- 
ment issued on May 3, said: 

The resolution with regard to the Constitu- 
tion of the empire was made the occasion for 
striking expressions by the various speakers 
of attachment to the monarchical institutions 
of the empire and their value for the preser- 
vation of imperial unity. In the words of 
one of the speakers, " The monarchy is the 
keystone of the imperial arch." 

Another set of resolutions dealt with 



148 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



defense. The British Admiralty is to 
work out immediately after the war a 
scheme for the effective naval defense 
of the empire as a whole. Behind this 
resolution lies the story of controversy in 
which the colonial standpoint was most 
thoroughly sustained by Australia. This 
dominion some years ago insisted that 
in addition to the British Navy, whose 
function was to act as a safeguard 
against the great rival navies, there 
should be a distinctly Australian navy, 
under Australian control, for the defense 
of Australian waters and trade routes, 
instead of the then prevalent system of 
paying a money tribute to the British 
Admiralty. Australians argued with in- 
creased force after Admiral Fisher's pol- 
icy of concentrating the British fleet in 
home waters was adopted that there 
must be local protection as well as a sys- 
tem of naval defense against Britain's 
most likely enemy. Australia eventually 
had her way, and by the time the war 
broke out had already created a respect- 
able navy of her own. It was an Aus- 
tralian cruiser, H. M. A. S. Sydney, 
which finally disposed of the German 
raider Emden. The concentration of the 
British fleet in home waters also neces- 
sitated relying upon the Japanese Navy 
for a great deal of convoy and patrol 
work in the Pacific and Indian Oceans. 
Other defense resolutions adopted in 
London call for the development of a co- 
ordinated and standardized empire-wide 
system of producing munitions and other 
war supplies. 

Plans for Economic Union 

Most advance was made in laying the 
foundations of future economic union. 
On this subject the resolution adopted 
read in part: 

The time has arrived when all possible en- 
couragement should be given to the develop- 
ment of imperial resources, and especially to 
making the empire independent of other 
countries in respect of food supplies, raw ma- 
terials, and essential industries. With these 
objects in view, this conference expresses 
itself in favor of: 

(1) The principle that each part of the em- 
pire, having due regard to the interests of 
our allies, shall give specially favorable 
treatment and facilities to the produce and 
manufactures of other parts of the empire. 

(2) Arrangements by which intending emi- 



grants from the United Kingdom may be 
induced to settle in countries under the Brit- 
ish flag. 

Having regard to the experience obtained 
in the present war, this conference records 
its opinion that the safety of the empire and 
the necessary development of its component 
parts require prompt and attentive consid- 
eration, as well as concerted action, with re- 
gard to the following matters : 

(1) The production of an adequate food 
supply and arrangements for its transporta- 
tion when and where required, under any con- 
ditions that may reasonably be anticipated. 

(2) The control of natural resources avail- 
able within the empire, especially those that 
are of an essential character for necessary 
national purposes, whether in peace or in 
war. 

(3) The econonomical utilization of such 
natural resources through processes of man- 
ufacture carried on within the empire. 

That it is desirable to establish In London 
an Imperial Mineral Resources Bureau, upon 
which should be represented Great Britain, 
the dominions, India, and other parts of the 
empire. 

All the members of the Imperial War 
Conference signed an address to the 
King, which they presented in person 
on May 3. Part of the address read: 

We further considered steps that may be 
required to insure that victory may not be 
lost by unpreparedness in times of peace, 
and so to develop'the resources of the empire 
that it may not be possible hereafter for an 
unscrupulous enemy to repeat his outrages 
on liberty and civilization. We shall return 
to our homes inspired by the magnificent 
efforts put forth by all classes of your 
Majesty's subjects throughout the world, 
confident that the trials and sacrifices borne 
in common must draw still closer the bonds 
of imperial unity and co-operation, each in 
its own sphere, to leave nothing undone 
which may tend for the honor and welfare 
of your Majesty and your dominions. 

Prime Minister Lloyd George made an 
important statement in the House of 
Commons on May 17 when he announced 
that in future the Imperial Conference 
would meet annually, instead of every 
four years, as heretofore, and that at 
the conclusion of the war there would be 
a special conference to adjust the con- 
stitutional relations of the empire. The 
new Imperial Council would be composed 
of the British Prime Minister, other 
British Cabinet Ministers concerned with 
imperial affairs, the Prime Ministers of 
the Dominions, and a specially accredited 
representative of India, with equal au- 
thority. 



Britain's Fight on Food Shortage 

Public Meals Order, April 15, 1917 



EJD DEVONPORT, the British Food 
Controller, after trying various 
methods for voluntary conservation 
of food, finally issued an official 
order compelling the observation of meat- 
less and potatoless days in hotels and 
restaurants throughout the United King- 
dom, beginning April 15, 1917. The text 
of this order is as follows: 

In exercise of the powers conferred upon 
him by, Regulation 2F of the Defense of the 
Realm Regulations, and of all other powers 
enabling him in that behalf, the Food Con- 
troller hereby orders as follows : 

1. Except under the authority of the Food 
Controller the following regulations as to 
foodstuffs shall be observed in every inn, 
hotel, restaurant, refreshment house, club, 
boarding house, and place of refreshment 
open to the general public, (hereinafter re- 
ferred to as a public eating place,) and by 
every person having the management or con- 
trol thereof. 

2. (a) No meat, poultry, or game shall be 
served or eaten on any meatless day. The 
meatless day in the area comprising the City 
of London and the Metropolitan Police Dis- 
trict shall be Tuesday, and elsewhere in the 
United Kingdom shall be Wednesday in every 
week. 

(b) No potatoes or any food of which pota- 
toes form part shall be served or eaten on 
any day except on meatless days and on Fri- 
days. 

3. The total quantities of meat, flour, bread, 
and sugar used in or by any public eating 
place in any week shall not exceed the gross 
quantities ascertained in accordance with the 
following scale of average quantities per 
meal: 

.SCALE I. 

Meat. Sugar. Bread. Flour. 
Oz. Oz. Oz. Oz. 

Breakfast 2 2.7 2 

Luncheon (including 

middle day dinner).. 5 2.7 2 1 

Dinner (including sup- 
per and meat tea)... 5 2.7 2 1 
Tea 2.7 2 

4. The following provisions shall have effect 
as to weight : (a) Two ounces of poultry 
and game to be reckoned as one ounce of 
meat. (b) The weight of meat to be the un- 
cooked weight, including bone as usually de- 
livered by the butcher, and the weight of 
poultry and game shall be the uncooked 
weight, as usually delivered by the poulterer, 
without feathers or without skin, as the case 
may be, but including offal, (c) Twenty-five 



per cent, to be added to the weight of meat 
delivered cooked into the public eating place, 
and 50 per cent, when delivered cooked and 
without bone. 

(a) Four ounces of bread to be reckoned 
as three ounces of flour. 

(b) Cakes, biscuits, pastries, confectionery, 
and similar articles, when the ingredients 
are not otherwise brought into account, to be 
reckoned as containing 30 per cent of flour 
and 20 per cent, of sugar by weight. 

5. In reckoning the quantities of meat, 
sugar, bread, and flour for meals served, no 
account shall be taken of any meal which be- 
gins before 5 A. M. or after 9:30 P. M., or, in 
respect of the meat allowance, of any meal 
which is served on a meatless day. 

6. None of the foregoing provisions of this 
order except Article 2 (b) relating to potatoes 
shall apply to food served over the ^counter 
of a buffet at a railway station. 

7. This order shall not apply to : (a) Any 
boarding house where the number of bed- 
rooms let and available for letting does not 
exceed ten; or (b) any public eating place 
where no meal is served the total charge for 
which (exclusive of the usual charges for 
beverages) exceeds Is. 3d., and where there 
is exhibited on every tariff card, and also in 
a conspicuous position in every room where 
meals are usually served, a notice to the 
effect that no such meal Vill be served. 

8. The person or persons having the man- 
agement of any public eating place shall for 
the purposes of this order keep a register in 
the form prescribed by the Food Controller, 
and shall also keep invoices, vouchers, and 
such other documents relating to foodstuffs 
purchased and used, meals served, and other 
matters as the Food Controller may from 
time to time prescribe. 

9. For the purposes of this order, the ex- 
pression " meat " includes butcher's meat, 
sausages, ham, pork, bacon, venison, and pre- 
served and potted meats, and other meats of 
all kinds, but does not include suet, lard, or 
dripping. The expression " poultry and 
game " includes rabbits and hares, and any 
kind of bird killed for food. The expression 
" flour " shall mean any flour for the time 
being authorized to be used in the manu- 
facture of wheaten bread. The expression 
" week " shall mean a calendar week ending 
on a Saturday midnight. 

10. The Regulation of Meals Order, 1916, is 
hereby revoked as on the date when this order 
comes into force. 

11. If any person acts in contravention of 
this order or aids or abets any other person 
in doing anything in contravention of this 
order, that person is guilty of a summary 
offense against the Defense of the Realm 



150 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Regulations, and if such person is a company 
every Director and officer of the company is 
also guilty of a summary offense against 
those regulations unless he proves that the 
contravention took place without his knowl- 
edge or consent. 

12. (a) This order may be cited as the 
Public Meals Order, 1917. (&) This order 
shall come into force on April 15, 1917. 

An official summary of other food 
regulations issued by Lord Devonport 
was sent to the United States Govern- 
ment on May 25, as follows : 

No trader, in selling an article, may im- 
pose a condition involving the purchase of any 
other article. No person may acquire supplies 
of food beyond the needs of his ordinary con- 
sumption. 

A tradesman shall not sell any article of 
food where he has reasonable ground for be- 
lieving that the quantity ordered is in excess 
of requirements. The Food Controller may 
order the inspection of premises in which he 
has reason to believe that hoarding is taking 
place. 

The maximum price of wheat is fixed at 78 
shillings per quarter of 480 pounds ; of barley 
(other than kiln dried) at 65 shillings per 
quarter of 400 pounds, and of oats at 55 shil- 
lings per quarter of 312 pounds. 

The extraction of flour from wheat is raised 
to a basis of 81 per cent. ; the percentage of 
flour from other cereals to be mixed with 
wheaten flour must not be less than 10 per 
cent, and not more than 25 per cent. Barley, 
maize, oats, and rice may be used in the 
manufacture of bread, but when wheaten 
flour is used it must not be of the regulation 
grade. Bread must not be sold until it has 
been made at least twelve hours. The only 
loaves allowed are the tin loaf and the one- 
piece oven-bottom loaf. No currant, sultana, 
or milk bread may be made. No sugar may 
be used in bread. 

All bread must be sold by weight. All 
loaves must be one pound or an even number 
of pounds. No wheat, rye, rice, "tapioca, 
sago, manioc, or arrowroot or products there- 
of may be used except for human food. No 
bread or other product of cereals shall be 
Wasted. No maize, barley, or oats or products 
thereof may be used except for human or 
animal food. 

The Food Controller has taken over all flour 
mills of the United Kingdom which use 
Wheat in the making of flour, except those 
with an output of less than five sacks per 
hour. 



No chocolate may be sold or bought retail 
at a price exceeding 3 pence per ounce, or any 
other sweetmeats at a price exceeding 2 pence 
per ounce. The quantity of sugar used by 
manufacturers other than of jam, marmalade, 
or condensed milk is reduced to 40 per cent, 
of the 1915 supply. 

The maximum retail price of milk is 2 pence 
a quart over the price on the 15th of the 
same month in 1914. 

No tea may be packed other than the net 
weight. After July 1 all tea sold at retail, 
whether contained in a package or not, shall 
be sold by net weight. Forty per cent, of the 
total imports of tea from India and Ceylon 
are allocated for the purpose of the sale re- 
tail at 2 shillings 4 pence per pound. An ar- 
rangement has also been made with the 
Coffee Trade Association to supply a good, 
sound, pure coffee at a rate which would en- 
able grocers to sell retail at 1 shilling 6 pence 
a pound. 

The Food Controller has taken over all bar- 
ley, foreign and home grown, other than 
home-grown barley which has not been 
kiln dried. The output of beer is limited to 
the rate of 10,000,000 barrels per annum, as 
compared with 36,000,000 barrels before the 
war. The manufacture and sale of malt, or 
its use by other than a brewer for sale, is 
prohibited. 

Any infringement of an order made by the 
Food Controller is a SHmmary offense under 
the Defense of the Realm Regulations, and 
the offender is liable to imprisonment for 
six months, with or without hard labor, or a 
fine of 100, or both. 

The order of April 15, it was esti- 
mated, would produce a saving of 65 per 
cent, on meat, 53 per cent, on bread, and 
63 per cent, on sugar, as compared with 
the consumption under preceding regula- 
tions. 

Lord Devonport's new measures were 
subjected to bitter criticism. On May 8, 
in the course of an interpellation in Par- 
liament, he announced the withdrawal of 
the meatless feature of the order on the 
ground that it was found to increase the 
consumption of breadstuffs, the most im- 
portant item in the whole food-shortage 
situation. 

On June 1, 1917, Baron Devonport re- 
signed his difficult and thankless position 
as Food Controller. 



Food Restrictions in France Use of 
Horse Meat 



IN France the task of combating the 
universal food shortage is in the 
hands of Maurice Viollette, the Minis- 
ter of Subsistence. On April 22, 1917, 
he issued an order that there should be 
one meatless meal each day. The meas- 
ure was adopted as an experiment, with 
notice that if it was not successful two 
meatless days would have to be insti- 
tuted. It was not successful. On May 
17 a new order appeared in the Journal 
Officiel regulating the sale and con- 
sumption of meat, as follows: 

1. Monday and Tuesday shall be meatless 
days. 

2. On those two days of the week it is for- 
bidden with the exception named below to 
sell meat of any kind, including tripe, fowl, 
and rabbit. 

3. It shall be permissible, however, to sell 
horse meat every day in the week. 

4. These measures apply to all France. 
Certain modifications are allowed in 

cases of illness, and special arrange- 
ments are made for shipping meat to 
the troops. Butcher shops selling 
horse meat exclusively may do business 
on the meatless days, but the consump- 
tion of horse meat is not allowed in res- 
taurants on those days. 

Restrictions regarding the use of flour 
were embodied by M. Viollette in the fol- 
lowing order, issued May 1, 1917. In a 
report accompanying the decree he stat- 
ed that a census of food stocks had 
shown the necessity for scrupulous econ- 
omy and that the measures adopted were 
intended to apportion the existing sup- 
plies to the real needs of the people 
with the least possible inconvenience to 
any class: 

Article 1. Beginning 1 on May 10, 1917, mil- 
lers are forbidden to send from their mills or 
to place on sale any wheat flour comprising 
less than 85 per cent, of the wheat used to 
make it. Besides this flour it shall be lawful 
to sell only bran and the waste from wheat 



grains found unfit for milling. Mixtures of 
substitute flours with wheat flour, author- 
ized by Article 14 of the order of April 8, 
1917, will be made with the flour prescribed 
by the present article. 

Article 2. From the date of publication of 
this order millers are also forbidden to de- 
liver flour to any one except bakers and 
farmers who have brought their wheat to the 
mill to be ground ; except, however, that this 
interdiction, shall not apply to makers of 
health foods and the like, save to the extent 
determined by rules fixed by the Food Con- 
troller. S'emoules must be made of Winter 
wheat and be delivered to pastry makers un- 
der regulations established by the said Min- 
ister. 

Article 3. Biscuit factories shall henceforth 
work only for the needs of the army, navy, 
merchant marine, and Department of Public 
Aid, in accordance with the conditions pre- 
scribed under the order of April 19, 1917. 
They are, however, permitted to exhaust 
their stocks, though without raising the pres- 
ent prices of their products. 

Article 4. Bakers alone are authorized to 
sell wheat flour at retail in quantities not 
exceeding 125 grams. 

Article 5. Save for the exceptions provided 
in Articles 2, 3, and 4, wheat flour cannot be 
employed henceforth for any other purpose 
than the making of bread. Consequently, 
within ten days after the publication of the 
present order every mercantile holder of 
wheat flour must dispose of it to a baker or 
place it at the service of the Mayor, who 
will attend to reimbursing the holder. 

Article 6. Within the same period of ten 
days every baker is expected to place on file 
at the Mayor's office of the town in which 
he does business, the name of the miller or 
millers from whom he intend^ to get his 
flour ; he cannot be supplied by any other 
miller, save by authorization of the prefect 
or sub-prefect. 

Article 7. Within the same ten days the 
owners, directors, or managers of hotels, 
restaurants, buffets, and other similar es- 
tablishments- must declare at the Mayor's 
office the name of the baker or bakers from 
whom they will get their supplies; they. can- 
not buy of any other baker save with the 
authorization of the prefect or sub-prefect. 
All bakers are forbidden to sell to any other 
establishment than those for which they are 
the regular caterers. 



Von Batocki's Bread- Card Methods 
in Germany 



ERMANY continued to suffer from 
the increasing scarcity of food dur- 
ing the months preceding the har- 
vest of 1917. Early in June the Food 
Controller, Herr von Batocki, said in a 
speech before the Reichstag : 

In certain provinces the potato crop is much 
poorer than the reports led us to expect. On 
the other hand, home consumption by the 
producers is insufficiently supervised. In the 
occupied territories the crops are a great dis- 
appointment to the German authorities, as 
seed will hardly germinate in ruined soil. Ru- 
mania has given as much as could be ex- 
pected, but it is less than was hoped for by 
the German population. The country is al- 
most completely ruined, and the harvest is 
much inferior to that raised in time of peace. 

With respect to Germany's allies, the situa- 
tion is not much better. For six years the 
Turks have struggled for their existence and 
their production has suffered thereby. The 
Bulgars are in a similar position. In Austria 
the situation is worse than in Germany. Hun- 
gary for three years has had poor crops. The 
rural population will be subjected to a severe 
trial. An effort has been made to spare 
small producers, but this can hardly con- 
tinue. Three-fourths of the pigs, two-thirds 
of the cows, and two-thirds of the potato 
crop are in the hands of the small producers. 
It is a hard trial, but the rural population 
will triumph by bearing in mind that the 
urban population last Winter suffered a still 
greater trial. 

In the discussion which followed, Deputy 
Schmidt, a Berlin Socialist, expressed the 
grievances of the city against the rural 
population. " Do the peasants know," he 
asked, " that*the urban population of the 
Palatinate is obliged to content itself with 
a quarter of a pound of potatoes daily for 
each person? " 

The Morgen Post of Berlin said that 
meat was completely lacking in the me- 
tropolis. In Baden, Minister of State 
Bodman indicated the possibility of meat- 
less weeks next Fall. Bavarian news- 
papers inserted the following notice: 

" In view of the extreme scarcity of 
potatoes and in view of the fact that 
Bavarian towns and industrial centres 
are suffering from this lack, an attempt 
will again be made to seize all the pota- 
toes available throughout the country." 
The Berlin authorities published an 



order forbidding the eating of pork on 
any day but Thursday because of the in- 
sufficiency of the stocks. The forging 
and theft of bread cards became a serious 
evil throughout Germany. In Berlin a 
tribunal condemned an individual to 
three months at hard labor for having 
stolen 20,000 bread cards. Five new 
establishments in which false bread cards 
were being, printed were discovered in 
Berlin. In Dresden there were frauds 
and speculations in flour. The news- 
papers asked if it would be possible to 
continue after Aug. 15 the meat ration 
of 500 grams, (17.5 ounces.) 

German Bread-Card System 

[This summary of the German bread-card 
system was prepared by a London newspaper 
writer with a view to its possible adoption 
in England.] 

All the ordinary requirements of every- 
day life are now distributed in Germany 
by means of the ticket system. The 
earliest of these tickets was for bread, 
and was adopted in the Spring of 
1915. It should be borne in mind 
that tickets do not confer on their hold- 
ers any legal right to the goods to which 
they refer. There is this difference, 
however, between bread and other tick- 
ets in Germany that while it was not 
always certain that the purchaser would 
be able to obtain butter, potatoes, meat, 
eggs, &c., he could generally rely on 
getting his bread ration. That was be- 
cause quite early in the war the Gov- 
ernment took all the wheat in the coun- 
try under its control. It stands to reason 
that any system of bread-ticket ration- 
ing must be preceded by such a course, 
for unless there is a central clearing 
house for supplies the whole system will 
break down. 

In Germany the Central Government 
decided what the bread rations should 
be, and issued the necessary regulations 
for their distribution; but the actual 
work of providing the population with 
tickets is undertaken by the local au- 
thorities, who are at liberty to adopt 



VON BATOCKI'S BREAD-CARD METHODS IN GERMANY 153 



any machinery for the purpose they 
may choose. In Greater Berlin local 
Bread Committees have been appointed 
by the various Borough Councils. There 
are 107 such committees in the Ger- 
man capital, and they have in hand 
the bread-ticket system. In the first 
place, it is the duty of house owners to 
make a return of all the people living 
in their houses who are entitled to tick- 
ets. The tickets are then issued to the 
house owners, whose duty it is to dis- 
tribute them among their tenants, ob- 
taining in each case a receipt which is 
returned to the Bread Committee. 

Tickets are usually issued for a month 
at a time, and in the early days com- 
plaints were loud about petty abuses. On 
the one hand, tenants deliberately gave 
unpopular landlords much unnecessary 
trouble by making them call several times 
for the delivery of the tickets and the 
return of the receipts. On the other 
hand, landlords penalized tenants in ar- 
rears with their rent by refusing to issue 
their tickets until the rent was paid. 

Tickets are non-transferable. Yet, 
though it is a criminal offense to utilize 
tickets to which the holder is not entitled, 
it is well-nigh impossible to prevent 
fraud. Tickets are often stolen, and bur- 
glaries at the offices of the Bread Com- 
mittees are frequent occurrences. But 
this evil can at least be overcome by 
great caution. Not so, however, another 
evil, which greatly weakens the whole 
system. Nothing can be done to check 
the illegal sale or bartering of tickets. 
It seems to be no infrequent occurrence 
for people in Germany to sell their bread 
tickets or exchange them for other sorts. 
Only a high sense of public duty can be 
effective here. It need hardly be added 
that unused tickets are expected to be 
returned to the Bread Committee. 

Besides the ordinary bread ticket there 
is in Germany a supplementary bread 
ticket. Three categories of the popula- 
tion receive rations over and above those 
generally current growing children, or- 
dinary factory workers who are away 
from home all day, (the so-called 
" heavy " workers,) and those engaged 
on particularly hard work, especially in 
mining and munition making, (the so- 



called "heaviest" workers.) The re- 
duced bread ration which came into force 
in Germany on April 15, 1917, was ac- 
companied by the abolition of the first 
category of supplementary tickets. The 
other two are issued to the different 
works and factories, where they are dis- 
tributed among the men qualified to re- 
ceive them. 

What happens if a bread ticket is lost? 
Local practice varies. Some towns will 
not replace lost tickets at all, while oth- 
ers will partially make good the loss on 
payment of a fee. But so much red tape 
is associated with the replacement that 
the possibility of constant fraud is re- 
duced to a minimum. Besides, too fre- 
quent applications for the restoration of 
lost tickets are bound to raise suspicions 
with the police. 

Another difficult problem is that of 
providing for the floating population, 
as, for instance, soldiers on leave, visitors, 
foreigners, and commercial travelers. 
Temporary visitors are granted bread 
tickets for the period of their stay in the 
locality, after satisfying the local Bread 
Committee of their bona fides, and pre- 
senting a certificate from their own Bread 
Committee or other local authorities 
issuing bread tickets. Travelers may ob- 
tain travelers' tickets, which are valid all 
over Germany. It should be noted that 
local bread tickets have currency only in 
the locality where they are issued, save 
only that all the South German States 
Bavaria, Baden, Saxony, and Alsace-Lor- 
raine have agreed to recognize each 
other's bread tickets. 

The form of the tickets varies in each 
locality^ The most common is what may 
be termed a central trunk surrounded 
by coupons, each with an amount of bread 
or flour imprinted upon it. The seller 
must sever the coupon for the amount 
sold, and return all the coupons to the 
Bread Committee. On the basis of these 
returns the committee determines the 
quantity of flour to be allowed to the dif- 
ferent bakers, each of whom is given a 
buying permit entitling him to receive his 
allotted share of flour from the whole- 
saler. 

The system as a whole suffers from 
two weaknesses which seem inherent, and 



154 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



it is a little difficult, therefore, to see 
how they can be overcome. The one is 
the control of the tickets. It is true that 
persons leaving the district are bound 
to notify the Bread Committee, just as 
the committee is also informed of all the 
deaths in the neighborhood. But German 
experience has been that in a great many 
cases removal notice is not given. What 
is the result? Unless the landlords are 
scrupulously careful the Bread Commit- 
tee goes on issuing bread tickets as be- 
fore, and improper use is made of them. 
Toward the end of 1916 it was felt that 
the number of illegal bread tickets in 
circulation in Germany was alarmingly 
large, and a census taken on Dec. 1, 1916, 
showed that there were four million more 
bread tickets in use than the total popu- 
lation warranted. 

Even greater is the second difficulty 
to deal satisfactorily with the pro- 
ducer, i. e., the farmer. If he is too 
much interfered with he may stop pro- 
ducing altogether. That obviously must 
be avoided at all costs. Hence a certain 
latitude is allowed the rural population 
in Germany in respect of bread rations. 
They are permitted to consume more 
bread than the town population. This 
has been the cause of great bitterness in 
Germany no less than in Austria and in 
Hungary. In the last-named country it 
has been necessary to keep a tight hold 
on the farmers. In the first place they 
did not always thrash the whole of their 
corn. In the second, by collusion with 



the local miller, they had more corn 
ground than their official permits al- 
lowed. In the third, by all manner of 
subterfuges, they fed their beasts on 
wheat fit for bread. It is asserted that 
these evils still exist in Hungary. 

So far as the consumer is concerned, 
he must have the assurance that when 
he presents his ticket to his tradesman 
the commodity will be forthcoming. 
Over and over again during the last two 
years buyers in Germany have had to 
leave the shops empty-handed. A sys- 
tem of ordering in advance has therefore 
been developed. The customer places 
his order with his tradesman, at the 
same time delivering up his bread- 
ticket coupon, for which he receives the 
tradesman's receipt. The tradesman is 
thus enabled to make provision in ad- 
vance for each day's business, and when 
the customer arrives he finds what he 
wants. But obviously the system is more 
adapted to better-class neighborhoods. 
Whether it will work effectively in 
poorer districts is questionable. More- 
over, it does not follow that, though the 
ration is fixed for the whole country, 
the quality of the bread is the same 
everywhere. 

At best, rationing by ticket is a make- 
shift. It undoubtedly minimizes in- 
equalities and reduces waste. But per- 
fect it cannot be, and, imperfect as it is, 
it needs a large staff for its execution 
and no little expenditure both on per- 
sonnel and on tickets. 



'The Year's Bravest Englishman" 

The Stanhope Medal of the Royal Humane Society was awarded recently 
to John Paxtor>, a marine fireman, for a remarkable feat of heroism. Some 
months ago his vessel was shelled and sunk by a German submarine in the Med- 
iterranean. In the hurry of leaving the vessel Paxton and three other men, 
none of whom could swim, were left behind. Immediate action was necessary, 
and Paxton, at once jumping overboard, called on the first man to follow, which 
he did, and Paxton swam with him to the nearest boat. Returning, he called on 
the second man, and he also was taken to a boat. Again Paxton came back, and 
in like manner rescued the third man, and this in spite of the high wind and 
rough sea. 

The medal is awarded annually for what is regarded as the bravest feat of 
the year. It was presented to Paxton by the Lord Mayor of Liverpool at the 
annual meeting of the Mercantile Marine Service Association in May. 



Jewish Liberty in Rumania 

King Ferdinand's Promise 



/CHARGES of ill-treatment of Jews 
\j in Rumania, where more than 
250,000 of that faith still live, have 
been frequent since the removal of the 
Rumanian capital to Jassy, and there 
have also been countercharges of pro- 
German intrigue in connection with Jews 
who remained in Bucharest under Ger- 
man rule. Agitation of the subject has 
now led to a clear and important promise 
of Jewish liberty by King Ferdinand. 

On May 11, 1917, a deputation from 
the Rumanian Jews in Jassy waited upon 
the King to present to him the assurance 
of their loyalty. The deputation re- 
counted the grievances of the native Jews 
and assured him that they would prove 
in all circumstances that they were an 
element of order, as sincerely devoted to 
their native land and to its ruler as was 
the case in countries where Jews enjoyed 
full equality. A note handed to the King 
begged him to take the native Jews under 
his protection. Accompanying the note 
was an appeal which the native Jews 
had distributed in Jassy on May 6. 

In this appeal the Jewish Committee 
set forth the wish for national unity and 
the victory of the allied armies; they de- 
nounced those among them who had 
shown that they did not share the pa- 
triotic views of the nation, and they stat- 
ed that they relied on the wisdom of the 
Rumanian people as regarded the solu- 
tion of their question. This manifesto 
laid stress on the decision arrived at by 
the Rumanian Jews at the beginning of 
the war not to increase the difficulties of 
the situation by raising their question at 
the present time. The manifesto con- 
cluded as follows : " Having confidence in 
our fellow-citizens, we will do our duty 
toward our country, sparing no sacrifice 
and taking into consideration nothing 
but the welfare of Rumania." 

King Ferdinand made the following re- 

piy: 

After having been long in close touch with 



the daily life of all classes of people in the 
country, I formed the conviction and I am 
pleased to bear testimony to the fact in the 
present circumstances that I was not mis- 
takenthat all the inhabitants of Rumanian 
soil, irrespective of differences of origin, of 
race, or of religion, were actuated by the 
same exalted ideas of fraternity. This fra- 
ternity and community of aspirations consti- 
tutes the surest guarantee for the future of 
the country and the realization of our na- 
tional ideal. One of the glorious character- 
istics of our native Princes was that, while 
preserving their faith in Its traditions, they 
permitted the existence and the celebration 
of all the religions of their subjects. King 
Carol was so faithful to this tradition that 
he, a Roman Catholic, requested that his 
body might be laid to rest in one of the old- 
est religious monuments belonging to the 
worship of our ancestors. 

I ascended the throne impressed with the 
same sentiments. When I undertook the 
task of uniting all Rumanians under the 
same flag I realized that that flag must be 
at the same time a symbol of the union and 
of the religious, political, and economic free- 
dom of all the sons of the Fatherland. All 
who have striven for the realization of the 
aspirations which Rumanians have enter- 
tained for so many ages, by shedding their 
blood, by enduring the difficulties and sacri- 
fices imposed by the war and invasion, 
whether they are Christians, Jews, or ad- 
herents of any other form of belief, will 
equally have a right to the gratitude of the 
country and to that of the King, and will 
enjoy equal rights in a free, great, and flour- 
ishing Rumania, closely united, all of us, 
under the folds of the national flag. 

A Jewish demonstration took place on 
May 13 in Odessa, Russia, where some 
thousands gathered in front of the Ru- 
manian Consulate to protest against re- 
cent ill-treatment of Jews in Rumania. 
The crowd elected delegates, one of 
whom presented to M. Grecianu, the 
Consul General, a written protest against 
the reported acts of violence. The Con- 
sul General telegraphed the protest to 
Jassy and communicated to the delegates 
a telegram from Jassy stating that the 
whole Jewish question was to be dealt 
with in the current session of the Ruma- 
nian Parliament. 



The War in Western Asia 

By James B. Macdonald 



BRITISH and Russian operations in 
Western Asia are widely dis- 
persed and appear to be uncon- 
nected, yet they are all concentric 
and tend to merge into a single campaign. 
Each and all have a common objective, 
and co-operation is secured through the 
higher commands being kept advised of 
the plans of the allied war council. To 
the latter they are units in a single cam- 
paign comprising the Russo-Siberian 
right wing in Armenia and Kurdistan, 
the Anglo-Indian centre operating from 
Bagdad, and the Anglo-Anzac left wing 
advancing through Palestine. 

The centre is thrusting as a javelin at 
Aleppo and the Cicilian Gate, and, inci- 
dentally, seeking to establish contact 
with the right wing beyond Mosul. Its 
Euphrates column will later co-operate 
effectively with the left wing in Syria. 
The operations of the centre are of su- 
preme interest, as they threaten to cut 
the Ottoman Empire in two. 

Kut-el-Amara did not fall to the Brit- 
ish for the second time as the issue of a 
hard-fought battle, but rather as the se- 
quence of a successful series of small 
tactical engagements. These were strict- 
ly in accordance with military maxims 
on minor tactics and are interesting in 
themselves. 

The Tigris, in its course below Bag- 
dad and until it passes beyond Kut-el- 
Amara, assumes a remarkable series of 
corrugations inclosing little peninsulas, 
some of which project into the side held 
by the British and others into the side 
held by the Turks. Kut-el-Amara itself 
is situated at the point of one of these 
peninsula projections which encroach 
upon the British side, and it was flanked 
on either side by a reverse salient penin- 
sula across which the Turks had in- 
trenched themselves to the next bend in 
the river. They could only protect the 
town in this way, because if they aban- 
doned these trenches the British, without 
crossing the river, could fire into Kut-el- 
Amara from three sides and make its re- 



tention impossible. As a further protec- 
tion, the Turks held some points of van- 
tage on a line running south from the 
Shamrun bend, which were so situated as 
to enfilade any direct assault upon the 
trenches and at the same time to circum- 
vent any flanking movement to the north. 

Fall of Kut-el-Amara 
Before daybreak on Feb. 15 British 
infantry rushed some ruins on their left 
flank, while the machine guns picked off 
the defenders as they retired. A heavy 
bombardment followed, and a direct as- 
sault was ordered upon the Ottoman 
right centre. As the infantry ap- 
proached, the Turks surrendered and the 
trenches were further extended by bomb- 
ing. Similar procedure in the afternoon 
secured the remainder of the trenches. 
The whole of the Dahra Peninsula, west 
of the town, had now been captured, with 
the exception that a few Turks still held 
out at the extreme tip. A'fter dark these 
were rushed and surrendered. Mean- 
while cavalry cleared the vantage ground 
to the south and west of the Shamrun 
bend. These tactical successes were no 
sooner achieved than the rain came down 
in torrents too late to save the Turks. 
Further operations were stopped for the 
time being. In all 1,995 prisoners were 
taken, which for a minor engagement 
compares with the 1,650 taken by General 
Townshend at the first battle of Kut-el- 
Amara, the 1,600 taken by him at Ctesi- 
phon, and the 2,080 taken at Amara. 

By way of diversion the operations 
were next resumed at the Sanna-i-yat 
Gap, some twenty miles away, and were 
so far successful that they drew the 
enemy's attention in that direction. Gen- 
eral Sir F. S. Maude now deemed it pos- 
sible to force a crossing of the Tigris 
River, which was then in flood, and 
planned accordingly. Early on the morn- 
ing of Feb. 23 covering parties were fer- 
ried across the river and others later in 
the day, while the resistance of the Turks 
was held down by artillery and machine- 
gun fire. When sufficient clearance had 



THE WAR IN WESTERN ASIA 



157 



been obtained, a pontoon bridge was 
thrown across the 400 yards of flooded 
river and troops streamed across. By 
next morning the neck of the Shamrun 
Peninsula had been captured and 544 
prisoners taken. Simultaneously the 
third and fourth line of trenches at 
Sanna-i-yat were taken by assault. 

The Turks, recognizing that the game 
was up, evacuated Kut-el-Amara and re- 
tired rapidly toward Baghela, their for- 
ward base, some twenty-four miles up- 
stream. 

Capture of Bagdad 

The Anglo-Indian cavalry and horse 
artillery rode hard for the enemy's right 
flank, while the infantry engaged his 
rear guard and the river gunboats ha- 
rassed his left. On the afternoon of Feb. 
26 the gunboats Tarantula, Mantis, and 
Moth passed the Ottoman Army in re- 
treat and inflicted heavy loss on it. They 
later captured a number of Turkish 
steamers and barges and recovered the 
gunboat Firefly, which had been aban- 
doned in the retreat from Ctesiphon in 
December, 1915. The pursuit on land 
was maintained, notwithstanding a sand 
Btorm, and came up with the Turkish rear 
guard at Lajj, who moved on when the 
Anglo-Indian vanguard attacked from 
three sides. The cavalry swept through 
Ctesiphon without opposition and drew 
rein six miles south of the Diala River, 
which joins the Tigris eight miles be- 
low Bagdad. Ctesiphon was the Winter 
capital of the Parthians, the redoubtable 
horsemen who checked the Roman power 
in the East. It was near here that the 
Roman Emperor Julian was defeated in 
363 A. D. and lost his life. On the oppo- 
site bank of the river are the ruins of 
Seleucia, the capital of the Syrian Kings 
who succeeded to the empire of Alexander 
the Great. 

The left wing of General Maude's 
army, under Sir Percy Lake, threw a 
bridge across the Tigris below its con- 
fluence with the Diala, and, crossing 
over, marched upon Bagdad. After a 
trying march of eighteen miles in the 
heat and dust they were confronted with 
the Turkish intrenchments six miles 
southwest of Bagdad. These were at- 
tacked at once and the defenders driven 



back upon their second line, two miles in 
the rear. 

Meanwhile, the centre and right v/ing 
under General Kearny met with consider- 
able resistance from the Turks on the 
Diala front, but succeeded in forcing a 
passage on the night of March 8, and 
improved their position next day. On 
March 10 a concerted assault on both 
sides of the river drove the Turks back 
upon the environs of Bagdad, and during 
the night they evacuated their defenses. 
At dawn next morning the British en- 
tered the city and recovered the guns 
surrendered at Kut-el-Amara. The 
Turks abandoned 500 of their wounded 
and two-thirds of their artillery. 

Bagdad is not of strategic importance, 
situated as it is in the centre of an open 
plain 200 miles wide and built on both 
sides of the Tigris. It is connected by 
canal with the Euphrates, which at this 
point is only twenty miles distant. This 
juxtaposition of the two rivers in relation 
to the City of Bagdad made it impossible 
for the Turks to retain their hold on the 
lower Euphrates above Nasiriyeh when 
their main force on the Tigris withdrew 
from Kut-el-Amara. The whole of the 
grain-bearing and irrigable lands of 
Babylonia, therefore, fell to the British 
with the capture of Bagdad. 

Civil Rule of Babylonia 
The British Commander in Chief issued 
a proclamation to the people of Bagdad 
stating inter alia: That the British and 
Bagdad merchants had traded for 200 
years with profit and mutual friendship; 
that the Turks since the time of Midhat 
Pasha had been profuse with promises of 
reform and barren of performances; and 
that the Germans during the twenty 
years they had been in Bagdad had made 
of it a centre from which to assail the 
great British Raj and the mighty Rus- 
sian Empire. It concludes by emphasiz- 
ing that the British Government cannot 
permit this to happen again in Bagdad 
and calls upon the inhabitants to co-ope- 
rate with the British civil authorities 
who will now administer the country. 

The Flight from Persia 
The Persian boundary hills rise ab- 
ruptly from the Mesopotamian plain like 
a natural wall 4,000 to 5,000 feet high. 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



o so /oo zoo 300 

RAILWAYS OPCN \ \ H RAILWAYS fmxc 
BATTLE LINC3 




A/V WU 
SCENE OF BRITISH AND RUSSIAN OPERATIONS IN WESTERN ASIA 



In this respect they resemble the Hima- 
layas in India, although not so high or 
BO steep. From the western plain two 
tolerable roads penetrate this mountain 
barrier, but they are tolerable only in a 
comparative sense. One is the caravan 
route from Mosul to Tabriz, and the 
other is the caravan route from Bagdad 
to Teheran via Kermanshah and Hama- 
dan. These boundary hills are inhabited 
by the Kurds, a brave and warlike race 
who, in the present war, have thrown in 
their lot with the Turks, but as they ac- 
knowledge neither Shah nor Sultan as 
their suzerain the political boundary be- 
tween Turkey and Persia in these parts 
has little meaning. 

East of the Kurd country the hills 
sink down into the Iran Plateau, and 
there the roads are better, although dif- 
ficult in places. 

The most westerly of the Persian main 
roads is the one running north and south 



from Tabriz to Kermanshah, where it 
connects at right angles with the Bag- 
dad-Teheran caravan route. The Turk- 
ish contingents in Persia were spread 
out along these roads when the order of 
recall reached them after their main 
army commenced its retreat from Kut-el- 
Amara. One detachment was away to 
the east of Hamadan, while another was 
north of Sakhiz. Both had to fall back 
beyond the crossroads at Kermanshah, 
and if their arrival at that place did not 
synchronize then the laggard would be 
cut off by the Russian vanguard pursu- 
ing the leading contingent. This actual- 
ly happened. The retreat of the Hama- 
dan contingent was so rapid probably 
due to the defection of the Kurds that 
the Russians entered Kermanshah before 
the Sakhiz contingent had arrived. The 
latter, therefore, were cut off and took 
to the Kurd hills. 

Meanwhile the Indian Government has 



THE WAR IN WESTERN ASIA 



159 



re-established order and stable condi- 
tions within the British sphere of influ- 
ence in Southern Persia. Sir Percy 
Sykes, with an Indian escort, marched 
from Bander Abbas to Ispahan and later 
to Teheran a journey of over a thou- 
sand miles overland. His mission was 
to establish a Government in Persia 
satisfactory to the Entente, and to raise 
a force of military gendarmerie under 
Anglo-Indian officers. Both objects 
have been attained. 

Invasion of Palestine 

The British Army from Egypt under 
General Sir Archibald Murray, formerly 
Chief of the General Staff, having laid 
down a military railway across the Sinai 
Desert to Rafa on the Turkish bor- 
der, embarked upon the invasion of Pal- 
estine. The topography of the country, 
which is familiar to Biblical students, left 
no doubt as to the route they would take 
even had there not been the historical 
precedent of Napoleon's march from 
Gaza to Acre in 1799, where he was re- 
pulsed after a 61-day siege by the Turk- 
ish garrison under old Djezzar Pasha, 
assisted by a British naval contingent 
under Sir Sidney Smith. The whole of 
the western side of Palestine is an open 
plain bordering upon the Mediterranean 
and flanked on the east by the hills of 
Hebron, Jerusalem, and Gibeon. What- 
ever sentimental interest may attach to 
the famous City of Jerusalem, it is not 
a military objective in the present carri- 
paign; the immediate purpose is to seize 
Damascus and Beirut, and join hands 
with the left wing of General Maude's 
army in Mesopotamia. 

The invasion of Palestine commenced 
with a march of fifteen miles to the 
Wadi Ghuzzeh, a river five miles south 
of Gaza, with the object of advancing 
the railhead. The river was reached 
without opposition, but as the Turks 
seemed undecided to stand, and it Was 
desirable to hold them, General Sir 
Charles Dobell, in command of the ad- 
vance forces, decided to strike for the 
town of Gaza. A dense fog delayed the 
advance, and then the water supply gave 
out, so that the contemplated manoeuvre 
had to be abandoned, and a^ defensive 
position was taken up midway between 



Gaza and the river. The Turks, with 
20,000 men, attacked on March 27, but 
were repulsed everywhere with heavy 
loss. The British camelry corps com- 
pletely outfought the Turkish cavalry 
and captured a General and the entire 
divisional staff of the Fifty-third Turkish 
Division. The Turkish losses are esti- 
mated at 8,000 men, including 950 pris- 
oners, and two Austrian howitzers were 
captured. The British losses are given 
as 400 dead, 200 missing believed to 
have fought their way into Gaza and 
been cut off and wounded not stated. 
Their advance column retired on the 
river, leaving the camelry in contact 
with the Turks, who showed no disposi- 
tion to renew the attack. 

Gaza has been prominent in the world's 
history. It was near here that Selim I. 
of Turkey decisively defeated the Sul- 
tan of Egypt in 1517 and led to the Otto- 
man acquisition of that country. After 
the Generals of Alexander the Great dis- 
agreed as to how they should divide his 
empire among themselves, Ptolemy 
gained a sweeping victory over Deme- 
trius, the son of Antigonus, at Gaza in 
312 B. C., and this enabled Selucus Ni- 
cator, then a refugee in Egypt, to re- 
turn to his satrapy at Babylon and re- 
gain most of the dominion of his great 
predecessor. 

British Aim in Palestine 
Syria in bygone days has been con- 
quered by Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes, 
Persians, Macedonians, Seleucidae, Ro- 
mans, Arabs, Egyptians, Mongols, and 
Turks, but never in its long history have 
such large armies been aligned for bat- 
tle as are now contending for its pos- 
session. To meet the new invasion the 
Turks have 120,000 men deeply dug in 
between Gaza and Beersheba, while 
another army is protecting them from a 
flank attack upon their communications 
by the Anglo-Indian force ascending the 
Euphrates. The Turks consider Syria 
and Palestine of vital importance to 
them not so much that it threatens 
Egypt as that it is a necessary point 
d'appui for recovering the holy cities of 
Mecca and Medina from the Arabs; Je- 
rusalem, also, is a sacred city as well 



160 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



to the Moslems as to the Christians and 
Hebrews. 

The British, on the other hand, are 
committed to the policy of setting free 
the Semitic races in Arabia, Palestine, 
Mesopotamia, and Syria from Turkish 
domination, and this policy marches with 
their own interests in safeguarding 
India and Egypt. The collapse of Rus- 
sia, whether temporary or otherwise, 
will not deter them from their purpose, 
for India is set on removing the Teuton 
menace and ending the religious and 
rapacious prestige of the Turks. India 
is specially interested in the Euphrates 
and Tigris Valleys, and her troops are 
mainly operating in this theatre. Im- 
perial and oversea troops only are en- 
gaged in the Holy Land. 

The Russian revolution, coinciding 
with the Ottoman defeats in Palestine 
and Mesopotamia, enabled the Turks to 
withdraw troops from Armenia and the 
eastern front and send them to oppose 
the British. This had the immediate 
effect of checking the progress of the 
latter until they, too, could be reinforced. 
Particularly it affected the position in 
Palestine and caused a reversion to trench 
warfare. Gaza is now a modern fort- 
ress flanked by trenches and command- 
ing eminences as far as Beersheba. The 
country to the south of Gaza is an open 
plain traversed by the Waddy Guzzeh, 
(River Gaza,) which at present is dry, 
although at times a raging torrent. To 
the west are sand dunes reaching to the 
Mediterranean, and to the east a range 
of hills. 

At daybreak on April 17 the British 
advance began under cover of an en- 
filade fire from a warship and the usual 
field artillery preparation. The Turkish 
advance positions were captured on a 
front of over six miles. Next day advan- 
tage was taken of a duststorm to rush up 
supplies to the front while the movements 
of the motor transport were obscure to 
the opposing artillery, and the following 
morning the bombardment of the main 
position commenced. The infantry at- 
tack was only partially successful, and, 
although continued next day, was not 
pushed home, as the frontal position was 
apparently too strong for direct assault. 



A Turkish counterattack in one section 
of the front by 3,000 infantry and 800 
cavalry was broken up through a squad- 
ron of British airplanes dropping forty- 
seven bombs directly on them. When 
last seen the Turkish cavalry was still 
flying. Reinforcements have since 
reached the British commander. 

Strategic Considerations 
After the fall of Bagdad, the Turks 
had the choice of two routes along which 
to retreat either to ascend the Tigris 
to Mosul or the Euphrates to Aleppo 
and they decided to take both. The Eu- 
phrates Valley had been the old cara- 
van road between Syria and Mesopotamia 
for 3,000 years, and it offered the best 
march, yet it had few natural defenses 
to impede a pursuing enemy. Neverthe- 
less, it was necessary to send some troops 
by this route to delay the British as 
long as possible while fresh troops were 
being assembled for the defense of Alep-; 
po, the Amanus Tunnel, and the commu- 
nications of the Syrian Army. On the 
other hand, the only hope of extricating 
the Turkish contingent in Persia was 
for the main army to retire up the Tigris 
and attempt to hold on the headwaters 
of the Diala River until such time as 
a reunion had been effected with their 
detached wing. The railway had been 
completed from Bagdad to Samara, but 
there was nothing in the way of rolling 
stock except the construction outfit. Be- 
yond Tekrit a range of hills runs south- 
east toward the Diala River in the direc- 
tion of Khanikin, whence the Persian 
column might be expected to emerge. 
Here the Turks decided to make a stand. 

In Upper Mesopotamia 
Sir Stanley Maude's operations from 
Bagdad are projected upon five lines of 
advance. His left wing crossing the 
intervening space between the two rivers 
from which Mesopotamia takes its 
name seized Feluja on the Euphrates 
as its starting point. Its immediate pur- 
pose is to ascend that river and hold the 
crossroads at El Deir, which lead to 
Damascus, Horns, Aleppo, Urfa, Mosul, 
and Bagdad. Possession of El Deir would 
afford opportunities for striking at the 
main communications of the Turks in 



THE WAR IN WESTERN ASIA 



161 



Syria and Mesopotamia, since these are 
both based upon Aleppo, which itself is 
threatened by this column. The direc- 
tion of this blow will depend upon the 
measure of success attained by the other 
columns in Southern Palestine and the 
Tigris Valley. Holding the interior posi- 
tion with good lateral communications 
by means of which one column can assist 
its neighbor, the strategic advantage lies 
with the British. Midway between Bag- 
dad and El Deir lies Hit, where there are 
important oil wells in which Anglo-Dutch 
capital is interested. 

The right wing of General Maude's 
army was assigned the duty of clearing 
the Turks from the caravan route be- 
tween Bagdad and Persia, and further to 
endeavor to hold up the retreat of their 
army corps in Persia before it could 
escape through the famous pass known 
as " the gate of Zagros." This object it 
was the aim of the opposing Turkish 
commander to frustrate. In consequence, 
the whole of the British centre and right 
wing became engaged with the enemy at 
widely dispersed points. The route 
mapped out for the Anglo-Indian centre 
was for one column to advance direct on 
Mosul by the road alongside the Tigris, 
but to keep in alignment with the other 
columns, and for another to take the road 
to Kifri and Erbil, which lies midway 
between the Tigris and the Kurd hills. 
This last road strikes the caravan route 
from Mosul to Tabriz in rear of where 
the Turks are holding up the main Rus- 
sian left wing near Rivanduz and pre- 
venting a junction between the main 
allied armies. 

The scheme then was for an advance 
in force by the centre upon Mosul and 
Rivanduz along three parallel routes, 
while the right wing secured the Bagdad 
caravan way into Persia, and the left 
wing ascended the Euphrates to El Deir 
and awaited further orders. 

The Ottoman forces were disposed as 
follows: The Thirteenth Army Corps on 
both banks of the Tigris, the Eighteenth 
Army Corps between the Tigris and Diala 
Rivers, the Sixth Army Corps retiring 
from Persia by the Bagdad caravan 
route, and another force withdrawing 
before the British on the Euphrates. The 



Jeb-el-Hamrin hills lay diagonally on 
the flank of General Maude's line of 
march on Mosul, and by holding them the 
Turks reckoned not only to delay his ad- 
vance but to enable their Sixth Army 
Corps to make good its escape by taking 
a bypath through the mountains from 
Kasr-i-Shirin to Kifri in rear of their 
left flank. These expectations were 
borne out, but under severe punishment, 
and it remains to be seen whether in sav- 
ing the small force in Persia they have 
not compromised their whole army. 

Open warfare prevails in this theatre 
and the scenes change rapidly. The ope- 
rations consequently are of particular in- 
terest to military students. While pro- 
gression may appear to be slow on the 
Tigris and in Syria, such delaying tactics 
may be considered by the British as an 
advantage provided their Euphrates col- 
umn is making good progress toward the 
vital communications of the enemy. This 
is an unknown but all-important factor. 
Meanwhile, we may record the actual 
progress of the Tigris column. 

The Advance on Mosul 
The short section of the Bagdad Rail- 
way, which from this end is completed as 
far as Samara, about seventy miles up 
stream, is built on the west bank of the 
Tigris, but the road to that town follows 
the east bank part of the way. The 
Tigris and its tributary, the Diala, take 
parallel courses, about fifteen miles dis- 
tant, as they approach Bagdad, and the 
road to Persia, as well as the one to the 
north, both emerge from this narrow area 
with the Tahwila Canal separating them. 
All these roads were made use of by 
General Maude in his advance from Bag- 
dad. His left centre, on the west bank 
of the Tigris, came up with the enemy's 
rearguard holding a ridge covering the 
railway station of Mushaidie, and at- 
tacked it during the night of March 14. 
The engagement was continued next day, 
when the position was carried and three 
Turkish divisions defending it retired to 
the north. 

Simultaneously, the right wing crossed 
the Diala to the east bank and seized 
the town of Bakuba, through which the 
main caravan road runs to Khanikin 
on the Persian border. They also se- 



162 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



cured the village of Bahriz, through 
which a subsidiary road runs through 
Mendeli into Persia. 

Meanwhile, the Russians in Persia 
under General Baratoff continued their 




REGION OF RUSSIAN OPERATIONS 

pursuit of the Sixth Turkish Army Corps, 
which had been recalled after the retreat 
from Kut-el-Amara began, and occupied 
Kirind on March 17. The Turkish left 
fell back toward Khanikin to cover the 
retirement of the Sixth Army Corps. The 
converging Anglo-Russian armies en- 
countered considerable natural difficul- 
ties, for while the Indian troops on the 
plain were delayed by numerous small 
canals and rivers, the Russians were 
traversing snow-clad mountains and con- 
fronted with the formidable obstacle of 
the Paitak Pass to the east of Kasr-i- 
Shirin. The Turks in the foothills were 
assembled in strength, for they were 
battling to avoid the surrender of their 
Sixth Army Corps, whose retreat was 
precarious unless the British advance 
could be delayed. After numerous en- 
gagements the British right pushed on, 
and Shahroban was occupied, fifty-five 
miles northeast of Bagdad. The Otto- 
man centre now advanced and the op- 



posing forces clashed near Deltawa, 
when the Turks were repulsed and retired 
across the River Adhaim, a tributary of 
the Tigris. The British centre continued 
its advance and entered Deli Abbas on 
March 31. 

Tb< Turkish Sixth Army Corps, in the 
meantime, was approaching Kasr-i- 
Shirin, whence their escape was assured 
by a side track to Kifri. When they 
took the latter road, a squadron of Rus- 
sian Cossacks sped on along the caravan 
route and established contact with the 
Indian cavalry on April 2. The main 
Russian column deflected its course in an 
endeavor to intercept the Turkish left 
wing, which was falling back before the 
British, but they were held up at the 
crossing of the Diala. Persia is now free 
of the Ottoman invasion, although some 
small contingents were cut off in the re- 
retirement and sought refuge in the Kurd 
hills to the west of Bana. 

While these events were in progress 
the Anglo-Indian column on the west 
bank of the Tigris fought the Turks out 
of Balad Station, some fifty miles north 
of Bagdad. General Maude, finding his 
advance to the north threatened by the 
Turkish concentration on his flank in the 
Jeb-el-Hamrin hills, manoeuvred to give 
them battle. On March 10 he ordered his 
advance detachments on the west bank 
of the Diala to fall back, whereupon the 
Turks, leaving the hills, pressed on after 
them. During the night General Maude 
dispatched another force from the east 
bank of the Tigris to the scene of action, 
and at daybreak a general engagement 
commenced against the Thirteenth Turk- 
ish Army Corps. The British artillery 
soon established an ascendency, but a 
mirage temporarily interrupted the duel. 

When the infantry was brought into 
action the enemy abandoned their posi- 
tions, ten miles northeast of Deltawa, 
and retired rapidly on the Jeb-el-Hamrin 
hills, leaving 300 dead on the field. 
Their casualties are reported as 700. The 
British centre now continued its march, 
and on the night of April 17 forced the 
passage of the River Adhaim, which was 
held by a detachment of the Eighteenth 
Turkish Army Corps; next day a battle 
ensued on the east bank of the Tigris, 



THE WAR IN WESTERN ASIA 



163 



when the Turks were again routed and 
1,250 prisoners taken, but their guns 
escaped, owing to the exhaustion of the 
pursuing cavalry from the intense heat 
and their arduous advance. 

Capture of Samara 

The operations of the next few days 
were directed against the enemy's posi- 
tions on the west bank of the Tigris be- 
tween Istabulat and Samara. Severe 
hand-to-hand fighting took place with 
numerous counterattacks, but in the end 
the Turks had to yield their carefully 
prepared intrenchments, together with a 
5.9 howitzer, 14 Krupp guns, and 687 
prisoners. Their demoralization was due 
to the enfilade fire of the British artil- 
lery posted on the east bank of the 
river and the threatening manoeuvres 
of the Indian cavalry on the other 
flank. 

On April 23 Anglo-Indian troops 
entered Samara, and at the railhead cap- 
tured 16 locomotives and 240 trucks, 
while in the town a large quantity of 
military stores and munitions was se- 
cured. The Bagdad-Samara railway is 
now entirely in the hands of the British 
and will soon be available to bring up 
munitions and supplies from Bagdad. 

The Turks depend on river transport 
from Mosul to meet their requirements, 
but this service is liable to constant at- 
tack from British flying squadrons. The 
Thirteenth Turkish Army Corps ven- 
tured to leave the Jeb-el-Hamrin hills in 
an attempt to relieve the pressure on their 



Eighteenth Army Corps, and, march- 
ing southwest, came in conflict with the 
British centre. A force detached from 
the latter made a night march on April 
24 and surprised an Ottoman division on 
the west bank of the River Adhaim, about 
seven miles north of its junction with the 
Tigris. The Turks were routed with the 
loss of 150 prisoners and many transport 
mules, ponies, and camels. 

A moving fight ensued for the next 
few days, while the Turks were falling 
back upon their prepared positions on 
either side of the River Adhaim where 
it issues from the Jeb-el-Hamrin hills, 
ome twenty-five miles southeast of Kifri. 
Early on the morning of April 30 the 
major portion of the British column, 
which had crossed the river during the 
night, stormed and carried the first two 
lines of the Turkish defenses, including a 
fortified village, but during a sandstorm 
they were driven out of the village, only 
to return and recapture it. The whole 
of the Thirteenth Turkish Army Corps 
then retired into the Jeb-el-Hamrin hills, 
covered by strong rearguards. Their 
known losses include 359 prisoners and 
182 dead. The prevailing duststorm 
seriously interfered with the artillery 
and flying corps, and facilitated the Otto- 
man retreat. 

The Eighteenth Turkish Army Corps, 
after its defeat at Samara, continued its 
flight to Tekrit, thirty-two miles further 
up stream. The total loss of this corps 
during the fighting from April 18 to 
April 22 is reported as 4,000. 



The British in the Promised Land 



W. T. Massey, war correspondent with 
the Desert Column in Egypt, ivrote to 
The London Times under date of March 
20, 1917: 

THE Promised Land! After twelve 
months' incessant toil in the Sinai 
Desert, sometimes fighting hard, al- 
ways digging, making military works, 
building railways, constructing pipe lines 
and roads, and forever marching over the 
heavy, inhospitable wastes, our troops 
have at last come into the Promised 
Land. 



What a marvelous change of scene! 
They are in Palestine. Behind them is 
a hundred miles and more of monotonous 
sand. Before them, as far as the eye 
can reach, is unfolded a picture of tran- 
scending beauty. No wonder, when the 
troops come up to Rafa and look over 
the billowy downs, they break into rounds 
of cheers. 

Before and around us everything is 
green and fresh. Big patches of barley, 
for which the plain south of Gaza is 
famous, shine like emeralds, and the im- 



164 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



mense tracts of pasture are today as 
bright and beautiful as the rolling downs 
at home. 

I have been out on a reconnoissance 
over ground evacuted by the Turks and 
toward positions which the enemy at 
present holds. The high minaret of Gaza 
showed itself to us from above the dark 
framework of trees inclosing the town. 
That mosque was formerly a Christian 
church built by the Knights Templars in 
the twelfth century, when the Crusaders 
fortified themselves within Gaza's walls, 
but Saladin drove them out. 

After many centuries, (Napoleon's 
hold on Gaza was merely temporary,) 
British forces are within sight of the 
town. Away on our right over the aban- 
doned Turkish stronghold of Wali Sheikh 
Narun is Beersheba, tucked in the plahi 
beneath the southern end of the hills of 
Judea. These two of the most ancient 
cities of Palestine it was in Gaza that 
Samson was betrayed by Delilah to the 
Philistines, and Abraham dug the " well 
of the oath " in Beersheba have been 
seen by some of our troops, and the Des- 
ert Column is exceeding glad. 

The Battle of Gaza 

The fighting for Gaza developed into 
a pitched battle and then settled into 
trench warfare. Following is Mr. Mas- 
sey's description of the battle of Gaza, 
written on April 21, 1917: 

The biggest battle in all Palestine's 
long history is being fought at Gaza by 
bodies of troops on both sides im- 
measurably larger than any armies 
which have taken part in the countless 
campaigns of the Holy Land. Though 
we have only fought the first phase, it 
is clear that we are engaged upon the 
hardest struggle in this age-worn battle 
area. We have gained our first line, 
which we are consolidating, but ap- 
parently there is a period of trench war- 
fare before us ere we reach the im- 
portant system of trenches which has 
lately been cut to turn Gaza into a 
modern fortress of great strength. We 
paid a price for our gains, but we in- 
flicted very heavy casualties on the 
Turks, whose counterattacks were re- 
pulsed with sanguinary losses. With the 
conditions pre-eminently favorable to the 



defense, an early decision before Gaza 
must not be expected. 

We had to dispose the British forces 
on a sixteen-mile front, practically the 
whole of which the Turks had intrenched 
deeply. The positions we had to attack 
on the Gaza front could not be stronger 
if the whole country had been built up 
for defense. There are sand dunes two 
miles deep between the sea and the 
town and an extraordinary variety of 
redoubts, trenches, and pits covering the 
western town, while Samson Ridge, 3,000 
yards to the southwest, is strongly held 
to secure the enemy observation posts. 

Southeast of Gaza there is a green 
plain a mile and a half wide and six miles 
deep inclosed on the sea side by sand 
dunes, on the north by the town, and the 
east by a range of hills running to Ali- 
muntar, the spot where Samson displayed 
his prodigious strength. The plain is 
intersected by the Wadi Ghuzze, a ravine 
with precipitous sides, through which the 
Winter rains on the Judea hills pour in 
terrific torrent to the sea. It is now dry, 
but crossings have been made for guns, 
cavalry, infantry, and supply columns. 
The northernmost part of the plain is 
covered with trenches protecting the 
town, and for two miles to the southeast 
of Alimuntar the enemy on the irregular 
hills and deep woods, at one spot, pre- 
pared an intricate system connected up 
with trenches of great defensive power. 

Mounted Troops Engaged 

Three miles due south of Alimuntar is 
Mansura Ridge, facing another important 
series of defenses. About a mile further 
to the east is Sheikh Abbas Ridge, 
backed by ground torn and cracked as if 
by an earthquake, and looking over the 
country rolling to the Beersheba road. 
East by south are the tiny villages of 
Sihan, Atawinieh, Aseiferieh, and Munk- 
heileh, near which our cavalry fought 
strong actions against infantry counter- 
attacking from Hareira Sharia. 

The whole country is extremely diffi- 
cult for cavalry, as it constitutes a con- 
tinuous bottle neck, full of deep ravines, 
but the part played by the mounted 
troops under these disadvantageous cir- 
cumstances was superb. Soon after day- 
break on April 17 our movement began. 



THE BRITISH IN THE PROMISED LAND 



165 



A war vessel assisted the shore batteries 
to cover a short advance of infantry to 
take up positions from which we might 
hope to secure our first objective at a 
subsequent date. The operations were 
brilliantly successful. We got to our 
mark on the sand dunes quickly, reached 
the positions in front in a few minutes, 
and took Sheikh Abbas Ridge by half- 
past 7, with remarkably small cas- 
ualties. The cavalry were out on the 
right during this blazing hot morning, 
but it was impossible to hide them owing 
to every movement raising dense columns 
of dust. A wet night would have been 
of immense advantage, but throughout 
the operations rain was denied to us. 

On April 18, while the country was ob- 
scured by dust clouds, we made ready 
for the next advance, sending much sup- 
plies forward. The whole terrain was 
covered with supply columns, and when 
the wind x(l ecrease d an enormous pall of 
dust hung over the area. An occasional 
motor rushing across country raised a 
trail of dust like steam issuing from an 
express train. Bombardment of the out- 
er trenches of Gaza began as the sun 
lifted over the black hills of Judea on 
the 19th. 

Infantry and a " Tan\ '* 

Infantry attacks were launched at 8:30 
o'clock. On the left they gained Samson 
Ridge and found the trenches full of 
Turkish dead. The enemy observation 
posts were seized. Toward Alimuntar 
and south of Gaza progress was more 
difficult and slower, but Scottish troops 
went forward with splendid steadiness 
under a desperately heavy machine-gun 
fire, and ultimately advanced 2,000 yards 
to Outpost Hill, south of Alimuntar, 
where they have consolidated their gains. 

There was also considerable progress 
from Sheikh Abbas Ridge. Between 9 
and 10 I saw a " tank " go into action 
against a green hill near a warren in 
front of the Alimuntar. She stood with 
her nose posted in the air across a 
trench, down which her crew poured 
rapid fire right and left. Then she 
crossed the trench and turned south. 
The Austrian gunners with the Turks 



soon found the range, and turned an 
immense volume of fire on the tank, 
which seemed completely surrounded by 
bursting high-explosive shells. For sev- 
eral minutes I lost sight of her, but 
presently she emerged, pursuing the un- 
even tenor of her way toward our lines. 
Then a second succession of rapid artil- 
lery fire again enveloped the tank. When 
the fire ceased she had disappeared. I 
thought she had been smashed to pieces. 
But I learned she dropped back into the 
trench we had captured. 

During the day, particularly in the 
afternoon, our mounted troops were 
heavily engaged. The Turks made five 
desperate counterattacks with infantry 
against the mounted troops and camel 
corps. Though inflicting considerable 
losses on us, they must have suffered 
very severe casualties. 

Heroic Camel Corps 

One heroic episode I did not see, but I 
repeat it from the evidence of compe- 
tent witnesses. It was an effort by sixty 
men of the Camel Corps. The enemy 
had concentrated considerable forces at 
one spot to break through. A junior of- 
ficer of the Camel Corps saw the prep- 
aration and took his men forward, with 
two machine guns, up a grassy slope, to 
prevent the advance, with absolutely no 
cover. His small party crept on stealth- 
ily, undeterred by a murderous machine- 
gun fire, in what was a forlorn hope. A 
tremendous shellfire fell about them, but 
the party, gradually becoming smaller 
through inevitable losses, pressed on un- 
til within 300 yards. The crest was lined 
with scores of machine guns and hun- 
dreds of riflemen. There they stopped, 
and kept the Turks from issuing to at- 
tack by sound and accurate bursts of fire 
every time the enemy showed themselves. 
For an hour and a half this gradually 
reduced band staved off attack until 
every one was hit. Most of them were 
killed, and the wounded fell into Turkish 
hands. It was too late in the day for 
the Turks to get through. My informant 
declared that every Camel Corps man 
in this section deserred the Victoria 
Cross, whether he be alive or dead. 



The War's Effects on Turkish Railways 



nn HE war has had some unforeseen ef- 
JL f ects on the economic life of Turkey. 
To a certain extent that country 
has become the port of entry through 
which Central Europe seeks to escape 
the Entente blockade, and the Austro- 
German engineers are bending all their 
energies to draw from it every ounce of 
available resources. The men in control 
of the Ottoman Empire allow them to do 
this the more willingly because they re- 
gard the present epoch as essentially one 
of transition. They seem to be seeking 
especially to develop Asia Minor with the 
aid of German technicians, holding them- 
selves ready, once the difficult task of 
economic rehabilitation is accomplished, 
to get rid of all foreign control and to 
adopt a frankly nationalist policy. Al- 
ready, under German protection, they are 
breaking the contracts which bound them 
to other European powers. 

Let us glance at what has taken place 
in the domain of transportation; As soon 
as the war had demonstrated the strate- 
gic and commercial importance of the 
railways, the Germans applied them- 
selves, first, to utilizing the existing lines 
for intensive exploitation of resources; 
second, to finishing the construction of 
railways begun before the war, and, 
third, to establishing entirely new lines. 

With the closing of the Dardanelles 
the traffic between Asia Minor and Tur- 
key in Europe became extremely active, 
and the new state of things was imme- 
diately reflected in the movement of 
freight through Haidar Pasha, the gate- 
way to the Bagdad Railway, lying just 
across the Bosporus from Constantinople. 
The report of the Anatolian Railway, 
which handles the Bagdad Railway traf- 
fic at that point, showed for the year 
1915 a total of 510,236 tons of merchan- 
dise transported through Haidar Pasha, 
as against 317,217 tons in 1914. 

The increase was due especially to the 
provisioning of Constantinople and of 
the Turkish troops fighting at that time 
in the Peninsula of Gallipoli; in fact, 
out of a total of 510,236 tons, 419,920 
tons were carried over the road in Asia 



Minor toward Turkey in Europe, and 
only 90,316 tons in the opposite direc- 
tion. The report for 1916 has not yet 
been issued at this writing, but it will 
show a much greater increase, as the 
construction of the Bagdad Railway has 
made extensive progress in the interval. 

By virtue of the convention of March 
5, 1903, the Bagdad Railway Company 
undertook to seek from the Ottoman 
Government a separate authorization for 
each section to be constructed. The 
Turkish authorities, usually very slow 
and negligent, in this case, under the 
stimulus of the war, granted the neces- 
sary authorizations with exceptional ra- 
pidity. 

Konia, the southern terminus of the 
Anatolian Railway, is the western ter- 
minus of the Bagdad Railway proper. 
Between Konia and Bagdad there re- 
main only two sections yet to be built; 
otherwise the whole enterprise is com- 
plete. . The following table from the 
Paris Temps shows the progress of the 
work: 

Sections. Kilometers. Opened. 

Konia to Bulgurlu 200 Oct. 25, 1904 

Bulgurlu to Ulukishla 38 July 1, 1911 

Ulukishla to BozanU 53 Dec. 21, 1912 

Bozanti to Dorak 42 Not comp't'd 

Dorak to Adana 15 Apr. 27, 1912 

Adana to Osmanie and Na- 

murie 100 Apr. 27, 1912 

Osmanie to Alexandretta. . . 59 Nov. 1, 1913 

Namurie to Islahie 54 Feb., 1916 

Islahie to Radjun 47 Oct. 20, 1915 

Radjun to Muslimie and 

Jerablus 203 Dec. 15, 1912 

Muslimie to Aleppo 15 Dec. 15, 1912 

Jerablus to Tel-el-Abiad 101 July 11, 1914 

Tel-el- Abiad to Tuem 62 June 1, 1915 

Tuem to Raz-el-Ain 41 July 2:J, 1915 

Raz-el-Ain to Samara 541 Not comp't'd 

Samara to Istabulat 30 Oct. 7, 1914 

Istabulat to Sumiken 38 Aug. 27, 1914 

Sumiken to Bagdad 62 June 2, 1914 

Of the whole 2,435 kilometers (1,510 
miles) that separate Haidar Pasha from 
Bagdad there remain 583 kilometers (361 
miles) still to construct; but the con- 
nection between the Bosporus and the 
Euphrates is already made, and it 
should be noted that the greatest en- 
gineering difficulties of the whole en- 



THE WAR'S EFFECTS ON TURKISH RAILWAYS 



167 



terprise have been surmounted since the 
beginning of the war. Two important 
gaps remained to be filled when the 
war broke out. One was the road across 
the Taurus Mountains, the other that 
across the Amanus Mountains. Now, 
the Namurie-Islahie section, opened 
in February, 1916, and built at an alti- 
tude of 874 meters, connects the plain 
of Adana with that of Mesopotamia. 
The great tunnel at Bagtche, pierced on 
June 16, 1915, is in this section. The 
crossing of the Taurus was effected at 
an altitude of 1,465 meters. In that sec- 
tion several tunnels, totaling eleven kilo- 
meters in length, were bored, including 
that at Bilemdik, opened in December, 
1914. Only a few more tunnels remain 
to be finished in that part of the road 
in order to complete the Bozanti-Dorak 
section. Meanwhile their place is sup- 
plied by automobile roads, which also 
have been constructed during the war. 
On April 30, 1915, the Germans com- 
pleted the great 810-meter bridge, weigh- 
ing 3,400 tons, across the Euphrates. 
The Turks also have carried through 



other railway projects of some im- 
portance. They have finished the line 
from Haifa to Jerusalem and made con- 
siderable progress on that to Sinai, 
which branches off from the other at 
Afoule, and is soon to furnish connec- 
tions with the Sinai Peninsula. The 
Young Turks expect the port of Haifa to 
supplant that of Beirut when the rail- 
way is completed. 

The task of building the great Black 
Sea railway system from Samsun to 
Sivas, from Angora to Erzerum, &c. 
was handed over by Russia to France 
after M. Poincare's journey to Petro- 
grad; a Turkish law of June 25, 1915, 
however, transferred this work to the 
Ottoman Government. Meanwhile the 
presence of Russian troops in Armenia 
has prevented the Turks from doing 
anything on it. The Germans attach 
great importance to this project, which 
they regard as furnishing the missing 
link in their great waterway system to 
connect the North Sea with the Persian 
Gulf by way of the Rhine, Danube, 
Black Sea, and Tigris River. 



Cruelties to Jews Deported From Jaffa 



Djemal Pasha, Turkish Governor Gen- 
eral in the Palestine region, signalized 
the approach of the British expeditionary 
force by driving all Jews from Jaffa, 
north of Gaza. The cruelties perpetrated 
in the execution of his order early in 
April, 1917, were reported to the United 
States Government by Consul Garrels at 
Alexandria. Ambassador Elkus advised 
the State Department on June 12 that 
no massacres had taken place, though the 
Jews had been compelled to leave Jaffa. 
Mr. Garrels 1 's report follows: 

THE orders of evacuation were aimed 
chiefly at the Jewish population. 
Even German, Austro-Hungarian, 
and Bulgarian Jews were ordered to 
leave the town. Mohammedans and 
Christians were allowed to remain pro- 
vided they were holders of individual 
permits. The Jews who sought the per- 
mits were refused. On April 1 the Jews 
were ordered to leave the town within 
forty-eight hours. Those who rode from 



Jaffa to Petach Tikvah had to pay from 
100 to 200 francs instead of the normal 
fare of 15 to 25 francs. The Turkish 
drivers practically refused to receive 
anything but gold, the Turkish paper 
note being taken as the equivalent of 
17.50 piastres for a note of 100 pias- 
tres. 

Already about a week earlier 300 
Jews had been deported in a most cruel 
manner from Jerusalem. Djemal Pasha 
openly declared that the joy of the Jews 
on the approach of the British forces 
would be short-lived, as he would make 
them share the fate of the Armenians. 
In Jaffa Djemal Pasha cynically assured 
the Jews that it was for their own good 
and interests that he drove them out. 
Those who had not succeeded in leaving 
on April 1 and following days were 
graciously accorded permission to remain 
at Jaffa over the Easter holidays until 
April 9. Thus 8,000 were evicted from 
their houses and not allowed to carry off 



168 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



their belongings or provisions. Their 
houses were looted and pillaged even be- 
fore the owners had left. A swarm of 
pillaging Bedouin women, Arabs with 
donkeys, camels, &c., came like birds of 
prey and proceeded to carry off valuables 
and furniture. 

The Jewish suburbs have been totally 
sacked under the paternal eye of the au- 
thorities. By way of example two Jews 
from Yemen were hanged at the entrance 
of the Jewish suburb of Tel Avid in order 
clearly to indicate the fate in store for 
any Jews who might be so foolish as to 
oppose the looters. The roads to the Jew- 
ish colonies north of Jaffa are lined with 
thousands of starving Jewish refugees. 
The most appalling scenes of cruelty and 
robbery are reported by absolutely reli- 
able eyewitnesses. Dozens of cases are 
reported of wealthy Jews who were found 
dead in the sandhills around Tel Avid. 
In order to drive off the bands of robbers 
preying on the refugees on the roads the 
young men of the Jewish villages organ- 
ized a body of guards to watch in turn 



the roads. These guards have been 
arrested and maltreated by the author- 
ities. 

The Mohammedan population have also 
left the town recently, but they are al- 
lowed to live in the orchards and country 
houses surrounding Jaffa and are permit- 
ted to enter the town daily to look after 
their property, but not a single Jew has 
been allowed to return to Jaffa. 

The same fate awaits all Jews in Pales- 
tine. Djemal Pasha is too cunning to 
order cold-blooded massacres. His meth- 
od is to drive the population to starvation 
and to death by thirst, epidemics, &c., 
which, according to himself, are merely 
calamities sent by God. Those who know 
his methods will not be surprised if after 
a short time severe punishment is dealt 
out to those who have looted and pillaged 
under his orders, or at least with his con- 
nivance. This would be in accordance 
with his settled policy of exciting one 
part of the population against the other, 
and exterminating all those who are not 
Turanians. 



Djemal Pasha A Turkish Ivanoff 

[Cartoon from the American Jewish Chronicle] 




Wartime Suffering in Turkey 



A foreign official, whose duties took 
him to Constantinople in April, 1917, 
gave the following account of conditions 
in the Turkish capital: 
fTlHE reports which reach the outer 
J_ world from time to time about con- 
ditions in Turkey invariably under- 
state the facts. The vast mass of the 
Turkish population is now subsisting on 
the verge of starvation. The misery which 
prevails at Constantinople among the 
middle and working classes is heart- 
breaking; while conditions inland, owing 
to the epidemics which prevail, are even 
worse. There is no cholera at Constanti- 
nople, and the admirable sanitary meas- 
ures imposed on the city by the Germans 
have succeeded in keeping typhus within 
close limits. The Germans tried to make 
the tramway company daily disinfect its 
vehicles, but, as usual, they acted in the 
matter without tact, and, the company 
refusing, no European now travels in the 
tramcars. 

Pitiful incidents, indicating the misery 
of the people, can be witnessed daily at 
any street corner. The faces you see are 
haggard, pinched, and worn, the eyes 
haunted, the frames feeble. I do not 
know whether people die of starvation in 
Constantinople, but I have frequently 
seen old men and women collapse I sup- 
pose from hunger in the streets. Poor 
people will pay enormous sums for worm- 
eaten figs with which one would not at- 
tempt to poison a mad dog. In the old 
far-off days of peace the average humble- 
class Turk would make a piece of bread 
and cheese, some olives, and some Turk- 
ish delight form his principal meal. To- 
day such a meal would cost him 
about $1.25. 

Prices have risen steadily since the be- 
ginning of the war, and in American 
terms are something like the following: 
Butter, $2.50 a pound; cheese, $3.50 a 
pound; olives, 75 cents a pound; sugar, 
$2.50 a pound; rice, $1 a pound; Turkish 
delight, $2 a pound. The veritable fam- 
ine in sugar which now prevails in Con- 
stantinople is a great blow to the sweets- 
loving Turk. Lumps of sugar at 5 cents 
each are hawked about the streets. Aus- 



tria recently promised to send Tur- 
key 2,000 carloads of sugar at the rate 
of 200 cars a month, but owing to the 
great scarcity of rolling stock nobody 
takes the promise seriously. In spite of 
the hunger and abject misery everywhere 
prevailing, the Turk manifests no desire 
to revolt. Food riots are unknown at 
Constantinople, and the shops are never 
looted. 

The shortage of bread is a great cause 
for complaint among the women. The 
Turkish Government, at the instigation 
of the Germans, early in the present year 
introduced a rationing system, but the 
wealthy Turks declined to submit to it, 
and the elaborate organization set up 
speedily collapsed. The apathy of the 
Turks angers the foreign observer. Only 
once have they been roused from their 
apathy, and that was when the thousands 
of wounded poured into Constantionple 
from the Dardanelles. The sight of their 
dying men-folk caused several hundred 
women to march to the War Office to 
call on the Government to give them back 
their husbands and sons. 

In Turkey, as in other belligerent coun- 
tries, the war has opened up new avenues 
of employment to women. The Greeks 
and Armenians formerly employed at the 
post and telephone offices have been dis- 
missed and their places taken by Turkish 
women and girls. The war has hastened 
rather than checked the emancipation of 
Turkish women. All the young women 
wear veils of the flimsiest description, 
and in the tramcars they always draw 
them up from their faces. An incident 
which illustrates the strength of the 
" new woman " movement in Turkey oc- 
curred quite recently. The following no- 
tice was issued by the police department. 

The adoption of new forms of apparel has 
become a public scandal in Constantinople. 
All Mohammedan women are given two days 
in which to lengthen their skirts, discard cor- 
sets, and substitute thick for flimsy veils. 

Two days passed, and the following 
notice appeared: 

We regret that through the interference of 
certain old women a subordinate of the Po- 
lice Department has attempted to regulate 



170 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



the costumes which Mohammedan women 
wear. The Police Department regrets this 
blunder and cancels the previous order. 

The " police subordinate " who blun- 
dered was an invention of the depart- 
ment, anxious to find an excuse to 
capitulate to the storm which the orig- 
inal order provoked. The wives of 
Turkish aristocrats, Ministers, and high 
Government officials threatened to hold 
up the Red Crescent nursing work in 
Turkey, the telephone girls threatened 
to strike, the Post Office girls to leave 
the Post Office, unless the offending 
order was canceled; and before two days 
had passed Turkish women, determined 
to be Westernized, had won. The inci- 
dent provoked an outburst of indigna- 
tion on the part of the women against 
the German authorities in Turkey, who 
were accused, probably wrongly, with 
wanting to keep Turkish women in a 
backward condition. 

It may be mentioned that some il- 
lusions are entertained outside Turkey 
regarding the powers possessed by the 
German "authorities in Turkey. The 
Germans are certainly the masters of 
the Turks in the sense that they con- 
trol the Turkish Government, but the 
influence of the German officials over 
the civilian population is very small. 
The German police in Constantinople are 
strictly forbidden to interfere with the 
population, and even in the army Turk- 
ish soldiers are not compelled to be 
subservient toward their German of- 
ficers. Besides holding them responsible 
for the misery and misfortune which 



have befallen their country, the Turks 
dislike the Germans personally. On the 
other hand, the German naval and mili- 
tary officers make no secret of their 
contempt for what they regard as the 
laziness and slackness of their Turkish 
charges. Admiral von Souchon, the Ger- 
man Admiral at Constantinople, is never 
tired of declaring to other Europeans at 
the Constantinople Club that the Turks 
as fighting men are hopelessly inef- 
ficient. 

The principal preoccupation of the 
Turkish Parliament is the deplorable 
financial condition of the country. Gold, 
nickel, and copper have long since van- 
ished from circulation, and the country 
is flooded with notes and stamps the 
latter worth about 5 cents each of all 
kinds. At the backs of the notes in one 
of these categories is a design of Kut, 
and an inscription, rather amusing in 
the light of recent events, to the effect 
that, thanks to the bravery of the Turk- 
ish troops and their German allies, the 
town will remain in Turkish hands until 
the end of time. Turkish finances are 
run on the simplest lines. Every time 
that the Turkish Government is hard up 
it asks Berlin for a " loan." The " loan " 
consists in permission by the German 
Government for the Turkish authorities 
to issue paper money for the amount 
required. The German Government has 
promised to redeem, out of the indemni- 
ties exacted from its enemies, all the 
paper money issued in Turkey during 
the war. The mark has dropped ex- 
tremely low lately in value in Turkey. 




THE EUROPEAN WAR AS 
SEEN BY CARTOONISTS 

NOTE Owing to the existing blockade CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE has been unable to obtain 
any German cartoons for this issue. 



[Italian Cartoon] 

Uncle Sam's First Projectile 

The United States has voted a loan of $3,000,000,000 to the Entente." Cable news. 




From II J/20, Florence. 



AMERICA TO GERMANY : " First I'll hand you this one. Other presents will 
follow later." 



1T1 



[English Cartoon] 



Receiving the Order of the Boot 







lWOMDER WHY 
DO 1ST LIKE ME 




From The Sunday Pictorial, London. 

THE KAISER (to the republics who have revolted against U-boat savagery) : 
" It's all very well to dissemble your love, but why did you kick me down stairs? " 



172 



[Dutch Cartoon] 

Times Change 




From De Nieuwe Amsterdammer, Amsterdam. 

THE GERMAN PEASANT: " I always used to think how that beast would like to 
eat me, but now I think how much I should like to eat it." 



[Spanish Cartoon] 



Compensation 




From Espana, Madrid. 

FIRST DUTCH SEAMAN : " They have sunk seven of our ships, at one stroke, 
after promising not to touch them ! " 

SECOND SAILOR: " Yes, and they did not touch the Rochester and the Orleans 
after threatening to smash them! Probably that is because America is not a 
little country." 



174 



[English Cartoon] 



The Hindenbeggar 




From News of the World, London. 
WEARY WAR LORD (at the hot air pump) : " Ach, Himmel! What'll happen 
when the beggar bursts! " 

[French Cartoon] 

The Fatal Ladder 




1914. 



1915 



1916. 1917. 

From Le Pele-Mele, Paris. 



175 



[English Cartoon] 



The Two Giants 




J_cu'7KS-MClP 

Raemaekers in Land and Water, London. 



GERMANY: " I destroy! " 
AMERICA : " I create ! " 



176 



[Italian Cartoon] 



The Return Visit 




1492. The caravels of Columbus visit America. 




From 11 Numero, Turin. 
1917. The naval squadron returns the call. 



177 



[French Cartoon] 



Every Man to His Trade 




From Ruy Bias, Paris. 

CROWN PRINCE: "Louis XVI. was a locksmith, Nicholas a carpenter, and I- 
oh! I'm a furniture remover." 



178 



[English Cartoon] 

Beware the German Gift 




From The Passing Show, London. 

[In the Trojan war the Greeks, unable to capture Troy by fighting, resorted 
to the treacherous gift of a huge wooden horse, which they pretended was an offer- 
ing to the gods, but was in reality full of armed men. The Trojans admitted the 
innocent-looking gift, and Troy fell. The German peace offers to Russia correspond 
to the Wooden Horse.] 



179 



[English Cartoon] 



Spades Are Trumps 




From The Passing Show, London. 
England mobilizing against the U-boats. 



180 



[Dutch Cartoon] 

David and Goliath 




From De Nieuwe Amsterdammer, Amsterdam. 
David Lloyd George, the giant Germania, and the results of the Somme offensive. 



181 



[American Cartoon] 



Another Plan Gone Wrong 




From The New York Times. 
KAISER: " So! You've failed again! " 



182 



[Swiss Cartoon] 



The Hot Peace Soup 




From Nebelspalter, Zurich. 



All eager to taste it. 



183 




184 



[American Cartoons] 

Hold Fast, Young Russia! 




One He Can't Submerge 




"It Beats the Dutch" 



y, \*$fpm 

T_H \ , '-kif.^ 




From The Baltimore American. 



185 



[Swiss Cartoon] 



Spring in the War Zone 




-From Nebelspalter, Ziirich, 



The ogre of death and the spirit of awakening life. 



18G 



[American Cartoons] 
"U-Boats Be D d!" "Oh, Say, Can You See?" 




From The Los Angeles Times. 



Stuck! 



From The Providence Journal. 



Hock der Kaiser! 




From T1& St.. I/o?*s Post-Dispatch. 




From The Pittsburgh Posr. 



187 



[American Cartoons] 



" The Goblins '11 Get U " 




Gott! Papa, They're in 
Earnest ! " 



From The Baltimore American. 




From The Dayton News. 



It's Up to You, Mr. Farmer 



Peace Chestnuts 





Knoxville (Tenn.) Journal and Tribune. 



From The Dallas News. 



188 



[American Cartoons] 



Removing Those Painful Crowns The Missing Link 




The Melting Pot 



The Giant Awakens 





J. E. Murphy in San Francisco Call. 



189 



[American Cartoons] 



The Nation's Shield 



The Eagle's New Brood 




From The Memphis Commercial Appeal. 



From The Dayton News. 



Mothering the Cub The Question Mark of Europe 





From The Providence Journal. 



From The Atlanta Journal. 



190 



PERIOD XXXV. 

The German Crisis How the Hohenzollerns and 
Junkers Control - - Russia's New Outlook The First 
American Army in France Joffre's Tribute to Lafayette 
at Baltimore War's Inferno on the Aisne Ridge A 
British Reverse on the Yser The Submarine Situation 
What the American Navy Has Done President Wilson's 
Appeal Against Profiteering China Foils a Royalist 
Coup War Aims and Peace Terms Restated Russian 
Mission to the United States Brazil's Revocation of Neu- 
trality Greece Joins the Allies Re-establishing Albania 
Canada's Three Years of War The Mothers How 
the War Came to America Wartime Life in European 
Capitals Assassination of the Austrian Premier The 
Armenian Tragedy German Barbarities in France- 
Battle's Grim Realities at Ginchy. < 



VOLUME XII. 



THE GERMAN CRISIS 

Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg Resigns and 
Is Succeeded by Dr. Michaelis and a New Ministry 



GERMANY was the last of the bel- 
ligerent powers to experience a 
political crisis due to popular dis- 
satisfaction with the conduct of 
the war, but the end of the third year 
brought as complete a change as that 
suffered by any other warring Govern- 
ment except Russia. On July 14, 1917, 
after a fortnight of excitement and ten- 
sion that stirred all other nations and 
convulsed Germany, Dr. Theobald von 
Bethmann Hollweg, the Imperial Chan- 
cellor since July 14, 1909, was forced to 
tender his resignation, and was succeed- 
ed by Dr. Georg Michaelis, Prussian Un- 
der Secretary of Finance and Food Con- 
troller. A complete reorganization of the 
Ministry ensued, 

Owing to the rigid suppression of news 
regarding internal affairs in Germany, 
the world could obtain only meagre de- 
tails of what was happening; such news 
as filtered beyond the border had suf- 
fered curtailment and revision at the 
hands of military censors, and much even 
of this information came second hand 
from Copenhagen, Stockholm, Amster- 
dam, and Berne, and was incomplete and 
contradictory. Enough, however, man- 
aged to elude the censors by word of 
mouth from trustworthy travelers and 
correspondents to disclose late in June 
that a political tumult was raging in 
Germany and that new political align- 
ments were forming. The influence of 
the Russian revolution had been far more 
pervasive than the censored dispatches 
had indicated. A new situation, too, was 
acutely felt to be at hand when the Ger- 
man people realized that the United 
States intended to bring at once to the 
support of the Allies the full weight of 
its resources, wealth, and military power. 
The discontent, which made itself 
manifest in half-suppressed newspaper 
comment and public expressions by men 
of prominence in civil and political life, 



was lulled temporarily by the hope of a 
separate peace with Russia and by the 
popular belief that there was no possi- 
bility of Russia's again becoming a fight- 
ing factor for years. When the Russian 
offensive was resumed with brilliancy 
and with disastrous consequences to both 
Austria and Germany, arid when the Rus- 
sian armies gave proof that they pos- 
sessed a greater power of offensive than 
at any time since the outbreak of the 
war, the crisis in Germany's political 
circles immediately became acute. It soon 
culminated in the collapse of the Beth- 
mann Hollweg Government and the for- 
mation of an entirely new coalition, with 
all sorts of sensational possibilities in 
prospect as a consequence. 

Revolt in the Saxon Diet 

The first intimation of a serious state 
of affairs came in a dispatch which was 
permitted by the censors to pass late in 
June, relating that in " the Saxon Diet 
"the Prime Minister of Saxony declared 
" that the Government would fight any 
" attempt to secure franchise reform in 
"the individual States through the ac- 
" tion of the Reichstag, whereupon the 
" Socialist Vice President of the House 
"declared that Saxon soldiers were not 
" fighting because of loyalty to the King, 
" but ' out of love of the Fatherland and 
" monarchical principle.' If the Govern- 
"ment of Saxony persisted in its reac- 
" tionary attitude, he said that ' reform 
"would come, if not from the Crown, 
" then from the mob.' A Nationalist 
"member of the Reichstag said 'that a 
" vast majority of the Saxons were in- 
" spired by an utter lack of confidence in 
" the Government.' " 

The next important incident which was 
permitted to be made public occurred 
June 30, when it was announced that 
the movement to secure an equal elec- 
toral franchise in Prussia found cham- 



192 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



pions in unexpected quarters. Leading 
Conservatives joined in a public declara- 
tion calling on the Government to take 
action for the prompt enactment of legis- 
lation in favor of election reform. 

Demands for Franchise Preforms 
Their call, which is an unequivocal in- 
dorsement of the agitation carried on by 
the Social Democrats for many years 
past, reads: 

The mighty struggle in which the Ger- 
man people are now engaged is not yet 
ended. The undersigned until now have 
been largely of the opinion that the prom- 
ise contained in the imperial Eastertide 
message for the elimination of acrimo- 
nious internal struggles might be fulfilled 
in co-operation with the conservative 
forces of our public life. However, the 
opposition emanating from these sources 
is so powerful as to call forth doubts 
whether this Easter message, in its true 
spirit, can at all become a reality after 
the conclusion of peace. 

Today such doubt is intolerable. To 
keep that faith with the German people to 
which it is entitled, it is needful to take 
this work in hand without further delay. 
We therefore do not hesitate to publicly 
emphasize the need of the hour which de- 
mands of the Government that it forth- 
with lay before the Diet a draft of an 
election reform which not only calls for a 
general, direct, secret ballot, but for an 
equal voting franchise for all; and, fur- 
ther, that the Government in addition 
give effective, visible expression of the 
confidence to which the Germa'n people 
are entitled. 

The call was signed by Professor Hans 
Delbruck, historian of the University of 
Berlin; Alexander Dominicus, Chief 
Magistrate of Schoeneberg; Professor 
Emil Fischer, Dr. Adolf von Harnack, 
Dean of the German theologians; Pro- 
fessor Friedrich Meinecke, Count Monts, 
retired Ambassador; Professor Walter 
Ernst, Dr. Paul Rohrbach, Dr. Friedrich 
Thimme, and Professor Ernst Troeltsch. 
The signers, almost without exception, 
have been looked upon generally as stal- 
wart conservatives. 

This call was hailed with enthusiasm 
by the Berliner Tageblatt and other im- 
portant papers, and the Socialist news- 
paper Vorwarts pronounced it " an his- 
toric document." 

Agitation in the Reichstag 

' The Executive and Constitutional 
Committees of the Reichstag met July 4, 



preliminary to the opening of the new 
session of that body. The Socialists de- 
manded that immediate steps be taken to 
bring about electoral reform by having 
the Reichstag initiate the measures to 
bring about reforms in the individual 
States. The Government was reported 
as being willing to proceed at once with 
Reichstag election reform, involving sub- 
divisions of the larger election districts 
and introduction of the proportionate bal- 
lot system which is quite well known in 
certain States of the American Union, 
but the Government did not think it ad- 
visable that the Reichstag should make 
ballot reform in the individual German 
States, especially Prussia, its own busi- 
ness. 

The Socialists, however, wished to make 
it the business of the Reichstag, because 
the Prussian Diet was ultra-Conservative 
and would not favor reform; hence they 
announced a preference to have the set- 
tlement of Prussian ballot reform placed 
in the Reichstag's power; that body, ac- 
cording to the Socialists' idea, need only 
pass a law making the individual State 
electoral systems conform to that of the 
Reichstag. This, translated into Ameri- 
can politics, would mean that Congress in 
Washington has the right to dictate to 
Ohio or Idaho what ballot system these 
States have to employ in their home elec- 
tions. 

These episodes were but the mutterings 
before the storm. It broke forth in its 
furry on July 6 at a joint session of the 
Main Committee and Constitutional Com- 
mittee, held prior to the meeting of the 
Reichstag. Although the sessions of these 
committees were strictly executive, the 
comments in the newspapers next day 
indicated that very serious dissensions 
occurred. 

Erzberger's Change of Front 

It became known that Mathias Erz- 
berger, a leader of the Clerical Centre, 
one of the most influential Catholics in 
Bavaria, which is one of the most power- 
ful States in the German Confederation, 
created a profound sensation by deserting 
the Pan German and War Junker factions, 
and declaring for peace without annexa- 
tions or indemnities. He severely criti- 
cised the Government's submarine policy 



THE GERMAN CRISIS 



193 



and the blundering diplomacy which had 
brought America into the conflict as Ger- 
many's enemy. This was a complete volte 
face, as Herr Erzberger had previously 
been regarded as a stanch Government 
supporter and his party as a main factor 
of the coalition. When it became known 
that the majority of his party, represent- 
ing the influential Catholic faction of the 
Reichstag, was with him, it was clear 
that a crisis was impending, and that a 
majority in the Reichstag was probably 
against the Government. 

Crown Council Summoned 

Only fragmentary dispatches appeared 
for several days after this, and these 
were contradictory, but the world knew 
that the situation was serious. The 
Kaiser summoned a Plenary Crown Coun- 
cil. The Crown Prince was called to 
Berlin, as were Field Marshal von Hin- 
denburg and Chief Quartermaster Gen- 
eral Ludendorff. On July 8 the Ham- 
burger Fremdenblatt said: 

We are now living- through the greatest 
crisis in our political life which has arisen 
since the outbreak of the war. This crisis 
centres around the fundamental questions 
of war and peace as well as the reorgan- 
ization of our internal political system. 
It is in the nature of things that every 
such event crystallizes into a personal 
contest. Member of Parliament Erzber- 
ger's speech in the Reichstag General 
Committee was an attack on the Gov- 
ernment, which means against the Secre- 
tary of the Navy as well as against the 
Chancellor. To avoid misunderstanding 
it should be said that the continuation of 
the submarine war does not come into 
the question, not even so far as Erzberger 
is concerned. The question is of the re- 
vising of the war aim formula somewhat 
en the lines demanded by our Social 
Democrats. Resolutions in the Reichstag 
will not accomplish this. 

Since May there have been many 
changes. One thing, however, has not 
changed, and that is the complete lack of 
contact between Government and people. 
The reason for all these happenings? One 
has only to remember that the speech of 
a member of Parliament who chanced to 
be called Erzberger has sufficed to over- 
throw the entire structure of both our 
internal and external politics, nor was the 
Government able to stop it. That shows 
the bankruptcy of the system. The Kaiser 
is today in Berlin and conferring with 
Hindenburg, Ludendorff, and the Chan- 
cellor. Is it thinkable that at such a time 



the party leaders should not be present 
and that what they have to say should 
not be also considered? 

Harden s Magazine Suppressed 
On July 11 Die Zukunft, Maxmilian 
Harden's publication, was suppressed, 
and Herr Harden was drafted under the 
auxiliary civil service law to be employed 
as a military clerk. The following is an 
extract from the article which caused the 
suppression: 

Herr von Bethmann is like neither 
Buddha nor a preacher in the mountains. 
He who hopes for his world to be saved 
by heavy guns, poisoned gas, mines, 
flame throwers, submarines, and air bombs 
must do without a reputation for sublime 
humanity. Every child understands that. 
Are impartial neutrals, then, to learn to 
dream with their eyes open that in the 
pure scales of the North Germans gentle 
humanity weighs heavier than rattling 
armor of power? Neutrals will never 
learn. 

Are they (Germany's rulers) allowed by 
slandering an enemy who is not yet ready 
to conclude peace and by insisting all too 
loudly upon their deep belief in the near- 
ness of peace, to nourish the mad but 
damaging belief that Germany is more 
weary than the league of her enemies? 
Must we not demand that our rulers shall 
learn and apply properly the principles of 
psychology and acoustics? Must we not 
demand that before they choose new weap- 
ons, and even before they resume the use 
of old weapons, they shall think out to 
the end every possible effect not merely 
the effect which is desired by the com- 
mander in the field? 

Harden reviewed once more the efforts 
to make capital out of the Russian revo- 
lution. He argued that it might have 
been possible for Germany to imitate the 
methods by which Frederick the Great 
ended the Seven Years' War after the 
death of Empress Elizabeth of Russia, 
but it would have been necessary to act 
promptly and make complete concessions, 
and the achievement would have required 
powerful statesmanship instead of "the 
Swiss pills " which merely reminded for- 
eign countries of Herr Zimmermann's 
proposals to Mexico. 

The first official utterance as the out- 
come of the crisis was the following 
manifesto, issued July 13, and addressed 
to the President of the State Ministry: 
Upon the report of my State Ministry, 
made to me in obedience to my decree of 
April 7 of the current year, I herewith 
decide to order a supplement to the same, 






194 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



that the draft of the bill dealing with the 
alteration of the electoral law for the 
House of Deputies, which is to be sub- 
mitted to the Diet of the monarchy for 
decision, is to be drawn up on the basis 
of equal franchise. The bill is to be 
submitted in any case early enough that 
the next elections may take place accord- 
ing to the new franchise. I charge you to 
make all necessary arrangements for this 
purpose. 

(Signed) WILLIAM. 

(Countersigned) 

BETHMANN HOLLWEG. 

The same day a statement was issued 
in explanation of the summoning of the 
Crown Prince. An official communica- 
tion issued in Berlin had stated that 
Emperor William expressed the opinion 
that the political and constitutional re- 
forms demanded by the Reichstag were 
such that they concerned not merely him- 
self but his successor, inasmuch as they 
would be permanent. For this reason the 
Emperor summoned the Crown Prince to 
attend the Crown Councils at which final 
decisions regarding the extent to which 
the Crown and the Government would 
make concessions to the Reichstag were 
to be reached. 

A Berlin correspondent, commenting 
on the Emperor's manifesto ordering 
electoral reform, said that the intro- 
duction of the phrase " equal suffrage " 
into the Emperor's manifesto restored 
a provision which, according to Berlin 
gossip, was contained in the original 
draft of the Easter manifesto and was 
eliminated at the last moment in conse- 
quence of a reactionary intrigue against 
the realization of the Emperor's wish for 
universal, equal, direct, and secret suf- 
frage in Prussia. This is attributed to 
the reactionary Prussian Diet, which on 
an earlier occasion did not hesitate 
to disregard the sovereign's expressed 
wishes on franchise reform. 

A correspondent at Berlin stated that 
the Emperor's manifesto forced the 
Prussian Ministry to discard its reform 
project, the draft of which had been 
largely worked out, and which, accord- 
ing to reports in Berlin political circles, 
although doing away with the three- 
class system, introduced the principle of 
plural voting as a concession to the Con- 
servative and National Liberal Parties. 
A proviso was made that the attainment 



of a certain age, marriage, or educational 
qualification entitled an elector to ad- 
ditional votes. The correspondent added: 

The extent to which equal suffrage, if 
the Government is able to get its bill 
through the hostile Diet, will shake the 
domination of the Junker Prussian Gov- 
ernment may be judged by the compila- 
tion of the probable strength of the par- 
ties in the Diet under this bill. 

The Conservative leaders have figured, ' 
on the basis of their voting tables, that 
the strength of the two Conservative 
parties, now 262 out of a total member- 
ship of 443 in the lower house, would 
drop even under the most favorable con- 
ditions to 134, and might go to 100. The 
National Liberals, now with 73 members, 
would be represented in an equal suffrage 
House by 34 to 52, while the Socialists, 
with 10 members at the present time, 
would jump to at least 69, and might 
obtain as many as ]2r> seats. The Rad- 
icals would gain slightly and the Centre 
would show moderate shrinkage. 

The Chancellor's Resignation 

The story of the resignation of the 
Chancellor as related by The Associated 
Press correspondent is as follows: 

The resignation of the Chancellor came 
in the end quite unexpectedly, for Dr. von 
Bethmann Hollweg, in the prolonged 
party discussions and heated debates of 
the Main Committee of the Reichstag, 
which have been proceeding all through 
the week, seemed to have triumphed over 
his opponents, who had been clamoring 
for his head, by making concessions 
which were tantamount to the formation 
of a kind of imperial Coalition Ministry. 

At the same time, the Chancellor, by a 
declaration that Germany was fighting 
defensively for the freedom of her ter- 
ritorial possessions, evolved a formula 
that seemed satisfactory to both those 
who clamored for peace by agreement 
and those who demanded repudiation of 
the formula " no annexations and no in- 
demnities." 

In all this, Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg 
was strongly backed by the Emperor. 
The advent of the Crown Prince at the 
summons of his father to share the de- 
liberations affecting the future of the 
dynasty seems to have changed entirely 
the situation with regard to the Imperial 
Chancellor. The Crown Prince at once 
took a leading part in the discussions 
with the party leaders, and his ancient 



THE GERMAN CRISIS 



195 



hostility toward Dr. von Bethmann Holl- 
weg, coupled with his notorious dislike 
for political reform, undoubtedly precipi- 
tated the Chancellor's resignation. 

Majority Peace Resolution 
The Reichstag met July 11 and refused 
to vote the war credit, pending a solu- 
tion of the political crisis. On July 13 
the majority bloc of the Centre Radicals 
and Socialists, constituting a majority, 
decided to support the following peace 
resolutions : 

As on Aug. 4, 1914, so on the threshold 
of the fourth year of the war the German 
people stand upon the assurance of the 
speech from the throne" We are driven 
by no lust of conquest." 

Germany took up arms in defense of its 
liberty and independence and for the in- 
tegrity of its territories. The Reichstag 
labors for peace and a mutual under- 
standing and lasting reconciliation among 
the nations. Forced acquisitions of terri- 
tory and political, economic, and financial 
violations are incompatible with such a 
peace. 

The Reichstag rejects all*plans aiming 
at an economic blockade and the stirring 
up of enmity among the peoples after the 
war. The freedom of the seas must be 
assured. Only an economic peace can pre- 
pare the ground for the friendly associa- 
tion of the peoples. 

The Reichstag will energetically pro- 
mote the creation of international jurid- 
ical organizations. So long, however, as 
the enemy Governments do not accept 
such a peace, so long as they threaten 
Germany and her allies with conquest and 
violation, the German people will stand 
together as one man, hold out unshaken, 
and fight until the rights of itself and its 
allies to life and development are secured. 
The German Nation united is unconquer- 
able. 

The Reichstag knows that in this an- 
nouncement it is at one with the men who 
are defending the Fatherland. In their 
heroic struggles they are sure of the un- 
dying thanks of the whole people. 

This resolution was adopted July 19 
by a vote of 214 to 116, with 17 not 
voting. 

Crown Prince's Influence 

The Tagliche Rundschau of Berlin in- 
dicated that the Chancellor was forced 
out by the Crown Prince. It said in its 
issue of July 14: ' 

It will Ue remembered that the Crown 
Prince's attitude toward the Chancellor 
and his policies is well known, and that, 



apart from many other instances, at the 
time the Chancellor at the request of the 
Kaiser went to inform the Crown Prince 
at his headquarters of the coming Easter 
message, the Crown Prince had no scruples 
in expressing his vigorous opposition to 
the Chancellor's policies. To avoid fur- 
ther discussion the Chancellor withdrew, 
stating that he had fulfilled the Kaiser's 
mission, inasmuch as he had informed 
the Crown Prince of the coming action. 

A Berlin correspondent added: 

It is recalled here, also, how during the 
angry debate in the Reichstag on the 
Agadir affair in November, 1911, when 
Herr von Heydebrand, the so-called " un- 
crowned King of Prussia," attacked the 
Government's policy as being pro-Eng- 
lish, the Crown Prince sat in the gallery 
shaking his head at Bethmann Hollweg 
and openly applauding Heydebrand, even 
clapping his hands. 

It was after this that the Crown Prince 
was banished by his angry father to Dan- 
zig, much to his disgust. 

Also at the time of the Zabern inci- 
dent the Crown Prince telegraphed to 
Captain Forstner, "Fester d'rauf!" 
(" Hit him again ! ") According to the 
view of many persons, the question 
whether the military or the civil power 
should dominate in Germany was settled 
at that time in favor of the former. 

Judged by the comments of the Ger- 
man liberal press up to July 20, the po- 
litical upheaval has strengthened the 
Extreme War Party and jeopardized the 
prospects of constitutional or Parlia- 
mentary reform. 

The Vossische Zeitung, the Tageblatt, 
and Vorwarts on July 18 called atten- 
tion to the fact that the appointment of 
Dr. Michaelis was made without pre- 
viously sounding Parliament, and that 
the new Chancellor accepted the post 
without consultation with the party lead- 
ers or an attempt to learn whether his 
proposed policy was acceptable to the 
Reichstag. This they regarded as con- 
firmatory evidence that the Reichstag's 
desire for formal acknowledgment of 
Parliamentary control of the old Gov-. 
ernment was ignored. 

A correspondent at Amsterdam as late 
as July 18 asserted that Bethman Holl- 
weg had fallen because he favored re- 
form and a liberal , peace policy. It was 
stated that he made two proposals, the 
first that in the direction of democratiza- 
tion a new body under the name of the 



196 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Reichsrat should be immediately consti- 
tuted, which would be a sort of Commit- 
tee of National Defense, and would for 
the time being act as a go-between twixt 
the Reichstag and the Emperor, thus in- 
stituting on a modified scale the princi- 
ple of Parliamentary responsibility; the 
second that the Government should im- 
mediately make an authoritative decla- 
ration of " no annexations or indemni- 
ties." Both these proposals, it is asserted, 
had the backing of Bavaria and Aus- 
tria, although Austria naturally had no 
open voice in the matter, which was pure- 
ly a German internal affair. 

Both proposals were violently opposed 
by the Crown Prince, von Hindenburg, 
and Ludendorff. It is declared that von 
Hindenburg came out openly for a " Ger- 
man peace/' 

Gain for Militarist Party 

The official view at Washington was 
that the crisis had resulted in a com- 



plete triumph for the Militarist Party, 
headed by the Crown Prince, and in a les- 
sening of the prestige of the Emperor 
and the Moderates. 

The letter of the Kaiser accepting the 
resignation of Dr. von Bethmann Holl- 
weg was made public July 16, as fol- 
lows : 

I decide with a heavy heart hy today's 
decree to grant your request to be re- 
lieved from your office. For eight years 
you have occupied the highest and most 
responsible offices in the imperial and 
State services with eminent loyalty, and 
have successfully placed your brilliant 
powers and personality at the services of 
the Kaiser and the empire and the King 
and the Fatherland. 

In the most grievous times that have ever 
fallen to the lot of the German countries 
and peoples times in which decisions of 
paramount importance for the existence 
and future of the Fatherland have had to 
be taken you have stood by my side with 
counsel and aid. It is my heart's desire to 
express my most cordial thanks for your 
faithful service. 



First Address of the New Chancellor 



DR. MICHAELIS, the new Chancellor, 
made his initial address to the 
Reichstag July 19. He paid a warm 
tribute to his predecessor. In the course 
of his remarks he said: 

Unless I had believed firmly in the 
justice of our cause I would not have 
accepted office. We must keep before 
our eyes daily the events of three years 
ago, which are fixed in history and which 
show we were forced into the war by 
Russia's secret mobilization, which was 
a great danger to Germany. To have 
participated in a conference while the 
mobilization proceeded would have been 
political suicide. [Exclamations of " quite 
right " from the Conservatives.] 

The mobilization of the Russian Army 
compelled Germany to seize the sword. 
There was no choice left to us, and what 
is true of the war itself is true also of 
* our weapons, particularly the submarine. 
We deny the accusation that the subma- 
rine warfare is contrary to international 
law and violates the rights of humanity. 
England forced this weapon into our 
hands through an illegal blockade. Eng- 
land prevented neutral trade with Ger- 
many and proclaimed a war of starva- 
tion. Our faint hope that America, at the 
head of the neutrals, would check English 



illegality was vain, and the final attempt 
we made by an honorably intended peace 
offer to avoid the last extremity failed. 

Then Germany had to choose this last 
weapon as a countermeasure of self-de- 
fense. New, also, she must carry it 
through for the purpose of shortening the 
war. 

The submarine war is accomplishing all, 
and more than all, it is expected to. 
False reports which found their way into 
the press as a result of the secret session 
of the Reichstag evoked for a time a cer- 
tain feeling of disappointment which 
ended at a particular time. They did 
the Fatherland no service. 

I declare, in fact, that the submarine 
war accomplishes in the destruction of 
enemy tonnage what it should. It im- 
pairs England's economic life and the 
conduct of the war month to month in a 
growing degree, so that it will not be 
possible to oppose the necessity for peace 
much longer. We can look forward to the 
further labors of the brave U-boat men 
with complete confidence. * * * 

Russian Offensive Unimportant 

In the East, in consequence of the con- 
fusion in Russia, the attack of Russian 
millions did not materialize, and there is 
comparative calm. Only after false re- 
ports and incitement by Russia's allies 



FIRST ADDRESS OF THE NEW CHANCELLOR 



197 



had stirred the Russian soldiers did the 
present offensive develop. Its goal was 
Lemberg and Drohobycz. General I.rusi- 
loff, with all his enormous sacrifices, has 
gained only a slight advantage. * * * 

Greece was forced by violence to enter 
the war against us. Our common front 
with the brave Bulgarians stands firm. 

Italy, even through the eleventh Izonso 
battle against our war-tried Austro-Hun- 
garian brothers, will not be able to attain 
the goal of its breach of faith the pos- 
session of Trieste. 

We look without serious concern upon 
the optimistic sentiment in the Entente 
countries caused by America's interven- 
tion. It is easy to reckon how much ton- 
nage is necessary to transport an army 
from America to Europe, how much 
tonnage is required to feed such an army. 
France and England are scarcely able to 
feed and supply their own armies with- 
out influencing the economic situation 
still further. After our previous success 
we shall be able to master this situation 
also through our fleet, particularly the 
submarines. That is our firm conviction 
and assurance. We and our allies, there- 
fore, can look forward to any further de- 
velopment of military events with calm 
security. 

How Much Longer? 

The burning question in our hearts, 
however, is how much longer the war is 
to last. With this I come to a matter 
which stands in the centre of all our in- 
terest and all our proceedings today. Ger- 
many, did not desire the war in order to 
make violent conquests and, therefore, 
will not continue the war a day longer 
merely for the sake of such conquests, if 
it could obtain an honorable peace. 

The Germans wish to conclude peace as 
combatants who have successfully accom- 
plished their purpose and proved them- 
selves invincible. A condition of peace 
was the inviolability of Germany's terri- 
tory. No parley was possible with the 
enemy demanding the cession of German 
soil. 

We must, by means of understanding 
and in a spirit of give and take, guar- 
antee conditions of the existence of the 
German Empire upon the Continent and 



overseas. Peace must offer the founda- 
tion of a lasting reconciliation of nations. 
It must, as expressed in your resolution, 
prevent nations from being plunged into 
further enmity through economic block- 
ades and provide a safeguard that the 
league in the arms of our opponents does 
not develop into an economic offensive 
alliance against us. 

These aims may be attained within the 
limits of your resolution, as I interpret 
it. We cannot again offer peace. We 
have loyally stretched out our hands once. 
We met no response, but with the entire 
nation and with Germany, the army and 
its leaders in accord with this declara- 
tion, the Government feels that if our 
enemies abandon their lust for conquest 
and their aims at subjugation and wish 
to enter into negotiations we shall listen 
honestly and readily tp what they have 
to say to us. Until then we must hold 
out calmly and patiently. 

Nation's Mosi Serious Crisis 
The present time is, in regard to food 
conditions, the most severe we have ex- 
perienced, and the month of July has 
been the worst. Drought has delayed the 
crops, and want exists in many cases, but 
I can declare with glad confidence that 
relief will shortly set in and the popula- 
tion can then be supplied more ade- 
quately. 

On the occasion of his acceptance of 
the Chancellorship Dr. Michaelis sent a 
message to Count Czernin, the Austro- 
Hungarian Foreign Minister, saying that 
he considered it his chief and inviolable 
duty to preserve the previous inheritance 
of the closest and most loyal confedera- 
tion. It was his firm conviction that 
Austria-Hungary and Germany would be 
victorious and that the war would secure 
for the heroic people a happy and bright 
future. Count Czernin, in reply, said he 
saw the best guarantee of a happy future 
in intimate and confident co-operation 
with the leaders of the German policy 
and firm insistence upon the well-tried 
alliance. 



How the Hohenzollerns 
Junkers Control 

By Charles Downer Hazen 

Professor of European History, Columbia University 



and 



THE German Empire is a confedera- 
tion, founded in 1871 founded by 
the Princes, not by the people 
and consists of twenty-five States 
and one imperial territory, Alsace- 
Lorraine. The King of Prussia is ipso 
facto German Emperor. The legislative 
power rests with two bodies the 
Bundesrat, or Federal Council, and the 
Reichstag. The Emperor declares war 
with the consent of the Bundesrat, the 
assent of the Reichstag not being re- 
quired. He is Commander in Chief of 
the Army and Navy, he has charge of 
foreign affairs, and makes treaties, sub- 
ject to the limitation that certain kinds of 
treaties must be ratified by Parliament. 
He is assisted by a Chancellor, whom he 
appoints and whom he removes, and who 
is responsible to him, and to him alone. 
Under the Chancellor are various Secre- 
taries of State, who simply administer 
departments, but who do not form a 
Cabinet, either in the English or French 
or American sense. They are responsi- 
ble to the Chancellor. 

The laws that govern the German 
Empire are made by two bodies the 
Bundesrat and the Reichstag. The 
Bundesrat, of which we in America 
hear very little, is the most powerful 
body in the empire, far more powerful 
than the Reichstag, ' of which we hear a 
great deal. It possesses legislative, ex- 
ecutive, and judicial functions, and is a 
kind of diplomatic assembly. It repre- 
sents the States; that is, the rulers of 
the twenty-five States of which the em- 
pire consists. It is composed of dele- 
gates appointed by the rulers. Unlike 
the Senate of the United States, the 
States of Germany are not represented 
equally in the Bundesrat, but most un- 
equally. There are sixty-one members. 
Of these Prussia has seventeen, and the 
three votes allotted to Alsace-Lorraine 



since 1911 are " instructed " by the Em- 
peror. Thus Prussia has twenty, Ba- 
varia has six, Saxony and Wiirttemberg 
four each, others three or two, and sev- 
enteen of the States have only one 
apiece. The members are really diplo- 
mats, representing the numerous mon- 
archs of Germany. 

Voting Under Orders 
They do not vote individually, but each 
State delegation votes as a unit and as 
the ruler orders it to. Thus the votes 
that Prussia controls are cast always 
as a unit and as the King of Prussia 
directs. The Bundesrat is in reality an 
assembly of the sovereigns of Germany. 
It is responsible to nothing on earth, and 
its powers are very extensive. It is the 
most important element of the Legisla- 
ture, as most legislation begins in it; its 
consent is necessary to all legislation, 
and every law passed by the Reichstag 
is, after that, submitted to it for ratifica- 
tion or rejection. It is therefore the chief 
source of legislation. The Princes of Ger- 
many have an absolute veto upon the only 
popular element in the Government, the 
Reichstag. Representing the Princes of 
Germany, the Bundesrat is a thorough- 
ly monarchical institution, a bulwark of 
the monarchical spirit. The proceedings 
of this princely assembly are secret, 
which is one reason why we know and 
hear less about it than we do about the 
Reichstag. 

Much less important than the Bundes- 
rat is the Reichstag, the only popular 
element in the government of the empire. 
It consists of 397 members, elected for a 
term of five years by the voters, that is, 
by men 25 years of age or older. The 
powers of the Reichstag are vastly in- 
ferior to the powers of the House of 
Commons or the Chamber of Deputies or 
the House of Representatives. While it, 
in conjunction with the Bundesrat, votes 



HOW THE HOHENZOLLERNS AND JUNKERS CONTROL 199 



the appropriations, certain ones, notably 
those for the army, are voted for a period 
of years. Its consent is required for new 
taxes, whereas taxes previously levied 
continue to be collected without the con- 
'sent of Parliament being again secured. 

The Reichstag has no power to make 
or unmake Ministries; in other words, to 
control the executive, the Emperor. It 
may reject the measures demanded by 
the Government, it may vote what 
amounts to a lack of confidence in the 
Chancellor, but to the Chancellor it 
makes notoriously little difference. As 
long as he enjoys the confidence of the 
Emperor he continues on his way. Bis- 
marck was fond of repeating from the 
tribune that he was not the servant of 
the Reichstag, but exclusively of the 
Crown. William II. dismissed in turn 
Bismarck, Caprivi, Hohenlohe, and 
Biilow. The imperial will determines 
the fate, dictates the rise and fall of 
the Chancellor. 

Bethmann Hollweg has been the Em- 
peror's man in body and soul. No val- 
leity of independence has surged up in 
that submissive bosom. A bureaucrat of 
forty years' standing, advancing by regu- 
lar gradations from the lowest rung of 
the administrative ladder to the highest, 
his view has remained the same, his gaze 
has been at every stage and is still 
riveted solely upon his superior, and his 
superior never has been nor is now the 
Reichstag. His source of inspiration is 
in the Schloss, not in the benches of the 
popularly elected Legislature. Bethmann 
Hollweg is sometimes frank, frank ,to 
the point of rudeness. " Gentlemen," he 
said at the beginning of his Chancellor- 
ship, " I do not serve Parliament," and 
was loudly applauded for his insolence 
by the members of the conservative par- 
ties of the Parliament, thus a victim of 
the proud man's contumely. And he 
ended this scornful speech with the state- 
ment that there was one role which he 
absolutely refused to play, that of the 
servant of the people's representatives. 
Bethmann Hollweg, who has curiously 
been considered a liberal by some ill- 
informed and putative American liber- 
als, has the merit of great clarity in his 
consistent, undeviating hostility and con- 



tempt for parliamentarism and for de- 
mocracy. When reproached by the So- 
cialists for not resigning after a vote of 
censure, as they do in France, he retorted 
that even children knew the difference 
between France and Germany. 

" I know full well that there are those 
who are striving to establish similar in- 
stitutions here," he said. " I shall oppose 
them with aH my force." 

Only the other day this "liberal" 
told the Right and the Left contempt- 
ously that he was serving neither of 
them. He had a more august master. 
Not only does the Reichstag have na 
control over the Government, not only 
is it blocked and immensely outweighed 
by the Emperor, by the Bundesrat, and 
by the army, but it is itself, even with- 
in the sacred circle of its impotence, a 
very inaccurate representation of the 
people. The electoral districts as laid 
out in 1871 were equal, each represent- 
ing approximately 100,000 inhabitants. 
But since that day there has been prac- 
tically no change, although population 
has increased in some, decreased in 
others, so that there now exists a glar- 
ing inequality between the districts. 
There are some members of the Reichs- 
tag elected by a few thousand voters, 
others by the hundreds of thousands. The 
voter in some districts counts for only a 
thirtieth of the voter in certain other 
districts. The large districts are natu- 
rally progressive cities, the small ones 
the conservative country regions. A Ber- 
lin Deputy represents on the average 
125,000 voters; a Deputy of East Prus- 
sia, home of the far-famed Junkers, an 
average of 24,000. 

The Impotent Reichstag 
But the fundamental evil is that the 
elections to the Reichstag result in the 
creation of an Assembly politically im- 
potent, which does not control the execu- 
tive and whose powers of legislation are 
subject to an absolute veto by the Bun- 
desrat that is, by the reigning Princes, 
big and little. German government is 
government by the Emperor and the 
dynasties, with the consent of the Reichs- 
tag, a consent which in practice can be 
forced, if not given voluntarily, for the 



200 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



Bundesrat has the power of dissolving 
the Reichstag whenever it wishes to, a 
power always efficacious thus far. The 
German governing classes, the Princes, 
the bureaucracy, agree with Moltke, who 
said that the real ballot was the cart- 
ridge which the German soldier carried 
in his cartridge box, that the real repre- 
sentative of the nation was the army. 

For all practical purposes the Reichs- 
tag is merely a debating club, and a 
debating club that has no power of seeing 
that its will is carried out. As late as 
January, 1914, Dr. Friedrich Naumann 
of " Middle Europe " fame described the 
humiliating position of the body of which 
he was a member in the following words: 

" We on the Left are altogether in 
favor of the parliamentary regime, by 
which we mean that the Reichstag can- 
not forever remain in a position of 
subordination. Why does the Reichstag 
sit at all, why does it pass resolutions, 
if behind it is a wastepaper basket into 
which these resolutions are thrown ? The 
problem is to change the impotence of 
the Reichstag into some sort of power." 
He added: " The man who compared this 
House to a hall of echoes was not far 
wrong. To those who are accustomed 
to do practical work in life it appears a 
mere waste of time to devote themselves 
to this difficult and monotonous mechan- 
ism. * * * When one asks the ques- 
tion, What part has the Reichstag in 
German history as a whole? it will be 
seen that the part is a very limited one." 

" Many millions among us," said Dr. 
Frank in the Reichstag on Jan. 23, 1914, 
"feel it a burning shame that while 
Germans achieve great things in trade 
and industry, in politics they are de- 
prived of rights." 

In the determination of national policy 
the German Nation has, therefore, no way 
of enforcing its wishes through the only 
agency it possesses. In other words, the 
nation does not govern itself. The main- 
spring of power lies, not in the Reichstag, 
but in the Bundesrat, the organ of the 
Princes, every one of whom claims to 
rule by Divine right, not one of whom 
has his policy dictated to him by his 
people's representatives and in the 
Kingdom of Prussia. 



Absolutism in Prussia 
The Kingdom of Prussia is larger than 
all the other German States combined, 
comprising two-thirds of the territory 
and about two-thirds of the population 
of Germany. The empire differs from 
other confederations in that the States 
composing it are of unequal voting power 
in both the Bundesrat and the Reichs- 
tag. It was Prussia that made the Ger- 
man Empire, and made it by blood and 
iron, and in the empire she has installed 
herself at every point of vantage and 
guards jealously not only the primacy 
but also the actual power. 

Prussia has, since 1850, had a Consti- 
tution and a Parliament. What are they 
like? The Constitution was granted by 
the King, and nowhere does it recognize 
the sovereignty of the people. What 
the monarch has granted he can alter 
or withdraw. All the restriction the 
Constitution imposes upon the monarch- 
ical principal is that henceforth it shall 
be exercised and expressed in certain 
forms, with a certain procedure. Prus- 
sian statesmen and Prussian jurists main- 
tain with practical unanimity that this 
does not mean any diminution of the 
power of the monarch, that the fact that 
he creates a Legislature does not for an 
instant mean that he devolves upon it 
a part of the sovereignty. 

The Legislature of Prussia is the Land- 
tag, which consists of two chambers, the 
House of Lords and the House of Repre- 
sentatives. The Legislature does not ini- 
tiate much legislation. Most of the bills 
passed by it have been proposed by the 
Government; that is, by the King. The 
Legislature has practically no control 
over the administration; that is, over the 
powerful and permanent bureaucracy. It 
can in this sphere express opinions and 
practically nothing more. The Consti- 
tution does not determine the composition 
of the House of Lords, but leaves that 
to the King to determine by royal ordi- 
nance. As a matter of fact, this House 
is really overwhelmingly dominated by 
the land-owning nobility, the famous 
Junkers, men frequently more royalist 
than the King, conservative and mili- 
taristic to the marrow of their bones. 
The House is subject to the absolute 



HOW THE HOHENZOLLERNS AND JUNKERS CONTROL 



201 



control of the monarch through his un- 
restricted power to create peers. It is 
really a sort of royal council, an exten- 
sion or variation of the royal power. It 
is a body that in no sense represents 
the people of Prussia. It has a veto 
upon all legislation, and the King has an 
absolute veto also. 

Yet there exists another House in this 
Legislature which enacts the laws that 
govern 40,000,000 Prussians the so- 
called House of Representatives; and 
marvelous, indeed, is the construction 
and composition of that body. Every 
Prussian man who has attained his 
twenty-fifth year has the vote. Is 
Prussia, therefore, a democracy? Not 
exactly, for the exercise of this right is 
so arranged that the ballot of the poor 
man is practically annihilated. Universal 
suffrage has been rendered illusory. And 
this is the way it has been done: The 
voters are divided in each electoral dis- 
trict into three classes according to 
wealth. The amount of taxes paid by 
the district is divided into three equal 
parts. Those taxpayers who pay the 
first third are grouped into one class; 
those, more numerous, who pay the sec- 
ond third, into another class; those who 
pay the remainder, into still another 
class. The result is that a very few rich 
men are set apart by themselves, the 
less rich by themselves, and the poor by 
themselves. Each of these groups, voting 
separately, elects an equal number of 
delegates to a convention, which conven- 
tion chooses the delegates of that con- 
stituency to the lower house of the Prus- 
sian Parliament. 

No Chance for the Poor 
Thus in every Electoral Convention 
two-thirds of the members belong to the 
wealthy or well-to-do class. There is no 
chance in such a system for the poor, 
for the masses. This system gives an 
enormous preponderance of political 
power to the rich. The first class con- 
sists of very few men, in some districts 
of only one; the second is sometimes 
twenty times as numerous, the third 
sometimes a hundred, or even a thou- 
sand times. Thus, though every man 
has the suffrage, the vote of a single 
rich man may have as great weight as 



the votes of a thousand workingmen. 
Universal suffrage is manipulated in such 
a way as to defeat democracy decisively 
asid to consolidate a privileged class in 
power in the only branch of the Govern- 
ment that has even the appearance of 
being of popular origin. Bismarck, no 
friend of liberalism, once characterized 
this electoral system as the worst ever 
created. Its shrieking injustice is shown 
by the fact that in 1900 the Social Demo- 
crats, who actually cast a majority of the 
votes, got only 7 seats out of nearly 400. 
It is one of the most undemocratic sys- 
tems in existence. 

The voters do not choose their repre- 
sentatives directly. The suffrage is in- 
direct, and is, moreover, as we have 
seen, grossly unequal. As this system 
is in vogue for municipal elections as 
well as for State elections, it throws 
power, whether in the municipality or 
in the nation, into the hands of men of 
wealth. 

In 1908 there were 293,000 voters in 
the first class, 1,065,240 in the second, 
6,324,079 in the third. The first class 
represented 4 per cent., the second 14 
per cent., the third 82 per cent, of the 
population. In Cologne the first class 
comprised 370 electors, the second 2,584, 
while the third had 22,324. The first 
class chose the same number of electors 
as the third. Thus, 370 rich men had 
the same voting capacity as 22,324 pro- 
letarians. In Saarbriicken, the Baron 
von Sturm formed the first class all by 
himself, and announced complacently 
that he did not suffer from his isolation. 
In one of the Berlin districts Herr Heffte, 
a manufacturer of sausages, formed the 
first class. 

This system would seem to be mon- 
strous enough by reason of the mon- 
strous plutocratic ~ cast. But this is not 
all. This reactionary edifice is appro- 
priately crowned by another device, oral 
voting. Neither in the primary nor the 
secondary voting is a secret ballot used. 
Voting is viva voce. Thus every one 
exercises his right publicly in the pres- 
ence of his superior or his patron or 
employer, or his equals or the official 
representative of the King. In such a 
country as Prussia, where the police are 



202 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



notoriously ubiquitous, what a weapon 
for absolutism! The great landowners, 
the great manufacturers, the State, can 
easily bring all the pressure they desire 
to bear upon the voter, exercising his 
wretched rudiment of political power. 

On Feb. 10, 1910, Herr von Bethmann 
Hollweg defended this system in the 
Landtag with great frankness : " We are 
opposed to secret voting because, in- 
stead of developing the sense of respon- 
sibility in the voter, it attenuates it, and, 
on the other hand, it favors the terror- 
ism which Socialists exercise over the 
bourgeois voters." 

As a matter of fact, a large number of 
voters prefer to forego their miserable 
privilege entirely and stay at home. In 
1903, 23.6 per cent, only of them voted 
for the Prussian House of Representa- 
tives, while the same year 75 per cent, 
voted in the elections for the Reichstag, 
where the secret ballot is used. Of 
those who failed to vote, much the 
larger percentage is from the third 
class, whose members evidently feel the 
nullity of the privileges they enjoy in 
this " people's kingdom of the Hohenzol- 
lern," as the Kaiser alluringly de- 
scribes it. 

An additional evidence as to the per- 
fection of the " people's kingdom " is 
this: With the exception of a thoroughly 
insignificant measure passed in June, 
1906, there has been no change in the 
electoral districts since 1858. No account 
has been taken of the changes in the 
population, and there are the same or 
worse disparities than there are in the 
case of the Reichstag, as previously 
stated. It thus happens that 3,000,000 
inhabitants of four large Prussian dis- 
tricts return nine representatives, while 
three other million, divided among forty 
smaller districts, return sixty-six. Here 
again the natural result of the change of 
the population owing to the economic evo- 
lution has inordinately increased the in- 
fluence of the rural districts, prevail- 
ingly Conservative. 

In 1903 under this system 324,157 
Conservative votes elected 143 represen- 
tatives; but 314,149 Social Democratic 
votes did not secure the election of a 
single member. 



Princes Have the Veto 
Neither in the empire nor in Prussia 
nor any of the other States that com- 
pose the empire does the elected Cham- 
ber control the Government. In every 
case the Prince has the absolute veto. 
Where there are second Chambers, as in 
many of the States, they are not elected, 
but are nominated, and are a bulwark 
of a privileged class. And in Prussia 
even the so-called popular House is 
merely another name for a privileged 
class. Neither in the nation nor in the 
States are the Ministers controlled by 
the popular assemblies. They may vote 
a lack of confidence as often as they feel 
like it. The Ministers will go right on as 
long as the Emperor, King, Grand Duke, 
or Prince desires. You cannot amend the 
Constitution in any German State with- 
out the consent of the Prince. You can- 
not amend the Constitution of the empire 
without the consent of one man, William 
II. Reichstag committees may discuss 
and propose amendments to their hearts' 
content. After they have obtained the 
consent of the Reichstag a rocky road 
opens out broadly ahead of them. For 
they must have the approval of the Bun- 
desrat, which is appointed by the reign- 
ing Princes of Germany and is obliged 
to vote as they direct. No amendment 
can pass the Bundesrat if 14 votes out 
of the 61 are cast against it. Of these 
61, Prussia has 20. The Prussian votes 
are cast as the King of Prussia directs. 
If every individual in Germany except 
this one, and including the other Kings 
and Dukes, wanted a change in the Con- 
stitution, they couldn't get it if William 
II. said No! This is the people's king- 
dom with a vengeance! 

The power of the Prussian Crown is 
virtually absolute " absolutism under 
constitutional- forms," said Rudolph 
Gneist, once considered in Germany a 
great authority on public law, before the 
modern school of publicists Laband, 
George Meyer, Bornhak, Jellinek, Del- 
briick became the teachers of Germany, 
and taught the most reactionary political 
philosophy that Europe has heard since 
the time of de Bonald and de Maistre. 
They have taught that the complete, un- 
controlled power of the " Government " 



HOW THE HOHENZOLLERNS AND JUNKERS CONTROL 203 



(Regierung) is in the power of the 
Prince, that the granting of Constitutions 
did not mean the recognition of popular 
sovereignty in the slightest degree, that 
, Legislatures are not representations of 
the people but are mere organs of the 
State, that Legislatures have no right to 
bring the State to a standstill, that is, 
have no right to refuse a budget until 
their wishes are respected; that, if they 
do, they are acting not in a constitutional 
but in a revolutionary sense; that if such 
a step is taken, then it is the right of the 
sovereign to recur to the principle that 
existed before the granting of the Con- 
stitution, absolute monarchy, and to do 
what he regards as wise. 

German Legislatures are impotent and 
ineffective. The effective seat of political 
power in Germany is, as it has always 
been, in the monarchs. Germans may 
have the right to vote, but Napoleon I. 
and Napoleon III. showed men (and Bis- 
marck among others) that that made no 
difference, if the vote led nowhere, if the 
body elected by the voters was carefully 
and completely nullified by other bodies 
over which the voters had no control 
whatever. 

The Legislatures of Germany are really 
only royal councils, consultative assem- 
blies. Bismarck's defiance of the Prus- 
sian Chamber and the voters who elected 
it, in the Conflict Period, from 1862 to 
1866, has been decisive for the fate of 
popular government in Germany. 

The All-Powerful King 
Prince von Billow, the ablest Chancel- 
lor of the empire since Bismarck, said in 
1914: "Prussia attained her greatness 
as a country of soldiers and officials, and 
as such she was able to accomplish the 
work of German union ; to this day she is 
still, in all essentials, a State of soldiers 
and officials." The governing classes are, 
in Prussia, which in turn governs Ger- 
many, the monarch, the aristocracy, and 
a bureaucracy of military and civil offi- 
cials, responsible to the King alone.^ The 
determining factor in the State is the 
personality of the King. 

Prussia has been the strongest obstacle 
the democratic movement of the nine- 
teenth and twentieth centuries has en- 
countered. Germany in 1914 was less 



liberal than in 1848. The most serious 
blow that the principle of representative 
government received during that century 
was the one she received at the hands of 
Bismarck. We have expert testimony of 
the highest and most official sort that 
the effects of that blow are not outlived. 
Prince von Billow, writing in 1914, said: 
" Liberalism, 'in spite of its change of 
attitude in national questions, has to this 
day not recovered from the catastrophic 
defeat which Prince Bismarck inflicted 
nearly half a century ago on the party of 
progress which still clings to the ideals 
and principles of 1848." 

Parliaments will not control in Ger- 
many, the civil power will not dominate 
the military, until the present regime, 
exalted and strengthened by the victories 
of 1864-70, is debased and disgraced by 
resounding and disastrous defeats. It is 
doubtful if there will be any change even 
then, for the German people are the most 
docile in Europe, with no taste for revo- 
lutions, with no revolutions to their 
credit, as have England, France, Amer- 
ica, Russia, even China. Personal Gov- 
ernment has brought the present calam- 
ity upon the world, and the possessors of 
that power will fight to retain it, and 
will, if necessary, treat the German peo- 
ple with the same ruthlessness as they 
have treated the other peoples of Europe. 
Moreover, the solidarity of governed and 
governors, in atrocious crimes, during 
the past three years gives little hope to 
liberals in other countries who desire 
liberalism in Germany. 

Let us not be hoodwinked by Easter 
messages from William II., or by cloudy 
and ambiguous utterances of Bethmann 
Hollweg, as presaging forthcoming liber- 
alization of Germany. Prussian Kings 
have shown that not only are treaties 
scraps of paper but that Constitutions 
are also scraps of paper when their pro- 
visions annoy the monarch. And Prus- 
sian monarchs have never been squeam- 
ish about perjury. The famous Easter 
" promises " of this year will not be a 
greater hindrance to imperial and royal 
volition than previous, celebrated prom- 
ises to Belgium and to the United States 
have been. 



RUSSIA'S NEW OUTLOOK 

Achievements and Problems, Both Civil and 
Military, in the Fourth Month of the Revolution 



THE situation in Russia improved, 
on the whole, during the fourth 
month after the abdication of 
Nicholas II. The marked feature 
of this advance was the way in which 
the civil power and the army reacted 
upon each other, each strengthening and 
steadying the other. The great offensive, 
which began on July 1 the anniversary 
of the battle of the Somme and which, 
up to the middle of the month, had netted 
some 35,000 prisoners, was made pos- 
sible by the strong hand of Alexander 
Kerensky at the War Ministry and the 
iron discipline which he promised to in- 
troduce, aided by the power of his fiery 
eloquence, which swept through Russia 
like a flame. And, once the offensive 
was started, the rapid succession of vic- 
tories gained by the far-sighted military 
genius of General Brusiloff reacted in a 
very favorable sense upon the position of 
the Provisional Government, giving it 
new strength and prestige. Hindenburg 
checked the advance on July 17, but suc- 
cess had already consolidated the Rus- 
sian Army and hardened and condensed 
the national spirit of the civil population 
behind the lines. 

The instant success of Brusiloff's 
army, which duplicated the striking 
achievements of June, 1916, went far to 
show that the demoralization of the Rus- 
sian Army had not gone to anything like 
the point suggested by pessimist cable- 
grams from Petrograd. It was evident 
that General Brusiloff to a large degree 
succeeded in shutting out from the army 
under his personal command the Army 
of the Southwest, which was attacking 
the wave of demoralization which turned 
the heads of the troops at Kronstadt and 
Schliisselburg; succeeded also to a great 
extent in preventing the "fraternization" 
which is believed to have been a war ruse 
of the German Intelligence Department. 
Further, he kept his men vigilant and 
prepared along the fighting front; for 



during the three months of inactivity and 
disorder following the revolution the 
combined Teuton armies did not gain a 
foot of ground anywhere along the long 
Russian line. This was no doubt due 
in part to a politic holding back inspired 
by the illusive hope of a separate peace; 
but at the same time it showed that the 
Russian lines all the way from the Baltic 
to the Danube were kept watertight dur- 
ing all the months of political turmoil. 
Finally, the supply of shells must have 
been steadily accumulating behind the 
lines, in spite of all obstructions in traffic 
arrangements. 

Two difficult problems confront the 
Provisional Government, both due to 
groups calling themselves Socialists. 
There have been armed riots on the 
Nevsky Prospect. The most serious dis- 
turbances since the new Government 
was organized occurred in Petrograd on 
July 17. The radicals, by continued agi- 
tation and inflammatory appeals against 
the Provisional Government under the 
leadership of an extremist named Lenin, 
succeeded in precipitating disorders in 
the streets, and a number of disaffected 
soldiers and sailors co-operated with 
them. There was fighting between 
mobs and the troops of the Provisional 
Government, and fully 500 were killed 
and wounded during the two days. It 
was openly charged that documentary 
evidence was discovered which showed 
that Lenin and other radical leaders 
were in the pay of pro-Germans. 

The avowed purpose of the anarchist 
demonstrations was to overturn the 
Provisional Government and seize the 
reins of power, immediately recalling 
the Russian Army from the fighting 
line. 

The Government succeeded in restor- 
ing order on July 19, and received evi- 
dences of renewed support from all parts 
of the country. A special Congress of 
Delegates representing all the Councils 



REAR ADMIRAL ALBERT GLEAVES 




Commander of the Naval Force Which Safely Convoyed the 
First Part of the United States Army Across the Atlantic. 



MAJOR GENERAL GEORGE BARNETT 




Commander in Chief of the United States Marine Corps, 
Whose Motto Is "First to Fight." 

(Photo Harris & Ewing.~} 



RUSSIA'S NEW OUTLOOK 



205 



of Russia was summoned to meet July 
28 to determine the future Governmental 
policy. 

The second difficulty is also due to 
" Socialist " tendencies. It appears that 
two members of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, the Georgian Tseretelli and Terest- 
chenko, Foreign Minister, whose name 
shows him to be of South Russian origin, 
were deputed to meet representatives of 
the so-called Ukrainian Party, which de- 
mands autonomy, if not independence, for 
a region partly in Southwestern Russia, 
partly in Galicia, called the Ukraine, or 
Borderland, (from the Russian " krai," a 
border.) It appears that these two Min- 
isters committed the Provisional Govern- 
ment to certain extreme concessions, 
which practically suspend the authority 
of the Provisional Government in this 
loosely defined territory lying along 
and immediately behind the fighting 
line. The insistence that autonomy 
be granted at once caused the resig- 
nation July 15 of five members of the 
Cabinet, who were Constitutional Demo- 
crats. 

The so-called " Ukraine " movement, 
which is very like the Sinn Fein move- 
ment in Ireland, had a certain develop- 
ment among emigrants to the United 
States, and there was good reason to 
believe that it had strong German sup- 
port. Whether its recrudescence in Rus- 
sia is directly due to this cause, or simply 
represents the efforts of Socialist ex- 
tremists bent on carrying out a theory of 
decentralization at whatever cost to the 
State, it is evident that the Ukrainian 
movement will require very careful han- 
dling if it is not to become an open 
menace. 

Finland presents a like problem. The 



people of the Ukraine are of Slavonic 
blood, speaking a dialect so close to 
Russian as to be easily intelligible to 
all Russians. The Finns, on the con- 
trary, are non- Aryan, remotely allied to 
the Magyars and the Turks, and also to 
a wide strip of peoples along Northern 
Russia and through the whole length 
of Siberia. On the ground of difference 
of race they now demand separate 
treatment, further alleging that the 
rights of the former Czar, as Grand 
Duke of Finland, did not pass automat- 
ically to the Provisional Government at 
the revolution, but reverted to the Fin- 
nish people. 

There is reason to see the hand of 
Germany in the Finnish imbroglio also. 
While the bulk of the population is 
Finnish, the ruling class is Swedish, 
speaking the Swedish tongue, and, like 
Sweden itself, strongly sympathizes 
with Germany in the present war. It 
has been announced that some kind of 
a working compromise with the Finnish 
" nationalists " has been reached, in 
part through the efforts of the Georgian, 
Nicholas Tscheidze, conspicuous during 
the early days of the revolution as 
President of the Committee of Work- 
men's and Soldiers' Delegates, which 
made so many difficulties for the Pro- 
visional Government during its early 
existence, especially by demanding that 
all army orders must be submitted to 
this committee before coming into 
force. This danger was measurably re- 
moved by the strengthening of disci- 
pline in the army, by the formation of 
committees of the army itself and of its 
officers, but even more by the strong 
and successful offensive. C. J. 

July 20, 1917. 



Premier Lvoff on Russia's Situation 

[Statement made July 7, 1917] 



PRINCE LVOFF, Russian Premier 
and Minister of the Interior, made 
a public statement at Petrograd on 
July 7 for the information of America. 
He began by declaring his unshaken con- 
viction that, despite grave difficulties to 
be faced, Russia was marching toward 



reconstruction and stability, and that the 
war was developing toward victory 
Prince Lvoff continued : 

Regarding the war, say that the latest 
action of our army inspires in me full 
hope. I am convinced that the new 
advance, even if temporarily stayed, i3 
not finished, but is a prelude to much 



200 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



greater successes. The advance thor- 
oughly confutes the pessimists who unan- 
imously predicted that an offensive by 
our supposed disorganized troops was im- 
possible. From actual intercourse with 
delegates from the army and. with other 
observers on the spot, I kndcw that the 
offensive spirit is spreading. 

This is no gradual reconstruction of 
the army, but the first stage of a com- 
plete process of recreation, which is al- 
most miraculous, proving, in my judg- 
ment, that the troops are infected with 
a genuine revolutionary and crusading 
spirit and the consciousness of a mission 
to save Russia and influence world events 
in the direction desired by all progressive 
men. 

The good side is the army's supply of 
munitions and other necessaries, in which 
we are markedly better off than last 
year ; in fact, guaranteed for the imme- 
diate future. The bad side is the trans- 
port difficulties, which still are serious. 
These are an evil heritage from the old 
regime, and, naturally, it is impossible 
to restore order in three months crowded 
with revolutionary activities. Even with 
stable political conditions the creation of 
efficient transport is a problem of years. 
Our great hope of speedy improvement 
lies with the Stevens Railroad Commis- 
sion, (the American Commission,) from 
which we expect much. 

American Aid Welcome 
With regard to American help generally, 
I lay down no specific program. It will 
be simplest to say that all conceivable 
American aid is wanted in every domain. 
But the key to the solution of all our 
military and economic difficulties is 
transport amelioration, in which it is 
impossible to do too much. 

Send my hearty thanks for the Ameri- 
can project, the dispatch of the Red 
Cross mission, as here we have serious 
defects and deficiencies. I follow the 
news on this subject from New York 
with intense interest, but, having myself 
ceased to direct Red Cross and sanitary 
affairs, I can only beg America as far 
as possible to meet the requests for 
material and personal help made by our 
official Red Cross, in the consciousness 
that the triumph of our common cause 
will be furthered thereby. 

I hope also for further American finan- 
cial support. I am unable to say what 
form this will take, presumably a loan, 
but on this subject our Finance Minister, 
M. Shingaroff, in his discussion with the 
financial members of the Root Commis- 
sion, will no doubt produce a practical 
program which America can help realize. 
America should note that we ourselves 
are ready to bear the heaviest monetary 
sacrifices and have already passed more 
drastic measures respecting taxation on 



property than any of the other belligerent 
powers and are ready to go much further. 
Among our other economic problems the 
most vital is food. Here again the cen- 
tral question is transport, and if America 
helps in this we can do the rest ourselves, 
as the total stock of food is sufficient for 
both the army and the civilian popula- 
tion. 

The Internal Situation 
Prince Lvoff proceeded to discuss the 
internal situation, declaring that this has 
had a marked influence on Russia's abil- 
ity to carry on the fight in the war with 
vigor. He said: 

I am glad to see last week's marked 
signs of amelioration. Tell America that 
I have daily evidence of the rallying of 
all the rational elements of the nation 
round the Coalition Cabinet. The irra- 
tional elements, such as the anarchists 
and Bolsheviki, are in such a minority 
that there is no reason to fear their get- 
ting the upper hand. Not only the bour- 
geoisie, but an overwhelming majority of 
the workingmen are against them. Their 
present excesses are merely a last des- 
perate reaction against their conciousness 
of this. 

On the whole, the nation is satisfied 
with the Provisional Government, because 
the Government, though hampered by 
grave military and diplomatic preoccu- 
pations, has already successfully carried 
through internal reforms which embody 
the traditional aspirations of Russia's 
progressives. Do you know that within 
a few weeks of the Czarists' downfall the 
Government realized a liberal fivefold 
program, giving complete liberty of per- 
son, speech, press, meeting, and religion, 
and going therein further than most pro- 
gressive democracies in Europe or Amer- 
ica? 

Although these tremendous reforms 
were pushed through hastily in the ab- 
sence of legislative machinery, not one 
of them has been subjected to serious 
criticisms even by the avowed anti- 
Government factions. Perhaps America 
knows of this, but does she know that 
we have also executed a comprehensive 
scheme of minor economic, financial, and 
social reforms, which has been unani- 
mously approved? 

I refer you, for instance, to the com- 
plete democratization of the country, local 
self-government in the towns through- 
out the country, with the universal and 
equal suffrage for both sexes regardless 
of qualifications, the special feature of 
which is the establishment of a smaller 
unit of local government, in which is 
abolished the inequality between peasants 
and the other classes, thus eradicating 
from the Russian law the ancient and de- 
grading distinction of " the privileged 



PREMIER LVOFF ON RUSSIA'S SITUATION 



207 



classes"; the reform of the military 
courts and of local courts of justice, with 
the admission of women to the magistracy 
and legal profession ; educational reform, 
Including a new university in the City of 
Perm ; secondary school reconstruction, 
the reform of the backward parish ele- 
mentary school, the democratic income 
property tax, with the proposal for the re- 
form of succession taxation ; the organiza- 
tion of peasant home work, which is an 
important factor in our village economy; 
the mobilization of the nation's technical 
knowledge for war purposes ; many church 
reforms, among them the election of the 
highest prelates by popular vote, and the 
preparations for an ecumenical church 
council, aiming at the abolition of State 
despotism in church affairs. 

Through these reforms Russia in 100 
days has advanced 100 years. 

America as /Russia's Ideal 
Prince Lvoff went on to declare that 
diplomatic relations with the Allies were 
much improved; that, despite three 
months of stagnation on the part of 
Russia's Army and the critical attitude 
of her democracy to the Allies, the pro- 
gram of mutual confidence was un- 
shaken. "Equally satisfactory," said 
Prince Lvoff, " are our relations with 
America. Let me here express to Amer- 
ica our hearty satisfaction at the visit 
of the Root Mission." In conclusion he 
discussed Russo-American and Russian 
world relations with fervor, declaring 



that the greatest hope lay in Russia's 
new approximation to America. He 
added: 

For decades of darkness and oppression 
America had been our ideal of freedom 
and intellectual and material development ; 
rather, not our ideal, for we had consid- 
ered it unattainable, but a remote fairy 
tale of happiness. Now we have in one 
jump reached America's condition of free- 
dom. There remains the slower but not 
Impossible task to overtake her in educa- 
tion, material progress, culture, and re- 
spect for order. 

We are on the right track. The spirit 
of new Russia is closely akin to the im- 
memorial spirit of free America, and 
where the spirit is, work follows. That 
means Russia's salvation. But that is not 
all. I am convinced that our revolution is 
no mere domestic affair, but a stage in 
the new world movement toward liberty, 
equality, fraternity perhaps the greatest 
stage in the world's history. Equally, I 
consider that the war, like, Indeed, pre- 
ceding wars, is a stage in world evolu- 
tion. This war's mission is to spread 
throughout the world all that is vital and 
abiding in our revolution. That is why as 
a citizen of the world I desire victory. 

I regard the growing friendship between 
Russia and America as a Providential in- 
strument in this world process. There- 
fore I consider that all the help, sym- 
pathy, and encouragement we get from 
your people beyond the seas constitute 
not merely a local, temporary benefit, but 
a permanent contribution toward the re- 
generation of the world. 



Russian Ambassador's Formal Address 



BORIS BAKHMETEFF on July 5 
formally presented his credentials 
to President Wilson as Russian 
Ambassador. The formal addresses were 
as follows: 

Mr. President, I have the honor of 
presenting to you the letters by which the 
Provisional Government of Russia is ac- 
crediting me to the Government of the 
United States of America as its Ambas- 
sador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. 
My Government has directed me to ex- 
press to you its profound gratitude for 
the noble act of prompt recognition by 
your Government of the new order es- 
tablished in Russia and to convey to the 
Government and to the people of the 
United States the feelings of sincere sym- 
pathy and friendship. 

At the present time the historical paths 
of the United States and Russia have been 
drawn close in the common struggle for 



freedom and lasting peace of the world, 
and in this strife the new-born Russian 
democracy is being guided by the same 
unselfish aims, the same human and 
democratic principles, as this great Re- 
public. 

The success of our mutual task makes 
essential the firm establishing 1 of the 
democratic regime in Russia, as well as 
the consolidation of Russia's fighting 
power. To that end are tending the 
efforts of the Provisional Government 
which is awaiting to find a source of new 
strength in the hearty spirit and brotherly 
support of the United States. For such 
attainments the Provisional Government Is 
endeavoring to establish a full under- 
standing and a close co-operation with 
the Government of this country, whose 
immense resources and unlimited energy 
can contribute most effectively to the 
achievement of our cause. To bring such 
co-operation into effect and to establish 



208 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



means of common activity on the most 
practical lines and with no loss of time, 
the Provisional Government has consid- 
ered it necessary to bestow on me ex- 
ceptional powers to treat and decide, on 
behalf of my Government, all manifold 
questions in which such co-operation 
should have to reveal itself. 

To secure unity of action, ,the Pro- 
visional Government has concentrated un- 
der my supreme guidance the activities 
of various Russian institutions and rep- 
resentatives in this country, and has pro- 
vided for amplified efficiency by sending a 
number of new competent delegates who 
have accompanied me on my mission. 

Confident that the natural sympathy of 
the two nations will grow now into bonds 
of solid friendship, I look forward with 
the greatest hopes to the results of united 
efforts of the two great democracies, based 
on mutual understanding and -common 
ends. 

The President's Reply 
Following is the reply of the Presi- 
dent: 

Mr. Ambassador, to the keen satisfac- 
tion which I derived from the fact that 
the Government of the United States was 
the first to welcome, by its official rec- 
ognition, the new democracy of Russia to 
the family of free States is added the ex- 
ceptional pleasure which I experience in 
now receiving from your hand the letters 
whereby the Provisional Government of 
Russia accredits you as its Ambassador 
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the 
United States and in according to you 



formal recognition as the first Ambassa- 
dor of free Russia to this country. 

For the people of Russia the people of 
the United States have ever entertained 
friendly feelings, which have now been 
greatly deepened by the knowledge that, 
actuated by the same lofty motives, the 
two Governments and peoples are co-op- 
erating to bring to a successful termina- 
tion the conflict now raging for human 
liberty and a universal acknowledgment 
of those principles of right and justice 
which should direct all Governments. I 
feel convinced that when this happy day 
shall come no small share of the credit 
will be due to the devoted people of Rus- 
sia, who, overcoming disloyalty from 
within and intrigue from without, remain 
steadfast to the cause. 

The mission which it was my pleasure 
to send to Russia has already assured the 
Provisional Government that in this mo- 
mentous struggle and in the problems 
that confront and will confront the free 
Government of Russia that Government 
may count on the steadfast friendship of 
the Government of the United States and 
its constant co-operation in all desired ap- 
propriate directions. 

It only remains for me to give expres- 
sion to my admiration of the way in 
which the Provisional Government of Rus- 
sia are meeting all requirements, to my en- 
tire sympathy with them in their noble 
object to insure to the people of Russia 
the blessings of freedom and of equal 
rights and opportunity, and to my faith 
that through their efforts Russia will as- 
sume her rightful place among the great 
free nations of the world. 



Indictment of Czar's Former Officials 



LATE in June, 1917, the Provisional 
Government began to take severe 
measures against the highest of- 
ficials of the old regime who are declared 
to be guilty of breaches of the laws of 
the empire. 

An indictment was handed down against 
former Prime Minister Sturmer under a 
law which provides severe punishment 
for the arbitrary transgression by an 
official of the limits of his rightful 
power. 

Former Secretary of the Empire, M. 
Kruizhanovsky, the strongest man in 
the Government under former Premier 
Stolypin, was indicted for issuing a de- 
cree in June, 1907, by which the election 
law was violated in defiance of the Con- 
stitution of 1906. 



M. Chtyheglovitoff , former Minister of 
Justice, was indicted for unlawfully stop- 
ping the prosecution of former Governor 
Skallon of Warsaw, who was charged 
with having accepted a bribe of 100,000 
rubles. 

Former Governor Kourlof f was charged 
with complicity in the murder of Colonel 
Karpoff, Chief of the Secret Police of 
Petrograd, who was assassinated in 1909 
and whose death caused a great sensa- 
tion. 

General Rennenkampf, one of the army 
commanders in the early part of the war, 
and who was defeated by von Hinden- 
burg in East Prussia, was indicted for 
alleged offenses, conviction of which 
means imprisonment. 

Against M. Protopopoff, former Min- 



INDICTMENT OF CZAR'S FORMER OFFICIALS 



209 



ister of the Interior, was preferred a 
new charge that of stealing from the 
telegraph archives- the original dispatches 
between the late mystic monk Rasputin 
and Emperor Nicholas and Empress 
Alexandra. On conviction Protopopoff 
would be subject to a jail sentence. 

Officials in Their Cells 

A correspondent who visited the Fort- 
ress of Peter and Paul thus describes 
the prison cells of the former Ministers 
of the Czar: 

In the bastion are more than eighty 
cells, some above and some below. I en- 
tered one of these cells. A room twenty- 
one feet long and and about twelve feet 
broad, rather high, lit by one semicir- 
cular window almost at the ceiling. It is 
impossible to peep out of it, as the iron 
bed and the table are fixed to the wall. 
The window is stoutly barred with iron. 
The air in the cell is damp and stuffy. 

The bed consists of wooden planks laid 
over the iron framework. It has a straw- 
mattress and a single straw pillow. Above 
is a coarse cloth blanket. The table is 
painted dark gray. A water tap and 
basin are fixed to the wall and there are 
the necessary toilet utensils ; nothing 
more. 

The cells below are furnished similarly, 
but they are much damper and colder. In 
them one feels the nearness of the waters 
of the Neva, the plash of which on the 
stone walls is heard by the captives. 
Every quarter of an hour the boom of the 
big cathedral clock bell reverberates 
through the bastion. 

The captives have exactly the same ra- 
tions as the soldiers, mainly stew, black 
bread, and soup. They are allowed to 
purchase no dainties. The same condi- 
tions apply to all, to Stiirmer and Pro- 
topopoff, to the former Minister of War, 
Sukhomlinov, and his wife, to Fraulein 
Virubova companion of the former Czar- 
ina and close friend of Rasputin. 

Sukhomlinov makes a painful impres- 
sion on the observer. A thin old man 
with an unkempt gray beard and narrow 
little eyes. His troubled glance met ours 
as we peeped through the hole in the door. 

The notorious " hangman " the gen- 
darmeries officer, S'obestchanki, lay on his 
bed, enveloped in tobacco smoke through 
which faintly appeared his cruel features. 

Stiirmer, when I peeped in, was sitting, 
with bowed shoulders, on the end of his 
bed, his back to the door. 

Fraulein Virubova sat on her bed, now 
and then crossing herself. Near her lay 
a crutch. Since her injury in a railroad 
smash on the Moscow-Windau-Ribinsk 
road two years ago she has had to get 
about with crutches. 



Protopopoff, like a beast in its den, 
strode to and fro, to and fro, incessantly 
from corner to corner of his cell. He paid 
no attention to the sound of men moving 
in the corridor. He did not even glance 
at the hole in the door. 

NeTV Financial Measures 
The Provisional Government issued a 
law June 29 increasing the existing pro- 
gressive income tax to 30 per cent, on in- 
comes over $200,000. Another new law 
increases the war tax on increment of 
industrial profits to 60 per cent. A 
third law establishes a supplementary 
progressive income tax, rising on the 
largest incomes to more than 30 per 
cent., and making, together with the 
highest ordinary income tax, 60 per cent. 
of the income. 

The new Russian loan, received sub- 
scriptions amounting to $1,500,000,000, 
bringing the total debt to $20,500,000,000. 
A dispatch dated July 12 from Petro- 
grad stated that the deposed Emperor 
Nicholas had appealed to the Provisional 
Government to allow him and the mem- 
bers of his family to acquire stock in the 
" Loan of Freedom." He announced 
that the amount of their investment in 
the loan depended upon whether the Rus- 
sian State intended to support his fam- 
ily. He added that of his own property 
he possessed now only 900,000 rubles, his 
wife 1,000,000 rubles, his heir, Alexis, 
1,500,000; his daughter Olga 3,000,000, 
and his other daughters between 1,000,- 
000 and 2,000,000 rubles. The nominal 
value of the ruble is 51.46 cents. 

The Crimm Episode 
The German conspiracy for a separate 
peace received a severe setback when the 
General Congress of Workmen's and Sol- 
diers' Delegates of all Russia, by a vote 
of 640 to 121, approved the attitude of 
the Government in expelling from Russia 
Robert Grimm, a Swiss Socialist paci- 
fist, who had received the following conu 
munication, when in Petrograd, from M. 
Hoffmann, member of the Swiss Federal 
Council : 

Germany will not undertake an offensive 
so long as she considers it possible to ar- 
rive at an understanding with Russia. 
Numerous conversations with prominent 
politicians lead me to believe that Ger- 
many is seeking to conclude with Russia 
a mutually honorable peace, and a peace 



210 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



which would result in the re-establishment 
of close economic and commercial rela- 
tions with Russia ; the financial support 
of Germany to Russia for her restoration; 
no intervention in the internal affairs of 
Russia; a friendly understanding with re- 
gard to Poland, Lithuania, and^Courland ; 
and the restoration to Russia pf f her occu- 
pied territories, in return for the districts 
of Austria invaded by Russia. I am con- 
vinced that if the allies of Russia desired 
it, Germany and her allies would be ready 
immediately to open peace negotiations. 

On hearing of this document the Rus- 
sian Government requested the Socialist 
Ministers MM. Tseretelli and Skobeleff 
to demand an explanation from M. 
Grimm, who handed to these Ministers a 
document in which he sought to prove 
that he had had no communication, 
either direct or indirect, on the subject of 
peace negotiations, and that the telegram 
mentioned above was an endeavor on the 
part of Germany to profit by his stay in 
Russia to re-establish the bonds of inter- 
national Socialists and a general peace 
in the interests of the German Govern- 
ment; and, furthermore, that when in 
Berne having his passport vised, he 
avoided all political conversations and all 
contact with the German Majority Social- 
ists; and that finally, in his capacity of a 
Socialist, he could not be the intermedi- 
ary for imperialistic peace projects be- 
tween Governments. 

MM. Tseretelli and Skobeleff found 
these explanations unsatisfactory, and 
the Provisional Government therefore re- 
quested M. Grimm to leave Russia, and 
he left. The episode caused the resigna- 
tion of M. Hoffmann from the Swiss 
Council. 

Regiment of Russian Women 
One of the most picturesque episodes 
of the return of Russia into the war was 
the formation of a woman's regiment 
known as " The Command of Death," 
which was reviewed at Petrograd June 
21 by Minister of War Kerensky. 

The Associated Press correspondent 
who visited the barracks found posted at 
the gate a little blue-eyed sentry in a 
soldier's khaki blouse, short breeches, 
green forage cap, ordinary woman's black 
stockings, and neat shoes. The sentry 
was Marya Skrydloff, daughter of Ad- 
miral Skrydloff, former commander of 



the Baltic Fleet and Minister of Marine. 
Inside there were four large dormi- 
tories, the beds without bedding and 
strewn with soldiers' heavy overcoats. In 
the courtyard 300 girls were at drill, 
mostly between 18 and 25 years old, of 
good physique, and many of them pretty. 
They wore their hair short or had their 
heads entirely shaved. They were drill- 
ing under the instruction of a male Ser- 
geant of the Volynsky regiment, and 
marched to an exaggerated goosestep. 

Commander Lieut. Buitchkareff ex- 
plained that most of the recruits were 
from the higher educational academies or 
secondary schools, with a few peasants, 
factory girls, and servants. Some mar- 
ried women were accepted, but none who 
had children. The girl commander said: 

We apply the rigid system of discipline 
of the pre-revolutionary army, rejecting 
the new principle of soldier self-govern- 
ment. Having no time to inure the girls 
gradually to hardships, we impose a Spar- 
tan regime from the first. They sleep on 
boards without bedclothes, thus immedi- 
ately eliminating the weak. The smallest 
breach of discipline is punished by ex- 
pulsion in disgrace. 

The ordinary soldier's food is furnished 
by the guards' equipage corps. We rise 
at 4 and drill daily from 7 to 11, and 
again from 1 to 6. The girls carry the 
cavalry carbine, which is five pounds 
lighter than the regular army rifle. On 
our first parade I requested any girl 
whose motives were frivolous to step out. 
Only one did so, but later many who were 
unable to stand the privations left us. 

We are fully official, and are already 
entered on the list of regiments. Uni- 
forms and supplies are received from the 
Ministry of War, to which we render ac- 
count and present reports. Yesterday the 
commander of the Petrograd military 
district reviewed us, and expressed his 
satisfaction. I am convinced that we will 
excel the male fighters. 

Asked as to the attitude of the male 
army, Commander Buitchkareff said that 
only the Volynsky regiment, which led 
the Petrograd revolution, was really fa- 
vorable. The regimental clerk is Mme. 
Barbara Rukovishikoff, editor of the 
weekly Woman and Economy and author 
of some admirable short stories. 

Duma Refuses to Be Abolished 
The Pan-Russian Congress of Soldiers' 
Deputies on June 23 passed a resolution 
to abolish the Duma, but this was ignored 



INDICTMENT OF CZAR'S FORMER OFFICIALS 



211 



by the Duma, which passed a resolution 

on June 29 as follows: 

The Duma, having powerfully contrib- 
uted to the abdication of Nicholas, and 
the formation of the provisional revolu- 
tionary government, which the entire 
country immediately recognized, thus 
showing its confidence in the Duma, and, 
having in this manner acted as a revolu- 
tionary institution independently of its 
position during the old regime, is of the 
opinion that it cannot cease to exist as 
an organ of national representation, and 



will adhere to its patriotic duty of raising 
its voice, if necessary, to preserve the 
fatherland from the dangers which threaten 
it, and guide it in the right path. 

Courts-martial have been abolished by 
the Provisional Government. It is pro- 
vided, when offenders are caught in cir- 
cumstances of particular gravity the 
case will be submitted under forms of 
urgent procedure to a permanent mili- 
tary court. 



Root Commission in Russia 



rriHE first formal address to the Rus- 
{ sian Government in behalf of the 
American Mission was made by 
Elihu Root, the Chairman, at Petrograd, 
June 15, (printed in July CURRENT HIS- 
TORY MAGAZINE.) The mission imme- 
diately plunged into active work, the va- 
rious members taking up separately the 
various features, and dividing their 
functions. On June 22 the entire body 
proceeded to Moscow, where, at the pal- 
ace of the Governor General, they met 
representatives of the Zemstvo and Mu- 
nicipal Unions, the Zemstvo Industrial 
Committee, and the local Council of the 
Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates. 

Roofs Address at Moscow 
The meeting was in the nature of a 
test case to determine whether the com- 
mission was to have the real sympathy 
of the Socialist element in the country. 
It is said here that no foreigner ever 
before succeeded in enlisting the atten- 
tion and interest of this association of 
committees representing the working 
masses of Moscow. But as Mr. Root be- 
gan to speak, antagonism and indiffer- 
ence yielded to rapt attention, and he 
was warmly applauded at the conclusion. 
In the course of his address Mr. Root 
said: 

We have seen nothing since we came to 
Russia that gives cause for criticism. We 
marvel at the self-control, the kindliness 
of spirit, and the sound common sense 
that the Russians display. We feel that 
the work you are doing in the commit- 
tees is on the right path toward an actual 
permanent democracy. 

The Government of Germany, the Ger- 
man social system, even German social- 
ism, are all militaristic in their essential 
nature. They shall not gain control of 



free America, and if we can help you to 
prevent their gaining control of free Rus- 
sia we shall be happy in feeling that we 
have assisted in the perpetuation of the 
ideals of our fathers who fought and sac- 
rificed to make us free. 

The representatives of the various 
groups replied, formally welcoming Mr. 
Root and the other members of the com- 
mission. At the second meeting, before 
the City Duma, Mr. Root said: 

We have heard reports about dangers 
threatening your new liberty, but we hope 
you will find a way of expanding your 
experience in local self-government inco 
power which will govern the whole nation. 
We have the marvelous spectacle of a 
people remaining peaceful and preserving 
the rights of others without the enforce- 
ment of law a people waiting only for the 
establishment of a strong Government, 
which will lay down the proper basis for 
law and order. You have made sacrifices 
in the past; we know that you will still 
make sacrifices to preserve your freedom, 
won at such a high cost. Now comes the 
test. You must make sacrifices. You 
must struggle until your liberty is secure. 
We have faith that Russia will do this. 
The Mayor in reply said: "Russia 
welcomes America's assistance in her 
present period of infirmity and economic 
exhaustion." He concluded with a eulogy 
of President Wilson, saying: " The aims 
of the war, the definition of the prob- 
lems standing before humanity have been 
given by your great pacifist, President 
Wilson, who, in preserving the ideal of 
peace, has realized the vital importance 
of the struggle. His way of speaking 
appeals to us." 

On motion of the Mayor the meeting 
unanimously decided to send a telegram 
to President Wilson, thanking him for 
sending the Root Commission to Russia. 
The experiences at Moscow gave much 



212 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



encouragement to the mission, and Mr. 
Root announced that he felt that the 
situation was rapidly clearing. 

Admiral Glennon s Service 
An interesting episode occurred at 
Sebastopol when the American Admiral, 
James H. Glennon of the mission, suc- 
ceeded in tranquilizing sailors of the 
Black Sea fleet who had mutinied and 
dismissed all their officers. He arrived 
soon after the sailors had sent away 
Admiral Koltchak. At the request of 
the sailors, Admiral Glennon addressed 
them, urging a continuance of the war 
without cessation. 

He was heartily applauded. He also 
addressed a general meeting of repre- 
sentatives of all the councils of soldiers, 
sailors, and workmen of Sebastopol, 
where his advocacy of renewed energy 
in pushing the war was well received. 
After hearing the Admiral, the meeting 
voted, 60 to 3, to restore all the Black 
Sea fleet officers, with the exception of 
Admiral Koltchak and his staff, who 
were distrusted by the sailors. The 
meeting also voted to support the Pro- 
visional Government. Conditions with 
the fleet since then have been tranquil. 

Work of Mr. Russell 
Charles Edward Russell, .Socialist and 
a member of the American Commission, 
outlined the aims of the United States 
and the reasons which brought the coun- 
try into the war before a full Council of 
Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates on 
June 25. Mr. Russell was warned in ad- 
vance that he might expect an unfriendly 
demonstration on the part of the extrem- 
ists among his auditors, but for the most 
part his hearers were sympathetic, and 
often interrupted him with applause. 

The declaration of Mr. Russell that the 
United States was fighting only because 
the democracies of the world were in 
danger, and that after democracy was 
safe the people would turn to social 
reform, was cheered to the echo. 

M. Tcheidze, President of the Council 
of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, 
in replying to the speech of Mr. Russell, 
said the democracy of Russia was built 
upon the same foundation as that of the 
United States, and that Russia would 
carry on the war until mutual aims were 



achieved. The American Mission an- 
nounced on July 10 that its purpose had 
been accomplished in a month's visit. 
Chairman Root sent this statement: 

The mission has accomplished what it 
came here to do, and we are greatly en- 
couraged. We found no organic or in- 
curable malady in the Russian democracy. 
Democracies are always in trouble, and 
we have seen days just as dark in the 
progress of our own. 

We must remember that a people in 
whom all constructive effort has been 
suppressed for so l^ng cannot immedi- 
ately develop a genius for quick action. 
The first stage is necessarily one of de- 
bate. The solid, admirable traits in the 
Russian character will pull the nation 
through the present crisis. Natural love 
of law and order and capacity for local 
self-government have been demonstrated 
every day since the revolution. The 
country's most serious lack is money and 
adequate transportation. We shall do 
what we can to help Russia in both. 

Stevens Railway Commission 

John F. Stevens, as head of the Amer- 
ican Railroad Commission in Russia, has 
officially reported recommending certain 
reforms and asking that Russia be given 
a credit of $375,000,000 in this country 
for new locomotives, cars, and other 
equipment. 

The construction of workshops at 
Vladivostok for the putting together of 
locomotives imported from the United 
States is deemed necessary by the com- 
mission. In all repair shops work must 
continue uninterruptedly twenty-four 
hours a day, thus enabling a reduction 
in the percentage of locomotives out of 
use. It also will be necessary to take 
rational measures for the acceleration 
and regulation of exchange of cars be- 
tween the different roads and for the 
speeding up of the system of loading. 

The creation of a special State Depart- 
ment, the chief of which will be an In- 
spector General responsible for seeing 
that the whole network of roads is sup- 
plied with all necessary material both 
for traffic and repairs, and also for the 
responsible distribution of such material 
between the different roads, is recom- 
mended by the commission. This offi- 
cial must have the right to demand the 
necessary material, and he himself must 
take measures to insure its delivery. 



Russian Church Reforms 

By Charles R. Crane 

Member of United States Commission to Russia 
[Cable to The Chicago Herald, June 27, 1917, from Petrograd] 



IN the revolution that is taking place, 
the Russian Church is making more 
rapid progress toward adjusting 
itself to the new conditions than the 
State. It has practically been separated 
from the State and is now managing its 
own affairs. More changes were made in 
the Russian Church during the month of 
May than had been made in two centuries 
before. 

The process has been one of democra- 
tization. Every priest has had to have 
his position confirmed by a vote from the 
people of his parish. Twelve Bishops have 
been dismissed, including the Bishop of 
Petrograd, and new Bishops have been 
installed only after election by congrega- 
tions. The physical property of the 
churches has been transferred from the 
State and is to be administered by the 
congregations, the clergy and Bishops 
occupying themselves solely with theo- 
logical affairs. 

During the last weeks two very sig- 
nificant sobors, or assemblies of the 
Church, have been taking place at Mos- 
cow. One of them was that of Old 
Believers, who include some 15,000,000 
people and who never were reconciled to 
the reforms of Nicon, representing the 
oldest and most uncompromising division 
of the Russian people. The other sobor 
was that of the Orthodox Church, the 
former State Church, and was the first 
one to meet in some 250 years. 

They were the most representative 
gatherings it was possible to have in 
Russia, and the delegates came from every 
corner of the empire, two priests and two 
laymen being elected to represent every 
100 churches, the whole body numbering 
1,268 delegates. As the political organ- 
ization is entirely shattered, the Church 
represents at present the only unifying 
fundamental idea. 

The two most effective members of this 



latter sobor were the former Archbishop 
of the United States, Platon, and Pastor 
Alexanderoff of a San Francisco church. 
In various questions that arise in the 
sobor the appeal was always made to 
these two authorities, as to the way these 
problems were solved in America, and 
their answer was usually enough to de- 
termine the action of the sobor. 

John R. Mott, the leader in Young 
Men's Christian Association work, was 
invited to address the sobor, and every 
member was present. His speech was 
interpreted, sentence by sentence, by Fa- 
ther Alexanderoff, who was in entire 
sympathy with Mr. Mott and who him- 
self was a member of Mr. Mott's organ- 
ization in San Francisco. It was a mov- 
ing address and was received with great 
emotion. 

Mr. Mott divided his address into three 
parts. The first was expression of grati- 
tude for the many acts of friendship Rus- 
sia had shown for America in the course 
of the last hundred years, with special 
emphasis on its enormous sacrifices dur- 
ing the present war, which the American 
people now recognize, he said, as having 
been made quite as much for them as for 
Russia. He also expressed his gratitude 
for the contributions the Russian Church 
had made to a common Christianity. 

The second part of his address was 
the expression of solicitude lest in the 
great upheaval now going on the Church 
might lose its central position and that, 
although, if carefully arranged, the proc- 
ess of democratization ought only to 
strengthen the Church, the members 
must be very careful to guard historical 
Christianity, the creed, mystical Chris- 
tianity, and vital Christianity. 

The third part of the address was a 
message of hope and reassurance, and 
went over in detail America's plans for 



214 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



aid to Russia and the other Entente 
Allies in the war, closing with a stirring 
appeal to Russia to do its best on every 
front. 

The reception of Mr. Mott's address 
was very sympathetic, and unanimous, 
and at its end the whole body rose, and 
for half an hour sang the most moving 
of their old church hymns. This was fol- 
lowed by fine responses from the Chair- 
man of the meeting, Prince Lvoff, the 
head of the Synod; Prince Eugene Trou- 
betzkoy, one of the first citizens of 



Russia, and Bishop Andre, the greatest 
spiritual force in the Russian Church 
today. 

Immediately after the meeting Prince 
Lvoff, who is charged with the chief 
responsibility for all these things, 
asked Mr. Mott to spend the afternoon 
with the leaders and go over in detail all 
the various reforms. He was also in- 
vited to engage in a meeting of the pro- 
fessors who were revising the courses of 
the theological academies and also to ad- 
dress the synod in formal session. 



All Anti- Jewish Laws Repealed 



fp|HE Russian Provisional Government 
i issued a decree repealing absolute- 
ly all laws restricting the civil, po- 
litical, and religious rights of the Jews. 
The text of the decree, as published in 
The New York Jewish Chronicle, July 
13, 1917, is as follows: 

All existing legal restrictions upon the 
rights of Russian citizens, in connection 
with this or that faith, religious teaching 
or nationality, are revoked. In accord- 
ance with this : 

I. Repealed are all laws existing for Rus- 
sia as a whole, as well as those of sepa- 
rate localities, embodying limitations con- 
cerning : 

1. Selection of place of residence and 
change of residence or movement. 

2. Acquiring rights of ownership and 
other material rishts in all kinds of mov- 
able and immovable property, and like- 
wise in the possession of, the use and the 
managing of all property, or receiving 
such for security. 

3. Engaging in all kinds of trades, com- 
merce and industry, not excepting mining ; 
also equal participation in the bidding for 
Government contracts, deliveries and in 
public auctions. 

4. Participation in joint stock and other 
commercial or industrial companies and 
partnerships, and also employment in 
these companies and partnerships in all 
kinds of positions, either by elections or 
by hiring. 

5. Employment of servants, salesmen, 
foremen, laborers, and trade apprentices. 

6. Entering the Government service, 
civil as well as military, and the grade 
or condition of such service ; participation 
in the elections for the institutions of local 
self-Government, and all kinds of public 



institutions ; serving in all kinds of posi- 
tions of Government and public establish- 
ments, as well as the prosecution of the 
duties connected with such positions. 

7. Admission to all kinds of institutions 
of learning, whether private, Government 
or public, and the pursuing of the courses 
of instructions of these institutions, and 
receiving scholarships. Also the pursuance 
of teaching and the other educational pro- 
fessions. 

8. Performing the duties of guardians, 
trustees, or jurors. 

9. The use of languages and dialects, 
other than Russian, in the proceedings of 
private societies, or in teaching in all kinds 
of private educational institutions, and in 
commercial bookkeeping. 

Paragraphs II., III., IV., V., VI, VIL, 
and VIII. proceed to enumerate and cite 
section by section, paragraph by para- 
graph, each and every law that was in 
existence coming within the broad terms 
of the repeal enumerated. The enormous 
number of the citations and the minute- 
ness of their character testify in them- 
selves to the thoroughness in which the 
Jewish restrictions were carefully searched 
out, so as to leave not the slightest ques- 
tion as to the exact laws which were 
abolished. They also serve to bear out 
quite convincingly the statement which 
Baron Gunzburg made, that prominent 
Jewish lawyers were called into consulta- 
tion by the Ministry of Justice in the 
searching for these laws and the drafting 
of the repealing laws. 

Early in July Jewish Chaplains were 
sent to the front. 



First American Army in France 

A Memorable Welcome 



THE first contingents of the first 
United States Army to fight in 
Europe arrived at a port in 
France on June 26 and 27, 1917. 
The President's order had been issued on 
May 18 and the transports had departed 
from various Atlantic seaports in less 
than four weeks. Never before, it was 
stated, had a military expedition of such 
size been assembled, transported, and 
landed without mishap in so short a time. 
The only rival in magnitude was the 
movement of British troops to South 
Africa in the Boer war, and that was 
made without danger from submarines, 
mines, or other obstacles. 

Although the first contingents reached 
their destination in safety, it was 
not without some thrilling moments 
during which disaster was an imminent 
possibility. Rear Admiral Albert Gleaves, 
who commanded the convoy squadron, 
reported to the Navy Department that 
German submarines twice attacked the 
transports, but were each time beaten off. 

The first attack took place in the night 
of June 22, and was over before any one 
except the crews of the warships and the 
officers on the bridges of the transports 
were aware of the peril. The first sign 
of the presence of German submarines 
was a streak of shining foam noticed 
by a look-out man high above on one of 
the big ships. Almost at the moment 
that the alarm was given a gleaming line 
of bubbles, scarce twenty feet from the 
bow of one of the transports, announced 
the torpedo with its fatal burden of ex- 
plosive. Then, in the words of an eye- 
witness: 

Hell broke loose. Our (the big ship's) 
helm was jammed over. Firing every gun 
available, we swung in a wide circle out 
of line to the left. A smaller ship slipped 
into our place, and from what the lookout 
told me I think one of her shells must 
have landed almost right above the sub- 
marine. But they are almost impossible 
to hit when submerged, and the periscope 
is no target, anyway. 

They fired three, if not four, torpedoes. 



It was God's mercy that they all went 
astray among so many of our ships. One 
passed just astern. As you see, our helm 
jamming was absolutely Providential. 

Naturally the old acted quite differ- 
ently from what the Boches expected; 
otherwise they might have got us. It 
was simply extraordinary. We drove 
right at them, (really, I suppose, the safest 
thing to do, as the bow gives the smallest 
mark to shoot at,) and it seems to have 
rattled Brother Boche considerably. After 
all, we draw enough water to smash a 
submarine at a level of the periscope 
awash, and no doubt he did not care to 
wait for us. Or perhaps a lucky shot dis- 
posed of him. We can't be certain either 
way. Anyhow, he disappeared, and we 
saw no more of him. 

The whole business lasted only about a 
minute and a half. But, believe me, it 
added more than that to my life. While 
the thing was happening I had no time 
for anything but to attend to my job. 
Afterward I found myself sweating and 
my breast heaving as if I had run five 
miles. The other boys told me the same 
thing, but we got a compliment on the 
rapidity with which the guns were served, 
so I guess it didn't interfere any with our 
action. 

The second attack occurred the next 
morning. No periscope was visible this 
time, but the unmistakable bubble line, 
clean across the bows, put the certainty 
of danger beyond question. The subma- 
rine was in front instead of in the dead- 
liest position on the flank toward the 
rear. Like a striking rattlesnake, one of 
the American destroyers darted between 
a couple of the transports. As it flashed 
at nearly forty miles an hour across the 
spot where the submarine was supposed 
to be hidden the commander of the de- 
stroyer gave orders. A column of smoke 
and foam rose a hundred feet in the air, 
and in the waterspout that followed it 
the soldiers on the nearest transport, 
(she had swung in a headlong curve to 
the left,) distinguished clearly pieces of 
wood and steel and some dark blue frag- 
ments that a moment before had been 
living men. Any uncertainty was impos- 
sible. Transport after transport passed 
through floating oil, patched with wreck- 



216 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



age. This submarine, at least, had timed 
its hour too well. 

Soldiers Welcomed in France 

The arrival in France of the first 
United States troops, which were under 
the command of Major General William 
L. Sibert, was the occasion of a mag- 
nificent welcome by the French people. 
The transports, whose arrival had not 
been previously announced, steamed into 
the harbor of the seaport [the name was 
suppressed by the censor] at an early 
hour on the morning of June 26. The 
news that the Americans were arriving 
spread with amazing rapidity, and by the 
time the troopships drew alongside the 
quays where the men were to debark 
thousands of persons were on hand to 
greet them. A wild welcome was shrieked 
by whistles of craft in the harbor, and 
cries of " Vive la France ! " and " Vivent 
les Etats Unis ! " seemed to come from 
every throat in the crowd, which was 
thickly dotted with the varicolored uni- 
forms of French soldiers and sailors. 
Meanwhile the bands on the warships 
were playing " The Star-Spangled Ban- 
ner " and the "Marseillaise" as the 
American colors were hoisted to their 
staffs. The town soon took on a holiday 
appearance, and, before the day was over, 
scores of American flags were flying 
along with the Tricolor of France over 
public buildings and private homes. 

The American soldiers were spon- 
taneously dubbed " Sammies " by the ex- 
cited French crowds, to distinguish them 
from the British " Tommies." 

Delegations of American Army offi- 
cers from Paris and American naval men 
from elsewhere were present, with 
French military men of high rank, and 
a similar representation from the French 
Navy to receive the new fighting forces 
of the Allies, who were soon after trans- 
ferred to a camp not far distant from 
the port where they arrived. General 
Sibert took up his quarters at the camp 
as commander of the first United States 
force sent abroad, under General Persh- 
ing as Commander in Chief. 

The last units of the expedition, com- 
prising vessels loaded with supplies and 
horses, reached port on July 2. Their 
coming, one week after the first troops 



landed, was greeted almost as warmly 
as the arrival of the troops themselves, 
because it meant complete success of the 
undertaking. 

Probably the happiest man in port was 
Rear Admiral Gleaves. From the bridge 
of his flagship he watched the successful 
conclusion of his plans and with char- 
acteristic modesty insisted upon bestow- 
ing the lion's share of credit for the 
crossing on the navigation officers of his 
command. All units of the contingent 
had to keep a daily rendezvous with 
accompanying warships. Thanks to his 
navigation officers and despite overcast 
skies which made astronomical observa- 
tions impossible, each rendezvous, the 
Admiral said, had been minutely and 
accurately kept by each unit. This exact- 
ness on the part of the navigation officers 
was responsible in no small degree for the 
brilliant success of the entire under- 
taking. 

TTVO Statements by Pershing 
General Pershing, accompanied by 
General Pelletier, representing French 
General Headquarters, visited the camp 
on June 28, and after inspecting the 
troops made the following statement: 
This is the happiest of the busy days 
which I have spent in France preparing 
for the arrival of the first contingent. 
Today I have seen our troops safe on 
French soil, landing from transports that 
were guarded in their passage overseas 
by the resourceful vigilance of our navy. 
Now our task as soldiers lies before us. 
We hope, with the aid of the French 
leaders and experts who have placed all 
the results of their experience at our dis- 
posal, to make our force worthy in skill 
and in the determination to fight side by 
side in arms with the French Army. 
On returning to his headquarters in 
Paris on June 30, General Pershing made 
a further statement: 

The landing of the first American troops 
has been a complete success. In this re- 
markable transfer of a large force across 
the ocean (one of the largest operations 
we have ever undertaken) not a man or 
an animal was lost or injured, and there 
was not a single case of serious sickness 
nothing but a few unimportant cases of 
mumps. The men landed in splendid 
morale, with keen, confident, and eager 
spirit. 

The physical appearance of our men is 
truly inspiring. They are all fine, husky 
young fellows, with the glow of energy, 



FIRST AMERICAN ARMY IN FRANCE 



217 



g-ood health, and physical vigor which will 
make them a credit alongside any troops. 
They are exceptionally well camped and 
cared for, with substantial wooden bar- 
racks, good beds, good food, and the best 
sanitary arrangements. They are located 
on high ground. For all of this we are 
deeply indebted to French co-operation 
with members of my. staff. 

How Order was Maintained 
The question of maintaining order in 
the town where the camp was situated 
was settled by the French authorities 
transferring to the United States mili- 
tary police the necessary authority for 
maintaining discipline in the town, which 
now became overwhelmingly American in 
appearance and public life. In order to 
assist the Americans to keep order, how- 
ever, the authorities issued new and 
stringent regulations forbidding the sale 
of spirituous liquors to any men in uni- 
form, regulating the hours the men might 
be admitted to or served in cafes and 
restaurants, and specifying that disputes 
and disorders should be referred to and 
decided by the Americans. 

The necessity of good behavior was 
set forth by General Pershing in the fol- 
lowing general order: 

For the first time in history an Amer- 
ican Army finds itself in European ter- 
ritory. The good name of the United 
States of America and the maintenance 
of cordial relations require the perfect 
deportment of each member of this com- 
mand. 

It is of the gravest importance that the 
soldiers of the American Army shall at 
all times treat the French people, and 
especially the women, with the greatest 
courtesy and consideration. The valiant 
deeds of the French armies and the 
Allies, by which they together have suc- 
cessfully maintained the common cause 
for three years, and the sacrifices of the 
civil population of France in support of 
their armies, command our profound re- 
spect. This can best be expressed on the 
part of our forces by uniform courtesies 
to all the French people and by the faith- 
ful observance of their laws and customs. 
The intense cultivation of the soil in 
France, under conditions caused by the 
war, makes it necessary that extreme 
care be taken to do no damage to private 
property. The entire French manhood 
capable of bearing arms is in the field 
fighting the enemy, and it should, there- 
fore, be a point of honor to each member 
of the American Army to avoid doing the 
least damage to any property in France. 
Such conduct is much more reprehensible 



here. Honor them as those of our own 
country. 

Fourth of July in France 
General Petain, Commander in Chief 
of the French armies operating on the 
French front, on July 3 issued the fol- 
lowing general order: 

Tomorrow, the Independence Day cele- 
bration of the United States, the first 
American troops which have debarked in 
France will defile in Paris. Later they 
will join us on the front. Let us salute 
these new companions in arms who with- 
out thought of gain or of conquest, but 
with the simple desire of defending the 
cause of right and liberty, have come to 
take their places in the ranks beside us. 

Others are preparing to follow them. 
They will soon be on our soil. The United 
States mean to put at our disposition, 
without reckoning, their soldiers, their 
factories, their vessels, and their entire 
country. They want to pay a hundred- 
fold the debt of gratitude which they owe 
to Lafayette and his companions. 

From all the points of the front a single 
shout on this July 4 will be heard : " Honor 
to the great sister. Long live the United 
States! " 

The Fourth of July was enthusias- 
tically celebrated throughout France. In 
Paris the chief feature of interest was 
the presence of a battalion of United 
States troops which was about to leave 
for training behind the battle front. 
Everywhere the Stars and Stripes were 
flying from public buildings, hotels, and 
residences, and from automobiles, cabs, 
and carts; horses" bridles and the lapels 
of pedestrians carried them. The crowds 
began to gather early at vantage points. 
The Rue de Varenne was choked long 
before 8 o'clock in the morning, when 
the. Republican Guard Band executed a 
field reveille under General Pershing's 
windows, and all routes toward the Inva- 
lides were thronged even before Per- 
shing's men turned out. 

In the chapel before the Tomb of Na- 
poleon General Pershing received Ameri- 
can flags and banners from the hands of 
President Poincare. The enthusiasm of 
the vast crowd reached its highest pitch 
when General Pershing, escorted by 
President Poincare, Marshal Joffre, and 
other high French dignitaries passed 
along reviewing the lines of the Ameri- 
cans drawn up in square formations. 
Cheering broke out anew when the Amer- 



218 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



lean band struck up the " Marseillaise," 
and again when the French band played 
" The Star-Spangled Banner," and Persh- 
ing received the flags from the Presi- 
dent. " Vivent les Americains ! Vive 
Pershing ! Vivent les Etats Unis ! " shout- 
ed over and over by the crowd, greeted 
the American standard bearers. 

Crowds in Tiiilenes Gardens 

More people were massed in the Tuile- 
ries Gardens than on the Esplanade des 
Invalides. Few of them could get a 
glimpse of the parade, but all joined in 
a tremendous outburst of cheering when 
music from the Republican Guard Band 
announced the approach of the troops, 
and the cheering did not diminish in 
volume until the last man in the line had 
disappeared from view of the gardens 
down the Rue de Rivoli. 

With this great demonstration the 
ceremonies of welcome came to an end 
and the serious business of warfare was 
taken in hand. On July 6 it was an- 
nounced that the training bases for the 
American troops in France had been 
established and were ready for occu- 
pancy. They included aviation, artillery, 
infantry, and medical bases. The section 
of the battle front eventually to be occu- 
pied by the Americans was decided upon 
by the military authorities and approved 
by Major Gen. Pershing, who had thor- 
oughly covered the ground. The location 
of this section was a military secret, and 
no actual time was fixed for American 
participation on the fighting front. The 
batttalion of United States soldiers that 
took part in the Independence Day cele- 
bration in Paris immediately began 



training at its permanent camp, over 
which General Sibert was placed in com- 
mand. 

Bastile Day Messages 
Messages of mutual good-will were 
exchanged by President Wilson and 
President Poincare on the French na- 
tional holiday, July 14. President Wil- 
son cabled: 

On this anniversary of the birth of de- 
mocracy in France, I offer on behalf of 
my countrymen, and on my own behalf, 
fraternal greeting- as befits the strong ties 
that unite our peoples who today stand 
shoulder to shoulder in defense of liberty, 
in testimony of the steadfast purpose of 
our two countries to achieve victory for 
the sublime cause of the rights of the 
people against oppression. 

The lesson of the Bastile is not lost 
to the world of free peoples. May the day 
be near when on the ruins of the dark 
stronghold of unbridled power and con- 
scienceless autocracy a nobler structure, 
upbuilt like our great Republic on the 
eternal foundations of peace and right, 
shall arise to gladden an enfranchised 
world. 

President Poincare replied: 
The French people who for three years 
have made so many heroic sacrifices in 
the defense of right and liberty shall re- 
ceive in grateful emotion the brotherly 
message which you, Mr. President, were 
pleased to send me for them. 

We shall be proud to carry on to vic- 
tory, elbow to elbow with the great and 
generous American Nation, the war which 
was let loose on the world by the imperi- 
alism of our foes, in spite of the strenu- 
ous efforts which the French Republic al- 
ways exerted to avert so awful a cata- 
clysm. I, like you, have no doubt that the 
defeat of autocracy and German militar- 
ism will at last open a future of indus- 
trious peace and prosperity to liberate 
mankind. 



Creating the New American Armies 



month's progress in building up 
the new armies of the United States 
has been rather in the nature of lay- 
ing solid foundations for the future than 
in actual results. Recruiting to bring the 
regular army up to its full strength of 
293,000 continues slow, despite the special 
effort of the President to obtain 70,000 
recruits in the period between June 23 
and June 30, which he designated as Re- 



cruiting Week. The call was for unmar- 
ried men between the ages of 18 and 40 
years. At the end of the week over 50,- 
000 men were still needed. On July 16 
the deficiency had been reduced to just 
under 37,000 men. Three-fourths of the 
States had not yet filled their quotas. 

Nevertheless, it has to be remembered 
that, when the United States entered the 
war, the strength of the regular army 



CREATING AMERICA'S NEW ARMIES 



219 



was only 100,000, and in about three 
months this has been increased to nearly 
250,000 by purely voluntary methods and 
in competition with the recruiters of the 
National Guard, the navy, and the ma- 
rines. Thus, by the middle of July, 1917, 
nearly half a million men had volun- 
teered for service in one or other of the 
different branches of the army and 
navy, while men had been obtained for 
various special units, and many candi- 
dates for officers' commissions were in 
training. 

Mobilizing the National Guard 
An important step to increase the 
strength of the army was the calling into 
Federal service of the National Guard 
regiments not already in service. This 
was done in three increments, one third 
being mobilized on July 15 and the other 
two thirds being warned to be ready on 
July 25 and Aug. 5. It was stated that 
after preliminary training the National 
Guard would soon be sent to France and 
that some regiments would leave the 
United States as early as November. At 
the date of mobilization the National 
Guard had reached a strength of about 
300,000 men, and, as the war strength 
had been fixed at 400,000, recruiting con- 
tinued. It was the intention of the War 
Department that if the full quota were 
not secured before the draft began, the 
vacancies in the National Guard, as in 
the regular army, would be filled by con- 
scripted men. The only members of the 
National Guard who were not called up 
were officers holding general rank, as 
some of these appointments had been 
made on political grounds. 

In addition to the sixteen cantonments 
which were begun for the new National 
Army, sixteen other camps were chosen 
for the training of the National Guard. 
The sites for practically all these camps 
were chosen in Southern States because, 
as Major Gen. Gorgas, Surgeon General 
of the Army, explained, the climate was 
milder in the Winter and rain less fre- 
quent. The accommodation was planned 
for about 35,000 men and 10,000 horses 
and rnules in each camp. 

Army Training Camps 
The following are the locations of can- 



tonments for the training of the nation's 
new armies : 

NATIONAL ARMY 
Inf'y 
Div. 
No. Department. Location. 

1 Northeastern Ayer, Mass. 

2 Eastern Yapahank, Long Island 

3 do Wrightstown, N. J. 

4 do Annapolis Junction, Md. 

5 do Petersburg, Va. 

6 Southeastern Columbia, S. G. 

7 do Atlanta, Ga. 

8 Central Chillicothe, Ohio. 

9 do Louisville, Ky. 

10 do Battle Creek, Mich. 

11 do Rockford, 111. 

12 Southeastern Little Rock, Ark. 

13 Central Des Moines, Iowa. 

14 do Fort Riley, Kan. 

15 Southern. . . . Fort Sam Houston, Tex. 

16 Western American Lake, Wash. 

NATIONAL GUARD 
Inf'y 
Div. 
No. Department. Location. 

5 Southeastern Greenville, S. C. 

6 do Spartanburg, S. C. 

7 do Augusta, Ga. 

8 do Macon, Ga. 

9 do Montgomery, Ala. 

10.... do Anniston, Ala. 

11 Southern Fort Worth, Tex. 

12 do Fort Sill, Okla. 

13.... do Deming, N. M. 

14 do Waco, Tex. 

15 do Houston, Tex. 

IP, Southeastern Charlotte, N. 'J. 

17 do Hattiesburg, Miss. 

18 .. do Alexandria, La. 

19 Western Linda Vista, Cal. 

20 do Palo Alto. Cal. 

Navy Training Camps 
Sites for naval training camps were se- 
lected as follows: 

Philadelphia, for 5.000 men. 

Newport, R. I., for 6,000 men. 

Cape May, N. J., for 2,000 men. 

Charleston, S. C., for 5,000 men. 

Pensacola, Fla., for 1,000 additional men. 

Key West, Fla., for 500 men. 
" Mare Island, Cal., for 5,000 men. 

Puget Sound, Wash, for 5,000 men. 

Hingham, Mass., for 500 men. 

New Orleans, La., for 500 men. 

San Diego, Cal., for 2,500 men. 

Great Lakes Training Station, Chicago, ac- 
commodations for 15,000 additional recruits. 

Port Royal, S. C., 5,000 men of the Marine 
Corps; also a Marine Corps Camp at Quan- 
tico, Va., for 8,000 men. 

Hampton Roads naval operating base, 10,000 
men. 

Mississippi Exposition Grounds, Gulfport, 
Miss., 3,500 men. 

New York, a camp for 3,000 regulars ad- 
joining the navy yard; Pelham, N. Y., 5,000 
reserves. 

A camp will also be located at Boston. 

An indication of the merging of the 
National Guard with the other military 
forces of the United States was furnished 
by the War Department statement that 
regiments were henceforth to be num- 



220 



THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY 



bered without reference to the fact that 
a particular regiment belonged to the 
Regular Army, National Guard, or Na- 
tional Army. The numbers of the Na- 
tional Army regiments begin where those 
of the National Guard regiments end, but 
locality is indicated in parentheses. 

Rapid Training of Officers 
The training of officers has been more 
rapidly conducted than that of the men, 
because without qualified leaders the new 
armies cannot be organized. The Presi- 
dent has signed the commissions of sev- 
eral hundred new officers of the Army 
Reserve Corps, and, according to an an- 
nouncement from General P