Full text of "The Nineteenth and their times : being an account of the four cavalry regiments in the British Army that have borne the number nineteen and of the campaigns in which they serverd"

See other formats

Presented to the

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
LIBRARY

by the

ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE
LIBRARY

1980

THE NINETEENTH AND THEIR TIMES

I ORDAINED that the rights of the Warrior should
not be infringed ; that the soldier who had grown
old in the service should not be deprived of his place
or his pay ; and that the deeds of the soldier should
not be concealed. For men who exchange their
comfort for perishable glory deserve to be com-
pensated, and are worthy of reward and encourage-
ment. — Institutes of Timour.

56955
THE NINETEENTH

AND THEIR TIMES

BEING AN ACCOUNT OF THE FOUR CAVALRY
REGIMENTS IN THE BRITISH ARMY THAT
HAVE BORNE THE NUMBER NINETEEN AND
OF THE CAMPAIGNS IN WHICH THEY SERVED

COLONEL JOHN BIDDULPH

56,955

FROM AN OLD SEAL

LONDON

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET
1899

DEDICATED

BY PERMISSION TO

HER ROYAL HIGHNESS

THE PRINCESS OF WALES

PREFACE

T^OUR cavalry regiments in the British Army have
"*• borne the number Nineteen.

The first was raised in Ireland, in 1759, during the
Seven Years' War, and was known as Drogheda's Horse.
In 1763, its number was changed to Eighteen, which
number it bore till it was disbanded in 1821. The
history of its achievements has been written by Captain
H. Malet.

The second regiment that bore the number was raised
at a critical period in our history, in 1779. It had but a
brief and uneventful existence, and was disbanded in

1783-

The third regiment was raised as the Twenty-Third
Light Dragoons in 1781, for service in India, where it was
immediately sent ; the first British cavalry regiment that
went to India. On the disbandment of the second regi-
ment, in 1783, the Twenty-third was re-numbered the
Nineteenth, and, for fourteen years, it continued to be the
only British cavalry regiment in India. During the
twenty-four years of its sojourn in the East it bore a
conspicuous share in every important military undertaking
of the time, with the exception of the campaign against
Holkar when it was too far distant from the scene of
action to take part. Those twenty-four years, from
Warren Hastings to Wellesley, mark the turning point

vii

viii PREFACE

of our power in India. When the Nineteenth landed at
Madras our very existence in Southern India hung in the
balance. The gallantry of our army was paralysed by
the feebleness of the administration that directed their
efforts. When the regiment re-embarked for England, the
supremacy of our military power had been fully estab-
lished. Under their distinguished leader, John Flo)/d, the
Nineteenth played no small part in the campaigns of
1790, '91, and '92, against Tippoo, attracting to themselves
an amount of interest in Southern India that no other
regiment did. They assisted at the capture of Pondi-
cherry, and the crowning victory of Seringapatam. It
was their good fortune to serve under the Duke of
Wellington in the first independent commands he held
in the field. They took part in the destruction of the
noted freebooter Dhoondia Wao ; a short but stirring
campaign that deserves more notice than it generally
receives. At Assaye, the charge of the Nineteenth and
the native cavalry brigaded with them restored the fortunes
of the fight at a critical moment. They played their part
at Argaum, and, a few months before sailing from India,
were actors with Gillespie in his remarkable feat at
Vellore. Soon after the declaration of war by the United
States against Great Britain, in 1812, they were sent to
Canada. The conditions of that war afforded little scope
for cavalry action, so that the share of the Nineteenth in
the various operations was a subordinate one. The
campaigns on the Canadian frontier have been so com-
pletely eclipsed by our struggles against Napoleon in
Europe, that the arduous nature of the lake and forest
warfare carried on by a mere handful of British troops
and Canadian militia is hardly known. A squadron of

PREFACE ix

the Nineteenth, under an officer whose whole career was
identified with the regiment, formed for eighteen months
part of the small band that upheld the honour of the
British arms under Sir Gordon Drummond, at Lundy's
Lane and other actions on the Niagara frontier. In the
course of the wholesale reductions that took place after
Waterloo this fine regiment ceased to exist, and its place
in the Army List knew it no more.

The fourth regiment, the one that now bears the title
of the Nineteenth Princess of Wales' Own Hussars, was
originally raised by the East India Company on the
outbreak of the Mutiny of the Bengal Army, and received
its present number on the transfer of its services to the
Crown. In 1882, they formed part of the expedition to
Egypt under Lord Wolseley, to put down the rebellion of
Arabi Pasha. In 1 884, they formed part of the expedition
to Suakin under Sir Gerald Graham, and fought at El-Teb
and Tamai, suffering severe losses in the first of the two
actions. In 1885, they were selected by Lord Wolseley
to form part of the expedition to Khartoum ; the only
horsemen that accompanied the force. The Head Quarters
of the regiment formed part of the Desert Column, under
Sir Herbert Stewart, and fought at Abu Klea and Abu
Krou, while a squadron of the regiment accompanied the
River Column, under General Earle, and were present at
the action at Kirbekan. A third portion of the regiment
was at the same time employed at Suakin, where it
experienced serious losses. For its services in 1885 the
regiment was granted the distinctive title it now bears ;
a proof that it is no unworthy successor of the regiment
that helped to strengthen the foundations of our power in
India, under Cornwallis, Harris and Wellington, and whose

x PREFACE

honourable badges it wears, in addition to those it has
won for itself.

The history of a regiment of the British Army is part
of the history of the Empire at some of its most
momentous epochs. To understand it properly, requires
a setting of general history that cannot be dispensed with.
In compiling these annals I have chiefly aimed at provid-
ing a work that shall be of interest and use to those who
have served, or, in the future may serve, in the regiment.
At the same time there is much which will, I believe, be
of interest to the student of Indian Military History, and
will not be unacceptable to the general reader.

The bones of British soldiers lie scattered far and
wide. In every portion of the globe, their unmarked
graves are strewed on mountain and plain, by stream and
forest, by swamp and desert ; silent witnesses of their
devotion to their Sovereign and country. But they have
not died in vain, if the remembrance of their achievements
survives, to swell the hearts and nerve the arms of their
successors, and to remind their countrymen what they
owe to their sufferings and their valour.

In compiling these Annals I have received assistance
from many unexpected sources. To Mr W. C. L. Floyd
I am indebted for much assistance from the papers of his
grandfather, under whom the I9th Light Dragoons won
their spurs in the Mysore campaigns ; to Major General
Gillespie, who has kindly placed at my disposal the only
authentic portrait of his celebrated grandfather ; and to
Lieut. General Sir Francis Norman, who collected notes
of the career of the old iQth Light Dragoons, many years
ago. My thanks are also due to Mr James Wilson and
Major Ernest Cruikshank of the Lundy's Lane Historical

PREFACE xi

Society, who have done so much to rescue from oblivion
the details of the war on the Niagara frontier, and to Mr
Douglas Brymner, the Dominion Government Archivist
at Ottawa. I am also indebted to Mr S. M. Milne for
the kindly interest he has taken in my work ; to Lt.
Colonel Frank Barrow who placed at my disposal the
letters written by his distinguished brother during the
Soudan campaigns of 1884 and 1885, to Colonel K. J.
W. Coghill, C.B., who commanded the regiment at Tel-el-
Kebir, and to Colonel J. C. Hanford, C.B. (formerly
Hanford-Flood) who commanded the squadron with the
River Column, without whose encouragement and aid this
work would not have been undertaken. I refrain from
adding more names, but the list of those to whom my
thanks are due is not exhausted.

CONTENTS

PART I

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS
DROGHEDA'S HORSE— 1759-1763

PAGE

State of affairs in Europe in 1756 — Declaration of War against
France — Increase of the Army — Early Years of the War —
Invasion expected — Orders for raising the iQth Light
Dragoons — Death of George II. — End of the Seven Years'
War — Reduction of Military Establishments — iQth Light
Dragoons become the i8th — Uniform of the Regiment . i

PART II
THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1779—1783

War in America — Declaration of War by France — Increase of
the Army — Orders for raising the I9th Light Dragoons —
Uniform— Peace proclaimed — Reduction of Military Estab-
lishments— Regiment disbanded 10

PART III

THE TWENTY-THIRD, AFTERWARDS THE NINETEENTH
LIGHT DRAGOONS

(1781-1822)

CHAPTER I.— 1781-1782
THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS.

Alarming state of Public Affairs— Want of Cavalry in India-
Orders for raising the 23rd Light Dragoons — Colonel Sir
John Burgoyne — Regiment embark for India — Arrive in
Madras— Desperate State of Affairs— Madras Misgovern-
ment — Horses for the Regiment 19

xiii

xiv CONTENTS

CHAPTER II

TROUBLES AT MADRAS— 1783-1785

PAGE

Sultan Tippoo Sahib of Mysore — Operations in Southern India
— Death of Sir Eyre Coote — Attack on Cudc[alore — Peace
with France — Tippoo makes Peace — Strained relations
between civil and military in India — The E.I. Company's
military establishment — The King's troops in India — Mis-
conduct of Madras Government — Quarrel between Council
and General Stuart — Complaints of Council against
Burgoyne — Arrest of Stuart — Council appoint Lang to
supersede Bourgoyne — Burgoyne refuses to give over
command of the King's troops — Strange delusions of the
Council — Imminent Conflict between King's and Company's
troops — Unworkable arrangement — Fresh quarrel — Bur-
goyne arrested — Mutiny of native cavalry — Court Martial
on Burgoyne — His acquittal — His death — End of the
quarrel — Burgoyne justified 35

CHAPTER III
CHANGE OF NUMBER— 1786-1789

Regiment moved to Shevtamodoo — John Floyd — Number of
regiment changed to iQth— Uniform— Sir William Howe
appointed Colonel — Foundation of Indian native cavalry
system laid by Floyd and the iQth Light Dragoons . . 58

CHAPTER IV

WAR WITH TIPPOO— 1790

War with Tippoo — igih take the field — Advance on Coimbatore
— Division under Floyd detached towards Guzzulhutti Pass
— Frequent skirmishes — Satyamunglum — Dispersion of the
Army — Advance of Tippoo — igth hotly engaged — Tippoo's
Body-Guard destroyed — Retreat from Satyamunglum—
Casualties— March in pursuit of Tippoo— Private Parkes—
The Tapoor Pass — Tippoo eludes pursuit, and ravages the
Carnatic — Army returns to Madras 66

CONTENTS xv

CHAPTER V
CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS— 1791-1792

PAGE

Cornwallis takes command of the Army — Advance on Bangalore
— Order of March — Floyd's reconnoissance — Imprudent
advance — Floyd badly wounded — Casualties — Capture of
Bangalore — Advance on Seringapatam — Battle of Arikera
— Army in great straits — Forced to retreat — Junction of
Mahratta contingent — I9th sent to Madras — Rejoin Corn-
wallis— Advance on Seringapatam — Night attack — Floyd
detached to meet Abercromby — Seringapatam invested —
Peace made — Tippoo's hostages — igth return to Shev-
tamodoo 81

CHAPTER VI
FALL OF MYSORE— 1793-1799

France declares War— Expedition against Pondicherry— Sur-
render of Pondicherry — Peace reigns in India — Lunkia
Naik — Floyd's large allowances — French adventurers in
India — Tippoo's growing hostility — Disarmament of
Nizam's force under French officers — Army formed
under General Harris — Tippoo's intrigues — Galloper Guns
— Advance on Mysore — Battle of Mallavelly — Seringapatam
invested — The Bombay Army — The Rajah of Coorg —
Signal guns — Seringapatam taken — Tardy recognition in
England of services performed in India — Badge of
" Seringapatam " 99

CHAPTER VII
DHOONDIA WAO— 1800-1802

Floyd leaves I9th — Dhoondia Wao — Force formed under
Colonel Wellesley to capture him — Advance on Ranee
Bednore — Capture of Koondgul, Dummul, Gudduck —
Division of Dhoondia's force destroyed at Manoli —
Dhoondia doubles back — Again hemmed in — Dhoondia
crosses Malpurba river — Pursuit drawing to a close —
Dhoondia caught at Conaghul — Dhoondia killed, and his
force destroyed — igth return to Mysore — The Rajah of
Bullum — Regiment ordered to Arcot . , . 114

xvi CONTENTS

CHAPTER VIII
INDIA IN 1803

PAGE

State of affairs in India in 1803— The Mahratta Confederacy—
The Peishwa — Scindia — European Adventurers in India —
Scindia's disciplined forces — Perron — Quarrels among the
Mahratta Chiefs — Peishwa takes refuge in Bombay — Places
himself under protection of the British — Scindia's hostility
aroused — Mahratta combination against the British —
Peishwa restored to Poona — Preparations for hostilities —
Summary of campaign that followed 125

CHAPTER IX

ASSAYE AND ARGAUM— 1803-1804

Capture of Ah mednuggur— Battle of Assaye— Death of Lieut.
Colonel Maxwell — Honorary Colour granted to iQth —
Battle of Argaum — Capture of Gawilghur — Berar Rajah
makes peace — Scindia makes peace — March against
banditti — Their dispersal — Grant of badges for Assaye . 136

CHAPTER X
THE VELLORE MUTINY— 1805-1807

Lieut. Colonel Gillespie— igih at Arcot— Mutiny of Vellore— A
military wonder — iQth ordered to England — A quarter of a
century's changes — The " Terrors of the East " — Farewell
orders— I9th land in England 157

CHAPTER XI

WAR WITH UNITED STATES — 1808-1813

1 9th in Ireland— United States declare War— 1 9th ordered to
Canada — United States' plans — Operations of 1812 —
Mackinaw — Detroit — Armistice — Battle of Queenston
Heights — General Brock killed — Montreal threatened —
Operations of 1813 — Proctor's victory at Frenchtown — Fort
Meigs — United States' victory on Lake Erie — Battle of the
Thames ; Proctor's defeat — York captured — Fort George
and Erie evacuated — Stoney Creek : Harvey's brilliant

CONTENTS xvii

PAGE

exploit — Fitzgibbon's success at Beaver Dam — Arrival of
squadron of igih on Niagara frontier — Engagement on
Lake Ontario — Fort George re-occupied — Fort Niagara
surprised — Black Rock and Buffalo captured — Abortive
attack on Sackett's Harbour — United States' operations
against Montreal — Battle of Chateaugay — Battle of
Chrystler's Farm — Importance of Kingston and Sackett's
Harbour . . . . . . . . . .172

CHAPTER XII
THE NIAGARA FRONTIER— 1814-1821

United States' plans — Attempt on Mackinaw — La Colle — State
of affairs on Niagara frontier — Drummond's raid onOswego-
Dover — Advance of U.S. force — Capture of Fort Erie —
Battle of Chippewa — Critical position of British force —
Battle of Lundy's Lane — Retreat of U.S. forces — Fort Erie
invested — Assault on Fort Erie — Sergeant Powell — Con-
clusion of operations on Niagara frontier — Prevost's abortive
attack on Plattsburgh — Defeat of British squadron on Lake
Champlain — Other operations — Bladensberg — Capture of
Washington — General Ross killed — Victory at Baltimore —
Expedition against New Orleans — Its defeat — Fort Bowyer
captured — Treaty of Ghent — Sir William Payne — Sir
John Vandeleur — Badge "Niagara" granted — Regiment
returns to England — Equipped as Lancers — Embark for
Ireland — Disbanded 193

PART IV

THE NINETEENTH "PRINCESS OF WALES' OWN" HUSSARS

1858-1899

CHAPTER I
RAISING OF THE REGIMENT — 1858-1882

The East India Company raises European Cavalry regiments —
Their formation — The Bengal 1st European Light Cavalry
— Services transferred to the Crown — The "White Mutiny"
— Made igih Light Dragoons, afterwards Hussars —
General Pattle — Regiment at Meerut— General Hall-
Regiment ordered to England — Badges of old igth Light
Dragoons granted — Regiment ordered to Ireland — Guidons
of old 1 9th Light Dragoons presented to the regiment —
Regiment returns to England — Ordered on active service . 220

xviii CONTENTS

CHAPTER II

TROUBLES IN EGYPT — 1882-1884

PAGE

Troubles in Egypt — Arabi's rebellion — Capture of Ismailia —
Kassassin— Tel el Kebir— End of the War— iQth at Cairo
— Badges granted — Troubles in Eastern Soudan — Osman
Digna — Regiment ordered to Suakin — Wreck of the Neera
—Battle of El Teb— Heavy losses of the igih— Battle of
Tamai — Osman Digna's camp burned — Regiment returns
to Cairo — Badges granted 233

CHAPTER III
CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE— 1884-1899

Troubles in the Western Soudan — Expedition to relieve Khar-
toum— 1 9th ordered up the Nile — Korti — The Desert
Column — Action at Abu Klea — Action at Abu Krou —
Quartermaster Lima killed — The horses — Metemmeh —
Fall of Khartoum — Return of the Column — The River
Column — Action at Kirbekan — Return of the Column —
Summer Quarters — Regiment returns to Cairo — Squadron
sent to Suakin — Serious losses — Returns to Cairo — Designa-
tion granted of "Princess of Wales' Own" — Death of
Colonel Barrow — I9th returns to England — Badge of
"Mysore" granted — igih embarks for India — Bangalore
— Secunderabad 246

CONTENTS xix

APPENDIX A.

PAGE

Yearly Lists of the Officers of the Nineteenth . . . .271

APPENDIX B.

Casualties in the Nineteenth Hussars during the Egyptian

Campaign of 1882 304

APPENDIX C.

Special Honours granted to Nineteenth Hussars for Egyptian

Campaign of 1882 305

APPENDIX D.

Casualties in the Nineteenth Hussars during the Campaign

near Suakin, 1884 306

APPENDIX E.

Special Honours granted to Nineteenth Hussars for Campaign

near Suakin, 1884 307

APPENDIX F.

Addresses to Nineteenth Hussars by Major General G. Graham,
C.B., V.C., and Brigadier General H. Stewart. Trinkitat,
5th March 1884 308

APPENDIX G.

Casualties in the Nineteenth Hussars during the Soudan

Campaign of 1885 310

xx CONTENTS

APPENDIX H.

PAGE

Special Honours granted to Nineteenth Hussars for Soudan

Campaign, 1885 . 311

APPENDIX I.

Address to Nineteenth Hussars by General Lord Wolseley,

G.C.B. Korti, 23rd March 1885 312

APPENDIX K.

Report by Colonel Barrow on the Arab horses ridden by the

Nineteenth Hussars during the Nile Campaign of 1885 . 313

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCESS OF
WALES — Photogravure — From a Photograph
by Miss Alice Hughes

AN OLD NINETEENTH— From an old Seal

GENERAL SIR JOHN FLOYD, BART.— Photo-
gravure

MYSORE CAMPAIGNS— Map ....

AN OFFICER IN THE UNIFORM OF THE NINE-
TEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS, 1792 — Coloured
Plate

THE MARCH OF THE ARMY IN PURSUIT OF
DHOONDIA WAO IN JULY, AUGUST, AND
SEPTEMBER 1800 — Map ....

BATTLE OF ASSAYE— Map

MAJOR GENERAL R. R. GILLESPIE — Photo-
gravure— From a Miniature ....

GUIDONS OF THE NINETEENTH
DRAGOONS — Coloured Plate .

LIGHT

Frontispiece
On Title page

To face page 5 9

;, 69

OFFICERS IN THE UNIFORM OF THE NINE-
TEENTH LANCERS, 1817— Coloured Plate

AN OFFICER IN THE UNIFORM OF THE NINE-
TEENTH HUSSARS, 1882— Coloured Plate

COLONEL PERCY BARROW— From a Photograph,
Half-tone

55 55

•5 139

„ 168

THE CANADIAN FRONTIER IN 1812— Map . „ „ 175

BATTLE OF LUNDY'S LANE, 9 P.M., 25TH JULY

1814— Map „ „ 204

,? 218

5, 5, 232

55 55 264

xzi

PART I
THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

DROGHEDA'S HORSE

1759-1763

State of affairs in Europe in 1756— Declaration of War against
France — Increase of the Army — Early Years of the War —
Invasion expected — Orders for raising the iQth Light Dragoons
—Death of George II.— End of the Seven Years' War— Reduction
of Military Establishments — igih Light Dragoons become the
1 8th — Uniform of the Regiment.

FROM the signing of the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle
(1748), to the outbreak of the Seven Years' War (1756),
the peace, nominally existing between England and
France, was continually broken, out of Europe, by both
parties. In India, under the veil of alliance with opposing
Native Princes, war was actively prosecuted, and it was
with difficulty that British interests maintained a pre-
carious footing in that country. In North America, the
French claimed the whole continent, except the ill
defined New England settlements along the coast, and
denied the right of the English to trade in the interior
Keeping themselves in the background, they waged a.
bloody war against the English settlers, by means of the
Indians, whom they subsidized, and whose disguise they
often adopted. Both in the East and the West, French

2 DROGHEDA'S HORSE [1756

officials were acting with the support and countenance of
the Court of Versailles, and the English officials on the
spot were not slow to retaliate when occasion offered. It
was evident that a crisis could not long be averted, but it
was advantageous to the French to postpone an open
rupture as long as possible, while the French navy was
being strengthened. On the other hand, it was the
interest of England to hasten the rupture, when war was
seen to be inevitable, since the objects to be fought for
were beyond the seas. The English navy was, at that
time, greatly superior in strength to the French navy,
while the French military forces were eight or ten times
as strong as the English army, which had been greatly
reduced since the conclusion of the late war. As time
went on, less pains were taken to conceal the warlike
measures undertaken on either side. In the beginning of
1755, Braddock's ill-fated expedition was dispatched to
New England, while a counter-expedition for Canada was
sent out from Brest and Rochefort, a few weeks later.
Neither side was acting in good faith : on both sides,
secret instructions for active hostilities were given to the
commanders. In June, two French ships, with troops
on board, were captured by Boscawen off the coast of
Newfoundland. Exactly a month later, Braddock's force
was cut to pieces by the French and Indians. Still the
pretence of peace was preserved. In April 1756, a French
expedition sailed from Toulon to attack Minorca, which
for half a century had been a British possession. Byng's
well-known failure to relieve Minorca ensued, and the
place fell on 27th June.

Meanwhile the absurdity of maintaining the semblance
of peace under such circumstances had become patent to
the British cabinet, and in May, war was formally declared.
In August, the coalition of France and Austria, soon to be
joined by Russia, was declared against Prussia, and Great

1757] THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR 3

Britain found herself engaged in hostilities in Germany,
India and America at the same time.

The early years of the war were neither fortunate nor
creditable to Great Britain. After the peace of Aix-la-
Chapelle, the Army within the three kingdoms had been
reduced to about eighteen thousand men. In December
1755, an increase of fifteen thousand men had been voted.
But armies are not made in a day, and the direction of
affairs was in incompetent hands. Pitt, who alone com-
manded the confidence of the country, was regarded with
disfavour by the King. In November 1756, Pitt was
recalled to office, and a new spirit was infused into the
management of affairs. A Militia Bill was introduced, the
regular Army was increased to forty-five thousand men,
and steps were taken for enlisting into the service of the
State the Highland clans who had so recently been in
arms against the Crown. In April 1757, Pitt was dis-
missed from office, and all again was confusion. For three
months England was without a Government ; at the end
of that time, Pitt was again in office. But the ill effects
of the political contest at home were reflected in the
ill-success of our arms abroad, and two years were to
elapse before the nation felt secure. The year 1757 was
a gloomy one in England. A French invasion was
believed to be imminent : an expedition, dispatched in
May, against Louisbourg in America, failed, owing to the
feebleness and tardiness of execution on the part of those
to whom it was entrusted : Fort William Henry was
taken by Montcalm, and its garrison massacred by the
Indians. In Europe, an expedition, dispatched in September,
against Rochefort, failed, through the disagreements of
the naval and military officers in command. The Duke
of Cumberland was forced to evacuate Hanover, and sign
the convention of Kloster-Severn, and many months were
to elapse before the triumph of Clive at Plassy became

4 DROGHEDA'S HORSE [i759

known in England. In 1758, matters improved some-
what. In July, Louisbourg was taken, but an attack on
Ticonderago in the same month was defeated, and Lord
Howe, described by Wolfe as "the noblest Englishman
that has appeared in my time, and the best soldier in the
British army," was slain in a skirmish. In Germany, the
British troops, under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick,
drove the French out of Hanover, while two successful
raids were made on the French coast, in which Cherbourg
and St. Servan were temporarily occupied, and a great
quantity of warlike stores destroyed or captured.

Pitt's genius was now beginning to be felt in every
branch of the service, and, from this time, matters im-
proved steadily, by land and sea. In May 1759,
Guadaloupe was captured. In July, Rodney destroyed
the French boats in Havre prepared for the invasion of
England, while Hawke blockaded Brest. In August,
Boscawen defeated a French fleet in the Bay of Lagos.
In the same month, the French were decisively defeated
at Minden by an inferior English and Hanoverian force :
on the 1 3th September, Quebec was taken by Wolfe, who
fell in the moment of victory, and French interests in
America received their death blow. To complete the
year's triumphs, on 2Oth November, Hawke destroyed a
French fleet under Conflans in Quiberon Bay, in an action
fought in the midst of a tempest. The nation could
breathe freely again ; there was no more fear of invasion,
and England was confident of ultimate success. But Pitt's
efforts were not relaxed, and many regiments of Cavalry
and Infantry were added to the Army during the
year.

By Royal Warrants, dated respectively I7th March,
4th August, loth October and I7th November 1759, the
1 5th, 1 6th, 1 7th, and i8th Light Dragoons were raised for
service abroad and at home. In December, steps were

i?6o] LORD LIEUTENANT'S WARRANT 5

taken to raise the ipth Regiment of Light Dragoons in
Ireland, and, in the following month, a Notification to that
effect was issued from Dublin Castle.

By the Lord Lieutenant General and General
Governor of Ireland.

1760. Bedford,

His Majesty having been pleased to Order a
Regiment of Light Dragoons to be forthwith
raised in this Kingdom, under the Command
of the Earl of Drogheda,* to consist of one
Lieutenant Colonel Commandant, one Lieu-
tenant Colonel, one Major, three Captains,
six Lieutenants, six Cornets, one Chaplain, one
Surgeon, one Surgeon's Mate, one Adjutant, six
Quartermasters, eighteen Serjeants, eighteen
Corporals, twelve Drummers, six Hautboys,
and six Troops of seventy Men per Troop : and
His Majesty's Letter being shortly expected for
placing the said Regiment upon the Military
Establishment of this Kingdom from the
seventh day of December last past inclusive,
to be paid at such times and in such manner
as other Regiments of Dragoons in this
Kingdom are paid, the pay of such Commission
and Staff Officers and the Subsistance of the
Non Commission Officers to commence from
the date of their respective Commission,
Warrants, and Appointments, and the Sub-
sistance of the private Men, approved by the
Officer who shall be appointed to review them
from the Days of their being severally attested
inclusive. And whereas We have authorized
and required the said Earl of Drogheda by
Beat of Drum or otherwise, forthwith to raise
such number of able bodied Protestants in this
Kingdom, as shall be willing to enlist them-

* Charles, 6th Earl of Drogheda, Governor of Meath, and Lieutenant
Colonel of the ist Irish Horse.

DROGHEDA'S HORSE [1760

selves and may be wanting to compleat the
said Regiment to the Establishment before
mentioned, in the Execution of which Service
the said Earl of Drogheda or one of the Field
Officers of the said Regiment is to make the
like returns to your Office as are usually made
upon raising Regiments : We do hereby give
you Notice thereof and do direct you upon
Receipt of the Returns aforesaid to allow the
names of all such Recruits on the Muster Rolls
of the said Regiment in Order to their being
entered for Pay, pursuant to His Majesty's
Letter aforesaid. Given at His Majesty's
Castle of Dublin the i$th Day of January
1760.

By His Grace's Command

RICHARD RIGBY.

To the Muster Master General of this Kingdom or
his Deputy.

A month later followed the Royal Warrant.

1760. George R. — Right Trusty and Right Entirely
Beloved Cousin and Councillor. We greet you
well. Whereas the Commissioners of our
Treasury have laid before us your Letter of
the 2Qth of December last transmitting unto
them the following Establishment of a
Regiment of Light Dragoons to be raised
according to a Proposal from Charles Earl of
Drogheda which had been laid before and
approved by Us and also an Estimate of the
Expence of each particular to be provided
and defrayed by Us for the use of the said
Regiment which said Establishment for One
Year commencing from the seventeenth day
of December last will amount to the sum of
seventeen thousand four hundred and thirteen
pounds ten shillings and tenpence according

1 76o]

ROYAL WARRANT

to the following particulars thereof that is
to say —

Per day.

Per annum.

For one Lieutenant Colonel

Commandant .

£°

£127

One Lieutenant Colonel

127

One Major .

One Chaplain

121

One Surgeon

One Mate .

One Adjutant

For One Troop

Captain 10 sh. and two

servants at 1/2 each .

£°

£225

Lieutenant 6 sh. and one

Servant at 1/2 .

130

Cornet 5 sh. and one Servant

at 1/2 .

112

Quarter Master .

Three Sergeants at 2/8 each

146

Three Corporals at i/ioeach

100

Two Drummers at 1/8 each .

One Hautboy at 1/6 .
Seventy Men at 1/6 each

o
5

i
5

27
1,916

7
5

6
o

2,792

For five Troops more .

General Total .

•

£47

•OMMOM

«MMI

2 ^

:i7,4i3

And We being graciously pleased to approve
thereof and also of the several Particulars by
you proposed in your said Letter Our Will and
Pleasure is and we do hereby direct authorize
and require that you give the necessary orders
and Directions for placing the said Regiment
on the Military Establishment of that our
Kingdom from the seventh day of December
last past inclusive for the several allowances of
Pay in the said Establishment specified as
aforesaid to be paid at such times and in such
manner as other Regiments in that Kingdom
are paid the Pay of each Commissioned and
Staff Officers and the subsistence of the Non
Commissioned Officers to commence from the
date of their respective Commissions Warrants
and Appointments and the subsistence of the
private Men approved by the Officer who shall
be appointed to review them from the days of
their being severally attested inclusive as also

DROGHEDA'S HORSE [1760

for issuing out of our Revenues at Large in that
Kingdom to the said Charles Earl of Drogheda
or his Agent the sum of seventeen hundred and
seventy pounds five shillings clear of all Fees
and Deductions for four hundred and seventy
four Cloaks at the rate of one pound twelve
shillings and sixpence for each Cloak as also
for issuing out of our said Revenues at large in
that our Kingdom to the said Charles Earl of
Drogheda or his Agent the sum Six Thousand
Seven hundred and Fifty pounds clear of all
Fees and Deductions for Four hundred and
Fifty horses at the rate of Fifteen pounds for
each Horse and likewise for issuing out of our
said Revenues at large there to the Master and
Principal Officers of the Ordnance the sum of
Seven hundred and Sixty Six pounds clear of
all Fees and Deductions for defraying the
expense of four hundred and thirty two Fire-
locks and Bayonets at the rate of one pound
fifteen shillings for each Firelock and Bayonet
for the use of the said Regiment and for so
doing this shall be as well to you as to our
Lieutenant Deputy or other Chief Governor or
Governors of that our Kingdom as to all other
our Officers and Ministers who shall or may be
concerned herein a Sufficient Warrant and so
. we bid you very heartily farewell. Given at
our Court of St. James the I2th day of February
1760 in the 33rd Year of our reign.

By His Majesty's Command,

HOLLES NEWCASTLE.
H. B. LEGGE.
JAMES OSWALD.

Entered at the Signet office
the 2 5th February 1760

GEO. BROWN, Dy.

To Our Right Trusty and Right Entirely Beloved
Cousin and Councillor John Duke of Bedford
Lieutenant General and General Governor of our
Kingdom of Ireland and to Our Lieutenant
Deputy or other Chief Governor or Governors of
that Our Kingdom for the time being.

1763] CHANGE OF NUMBER 9

On the 24th March, the Muster Master General was
again addressed, and instructed that, in consequence of an
application from the Earl of Drogheda, " the orders relating
to the Magistrates attesting the men raised to be Protest-
ants and to making returns of the several places where the
recruits were enlisted may be dispensed with, proper
certificates that the men are Protestants having been
obtained from the Clergymen of the Parishes where such
men were severally enlisted, and all other requisites in the
Earl of Rothes' said instructions having been complied
with."

On 25th October 1760, George II. died ; in February
1763, the Peace of Paris was concluded, and the Seven
Years' War came to an end. During the whole of this
time, the Regiment, which was generally known as
"Drogheda's Horse," remained in Ireland; but little or
nothing can be learned concerning it. Considerable re-
ductions of establishment were made directly peace was
assured. The i/th (Aberdour's Horse), which had never
been able to complete its strength, ceased to exist, and the
1 8th Light Dragoons became the i/th. The I9th in the
same way became the i8th, under which number it gained
much distinction in the West Indies, Holland, the Peninsula,
and Waterloo, being finally disbanded in 1821. Lord
Drogheda, who had raised the regiment, continued to be
its Colonel Commandant till its disbandment, nearly sixty
two years afterwards, an unbroken term of service with
one regiment probably unparalleled.

It is impossible at this date to ascertain what was the
uniform of the regiment, before its number was changed.
It certainly wore the red light dragoon coat of the period,
and the facings were probably white, with red and white
lace, similar to what it wore after its number was changed,
until blue was substituted for red in all the Light Dragoon
regiments.

PART II

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1779—1783

War in America — Declaration of War by France — Increase of the
Army — Orders for raising the igih Light Dragoons — Uniform —
Peace proclaimed — Reduction of Military Establishments —
Regiment disbanded.

" THE year of which we treat, presented the most
aweful appearance of public affairs, which this country
had perhaps beheld for many ages." * The condition
of affairs in England, in 1779, was truly alarming. Since
the spring of 1775, Great Britain had been striving to
subdue her rebellious colonies in America. The war was
mismanaged, the Ministry was incapable : the successes
gained were barren of results, while serious disasters had
been experienced. In March 1778, France, which had
long been secretly aiding the rebellious colonies, threw
off the mask, and openly espoused their cause. The
warlike spirit of the country was roused, and those who
would have conceded peace on almost any terms to
American demands, refused to consider it at the inter-
vention of France. The French forces however effected
nothing of importance during the year ; towards the end
of it, the probability of Spain joining the coalition against
England became known, though the actual declaration

* Annual Register, 1779.

i779l ROYAL WARRANT it

of war was delayed till June 1779. The national spirit
was now thoroughly roused, but there was great appre-
hension of invasion. Supplies were freely voted, great
additions were made to the naval and military establish-
ments, camps were formed in many places in the south of
England, the militia were embodied, and militia camps
formed at Cox Heath, Warley, Portsmouth, Plymouth,
Chatham, and Aldborough. The most strenuous efforts
were made to place the defences of the country on an
efficient footing.

In April, the following Letter of Service was addressed
to Major General Russell Manners, Lieutenant-Colonel
of the 2nd Dragoon Guards.

Warrant.

George R. Whereas we have thought fit to
order a Regiment of Light Dragoons to be
forthwith formed under your Command which
is to consist of six troops with four Sergeants
four Corporals one Trumpeter one Hautboy
and fifty-four private men and horses in each
Troop beside the usual number of Commissioned
Officers : These are to authorize you by beat
of drum or otherwise to raise so many men in
any County or part of our Kingdom of Great
Britain as shall be wanted to complete the said
. Regiment to the numbers above mentioned.
And all Magistrates Justices of the Peace
Constables and other our Civil Officers whom
it may concern are hereby required to be
assisting unto you in providing Quarters
impressing carriages and otherwise as there
shall be occasion.

Given this 25th day of April 1779 in the
1 9th year of our Reign.

By His Majesty's Command

C. JENKINSON.

To Our Trusty and Wellbeloved Russell Manners Esq.
&c. &c. &c.

12 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS [1781

On the same day, similar Warrants were issued for
raising the 2Oth and 2ist Light Dragoons.

In July, a small Corps of Light Dragoons, known as
Lister's Corps, was raised, and in August, the 22nd Light
Dragoons was formed. At the same time, all out pensioners
of Chelsea were inspected to see which of them " were fit
for garrison or other duty."

The i Qth Light Dragoons were formed by drafts from
the ist and 2nd Dragoon Guards, and the 4th and loth
Dragoons, and encamped at Salisbury; where also were
the nth Light Dragoons. The I5th, 2Oth, and 2ist
Light Dragoons were encamped on Lexden Heath near
Colchester. On the 9th October 1779, the I9th were
inspected by Lieutenant-General James Johnston, when
the effective strength was 355 Non-Commissioned Officers
and Privates, and 347 horses. The Inspecting Officer
reported that the Officers wore scarlet, with silver button
holes and green lappels, and " were mostly young genteel
men with a good air, and great attention, and tolerable
horsemen." The Non-Commissioned Officers were said to
be too tall for Light Dragoons, few of them being under
5 ft. 10 in.

Further orders for recruiting were issued in February
1780, and again in February 1781. Regimental clothing
accounts were formidable things in those days, and two
years after the Regiment was raised it was found that the
clothing money of the men drafted to the I9th Light
Dragoons from other Regiments had been paid, for two
years, to the wrong person ; so the following warrant,
directing Major-General Manners to refund, was issued.

" Warrant to make good a deficiency in the Offreckonings of
the several Regiments of Dragoon Guards and Dragoons
within specified from 2$tk April 1779 to ^th July 1781
out of ye Offreckonings of ye \§th 2Qth and 2\st

i;8i] REGIMENTAL ACCOUNTS 13

Regiments of Light Dragoons which were formed by
sundry Non Commissioned Officers and Private Men
turned over from the said Regiments of Dragoon
Guards and Dragoons!'

George R.

1781. Whereas we were pleased to direct that our

several Regiments of Dragoon Guards and
Dragoons should be augmented from the 2$th
March 1778 and also further augmented from
25th August following and Whereas on the
25th April 1779 We were pleased to order three
Regts. of Light Dragoons to be formed (out
of a proper number of Non Commissioned
Officers and Private Men turned over to them
from the several Regiments of Dragoon Guards
and Dragoons as specified in the State hereunto
annexed, and whereas in Consequence of this
We were pleased to direct that each Troop of
our said Regiments of Dragoon Guards and
Dragoons should from the 25th April 1779, be
reduced so as to consist of Two Sergeants, Two
Corporals, One Trumpeter, One Plautbois and
thirty seven Private Men, and no more besides
the usual Commissioned and other Officers,
whereby a Deficiency hath arisen in the Assign-
ment of the Offreckoning of each of our said
Corps between 25th April 1779 and 5th July
1781 and We having been most humbly be-
sought to grant Our Warrants to make good
the said deficiency It appearing that the several
Colonels above mentioned did turn over the
Non Commissioned Officers and Private Men
(Specified against each of their names in the
State annexed) fully clothed and appointed
according to our Regulations, Our Will and
Pleasure therefore is that out of the Offreckon-
ings arising on the Establishment of each of
the new Corps specified in the annexed State
and directed by our Warrant of the 29th March
1781, to be retained in your hands, you do pay
from time to time to the said several Colonels
or their Assigns the Amount (as the same hath

i4 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS [1781

or shall become payable according to the
custom of the Service) of the Offreckonings of
the Non Commissioned Officers and Private
Men turned over to the New Corps that have
accrued from 25th April 1779 to 5th July
following as also that shall accrue from 6th
July 1779 to 5th July 1781, in full satisfaction
of the Claims of the said several Colonels of
Our said Regiments of Dragoon Guards and
Dragoons for the deficiency on their respective
Assignments already passed by them up to 5th
July 1779 and 5th July 1781, And for so doing
&c. Given &c. this 2Oth day of June 1781 in
the 2 ist Year of our Reign.

By His Majesty's Command

C. JENKINSON.

" State of the numbers of Non Commissioned Officers and
Privates the amount of whose Offreckonings, from
2$th April 1779 to $th July following, as also from
6th July 1779 to $th July 1781 are to be paid over
from the three new Regiments of Light Dragoons"

4 From Major General Russell Manners' I9th
Regiment of Light Dragoons as follows
Viz:

Serjts. Corpls. Ptes.

To the i st Regt : of Dragoon Guards Assignees \ Q

of late Gen. John Mostyn . . ./

2nd Dragoon Guards Lord Viscount Town-1 ,• 0

shend's / 84

4th Dragoons Lieut: Gen: Carpenter's. .6 6 84

loth Dragoons Assignees of late Sir John \ /- /- /-

Mordaunt . . . . . ./ _J> 6 &>

Total to be paid out of Major Gen: Manners' \ /-

Offreckonings / ** * *_

From Salisbury the I9th Light Dragoons were moved
to Shropshire, and were quartered at Ludlow and
Bridgenorth during the summer of 1780, with three troops
at each place. The declaration of war by Holland, in
January 1781, caused their transfer to Norwich, and,

1783] FITT FOR ANY SERVICE 15

during the summer of that year, they were distributed
between Saxmundham, Bungay, Beccles, Yarmouth,
Halesworth, and Woodbridge, with a troop at each place.
In October, the Regiment was inspected at Yarmouth by
Major-General Tryon, who reported " This Regiment is a
good corps, and fitt for any Service." Each Dragoon was
armed with a sword, a pair of pistols, carbine and bayonet.

In the following spring, the Regiment was at Bury
St. Edmunds and Sudbury, three troops at each place.
Soon afterwards they were moved to the neighbourhood
of London, for employment on revenue duties, and, in
August, we find the Head quarters of the Regiment with
three Troops at Epsom ; the other three troops being
quartered at Croydon, Mitcham, and Horsham. Soon
afterwards, a Troop was sent to Bromley, and another to
Ewell, one Troop being withdrawn from Epsom.

But the Regiment was not destined to see active service.
In November 1782, the preliminary articles of peace had
been signed, by which England recognised the independ-
ence of the United States, and the usual reduction of
military establishments took place. In June 1783, the
Regiment was disbanded under the following order —

Orders and Instructions for Disbanding the igth Regiment
of Light Dragoons.

1783. Whereas We have thought fit to Order that
Our iQth Regiment of (Light) Dragoons, under
your Command be forthwith disbanded, Our
Will and Pleasure is, that you, or such person
or persons as you shall appoint for this Service,
do immediately repair to the respective Quarters
of the Troops of Our Said Regiment, and dis-
band them accordingly and that in the disband-
ing of them the following Rules be observed —
1st. Before such disbanding You are to cause an
exact Muster to be taken of the several Troops
of the said Regiment, which You may draw

16 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS [1783

together at some convenient place and You are
to transmit to Our Secretary at War, for Our
Information, an Account of their Condition and
Numbers at the time of Disbanding, together
with an exact List of the Names and Rank of
the Officers, specifying also if any of them
holds their Commissions to which Pay is
annexed.

2nd. It being Our Intention only to pay off at
present, and clear the Non Commissioned
Officers and Private Men of Our Said
Regiments, (and give an allowance of Half
Pay to the Commissioned Officers entitled
thereto, from the time of their Disbanding),
You are to take care before their Disbanding,
that the Quarters of each Troop be duly
satisfied, that the Accounts between the Non
Commissioned Officers and Private Men hereby
disbanded, and their Officers, be made up, and
that they be fully satisfied, and paid their
Arrears, Grass Money, and all other just pre-
tentions, to the day of their being disbanded,
whereof the said Officers, are to take Acquit-
tances, and Discharges from them respectively,
distinguishing each head of Payment.

3rd. That care be taken, that the Arms delivered out
of Our Stores of Ordnance, and indented for,
be returned into Our said Stores again, and
Acquittances taken for the same, from such
persons as shall be appointed to receive them.

4th. That care be taken that each Non Commissioned
Officer and Private Man hereby to be disbanded
be permitted to carry away with him his Cloak
and Clothes which he now wears, and that their
Horses be disposed of according to the regula-
tion following.

5th. Where any Dragoon who shall be discharged
in pursuance hereof, hath served Us, One whole
year, He shall be entitled to Three Pounds in
lieu of His Horse, and all the Horses of the
disbanded Men are to be Sold, and an account
kept, in order to the disposal of the Surplus
Money in such Manner as We shall direct.

6th. That the Dragoons who in pursuance of the
above Regulation are entitled to £3 as afore-

1783] THE REGIMENT DISBANDED 17

said, be paid six days full pay, and those who
are not so entitled, be paid Eighteen days full
pay, from the day of Disbanding, exclusive ;
which We are pleased to give them, as of Our
Royal Bounty, to carry them to the places of
their former Residence : You are therefore to
cause payment thereof to be made to each of
them respectively and to take Receipts for the
same from each Non Commissioned Officer,
and Private Dragoon, And all such Acquit-
tances, Discharges, and Receipts, are to be
transmitted to the Agent of the Regiment, to
be produced to Our Secretary at War, as
Vouchers for the several Payments herein
directed, and for which You are to draw Bills
on the said Agent.

7th. You are also to send to Our Secretary at War,
an Authentic List, attested in the best manner
by Yourself, or Officer performing this Service ;
of the names of the Non Commissioned Officers
and Private Men, so disbanded, and to give
them passes in case they shall desire the same,
to the places of their former Residence, allowing
them a convenient time to repair thither, and
giving them a strict charge that they do not
presume to travel with Arms, nor more than
three in Company together, upon pain of the
severest punishment, And to the end that the
said Non Commissioned Officers and Private
Dragoons may be sensible of the care We have
taken of them upon their dismission, You are
to cause these Our directions to be read at the
head of each Troop, for a more ready com-
pliance with Our Pleasure hereby signified, and
see the same put into Execution — Given at
Our Court at St. James's, this I2th day of June,
1783, in the twenty third Year of Our Reign.

By His Majesty's Command,

R. FITZ PATRICK.

To Our Trusty and Welbeloved Russell Manners Esq.
Lt. Gen. Commandant of our igth Regt. of (Light)
Dragoons or to the Officer Commanding in Chief of
our said Regt.

iS THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS [1783

In a " Report of the Lt. Generals Johnston, Mocher and
Sloper, relative to the appointments of the ipth, 2Oth and
2 ist Regts. of Light Dragoons &c.," it is stated that the
appointments are little better than lumber. The following
paragraph refers to the iQth Light Dragoons —

" In regard to the seventh regiment, no report having
been sent us with your letter, and no officer having
appeared before us to give us any insight into the trans-
action between the Colonels of that and the I9th Regiment
of Light Dragoons, we can only say, that as the iQth light
Regt. was raised at the same time, and has had pretty near
the same duty, we imagine the same objections will lay
against the appointments of that regiment, as to the
others.

To Lt. Gen. FAWCETT,
Adjt. Gen. &c."

PART III

THE TWENTY-THIRD, AFTERWARDS
THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

(1781-1822)

CHAPTER I.— 1781-1782.

THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS.

Alarming state of Public Affairs — Want of Cavalry in India — Orders
for raising the 23rd Light Dragoons — Colonel Sir John Burgoyne
— Regiment embark for India — Arrive in Madras — Desperate
State of Affairs — Madras Misgovernment — Horses for the Regi-
ment.

ALARMING as was the state of our affairs in 1779, it was
much worse in 1781. In January, a rupture occurred with
Holland, so that Great Britain found herself simultaneously
at war with France, Spain and Holland, while engaged at
the same time with her revolted Colonies in America. The
navy was overtaxed and inadequate to the demands made
on it, and the command of the sea had passed into the
hands of our enemies. Gibraltar had been besieged since
July 1779, the siege continuing till February 1783, the only
assistance that could be given being in the shape of stores
and reinforcements at uncertain intervals. In America,
things had gone from bad to worse. On I9th October

20 THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS [1781

1781, Cornwallis was forced to capitulate at Yorktown with
the whole of his army, a disaster which practically brought
the war in America to a close, though it lingered on for
nearly a year and a half longer. In India, affairs were
nearly as bad. The three most important of the native
powers at that time were Hyder Ali of Mysore, the
Mahrattas, and the Nizam of Hyderabad, and matters had
so turned out that we were at war with them all three. On
the outbreak of war between England and France, the
French settlements quickly fell into our hands. Hyder
Ali was much under French influence, and the fall of the
French Settlement at Mane", which was detrimental to his
interests, aroused his resentment. He was an able soldier
and administrator, and his army was, at that time, the
best organised among the native powers. Collecting his
forces, he fell like an avalanche on the Carnatic which he
desolated. Some troops sent against him, under Colonel
Baillie, were literally annihilated ; another force, under Sir
Hector Munro, was obliged to retreat, so that at the end of
1780, the Company's authority in the South of India ex-
tended little beyond the precincts of the town of Madras.
Reinforcements were sent from Bengal under Sir Eyre
Coote. The results of the campaign of 1781 were, however,
indecisive, in spite of a victory gained by Sir Eyre Coote,
at Porto Novo (ist July), and some minor successes. It
was estimated that one-third of the British forces were lost
in the campaign. In Western India, the Bombay Govern-
ment had engaged in hostilities against the Mahrattas, and
met with disaster. On the coast a powerful French fleet had
appeared under Suffren, one of the ablest seamen France
ever produced. The European forces of the East India
Company were at that time in a miserable state. Public re-
cruiting in England was forbidden, and the ranks were filled
with the refuse of society. Felons with fetters on them were
shipped as soldiers ; foreigners and adventurers of all ranks

i;8i] WANT OF CAVALRY IN INDIA 21

were received ; many of whom only wanted a passage to
India, in order that they might desert, as soon as possible,
after they landed in the country ; invalids, vagrants, and
men under the proper size for military service. The whole
were " in a most wretched condition, almost indeed without
subordination." The only reliable European troops in the
country were the King's troops, and the Company's
Artillery into which the best of their recruits were drafted.
Lord Cornwallis, writing six years later of some troops he
had recently inspected, says :

" What shall I say of the Company's Europeans ? I did
not think Britain could have furnished such a set of
wretched objects — I would infinitely rather take the /3rd
regiment upon service with me, than the whole six
Company's battalions — Indeed I have great doubts whether
by drafting the whole six, I could complete one serviceable
battalion to the present establishment."

It is only by appreciating the condition and circum-
stances of our military services in India at this time, and
the jealousy existing in the highest quarters in England
of the exercise of the authority of a Government by the
East India Company, that the almost independent position
held by the King's troops in India can be understood.
The chief want was in Cavalry, and it is a proof of the
ill-judged parsimony or poverty of the Company that,
in a country so well adapted for that arm, where
the cavalry of the enemy were counted by tens of
thousands, they should have failed, till the time treated
of, to produce an efficient mounted Corps. M. le Maitre
de la Tour, a French officer in the service of Hyder AH,
writing about the events then occurring, says :

"... The English have never yet succeeded in the
attempt to form a good troop of European horse in India.
As they have sent a regiment of dragoons * from England,

* The 2$rd Light Dragoons.

22 THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS [1781

it is probable that their arrival may place the affair on
another footing. Though it may not immediately be
conceived, the reason of the want of success in forming
their intended troop of horse, consisted in the good
discipline to which they were desirous of subjecting them.

" The excellence of the English cavalry is sufficiently
acknowledged in Europe : and its advantages consist less in
the goodness of the horse, than in the choice of the horse-
men. The pay of a horseman in England is such as renders
his situation very eligible ; so that the sons of rich farmers
and tradesmen are very desirous of entering into the
service. This being the case, it is in the power of the
officers to select handsome well-formed men of good
character, and to keep them in good discipline merely by
the fear of being dismissed. The officers who were first
entrusted with the formation of a body of cavalry in India,
thought to establish and preserve the same discipline
among them, without attending to the great difference of
time, place, and persons. The recruits sent from England
to India are in general libertines, and people of bad
character : and, as the Company will not dismiss a soldier,
all the punishment inflicted on a horseman is, to reduce
him to serve in the infantry ; so that a man is no sooner
put among the cavalry, than he is sent back to his former
station. The French have succeeded in forming very good
cavalry in India, by attending more to their horsemanship,
and less to their discipline and manners."

Hyder Ali's cavalry numbered at that time about
twenty-five thousand horsemen, among which was a body
of French dragoons and hussars. The Company maintained
no Cavalry establishment, beyond a small European troop
formed, as related by M. le Maitre de la Tour. When at
war, they borrowed a few hundreds of horsemen from
the Nawab of Arcot, unpaid, undrilled, and undisciplined.

Sir Eyre Coote, the Commander-in-chief in India, was
loud in his demands for Cavalry. In his dispatch on his
victory at Porto Novo he wrote :

" From the want of a corps of cavalry on our side equal
in number to the service required, we were, with victory
decidedly declared, obliged to halt just beyond the enemy's

i78i] ROYAL WARRANT 23

grounds, not being able to take advantage of so distinguished
a day ; for with a corps of cavalry, the enemy's guns, stores,
&c., would, to a certainty have fallen into our hands."

Again, after the battle of Arnee, (2nd June 1782) he
wrote :

" There was nothing wanting to have enabled me on
this occasion to ruin and disperse Hyder's army, but a
respectable body of cavalry. One thing is certain, that
had I such a corps we should have captured the greatest
part, if not the whole of his cannon."

Under the urgent demands made on them, the Court
of Directors applied to the Crown for the loan of a Cavalry
Regiment, and, in accordance with the usual practice at
that date, it was determined to raise a Regiment for
service in India. On the 24th Sept. 1781, the following
Warrant was issued to Colonel Sir John Burgoyne Bart.,
of the 1 4th Light Dragoons, a cousin of General Burgoyne
who surrendered at Saratoga in 1777.

Warrant for forming a Regiment of (Light) Dragoons under
the Command of Colonel Sir John Burgoyne Bart.

1781. George R.

Whereas We have thought fit to Order a
Regiment of Light Dragoons to be forthwith
formed under your Command which is to
consist of Six Troops with Four Serjeants,
Four Corporals, One Trumpeter, One Hautboy,
and Fifty four Private Men in each Troop,
beside the usual Number of Commissioned
Officers ; These are to Authorize you by beat
of Drum or otherwise to raise so many men in
any County or part of Our Kingdom of Great
Britain, as shall be wanted to complete the said
Regiment, to the Numbers above mentioned.
And all Magistrates, &c., Given &c. this 24th

24 THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS [1781

day of September 1781, in the Twenty first
Year of Our Reign.

By His Majesty's Command,

C. JENKINSON.

To Our Trusty and Well-beloved Sir John Burgoyne
Bart. Colonel of Our 23rd Regiment of (Light)
Dragoons, or to the Officer appointed by Him to
raise Men, for Our said Regiment.

In the London Gazette, for the same date, the following
appointments are made.

2^rd Light Dragoons.

Colonel Sir John Burgoyne, Bart, of I4th Dragoons

is appointed to be Colonel.
Major John Floyd of 2ist Dragoons to be

Lieutenant Colonel.
Captain Thomas Nash of i6th Dragoons to be

Major.

To be Captains of Troops.

Captain Jonathan Thomas of I5th Dragoons.
Captain Lieutenant Lewis Majendie of I5th

Dragoons.
Captain Lieutenant John Campbell of 2Oth

Dragoons.
Lieutenant John Beckwith of I5th Dragoons to

be Captain Lieutenant

To be Lieutenants.

Lieutenant William Gilbert Child of 2ist

Dragoons.

Lieutenant William Walton of 2ist Dragoons.
Cornet John Fullerton of 2ist Dragoons.
Cornet Guy Henry Crawford of 2ist Dragoons.
Cornet T. J. Venables Hinde of i6th Dragoons.

The roll of officers was completed in subsequent
Gazettes, but several changes took place before the
embarkation of the Regiment.

Colonel Sir John Burgoyne, Bart, of Sutton Park in
Bedfordshire, was an officer who had served in several

1781] FORMATION OF THE REGIMENT 25

Regiments, the 7th Royal Fusiliers, the 52nd Foot, the
58th Foot, and was Lieutenant Colonel of the I4th Light
Dragoons at the time of his appointment as Colonel of the
23rd Light Dragoons. He also held the offices of
Comptroller of the Port of Chester, and Muster Master of
foreign troops serving in North America. On being
appointed to serve in India, he was granted local rank as
Major General in the East Indies from ist June 1781, and
was subsequently made Major General in the Army, 2Oth
November 1782.* It is probable that the regiment was
largely composed of drafts from the regiments that
furnished it with officers, viz.: the 8th, I4th, I5th, i6th,
2Oth, and 2ist Light Dragoons. The Regiment was first
brought together in the vicinity of his home, and, under
order dated 28th December, marched from Bedford to
Portsmouth to embark for India. The following orders
and instructions had previously been issued, and subsequent
events were to show how much the admonition as to
disputes with the officers of the East India Company were
needed.

Orders and Instructions to Sir John Burgoyne Colonel of the
2i>rd Regiment of (Light) Dragoons for the Conduct of
his Regiment on their passage to the East Indies dated
2gth November 1781.

George R.

You will before embarking call together
the Officers of the Regiment under Your
Command, and recommend to them in a
particular manner the avoiding all manner of
disputes with the Officers of the East India
Company, and that they use their utmost
Endeavours to live with them in the greatest
harmony, as the contrary behaviour will be

* The commissions of Sir Hector Munro, General Stuart, and Sir John
Burgoyne were afterwards antedated to 9th May 1777, to ensure the
succession of one of them to the command of the troops in India next to
Sir Eyre Coote.

26 THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS [1781

very displeasing unto Us, as well as detrimental
to the Service they are jointly to be employed
in ; — the respective Officers of Companies are to
recommend the same to the Non Commissioned
Officers and Soldiers under their Command ;
The Officers of the East India Company having
the same orders, as to their behaviour to Our
Land Forces.

You will give the strictest orders for keeping
up good discipline and regularity both whilst
the Troops are on board the East India
Companie's Ships, and on Shore, and if any
Commissioned, Non Commissioned Officer or
Soldier shall be guilty of any Crime or disorder
whilst on board the said Ships, he shall be
immediately confined, and you will order
Courts Martial to be held and the delinquent
to be punished there.

The Officers of our said Forces on board the
said Ships, shall give the necessary orders for
the Men under their Command, consulting with
the Commanders of the said Ships, in every
thing relating to their Service on board,
dividing the Men into Watches, with a pro-
portionable Number of Commissioned and Non
Commissioned Officers.

The necessary Orders shall likewise be given
for airing the bedding daily, for keeping the
births (sic) clean and sweet, for preventing
gaming, and selling Drams or spirituous liquors
and putting out the Lights between Decks
with all which Commissioned Officers shall be
chargeable.

No Officers or Soldiers shall go on Shore out
of any of the said Ships, without the Consent
of the Captain of the Ship as well as ye Com-
manding Officer of the Land Forces, and
whenever any men are allowed to go on Shore,
Commissioned or Non Commissioned Officers
are to be sent with them, who are to be
answerable for their Conduct whilst on Shore,
and are to make a report thereof upon their
return on board.

Weekly returns of the Officers and Men of
Our said Forces, on board each Ship, shall be

1782] ORDERS AND INSTRUCTIONS 27

constantly made out, and sent to You, as often
as opportunity offers, and Monthly returns of
Our said Forces under your Command shall be
transmitted by You for Us, to Our Secretary at
War, as also a Report of every thing that
happens when you have an opportunity of
sending them.

You will transmit with as much expedition
as the opportunity of time, distance and place
can admit, the original proceedings and
Sentences of every General Court Martial, to
the Commander in Chief in the East Indies
who is to send the same to the Judge Advocate
General in London.

In every thing you will consider the honour
of Our Forces, the good of Our Service, and
the Interest of the East India Company whose
Territories and Commerce You are sent to
protect and establish, You will therefore chear-
fully (sic) concur in all things which the
principal Officers of the East India Company
shall judge conducive thereto, and for that
purpose you will use your utmost endeavours
to preserve a good harmony and understanding
betwixt Our Land Forces and those of the
East India Company.

Given at Our Court at St. James's this 2Qth
day of November 1781, in the Twenty first
Year of Our Reign.

By His Majesty's Command

BARRINGTON.

In a letter, dated London 2 5th January 1782, from the
East India Directors to the President and Council at Fort
St. George, the Madras authorities were thus advised of the
dispatch of the Regiment to India —

" His Majesty having been graciously pleased to order
a Regiment of Light Dragoons, dismounted, and two
Regiments of Foot"* to proceed to the East Indies for the
protection and defence of the Company's possessions, we
hereby inform you that they embark on board the ships

* loist and iO2nd.

28 THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS [1782

now under dispatch for India. Instructions have been
given by our Chairman and Depy. Chairman to provide
horses to be in readiness for the Dragoons, in order to
render them fit for immediate service upon their arrival :
and we rely upon these instructions having been duly
complied with. The strength of the Regiments and Lists
of the Officers are as follows —

Establishment of a Regiment of Light Dragoons commanded
by Colonel Sir John Burgoyne, Bart.

i Colonel and Captain.
I Lt. -Colonel and Captain.
I Major and Captain.
3 Captains more.
6 Lieutenants.
6 Cornets.
6 Quarter Masters.
I Chaplain.
I Adjutant.
I Surgeon.
i Surgeon's Mate.
24 Serjeants.
24 Corporals.
6 Trumpeters.
6 Hautbois.
324 Private men.

412

List of the Officers of the Twenty Third Regiment of
Light Dragoons.

Regiment. Army. r Maj.-Gen.

*4Segp,.I78,. ,9 Aug/77.

Lt. Colonel John Floyd do.

Major Thomas Nash do.

f Jonathan Thomas do. 28 June 1779.

Captains \ John Beckwith 27th.

[Thomas Crewe Dodd 28th.
Capt. -Lieut. John Petley 29th.

(Wm. Gilbert Child 24th. 26 Feb. 1780.

William Walton 25th. 23 March '81.

Licutenants\ Guy Henry Crawford 27th.

I T.S.VenablesHinde28th.

9 Oct. '78.

V William Sage

3rd Dec. c

(George Williams

24th Sept.

Cornets

John Campbell
Thomas Eyre
John Horsefall

25th do.
26th
27th

John Jaffrey

28th

Robert Anstey

29th

Adjutant

Robert Hilton

24th Sept. '8 1

Surgeon

John M'Cullock

24th Sept. '8 1.

1782] EMBARKATION FOR INDIA 29

On the 5th January 1782, the Regiment embarked at
Portsmouth, on board the ships Ceres and Royal Henry
forming part of the East India fleet sailing under convoy of
Vice Admiral Sir Richard Bickerton. In the same fleet
sailed the two newly raised Infantry Regiments, a
Hanoverian regiment raised to serve the East India
Company for seven years, drafts for four King's regiments
then serving in India, and some recruits, raised in Ireland
for the Company's service. Lieutenant Colonel Floyd,
with the greater part of the Regiment, was on board the
Ceres. Sir John Burgoyne, with the rest of the Regiment,
sailed in the Royal Henry. Floyd was in command of the
Regiment : Sir John Burgoyne being apparently in
command of the whole of the Troops. The voyage was an
uneventful one, though not without some apprehension of
meeting a French fleet. It was known that a French fleet
was fitting out in Brest, under the Comte de Guiche, to
intercept them. On the 27th February, intelligence was
received of a combined French and Spanish fleet of 41 sail of
the line and 18 frigates, that was cruising to intercept the
convoy. The frigate that brought the intelligence had also
passed close to a French squadron of 14 sail, that had only
just missed the convoy : probably the squadron from Brest.
But no enemy was seen, and on 28th April, the fleet was
safely anchored in Rio, where it lay till 3rd June. In those
days it was the custom to carry beer for troops at sea, as a
protection against scurvy. The log of the Ceres records
that on 3rd March the beer had come to an end, and
spirits were served to the troops. On the 1 5th March, the
log records that there was "delivered to Lieut. Colonel
Floyd, Commanding Officer of the troops on board, i Chest
of Tea belonging to the Honble Company, for the use
of the military." Later on again the issue of spruce beer
to the troops is recorded. It is evident that much atten-
tion, according to the medical lights of that day, was paid

3o THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS [1782

to the health of the troops, with a view to landing them in
India in as healthy a condition as possible. On the 3ist
March, they crossed the line with all the ceremonies
observed on those occasions, now long since obsolete. The
log records that at P.M. the Captain " mustered the ship's
Company to know who had crossed the Line before, when
we found 81 who had not, who all agreed to pay the usual
forfeit except one Seaman and two Boys who were
accordingly ducked three times from ye Lee Main Yard
Arm." We may be sure that all on board relieved the
monotony of the voyage by taking part in the rough
festivities of the day. Lt. Colonel Floyd says in a private
letter, " Our dragoons are divided into two watches, and
relieve each other every four hours, so the half of them are
always on deck, chiefly for the sake of their health, and to
assist the seamen in the operations of the ship, at which
they now begin to be very handy." On the i5th July,
when nearing the Cape, a Danish ship "fresh from the
Cape" was spoken, and gave news that, on the I3th, 4
French sail of the line and 9 transports were to have sailed
for the Mauritius : also, that on 26th June, a French frigate
and 12 transports with troops had sailed from the Cape.
But nothing more eventful occurred, and on 6th Sept., the
whole fleet anchored in Bombay. There the convoy was
broken up, and, on I5th, the Ceres and Royal Henry sailed
for Madras, where they cast anchor on igth and 2Oth
October. Hardly had they done so, when bad weather set
in ; the ships were blown from their anchorage, and, it was
not till 26th and 27th October, that the Regiment disem-
barked ; the first British Cavalry Regiment to land in
India. Three deaths occurred among the men during the
voyage, Private Jonas Bateman on 23rd April, Private
Joseph Gardner on 4th June, and Private Simon Kemp on
23rd September.

The reinforcements were sorely needed. So badly had

1782] STATE OF AFFAIRS IN INDIA 31

the East India Company's affairs prospered that, in
October, there appeared a probability of the whole of the
British establishments in southern India being destroyed.
Every where was discord, and disaster. The relations of
the Madras Council, both with the naval and military
commanders, were greatly strained. Sir Eyre Coote had
been obliged to return to Bengal for a time on account of
his health, and Sir Hector Munro, Commander-in-Chief in
Madras, had resigned his command, while the pay of the
Native Army was many months in arrears. So great had
been the losses among the European officers, that, in spite
of the stringent orders of the Court of Directors, the Madras
Government had granted Commissions to anybody they
could lay their hands on. Four naval actions had taken
place off the coast during the year, between the French
fleet under Suffren and the English fleet under Hughes,
without any decisive result, though the balance of
advantage was with the French. Trincomalee had been
captured by the French, and the shattered English ships
had no place nearer than Bombay where they could refit.
By land, operations had been equally unsuccessful. In
February, a British detachment consisting of about 100
Europeans, 1500 sepoys, 360 Cavalry, and 9 field pieces
under Colonel Brathwaite, was forced to surrender to a
combined Mysore and French force, and, in April,
Cuddalore yielded to the same enemy. The operations of
Sir Eyre Coote, who was at that time Commander in Chief
in India had not been successful. In an attempt on
Arnee he was outmanoeuvred by Hyder, several small
reverses were experienced, and, finally, he had fallen so
seriously ill that he was forced to resign his command, and
sail for Bengal. Negapatam was attacked by Suffren and
Hyder in July, and was only saved by the timely appear-
ance of the British fleet. To make matters worse, famine
was raging in Madras. The country had been abandoned

32 THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS [1782

to the undisturbed possession of the enemy ; great numbers
of natives had flocked into the town for protection from
Hyder's Cavalry, and the ill success of our arms, together
with scarcity of funds and bad management, prevented the
collection of adequate supplies. " Hundreds perished
daily."*

In the beginning of October, there were only 30,000 bags
of rice in the place, the monthly consumption being 50,000.
A large quantity of rice was afloat in the roads but could
not be landed, owing to all the harbour boats being taken
up for the service of the fleet, t On I5th October, a terrible
storm arose : the fleet was blown off the coast, the flag
ship being so much damaged that she was kept afloat
with difficulty ; several merchant ships were stranded or
foundered at their anchors, and all the rice afloat was lost.
" The shore for several miles was covered with wrecks and
with the bodies of the dead and dying." J Before the
storm, the Admiral had declared his intention of carrying
his ships round to Bombay, and had positively refused to
stop on the coast, though the absence of the fleet imperilled
the safety of Madras. Some relief had been gained by the
establishment of peace with the Mahrattas, in May (treaty
of Salbye), though the final ratifications were not exchanged
till February 1783 : so that even in this quarter peace was
not definitely secured.

It was under these depressing circumstances that the
23rd Light Dragoons landed in India, not to leave it
again until the British arms were triumphant every-
where ; a result to which the Regiment contributed in
no small degree. Their arrival gave promise that future

* Madras Govt. Dispatch to Court of Directors 3ist Oct. 1782.

t This was the reason given by the Madras Council. According to another
account, the rice was not landed, because the Governor, Lord Macartney, had
laid an embargo on it, and would neither give an adequate price for it, nor
suffer it to be landed for sale to the people.

+ Anmial Register.

1782] LANDING IN INDIA 33

successes in the field should not be so barren in results
as had frequently been the case in the past. In their
dispatch of 3ist October 1782, the Madras Government,
showing their satisfaction at the arrival of the 23rd Light
Dragoons, quote Sir Eyre Coote's opinion that "a body
of cavalry would have procured him the most solid
and decisive advantages over the enemy" in the earlier
operations.

The regiment landed with a strength of 360 privates
fit for duty, and, by all accounts, appears to have been
a splendid lot of men. Madras letters described the
troops landed as "remarkably healthy, and as fine a
body of men as ever came to India . . . particularly
Burgoyne's men, who, when mounted, will be as fine a
body of men as ever went into the field." A con-
temporary writer mentions them as "this sightly corps,"
and Burgoyne himself, in the midst of his troubles two
years later, writes, " the men are now the finest you can
imagine." Immediately after landing, firelocks were
served out to the men, and a party of them were exer-
cised in heavy gun drill. In the course of the general
mismanagement that distinguished the Madras administra-
tion at that day, the regiment was first quartered in Fort
St. George, in what has been described as " a suffocating
bombproof, from which three or four hundred French
prisoners, afflicted with various pestilential diseases had been
recently removed. The consequences were such as might
have been expected. A fatal mortality so much prevailed
that no less than two or three of the men were daily
sent to their graves." In consequence of the scarcity of
provisions, biscuit was issued to all the European troops
instead of rice. After a time, the regiment was moved
to San Thome, four or five miles from Madras. The
four hundred horses ordered to be in readiness for the
regiment, were not forthcoming, the few horses available

34 THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS [1782

in Madras not being large enough to carry European
dragoons. An application for horses had been made
to Bengal, but received a discouraging reply. An allow-
ance of Rs. 600 per horse was therefore made to Sir John
Burgoyne, to do his best with in mounting the regiment.
The Bengal government were ready to send horses but
could not find means of transport. In the Calcutta
Gazette for 2ist December an advertisement appears,
asking owners and freighters of ships to quote rates, and
state what number of horses they would convey to Madras
for government. A week later, the Gazette mentions
that " Lt. Colonel Eyre's regiment of (native) cavalry is
arrived at Cowgatchy from Monghyr. It is reported that
this regiment is to be dismounted, and the horses sent to
Madras for the European cavalry lately arrived there." But
freight for the horses was not obtained. Bengal had been
denuded of troops, and it was impossible to send the
horses by land without a strong escort. It was not till
June following that four hundred horses arrived from
Bengal, by land, and the regiment was at last com-
plete.

1783] SULTAN TIPPOO SAHIB 35

CHAPTER II

TROUBLES AT MADRAS

1783—1785

Sultan Tippoo Sahib of Mysore — Operations in Southern India — Death
of Sir Eyre Coote — Attack on Cuddalore — Peace with France —
Tippoo makes Peace — Strained relations between civil and
military in India — The E. I. Company's military establishment —
The King's troops in India — Misconduct of Madras Government
— Quarrel between Council and General Stuart — Complaints of
Council against Burgoyne — Arrest of Stuart — Council appoint
Lang to supersede Burgoyne — Burgoyne refuses to give over
command of the King's troops— Strange delusions of the
Council — Imminent Conflict between King's and Company's
troops — Unworkable arrangement — Fresh quarrel — Burgoyne
arrested — Mutiny of native cavalry — Court Martial on Burgoyne
— His acquittal — His death — End of the quarrel — Burgoyne
justified.

IN little more than a month after the Regiment landed,
the death of Hyder Ali occurred. It brought no relief to
British interests. His son and successor, Tippoo, was an
experienced soldier, though inferior to Hyder in ability.
He was noted for his religious fanaticism and a violent
temper, joined to a most barbarous cruelty of disposition.
To this was added a spirit of implacable hostility to the
English, the only European power in the country that
appeared formidable to him. Possessed of a full treasury
and a powerful army, he at once took the field with a force
that contained 900 European troops, 250 Topasses,* and
2000 French sepoys, besides many thousands of his own
Mysore troops. To oppose him, the Madras Govern-
ment could dispose only of some 2950 European, and
11,500 native troops. With this force, Major General

* Portuguese half castes and native Christians.

36 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1783

Stuart took the field in January, and made his way by
slow marches to Vellore. Meanwhile, Tippoo was forced
to withdraw to the westward to defend Mysore from an
attack on that side. On the arrival at Bombay of rein-
forcements in Sir Richard Bickerton's convoy, about 500 of
the Company's recruits, destined for Madras, were detained,
and, on the arrival of the King's troops at Madras, about
400 of them were at once sent back to Bombay. Out of
this material a force had been organized, under Major
General Matthews, to advance against Mysore from the
west coast. After the capture of several places, the force
was hemmed in at Bednore, and obliged to surrender to
Tippoo, on 3Oth April 1783. A great loss was experienced
at this time in the death of Sir Eyre Coote at Madras, on
27th April, three days after his return to resume command
of the operations. After this nothing was done till June>
when an ineffective attack was made on Cuddalore by
Major General Stuart. The French were on the point of
striking a counter blow which would probably have
proved successful, when the announcement of peace in
Europe changed the complexion of affairs. The French
force with Tippoo was withdrawn, but otherwise the war
continued. At this point the Mahrattas intervened.
Tippoo's character and his great power rendered him a
menace to the other native Princes, and it was no part of
the Mahratta policy that he should be allowed to crush the
English. They therefore called on him to desist from
hostilities. On his refusing to comply, they signed a treaty
of alliance against him with the English. In the mean-
time, a successful expedition under Colonel Fullarton,
strengthened by the troops set free by the peace with France,
had penetrated into Mysore, from the south, and threatened
Seringapatam. Under these circumstances, Lord
Macartney and the Madras Council induced Tippoo to
sign a treaty of peace, nth March 1784; a treaty dis-

1783] OPENING QUARRELS 37

creditable to themselves, and disapproved of by Warren
Hastings.

In a letter, dated 6th September 1783, addressed to
the Court of Directors, the Select Committee of the Madras
Council states that Sir John Burgoyne's regiment, being
reported fit for service, had been ordered to take the field-
But the regiment did not move from San Thome. The
Council desired to send the regiment into the field without
Burgoyne. On the latter notifying his intention of
accompanying his regiment, under orders from General
Stuart, the move was countermanded. The incident was
part of the fast ripening quarrel between the Civil Govern-
ment and the King's officers, which must be mentioned on
account of the serious results it had on the fortunes of the
Colonel of the 23rd Light Dragoons.

From the time of their first military establishment in
India, the Company had always evinced great distrust of
their military officers, a feeling that was not without some
justification in view of the character of the adventurers,
who at first took service with the Company. The
Company's troops on their part were under the influence
of the feeling, prevalent in England, that the exercise of
sovereign rights by a company of merchants was derogatory
to the dignity of the Crown. Hence it arose that the
Company's officers were less deferential to the authority of
the Company, than they should have been, while the
Company became more exacting of the respect due to
them, and made it their policy to keep down the army, in
numbers, in rank, and in authority. This feeling of
jealousy became intensified when the services of King's
troops were placed at the disposal of the Company ; and
many quarrels detrimental to the public service ensued.
At the time we are treating of, the King's troops in
India were the mainstay of the Company's power. The
Company was under stringent engagements to pay them

38 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1783

regularly, instead of allowing their pay to fall into arrears,
as was always the case with their own troops. They
were to be commanded as far as possible by King's
officers only, and the Commander in Chief at each
Presidency was appointed by the Crown. Every King's
officer, whatever the date of his commission, took rank
above all Company's officers holding similar commissions*
and every field officer of King's troops, while in India,
was given a step of Brevet rank above his regimental
rank. This naturally caused some ill feeling between the
King's and Company's officers. The arrangement had
first been made when there was only a single battalion of
King's troops in India. As the number of King's troops
increased, the extra rank given to the officers became a
very serious grievance to the Company's officers, which
was further aggravated by the Company's policy of
maintaining a very small number of field officers, and of
having their regiments commanded by Captains. The
instructions for avoiding disputes with the Company's
officers, that were issued to Sir John Burgoyne, before
sailing from England, had been a stereotyped formula of
orders for all officers sent with troops to India for more
than twenty years past : but such admonitions were of
little use under conditions that made friction inevitable.

The Madras Government was possessed at that time
of a perverse spirit, that led them into all kinds of ex-
travagancies and never ending quarrels. The Members
of the Council fought amongst themselves; they evaded
or disobeyed the orders of the Court of Directors, and
ignored the authority of the Governor General. In-
dividually, they commanded little respect. Collectively,
they mismanaged everything. They interfered in military
matters, that in a time of war were peculiarly in the
province of the chief military authority ; and they frittered
away the forces at their disposal in ill-conceived and

1783] THE MADRAS COUNCIL 39

badly equipped expeditions that frequently ended in
disaster. Finally, they quarrelled with everybody who
was not immediately under their orders, and wrote long
winded complaints to the Court of Directors and to
Bengal, instead of doing their best under the trying
circumstances of the time. The King's officers on their
side were also difficult to deal with. They asserted their
right to direct how and where the King's troops should
be employed, and, in other respects, claimed an independ-
ence of the Civil Government incompatible with public
interests. In 1780, when the Commander in Chief, Sir
Eyre Coote, had been sent down from Bengal, after the
disaster to Colonel Baillie's army, he was furnished with
orders for the suspension of the acting Governor, Mr
Whitehall, against whom the gravest charges had been
made, and he was specially invested with powers that to
a great extent made him independent of the Madras
Council, including the exclusive direction of the treasure
transmitted for the prosecution of the war. The temporary
grant of such powers was necessary under existing circum-
stances, but was none the less resented by the Madras
Council ; though there was little active opposition till the
assumption of the Governorship by Lord Macartney in
June 1781. The Council complained that more was not
accomplished, Sir Eyre Coote complained that his troops
were sent into the field without supplies ; the Council sent
an expedition against the Dutch settlements, without
consulting the General, and an open rupture occurred, in
which the Admiral took part, in consequence of dispatches
addressed to both Commanders being opened by the
Resident at Tanjore. At this stage of the quarrel, Sir
Eyre Coote's health forced him to leave for Bengal. The
command devolved on Major General Stuart, and the
quarrel went on worse than ever.

Lord Macartney at once assumed the direction of the

40 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1783

campaign, and made himself ridiculous by forcing Stuart
to destroy three of his own forts, the preservation of which
was anxiously desired by Sir Eyre Coote. Stuart, on his
side, claimed the right of exercising the special powers that
had been conferred on Sir Eyre Coote. Stuart's position
was a peculiar one. While on the King's half pay list, in
1775, his services were lent to the Company, who conferred
on him the rank of Brigadier General. In October 1781,
the Crown gave him the commission of Major General in
India, and, three months later, his commission was ante-
dated. His position, however, differed from that of other
General Officers, in that he was not borne on the strength
of any regiment, and his status in England was only that
of a half pay Colonel. He had done good service already
in the campaign against Hyder, in which he had lost a
leg by a cannon shot.

In December 1782, Stuart withdrew the garrison of
Masulipatam for service elsewhere, without consulting the
Government, and at once both parties entered into a
paper war, that absorbed all the energies that should have
been devoted to the war with Tippoo and the French.
Each party bombarded the other with notes and minutes,
that continued to be exchanged after the army had taken
the field for Cuddalore, and the Council wrote to London
and Calcutta in the gloomiest terms, expressing their
fears of General Stuart's designs.* In neither quarter
did they elicit any sympathy. In terms of measured
sarcasm Warren Hastings pointed out that their " collected
mass of complaint and invective" was directed in turn
against every single British authority in India except
themselves, including the Naval Commander in Chief,

* "We conceive that there is a slight transition from refusal to employ the
King's troops upon a requisition by the Civil Government, to the employing
them without a requisition, and we submit to you to what uses such an
authority might be applied, and where the consequences might end." — Letter
to Court of Direct or s> December 1782.

1783] TREATMENT OF SIR EYRE COOTE 41

as well as against the Nawab of Arcot and his
ministers.

The Madras Government had become contemptible
alike in the eyes of friends and enemies, and it was im-
possible to work with them. Lost to all sense of public
duty, they formed the project of refusing to place the
troops under command of Sir Eyre Coote on his return
in April. Sir Eyre Coote was, on this occasion, nominated
by the Bengal Government to take the command of all
the troops on the Coast, except the garrison actually
required at Madras. Not an unreasonable arrangement,
as Sir Eyre Coote was Commander in Chief in India,
and the Madras Government was dependent for money
on Bengal. The Madras Government sent peremptory
orders for Stuart to hasten his march, in order that the
troops might be far distant when Sir E. Coote arrived,
and passed a resolution that he should not have the
command. A letter addressed by the Madras Council
to Sir Eyre Coote when he was dying, drew down upon
them a censure from Warren Hastings that was calculated
to penetrate the most pachydermatous self-conceit, but
it had apparently no effect on Lord Macartney and his
Council. Even before Sir Eyre Coote's death, the feeling
of Lord Macartney and the Council against the King's
officers was shown by a minute of the Council, at the
time of the preparation of the army for the siege of
Cuddalore, wherein an attempt was made to deprive
the Generals bearing the King's commission of any em-
ployment in the field. In it, an endeavour was made
to elicit from Major General Stuart an opinion that the
public interests would be best served by leaving those
officers, five in number, in garrison. This idea was
resisted by Stuart, and Major General Bruce was sent
with the army to Cuddalore. The frigate that conveyed
the news of the cessation of hostilities with France, to

42 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1783

the army before Cuddalore, brought also peremptory
orders to Stuart to embark at once for Madras, to answer
charges of misconduct. Bruce was forced by ill health
to return a few days later.

The command of the force in the field then devolved
temporarily on Colonel Gordon, till Sir John Burgoyne
took command of the returning army on I3th August.
But Sir John Burgoyne had likewise come under the dis-
pleasure of the Select Committee. In the same letter * to
the Court of Directors in which they announced the super-
session of Stuart, and their intention to give the command
to Burgoyne, they wrote —

" Sir John Burgoyne expecting a Preference to be given
to his men in point of accommodations and every other
respect above all other Corps of His Majesty's or the
Company's troops, and making no allowance for the
calamities of the times and the Exigencies of our situation,
has been loud and frequent in his complaints, and the
utmost endeavours on our Part to show attention to himself
as well as to his Regiment have fallen short of the sense he
entertained of the claims of both."

In another part of the same letter they stated that
Burgoyne had claimed to be a Major General, but they had
only his word for it, as the fact had not been notified to
them. Yet, in the Directors' letter of 25th January 1782,
Burgoyne's rank as Major General in the East Indies from
1st June 1/81, is precisely stated.

Burgoyne was justifiably angry at the treatment his
regiment had experienced. Nothing had been done by the
Madras Government to have horses in readiness for the
regiment on arrival. The quarters in which the men were
first placed were so unhealthy, that by the middle of July,
less than nine months after landing, 78 had died. His
own claims to the rank and allowances of a Major General

* 13^/2 Atigust 1783.

1783] DISMISSAL OF STUART 43

were challenged ; while, in common with all the senior
officers of King's troops, he was exasperated by the animus
displayed against them by Lord Macartney and the
Council, and the openly avowed intention to ignore their
just claims, in defiance of the intentions of the Crown. In
a letter, dated 3rd September 1783, in which he reports to
the Ministry at home, the fact of his having assumed the
command of the army returning from Cuddalore, he dwells
on the grievances of the King's General officers, especially
"the declaration of the Governor, who says no King's
officer shall ever Command in Chief here, let his rank be
what it may ; and that a junior officer in the Company's
service should have rank given him superior to what any
King's officer may have to entitle him to command." It
is evident that the violent measures shortly afterwards
taken by Lord Macartney, were in pursuance of a long
contemplated scheme for getting rid of the King's General
officers.

From the beginning, Stuart had been quarrelsome and
unreasonable in his dealings with the rest of the Council.
The Council complained loudly of the slowness of his
advance on Cuddalore. For this he does not appear to
have been responsible, as the delay was caused by his
having to wait for the squadron and store ships which did
not arrive before Cuddalore till after the army had en-
camped before the place. Among other causes of quarrel
was the desire of the General to give effect to the views of
the Bengal Government in the affairs of the Nawab of
Arcot ; views which were strenuously opposed by the rest
of the Council. Soon after the return of the army to
Madras the Council passed a resolution dismissing Stuart
from the service, and conferring the Commander in Chief-
ship on Burgoyne. On the i/th September this was
announced to Burgoyne, who was addressed as Com-
mander in Chief, and requested to attend the Council

44 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1783

immediately. In a General order of the same date, the
Council, anticipating objections, justified their action by
arguing that Stuart held only a half pay commission from
the King, and that the Company could do as they pleased
with him as he held no position under the Crown in India.

As Burgoyne entered the Fort a salute was fired from
the ramparts, but he at once informed the Council that,
while they could dispose of the command of the Company's
forces as they pleased, he had no power to supersede Stuart
who held the King's commission of Major General, and the
command of the King's troops de jure, and, so long as he
was able to act, could only be deprived of his command by
the King's order. On this he was told that, if he did not
accept the command, it was intended to make Lieutenant
Colonel Lang a Company's officer, a Lieutenant General,
and appoint him Commander-in-Chief. Burgoyne con-
tinued firm in his resolve, but was detained till 8 in the
evening on various pretexts. Meanwhile, without his
knowledge, arrangements were made for Stuart's arrest,
and a letter was sent to Lieutenant Colonel Lang appoint-
ing him Commander-in-Chief of the army with the rank
of Lieutenant General. The order issued a few hours
previously, appointing Burgoyne Commander-in-Chief, was
ignored as if it had never existed. .Burgoyne was then
told that he might retire. On leaving the Council room,
he found the gates closed and the drawbridges drawn up,
and learned that Stuart had been arrested by a company
of sepoys, in his own house, and brought, a close prisoner,
into the Fort, under circumstances of much indignity.
The excuse afterwards assigned by the Select Committee
for this extraordinary proceeding was, that they believed
Stuart was about to seize the Government by force.

On the following day Burgoyne wrote to the Select
Committee, expressing his intention of taking command
of the King's troops, since Stuart was incapacitated from

i7*3l BURGOYNE'S DILEMMA 45

acting. He received no reply, and, on arrival at the camp
he found two orders, one constituting Lang a Lieutenant
General, and the other directing Lang to take command of
the whole army ; thus superseding Burgoyne and four
other Major Generals and several Lieutenant Colonels,
who had been senior to Lang.

Burgoyne at once assembled the King's Officers in his
tent, and related to them what had passed. For his own
part, he said, he should consider himself wanting in his
duty, to pay obedience to any other than a senior officer
of the King's appointment : that General Stuart being
deprived of the possibility of acting, the command of the
King's troops devolved on himself. He did not attempt
to bias the opinions of any of the gentlemen present :
he recommended the avoidance of altercation or even
discussion with the Company's officers, lest unforeseen
consequences might ensue. The officers present said they
would obey no orders but those of the Commander-in-
Chief representing the King, viz. : Sir John Burgoyne.

The same afternoon Lang arrived in camp, and met
the King's officers in Burgoyne's tent, where he delivered
an order from the Council instructing Burgoyne to sur-
render the command of the Army to him. Burgoyne
replied that he would give over the command of the
Company's troops to whomsoever the Council chose to
appoint, but that his duty to the King required that he
should not deliver over the command of the King's troops
to any person not regularly authorized by His Majesty :
he placed his tents at Colonel Lang's service. Lang
replied that he had a house at the Mount, and remained
silent some time, till, on the officers calling out that they
would obey Sir John Burgoyne only, he got up and went
away. On the same day a letter was addressed to the
Admiral by Sir John, asking for advice and support, and
requesting an asylum on board the flag ship, in the event

46 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1783

of any attempt being made on his person. The Admiral
was so situated that he might have discreetly acted as
mediator between the contending parties had he been so
disposed ; but, perhaps, his previous experiences of the
Madras Council made him unwilling to be mixed up in
the quarrel. Anyhow, he refused to have anything to do
with the matter.

Very little was needed to produce a conflict between the
King's and Company's troops that night. The King's
troops had been exasperated at the animosity displayed by
the Council towards Sir Eyre Coote and the King's officers
in general. They were alarmed at the violence offered to
General Stuart, and were resolved to repel by force any
repetition of this violence in Burgoyne's case. In order to
prevent surprise, guards were posted round the Camp.
The Council, on their part, had been haunted all along by
the idea that the King's Officers aimed at subverting the
Government. Two battalions of Bengal Sepoys with some
guns were ordered down to protect Lang's house, and the
gates of the Fort were kept shut. Each party expected to
be attacked, and, for the next forty-eight hours, a very
slight occurrence might have precipitated a disastrous
conflict.

The following day, Burgoyne summoned Major Generals
Bruce, Campbell, Ogle, and Adams to confer with him, and
a remonstrance, signed by the five, was drawn up and
forwarded to the Council ; to the effect that they were
determined not to act under Lang's orders. Lang had
meanwhile issued orders for the Army to march on the
following day, in order to test their obedience. Lieut.
Colonel Floyd was also senior to Lang by the date of his
commission. Several regiments gave assurances of support
to Burgoyne and Floyd. At a conference of the senior
officers a course of action was determined on, and Burgoyne
withdrew from the camp, at midnight, to his house in

1783] LORD MACARTNEY 47

Madras. The vedettes round the camp were at once with-
drawn. The next morning, Floyd likewise withdrew from
the army ; handing over his command to Lt. Colonel
Mackenzie of the 73rd, who was junior to Lang by date of
commission. The force marched, and took up fresh ground
in rear of their former position.

On reaching Madras, Burgoyne addressed a letter to the
Select Committee notifying his withdrawal from the camp,
and offering himself for arrest if Government had a mind to
seize his person. The offer was somewhat embarrassing to
the Select Committee, who evaded the point by saying
that, as Burgoyne had refused to take command of the
Army, Lang had been appointed in his place, and there
was nothing more to be said in the matter. On this,
Burgoyne deputed Floyd to carry a letter to Lord
Macartney, in which he asserted his position as senior
officer bearing the King's commission, and pointed out
that he alone had power to convene Courts Martial.*

Lord Macartney was a man of violent temper and over-
bearing disposition that kept him in continual hot water.
He demanded unhesitating submission to his views from all
with whom he came in contact. His relations with the
supreme government at Calcutta were as unyielding as
with those in immediate contact with him at Madras. His
chief merit was his personal honesty in money matters, at
a time of great laxity ; a merit on which he was by no
means silent, and which he did not insist on in his
colleagues. He threw himself with ardour into the chronic
quarrels carried on by the Madras Council with the Bengal
Government and the military authorities, and, in pursuit of
the quarrels, lost sight of the great interests at stake, and
brought the Madras settlement to the verge of anarchy.

* The power of ordering Courts Martial for the trial of officers and soldiers,
both in the service of the King and those acting under the Company, was
vested in the Commander in Chief of His Majesty's forces for the time being.

48 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1783

Even before Sir Eyre Coote's death he had been induced
to believe that General Stuart had designs against the
Government. This belief, for which not a scrap of
evidence was ever brought forward, led him into a line
of conduct that brought about corresponding and in-
creasing opposition from Stuart. After Stuart's arrest,
the same suspicion was transferred to Burgoyne, with
even less presumption of justice than had existed in
Stuart's case. Burgoyne proposed an interview in the
presence of witnesses. Had Lord Macartney been less
bent on the quarrel, he would have grasped the oppor-
tunity of coming to some understanding. Instead of
this he used the most uncompromising language to
Floyd. " Government would not recede ; Government
must be peremptory ; " and he still affected to treat
Burgoyne as having refused the command of the army.
The following day, Burgoyne received a letter from the
Select Committee arguing the old point of General
Stuart's commission, and asserting that Burgoyne had
acknowledged the validity of Lang's promotion to the
rank of Lieutenant General, in spite of which he had
withdrawn from camp without Lang's permission. The
Committee would not contest with him about any
authority he might undertake to exercise, unless it en-
dangered the public safety, but would not countenance
his resumption of command. Lang's command extended
to the King's as well as the Company's troops, and they
(the Committee) would convey dispatches addressed to
either Commander in Chief, to Lang. If Sir John
Burgoyne thought proper to act as Commander in
Chief, and to convene Courts Martial, the Committee
had no objection "unless their duty forced them to
interfere." Such unworkable arrangements were bound
to lead to further quarrels. On the same day, as
previously proposed by him, Sir John Burgoyne had an

1783] LORD MACARTNEY AND BURGOYNE 49

interview with Lord Macartney, Major General Bruce
and Lt Colonel Floyd being present. Throughout the
quarrel, Burgoyne had been actuated by a desire to arrive
at some working arrangement that would enable the
public service to be carried on, while preserving the rights
of the King whose senior representative he was. In this
spirit he sought an interview with the Governor. But
there was no corresponding desire for peace on the side
of the Governor and Council, and Lord Macartney's
behaviour was disingenuous. Burgoyne asked for ex-
planations to some parts of the Select Committee's
letter, which he discussed generally. Lord Macartney
would give no direct answer, and was very guarded in
what he said. He was only a Member of the Government,
not authorized to decide, but only to speak their senti-
ments, and to represent matters to the other Members.
Would Sir John put down in writing what questions he
pleased, he would engage to lay them before the Select
Committee, and obtain replies to them. Lord Macartney's
intention was to obtain the same control over the King's
troops, as he exercised over the Company's troops. To
gain this end he was resolved to give the command to a
Company's officer, who would naturally be more pliable
than a King's officer, though it was a recognised principle
with the British Government to keep the command of
the King's troops under an officer of their own appoint-
ment. It is almost incredible that this miserable quarrel
should have gone on at a time of the greatest public
distress, when Tippoo was triumphant in the field, and
it was still uncertain that the Mahrattas would not take
up arms again.

Stuart was, shortly afterwards, shipped off to England
under close arrest, in a ship specially purchased for the
purpose, though, for want of funds, the pay of the troops
was in some instances over two years in arrears. During

50 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1783

imprisonment, he was denied the use of pen and ink,
and was only allowed to see Burgoyne on public business
in presence of the officer on duty over him. At the
time of his embarkation, he believed that it was intended
to put him to death at sea.

Burgoyne assumed the command of the King's troops
without further direct opposition, but the Council lost no
opportunity of thwarting him and lowering his authority,
while they encouraged others to resist it. Burgoyne, on
his part, cast moderation aside, and was bent on pushing
his claims to extremity. He ignored General Lang, and
issued orders that clashed with those of the civil govern-
ment, producing confusion, perplexity, and relaxation of
discipline in every rank. The Major Generals, who had
joined in signing the protest against Lang's promotion,
and several others among the officers commanding
regiments withdrew their support from Burgoyne. In
October, Burgoyne placed Lieutenant Colonel Sterling
of the 36th under arrest for disobedience of orders : the
Select Committee released him. The soldiers too had
their grievances about batta which should have been paid
to them, but was withheld by Lord Macartney. The men
of the pSth were on the eve of mutiny, and the men of
Burgoyne's own regiment formed the project of going to
the Fort in a body to ask redress. Burgoyne sternly
repressed both movements, but the Select Committee gave
him credit for causing them. A fresh crisis in the quarrel
was inevitable.

In December, General Ogle reported certain matters
seriously affecting the private character of an officer of the
73rd. The rest of the officers of the regiment refused to
allow the matter to be patched up, as General Ogle desired.
Burgoyne had no option but to convene a General Court
Martial, which he did, appointing Lieutenant Colonel
Straubenzee of the 52nd as President. The Court was also

1783-4! BURGOYNE'S ARREST 51

to try two soldiers of the 98th, who had appealed from a
Regimental Court Martial. On such occasions it was
customary for the Council to appoint the Judge Advocate.
They refused to nominate one for this or any Court Martial
Sir John might order to assemble, and refused to grant a
place in the Fort for the Court to assemble in. They also
forbade Straubenzee to leave Poonamallee where he was
commanding. Burgoyne then arranged for the Court to
assemble at Poonamallee, but without making the change
known, and ordered Straubenzee still to hold himself in
readiness to preside. He also ordered Colonel Sterling to
appear for trial before the Court. The Select Committee
thereupon, on the 3ist December, issued an order placing
Burgoyne under arrest for disobedience of orders in
September, and for exciting mutiny and sedition, and
appointed Major General Alan Campbell to command the
King's troops. No attempt was made on this occasion to
place the King's troops under Lang.

The absurdity of the Select Committee's action, both in
Stuart's and Burgoyne's cases, was shown by their inability
to form a Court Martial for the trial of those officers.
They tried to get Burgoyne to proceed to England, but he
refused to go. He proceeded, for a time, to Pondicherry
under open arrest, while the dual commands of the King's
and Company's forces continued. For the next eighteen
months Lord Macartney's quarrels and intrigues, added to
his unjust measures touching the pay and allowances of the
army, produced results that bid fair to end in the ruin of
the British government on the Coast.

In April 1784, a mutiny occurred among four newly
formed Native Cavalry Regiments at Arnee. Arrears of pay
for twelve months were owing to them, and they likewise
had unsatisfied claims on the Nawab of Arcot, from whose
service they had been transferred. They seized the fort of
Arnee, and imprisoned their officers. A month's pay was

52 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1784

given them, but they held out for the whole arrears. The
36th Foot and one hundred men of the 23rd Light
Dragoons were dispatched to Arcot, to join General Lang.
On the night of the 1 5th May they marched for Arnee,
which they reached soon after daybreak, and after a brief
parley the mutineers laid down their arms.* In October,
one of the King's infantry regiments at Arcot broke out
into open mutiny, but were overawed by the men of the
23rd, and the two other regiments in garrison, who stuck
to their officers. These were by no means the only
instances of grave insubordination both among King's or
Company's troops, due to Lord Macartney's ill-advised
measures. The officers had to complain of broken faith as
well as the men.

Sir John Burgoyne's arrest did not prevent him from
looking after the welfare of the regiment. There had been
many casualties among the horses,! as well as among the
men ; and Lord Macartney is said to have conceived the
idea of gradually allowing the 23rd Light Dragoons to
disappear from want of horses and men, and of raising a
corps of European cavalry in their place. As the men
died, the extra horses were taken from the regiment, and
Lt. Colonel Floyd was forbidden to entertain recruits, of
whom a certain number were procurable, probably from
Infantry regiments on the spot. Sir John thereupon
addressed the Bengal Government, by whom a reference
was made to Madras recommending the deficiencies to be
made good. The Madras Government thought the regiment
was very well as it was, and demurred to corresponding
with Sir John while he was under arrest. The Bengal

* Twelve of the ringleaders were selected for execution. Eleven of
them were blown away from guns : the twelfth was pardoned after the gun
had missed fire three times. This was the recognised mode of execution in
India for military mutiny, and the Company's European troops were equally
liable to this punishment.

t 135 horses died or were cast between ist June 1783 and loth May 1785.

17851 HORSES FOR THE REGIMENT 53

Govt. pointed out that that need not prevent them from
corresponding with the next officer in the regiment. They
dwelt on the importance of maintaining the regiment in an
efficient state, and expressed their sense of the value of the
services rendered by the Regiment in dealing with the
Mutiny of the Native Cavalry at Arnee, and their " desire
of giving the Company's service the full benefit of the good
discipline of H.M.'s 23rd Light Dragoons." The Madras
Government replied that they would be glad if the Bengal
Govt. would take over the whole of the charges of
the regiment. For their part, they thought it useless to
recruit for the regiment, when there were already more
men than horses, and it would be better to transfer the
superfluous men to the Infantry, as horses were expensive,
and a diminution in their number was a useful economy.
Warren Hastings brushed all such cobwebs aside, and sent
147 horses from Hyderabad to remount the regiment. In
spite of their protests, the Madras Government entered into
a correspondence with Sir John which was characterized
on both sides by much bitterness. A detachment of the
regiment was at this time at Ellore in the Masulipatum
district.

There seems to have been some expectation at this
time that the regiment would be recalled to England,
probably on account of Lord Macartney's recommenda-
tions to the Court of Directors. Anyhow, a Madras letter,
dated 26th May 1785, published in the Calcutta Public
Advertiser, says : " The 23rd Regiment is to remain in
India. The appointments and recommendations of Sir
John Burgoyne, are approved of." In the middle of July,
a detachment of the regiment was sent to Arcot, but was
almost immediately recalled to San Thome.

Meanwhile, Sir John Burgoyne's troubles were coming
to an end. On the news of the quarrels, resulting in
Burgoyne's arrest, reaching England, much interest was

54 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1785

excited in the highest quarters. The matter was twice
discussed in the House of Commons, on the iQth July and
9th August, and it was generally recognised that the
trouble had primarily arisen from a faulty system.
Burgoyne was held to have been correct in his behaviour,
and received reassuring letters, written by the King's
commands, pending the official settlement of the question.
It was determined to appoint at once a new Commander
in Chief of Madras, besides filling the vacancy caused by
the death of Sir Eyre Coote, and to remove the chief
actors in the quarrel on both sides. Burgoyne continued
under arrest till the nearly simultaneous arrival in Madras,
at the beginning of June, of Lieut. General Robert Sloper
as Commander in Chief in India, and Lieut. General Sir
John Bailing as Commander in Chief in Madras. General
Sloper brought with him instructions to convene a Court
Martial for Burgoyne's trial, and for Burgoyne's return to
England after the trial, whatever its result might be.
Lord Macartney, at the same time, received orders for the
surrender of the assignment to the Nawab of Arcot, and
private intelligence of the appointment of his successor.
He had been severely wounded, a few months before, in
a duel with one of the Council, due to his own overbearing
temper, and his health was bad. Believing that he was
about to be recalled, he resigned his post, and sailed for
Calcutta to confer with the Bengal Government before
sailing for Europe. While in Calcutta, he received news
of his appointment to succeed Warren Hastings ; but his
health would not permit him to stop in India, and he
sailed for England.*

General Sloper appointed a Court Martial on Burgoyne,
with Sir John Balling as President. The Madras Council

* Soon after his arrival in England he received a challenge from General
Stuart, by whom he was wounded in a duel, fought near Kensington, 8th June
1786. A letter from Sir John Burgoyne, written whilst under arrest, shows
his intention of calling Lord Macartney to account in a similar way.

1785] BURGOYNE'S COURT-MARTIAL 55

at once claimed the right to appoint the Prosecutor, which
being disallowed, they wrote complaints in their usual style
to the Court of Directors. Another grievance with the
Council was, that they were not given a copy of the
Proceedings. Their desire apparently was to prosecute
the quarrel through Lord Macartney in England. The
wish of the Government in England, and of the Court of
Directors, was to bury the unseemly quarrel as speedily as
possible, and the Proceedings were withheld. A year and
a half later, the Madras Government were still writing to
the Governor General for a copy. The exact charges, of
which there were nineteen, cannot now be ascertained, but
they partially related to Sir John Burgoyne's behaviour in
September 1783, more than three months before the date
of his arrest, and charged him with causing and exciting
mutiny and sedition, and refusing to take command of the
King's troops. On the nth July, after sitting for nineteen
days, the Court came to the following resolutions —

ist. That Major General Sir John Burgoyne did
not refuse to take upon him the command of
the King's troops after Major General Stuart
was put under an arrest ; but that he declined
superseding that Major General, so long as he
viewed him especially appointed by the King,
and he remained in the capacity of acting as
such.

2nd. That the line of conduct pursued by Major
General Sir John Burgoyne on the iQth
September and quitting camp the eve of
that day, was productive of the happiest
consequences.

3rd. That in no instance whatsoever did Major
General Sir John Burgoyne disobey any orders
immediately proceeding from the Government.

4th. That the equivocal situation of Lieut. General
Lang, from his standing in both services,* and

* This would seem to show that Lang, like Stuart, also held a half-pay
commission from the King.

56 TROUBLES AT MADRAS [1785

this Government having at present no charter
rights to confer such high ranks, well warranted
his Majesty's general officers in witholding
from him their obedience.

5th. That the orders sent to Lieut. Colonel Sterling
by Major General Sir John Burgoyne, seem to
be solely for promoting good discipline in his
Majesty's troops, and to respect only their
internal economy, which, as the King's Com-
mander in Chief, he had not only a right to
give, but enforce also.

6th. That in the instance for which Major General
Sir John Burgoyne was originally put in arrest,
it appears the government acted from half
information, not having before them the post-
script to the General Orders of Major General
Sir John Burgoyne.

7th. That the letters before the Court from Major
General Sir John Burgoyne to Lord Macartney
or the Presidency, so far from being mutinous
or seditious, are not even disrespectful. The
facts which they assert are strong ; but in the
manner and expression they are as decent and
proper as the circumstances which gave them
birth could reasonably admit.

SENTENCE.

The Court having thus maturely considered
of the evidence and records in support of the
prosecution, and likewise the defence and those
in support of it, is of opinion that the Prisoner
Major General Sir John Burgoyne Bart, is not
guilty of the charges alledged against him ; and
doth therefore most fully and honorably acquit
him of all and every part of the same.*

(Signed)

JOHN BALLING,

Lieut. General & President.

* Calcutta Gazette. i8M August 1785.

1785] BURGOYNE'S DEATH 57

Immediately on the close of the proceedings, the
Council addressed Burgoyne in peremptory and dis-
courteous terms, desiring him to leave the country ; and there
appeared every chance of a fresh quarrel arising, when
some influence (probably Sir John Balling's) intervened,
and thenceforward there was peace. Burgoyne's claims for
arrears of pay and allowances, for himself as Commander
in Chief, his Aide-de-camp, and his secretary, for the
period he had been under arrest, were admitted ; his
passage money was advanced to him, and he was prepar-
ing to sail, when death overtook him on the 23rd of
September at the age of forty-six. A tablet to his memory
was placed in St. Mary's Church in the Fort, by the officers
of the King's troops. Lang was withdrawn from the
service by the Court of Directors who granted him a
special pension of one thousand a year. Stuart, a few
years later, was given the Colonelcy of H.M.'s 3ist. In
consequence of these disputes, the offices of Governor and
Commander-in-Chief were, soon after, vested in the same
person, in each of the Presidencies. In order to prevent a
recurrence of the dispute in General Sloper's case, it was
ordered, at the time of his appointment, that in the event
of the Company ceasing to employ him, his right to
command the King's troops should also cease. A project
for amalgamating the King's and Company's forces in
India, in order to put an end to the rivalry between the
two services, was seriously considered two years later, but
the only change made was to put an end to the super-
session of the Company's by the King's officers.

In studying the details of this unhappy quarrel, the
conviction forces itself upon one that there were persons in
the background, who, for their own purposes, fomented the
dispute, and aggravated the differences between the prin-
cipal parties, by filling their minds with suspicions and
ideas that were equally groundless and mischievous. This

S8 CHANGE OF NUMBER [1786

Is plainly stated to have been the case by an officer of the
73rd Highlanders who published a Narrative of the war
with Hyder. " Had it not been for the cordiality and good
fellowship which universally subsisted betwixt the King's
and Company's officers, who had shared the fatigues of
war together, notwithstanding the artful steps that had
been taken to sow the seeds of dissension amongst them,
these broils might have terminated in a manner very fatal
to the settlement." * Long afterwards, Lord Macartney
acknowledged his mistake. In December 1797, speaking
to Sir David Baird, he said, " Had I known as much of you
military gentlemen, when I was in India, as I have learned
since, we never should have had any difference." Sir John
Burgoyne's justification was complete.

CHAPTER III

CHANGE OF NUMBER
1786-1789

Regiment moved to Shevtamodoo — John Floyd — Number of regiment
changed to iQth — Uniform — Sir William Howe appointed
Colonel — Foundation of Indian native cavalry system laid by
Floyd and the igih Light Dragoons.

ONE of the first acts of Sir John Dalling, after composing
the quarrels between the Civil Government and the King's
troops in Madras, was to draw up a scheme for brigading
the troops in Cantonments. The scheme never took shape,
beyond the formation of a large Cantonment, in February
1786, at Wallajabad, near Conjeveram, about fifty miles
from Madras. Among the troops detailed for the new
Cantonment were the 23rd Light Dragoons. Before

* Narrative of the Military operations on the Coromandel Coast. Innes
Munro. 1789.

i;86] SHEVTAMODOO 59

leaving their quarters at San Thome", they were reviewed
by the Commander-in-Chief. Being the only English
Cavalry regiment in the country, the review attracted
some attention, and the following account was published
in the Madras Courier for 2Qth March 1786.

" The review of the 23rd Dragoons on Saturday last,
was far superior to any expectation that had been formed
of it; displayed the most brilliant military exhibition that
has ever been seen in India, and it is presumed, equal to
any that has taken place at any time in Europe. It reflects
the highest honour on the Commanding Officer, whose
great military knowledge, joined to indefatigable exertions,
has brought the regiment to that degree of perfection
which, while it pleases and astonishes, teaches the very
useful, though long doubted lesson, that men can be
disciplined, and horses trained in this country equally
as well as in Europe. The most particularly striking
manoeuvre was a charge at full speed for near three
hundred yards in a perfect line ; and that of two squadrons
dispersing, and pursuing, supported by the regiment ; these
were performed with the exactness of mechanical precision,
and produced the most beautiful effect ; but what is very
extraordinary the horses were all perfectly obedient, and
scarcely a single accoutrement of the riders was dis-
composed.

" A Correspondent observes, that too much praise cannot
be given to the 23rd dragoons, for the excellent manner in
which they performed their manoeuvres, at the review on
Saturday last ; that the men were in the highest perfection
of discipline ; and that the officers, the finest body belong-
ing to any one corps that he recollects to have seen, were so
perfectly masters of every manoeuvre, and led each motion
with so much judgment, that it were impossible for any
troops under them to make a single mistake."

The 23rd Light Dragoons were not cantoned at
Wallajabad, but Floyd was directed to select a spot within
a certain indicated area. He fixed on Shevtamodoo,
about two miles from Conjeveram, and nine miles from
Wallajabad.

" The spot is extremely beautiful, exceeding anything I
have met with in India, except among the hills. My

60 CHANGE OF NUMBER [1786

barracks are building something within the edge of an
open grove of immense tamarinds. The Officers' barracks
are within the grove. A plain extends about half a mile
in front, and something less in breadth along the north
bank of the river Paliar, above the ordinary level of the
country, with a large lake on the other side of the ground
towards its extremity, with a small woody island in it
skirting the whole plain. The plain is sprinkled by
nature's masterly hand with enormous banyan trees, far
exceeding the size of the very largest trees known in
Europe. My own barracks will stand at some distance,
nearly in the middle of the plain, under the largest of these
extraordinary trees." *

It was here that Floyd laid the foundation of that
excellence in discipline and efficiency, that fitted the
regiment to play the distinguished part it was destined
in after years to fill, with such success, in the stirring
affairs of southern India. This will be a suitable place to
give some account of this distinguished soldier.

John Floyd, born in 1748, was the son of an officer in
the ist Dragoon Guards who served at Minden, and died
in Germany six weeks after the battle. In recognition of
his father's services, John Floyd was given a commission in
the 1 5th (Elliott's) Light Dragoons, in the year after the
regiment was raised, and was present with it at the battle
of Emsdorf, on the i6th July 1760, when only twelve years
old. There he had his horse shot under him, while
charging the French ranks, and was only saved by a
brother officer who cut down his assailant. The sword of
the French hussar is still preserved in the family.

The 1 5th Light Dragoons under Sir John Elliott and
Lord Pembroke were regarded at that time as the school
for British Light Cavalry. Lord Pembroke had made a
special study of military equitation, concerning which he
had written a book, t that went through several editions,

* Lieut. Colonel Floyd, private letter, \%th April 1786.
t Military equitation, or a Method of Breaking Horses, and Teaching
Soldiers to ride, by Henry, Earl of Pembroke.

i;86] LIEUT.-COLONEL JOHN FLOYD 61

and was a recognized text book on military riding. He
interested himself in Floyd, and took pains to give him a
complete education, and made him a proficient horseman.
Later, on Lord Pembroke obtaining the command of the
Royal Dragoons, he employed Floyd for twelve months
in teaching his system to that regiment. In 1777-78-79,
Floyd, under Lord Pembroke's auspices, visited nearly
every Court in Europe, and reported on their armies. In
December 1778, he was appointed Major of the 2ist Light
Dragoons, and, on the formation of the 23rd Light
Dragoons for Indian service, he was selected to be its
Lt. Colonel. No better choice could have been made. A
thorough soldier, and a horseman from his youth up,
brought up in the school of two such cavalry soldiers as
Sir John Elliott and Lord Pembroke, he was an enthusiastic
believer in the power of cavalry. Writing from San Thome
in 1784, he says :

"You may depend upon it, the first military miracle
that is to be performed in India, will be wrought by cavalry.
No one here has an idea of that arm ; a small body of well
disciplined Europeans on horseback, judiciously led, will
defeat and destroy myriads of Indian enemies. If I am of
the party, it may perhaps afford me an opportunity of
deserving your applause."

All soldiers know how an able commander can impress
his character on a regiment, to endure long after his
connexion with it has ceased. Such was the case with the
regiment that gathered laurels as the iQth Light Dragoons,
and no small part of its glory was due to its first Lieutenant
Colonel, John Floyd. The correctness of his views as to
the great part cavalry might play, and the excellence of his
system, were demonstrated on many a field in which the
regiment fought during its career in India.

It has already been shown* how, in June 1783, the

* See page 15.

62 CHANGE OF NUMBER [1786

1 9th Light Dragoons and all Cavalry regiments above that
number, on the establishment in England, were disbanded.
For three years, the fate of the 23rd seems to have hung in
the balance. At last, on 26th April 1786, an order was
issued to the effect that henceforward the regiment was
to be numbered the iQth, instead of the 23rd, a designation
under which it was destined to win itself fame and
honour. *

Before this, a change was made in the uniform of all the
Light Dragoon regiments in the service. Hitherto, all
mounted regiments had worn scarlet. In 1784, it was
determined to distinguish the Light Dragoons, by dressing
them in blue, and the following order gives the whole dress
in detail.

Regulations for the Clothing of the Light Dragoons,
April 1784.

1784. The Clothing of a private Light Dragoon to
April. consist of a Jacket and Shell under waistcoat
and leather Breeches.

The Jacket and Shell to be of blue cloth, the
Collars and Cuffs of the Royall Regiments to
be Red ; — and those of the other Regiments to
be of the colour of the facing of the Regiment,
looped upon the breast, and edged with white
thread Cord, and to be lined with white, the
nth and I3th Regiments excepted, which are
to be lined with Buff.

The under waistcoat to be of flannel with
Sleeves, and made so as to be buttoned within
the waistband of the Breeches.
The Breeches to be of Buckskin.
N.B. — The make of the Dress and method of
placing the Cord upon the Breast of the
Jacket, to be exactly conformable to the
pattern approved of by His Majesty.

* In the same order the 73rd Highland Regiment was re-numbered the 7ist,
and the 78th was re-numbered the 72nd.

1786] DRESS OF LIGHT DRAGOONS 63

OFFICERS AND QUARTER MASTERS.

The Dress Uniform of the Officers and Quarter
Masters of the Light Dragoons to be made
according to the King's regulation of the iQth
December 1768, excepting that the Coats are
to be Blue and faced with the same colour as
the private Men, and that the Royall Regiments
are to be faced with scarlet.

FIELD UNIFORM OF THE OFFICERS AND
QUARTER MASTERS.

The Jacket and shell to be made up in the
same manner as those of the Men, excepting
that the Shell is to have Sleeves, and that the
Looping is to be of Silver, the 1 3th Regiment
excepted which is to be of gold.

SERJEANTS.

The Serjeants of the Light Dragoons to be
distinguished by Gold or silver looping.

CORPORALS.

The Corporals of the Light Dragoons to be
distinguished by a Gold or Silver Cord round
the Collar and Cuff.

TRUMPETERS.

The Trumpeters to have a Jacket and Shell
the Colour of the facing of the Regiment, with
Lace instead of Looping in front and down
the Seams.

N.R—A Pattern Suit of Clothing made up
according to these Regulations, will be de-
posited at the Army-Comptroller's Office —
Horse Guards.

No record now exists to show what facings were worn
by the Regiment up to this date. Probably, their facings
had never been decided on, owing to their departure from

64 CHANGE OF NUMBER [1788

England so soon after embodiment, as, in December 1786,
an order was issued, approving a pattern of yellow cloth
for their facings. The blue jacket with primrose yellow
facings and white or silver braid, continued to be the
uniform of the regiment till December 1802, when an order
came into force for Dragoon regiments, serving in India, to
wear grey instead of blue. In February 1786 an order was
issued directing the Colonels of Light Dragoon regiments
to supply their men with blue cloaks instead of red.

The vacancy caused by the death of Sir John Burgoyne
was filled by the appointment of Lieutenant General the
Hon. Sir William Howe,* K.B., Colonel of the 23rd Foot,
to be Colonel. He was an officer who had seen much
active service, principally in America, where he had gained
the reputation of a brave rather than of a skilful soldier.
As a young man he took part in the conquest of Quebec
by Wolfe, and led the forlorn hope of twenty-four men
that forced the entrenched path by which Wolfe's force
scaled the heights of Abraham. He served at the siege of
Belleisle (1761), where he was wounded. He commanded
the British troops at the pyrrhic victory of Bunker's Hill ;
and gained victories over the revolted colonists at Long
Island and at Brandywine.

We get a glimpse of the regiment on I5th December
1788, when they were inspected by the Governor and
Commander in Chief, Sir Archibald Campbell, who, in a
minute to the rest of the Government, recorded that
" H.M.'s I Qth Regiment of Light Dragoons were complete
in horses and accoutrements, and their discipline equal to
any Corps in Europe." In a general order he said " The
rapid and accurate manner with which the several evolu-
tions were performed, and the extraordinary velocity of

* Brother of Lord Howe, who was killed at Ticonderago, and of the
famous Admiral. He succeeded as $th Viscount Howe in 1799, and died in
July 1814.

1789] THE MADRAS NATIVE CAVALRY 65

their charge, than which nothing could be more regular
and correct, does infinite honour to Colonel Floyd and the
officers under his command, by whose unremitting zeal and
attention the discipline of the corps has been carried to so
high a state of perfection."

The regimental muster rolls for 1788 and 1789 show
that the strength of the I9th, in those years, varied from
300 to 350 men present at Shevtamodoo. The strength in
horses seems to have exceeded that in men, but the wear
and tear in horseflesh was apparently very great, and re-
mounts in considerable numbers were constantly required.

It was during these years spent by the regiment at
Shevtamodoo, that the Madras Government dealt in earnest
with the question of forming a service of Native Cavalry.
To assist them in this work they selected Floyd, who was
given a free hand in all that concerned the discipline and
equipment of the Native regiments. The system founded
by him may be said to have lasted nearly up to the present
time.

From this time up to the date of their departure from
India, the igth Light Dragoons never ceased to furnish
non-commissioned officers and privates as instructors to the
Native Cavalry, not only in Madras, but also in Bengal.
In every muster roll they are shown on duty, at Madras,
Vellore, Hyderabad, Seringapatam, Poonamallee, and other
military stations in the Madras Presidency. In Bengal
there were always from four to sixteen sergeants, corporals,
and privates on this duty, as long as the regiment was in
India, and, for a time, some were on similar duty in Bombay
and Poona. A General Order, dated Fort William 3rd
December 1795, sanctions the sergeants of the I9th Light
Dragoons "now on service in this presidency instructing
the native cavalry, to receive the pay and allowances of
Sergeant Majors of Cavalry." In 1798 a General Order
was issued, directing " the brass chapes and sockets to be

66 WAR WITH TIPPOO [1790

made up acccording to the pattern furnished by Major
General Floyd." And in December 1805, a few months
before the regiment left India, each native cavalry regiment
in the Presidency was ordered to send a detachment to
Arcot, for instruction in one uniform system by Lieutenant
Neville, ipth Light Dragoons. The system observed in the
Company's native cavalry up till 1857, may be said to have
been founded by Colonel Floyd and the igth Light
Dragoons.

CHAPTER IV

WAR WITH TIPPOO
1790

War with Tippoo— igth take the field— Advance on Coimbatore—
Division under Floyd detached towards Guzzulhutti Pass —
Frequent skirmishes — Satyamunglum — Dispersion of the Army
—Advance of Tippoo — iQth hotly engaged — Tippoo's Body-
Guard destroyed — Retreat from Satyamunglum — Casualties —
March in pursuit of Tippoo— Private Parkes— The Tapoor Pass
— Tippoo eludes pursuit, and ravages the Carnatic — Army returns
to Madras.

IN 1790, the Government of India again became involved
in war with Tippoo. He had been constrained to sign
the peace of Mangalore by the withdrawal of the French
alliance, and the coalition of the British and Mahrattas
against him. But the war had been a triumph for Mysore
arms. South of the Kistna river, Mysore was the most
powerful state in India, and no single power could hold
its own against the son of Hyder Ali. But Tippoo failed
to realize the increase of power of the English Company,
due to five years of peace. In 1785, a quarrel broke out
between him and the Mahrattas, who allied themselves
with the Nizam, and invaded Mysore territory. The
campaign that ensued was in Tippoo's favour, and peace
was concluded between the contending parties in April

1790] THE NINETEENTH UNDER ORDERS 67

1787. Tippoo's warlike restlessness continued to be a
menace to the other powers in India. In the end of
1787, overtures for an alliance against him, were made
to Calcutta by the Mahrattas. To this, Lord Cornwallis,
who had assumed the direction of affairs as Governor
General and Commander in Chief in September 1786,
gave a refusal. But nothing could keep Tippoo quiet.
In 1788 he sent an embassy to France, to propose an
alliance against the English, and, in December 1789, he
attacked the Rajah of Travancore whom we were bound by
treaty to protect. Preparations were at once made to punish
the aggression, and orders were transmitted to Madras for
the commencement of operations against Mysore.

The time had come for the iQth Light Dragoons to
show their worth. One morning, early in January, came
the news that war was imminent, and that the Regiment
was to join the army ordered to assemble at Trichinopoly.
" My men were on horseback, going to water, when the
news arrived, and they received it with three most cordial
cheers. Nothing but good humour and high hope prevail
in the Army. My regiment is ready in all that depends
on us, and willing beyond description." * But great delay
ensued, and some weeks elapsed before a move was made.
The Madras Government disobeyed the stringent orders
of Cornwallis, to warn Tippoo that an attack on Travan-
core would entail war, and to take all necessary steps for
prosecuting war if the attack was made. There was a
complete want of military preparation. Fortunately, on
1 9th February, Major General Medows arrived from
England with full powers as Governor and Commander
in Chief in Madras, and preparations for the campaign
were made in earnest. A force was assembled near
Wallajabad, and marched for Trichinopoly on 29th March.
The 1 9th Light Dragoons at this time mustered 355

* Lieut. Colonel Fleyd^ private letter ^ i^lh January

68 WAR WITH TIPPOO [1790

sabres. Meanwhile Tippoo took advantage of the delay
to prosecute his conquest over Travancore, which he
would have completed, had not a small force from
Bombay, under Colonel Hartley, landed in Travancore,
in the end of April, and taken up a strong defensive
position. On 24th May, General Medows took command
of the army at Trichinopoly, amounting to about 15,000
men. On the same day, Tippoo turned his back on Travan-
core, and made his way northwards to confront his foes.

Mysore, the heart of Tippoo's Kingdom, is a high
plateau from 2000 to 3000 feet above the sea, open towards
the north, but fenced in to the East, South and West by
precipitous, cliff-like ranges that overlook the low country
outside, and are only passable for an army at certain places.
Tippoo had also extensive possessions in the low country,
from which he drew large revenues and plentiful military
supplies. According to the plan of operations adopted,
Medows was to advance on Mysore from the southward,
and, if possible, enter it by the Guzulhutti Pass, after
making himself master of the rich low country about
Coimbatore, where abundant supplies could be obtained.
As this movement would uncover Madras, a small force
was held at Conjeveram, under Colonel Kelly, which was
augmented later by a force of six battalions of sepoys and
some artillery, that were dispatched overland from Bengal.
On the west, a force from Bombay under Major General
Abercromby * was destined to act against Tippoo's pos-
sessions in Malabar, and, if events rendered it desirable, to
effect a junction with Medows. On the occurrence of
Tippoo's attack on Travancore in December, the Peishwa
had renewed his offers of alliance to Lord Cornwallis.
This time they were accepted, and a triple convention
between the Peishwa, the Nizam and the British, was
concluded. By it, the two former engaged to attack

* Younger brother of the famous Sir Ralph Abercromby.

1790] MEDOWS' ADVANCE 69

Tippoo's Northern possessions at once with 25,000 horse,
and after the rains, to act with their utmost means. So
dilatory were their movements, that it was not till the
following year that their operations had any share of
importance in the campaign.

On the 26th May, the army marched from Trichinopoly,
but, owing to badness of transport, it was not till 1 5th June
that Karoor was occupied. Avaracoorchi and Darapooram
were occupied, on the 5th and loth July respectively.
Tippoo was at this time at Coimbatore, where it was hoped
he would make a stand. The siege guns and stores were
therefore deposited in Darapooram, and the army advanced.
Information was soon received of his having gone north-
ward, and ascended the defiles on to the Mysore plateau,
leaving a force of Cavalry numbering from 3000 to 5000,
under Said Sahib, as a corps of observation. After
recovering the heavy guns, the advance was continued,
watched by Said Sahib who fell back on Coimbatore, with
the intention of burning the town on the near approach of
the British force. To prevent this, Floyd with the cavalry
was dispatched to occupy the town, which was accom-
plished on 2 1st July, the main body arriving the following
day, while Said Sahib fell back to Demiacotta on the
Bhowani river. Floyd, with the I9th Light Dragoons,
three regiments of Native Cavalry, two companies of
sepoys and four 6 pr. guns, was dispatched in pursuit.
About ten o'clock at night on the 22nd, after a thirty-mile
march, he surprised near Demiacotta a small body of
horse, about thirty of whom were made prisoners. The
exaggerated accounts they gave him, led him to believe
that the force with Said Sahib was larger than had been
supposed. The Fort of Demiacotta having taken the
alarm, opened fire, and, there being no forage obtainable,
Floyd considered it prudent to fall back a few miles. On
the 28th, he moved forward again, and, on reaching the

70 WAR WITH TIPPOO [1790

banks of the river, discovered that Said Sahib had carried
his force across the river, and was encamped on the other
side. The Bhowani river, at this time, was only fordable
at certain places. A few long shots from the six pounders
made Said Sahib decamp, and direct his march towards
the Guzulhutti Pass. Floyd then fell back to Velladi, and
remained in observation of the two roads leading from
Coimbatore to the Bhowani river, moving occasionally
to Shawoor and Occarro. On the i6th of August, Colonel
Floyd with a Corporal and six Dragoons, set out from
Shawoor to visit Occarro, where there was a troop of Native
Cavalry on detachment duty. On arrival at Occarro, it
was reported to him that there was a body of the enemy's
horse in the neighbourhood. Taking twelve men of the
troop with his original escort, he went in search of them,
and discovered them close to the village. He immediately
charged them, and put the whole body to flight. Four
days later, Major Affleck* of the ipth Light Dragoons,
with two troops of the ipth and an equal number of the
5th Native Cavalry, while patrolling, fell in with a large
body of the enemy's horsemen whom they instantly
attacked, killing upwards of forty, and capturing twenty
horses. Not many days after this, an equally successful
skirmish occurred under the command of Lieut. Bayly of
the 1 9th Light Dragoons, who, with a troop of the iQth
and two troops of Native Cavalry, put a large body of the
enemy's horse to rout, and drove them into the river. In
a private letter written four months later, Floyd says :
" Among a great number of cavalry skirmishes I was
always successful, and fully established for the first time in
India, the infinite superiority of European over Native horse."
While Floyd was thus engaged to the north of Coim-
batore, a force under Colonel Oldham was sent against

* Afterwards Lieut. General Sir James Affleck, Colonel of the i6th Light
Dragoons : died 1833.

1790] FLOYD ON THE BHOWANI 71

Erode, which surrendered, on the 6th August, after a feeble
resistance. Another force, under Colonel Stuart, was sent
against Dindigal, which surrendered, after one unsuccessful
assault, on the 23rd August. Several other small forts in
the neighbourhood were also captured. Further reinforce-
ments were sent to Stuart, who was directed to proceed
against Palghat. A breach was effected, and the place
surrendered on 22nd September ; but, before this, events
had occurred that completely altered the aspect of affairs.

On the 26th of August, having been reinforced by three
battalions of sepoys and five guns, Floyd crossed the
Bhowani, and made himself master of the Fort of Saty-
amunglum, which was taken by surprise without any loss.
A native battalion was placed in the Fort, and all Said
Sahib's detached horsemen were driven into the Guzulhutti
Pass. The force was then withdrawn to the south bank of
the river, the fords of which were constantly visited by
strong patrols. Further reinforcements reached Floyd,
whose force now consisted of the igih Light Dragoons and
three regiments of Native Cavalry, H.M. 36th, and four
battalions of sepoys, with eleven guns of different calibres.
Exclusive of the artillerymen, the force numbered about
two thousand eight hundred fighting men.

So far, all had gone well in spite of much sickness in
the army, and great difficulties due to the heavy rains. A
chain of posts had been established to the foot of the
Guzulhutti Pass, the flanks of the army were well protected,
and Tippoo's garrisons had been expelled from every
important place in the Coimbatore district. The force
under Medows, at Coimbatore, had been reduced to three
native and two European battalions without their flank
companies. Floyd, with the force already mentioned, was
watching the Guzulhutti Pass, some forty miles to the
northward. With Stuart besieging Palghat, some thirty
miles south west of Coimbatore, were one regiment of

72 WAR WITH TIPPOO [1790

Native Cavalry, one European and five Native battalions of
Infantry, besides six European companies belonging to
three different Regiments, and a detachment of Artillery.
Besides this, there were detachments occupying Karoor,
Erode, Darapooram, Dindigal, and a few other small posts.
Nothing but the fall of Palghat was wanting to permit of a
concentrated forward movement on the Guzulhutti Pass.
To the eastward, the force that had been left at Conjeveram
under Colonel Kelly had been reinforced by the division
from Bengal, and had moved to Arnee, where Colonel
Kelly's death gave the command to Colonel Maxwell. It
consisted of one regiment of Native Cavalry, three European
and eight Native battalions of Infantry, and some Artillery,
amounting altogether to nine thousand five hundred men.
To the southward on the Travancore border was Colonel
Hartley, with one European and four Native battalions of
Infantry, moving towards Palghat, which he reached after
its capture. The whole force was dangerously scattered,
and Tippoo, who had excellent intelligence of all that
occurred, was not slow to take advantage of the circum-
stance. So far, the only active measure he had undertaken
had been the dispatch of a small body of marauding horse
into the Carnatic by the Changama Pass. They plundered
and burned Porto Novo, but did little other damage.

Leaving Seringapatam on the 2nd September, with
forty thousand men and a large train of Artillery, Tippoo
reached the Guzulhutti Pass on the 9th, and completed the
descent in the two following days. Floyd was not unaware
of the increased force in his front, and of the reports of
Tippoo's advance, and, in his report to Medows, suggested
the advisability of his falling back towards Coimbatore.
But the intelligence was disbelieved, and he was ordered to
maintain his position. He was at that time encamped on
the south side of the Bhowani opposite to Satyamunglum.
On the 1 2th Floyd dispatched an express messenger to

1790] TIPPOO ADVANCES 73

Medows telling of the increased forces of the enemy, and
that Tippoo was advancing in person. At two o'clock in
the morning of the I3th, Cavalry picquets of the igth
Light Dragoons and 2nd and 5th Native Cavalry, under
Captain Child of the igth, were ordered to reconnoitre
towards the Poongar ford, about ten miles up the river. A
few hours later, the 5th Native Cavalry, under Major
Darley, was ordered to follow in support. By some mis-
chance, Darley took a different road from that which Child
had followed. Tippoo had however begun to pass his
troops over the river the day before, after the withdrawal
of the morning reconnoissance, and Child suddenly found
himself opposed by a considerable body of horse.
Charging them at once, he drove them into the
river, whereby many were killed and drowned : he then
fell back by the same road. The country all around
was laid out in small enclosures with cactus hedges,
rendering it very difficult to see any distance. Major
Darley, advancing by the other road, charged and over-
threw a body of about two hundred horse, inflicting great
loss, but was, immediately after, nearly surrounded by some
six or seven thousand of the enemy's Cavalry. Sending
back news to the camp, he took up a position on some
high ground where his flanks were protected by cactus
hedges, and kept the enemy at bay by carbine fire. After
some time he was joined by the 3rd Native Cavalry, and, a
little later, Floyd with the ipth Light Dragoons, and the
picquets under Captain Child, attracted by the firing, came
up. On seeing these reinforcements, the enemy drew off,
Floyd followed them up and inflicted heavy losses on them.
Two squadrons of the igth charged a large body of the
Sultan's Body Guard that had got entangled in an
enclosure from which there was no outlet, and put upwards
of five hundred, it is said, to the sword. The enemy's
leader was slain by a private dragoon, while his standard

74 WAR WITH TIPPOO [1790

bearer was cut down and the standard taken by a Corporal.
The green flag of Islam was also captured. The field was
cleared of every opponent, and the cavalry returned to
camp. Scarcely had they dismounted when a large force
was seen approaching on the north bank of the river,
whence some heavy guns were brought to bear. At the
same time, a second force was perceived approaching the
left flank along the south bank. This necessitated a change
of position by our troops, and the Sultan contented himself
with keeping up a heavy cannonade, without a closer
attack. During the whole day, the force remained in this
trying position. Floyd's eleven guns were not only out-
numbered, but were obliged to husband their ammunition
which was limited. The cannonade ceased at nightfall, and
the enemy withdrew to some distance. Tippoo never liked
camping too close to the English, for fear of a night
surprise. Of the English guns, three were disabled, and
there had been serious casualties among the troops, the
horses, and the gun bullocks. Many of the bullock drivers
had also deserted. The night was very dark with heavy
rain, the Infantry lay on their arms, and the Cavalry
remained at the heads of their horses. About midnight, it
was determined to fall back upon Coimbatore, through
Shawoor, the force having been driven from the direct line
of retreat through Velladi. It was necessary first to bring
the garrison of Satyamunglum across the river. In doing
this, great delay ensued, and it was four o'clock before the
troops could be put in motion. Owing to the destruction
among the gun bullocks, three guns were obliged to be left
behind. Fortunately for the English, the Sultan's army
had been greatly inconvenienced by the heavy rain during
the night, and it was some hours before Tippoo could
collect a sufficient force to follow the retreat. When he
moved, his well-equipped artillery soon caught up the slow-
moving British column, and pressed heavily on its flanks

1790] FLOYD'S RETREAT 75

and rear. The first attack was made by a body of Cavalry,
who fell upon the baggage, the greater part of which was
lost, and the Surgeon's mate, Sutherland, of the iQth Light
Dragoons killed. The force reached Occarro about eleven
o'clock, but after a short halt was obliged to resume its
march, as Tippoo's army was now moving on its flank.
Owing to the exhaustion of the gun bullocks, three more
guns were obliged to be left behind there. The safety of
the remaining guns was assured by a number of officers
sacrificing their baggage, and giving their private bullocks
to draw the guns. On account of the close nature of the
country, the rear guard duty had to be taken by the
Infantry, and the Cavalry was sent forward. During the
whole march, the force was exposed to a continuous fire of
musketry, heavy guns, and rockets, which was especially
directed against H.M.'s 36th. On approaching Shawoor,
the enemy pressed so closely on the column, that the
Infantry were obliged to form up and show a front, while
the Cavalry, unable to act among the cactus hedges, led
the column. At this moment, a report was spread that
General Medows had arrived to their assistance, and a
detachment of the ipth Light Dragoons which had passed
through Shawoor, and appeared on the opposite side of the
village, was mistaken for the head of his column. The
news was greeted with cheers ; and Tippoo was also
deceived by the report which spread through both armies.
The Infantry advanced, and drove back the enemy, whose
discomfiture was completed by the Cavalry, who pursued
on both flanks, and completely cleared the field. The
force remained in Shawoor during the night, without being
molested, Tippoo, who at first believed the news of
Medow's arrival, having drawn off to some distance. Floyd
fired three signal guns to show his position to General
Medows, who had marched on the same day to Floyd's
assistance, but not being aware of his retreat by the

76 WAR WITH TIPPOO [1790

Shawoor route, had marched aon Velladi, where he en-
camped that evening. Floyd had received intelligence
of Medow's march on Velladi, and, recognizing the great
importance of forming a junction, marched again before
daylight, and reached Velladi on the evening of the I5th.
The enemy did not pursue, and the troops were enabled to
get food and rest, after being three days without either.
Medows however was not at Velladi, having gone on
towards Demiacotta, to which circumstance may be ascribed
the peaceful march of Floyd's troops on the I5th. The
junction between the two forces was effected on the i6th.
The Sultan, on hearing of Medows' movement towards
Demiacotta, withdrew on the same day to the north side
of the Bhowani. Had he acted with greater energy, and
pressed Floyd's force on the I5th, he might have won a
great success. The troops were exhausted, and would
have yielded to determined attacks on the third day of
their retreat. In such an event, the disaster would
certainly have extended to Medows' force, which consisted
only of five incomplete battalions, and Stuart's force at
Palghat would also have been involved in ruin. The
respect with which Tippoo treated the retreating force was
largely due to the gallant bearing of the I9th, and especially
to the severe lesson they taught the enemy on the ^th-
in addition to the six guns abandoned, the losses of the
whole detachment under Floyd, during the I3th and I4th,
were as follows : —

Europeans —

Killed ... 43

Wounded ... 98

Missing ... 7
Natives —

Killed ... 128

Wounded . . . 137

Missing . . .148
Horses —

Killed ... 22

Wounded ... 8

Missing ... 28

1790] CASUALTIES 77

The Infantry were the principal sufferers. The losses
of the I9th Light Dragoons amounted to

Killed—

I Assistant Surgeon.
5 Troopers.

Wounded —

i Quarter- Master.
8 Troopers.

Horses —

5 killed.
3 wounded.

Five officers killed and eight wounded were among the
casualties of the force, and nearly the whole of the baggage
was lost. The losses of the enemy were very heavy,
among the slain being Tippoo's brother-in-law and many
leaders of note. In spite of their tactical success, the result
of the two days' righting was to depress the spirits of
Tippoo's men, while the minds of the British troops were
proportionately elated at their successful retreat, in presence
of such an overwhelming force. Floyd received much
credit, and Medows was generous enough to acknowledge
his error, in leaving the force in such an exposed position.
Tippoo ascribed his want of success to the cactus hedges,
and, some years later, ordered them to be levelled through-
out the whole district. The gallant bearing of the ipth
Light Dragoons in this portion of the campaign, made an
impression that spread to every Native Court in southern
India, and gained them a reputation for righting, that
clung to them during the whole of their service in India.

On the 1 8th, Medows marched from Velladi, and
returned to Coimbatore on the 23rd, after visiting Shawoor.
At Coimbatore, he was joined by Colonel Stuart from
Palghat. On the 2pth he left Coimbatore again, marching
northward to the Bhowani. Tippoo meanwhile had gone
towards Erode, which fell into his hands on the 25th.

78 WAR WITH TIPPOO [1790

From Erode, Tippoo marched towards Karoor, hoping to
cut off a large convoy destined for Medows' army.
Medows followed, and received his convoy safely on the
7th October. Tippoo meanwhile marched on Darapooram,
which he took on the 8th, and then marched towards
Coimbatore, where Medows had left stores and heavy guns
with but a feeble garrison. Fortunately, under orders from
Medows, Colonel Hartley, on reaching Palghat, had sent
on three sepoy battalions, which reached Coimbatore in
time to save it from attack, and Tippoo turned off north-
wards when within a few miles of the place. Medows
reached Coimbatore on the I5th, and, after strengthening
the defences, again marched for Erode, which he reached
on the 2nd November. Some slight skirmishing with a
small party of the enemy's horse occurred on the march,
during which Private Parkes of the iQth Light Dragoons
signalised himself, while on flanking duty, by attacking,
single handed, six horsemen whom he encountered in a
narrow road, and bringing in three horses and a prisoner.

Meanwhile, Maxwell's force had advanced from Arnee,
and entered the Baramahal district near Vaniembadi on
the 24th October. This forced Tippoo to leave the
Coimbatore district, and march northward to intercept
Maxwell. So well was the movement covered, that several
days elapsed before Medows discovered where he had
gone. But Tippoo, failing to find Maxwell in a position
favourable for attack, withdrew after threatening him for
four days, and was nearly caught between two fires by
Medows' advancing force. On the I7th, the two armies
formed a junction, 12 miles south of Cauveripatam.
Supplies were abundant, and Medows was now at the
head of the finest army the Company had ever put into
the field. But Tippoo's excellent system of intelligence,
and the greater mobility of his army gave him the great
advantage of choosing his own field of action, so long as

i79o] THE TAPOOR PASS 79

he was not brought to bay in the heart of his own country.
He calculated with justice that, if he moved in the direction
of the Carnatic, Medows would be obliged to follow him,
and relinquish his projects on Mysore. Accordingly,
on the 1 8th, he put his army in motion for Trichinopoly by
the Tapoor Pass. As fortune would have it, Medows
marched on the same day, with the intention of traversing
the same Pass, and reached it after the Sultan's army had
begun to enter it. The British advance brigade, under
Colonel Floyd, consisted of the igth Light Dragoons, three
regiments of Native Cavalry and three sepoy battalions.
The Sultan's rear was covered by a body of two thousand
Cavalry, who showed a bold front. Medows became over
cautious, and waited for his artillery. So well were the
Mysore Cavalry handled, that no advantage was gained
beyond the cutting off from the Pass of three battalions
which were forced into the jungle. Tippoo's baggage also
was unable to enter the Pass, but suffered no loss ; the
main body got through, and continued its march without
mishap. Thus was let slip an opportunity of striking a
severe blow under most advantageous conditions.

Tippoo continued his march on Trichinopoly, wasting
the country as he proceeded, and hoping to make himself
master of the place, which was not strongly defended,
before Medows could reach it. But the swollen state of
the Cauvery river saved the place from attack, and Tippoo
withdrew, in time to avoid Medows, who arrived before
Trichinopoly on the I4th December. Two days before
this, Lord Cornwallis arrived in Madras, with the intention
of taking command of the army in the field ; and at once
summoned Medows to bring the force to Madras. Mean-
while, Tippoo turned northwards, and, ravaging the country
as he passed, attacked Tiaghur, a small rock fortress, under
the walls of which a great number of the country people
had gathered for protection. Here also Tippoo was re-

8o WAR WITH TIPPOO [1791

joined by his heavy baggage, which had become separated
from him at the Tapoor Pass. After two assaults, which
were repulsed with heavy loss to the assailants, the Sultan
left Tiaghur, and marched on Trinomalli which was not
garrisoned. After a feeble resistance from the inhabitants,
the place was plundered, and great barbarities committed.
Turning eastward, Tippoo took Permacoil, where there
was only a single company of Native Infantry, whose
commander had orders to retreat if threatened. Owing
to treachery, Tippoo was able to surround the place before
this could be done. Tippoo then marched towards Pondi-
cherry, where he remained some time, and dispatched an
embassy to France, proposing an alliance, and asking for
a force of 6000 French troops to be sent him. Medows
followed the Mysore force as far as Trinomalli, whence he
turned towards Madras. The siege-guns and heavy stores
were left at Arnee, with a division under Major General
Musgrave, and the remainder of the force reached Vellout,
eighteen miles from Madras, on the 2/th January 1791.
Before this, a brilliant success had been gained by Colonel
Hartley, who, with three battalions, completely routed a
large Mysore force near Calicut, on the loth December,
capturing Tippoo's lieutenant and two thousand four
hundred prisoners, in the action and in the subsequent
pursuit. The Bombay force under General Abercromby,
whose movements had been greatly delayed, was not able
to commence operations till the beginning of December.
Then Tippoo's garrisons in Malabar were quickly captured,
and the whole province occupied.

The Mahrattas and the Nizam had been tardy in their
operations. Both were unwilling to come within Tippoo's
reach, until they could be certain of his being fully occu-
pied with the English forces. On the 25th August, the
Mahrattas commenced operations, and, on i8th September,
laid siege to Dharwar. The attack was so badly con-

i79i] CORNWALLIS TAKES COMMAND 81

ducted, that the place did not capitulate till 4th April
following, when the Mahratta force, under Pareshram Bhow
and Hari Punt, moved on toward Seringapatam. The
Nizam moved in concert with the Mahrattas, but delayed
greatly, after crossing the Kistna, before attacking Kopaul,
the siege of which was begun on the 28th October. The
fortress capitulated on the i8th April following.

According to a muster roll taken at Clive's Choultry
on 24th December, the ipth Light Dragoons had fifty men
in hospital, out of a total of 270 non commissioned officers
and troopers present. Fourteen deaths occurred in the
preceding six months. During the same period, 50 horses
had died, and 14 had been rendered unfit for further
service, out of a total effective strength of 386.

CHAPTER V

CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS

I79I-I792

Cornwallis takes command of the Army — Advance on Bangalore —
Order of March — Floyd's reconnoissance — Imprudent advance —
Floyd badly wounded — Casualties — Capture of Bangalore —
Advance on Seringapatam— Battle of Arikera— Army in great
straits — Forced to retreat — Junction of Mahratta contingent —
I9th sent to Madras — Rejoin Cornwallis — Advance on Seringa-
patam—Night attack— Floyd detached to meet Abercromby—
Seringapatam invested — Peace made — Tippoo's hostages — igth
return to Shevtamodoo.

CORNWALLIS assumed command of the army, at Vellout,
on the 29th January 1791. By taking the field in person,
he ensured the fullest co-operation of the civil and military
administration, while it was hoped that his presence at the
head of the troops, would induce the Nizam and the

82 CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS [1791

Mahrattas to prosecute the war with more vigour than
they had yet shown. Instead of attacking Mysore from
the south, as had been done in the preceding year,
Cornwallis proposed to operate on a more direct line.
The considerations that had led to the rejection of this
line in 1790, were, that Seringapatam could not be
approached without first taking Bangalore, a place only
second to Seringapatam in strength. The siege of
Bangalore would have to be carried on at a distance
of ninety miles from the nearest depot, Amboor ; and the
country between Seringapatam and Bangalore was un-
fertile, and not likely to furnish much in the way of
supplies.

The army left Vellout on the 5th February. Tippoo,
who had remained in the neighbourhood of Pondicherry,
on hearing of the movement, hastily regained Mysore by
the Changama and Palicode Passes. Cornwallis, after
making a feint towards Amboor, which completely
deceived the Sultan, turned northwards, and carried the
army through the Mooglee Pass without opposition.
Without firing a shot, the whole army was concentrated
on the Mysore plateau by the i8th February. Here the
army was joined by sixty-seven elephants from Bengal,
the first occasion of these animals being employed in
any considerable number by a British force. Hitherto,
the movements of our armies had been greatly hampered
by the difficulties of moving heavy siege guns; but on
this occasion, by yoking the bullocks four instead of two
abreast, and by the use of elephants to lift and push the
guns in bad ground, the heavy guns were able to move
with nearly as much ease as any other part of the
army.

Among other beneficial changes made by Lord Corn-
wallis, was an improvement in the order of march of the
army. Before this war, our armies in India had marched

i79i] ORDER OF MARCH 83

with few cavalry and very small trains of artillery. They
moved in a single column two or three files deep, with
the stores, baggage and camp followers on one flank,
covered by a strong party. This order was fatiguing to
the troops, made rapid movement impossible, caused great
delay in assuming any formation on coming in contact
with the enemy, and exposed the camp followers and
baggage to great losses from the enemy's cavalry.
Colonel Fullarton, in his brief campaign of 1783,
remedied this, to some extent, by making the army
move on a broad front of three brigades, the artillery
and baggage following in rear covered on each flank
by other brigades. The troops marched with intervals
to permit of speedily forming line in any direction.

At the commencement of the campaign of 1790 the old
order was reverted to. The battering train, which marched
in rear of the column, often fell so far behind, that it did
not reach the camping ground till the following day. It
was then placed in the centre of the column. This only
had the effect of delaying all in rear of the guns, and
separating the army into two portions. It was then tried
to improve matters, by placing the heavy guns in front
of the column. This answered better when the guns were
few, but with a large battering train gave bad results. The
plan adopted by Cornwallis, was to make the infantry
and cavalry move in parallel columns, some distance apart.
Between them, moved two columns" one composed of
artillery and stores, while the other was composed of the
baggage and camp followers, controlled by a baggage
master. The army thus moved in a huge oblong, with
the fighting men on the flanks. The front was covered
by the advance guard, consisting of a cavalry regiment
and the infantry picquets coming on duty. In the same
way, the rear was covered by a regiment of cavalry and
the infantry picquets last on duty, forming the rear guard.

84 CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS [1791

The same order was observed in encamping. The infantry
and cavalry camped in two lines, facing outwards, with
the artillery, engineer corps, stores, baggage and camp
followers in the space between. The order thus established
by Cornwallis during this campaign, may be said to have
held good in India up till the present day.

This appearance of a British army on the plateau of
Mysore, marks the increase that had taken place in the
military power of the East India Company during the
past five years. In our previous wars with Hyder Ali and
Tippoo, the operations of our armies had been confined
to the low-lying country below the Ghauts, and the scene
of warfare had been almost always the Company's own
territories in the vicinity of Madras, or the territories of our
native allies in the Carnatic. Now, for the first time, the
war was carried into the very heart of Mysore territory.

Tippoo's movements, at this time, were characterised by
unwonted indecision and want of energy. Instead of
impeding and harassing the march of the army, he contented
himself with watching the advance, with the intention
rather of taking advantage of any mistake committed by the
English commander, than of following any plan of his own.

On the 5th March, the British force reached Bangalore,
and took up its ground without any loss, beyond a few
casualties caused by a distant cannonade on the march.
On the following day, the army changed ground, and took
up a better position on the North West face of the pettah.*
In the afternoon, Colonel Floyd was detached to the south
west of the town, to cover a reconnoissance by the engineers.
He had with him his own brigade, consisting of the igih
Light Dragoons under Captain Child, and five Regi-
ments of native Cavalry, besides a Brigade of three batta-
lions of Infantry, with a detachment of Artillery under
Major Gowdie.

* The fortified town as distinguished from the fort.

i79i] FLOYD'S RECONNOISSANCE 85

The work was satisfactorily accomplished, and the
force was about to return, when a body of the enemy's
horse appeared. Leaving the infantry and guns, Floyd
moved against it, and, on its giving way, discovered some
Mysore infantry, and guns, with large masses of baggage
and stores, elephants, bullock carts, camels and all the
paraphernalia of an Eastern Army on the march. Tippoo
was changing his ground, and, by accident, the recon-
noitring party had crossed the rear of his line of march.
Disregarding his orders, Floyd allowed himself to be
persuaded to attack, by the young officers who were
clamorous for the fray. The temptation was irresistible,
and the cavalry advanced at a gallop. Some parties of
infantry were charged and broken, and nine guns captured.
As the advance continued, the ground became much broken
with ravines and low rocky hills. The horses were ex-
hausted, and the enemy, collecting their forces, opened a
heavy fire of musketry and rockets that checked the
advance. At this moment, Floyd fell from his horse,
apparently dead, with a musket ball in his head. At his
fall, the squadron behind him made a half wheel to avoid
trampling on their leader. This threw the line into con-
fusion, the flank squadrons took it for a signal to retire,
and, in a few moments, the whole force was falling back.
Fortunately for Floyd, Corporal Murray and Private
Buchanan remained with him, and, examining his wound,
found that it was not mortal. Murray remained with him,
while Buchanan galloped after the regiment, and in a
short time returned with a troop of the ipth, under Cornet
Roderick Mackenzie : Floyd was mounted on Buchanan's
horse and brought back to the regiment. He was able to
halt the regiment, and show a front to the enemy, which
checked them ; but darkness was coming on ; the enemy
pressed on, and the confusion was very great. The ex-
hausted horses were scarcely able to get back through the

86 CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS [1791

ravines they had cleared with ease in their advance, and
had it not been for the good judgment of Major Gowdie,
who had advanced a mile beyond the place where he had
been left, and covered the retreat with his brigade, the
losses would have been very great. Lord Cornwallis, who
had been able to see what was occurring from the en-
campment, put a division in motion, and met the whole
detachment returning. Floyd's wound was caused by a
bullet through his cheek, which lodged in his neck. It
was never extracted, and he carried it to his grave, but he
was sufficiently recovered to take up his command again
eleven days later. The losses of the detachment were as
follows : —

Killed—

i Officer.

1 Trumpeter.

1 8 Rank and File.
36 Horses.

Wounded —

2 Officers (European).

3 Native Officers.
43 Rank and File.
7 Horses.

Missing —

2 Trumpeters.
I Rank and File.
228 Horses.

The losses of the igth Light Dragoons were —

Killed—

1 Trumpeter.

2 Rank and File.
ii Horses.

Wounded —

i Lieutenant Colonel.
7 Rank and File.

Missing —

4 Horses.

i79i] BANGALORE TAKEN 87

Major Skelly, Lord Cornwallis' aide-de-camp, writing
of the event a short time afterwards, says : " I never saw
Lord Cornwallis completely angry before that evening.
To this day he cannot speak of that night's business
without evident signs of disapprobation."

The loss of so many horses at this early stage of the
campaign was a serious one, as they could not be replaced.
The cavalry had been constantly employed for the last
three days, and the horses had not been regularly fed.
Those that did not succumb on this occasion were of little
use for the remainder of the campaign.

On the following day, the pettah was taken by assault,
and some much-needed supplies were obtained : but there
was great scarcity of forage, and horses and transport
animals suffered greatly. " The draught cattle were daily
dying at their pickets ; grain and every other necessary,
including ammunition, were at the lowest ebb." In these
straits, Lord Cornwallis resolved to try and take the Fort
by a coup-de-main. On the night of the 2 1st, the assault
was delivered by moonlight, and in an hour the Fort was
captured under the eyes of the Sultan, who made no
serious attempt to cause a diversion.

The capture of Bangalore was the first great blow that
had been struck against the power of Mysore, by any foe,
since its establishment by Hyder Ali.

Leaving ra garrison in the place, Cornwallis moved
northward, on the 28th, with the twofold object of forming
a junction with a corps of the Nizam's cavalry, and of
meeting a convoy that was expected from Amboor. After
some delay, caused by false intelligence purposely spread
by Tippoo, the British force was joined at Cotapilli, on
1 3th April, by 10,000 irregular horse of the Nizam's, and,
a week later, the much-needed convoy, escorted by four
thousand men, was met at Venkitagheri. The combined
force then returned to Bangalore, which was reached on

88 CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS [1791

the 28th. Arrangements were at once made for the siege
of Seringapatam, against which the Sultan sought to guard
himself, by wasting the intervening country ; a measure that
was not without effect on subsequent events.

On the 1 3th May, the British force reached Arikera,
about nine miles from Seringapatam. The army moved
with extreme difficulty, and there was great distress, owing
to the inadequate transport and the wasted state of the
country. The Nizam's cavalry refused to forage beyond
the outposts, and added to the scarcity : great quantities
of ammunition were dependent for carriage on the private
resources of officers and other individuals with the army.
Before laying siege to Seringapatam, it was Cornwallis'
object to cross the Cauvery at Caniembadi, and form a
junction with the Bombay force, under Abercromby, which
was shortly expected. The Sultan, who had hitherto
confined himself to harassing the line of march, found it
necessary to offer battle, to prevent if possible the
threatened junction. With this purpose he took up an
extremely strong position about three miles from Seringa-
patam, with his right resting on the Cauvery, and his left
on a rugged hill. His front was covered by a deep, swampy
ravine the passages of which were defended by batteries
along the whole front. Cornwallis determined to turn
Tippoo's left wing, and, by a night march, to place himself
between Seringapatam and a great portion of the Mysore
army. Halting at Arikera on the I4th, the force marched
at night, leaving the camp standing, with the heavy guns
and stores. Unfortunately, there was a storm of extra-
ordinary violence that lasted several hours, which added to
the confusion and difficulties of a night march, and, when
day broke, the force had only accomplished three or four
miles. All hope of surprise was at an end, but Cornwallis
continued his advance. To meet the movement, Tippoo
threw back his left, and in order to cover his change of

i79i] BATTLE OF ARIKERA 89

front, detached a large corps of cavalry and infantry, with
eight guns, to occupy a strong rocky ridge on his left, at
right angles to the line of march of the British column.
Owing to the depth of the ravine to be crossed, and the
weakness of the gun bullocks, it took two hours before the
British force could form up in line for attack ; during
which it was exposed to a galling artillery fire, and to
some charges of cavalry, which were repulsed. The British
force was disposed, with nine battalions under Major
General Medows, in the first line, opposite to the enemy's
main body ; four battalions in the second line, under
Lt. Col. Harris ; while five battalions, under Lt. Col.
Maxwell, were destined to attack the enemy's corps on
the ridge to the right. The cavalry under Floyd, con-
sisting of the ipth Light Dragoons and five Regiments of
Native Cavalry, and the Nizam's horse, were left on the
opposite side of the ravine, out of reach of artillery fire.

The action commenced by an advance of Maxwell's
force against the ridge, which was taken, while the cavalry
crossed the ravine, and fell on the rear of the Mysore
infantry, inflicting considerable loss. But the exhausted
horses could not raise a gallop, and they were obliged to
fall back from a strong body of infantry, that had rallied
and made a stand in some broken rocky ground. At this
juncture, the Nizam's horse, which had followed the British
cavalry across the ravine, threw itself in an unwieldy mass
in front of the left wing, preventing its advance, and
detaining it under the fire of the enemy's batteries in
Seringapatam. This unfortunate circumstance, which by
many was ascribed to treachery on the part of the Nizam's
commander, saved the enemy from destruction. The
British line was for some time unable to advance, and the
enemy's guns and infantry, in great confusion, were able
to withdraw under protection of their batteries across the
river. Four guns were taken. The British loss was 81

90 CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS [1791

killed, 339 wounded, and 6 missing. Of this, the ipth
Light Dragoons lost

Killed—

1 Officer. Cornet James Patterson.

2 Troopers.

Wounded —

t nffi^-o /Cornet Roderick Mackenzie.

S< \Cornet John Fortnam.
2 Troopers.

Horses —

13 Killed,
ii Wounded.

The army was now in such a state, owing to want of
proper supplies, want of carriage, and an epidemic of
smallpox, that it was necessary to join hands with the
Bombay force under Abercromby, before undertaking the
siege. Abercromby had encountered great difficulties in
ascending the Passes into Mysore, and so excellent was
the work done by Tippoo's cavalry, that Cornwallis was
without any precise information as to his advance. Nor
was anything known of the Mahratta contingent, beyond
the fact that they had captured Dharwar. Cornwallis
therefore resolved on continuing his march on Caniembadi,
to meet Abercromby. " For two marches, all the battering
train and almost every public cart in the army were
dragged by the troops," and Cornwallis came to the con-
clusion, that the state of his force rendered a retirement on
Bangalore imperative. The siege train and heavy stores
could be carried no farther, and it was resolved to destroy
them. On the 2ist May, orders were despatched to
Abercromby, who was then at Periapatam, about 25 miles
to the westward, to destroy his heavy stores, and retire
below the Passes, and Cornwallis' army was retained five
days in position, to cover Abercromby's movement. On
the 22nd, the whole of the battering train and heavy stores
were destroyed, and on the 26th, the first march of six

i79i] ARRIVAL OF MAHRATTAS 91

miles was made in retreat. The distress was very great :
the troops were on half rations, and the only way of
carrying what grain was available was to distribute it
among the righting men. "Great part of the horses of
the cavalry were so reduced by want and fatigue, that
they could no longer carry their riders ; and many, unable
to march, were shot at their pickets. The ground at
Caniembadi, where the army had encamped but six days,
was covered, in a circuit of several miles, with the carcasses
of cattle and horses.* " All that occurred of mortality
among the cattle, during the siege of Bangalore, fell far
short of the horrible scene and pestilential air of this
disgusting ground." f

In the middle of the first day's painful march, a body
of two thousand cavalry appeared on the left flank.
Preparations were made to meet them, and shots were
fired, when it was suddenly discovered that they were the
advanced guard of the Mahratta force. It was not known
that they were within a hundred and fifty miles of
Seringapatam, and not one of the numerous messengers
they had sent to convey notice of their approach, had
succeeded in escaping Tippoo's scouts. There were, in
fact, two forces ; one, under Hari Punt, consisting of
twelve thousand horse, and the other, under Pareshram
Bhow, of twenty thousand horse and foot, with two
battalions of Bombay sepoys, under Captain Little. They
brought with them abundant supplies, and plenty once
more reigned in the British camp. Their cavalry foraged
boldly in every direction, bringing in supplies from great
distances, in striking contrast to the behaviour of the
Nizam's force. But they came too late to permit of an
attack on Seringapatam. Had Cornwallis known of their
approach five days sooner, all would have been well, and
another campaign would have been spared him. But his

* Dirom. f Wilks.

92 CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS [1791

siege train no longer existed, the Bombay force had
descended the Ghauts, and there was nothing for it but
to adhere to his resolve of falling back. The allied forces
remained in the vicinity of Seringapatam till the 6th June,
when they leisurely moved northwards to Nagmunglum,
and thence eastward to Bangalore, taking the small hill
fort of Hooliadroog on the way. " So reduced were the
horses of our cavalry from want and fatigue, that the only
service they could now render was to walk on slowly with
the sick and wounded soldiers on their backs, for whom
we were in great want of conveyance ; and it was highly
pleasing to see the cheerfulness with which the troopers
walked by the side of their horses, while their distressed
comrades of the infantry rode upon the march." * The
Mahratta cavalry effectually prevented the march being
harassed by the enemy, from whom they took some
convoys and elephants.

Pending the completion of arrangements for another
advance on Seringapatam, the Mahratta force withdrew
northwards to Sara; the Nizam's force also withdrew to
Gunjicotta, which, with several other small places, had
been captured by a force of the Nizam's.

The i pth Light Dragoons with the rest of the cavalry
were sent, under Floyd, to the Carnatic, to recruit. The
regiment reached Madras early in August ; and, as horses
to remount the cavalry were not procurable, three native
cavalry regiments were dismounted in order to complete
the horses required for the ipth. The 3rd and 5th Native
cavalry had their ranks partially filled in the same way, so
that by the end of the monsoon these three Regiments
were ready to rejoin the army.

"The i gth Light Dragoons, which under their gallant
leader, had made so powerful an impression on the minds

* Dirom.

i79i] THE NINETEENTH REMOUNTED 93

of the enemy during the war, was again completely re-
mounted ; and with the addition of the draughts and
recruits that had arrived from England, was in nearly as
great force as when it first took the field. This favourite
corps was reviewed by General Musgrave at the Mount in
the beginning of October, when it shewed near four hundred
mounted, both men and horses in perfect order." *

Meanwhile, the army at Bangalore was engaged in
securing the passes into the Carnatic, and in reducing the
numerous hill fortresses that abounded in Mysore. The
most important of these, Nundydroog and Savandroog,
were taken by assault on the iQth October and 2ist
December, respectively. Tippoo, on his side, had not
been idle. In the middle of June a large Mysore force
invested Coimbatore, which was weakly held. The defence
was obstinate, and after a two months' siege the place was
relieved from Palghat. In October, it was invested a
second time, and, the attempts to relieve it being un-
successful, Coimbatore was forced to surrender, on 3rd
November. Several parties of Mysore horse also suc-
ceeded in making raids into the Carnatic, doing much
mischief. One party penetrated to within a few miles of
Madras, early in January, after the cavalry had marched
to rejoin Cornwallis, and carried off much plunder.
During the preceding half century, the country within
fifty miles of Madras had been the constant scene of
warlike operations. In that period, Madras had fallen
to a French attack, and been held by them for four years.
Again, it had been frequently threatened and once besieged,
by France, and Hyder had dictated a peace within sight of
Fort St. George. Too often, the inhabitants of Madras
had heard the sound of an enemy's guns, and seen the sky
red with the glare of burning villages : and now again the
horsemen of Mysore were plundering and burning within

* Dirom.

94 CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS [1792

sight of the Mount. But it was for the last time. Shevta-
modoo was plundered and burned by one of these parties.

In the meantime, large convoys of supplies and material
were being forwarded to Bangalore, the last and most im-
portant, conveying all the ammunition for the army, being
escorted by the I9th Light Dragoons under Colonel Floyd.
Ascending by the Pednaikdirgum Pass, on the 23rd De-
cember, and marching by Kolar, Ooscotta and Bangalore,
he joined Cornwallis at Magre, near Ootradroog, on the I2th
January 1792. Everything was now ready for an advance on
Seringapatam, and the army was in a more efficient state
than it had been at any time since the war began. Owing
to Lord Cornwallis' excellent arrangements, supplies of all
sorts were in the greatest abundance. The only deficiency
was in horses for the Cavalry. The losses experienced in
this respect, in the previous year, had not been made good,
and this arm of the service was represented only by the
1 9th Light Dragoons, six troops, the 3rd Native Cavalry,
six troops, the 5th Native Cavalry, four troops, and the
Body Guards of Lord Cornwallis and General Medows, one
troop each. The force altogether consisted of 22,033 men,
of which about 15,500 were infantry. The advance was
still delayed by the absence of the Nizam's force, which
was occupied in the siege of Gurramconda. On the 25th
January it arrived, under the command of the Nizam's son,
Secunder Jah. Part of the Mahratta contingent, under
Hari Punt, had already joined Lord Cornwallis, but the
greater part, under Pareshram Bhow, had gone off on a
plundering expedition to the northwestward, in defiance
of the agreement made six months before. It did not join
the British force, till the campaign was over.

The Bombay army, under Abercromby, consisting of
eight thousand four hundred men, was also on the march
from the westward. Ascending by the Poodicherim Pass,
Abercromby directed his march by Periapatam and

1792] SERINGAPATAM 95

Eratoor, so as to join hands with Cornwallis in front of
Seringapatam.

On the 3 ist January, Cornwallis held a review of his
whole force at Hooliadroog, for the benefit of his allies.
As the Nizam's son reached the right of the line " a salute
of 2 1 guns was fired from the park, while the cavalry, with
drawn swords and trumpets sounding, received him with
due honours as he passed their front. He returned the
officers' salute, and looked attentively at the troops. The
ipth Dragoons, of which they had all heard, attracted
their particular notice." * On the following day, the army
marched, and encamped within sight of Seringapatam, at
about seven miles' distance, on the 5th February. No
opposition on the march was experienced.

Seringapatam is situated on an island in the Cauvery
river, four miles in length and a mile and a half broad.
At the western end of the island was the fortress, the
eastern portion being also strongly defended by connected
batteries and redoubts. On the north side, on what may
be called the main land, was an oblong space about three
miles in length, enclosed by a hedge of cactus and other
thorny plants, and commanded by redoubts on the highest
points. In this space Tippoo was encamped. He believed
that he could protract the defence, till the coming of the
monsoon and the scarcity of supplies should force Corn-
wallis to raise the siege; he further believed that no
serious attack would be made on the position, till the
arrival of Abercromby's force. But Cornwallis had plans
of a very different nature. The 6th being spent in
reconnoitring, orders were issued, about sunset, for the
troops to parade at once for a night attack. About 8
o'clock all was ready, and the infantry advanced in three
columns, the centre column being headed by Cornwallis
in person. The cavalry were left to guard the camp, and

* Dirom.

96 CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS [1792

the artillery were left behind also. When all was ready,
Cornwallis sent word of his plans to his native allies, who
were dismayed at hearing of an advance against a fortified
camp without artillery, and that his lordship should have
gone to fight " like a common soldier." Moving in silence,
the heads of the columns, which were more than a mile
apart, came in touch with the enemy about half past ten.
The attack was completely successful. One redoubt after
another was carried, Tippoo's camp was taken, some of
the troops, in their ardour, crossing the stream and pene-
trating to the farther side of the island. The brunt of
the fighting fell on the centre column, which, towards
daylight, was heavily attacked by the Mysore troops, who
had recovered from their first surprise. The fighting
continued till five o'clock in the afternoon of the 7th,
the last serious attack being headed by Tippoo's French
regiment. But nothing availed to dislodge the British
troops from the positions they had gained, and Tippoo
was forced to withdraw on to the island, where also our
troops had made good their footing. Our loss amounted
to 535 of all ranks, killed, wounded and missing. Eighty
guns and an enormous quantity of supplies were captured.
The enemy's loss was estimated at four thousand killed,
great numbers having been forced into the river and
drowned. Greater still was the loss caused by desertion ;
numbers of the enemy having taken advantage of the
confusion, to throw down their arms and make off to their
homes. The whole loss to the Sultan, in killed, wounded
and missing, was estimated at twenty thousand men.

On the 1 2th, the cavalry under Floyd were detached
to meet Abercromby, with whom he effected a junction
on the 1 4th. In a private letter, still extant, he writes : —

"On the nth February I convoyed 13,000 Brinjarries
(Brinjara bullocks carrying grain) into camp. On the

1792] BOMBAY FORCE ARRIVES 97

1 2th February, I was detached with nine squadrons, one
battalion of sepoys, and about 1500 allied horse, to meet
General Abercromby, and his army.

On the 1 4th of February, I was attacked by full 4000
of the enemy's horse, who had got in among my baggage,
and attached themselves to my allied horse. I soon
recovered every article of my baggage, but was forced to
stop there, not being able to distinguish friend from foe.
The Nizam's Horse under a son of the Nawab of Canoul,
and the Mahratta Horse also kept firm. The enemy drew
off, rather worsted by the allied horse. Immediately, the
head of Abercromby's column appeared at a distance, and
the enemy made for them. I posted my battalion, my
allied horse, and my baggage, and ranged along between
the enemy and Abercromby's with the nine squadrons of
our own horse ; the enemy collected and went clear off."

Dirom, the principal chronicler of the campaign, says: —

" Tippoo had meant a more serious opposition to this
junction, and for that purpose had detached the whole
of his cavalry on the evening of the 1 3th ; they had
crossed (the Cauvery) a few miles above the fort, and lay
in wait till Colonel Floyd moved in the morning of the
I4th. The detachment of allies, in spite of the Colonel's
orders, and the remonstrance of Major Scott, who was
sent with them, remained loitering on the ground for some
time after the Colonel had marched : the Sultan's horse
seized the opportunity, and attacked them with great
vigour. They stood their ground for some time, and then
retreating towards Colonel Floyd, he returned to support
them, and soon put the enemy to the rout."

On the 1 6th, Abercomby joined Cornwallis on the north
side of Seringapatam, without further hindrance, and
preparations were made for prosecuting the siege. On the
1 9th, Abercromby made a detour, and, crossing the
Cauvery, invested the place from the south. A strong
Brigade, under Colonel Stuart, was entrenched on the
island, and Floyd with the Cavalry was stationed about
four thousand yards to the eastward, linking up the
distance between Cornwallis and Abercromby. Seringapa-

98 CORNWALLIS' CAMPAIGNS [1792

tarn was completely invested. On the 22nd, an attack on
Abercromby's force was repulsed with loss, and then
Tippoo, who had been for some days in negotiation with
Cornwallis, realised that the time for surrender had arrived.
The losses he had experienced in the fighting of the 6th
and /th, rendered prolonged resistance impossible.

It was no part of Lord Cornwallis' policy to destroy
the Mysore State, but the disposition of Tippoo, " a faith-
less and violent character on whom no dependence could
be placed " required that his power should be so far
curtailed, as to render him less dangerous. On the 23rd
February, the preliminaries of peace were signed by Tippoo,
and warlike operations ceased, much to the disgust of the
army, whose minds were inflamed to an extraordinary
degree against the Sultan, on account of the barbarous
cruelties inflicted by him on all prisoners that fell into his
hands. One of the stipulations was that two of Tippoo's
sons should be handed over, as hostages for the due
performance of the treaty of peace. On the 26th, the
young princes were received by Lord Cornwallis with much
ceremony. The occasion seems to have made a great
impression at the time. Three, * if not more, pictures of
the event were painted by A. W. Devis, a well-known
artist, who was present. In all of them, Colonel Floyd is
prominently represented, a fine martial figure. Cornet
Hale and Captain Child of the ipth Light Dragoons also
appear in some of the pictures. This was evidently re-
garded in India as the most striking event in Lord
Cornwallis' career in the country. The base of the statue
erected to him in Madras, has another representation of the
scene.

The Princes remained in British territory till March
1794, when they were sent back to the Sultan with all
honour.

* One of these is now the property of the Junior United Service Club.

AN OFFICER OF THE XIXTH LIGHT DRAGOONS, 1792.

to face p. 99.

i793l END OF THE WAR 99

A considerable amount of prize money gained during
the war was further enhanced by the surrender of their
respective shares by Lord Cornwallis and General Medows,
and by liberal gratuities from the Government. The share
of every private soldier amounted to ^"14, n. 9., the
shares of other ranks being in proportion.

Sixty-seven forts and eight hundred and one guns were
captured during the three campaigns ; of which, fifty-six
forts and six hundred and fifty-six guns were captured by
the British forces, the remainder falling to their native
allies.

On the 2Oth March, the Treaty of Peace was duly
ratified, and on the 26th, the army marched from
Seringapatam, for Madras, which was reached about the
end of May. The ipth Light Dragoons returned to their
old quarters at Shevtamodoo.

A medal for the three campaigns, 1790-92, was bestowed
on the Bengal native troops who took part in them.

CHAPTER VI.

FALL OF MYSORE

1793-1799.

France declares War — Expedition against Pondicherry— Surrender of
Pondicherry — Peace reigns in India — Lunkia Naik— Floyd's large
allowances — French adventurers in India — Tippoo's growing
hostility — Disarmament of Nizam's force under French officers —
Army formed under General Harris — Tippoo's intrigues — Galloper
Guns — Advance on Mysore — Battle of Mallavelly — Seringapatam
invested — The Bombay Army — The Rajah of Coorg — Signal guns
— Seringapatam taken — Tardy recognition in England of services
performed in India — Badge of " Seringapatam."

ON the 1st February 1793, the French National Conven-
tion declared war against Great Britain. The news was

ioo FALL OF MYSORE [1793

at once dispatched to India by the British Consul at
Alexandria, and reached Calcutta on the nth June.
Lord Cornwallis acted with great promptitude, and, with-
out awaiting further communications from England, issued
orders for taking possession of the French territories in
India. The troops in the vicinity of Wallajabad, among
whom were the ipth Light Dragoons, were at once put in
motion under Colonel Floyd, and encamped before Pondi-
cherry on the nth July, while the place was blockaded by
sea by such ships as were available. On the 28th July,
Colonel Brathwaite, who had succeeded Major General
Medows as local Commander in Chief, took command of
the force, which by this time amounted to 10,500 men.
According to the returns of ist August, the strength of the
1 9th Light Dragoons, at that date, was 274, exclusive of
sick. Siege operations were commenced on the loth
August, and fire was' opened on the 2Oth. On the 22nd
Pondicherry capitulated, and was taken possession of
on the following day. The British loss amounted to 248
killed, wounded, and missing. One hundred and sixty-
six guns, with a great quantity of military stores, fell into
the hands of our troops, and Pondicherry ceased to be a
French possession until the Peace of Amiens. The part
taken in the siege by the cavalry was naturally a subordinate
one, as the enemy had no force in the field that could
interrupt operations.

On the fall of Pondicherry, the ipth Light
Dragoons returned for a time to their old quarters at
Shevtamodoo. Colonel Floyd remained at Pondicherry,
in command of the place, for a few months, when he
was appointed to command the Southern Division
of the Madras forces, with his Head Quarters at
Trichinopoly. In 1794, we find the I9th quartered at
Seringham, near Trichinopoly. In the following year,
they were encamped on the Trichinopoly plain, and in

1796] PEACE IN INDIA 101

1796, they were moved into the cavalry cantonments at
Trichinopoly.

For five years the war was confined to Europe. The
French flag was not seen on the coasts of India, nor was
any Frenchman in arms, with the exception of those in
the service of Native States, to be found in the country.
While war raged in Europe, the peace of India was
practically undisturbed. In the beginning of June 1795, a
detachment of the I9th was employed in the capture of an
insurgent Polygar chief, named Lunkia Naik, under the
following circumstances. On the night of the 7th June,
Lieutenant Oliphant, with a detachment of two native
officers and twenty-two sepoys, surprised and captured
Lunkia Naik, at Manapur, about twenty-four miles from
Trichinopoly. The Chief's retainers gathered to the rescue
in large numbers, and attacked Oliphant, who had retired
with his prisoner into a Choultry, where he defended him-
self for nine hours, repelling several assaults. The follow-
ing morning, two troops of the ipth appeared, drove off
the assailants, and brought Oliphant's detachment back
to Trichinopoly, with Lunkia Naik securely tied to a
trooper.

Towards the end of 1796, the 25th Light Dragoons
landed in Madras from England.

In his first regimental order to the regiment, when it
was raised, Sir John Burgoyne took occasion to point out
that service in India was " not less honourable than
lucrative." There could be no doubt on the latter point,
so far as the senior officers were concerned. The advantages
given to the King's officers in point of rank over the
Company's officers, had the intended effect of throwing
most of the chief commands into their hands, and the
allowances that were granted in some cases, showed how
strong a shake they were able to give to the " pagoda
tree." Lieutenant Colonel Stapleton Cotton (afterwards

102 FALL OF MYSORE [i797

Lord Combermere) in a letter from Madras in January 1797,
wrote —

" As the command of a station is everything here . . .
I am very desirous of getting the rank of Colonel, which
would ensure a command. An officer commanding at any
station receives full batta, which, if a Colonel, is very
considerable. I now only receive half batta, as a Lieutenant
Colonel, and my King's pay. On the Bengal establishment
every officer receives full batta, and the Commanding
Officer double full batta. A Bengal command is a sure
fortune in five years. General Floyd is now (including his
King's pay as Major General and Lieutenant Colonel of
the I pth Light Dragoons, his Company's pay, and his
allowance from the Company and the Nizam as Command-
ant of the Southern District) in the receipt of from £14,000
to £16,000."

Events were in progress, that were, before long, destined
to bring the British armies in India into the field again.
British authority in India was menaced by French hostility
in a peculiarly subtle and dangerous form. The memory
of his defeats and losses in 1792, had long rankled in
Tippoo's mind, and his animosity against the English was
inflamed by the numerous French officers in his employ,
through whom he maintained informal relations with
France. In Hyderabad, there was a fairly disciplined
force of 14,000 infantry, with an adequate proportion of
artillery, commanded by French officers in the Nizam's
service, who flew the tricolour flag, and were in secret
correspondence with Tippoo. In upper India, Scindia's
disciplined battalions were also commanded by a French
officer. Fortunately, the Mahrattas were at this time too
much occupied with their own quarrels to meddle with
affairs in the South. The news of French successes, under
Bonaparte, induced Tippoo to believe that the time had
arrived to strike a blow against the English.

In March 1796, he dispatched an embassy to Cabul,
inviting Zeman Shah to invade India, conquer Delhi, and

1798] THE FRENCH AT HYDERABAD 103

join hands with him in destroying the British, the
Portuguese, the Mahrattas, and the Nizam. In the
following year, Tippoo despatched ambassadors to the
Mauritius, proposing an offensive and defensive alliance
against the English, and asking for a French force, which
he engaged to pay and to furnish with all necessary supplies.
But the Governor of the Mauritius had no troops to spare,
and could only send under 100 men, among whom were
several officers and artificers, who landed in India in April
1798. A few weeks later, Tippoo despatched an embassy
to Paris. In May 1798, Lord Mornington, afterwards
known as the Marquis of Wellesley, arrived in India to
take up the office of Governor General, and Tippoo's
dealings with the French became known, a few days after
his arrival. It was known also that a great French
expedition was preparing in the Mediterranean, which
was believed to be aimed at Egypt, as in fact it was. The
times were critical, and demanded prompt action : the new
Governor General was not the man to waste time, when
action was required. The first move made by Lord
Mornington was to break up the force at Hyderabad,
which for the moment was the most dangerous factor in
the situation. The Nizam and his ministers were loyal to
the British alliance, but the French officers present had
become possessed of so much influence, that the Hyderabad
Government had lost control of them, while their arrogance
and overbearing conduct filled the Nizam and his ministers
with alarm. The Nizam therefore willingly entered into a
Treaty engaging himself to get rid of his French officers,
and to break up the formidable body they had created.
By dexterous measures, and by taking advantage of a
mutiny that occurred in the force, it was surrounded and
disarmed without bloodshed, on 22nd October. One
hundred and twenty-four French officers, whose lives were
at the time in danger from their own men, were removed

104 FALL OF MYSORE [1799

and shipped off to Calcutta, and a serious danger suc-
cessfully averted.* Four days before this occurrence,
intelligence of the invasion of Egypt by Bonaparte reached
Calcutta. Meanwhile, by way of precaution against a
sudden blow from Tippoo, a force was collected at
Wallajabad, among which was the igth Light Dragoons,
who marched from Trichinopoly at the beginning of
August. From Wallajabad the regiment was moved to
Madras ; their muster roll, dated 2Oth September, shows
that they were cantoned at the Mount on that date. The
effective strength of the regiment, then present, was 361 of
all ranks ; of whom 1 2 were recruits recently received from
England, and 30 were volunteers from the I2th, ipth, 73rd,
and 74th Regiments. So valuable were European Cavalry,
that on the bare prospect of war their numbers were at
once filled up from the Infantry. The dispersal of the
French Contingent at Hyderabad having been accomplished,
Lord Mornington addressed Tippoo with regard to his
dealings with the French Government. Preparations were
at the same time made for an advance on Seringapatam
from the Bombay coast, while the Madras forces assembled
at Vellore. Tippoo's replies were evasive. His object
was to gain time, till the arrival of the expected French
force. Delay was dangerous, and it was evident that
further negotiations could lead to no good result, s©, early
in February 1 799, the advance of the army was determined
on. Meanwhile, Shah Zeman had reached Lahore, and,
though he was unable to advance farther south, and was
forced to return to Cabul, on account of his own territories

* Among the Europeans in the Nizam's service was one Captain Finglass,
who had formerly been a Quarter Master in the iQth Light Dragoons. He
commanded a corps, and, in company with another corps commander, an
American named Boyd, made known his determination to uphold the
Company's authority against French intrigues. Some time after the disarma-
ment of the Nizam's troops he was reinstated in his position in the Nizam's
service.

i799l GALLOPER GUNS 105

being invaded by Persia, his presence in the Punjab
necessitated the preparation of a British force in the North,
to hold him in check.

Up till this time the artillery of the British Army in
India was entirely drawn by bullocks. An attempt to
furnish artillery of greater mobility was now made. While
the army lay at Vellore, an order was issued for attaching
to each regiment of European dragoons and native Cavalry
two 6 Pr. guns, in order to increase their independent
action.

" The plan adopted by Government for attaching flying
artillery to the cavalry corps having been communicated to
the heads of regiments respectively, the Commander in
Chief is now pleased to direct that the detail of European
artillery and gun lascars to be attached to each regiment
be sent to the several corps from the 1st and 2nd battalions
of artillery agreeably to the following arrangements, viz :

1 Lieutenant Fireworker, I Serjeant, I Corporal, I Syrang,

2 Second Tindals and 20 Lascars for each regiment of
European dragoons, and I Serjeant, I Gunner, I First
Tindal, and 18 Lascars for each regiment of native Cavalry.
(G.O.C.C. 1 3th January 1799)." *

Little mention of these guns is anywhere made during
the ensuing campaign, though their efficiency on subsequent
occasions is frequently mentioned. Thorn, the historian of
the Mahratta War, writing four years later of the formation
of the army under the Commander in Chief, says : —

" Among the different military improvements practised
on these occasions, the use of the galloper guns was one of
the most important, as afterwards appeared in the terror
which they produced on the Mahratta horse. Two of
these guns, of six pounders, were attached to each regiment;
and nothing could exceed the celerity and exactness of the
manoeuvres made with them at full speed by this large
body of cavalry &c. &c." f

* In November 1802 the number of gun lascars was reduced to I First
Tindal and 10 men for each European Regiment,
t Thorn.

106 FALL OF MYSORE [i799

In spite of the good service done by the galloper guns
on many occasions, difficulties as to their control in the
field frequently arose, after the formation of a corps of
artillery drawn by horses, in 1805, owing to their not having
formed an integral part of the Regiment they were attached
to.

At first the guns closely attended'their regiment, in action,
seconding its efforts with their fire when possible. In line
of battle they were placed in pairs, in the intervals between
different corps. After a time this system was discontinued,
and the guns were brigaded together under command of a
Cavalry officer, or they were brigaded with Artillery guns,
in which case difficulties arose as to. their command. In
1815, it was ordered that, whenever galloper guns were
brigaded, they should be commanded by an Artillery
officer. But complaints were made that the want of
uniform training rendered them unfit to be brigaded with
Horse Artillery guns, and they were finally abolished in
May 1819.

The i pth Light Dragoons, taking their galloper guns
with them, as well as those for the 25th Light Dragoons
and the ist Native Cavalry, marched from Madras on 23rd
January, to join the army under General Harris, which was
assembled at Vellore to the number of nearly 21,000 men.
On the 1 4th February, the whole force moved forward.
The Cavalry under Major General Floyd comprised the
1 9th, 430 strong, the 25th Dragoons, and four Regiments of
Native Cavalry : 2635 sabres in all, divided into two
Brigades. On the 2Oth, the army was joined by 16,000
men from Hyderabad, about 10,000 of which were the con-
tingent furnished by the Nizam, who, throughout the
campaign, co-operated most heartily with the British
Commander. The command of the Nizam's Contingent
was given to Colonel the Honourable Arthur Wellesley,*

* Afterwards Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington.

1799] BATTLE OF MALLAVELLY 107

who had with him also his own regiment, the 33rd Foot.
Simultaneously, the force from Bombay consisting of 6400
men under Lieutenant General Stuart,* advanced from
Cannanore, and, on 2nd March, encamped on the Mysore
frontier, near Periapatam.

Marching by Rycottah, General Harris crossed the
Mysore frontier on 5th, and directed his march northwards,
as if for the purpose of attacking Bangalore. When in
sight of that place he turned southwards, and encamped
five miles from Mallavelly, on the 26th March. Meanwhile,
Tippoo had not been idle. On the 6th, he crossed the
frontier near Periapatam, and attempted to cut off a
detached Brigade of the Bombay force at Sedaseer. In
spite of his great numerical superiority, the attack was
repulsed with heavy loss, and Tippoo withdrew to
Seringapatam. He had between seventy and eighty
thousand men, about thirty thousand of which were in or
near Seringapatam, the whole in a state of complete
efficiency.

As General Harris' force approached their camping
ground, on the 26th, the Cavalry found themselves con-
fronted by a large body of the enemy commanded by
Tippoo in person. As the Infantry closed up, the Sultan
slowly moved off, and the British force encamped within
sight of the enemy, who withdrew towards Mallavelly. At
daybreak, on the 27th, the army marched on Mallavelly,
while the Nizam's contingent under Wellesley moved
parallel to it, on the left, enclosing the baggage between
the two bodies. The front was covered by Major General
Floyd with five regiments of Cavalry. On approaching
Mallavelly, the heights beyond the village were seen to be
occupied by infantry, while a large force of cavalry were
on the British right. Wellesley's division was directed to

* Not the officer of the same name who was formerly Commander-in-Chief
in Madras,

io8 FALL OF MYSORE [1799

attack the enemy's right, supported by Floyd and his
cavalry, while the right wing of the army entered Malla-
velly, and attacked the enemy's centre. As the force
advanced, the enemy drew back, as though declining an
action, and preparations were made by the British troops
for marking out a new encampment. While this was in
progress, the enemy suddenly opened fire from twelve or
fourteen guns, which did some execution. Upon this, the
infantry picquets, the 25th Light Dragoons and a Native
Cavalry Regiment pushed forward, and occupied a village
in front of the enemy's left, in which was a party of the
enemy's horse and rocket men, while the rest of the
army formed line of battle. In the meanwhile, Colonel
Wellesley's division advanced, supported by Major General
Floyd, with the igth Light Dragoons, and ist and 3rd
regiments of Native cavalry. As the British force ad-
vanced, nearly simultaneous attacks were made by the
enemy on both flanks. On the right a large body of
cavalry hovered on the flanks, while a smaller corps
charged the ist Brigade under Major General Baird. The
steady fire of the I2th Foot and the Scotch Brigade re-
pulsed them with considerable loss. On the left, a
body of men, about 2000 strong, advanced in good order
against the 33rd, till it was thrown into confusion by a
heavy fire at sixty paces' distance. Seizing the moment,
Floyd charged with his three regiments of Cavalry, and
completely routed them, taking six standards and sabreing
many men. " Into them, with disciplined impetuosity,
dashed General Floyd at the head of the old ipth Light
Dragoons and two regiments of Native Cavalry, who in
a few minutes sabred nearly the whole of the fugitives." *
The retreat of the enemy became general, as the advance
of the British continued, and by two o'clock they had
completely withdrawn from the field. After the action,

* Lord Combermerfs correspondence.

1799] SIEGE OF SERINGAPATAM 109

the army returned and camped near Mallavelly. This
success was purchased with a loss of only seven killed,
fifty-three wounded and six missing. The igth Light
Dragoons, which suffered the most among the Cavalry
Regiments, had eight wounded, among them Captain
Kennedy, three horses killed, twenty-two wounded, and
three missing. It is said that, of the column charged by
Major General Floyd, all but 230 were put hors de
combat.

On the 29th and 3<Dth, the army crossed the Cauvery
at Sosilay. This move was entirely unexpected by Tippoo,
who had made up his mind that the army would march
directly on Seringapatam to attack it, as Cornwallis had
attacked it seven years before. In this belief, he had
wasted the whole country in the vicinity on the north
bank of the river. By this adroit move General Harris
was favourably situated to join hands with the Bombay
force on its arrival, while he was able to draw abundant
supplies from the villages in his neighbourhood, and from
the rich country in his rear, which Tippoo had preserved
for himself. Continuing his march westward, within five
miles of Seringapatam, and watched, but not molested by
Tippoo's cavalry, General Harris took up ground for the
siege, on the 5th April, opposite the west face of the fort
of Seringapatam, and at a distance of two miles from it.
The left of the army rested on the river ; the cavalry were
encamped in the rear of the army.

On the 6th April at daybreak, Floyd with four
regiments of Cavalry, among them the iQth Light
Dragoons, six regiments of Infantry, twenty guns, and a
corps of the Nizam's horse, marched westward to join
the Bombay force under Major General Stuart, On the
8th, he established communication with Stuart, and on
the loth, the two forces were united at Periapatam.
During the whole march, Floyd's force was closely

no FALL OF MYSORE [1799

attended by the enemy's cavalry, who were however
unable to make any impression.

The Rajah of Coorg, our constant and loyal ally, had
accompanied Major General Stuart to Periapatam, from
which place he was to return to look after his own
territories, and to arrange for forwarding supplies to the
army.

" His romantic character rendered him an object of
peculiar interest to General Floyd and the officers of the
division from the eastward ; and a squadron of the igth
Dragoons sent as an escort with General Stuart (the first
European cavalry the Rajah had ever seen) was a novelty
at which he expressed his admiration. . . . He accepted
with enthusiasm the invitation to see the line of the
eastern division under arms, and was received with suitable
honours. He expressed a just admiration, but continued after
his return to General Floyd 's tent, to testify his particular
and unwearied admiration of the ipth regiment, intimating a
wish to procure at a proper time for his own personal use,
one of the dragoon's swords. . . . On his rising to take
leave General Floyd unclasped his own sword, and in a
few words judiciously suited to the occasion, begged that
he might be permitted to present it for the Rajah's use." *

At half-past seven in the evening of the I3th, Floyd's
signal guns were heard in General Harris' camp, and were
answered ten minutes later to show that they were under-
stood.! Twenty-four hours later, the united forces of
Floyd and Stuart joined General Harris in front of

* Wilkfs Mysore.

f " Time and the number of guns formed the principle of our signals ; for
example, three guns at half-past seven denoted a position two marches from
Seringapatam : two guns at eight might have denoted any other communica-
tion. And in this manner may detachments or armies on some occasions
communicate intelligence, which, by messenger, might be impracticable.
To ascertain that the signal of the Bombay army was understood, it was
agreed to fire the same number of guns, in our camp ten minutes afterwards."
— Beatsorts Mysore War. General Floyd's signal to establish communication
with General Stuart on the 8th was two guns fired precisely at four o'clock ;
and, a little afterwards, four guns at intervals of a minute each. In about
half an hour afterwards the same signal was repeated. — Memoirs of a Field
Officer.

1799] LETTERS FOR THE ARMY in

Seringapatam. On the same date letters reached the
army from the Governor General congratulating them
on the success at Mallavelly. These letters were brought
by a native messenger, written on a very narrow slip of
paper, and sealed up in a quill. This was the general
method of communication, public and private, as would
appear from the following notice in the Calcutta Gazette.

Fort William, Public Department, iQtk April 1799.

" Notice is hereby given that all letters, whether
public or private, for the Grand Army in the
Field, are in future to be limited to a small slip
of paper not exceeding one eighth of a sheet
of quarter-post, rolled (not folded up), which
restriction will continue until further notice."

Some of these notes, 2 inches wide by 6| inches long,
are still in existence.

Some solicitude was experienced at this time con-
cerning supplies, and the cavalry were busily employed
in protecting and bringing in convoys. On the i6th,
Floyd, with five regiments of cavalry and the left wing
of the army, brought in a party of Brinjarries who had
been sent out to the southward to collect cattle and grain.
On the 1 9th, Floyd marched again with the whole of the
regular cavalry, a brigade of infantry, and the Nizam's
cavalry, towards the Coveripoorum Pass, for the purpose
of protecting two large convoys of provisions en route from
Coimbatore and the Baramahal. On the 3Oth, he was
joined by the convoy from Rykottah, at the head of the
Pass, but it was not till the 6th May that the Coimbatore
convoy arrived, and on the nth, the whole returned to
Seringapatam bringing with them forty thousand bullocks,
most of which carried loads of grain, twenty-one thousand
nine hundred sheep and other necessaries, thus placing the
subsistence of the army out of danger for many days.

ii2 FALL OF MYSORE [1799

But the campaign was already at an end. A practic-
able breach having been made, at one o'clock on the 4th
May, Seringapatam was stormed by the British troops, and
after two hours' desperate fighting the British colours were
planted in the fortress. Tippoo's dead body was found at
night under a heap of slain, the short-lived Mahommedan
Kingdom of Mysore was at an end, and the most imminent
menace to British rule in India was averted. This gallant feat
of arms cost the British force a loss of 367 in killed, wounded,
and missing, of whom 321 were Europeans. Nine hundred
and twenty-nine guns and an enormous quantity of warlike
material fell into the hands of the victors. The French
officers found in Seringapatam had commissions from the
French Government. By Tippoo's orders, all the European
prisoners who fell into his hands during the siege had been
barbarously put to death. A number of prisoners also,
who had fallen into his hands in former wars, and who had
been detained, in breach of agreements in 1784 and 1792,
were massacred by his orders at the commencement of
hostilities.

In an order published after the siege, General Harris thus
spoke of the Cavalry Division : —

"The advantage derived from the exertions of the
Cavalry upon every occasion, although opposed by such
superior numbers on the part of the enemy, are so important,
as to give this corps the strongest claims to the warmest
approbation of the Commander in Chief, which he requests
Major General Floyd will take an early occasion of convey-
ing to them."

The 1 9th Light Dragoons remained in Mysore during
the settlement of the country, in the course of which the
representative of the old ruling family was replaced on
the Mysore throne. On the 1 3th November they parted
from Wellesley at Ooscottah, and marched for Vellore, and
so back to their old quarters at Trichinopoly, which they
reached about the end of the year.

1799] BADGE FOR SERItfGAPATAM 113

Great reluctance appears to have been felt by the
Government in England, to treat services performed under
the East India Company as worthy of recognition by the
Crown. The Court of Directors issued a medal in 1808 to
the officers and men of the King's and Company's troops who
had taken part in the operations in Mysore, but the royal
permission for the King's troops to wear the medal in
England was not granted till 1815, in which year General
Harris was raised to the peerage for his services in 1799.
In 1818 his lordship made a special representation for some
permanent badge to be bestowed on the regiments con-
cerned, when permission to bear the word " Seringapatam "
on colours and appointments was granted.

HORSE GUARDS,

i^thjune 1818.

SIR,

I have the honour to acquaint you, that His
Royal Highness the Prince Regent, in the Name and on
the Behalf of His Majesty has been pleased to approve of
the 1 9th Regiment of Light Dragoons (Lancers) being
permitted to bear on its Colours and Appointments, in
addition to any other Badges or Devices which may have
heretofore been granted to the Regiment, the Word
" Seringapatam," in commemoration of the distinguished
gallantry displayed by the Regiment in the Storming and
Capture of Seringapatam, in the month of May 1/99.

I have &c.

HARRY CALVERT

A. G.

M. General

Sir J. O. VANDELEUR, K.CB.
Colonel of the I9th Lancers.

n4 DHOONDIA WAO [1800

CHAPTER VII

DHOONDIA WAO

1 8OO- 1 8O2

Floyd leaves igth — Dhoondia Wao — Force formed under Colonel
Wellesley to capture him — Advance on Ranee Bednore — Capture
of Koondgul, Dummul, Gudduck — Division of Dhoondia's force
destroyed at Manoli — Dhoondia doubles back — Again hemmed
in — Dhoondia crosses Malpurba river — Pursuit drawing to a
close — Dhoondia caught at Conaghul — Dhoondia killed, and his
force destroyed — iQth return to Mysore — The Rajah of Bullum —
Regiment ordered to Arcot.

FOR nearly nineteen years, ever since the regiment had
existed, the igih Light Dragoons had served under Major
General Floyd in quarters and in the field, and now the
time had come for separation. In January 1800, Floyd
sailed for England, the last of the officers originally
appointed to the regiment. Soon after his arrival in
England, he was appointed Colonel of the 26th Light
Dragoons, and his connection with his old regiment was
permanently severed. He afterwards become Colonel of
the 8th Light Dragoons, and was appointed Governor of
Gravesend and Tilbury. He maintained his interest in
everything calculated to improve our cavalry system to
the end of his life. A General Order from the Adjutant
General's office in Dublin, dated 7th October 1811, contains
a Riding Lesson, "suggested by Lieut. General Floyd,"
which Officers Commanding cavalry regiments are directed
to practise. It is the foundation of our present riding
school system. In 1816, he was created a Baronet for his
services, and died at the age of 70, two years later.

The regiment did not remain long at Trichinopoly. It

i8oo] ADVENTURERS IN INDIA 115

was soon called on to take part in a short but remarkable
campaign. When Seringapatam fell, there was a prisoner
in Tippoo's power, named Dhoondia Wao, a noted free-
booter, who had at one time been in the service of Hyder
Ali. During Lord Cornwallis' campaign in 1791-92, he
had deserted from the Mysore service. After the con-
clusion of peace, he collected a party of desperate men,
and committed depredations in the country round Dharwar.
Being hard pressed on one occasion by the Peishwa's
troops, he took refuge in Mysore territory, thinking to
make his peace with Tippoo. On falling into Tippoo's
hands, he was forcibly converted to Mohammedanism, and
thrown into prison, where he remained till Seringapatam
fell. In the confusion consequent on the capture of the
place, he was set at liberty by an officer who did not know
his character. He at once collected a number of Tippoo's
disbanded soldiers, and made for the Bednore district. In
the confusion consequent on the overthrow of Tippoo's
power, he gained possession of many of the principal forts
in the province. His adherents rapidly increased in
number, and he ravaged the surrounding country, his exac-
tions being accompanied by acts of the most atrocious
cruelty. Being provided with artillery, ammunition and
money, he asserted his right to the Bednore province, and
assumed the title of King of the Two Worlds. It was the
golden age of adventurers. Forty years earlier, Hyder
Ali had founded a kingdom on the ruins of the ancient
principality of Mysore. In the far north Runjeet Singh
was founding a Sikh State in the Punjab. Between the
Ganges and the Jumna, Perron was aiming at forming a
province under French protection. On the borders of the
Indian desert, Thomas, the Irish sailor, had established an
independent principality in Hurrianah, while other adven-
turers like Ameer Khan and Ghuffoor Khan, the future
founders of the States of Tonk and Jowrah, traversed the

u6 DHOONDIA WAO [1800

centre of India at the head of plundering hordes. Outside
British territory was universal confusion and anarchy, in
which any man possessed of a bold heart and a discerning
brain might hope to carve out a Kingdom for himself,
whatever his faith or nationality. Any Chief whose service
promised plenty of plunder could command a following,
which in a few months of successful enterprize might swell
to the dimensions of an army. But Dhoondia had neither
the talents nor the opportunity to become more than a
brigand on an unusually large scale.

Early in July 1799, the Commander in Chief sent two
flying columns into the field against him, and the Head
Quarters of the Army were also moved northwards for
the same purpose. Several forts in the hands of
Dhoondia's men were taken by storm, a number of the
freebooters were killed in various encounters, and, on the
1 7th August, Dhoondia himself was defeated and forced
to take refuge in the Peishwa's territory. There he was
attacked by one of the Peishwa's officers named Dhoondia
Punt Gokla, his elephants, bullocks, and guns captured,
and his remaining followers dispersed. It was thought
that the last had been heard of Dhoondia Wao, but in a
few months he was in the field again with a larger force
than ever. Having been joined by the whole of Tippoo's
disbanded cavalry and a number of disaffected men from
the Hyderabad country, he obtained possession of several
places in the Southern Mahratta country, and threatened to
re-enter Mysore. Dhoondia's head quarters were in what
is now the Dharwar district, from whence he ravaged
impartially the Peishwa's and Nizam's territories adjoining,
as well as the newly conquered Mysore country under
British administration. His belief, no doubt, was that the
three powers concerned would never act in unison, and
that, if at any time he was hard pressed on one side, he
would always be able to secure a retreat by crossing into

i8oo] WELLESLEY TAKES THE FIELD 117

the adjoining territory, where mutual jealousies would
afford him a temporary asylum. A force of 5000 horse and
a large body of infantry, sent against him by the Peishwa,
was defeated. His adherents increased in numbers, till it
was found that he was at the head of 40,000 men, and
beyond the control of the feeble government of the Peishwa,
in whose territory he had established himself. Owing to
these circumstances, in the beginning of May 1800, orders
were sent to Colonel the Honble A. Wellesley, who was in
full civil and military charge of Mysore, directing him to
assemble a field force, as speedily as possible, and pursue
and destroy Dhoondia Wao's forces wherever he should find
them. To prevent Dhoondia from again securing himself
by taking refuge in the Peishwa's country, the consent of
the Peishwa was obtained for the British troops to follow
Dhoondia into Mahratta territory, if necessary. The
campaign was one of unusual character. The task was
not the subjugation and occupation of a particular tract
of country, nor the coercion of an enemy with whom terms
were eventually to be made. The object in view was the
extirpation of a band of freebooters, whose numbers
had swelled to those of a formidable army, provided with
artillery and ample resources, and who had possessed them-
selves of a province belonging to a power with whom we
were in alliance. "You are to pursue Dhoondia Wao
wherever you may find him, and to hang him on the
first tree." So ran Wellesley's instructions. By the 24th
June, Wellesley's force, which assembled at Chitteldroog,
had crossed the Toombadra river near Hurryhur, and on
the 27th, it marched on Ranee Bednore. The force
consisted of H.M.'s iQth and 25th Light Dragoons, three
regiments of Native Cavalry, two regiments of European
Infantry, and five regiments of Native Infantry. A
detachment of the Hyderabad Subsidiary Force, between
three and four thousand strong, co-operated under Lieut.

n8 DHOONDIA WAO [1800

Colonel Bowser : the Peishwa also sent a force to assist,
acting independently. A body of the Nizam's horse also
joined Wellesley's force. On reaching Ranee Bednore,
the advanced guard was fired on : the fort was at once
attacked and carried by escalade, and Dhoondia's garrison,
about 500 in number, put to the sword. So atrocious had
been the cruelties committed by Dhoondia's men, that
quarter was seldom given to any of them found in arms.
The next few days were spent in clearing the neighbour-
hood of Dhoondia's partisans, and in obtaining supplies,
Wellesley then moved to Deogheri, where four days were
spent in making a bridge across the Werdah river, and
constructing a small redoubt to protect it. Meanwhile, a
disaster had occurred to the northward. Dhoondia Punt
Gokla, the Mahratta Chief who had inflicted a defeat on
Dhoondia Wao the previous year, was at Kittoor, with
10,000 horse, 5000 foot and eight guns, for the purpose of
co-operating with the British. He was suddenly attacked
by Dhoondia Wao on 3Oth June, his guns taken, his force
routed, and himself killed.

Wellesley, having crossed the Werdah river, marched
to Savanoor on the I2th July, leaving a small detachment
to protect the bridge. The plan Wellesley had in his mind,
and which he eventually carried out, begins to appear. It
was to seize all fortified places in Dhoondia's hands, and, if
he still remained in arms, gradually drive him eastwards
into one of the narrow angles formed by the Kistna,
Toombadra and other rivers, and destroy him. It was the
time of full monsoon, and the rivers could only be crossed
by the aid of boats, which were difficult to procure. If
Dhoondia was kept constantly on the move, he would be
unable to make them. At Savanoor, Wellesley received
news that Dhoondia was advancing to attack him. He
accordingly took up a position in front of the town.
Dhoondia reconnoitred the position, and retreated, without

i8oo] DUMMUL— GUDDUCK— MANOLI 119

attacking, to Koondgul. Wellesley followed him, and,
reaching that place after a twenty-two mile march, and
after the troops had been above twelve hours under arms,
carried it by escalade on the same day, But Dhoondia
had gone on, leaving only a garrison of 600 men behind
him. On the i6th, Wellesley relieved Sirhetty which was
being besieged by one of Dhoondia's adherents, and then
returned to Savanoor for the baggage and stores he had
left behind there in his rapid advance.

On the 1 9th, Wellesley was joined at Savanoor by the
Mahratta Cavalry that had been so roughly handled on the
3Oth June, when Dhoondia Punt Gokla was killed, and
on the 22nd, he moved in the direction of Dummul, where
the King of the Two Worlds was said to be. Dhoondia
had however moved off, leaving a garrison of 1000 men in
the place. The garrison was summoned, but refused to
surrender. The place was immediately attacked and
carried by escalade, 26th July. On the following day,
Wellesley marched to Gudduck, and occupied the fort
which was evacuated before his arrival. Dhoondia, having
thus lost all his forts in Savanoor and in the Dharwar
country, moved northwards with the intention of crossing
the river Malpurba. While encamped at Soondooti, he
heard of Wellesley's approach, and broke up his army into
three divisions. One division with the baggage encamped
opposite Manoli, without crossing the river. Wellesley's
intention had been to await the arrival of Lieut. Colonel
Bowser's column that was operating to the eastward, but
on hearing of the division of Dhoondia's force, and of the
baggage being on the Malpurba near Manoli, he resolved to
attack at once. Making a rapid march of twenty-six miles,
he fell upon the enemy with the cavalry at 3 o'clock
in the afternoon of the 3Oth, effecting a complete surprise.
The enemy were driven into the river, where great
numbers of those who escaped the swords of the horse-

120 DHOONDIA WAO [1800

men were drowned : six guns, and a great number of
animals, especially horses, were captured, and the whole
force destroyed.

Meanwhile, Dhoondia with another Division had
doubled back westward along the south bank of the
Malpurba. His adherents were beginning to leave him.
Part of the Hyderabad detachment, augmented by a
native cavalry regiment from Wellesley's force, was now
placed under Colonel Stevenson, and directed to follow
Dhoondia along the Malpurba, while Wellesley moved
parallel with Stevenson in the same direction, at a distance
of fifteen miles from the river. On the 5th August,
Wellesley reached Kittoor, where he halted for some days,
for the purpose of making boats to cross the Malpurba.
Here he learned that Dhoondia had crossed the Malpurba
near its sources, and had again turned eastward to Cowdel-
ghee. Stevenson meanwhile had marched on Hanoor.
Dhoondia's track was marked by the dead bodies of human
beings and animals.

The 1 6th, i;7th and i8th were occupied by Wellesley in
crossing the Malpurba, to Hoobli : Lieut. Colonel Capper with
a Brigade of infantry and a regiment of native cavalry were
left on the south side of the river. At this time, Stevenson
was marching along the south bank of the Gutpurba river
by Hanoor, Gokauk, Cowdelghee and Bhagelcottah ;
Bowser was at Shapoor ; while Wellesley moved eastwards
along the north bank of the Malpurba. Dhoondia was
steadily being pressed into the fork of the Gutpurba and
Malpurba rivers. South of the Malpurba, Capper was
moving parallel with the other British forces, through
Soondooti, Hooli, and Jellahal. The only chance of
Dhoondia's escape was by a ford across the Malpurba, a
little above its junction with the Kistna, but the swollen
state of the river seemed to render the passage improbable.
Still, to provide for this contingency, the Mahratta cavalry

i8oo] DHOONDIA HARD PRESSED 121

with Capper were directed to push on and hold the ford;
but the rough handling they had received on the 3Oth June,
at Kittoor, was still fresh in their minds, and they refused
to leave the British camp. As fortune would have it, the
improbable happened. The Malpurba suddenly fell, and
Dhoondia crossed it on the 24th and 25th. He was how-
ever obliged to abandon five guns, some ammunition,
arms &c. and ten thousand grain-carrying bullocks, all of
which fell into Wellesley's hands. Capper, who had taken
the forts of Hooli and Syringhi by escalade on the 22nd,
was at Jellahal when he crossed.

Dhoondia was now in the fork of the Kistna and
Toombadra rivers, and had placed himself, for the moment,
so far on the flank of his pursuers that, by rapid marching,
he might have doubled back to Savanoor, where he would
have done much mischief in destroying supplies prepared
for Wellesley ; or he might have crossed the Toombadra,
with the aid of some local Chiefs who were believed to be
favourable to him, and entered Mysore. To prevent the
execution of either design, Wellesley crossed the Malpurba
at Jellahal, and marched, first to Hunmunsagur, and then
southward to Khanagheri, which he reached on the 7th
September : Stevenson continued his march westward,
crossed the Malpurba, and reached Hoonagoonda, on the
5th ; from thence he continued eastward towards Deodroog.
Between the two forces, were the Nizam's and Peishwa's
horse, collected in one body. The chase was now drawing
to a close. On the 8th, Wellesley left Khanagheri with
the cavalry, and pressed on to Buswapore, the infantry
and baggage following more slowly. On the 9th, he
reached Yepalpurri, the infantry being fifteen miles be-
hind at Shinoor. On the same day, Dhoondia broke
up his camp at Mudgheri and moved northwards
towards the Kistna, but, sighting Stevenson's force,
he turned south again, and encamped three miles

122 DHOONDIA WAO [1800

from Conaghul, and about nine miles from Wellesley at
Yepalpurri.

Wellesley had news of Dhoondia's position the same
evening, but the night was so bad, and the horses of the
cavalry so fatigued, that he did not move till next day.
Marching early on the loth, he came on Dhoondia's force,
consisting of about 5000 horsemen, at Conaghul six miles
from Yepalpurri. Dhoondia had left his camp and bag-
gage, and was on the march westward, with the view of
passing between the Nizam's and Mahratta cavalry and
Wellesley's force, which he believed to be at Shinoor. He
drew up at once in a very strong position, with his rear
and left flank covered by the village and rock of Conaghul,
" and stood for some time with apparent firmness."
Wellesley formed the ipth and 2$th Light Dragoons and
ist and 2nd Native Cavalry into one line, and charged at
their head.

" Such was the rapidity and determination of the charge
made by those four regiments, which I was obliged to
form in one line in order at all to equalise in length that of
the enemy, that the whole gave way, and were pursued by
my cavalry for many miles." * Dhoondia's body was re-
cognised among the slain, and brought into camp on a
galloper gun of the 19th. The same evening, Colonel
Stevenson came up with the remains of the retreating
enemy near Deodroog, and entirely dispersed them, captur-
ing their remaining guns, baggage and cattle.

The episode of Dhoondia Wao is an instance of the
danger likely to arise out of the overthrow of a military
government, when a large number of disbanded men are
suddenly thrown out of employ without means of subsis-
tence. It was the overthrow of Tippoo's kingdom and
the dispersal of his large army that enabled Dhoondia to
gather together so formidable a force. In like manner, it

* Wellesley coii-espondence.

i8oi] THE RAJAH OF BULLUM 123

was the disbanding of so many French officers and soldiers
in 1814, that gave Napoleon's return from Elba a chance of
success, and, in more recent times, the trouble that arose
after the conquest of Burmah in 1886 was partly due to
the large number of armed men suddenly deprived of
means of subsistence, and left without control.

The short three months' campaign had been a most
harassing one to the troops, and especially to the cavalry,
while it lasted. Writing to the Commander in Chief, at
the close of operations, Wellesley says "The igth and
25th Light Dragoons were in fine order when they joined
the force, and I am happy to say they remain so in spite of
the very harassing nature of the operations in which they
have been engaged."

The i Qth had been commanded by Major Paterson
during the campaign. At its close the regiment returned
to Seringapatam with Wellesley. Early in 1801, they
were moved to Cheyloor. The country was still in a very
disturbed state. Several of the Hindoo feudatory Chiefs,
known as Polygars, claimed independence for themselves
on the overthrow of Tippoo's rule ; and, from their jungle
fastnesses, committed depredations on the surrounding
country. Chief among them were the Pyche Rajah,
Kistnapah Naik, and a zemindar chief who styled himself
the Rajah of Bullum. The Mysore forces were unable
to deal effectually with them without the aid of British
troops. Towards the end of the year, arrangements were
made to settle accounts with the Rajah of Bullum, and,
on the 8th January 1802, Wellesley left Seringapatam
with 540 European infantry of the 77th and the Regiment
de Meuron, four battalions of Sepoys, 500 pioneers, ten
guns, and four mortars. On the 8th, he was joined, at
Chinroypatam, by the iQth Light Dragoons, under Major
Paterson, and the 5th Native Cavalry, with their galloper
guns.

124 DHOONDIA WAO [1802

The Rajah of Bullum occupied a tract of dense forest,
called Arrekeery, near the Coorg border, about eighteen
miles in circumference, covering the approach to Mysore
by the Bissolee Pass. In this tract of forest were a
number of fortified villages defended by dense bamboo
hedges, and all approaches through the forest were
defended by bamboo barriers. For two years the
Bullum Rajah had been able to defy the newly re-
suscitated power of the Mysore Rajah ; plundering the
adjoining British districts in Canara, and closing the
road between Mysore and the coast. After three days
spent in reconnoitring the ground, Wellesley delivered
his attack at 10 A.M. on the i6th. The infantry,
in three divisions, entered the forest simultaneously at
three different points. The I9th accompanied the column
headed by Wellesley, which was destined to attack the
principal posts. The attack was completely successful,
and, after a brief conflict, all resistance ceased. The loss
of the troops was trifling. The iQth had two men
wounded. The Rajah managed to escape, but was
captured three weeks later by some Mysore horsemen.
Before returning to Seringapatam, Wellesley reviewed the
1 9th at Hassan on the I3th February, when he issued the
following brief order : " Colonel Wellesley will have great
pleasure in reporting to the Commander-in-Chief the
excellent state in which he found the I9th Light
Dragoons." The Regiment then marched to Sara, where
arrangements were made to build barracks for them.
Hardly were the barracks completed, when so much
sickness broke out in the regiment, that they were
moved back to their old quarters at Cheyloor at the
beginning of June. A fortnight later, as matters did
not improve, they were ordered to Arcot They were
soon to take the field again, to encounter the most
formidable army then existing in India.

i8o3J INDIA IN 1803 125

CHAPTER VIII

INDIA IN 1803

State of affairs in India in 1803 — The Mahratta Confederacy — The
Peishwa — Scindia — European Adventurers in India — Scindia's
disciplined forces — Perron— Quarrels among the Mahratta Chiefs
— Peishwa takes refuge in Bombay — Places himself under protec-
tion of the British — Scindia's hostility aroused — Mahratta com-
bination against the British— Peishwa restored to Poona — Pre-
parations for hostilities — Summary of campaign that followed.

IN order to understand the state of affairs existing in
India at the beginning of 1803, a brief retrospect is
necessary. The Mogul Empire had ceased to exist
except in name. The old Emperor Shah Alum, still
occupied the palace at Delhi, but only as a blind
pensioner of the Mahrattas. Everywhere on the ruins
of Mahommedan rule new Hindoo States had come into
vigorous existence, and were even beginning to quarrel
over the spoils. In the North the Sikhs, and to the
East the Goorkhas, were fast forming powerful States.
In the South, the short-lived kingdom of Hyder Ali and
Tippoo had been swept out of existence, while the power
of the Nizam was gradually growing weaker under the
encroachment of his Mahratta neighbours. In the great
tract of country stretching from the Sutlej to the Kistna,
and from the Company's territories in Bengal to the Bay
of Cambay, a tract measuring approximately a thousand
miles from North to South, and from East to West, the
supremacy of the Mahratta Chiefs was complete. Cal-
cutta, Benares, Bombay, Hyderabad, and Madras were
all within easy striking distance of their predatory hordes.
Their principal Chiefs were the Rajah of Satara, the
Peishwa with his seat of government at Poona, the

i26 INDIA IN 1803 [1803

Scindia with his capital at Oojain, the Holkar whose
capital was at Indore, the Gaekwar at Baroda, the
Bhonslay of Berar, whose capital was Nagpore, and the
Rajah of Kolapore. The nominal Chiefship of the whole
confederacy rested in the Rajah of Satara, the descendant
of Sivaji, the founder of the Mahratta power. But the
Satara Rajahs had long sunk into the grade of petty
princes devoid of military or political influence. As the
power of the Satara Rajahs declined, that of the Peishwa,
the hereditary Prime Minister, rose. Ruling at first in
the name of the Satara Chief, the Peishwas had in time
grown into independent princes, wielding the whole power
of the Mahratta Confederacy. But the power of the
Peishwas in its turned waned, so that, in 1776, the
Peishwa Rughonath Rao was forced to seek asylum
with the English in Bombay. Since then a partial
revival of the Peishwa's power had taken place under the
protection of Scindia, who had become the foremost
Chief in the Confederacy ; and partly owing to the
abilities of the Peishwa's Minister, Nana Farnawis.

At the beginning of 1803, Scindia was the most power-
ful Chief in India. Drawing great revenues from a vast
area, he held Delhi with its pensioner monarch in the
North, received tribute from the Rajpoot States in the
centre, and had a predominant voice in the Councils of the
Poona Court in the Deccan. The fiction of ruling in the
name of the Satara Chief had long ceased to be maintained :
government in the name of the Peishwa was fast becoming
a fiction. A cardinal point in the policy of Nana Farnawis
was to promote friendship with the English Government,
in order to preserve some check on Scindia's predominance.
One of the most important sources of Scindia's power was
the large force maintained by him, disciplined and
commanded by Europeans. At that date, India swarmed
with adventurers of every nationality, two-thirds of whom

1803] SCINDIA'S POWER 127

were of French extraction. Their presence in India was

an important factor in the politics of the day. Every

Chief, however unimportant he might be, had Europeans to

lead his troops. The first Chief in India to thoroughly

recognize the importance of European organization and

discipline had been Hyder Ali of Mysore. But his efforts

had been directed rather to forming complete Corps of

European Artillery, Cavalry, and Infantry, which never

exceeded a few hundreds in number. He also had many

Europeans as leaders of his native troops, but little was

done by him to discipline native troops on the European

model. It was Madho Rao Scindia who first developed the

system of disciplining his native troops in European fashion

under the celebrated De Boigne, which quickly rendered

him the most powerful Chief in India. At the time of

which we are treating, his nephew and successor, Dowlut

Rao Scindia, had in his service a force estimated at 43,650

men, with 464 guns, armed and disciplined in European

fashion, and commanded by Europeans. This formidable

body of men had lived in a state of continuous warfare ever

since it was first raised in 1784. At the head of Scindia's

disciplined forces was the Frenchman Perron, who, had

raised himself practically to an independent position.

Acting as Scindia's lieutenant in the North, he ruled over a

great tract of country, extending from the Jumna to the

foot of the Himalayas, and from the Sutlej to the Chumbul,

and, owing to difficulties in which Scindia had become

recently involved in the Deccan, he entertained dreams of

independence. Perron was known to be in correspondence

with the French Directory at Paris, and the British

government was again threatened with the possibility of

the establishment of French power in India on the ruins of

the Native States in the North-West and the Deccan.

Perron and the British Governor General each recognised

in the other his most formidable foe. Next in importance

128 INDIA IN 1803 [1803

to Scindia, among the Mahratta Chiefs, was Holkar, whose
military talents made him Scindia's most dangerous rival.
His disciplined battalions, commanded by Europeans, were
second only in number and efficiency to Scindia's. Fortu-
nately the dissensions between these Chiefs had reached a
height that made co-operation between them out of the
question.

From the conclusion of the Treaty of Salbye, i/th May
1782, to the end of 1802, no serious clash of interests had
occurred between the British government and the Mahratta
Chiefs. While Scindia and Holkar alternately extended
their conquests at the expense of the Mahommedan and
Rajpoot States, or strove together for supremacy at Poonah,
the British Government preserved an attitude of neutrality,
till events occurred that led Scindia into direct collision
with the British power.

In 1798, dissensions broke out between Scindia and the
widows of his late uncle Madho Rao Scindia ; in the
following year, the ladies fled for protection to the Rajah
of Kolapore, who was then at war with the Peishwa.
Raising a large force, the Kolapore Chief advanced on
Poona, and severe fighting ensued. The Peishwa and
Scindia were hard pressed, the flame spread, and the whole
Southern Mahratta country was thrown into disorder.
Taking advantage of his rival's difficulties, Holkar took the
field in Malwa, and ravaged Scindia's territories. Perron
meanwhile was fully occupied in the North in preparations
to resist a threatened Afghan invasion, and could render no
assistance to his master. At this juncture Nana Farnawis
died (i3th March 1800), and a fresh dispute over his
property arose between Scindia and the Peishwa. Fresh
umbrage was taken by Scindia at the permission granted
by the Peishwa for British troops to follow Dhoondia Wao
into Mahratta territory. In the midst of these embarrass-
ments, Scindia's presence in Malwa to oppose Holkar

i8o3] MAHRATTA QUARRELS 129

became imperatively necessary, and he left Poona. His
movements were, however, so slow and ill-considered that
Holkar was able to overwhelm in succession two of his
disciplined brigades, under M'Intyre and Hessing (July
1801), and plundered Oojain. Roused by this disaster,
Scindia quickly dealt a counterstroke on the I4th Oct.
1 80 1, when he signally defeated Holkar in front of Indore,
and plundered that city. Failing however to follow up the
blow, his possessions in Kandeish were devastated by
Holkar, who was soon in the field again, moving towards
Poona. Scindia's General, Sadasheo Bhow, interposed
between Holkar's army and the capital ; but Holkar was
not to be denied, and, on 25th Oct. 1802, the combined
armies of Scindia and the Peishwa were completely
defeated at Poona, after a sanguinary engagement which
was fought under the eyes of the British Resident.
Dismayed at this catastrophe, the Peishwa fled to the
coast, where he was received on board a British vessel, and
conveyed to Bassein, near Bombay. There, on the 3ist
December, was signed the Treaty of Bassein, by which
the Peishwa formally placed himself under the protection
and guidance of the British Govt, with whom he concluded
an offensive and defensive alliance. It soon became
evident that the Peishwa's treaty had aroused Scindia's
hostility, and that he was preparing for war.

Till recently, Scindia had viewed the Company's power
with comparative indifference. Their undertakings had
not always been successful ; their resources, so far as he was
able to judge, were greatly inferior to his own, and, with
his disciplined battalions, he believed himself able to give
a good account of any army the British Government could
bring into the field. His resentment was first awakened
by the treaty concluded in September 1798 between the
Company and the Nizam, on whom the Mahratta Chiefs
conceived that they had claims. On the outbreak of the

i3o INDIA IN 1803 [1803

war between Tippoo and the English, Scindia formed the
project of attacking the Nizam, but the fall of Tippoo,
before he could take the field, caused him to abandon the
plan, and Scindia became aware that the Company's power
was more formidable than he had suspected. It was,
however, no policy of wanton aggression on our part that
brought about the wars waged by the Marquis of
Wellesley. The real contest was between the British and
French power in India. England and France were locked
in a deadly struggle, which in India, on the French side,
.was fought out by Native Chiefs directed by French
officers in correspondence with the French Directory in
Paris. Had it not been so, our policy would have been
directed to smoothing over matters in India, while our
whole weight was thrown into the scale elsewhere. But
circumstances did not allow of this, and it was in pursuance
of the policy forced on us, that, first, Tippoo the centre of
French influence in India was struck down ; next, the
French party at Hyderabad were dispersed by our assum-
ing protection of the Nizam ; and finally Scindia, the
Rajah of Berar and Holkar were humbled by the defeat
of their disciplined armies by Lake and Wellesley.

The assumption of the protectorate of the Peishwa,
was regarded by Scindia as a challenge for the mastery
of India. A defensive alliance was offered to him by the
British, which he rejected, and his apprehensions were
worked on by the Bhonslay Rajah of Berar, who was the
prime mover in the war that followed. The quarrel with
Holkar was patched up, and an alliance was formed
between Scindia, Holkar and the Bhonslay to be directed
against the Peishwa, the Nizam, and the East India
Company. An able and comprehensive plan for simul-
taneous action was devised by Perron, by which one
hundred and fifteen thousand predatory horse and ninety-
four battalions would have at once carried fire and sword

1803] SCINDIA HOSTILE 131

into the Company's and the Nizam's territories, and would
have prevented any co-operation between the three powers
thus assailed. But the plan came to nothing. Perron's
intrigues had aroused the distrust of Scindia, while the
long existing animosity between Scindia and Holkar was
too recent and too bitter to allow of prompt co-operation.
The Mahratta Chiefs calculated on the British forces not
moving till after the rainy season, and expected no active
hostilities before October. Holkar's forces were so tardily
set in motion, that they were still on the Nerbudda when
the battle of Assaye was fought. On receipt of the news
he withdrew his troops to Indore, and avoided com-
promising himself farther.

Scindia, having suspended all operations against Holkar,
had marched southwards to Burhanpore, towards the end
of February, where he was joined by the Nagpore Rajah.
Their joint forces then advanced towards the Nizam's
frontier where they encamped.

As soon as Scindia's hostile intentions became
known, a force of nearly 20,000 men was assembled at
Hurryhur, on the north-west frontier of Mysore, under
Major General the Hon. A. Wellesley. The restoration
of the Peishwa to his capital was the first thing to be
done. On the 9th March, Wellesley marched for Poona
with 10,617 men, among whom were the iQth Light
Dragoons, drawing 412 sabres. The remainder of the
force was commanded by Colonel Stevenson, acting in
concert with Wellesley. On the 2Oth April, Wellesley
reached Poona, the last sixty miles being covered in 32
hours by the cavalry, who had been pushed on ahead to
save the city from being plundered.* Holkar's forces
withdrew on his approach, and, on the 1 3th May, the
Peishwa arrived from Bassein escorted by British troops
Wellesley then advanced to Walkee, six miles from

* The rest of the army did not reach Poona till the 23rd.

132 INDIA IN 1803 [1803

Ahmednuggur, while negotiations with the confederated
Mahratta Chiefs continued. By the end of July all hope
of preserving peace had disappeared. The British
Resident with Scindia was therefore directed to withdraw,
which he did on the 3rd August.

The campaign that ensued was remarkable, not only
for its complete success, but for the extended nature of
the operations carried on simultaneously by a number of
bodies of troops, acting to a great extent in complete inde-
pendence of each other, after the signal for hostilities had
been given. No better lesson in the art of war could be
studied than in the dispositions made by the Marquis of
Wellesley to bring matters to a successful issue, when the
maintenance of peace was no longer possible. A brief
resume of them here will not be out of place. As the
negotiations with Scindia made the warlike intentions of
that Chief more and more evident, troops were assembled
at various points, so that, on the outbreak of hos-
tilities, the distribution of forces on both sides was as
follows

The combined Mahratta Chiefs, without Holkar, could
dispose of 87 battalions of Infantry, 500 guns, and over
80,000 Cavalry. In the north, Perron had his Head
Quarters at Alyghur, a fortress on which much dependence
was placed. He had over 16,000 regular Infantry, about
5000 regular Cavalry, and a great number of irregular
troops. En route to join him from the Deccan were 25,000
men, under a French officer, Dudrenec, of whom nearly
8000 were regular Infantry. With Scindia, in the Deccan'
were over 16,000 Infantry and upwards of 50,000 Mahratta
Cavalry. In Bundelcund, under Shumshere Bahadoor,
were about 3000 regular Infantry, 20 guns, and 10,000
Cavalry. All fortresses and fortified towns were strongly
held, and there were many detached corps of considerable
strength in Cuttack and elsewhere.

i8o3] DISTRIBUTION OF TROOPS 133

On the British side, a force under the Commander-in-
Chief, General Lake, consisting of 10,500 men, was assembled
at Cawnpore, destined to act against Perron. At Allaha-
bad, a force of 3500 men, under Lt. Colonel Powell, was
assembled to operate in Bundelcund. At Chunar and
Mirzapore, 2000 men were stationed under Major General
Deare, to cover Benares and act on the defensive. From
the Saone, near Sasseram, to Pachet on the Damodar river,
a similar force was so disposed, under Lt. Colonel
Broughton, as to cover the Company's territories in that
region. This force was afterwards reinforced, and took the
offensive in the eastern provinces of Berar. Farther to the
south east, at Midnapore, a force of 1300 men, under
Colonel Fenwick, was posted to cover the frontier and
threaten Cuttack. At Ganjam, a force of 3540 men was
ready, under Lt. Colonel Campbell, to operate in Cuttack,
supported by 500 men at Balasore, under Captain Morgan,
and 854 men under Lt. Colonel Ferguson, at Jalasore.
The Cuttack operations were however carried out by Lieut.
Colonel Harcourt, in consequence of the serious illness of
Lt. Colonel Campbell at the very commencement of field
operations.

In the Deccan, to operate against Scindia, 8900 men,
under Major General the Honourable Arthur Wellesley,
were encamped at Walkee near Ahmednuggur. Farther
to the eastward, and north of the Godavery, was Colonel
Stevenson with the Hyderabad subsidiary force, consist-
ing of 7900 men and the Nizam's own troops, acting as
a separate corps in co-operation with Wellesley. In
Guzerat, 7350 men under Colonel Murray, acting under
the orders of Wellesley, furnished a corps of 2187 men
north of the Nerbudda, covering Baroda, and a second
corps of 2094 men, south of the Tapti between Songhur
and Surat : the remainder being employed to garrison
Surat, Cambay, and Baroda, thus effectually cutting off

134 INDIA IN 1803 [1803

Scindia's access to the coast. In addition to these,
garrisons of 1600 men and 2000 men were posted at
Poona and Hyderabad respectively, to ensure tranquillity
and protect those capitals, while a reserve of 4032 men,
under Major General Campbell, was stationed at Moodgul,
south of the Kistna.

That the strain on the Company's resources was very
great is evident from the fact that the Governor General
sent his Body Guard into the field, though he himself
remained in Calcutta. The truest policy demanded that
the war should be actively prosecuted and brought to a
decisive termination as soon as possible, before further
complications should arise ; not the least of which was the
expected arrival of a French squadron from Europe.
How clearly this policy was recognised and adopted,
and how splendidly it was carried out may be seen from
the mere record of achievements. The rapidity with
which blow after blow was struck, will be best gathered
from the following table : —

7th August . . . General Lake commenced his advance to-
wards Delhi.

%th „ The fortified town of Ahmednuggur taken

by assault, by Major General Wellesley.

loth „ Fort of Ahmednuggur capitulated : taken

possession of on I2th.

2&k „ General Lake encamped on the frontier ;

received authority to commence hos-
tilities.

vgtk „ Perron's camp outside Alyghur captured by

General Lake : Perron flies to Agra.

„ „ ... Broach, in Guzerat, taken by assault, by

Lt. Colonel Woodington.

tfh September . . Alyghur taken by storm by General Lake ;

281 guns captured.

6th „ Lt. Colonel Powell leaves Allahabad, and

advances on Bundelcund, which he
enters I4th.

7th „ Perron surrenders to General Lake.

8//fc „ . . . Ganjam force advances.

i8o3]

SUMMARY OF CAMPAIGN

135

nth September

17 *k »

ilth „
2ist

yd October

I4//& „

21-rf „

ist November

2nd „
29M „

^ December

Battle of Delhi : total defeat of Bourquien,

Perron's lieutenant, by General Lake :

68 guns captured. General Lake

enters Delhi.
Manikpatam, in Cuttack, occupied by

Lieut. Colonel Harcourt.
Champaneer taken by assault, by Lt.

Colonel Woodington: Pawaghur sur-
renders.

Juggernaut occupied by Lt. Colonel Har-
court.

Balasore taken by Captain Morgan.
Scindia and the Berar Rajah defeated at

Assaye, by Major General Wellesley:

102 guns captured.
Soorong, in Cuttack, occupied by Captain

Morgan.

Agra invested by General Lake.
Shumshere Bahadoor defeated, near

Capsah, by Lt. Colonel Powell.
Force outside Agra defeated by General

Lake : 26 guns captured: town occupied.
Force of 2500 men outside Agra, forced to

capitulate to General Lake.
Barabuttee, in Cuttack, taken by assault by

Lt. Colonel Harcourt.

Burhanpore occupied by Colonel Stevenson.
Fort of Agra capitulates to General Lake :

164 guns captured.
Asseerghur, attacked on i8th, surrenders

to Colonel Stevenson.
The last of Perron's forces totally defeated

at Laswaree, by General Lake : 72

guns captured.
Defiles from Cuttack into Berar occupied

by Lt Colonel Harcourt.
Scindia and the Berar Rajah totally defeated

at Argaum, by Major General Wellesley:

38 guns taken.

Calpee surrendered to Lt. Colonel Powell.
Gawilghur taken by assault by Colonel

Stevenson: 52 guns captured.
Peace signed by the Rajah of Berar in

Wellesley's Camp.
Reserve, under Major General Campbell,

defeats a large body of 10,000 Pin-

darees, at Moodianoor.

136 ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1803

y>th December . . Peace signed by Scindia in Wellesley's

Camp.

4/vfc February 1804 . . Gwalior, which had been surrendered by

Treaty on 2ist December to Lt.
Colonel Powell, capitulates; having
been besieged by that officer since
27th December, in consequence of
the refusal of the garrison to surrender
the fortress.

Our interest is, however, mainly with the forces com-
manded by Major General Wellesley.

CHAPTER IX

ASSAYE AND ARGAUM
1803-1804

Capture of Ahmednuggur — Battle of Assaye — Death of Lieut. Colonel
Maxwell — Honorary Colour granted to iQth — Battle of Argaum —
Capture of Gawilghur — Berar Rajah makes peace — Scindia makes
peace — March against banditti — Their dispersal — Grant of badges
for Assaye.

WELLESLEY reached Ahmednuggur on the 8th August.
The fort was an exceedingly strong one, and the pettah or
fortified town was also strongly held. An immediate
assault on the pettah was ordered, which was completely
successful. The town was taken, at a cost of 27 killed
and 92 wounded : the ipth Light Dragoons had one man
wounded. This was a brilliant opening to the campaign, which
impressed friends and enemies alike. A Mahratta Chief,
commanding a body of the Peishwa's horse in Wellesley's
camp, wrote to his friends in Poona : " These English are
a strange people, and their General a wonderful man : they
came here in the morning, looked at the pettah wall,
walked over it, killed all the garrison and returned to

i«o3] AHMEDNUGGUR 137

breakfast ! " In attacking fortified places that did not
require regular siege operations, Wellesley successfully
followed the plan, both in 1800 and on this occasion, of
attacking by escalade directly he appeared before the
place.

At daybreak on the loth, a battery was opened against
the fort, which surrendered on the I2th.

After arranging for the settlement of the Ahmednuggur
district, Wellesley crossed the Godavery at Toka, and
advanced to Aurungabad, which he reached on the 29th
August The crossing of the Godavery took seven days
to complete. Scindia's force meanwhile had entered the
Nizam's territory by the Ajunta Pass, and had taken
Jaulna. The Mahratta army then moved southwards, as if
intending to cross the Godavery and attack Hyderabad,
but were baffled by Wellesley moving southward along the
left bank of the Godavery. They therefore turned north-
ward again, from Partoor, towards the Ajunta Pass, and
encamped in the neighbourhood of Bokerdun and Assaye.
In the interval, Stevenson, who had been operating to the
north-eastward, returned and retook Jaulna on the 2nd
September. On the 6th, and again on the gth, he surprised
the camps of two parties of Mahratta horse, after which
he halted at Budnapore, near Jalgaum. Wellesley was
delayed on the Godavery till the i8th, pending the arrival
of a large convoy.

On the 2 ist, he reached Jalgaum, where he concerted
a plan of operation with Stevenson. According to the
best information, the enemy was believed to be at
Bokerdun and Jaffirabad, about thirty miles distant, but
the enormous numbers of the enemy's cavalry made it
impossible to procure trustworthy information by re-
connoissance. It was agreed that the two forces should
advance next day by separate roads, and fall on the
enemy on the 24th. At the end of the first day's

138 ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1803

march, on the 22nd, news was brought to Wellesley, at
Paugri, that the enemy was moving westward, and was
making for the Ajunta Pass. The news was false.
Stevenson's line of march lay about fifteen miles west-
ward of Wellesley's. On the 23rd, Wellesley made a
fourteen-mile march to Naulniah. On arriving there, he
found that, instead of being ten or twelve miles from the
enemy, as he had anticipated, he was only half that
distance from them. He was also told that their cavalry
had moved off, and the infantry were about to follow. It
was necessary to ascertain the truth at once. The
baggage was accordingly left at Naulniah, under charge
of a battalion of Native Infantry and the rearguard
picquets,* and the rest of the force moved forwards. The
General, at the same time, pushed on ahead with the
Cavalry. Without counting the force detached to guard
the baggage in Naulniah, Wellesley's force consisted of
nearly 6000 men (of whom about 1600 were Europeans),
and 14 guns, of which eight were the 6 Pr. galloper guns
of the Cavalry. There were also contingents of the
Mysore and Peishwa's horsemen. After going about
three miles, he suddenly, about one o'clock, came in sight
of the enemy's camp beyond the Kaitna, near the village
of Assaye, in a peninsula formed by the junction of
the Kaitna and Juah rivers. The Kaitna was only
passable at certain points ; the Juah had less water in it,
but had very steep banks. Along both rivers the ground
was much broken by ravines.

Wellesley's position was a difficult one. He had unex-
pectedly come into close contact with a vastly superior
force ready to receive him, instead of being in the act of
moving off, as he had been led to expect. Stevenson's

* According to the order of march observed, the advanced guard was com-
posed of one half company from each Infantry Regiment, forming the picquets
coming on duty, under the Field Officer of the day. In the same way, the
rearguard was formed of the picquets coming off duty.

1803] ASS AYE 139

force, in co-operation with which he had intended to fight
the action, was ten or twelve miles away. Should he
retreat to Naulniah and wait for Stevenson, he would be
followed and forced to fight under disadvantageous cir-
cumstances, and, owing to the enemy's great superiority in
cavalry, would probably lose a portion of his baggage. He
resolved to cross the river and attack at once. He saw
that if he could carry his force across the Kaitna anywhere
near its junction with the Juah, the great superiority in
numbers of the Mahrattas would be to a certain extent
neutralized by the narrower front on which they would be
obliged to engage. At the same time, should his attack
fail, Wellesley was liable to be forced back into the acute
angle formed by the two rivers, and be destroyed, like
Charles XII. at Pultava. It was a choice of risks, and
Wellesley chose the smaller one. The direct ford was
commanded by the powerful Mahratta artillery, which
made crossing at that point extremely hazardous. Ex-
amining the ground with his glasses, Wellesley noticed the
two villages of Peepulgaon and Waroor close together on
opposite sides of the river, and, in spite of the denial of
his guides, jumped to the conclusion that there must be a
ford there. A search showed that he was right, and word
was sent back for the infantry to direct their march on
Peepulgaon. Meanwhile the Cavalry (A. in plan) remained
facing a large body of the enemy's Cavalry (B. in plan),
that had crossed the river. By this time, the Mahratta
camp had been struck, and their army appeared drawn up
in a long line (C. in plan), covered by the Kaitna, with
a great mass of cavalry on the right, and the guns on the
left.

As the British force moved across the enemy's front,
part of it came within range of the Mahratta Artillery, but
beyond a Staff Officer being slightly wounded, and the
General's orderly dragoon having his head carried off by

140 ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1803

a round shot, no loss was incurred. The crossing of the
Kaitna was effected without opposition, and the British
force was drawn up across the fork between the two rivers
in three lines (F. in plan). The first two lines, with an
interval of about 300 paces between them, were composed
of infantry, H.M's. ?8th Regiment being on the left of the
first line, and H.M's. /4th on the right of the 2nd line. The
cavalry formed the third line. The Peishwa's and Mysore
cavalry remained on the south side of the Kaitna (D. in
plan), to keep in check a large body of the enemy's cavalry.
There was a good deal of delay in crossing the Kaitna,
which was taken advantage of by the enemy to change
front to the left of their first line, and they now occupied a
long line (E. in plan), with its left resting on the village of
Assaye, and defended along the whole front by upwards of
one hundred guns. The village of Assaye was occupied
with infantry, and had a number of guns disposed in front
of it. The Mahratta line of battle, exclusive of a large
body of troops detailed to guard stores and baggage, con-
sisted of thirteen battalions of disciplined infantry, one
hundred and fifteen guns, and over thirty-five thousand
horsemen. There were also a large number of undisci-
plined infantry.

While the British lines were forming, the movement
was covered by artillery fire. This was quickly responded
to by the Mahratta guns, which caused such severe losses
among the British gun bullocks, that the guns had to
be left behind when the advance was made.

Wellesley had not given the enemy credit for being
able to change their front with so large a force, without
falling into disarray. On perceiving the alteration in
the enemy's position, he saw that it was necessary to
extend his front. He accordingly ordered the picquets,
which formed the right of the first line, to move obliquely
to the right, so as to allow the native infantry battalions

i8o3] ASSAYE 141

in the second line to come up on the right of the first
line, H.M.'s 74th being directed to take the right of
the whole. Wellesley's intention was to force back the
enemy from their guns, then, operating by his left, to
throw them back on the Juah, and complete their
destruction with his cavalry. Wellesley himself led the
left of the line, while Lieutenant Colonel Maxwell and
the cavalry were ordered to support the right, which
was still greatly outflanked. Particular orders were given
to the officer in command of the picquets, which formed
the battalion of direction, to keep out of gunshot of
Assaye. But the losses caused by the Mahratta artillery
were so severe, that the advance became necessary before
the formation was complete. Every shot told, knocking
over men, horses, and bullocks, and putting several of
the British guns out of action. Wellesley on the left,
impatient to advance, sent repeated messages to the
officer commanding the picquets. He was told that the
guns were disabled, to which he replied " Well, tell him
to get on without them."

As the line advanced, the Mahratta infantry gave
ground, abandoning their guns. By mistake, the officer
commanding the picquets continued his oblique move-
ment too far, and led direct on Assaye, masking the
74th ; a mistake that had an important influence on
the course of the battle. This caused a great gap in
the British line, separated the picquets and H.M. 74th
from the rest of the line, and brought them under a
tremendous fire of artillery and small arms. They were
further impeded in their advance and thrown into disarray,
by having to pass some cactus hedges. The Mahratta
infantry, as they fell back from their guns, separated
into two distinct bodies. The greater number threw
back their right, forming a second line (H. in plan), with
the Juah river at its back, and its left still resting on

i4a ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1803

Assaye; while one whole Brigade, under a German
named Pohlman, continued to retreat directly to its
rear (M. in plan). At the same time, great numbers of
the enemy threw themselves down, pretending to be
dead, and allowed the British line to pass over them.
The British line swung round to its right (I. in plan),
to attack the enemy's second line, and, here the first
critical period of the battle occurred. The picquets and
H.M. 74th Foot were no longer able to advance under
the terrible fire to which they were exposed. Numbers
fell at every step ; all formation was lost, and a body
of Mahratta horse, wheeling round the village of Assaye,
charged the /4th in flank, sabreing numbers of them.
They also recaptured some of their own guns, and
gained possession of some of the British guns that had
not been able to keep up with the advance, killing the
gunners and turning the guns against the British rear,
It was a critical moment, and, with a soldier's instinct,
Maxwell saw that the time for action had come.
Advancing with his brigade, Maxwell charged the
enemy's left, driving them into the Juah with great
slaughter : then, as the rest of the line advanced and
drove the enemy into the nullah, the Cavalry crossed
the Juah, and charged the broken masses of the enemy
(J. in plan), making a horrid slaughter of them, and
driving them off the field.

" The iQth Light Dragoons, who only drew 360 swords,
received the intimation with one loud huzza. ! Accom-
panied by the 4th native cavalry who emulated their
conduct throughout this arduous day, the igth passed
through the broken but invincible 74th, whose very
wounded joined in cheering them as they went on, cut
in and routed the horse, and dashed on at the infantry
and guns. Never did cavalry perform better service or
contribute more to the success of a battle." *

* Grant Duff's History of the Mahrattas.

x8o3] MAXWELL'S DEATH 143

But the battle was not yet over. A great body of the
enemy still remained, holding Assaye and the ground
between the village and the Juah, while the guns they had
got possession of in different parts of the field played on
the rear of the exhausted British troops. Pohlman's brigade
also was unbroken, and threatened an attack. Two sepoy
battalions sent successively against Assaye were repulsed.
Maxwell's cavalry were still across the Juah in pursuit of
the broken Mahratta battalions, and, had the Mahratta
horsemen behaved at this juncture with the same spirit
that had led them to charge the 74th, the day might have
been theirs. At this crisis, Maxwell with the cavalry
returned from across the Juah, and formed up on the left
of the British line. Directing Maxwell with the iQth
Light Dragoons and two of his native regiments to face
Pohlman's brigade, Wellesley took H.M.'s /8th and a
regiment of Native Cavalry, and moved against Assaye.
The enemy did not await the attack, but retreated across
the Juah in tolerable order. In this movement, the
General had his horse killed by a cannon shot. Then,
moving along the whole line first occupied by the enemy
(E. in plan), he recaptured all the guns, not without some
severe fighting. Meanwhile, Maxwell led the ipth Light
Dragoons and the two native regiments (L. in plan), to
charge Pohlman's brigade. Both men and horses were
exhausted with the efforts they had made, and the attack,
instead of being delivered perpendicular to the enemy's
front, was made obliquely against Pohlman's left. The
well disciplined Mahrattas reserved their fire till they
could deliver it with good effect, and Maxwell fell
dead pierced by a grape shot. The fall of their leader
checked the squadrons almost at the moment of contact,
and the British horsemen swept to the left, receiving the
fire of the Mahratta infantry as they passed, at so close a
distance, that several of the squadron officers had their

144 ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1803

horses wounded with bayonets. No further effort was
made, the squadrons " halted, and then walked, and then
trotted back."* The British troops were so few in
numbers, so weakened and fatigued by their exertions, as
to be incapable of farther efforts, and Pohlman marched off
the field without farther molestation. Thus ended the
conflict. The Mysore and friendly Mahratta horse, who
throughout the contest had only one casualty, would not
pursue without the British cavalry, and the British cavalry
were too exhausted to give them a lead. Out of the small
British force, there were, among the Europeans, 198 killed,
442 wounded, and 4 missing ; among the Natives, 230
killed, 696 wounded, and 14 missing. The I9th Light
Dragoons, who had the greatest share of casualties among
the cavalry, lost two officers killed, Lieutenant Colonel
Maxwell and Captain Boyle, four officers wounded,
Captains Cathcart and Sale, and Lieutenants Wilson and
Young ; fifteen Rank and File and eighty-seven horses
killed, thirty-six Rank and File and thirty-six horses
wounded, two horses missing. Of the enemy, it was
computed that twelve hundred lay dead on the field, and
four thousand eight hundred were wounded. One hundred
and two guns,f seven stands of colours, and a vast quantity
of ammunition and stores remained in the hands of the
victors.

It was eight o'clock in the evening before the field was
entirely clear of the enemy. The cavalry were then sent
back to Naulniah to bring on the camp equipage, &c.,
which they did the following morning. The rest of the
force bivouacked as best they could on the bloody field.
Wellesley, who had had one horse killed, and another

* Life of Mounstuart Elphinstone.

t History of the Madras Army. The number of guns captured at Assaye
is generally stated as 98. This apparently does not include some guns
abandoned by the enemy between the field of battle and the Ajunta Pass,
which fell into the hands of Stevenson's corps.

1803] CASUALTIES 145

wounded with a spear, passed the night on the ground,
close to an officer whose leg was shot off, and within five
yards of a dead officer.

" The General was so overcome by his great and
gallant exertions throughout the day, so overpowered both
in mind and body, that during the greater part or whole of
the following night he sat on the ground with his head
bent down between his knees, and said not a word to
any one ! "*

Long after his victorious career was ended, he spoke
of Assaye as the bloodiest battle for the number engaged
that he ever saw. Of the ten officers forming the General's
staff eight were wounded or had their horses shot. The
74th and the picquet battalion were almost annihilated ;
one picquet half company alone had 21 killed, 22 wounded,
and three missing. The 74th lost 401 of all ranks, killed
and wounded. Two of the native cavalry regiments, being
newly raised, were not as forward as they should have
been, so that the brunt of the cavalry work was borne
by the iQth Light Dragoons and the 4th Native Cavalry.
Much of the heavy loss suffered by the British troops was
due to the misunderstanding of Wellesley's orders by the
officer commanding the picquets, though, as Wellesley
generously said, in a letter written a month later, " I must
acknowledge that it was not possible for a man to lead
a body into a hotter fire than he did the picquets on
that day against Assaye." The early use of the cavalry,
however, prevented the total destruction of the enemy
that he had intended. The exhaustion caused by their
efforts too early in the battle, prevented them from
entirely breaking up and routing the disciplined Mahratta
infantry.

A singular circumstance is said to have occurred after

* M.S. note in India Office Library.
K

146 ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1803

the battle. Each of the Commanders of the three armies,
put to death his head spy.

" Colonel Stevenson, because he suspected or believed
his own to have led him intentionally astray from the road :
General Wellesley, by reason of his own having given him
false intelligence respecting the march of the Mahratta
Army to pass the Ajunta Ghaut; and Scindia, from his
man not having made him acquainted with the separation
of the two divisions of the British Army." *

Ample testimony has been borne to the conspicuous
gallantry of the 19th in this hard fought field.

" Nothing could exceed the zeal of some of the cavalry,
particularly the iQth dragoons ; every officer and man
fought as if on his arm depended the victory. As instances
may be mentioned, Lieutenant Nathan Wilson, who with
his arm shattered by a grape shot, and dangling by his
side, charged on at the head of his troop. Lieutenant
Alex. Grant of the Madras Native Infantry, Major of
brigade to Colonel Maxwell, observing a gun pointed ready
to discharge on the flank of the iQth dragoons, the match
suspended on the touch-hole, with a noble impulse, in hopes
of preventing it, darted forward almost on its muzzle, and
with such force, that his horse stuck between the cannon
and its wheel : in this situation the gun went off, as he was
in the act of endeavouring to prevent it, by cutting down
the artillery man. Captain George Sale was attacking
a man who defended himself with a pike or short spear, a
weapon with which all Scindia's Artillery men were armed ;
the man's comrade standing on a gun, made a thrust from
above at Captain Sale, but it was turned off by the breast-
bone and glanced off diagonally across his chest ; his
covering serjeant named Strange, laid the man dead who
wounded his officer, but in the act was himself speared
through the lungs, by another man from below the gun.
Captain Sale went on but begged the serjeant to fall in the
rear ; this however he gallantly refused, and rode out the
day. Captain Sale and others afterwards saw him when in
hospital, blow out a candle from his lungs — the reader will
be pleased to learn that the gallant serjeant recovered," f

* M.S. note in India Office Library.
f Grant Duff's Mahrattas.

i3o3] HONORARY COLOURS 147

Among other incidents may be mentioned the case of
Cornet Serle of the iQth who was under arrest at the time
of the action, for some disagreement with his commanding
officer. At the commencement of the battle he broke his
arrest, and joined his corps, and, by his gallant behaviour
throughout the day, regained permission to wear his sword
again.

Lieutenant Colonel Maxwell's splendid service was fit-
tingly recognized by the East India Company, who granted
a pension of .£300 to his widow, " although we find that
there is no example of the Company's making any allow-
ance to the widow of a King's Officer." *

" As long as the word Assaye exists, and has a meaning
will the valiant deeds and reckless bravery of the old iQth
Light Dragoons the 74th and 78th Highlanders be remem-
bered." f

In his dispatch to the Governor General, dated the day
after the battle, Wellesley wrote : " I have also to draw
your Excellency's notice to the conduct of the Cavalry
commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Maxwell, particularly
that of the iQth Dragoons": and, in a General Order
published in Calcutta on the 3Oth October, it was said,
" The Governor General in Council has remarked with
great satisfaction the gallant and skilful conduct of the
Cavalry, commanded by Lt. Colonel Maxwell and particu-
larly of His Majesty's nineteenth regiment of Light Dra-
goons, a corps distinguished in India by a long and unin-
terrupted course of arduous service and of progressive
honour." Honorary colours in commemoration of the battle
were granted to the I9th Light Dragoons, the 74th and
78th " to be used by those corps while they shall continue
in India, or until His Majesty's most gracious pleasure be
signified through his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief."

* Court of Directors' Letter^ ZrdJuly l8°5-

t Milne's Standards and Colours of the British Army.

148 ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1803

The damage inflicted on the Mahratta host was far in
excess of that indicated by their loss in men and material.
Many of the disciplined battalions had been destroyed, and
hearty co-operation between the leaders was at an end.
They fled northwards through the Ajimta Pass, abandoning
some guns which were afterwards picked up by Stevenson,
and then separated. Scindia, who believed that he had not
been loyally supported by the Berar Rajah, retreated to Thal-
nair in Khandesh ; the Berar Rajah retired to his fortress at
Gawilghur, while five battalions belonging to the Begum
Somroo, four of which had been employed to guard the
Mahratta camp, and therefore took no part in the action,
retreated to Burhanpore, whence they made their way back
to Sirdhana in .the North West, and took no further part in
the campaign.

The sound of Wellesley's guns at Assaye was heard by
Stevenson, who at once broke up camp and attempted to
join him ; but being without information, and misled by his
guides, he marched first on Bokerdun, which he did not
reach till next day, being entangled in a nullah during the
night. His force was greatly harassed by night marching
and want of rest, so that he did not join Wellesley till the
evening of the 24th. All the 25th he remained at Assaye,
in order that his surgeons might assist the wounded, and, on
the 26th, marched in pursuit of the enemy. Wellesley
remained encamped near the field of battle till the 8th
October, to make arrangements for the care of his numer-
ous wounded, and for the captured guns and stores. Nor
was there urgent necessity for an immediate move, till
something was known of the movements of the enemy.
The General's first movements after the battle were in the
direction of Aurungabad, as Scindia showed an intention of
marching on Poona. Then, learning that Scindia had
turned back towards Burhanpore, on which place Steven-
son was advancing, Wellesley turned northwards to

1803] WELLESLEY JOINS STEVENSON 149

Ajunta. Stevenson meanwhile had occupied Burhanpore
on the 1 5th, and attacked the fortress of Asseerghur, which
surrendered on the 2 1st. Wellesley, hearing that Scindia and
the Berar Rajah had joined forces again, and were threaten-
ing Stevenson, descended the Ajunta Pass on the 1 8th, and
moved northwards ; but, on receiving news that Asseerghur
had fallen, and that the confederates had again separated,
he retraced his steps, ascended the Pass on the 25th, and
marched to Aurungabad to protect some convoys which
were threatened by the Berar Rajah. From Aurungabad he
made several attempts to surprise the Bhonslay's camp
without success, although he forced him to move his camp
five times between the 29th and the 3ist.

Wellesley continued moving slowly eastwards, to cover
the Nizam's territory, till the nth November, when he
struck northwards from Patree to Rajoora, which he
reached on the 23rd. For some days, Scindia, under the
influence of his defeat at Assaye in conjunction with bad
news from his forces in the North West, had made over-
tures for a cessation of hostilities, and, on the 23rd, an
armistice was agreed on ; the principal condition of which
was that Scindia should separate himself from the Berar
Rajah, and take up a position fifty miles east of Ellichpore.

The agreement was not however faithfully observed by
Scindia, some of whose troops took part in the subsequent
battle. The Berar Rajah, meanwhile, had entered his own
territories, and was encamped at Argaum. On the 27th,
Wellesley reached Akola, and, about 2 o'clock in the
afternoon on the 29th, he joined Stevenson at Parterly, for
the purpose of undertaking the siege of Gawilghur with
their united forces.

The Berar Rajah, who was encamped at Argaum about
six miles from Parterly, had meanwhile opened negotiations
with Stevenson for a suspension of hostilities, so prepara-
tions were made for encamping at Parterly. On putting

ISO ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1803

out the picquets to take up the ground, they were molested
by parties of the enemy, and, a reconnoissance showed the
Mahratta army drawn up in battle array, on an extensive
plain in front of the village of Argaum. The troops were
at once ordered to fall in, and the two divisions moved to
the front in parallel columns. At about 1000 yards in
front of the enemy was the village of Sirsoni. It was
Wellesley's intention to pass by the left of the village, and
then, wheeling to the right, to form line in front of it,
parallel with the Mahratta line of battle. The column was
led by the native infantry picquets, accompanied by some
field pieces drawn by bullocks, followed by two native
infantry battalions, all of whom had taken part in the
battle of Assaye. On the head of the column clearing the
village, the Mahratta guns opened fire with great effect.
The bullock drivers lost their presence of mind and the
management of their cattle, which turned round and threw
into confusion the ranks behind them. The troops coming
up in rear, not knowing the cause of the confusion, and
suffering from the cannonade, were seized with panic, and
fell back in disorder, to seek shelter behind the village.
Wellesley, who was close by, giving orders to the brigadiers,
seeing what had happened,

" stepped out in front hoping by his presence to restore the
confidence of the troops ; but seeing that this did not
produce the desired effect, he mounted his horse, and rode
up to the retreating battalions ; when, instead of losing
his temper, upbraiding them and endeavouring to force
them back to the spot from which they had fled, as most
people would have done, he quietly ordered the officers to
lead their men under cover of the village, and then to rally
and get them into order as quickly as possible. This being
done, he put the column again in motion, and leading these
very same runaways round the other side of the village,
formed them up on the very spot he originally intended
them to occupy, the remainder of the column following
and prolonging the line to the right." *

* Twelve years of military adventure.

1803] BATTLE OF ARGAUM 151

The lesson is one to be borne in mind by those to whose
lot it may fall to rally troops thrown into disorder under
fire.

In order to cover the formation, some guns were
brought into action on each side of the village, and, as
each battalion came into position, it was made to lie down,
which further helped to steady the troops. The infantry
were formed into a single line, with Stevenson's division on
the left, while the six cavalry regiments of the two divisions,
under command of Lieutenant Colonel the Honble. Arthur
St Leger, were formed in two lines in rear of the right.
The British left was covered by the native auxiliary horse.
The Mahratta line was about five miles in length, the
infantry and guns in the centre, with cavalry on both
flanks.

It was half past four in the afternoon before the British
line advanced. On the signal being given, the British
cavalry moved rapidly forward, and brought their galloper
guns into action against a great body of the enemy's
cavalry and rocket men. Meanwhile, the infantry
advanced steadily against the Mahratta centre. When
almost within musket shot, a body of the enemy's infantry,
nearly a thousand strong, composed of Arabs or Pathans,
dashed forward against the 74th and 7 8th, and perished
almost to a man under the Highland musket and bayonet.
Almost at the same moment, a body of Scindia's cavalry
charged the British left, and were repulsed with loss, while
the i Qth and the five native regiments on the right charged
the cavalry in front of them. The Mahrattas did not
stand the shock, but broke and fled, and at once the
whole of the enemy's force was dissolved in flight. The
cavalry pursued for many miles, killing great numbers, and
capturing many elephants and camels, and much baggage.
Thirty-eight guns and many standards fell into the hands
of the victors. The British loss amounted to 46 killed,

I52 ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1803

308 wounded and 7 missing. As at Assaye, the principal
loss fell on the 74th and 78th, who, between them, lost 13
killed, and 84 wounded. The iQth Light Dragoons had
6 men wounded. The battle of Argaum was fought on a
perfectly level plain intersected by small water courses,
without any buildings or other natural obstacles between
the two lines, after they had been formed, and was carried
out exactly like a field day as then practised. The pur-
suit of the enemy by the British cavalry was maintained
for six miles, and was then taken up and continued by the
allied Mysore and Nizam's horse for another twenty miles.
The loss of the enemy, in the battle and subsequent pur-
suit, was estimated at five thousand men. At Assaye,
the principal Mahratta loss fell on Scindia's troops; at
Argaum the loss fell chiefly on the Berar forces.

The victory at Argaum effected a complete separation
of the Mahratta confederate chiefs. Scindia still had a
considerable force in the field, but it had ceased to be
formidable after Assaye. The Berar Rajah's field army
had disappeared, and his territories lay open to the
invading British force. Scindia's capital was far off, and
he might yet give trouble, so Wellesley determined to
finish once for all with the Berar Rajah, in order that he
might be able to devote undivided attention to Scindia
afterwards.

The day following the battle, Stevenson marched in
pursuit of the enemy : Wellesley followed a day later, and
the two divisions were re-united at Ellichpore on the 5th
December. Thence they marched on Gawilghur, a fortress
of great strength, regarded as the key of the Deccan, in
which the defeated infantry from Argaum had taken
refuge. The place was taken by assault on the I5th, with
the loss of 13 killed, no wounded, and three missing.
Fifty- two guns, together with a great quantity of small
arms and military stores, fell into the hands of the victors

i*>3l TREATY WITH SCINDIA 153

Nagpore, the Berar Rajah's capital, now lay open to the
British troops, and the Rajah hastened to sue for peace.
The negotiation was conducted with the decision that
characterized all Wellesley's actions, and peace was con-
cluded at Deogam, on the I7th, two days after the fall
of Gawilghur. His hands being now free on this side,
Wellesley gave notice to Scindia, that, on the 27th, he
should regard the agreement for suspension of hostilities
at an end, unless that Chief came to definite terms. Left
without an ally, with his armies defeated both in the
North- West and in the Deccan, Scindia had no hope of
continuing the struggle with success, and peace was signed
in Wellesley's camp on the 3Oth December, at Surjee
Anjengaum.

Thus triumphantly ended a war which for boldness of
conception of campaign, rapidity of execution, the great
extent over which it was waged, and the hard fighting
that characterized it both in the North and South, stands
in marked contrast to any war we had previously waged in
India.

" The seat of war, extending over the continent of India
exhibited in the short space of four months as many general
battles, eight regular sieges and storming of fortresses,
without including that of Gwalior, which was not captured
till the beginning of the next year ; in all of which British
valour prevailed over accumulated obstacles, the combina-
tion of formidable powers, and every advantage arising
from local position, military means and numerical strength.
. . . Their (the Mahratta) numerous armies, amounting on
an average to two hundred and fifty thousand men, were
defeated in every engagement ; while the corps organized
by their French auxiliaries, consisting at the least of forty
thousand more, and upon whom the fullest reliance was
placed, were completely destroyed ; in all which reverses
the confederates left in the hands of the victors upwards of
one thousand pieces of cannon, with ammunition, treasure
and stores in proportion." *

* Thorn's Memoir of the War in India,

154 ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1803

But the most valuable result to England was that she
learned from the Assaye campaign that she had in her
army a General who was fit to cope with the best Generals
of Europe.

The war was over, and arrangements were made for
the return of the troops to their quarters. Leaving
Stevenson's division, Wellesley turned southwards to
Jaulna, which he reached on the I9th January 1804.
A few days before the conclusion of peace, in writing to
the Commander-in-Chief, Wellesley remarked: "The I9th
Dragoons have now better horses than I have ever seen
with them." It was well that it was so, for a severe
effort was still required of them. The Nizam's dominions
were at that time infested with banditti, mostly disbanded
soldiers, who plundered the country in all directions, and
had become so daring that they had not hesitated to
attack detachments of British troops. On reaching Jaulna,
news was brought to Wellesley of a large body of free-
booters who were plundering the country to the south-
ward. Crossing the Godavery, he marched to Neemgaum,
where, on the 2nd February, he received information of
the whereabouts of the marauders. He accordingly made
up a light flying column consisting of the ipth Light
Dragoons and the rest of the cavalry that had been with
him at Assaye, the remnants of the gallant 74th, a sepoy
battalion, and details from other sepoy regiments, 150
pioneers, and four guns,* and marched on the 3rd,
reaching Sailgaon on the 4th, a distance of about thirty
miles in a direct line. Marching again the same night,
he came up with the freebooters about 9 A.M. on the
5th. The cavalry charged at once, slaying great numbers

* The force would appear a very large one to deal with a band of free-
booters, but according to one who was present they numbered upwards of
50,000 men. Though this was probably an exaggeration, it suffices to show
that they were very numerous.

i8o4] GRANT OF BADGES 155

and dispersing them, at the same time capturing their
guns, camp, and stores. An unfortunate mishap occurred
on this occasion. The ipth mistook some of the allied
Mahratta horse for the enemy, and charged them, cutting
down two or three of them, and having one of their own
number cut down, before the mistake was discovered.
The achievement was remarkable for the long and rapid
marching performed by the troops. Writing of it, two
days later, Wellesley says :

"The exertion made by the troops is the greatest I
ever witnessed. Everything was over by 12 o'clock on
the 5th, and, I think that, by that time, the infantry
must have marched 60 miles from six in the morning of
the 4th. We halted from 12 in the day till 10 at night
on the 4th, so that we marched 60 miles with infantry
in twenty hours."

Well might he add :

" I think we now begin to beat the Mahrattas in the
celerity of our movements."

The force then marched for Poona.

Hardly had peace been secured, when Holkar, who
had hitherto held aloof, took the field. The igth Light
Dragoons took, however, no part in the campaign that
followed, but remained encamped at Panwell near
Bombay till the end of 1804, when they marched for
Arcot.

In 1807, the royal permission was given to the regiment
to wear a badge of the Elephant with the word " Assaye,"
on colours and appointments, in commemoration of the
gallantry displayed by the regiment in the battle and
during the campaign. Nothing can be traced of the
honorary standard presented to the regiment for Assaye

156 ASSAYE AND ARGAUM [1804

There can be no doubt that it was given to the ipth as
it was to the /4th and 78th.

HORSE GUARDS,
i$th April 1807.

MY LORD

I have received the Commander
in Chiefs directions to inform you, that the
Marquis of Wellesley and Major General the
Honble. Sir Arthur Wellesley have represented
to H.R.H.the distinguished services of the iQth
Light Dragoons in the course of the arduous
Campaigns which occurred during the period of
his Lordship's Government in India, and have
earnestly solicited permission, that the Regiment
may be distinguished by some emblematical
Badge.

The Commander in Chief has with great
satisfaction submitted this representation to the
King, and His Majesty has in consequence
thereof been most graciously pleased to approve
of the " Elephant " being used in Colours and
Appointments of the ipth Light Dragoons with
the word " Assay e " superscribed, in Commemora-
tion of the Gallantry and good Conduct dis-
played in the Action fought at that place on
the 23rd of September 1803.

I have the honour to be &c.

HARRY CALVERT,

A.G.
General Visct. HOWE, K.B.

or O.C. igth Light Dragoons.

i*>5] COLONEL GILLESPIE 157

CHAPTER X

THE VELLORE MUTINY
1805-1807

Lieut. Colonel Gillespie — iQth at Arcot— Mutiny of Vellore — A
military wonder— iQth ordered to England— A quarter of a
century's changes — The " terrors of the East " — Farewell orders —
1 9th land in England.

" ' Trumpeter, sound for the Light Dragoons,

Sound to saddle and spur,' he said,
1 He that is ready may ride with me,
And he that can may ride ahead.' "

— Newbolt.

IN January 1801, a second Lieut. Colonel had been added
to the establishment of the regiment, in the person of Major
Edgar Hunter, promoted from the 2nd Dragoon Guards,
without purchase. Lt. Colonel Hunter remained in
England, and never joined the regiment. The vacancy
caused by Maxwell's death at Assaye was rilled for a time
by the Governor General, at Sir Arthur Wellesley's recom-
mendation, appointing Lieutenant Colonel William
Wallace of the 74th Highlanders to command the ipth
Light Dragoons. But the appointment was not confirmed
in England, and, the following year, Wallace was transferred
to H.M. 8oth, to make way for Major James Kennedy, who
had been promoted to fill the vacancy. A little later,
Lieutenant Colonel Sir Robert Wilson was brought from
half-pay of Hompesch's Mounted Riflemen to be Lieutenant
Colonel, in place of Hunter, who was placed on half-pay.
But Wilson also did not join the regiment, and, three
months later, exchanged into the 2Oth Light Dragoons
with Lieutenant Colonel Robert Rollo Gillespie, who,

158 THE VELLORE MUTINY [1805

during the short time he was with the iQth, was destined to
perform one of the most curious feats of arms ever done
by an individual.

In an age prolific of daring deeds Gillespie was already
widely known as the hero of many a desperate adventure.
Headstrong and impetuous by nature, in action he was
a brave and gallant soldier to whom nothing appeared
impossible. The only child of a Scotch gentleman settled
in Ireland, at the age of ten Gillespie was gazetted as
Ensign to the 45th Foot, from which he was transferred as
Lieutenant to the lo/j-th. On that regiment being dis-
banded in the beginning of 1783, he was transferred as
Cornet to the 6th Dragoon Guards, then quartered in
Ireland. Four years later, he was concerned in an affair
that attracted much notice at the time, and nearly brought
his military career to an abrupt close. While quartered at
Athy in Kildare, an altercation took place one day in
Gillespie's room, between one of his brother officers, named
Mackenzie, and a Mr Barrington, brother of Sir Jonah
Barrington, whose estate was in the neighbourhood. In a
duelling age, the Barringtons were remarkable for their
fire-eating propensities. A meeting was fixed upon for
the following morning, Barrington insisting on fighting in
a particular part of his family estate. Gillespie attended
as second to Mackenzie. Shots were exchanged without
result, and it was proposed by the seconds that the affair
should be considered at an end. Barrington objected, and
a fierce quarrel arose between him and Gillespie. A
challenge to fight on the spot was given and accepted.
Gillespie, knowing Barrington's reputation as a duellist,
drew out his handkerchief, proposing that each should hold
one end of it. Both fired at the same moment : Barrington
fell shot through the heart, but Gillespie escaped with only
a slight wound, the bullet having glanced off a button.
Gillespie was tried at the summer assizes of 1788, at

i8o5] COLONEL GILLESPIE 159

Maryborough, for wilful murder, and acquitted by the jury,
with a verdict of justifiable homicide.

In 1792, Gillespie was promoted to a Lieutenancy in
the newly raised 2Oth Light Dragoons, which was enlisted
for service in Jamaica, and maintained at the expense of
the island. In the attack of Port-au-Prince in St Domingo
he distinguished himself, along with Captain Rowley of the
Navy, by swimming ashore, their swords in their mouths,
as bearers of a flag of truce. They were fired on as they
swam, and would have been shot on landing, if Gillespie
had not made himself known as a freemason to the
Governor, who was also a fellow craftsman. While in St
Domingo, an attack at night was made on Gillespie's house
by eight men. Awakened by the cries of his servant, who
was being murdered, he attacked the assailants with his
sword, and killed six of them. The remaining two fled,
after inflicting a dangerous wound on him. On exchanging
to the 1 9th, he obtained permission to find his way out to
India overland, and travelled through Germany, which was
then in the hands of the French, Austria, Servia, Constanti-
nople, where he fought a successful duel with a French
Officer who picked a quarrel with him, Aleppo and
Baghdad. The journey was a hazardous one at that time,
and he had more than one narrow escape. On reach-
ing Arcot, the command of the whole garrison devolved
on him, in virtue of his brevet rank. Hardly had he
assumed the command, when an event occurred at the
neighbouring station of Vellore that will always be
associated with Gillespie's name.

Matters relating to food, dress and other petty details
of social life, which in Europe are treated as matters of
personal caprice, have, in the East, become so intermingled
with religious observances, that they have, in the course of
time, come to be regarded as an essential part of the
religion of the people, and of paramount importance in the

160 THE VELLORE MUTINY [1805

conduct of their lives. Nowhere are these quasi-religious
observances so tenaciously held as in India, and nowhere
do they relate more to matters which in other countries are
held to be of trivial importance. The lesson is one that is
continually forcing itself on the notice of Indian admini-
strators, and is continually being forgotten.*

After the fall of Seringapatam, in 1799, the strong
fortress of Vellore was selected to be the place of residence
of the numerous family of Tippoo Sultan. Beyond being
required to reside in Vellore, they were under no restraint.
They were in receipt of large money allowances from the
British Government, and they had gathered around them
a swarm of needy followers who were ripe for any mischief.
In November 1805, Lieutenant General Sir J. Cradock,
who had assumed the command of the forces in Madras
a few months earlier, issued an order establishing a new
pattern of turbans for the native army. Two months
later, a volume of regulations for the army was issued from
the Adjutant General's office, in which Native soldiers
were forbidden from wearing caste marks on their faces
while in uniform, and the shaving and trimming of beards
and mustachios was prescribed, in a manner to assimilate
sepoys to English soldiers. In April, made-up patterns of
the new turbans were sent to different regiments. The
men took it into their heads that these turbans closely
resembled the hats worn by half-castes and native
Christians; and, connecting this with the orders about
caste marks and shaving, leaped to the conclusion that
their forcible conversion to Christianity was intended. A
sepoy battalion at Vellore at once made known their
refusal to wear the turban. The Commander-in-Chief,
unable to understand the feelings aroused by his orders,

* "Nothing would appear to be more trivial to the public interests than the
length of the hair on the upper lip of a sepoy, yet to the individual himself, the
shape and fashion of the whisker is a badge of his caste, and an article of his
religion." — Report of Special Commission on mutiny at Vellore.

i8o6] SEPOY INSUBORDINATION 161

treated the refusal as a mere matter of insubordination.
The battalion was sent away from Vellore, another being
brought in its place ; and a number of non-commissioned
officers and men in the battalion were punished. Hardly
had this taken place, when it became known that in other
places the same objections to the new turban had been
manifested. The attention of Government was now
roused, but still nothing was done to repeal the obnoxious
order. The punishment that had been meted out to the
battalion at Vellore only served to confirm the fears of
the rest of the native garrison. Meetings were held, at
which retainers of the Mysore princes attended, and did
their best to foment mischief and increase the fears of the
sepoys, while at the same time communications were
opened with other sepoys in the different Madras garrisons,
encouraging them to combine in resisting the attack on
their religion. In the beginning of July, the garrison of
the fort consisted of four companies of H.M.'s 69th
regiment amounting to 1 1 officers and 372 rank and file,
and a battalion and a half of sepoys, amounting to 35
native officers and 1775 rank and file, with their European
officers. A considerable number of the sepoys lived in
the pettah, their arms being kept in the fort. The fort
and garrison were under the command of Colonel Fancourt
of H.M.'s 34th Regt. No suspicion existed that any
danger threatened ; while the Government departments
were still corresponding with each other, and deliberating
about the new turban, and the feeling it had caused in the
native army, without further warning, the storm burst.

It happened that a field day for one of the sepoy
battalions had been ordered for the early morning of the
loth July. It was customary on such occasions for the
sepoys, instead of remaining in their huts in the pettah, to
sleep inside the fort, in order to get under arms without
delay in the morning. The sepoy guards inside the fort

162 THE VELLORE MUTINY [1806

were furnished by the other native battalion. So favourable
did the opportunity appear to the mutineers, that it led to
a premature explosion of the plot that had been formed in
concert with sepoys in other stations. At three o'clock in
the morning of the icth, a general attack by the sepoys
was suddenly made on the men of the 6pth and the
European officers in the fort. At the same moment, the
guards and sentries were attacked and overpowered, the
sick men in hospital massacred, the officers' quarters
surrounded and fired into, while the principal body of
mutineers poured volley after volley into the barracks
where the 69th were sleeping, and brought two fieldpieces
to play on them, obtained from the magazine. The men
surprised and shot down in their sleep, and without officers,
could do little more than shelter themselves as they best
might, and hold the entrance to the barracks. Colonel
Fancourt, with several other officers, was shot down at
once, and the complete massacre of every European in the
fort appeared inevitable. Without waiting for the com-
pletion of their work, the mutineers brought out one of the
sons of Tippoo, and proclaimed him Sultan, hoisting at the
same time a Mysore flag that had been prepared for the
occasion.

In the confusion and darkness, a few officers and a
sergeant of the 69th, named Brady, managed to meet in
the quarters of one of the officers. After maintaining
themselves some time, they broke out and forced their
way into the 69th barracks, on which a heavy fire was still
kept up. Having rallied the survivors, they sallied out
through the windows, and gained the adjoining ramparts
under a heavy fire. It was now broad daylight, and the
men, who had had at the outset only six cartridges each,
had scarcely any ammunition left. Nevertheless, they
made their way along the ramparts, driving the mutineers
before them, till they reached the Magazine which was on

i8o6J THE SIXTY-NINTH x63

the opposite side of the fort. Finding that all the ball
ammunition had been already removed by the mutineers,
they retraced their steps as far as the work over the main
gateway, after pulling down the rebel flag. Here they
resolved to make their last stand, their numbers greatly
reduced, the only unwounded officers left being two
Assistant Surgeons, and the whole party being exposed to
a continual fire to which they were scarcely able to respond.
They had obtained a few cartridges from the pouches of
dead mutineers, with which they still kept up a feeble
appearance of defence. In the confusion of making their
way along the ramparts to the Magazine, some thirty men
of the 69th, with two or three officers, got separated from
the main body. Finding a rope suspended from the wall,
which had been used to admit mutinous sepoys, they let
themselves down by it, and took refuge in a small detached
redoubt, where Lt. Colonel Forbes with a few unarmed
sepoys who had remained faithful, had taken post. Hope-
less as the whole situation appeared at this juncture, help
was fast approaching. It happened that Major Coates of
the 69th and several of the native infantry officers resided
outside the walls. On being aroused by the firing and
tumult, and being unable to enter the fort, Coates guessed
what had happened, and at once dispatched an officer to
Arcot with a letter to Gillespie.

Gillespie had appointed that very morning to ride
over to Arcot, to breakfast with Colonel Fancourt. He
had mounted his horse at daybreak, and started on his
ride, accompanied by Captain Wilson of the I9th, when
he was met by Coates' messenger riding at full speed,
who told him that the gates of the fortress were shut,
that there was heavy firing and a dreadful noise within.
Making at once for the Cavalry lines, Gillespie was in a
few minutes hastily gallopping along the road to Vellore,
at the head of a squadron of the I9th under Captain

164 THE VELLORE MUTINY [1806

Wilson, and a troop of the 7th Native Cavalry, leaving
orders for the rest of the cavalry and the galloper guns
of the 1 9th to follow as soon as possible, under Lieut.
Colonel Kennedy. As the troopers approached the walls,
they were seen by the little party who still held out over
the gateway. The 69th had been in Jamaica four years
before. To Sergeant Brady's astonishment, he beheld
at the head of the little band of dragoons the well-known
Colonel Gillespie, whom he had seen only a short time
before in the West Indies. " If Colonel Gillespie be alive,
God Almighty has sent him from the West Indies to save
our lives in the East ! " he exclaimed. The moment was
indeed most critical. The small party over the gateway
had fired their last cartridge, and the sepoys, who for a
time had dispersed to plunder, were gathering to complete
their work. On seeing the relief party advancing, a great
number of the mutineers retired to the further ramparts,
leaving the gateway and one bastion in possession of the
little party under Sergeant Brady. The entrance to the
fortress was through four successive gates. The two outer
gates were fortunately open, and the drawbridge was
down. Encouraged by Gillespie, some of the 69th let
themselves down by their pouch and bayonet belts, and
opened the third gate from within, not without losing
several of their number, but the fourth and the strongest
gate was beyond their powers. In order to open it,
Gillespie formed the desperate expedient of forcing the
wicket and opening the gate from the inside. The wicket
was forced, and Gillespie for a brief interval, accompanied
by Captain Wilson and three men on foot, stood inside
the fort, exposed to the fire of the square and palace yard
full of men. But their efforts to break the locks and force
the bars were fruitless, and, seeing that perseverance in
the attempt could only end in their destruction, the little
party withdrew. Still casting about for some means of

1806] RETRIBUTION 165

joining the party over the gateway, Gillespie suddenly
spied a rope. The end was at once thrown up and
secured, and in a few minutes, by its assistance, Gillespie
joined the remnants of the 69th over the gateway. Seeing
a pair of regimental colours on the wall Gillespie seized
them, and, collecting as many of the 6gih as he could
find, at once headed a bayonet charge against a three
gun battery, out of which the enemy were driven. Though
there was not a single round of ammunition procurable,
a gun, turned round and pointed towards the mutineers,
held them in check, at a time when every minute was
valuable. But the effect did not last long, and just as it
seemed as if no further effort could be made to stave off
the impending fate of the party, the remainder of the
ipth with their galloper guns suddenly appeared at the
gate. Forcing his way back to the wall above the gate-
way, Gillespie gave orders for the gate to be burst open,
which was done with the first shot. The great square
was full of men ready to dispute the entrance of the
cavalry, and the entrance being very narrow, and more-
over being commanded by two guns, Gillespie called on
the remnant of the 69th for one final effort. Putting
himself at their head, a gallant bayonet charge was made to
clear the entrance for the cavalry, which was attended with
further loss. The dragoons poured in, headed by Captain
Skelton of the I9th, and supported loyally by some of
the 7th native cavalry, and the work of retribution
commenced. Between three and four hundred of the
mutineers were cut down in the fort, while numbers, who
escaped by a sally port, were caught and slain outside,
by a squadron of the I9th under Lieutenant Young, and
a party of the 7th Native Cavalry under Lieutenant
Woodhouse. One party of mutineers maintained them-
selves for some time in one of the barracks, firing on all
who approached ; till some of the I9th dismounted and

166 THE VELLORE MUTINY [1806

stormed the building, putting them all to the sword. By
10 o'clock all was over, and the safety of the fortress
secured, but Gillespie has left it on record that, had he
delayed scaling the wall for five minutes, none of those
inside the fort could have escaped. The loss of the 69th
amounted to 115 rank and file killed, and 76 wounded.
Of the officers of different regiments, fifteen were killed
and five wounded. Several, who had been unable to make
their way to the 6Qth barracks, saved themselves by con-
cealment during the tumult. Among the iQth Light
Dragoons, one trooper was killed and three wounded, a
loss that would have been much greater but for the
gallantry of the 6pth in clearing a space for the cavalry
to form in after entering the fort. Gillespie was acci-
dentally ridden down by a dragoon, and badly bruised,
in the melee.

Investigation showed that the sepoys in many other
stations were prepared to mutiny, and, but for the failure
at Vellore, which was the centre of disaffection, would have
risen. By Gillespie's resolution and intrepidity in stamp-
ing out the mutiny before it could gather force, a great
and unexpected danger had been averted. Well might
the Commander-in-Chief say that Gillespie had performed
" a military wonder." The princes of Tippoo's family were
at once sent down to Madras, escorted by the I9th Light
Dragoons, and embarked for Calcutta, on board the
Culloden^ on the 3Oth. The iQth remained in Madras three
days, encamped by the Race Stand, and then returned to
Arcot Gillespie was employed at Wallajabad and other
places where dangerous symptoms of disaffection had
appeared. At the same time, he was appointed to be
Inspector and Exercising officer of Cavalry in the
Presidency, but the appointment was discontinued as
unnecessary, a year later, by the Court of Directors. To
show their appreciation of his services, the Court of

1806] GILLESPIE'S DEATH 167

Directors granted Gillespie a money reward of £2500.
A proportionate sum was granted to Sergeant Brady, who
was also recommended for a Commission, and each non-
commissioned and private of the ipth Light Dragoons who
had been employed at Veil ore, received a gratuity of one
month's pay. Suitable rewards were also given to the men
of the native cavalry, who behaved loyally on the occasion.
In consequence of the mutiny, both the Governor and the
Commander-in-Chief were recalled to England.

Gillespie's connection with the iQth practically termin-
ated three months later, when the regiment left India, and
the rest of his career does not come within the scope of
this history. On the regiment sailing for England, he
remained in India, and, in the following year, exchanged
into the 8th Light Dragoons with Lieut. Colonel John
Ormsby Vandeleur. His gallant deeds at the conquest
of Java, and subsequently, while in command of the troops
there, can never be forgotten. His death was in keeping
with his whole life. He fell under the walls of Kalunga in
the Deyrah Dhoon, on the 3ist October 1814, at the
beginning of the first Nepaul War, while vainly trying to
force an entrance at the head of some dismounted dragoons,
after the first attack had failed. His remains were carried
to Meerut for interment. By the irony of fate, on the loth
May 1857, the first shots of the great sepoy mutiny were
fired within a mile of the monument over his grave, and
were the beginning of events that at one time threatened
to involve British power in the East in ruin, and that have
changed the whole course of Indian history. If that
gallant spirit was still permitted to take interest in the
events of that day, how it must have chafed at the exhibi-
tion of incapacity and indecision that led to such disastrous
consequences. In view of what happened at Vellore, it
is allowable to believe that the Great Mutiny of 1857
would never have assumed the proportions it did, had the

168 THE VELLORE MUTINY [1806

first outbreak been met by the same display of energy and
resolution as was shown, under similar circumstances, fifty-
one years earlier. On the 2nd January 1815, before the
news of his death reached England, Gillespie was gazetted
as K.C.B. A monument to his memory, by Chantrey, was
erected in St Paul's Cathedral, at the expense of the nation.
The time had now arrived when the ipth was to bring to
a close its long and distinguished career in India. Orders
were received for the regiment to march to Madras, for
embarkation to Europe by the next homeward bound fleet.
At Poonamallee, on 5th October, they made over their
horses to the 25th Light Dragoons, who had been brought
down from Bengal, by sea, to take their place. In the
twenty-four years that had elapsed since the regiment had
landed in India, great were the changes it had witnessed.
At the time of its arrival, the very existence of the British
settlements in Southern India hung by a thread. England
had then been at war with France, and the two countries
were still at war. But the conditions were changed. Now
the French flag had disappeared from India, and not a
single native power dared meet a British army in the field,
without risking its own existence. From a trading cor-
poration the East India Company had grown into a great
and powerful government, whose supremacy in India was
unchallenged. In achieving this result, the igth Light
Dragoons had played no small part. On their first arrival
in India the prevailing sentiment with which they were
regarded was curiosity. The horsemen of native powers
were numbered by tens of thousands. Their method was
to waste and ravage the country round an enemy's force,
to harass the line of march, to cut off stragglers, to inter-
cept convoys and to wear down an enemy by these indirect
methods. To charge home, sword in hand, into the ranks
of an unbroken enemy was foreign to their ideas of
properly conducted warfare. The first appearance of the

i8o6] THE "TERRORS OF THE EAST" 169

igth in the field came therefore as a surprise to friend and
foe ; it was like the introduction of a new weapon. Before
the first campaign against Tippoo was six months old, the
reputation of the ipth Light Dragoons had penetrated to
every part of southern India. The impression thus created
grew with every successive appearance of the regiment
in the field of action ; and, as long as they remained in
India, they continued to evoke an amount of interest and
attention that was bestowed on no other regiment in the
service. One who charged with them at Assaye and
Argaum, and fought his way into Vellore with them,
though not belonging to the regiment, wrote of the nine-
teenth as " a fine specimen of what a regiment ought to
be. They called themselves the 'Terrors of the East.'
Indeed, such was the respect in which they were held
by the natives, that when they embarked for England, all
the black town of Madras was emptied to see them off."
Before sailing, an entertainment in their honour was given
by the Commander-in-Chief, and the subjoined orders were
published : —

General Order (Madras Govt.\
Fort St. George, October loth, 1806.

1806. On the occasion of the intended return of His
Majesty's ipth regiment of light dragoons to
Europe, the right honourable the governor in
council feels the greatest satisfaction in testifying
in the most public manner, his highest approba-
tion of that distinguished and valuable corps.
From the period of the arrival of his majesty's
igth dragoons in India, in the year 1782, until
the present time, that regiment has shared in
almost every action of difficulty and of glory, in
which the British arms have been engaged
during that long and eventful interval, and has
deservedly established a degree of reputation
seldom equalled, never surpassed. His lordship

170 THE VELLORE MUTINY [1806

in council deems it unnecessary at this moment
to enumerate the various instances in which his
majesty's ipth dragoons have rendered the
most important service to their country : but
the glory acquired by that regiment in the
field of Assaye, and the important advantages
which resulted from its bravery, discipline and
activity, on a late memorable occasion, (furnish?)
an instance which cannot be omitted, and which
can never be obliterated from the annals of this
country, or from the memory of the British
nation. His lordship in council was pleased,
by a general order under date the 27th
August, 1805, to confer a particular mark of
his lordship's approbation on his majesty's 74th
regiment, at the period of the embarkation of
that distinguished corps for Europe, by granting
to the officers a donation of three months' full
batta. Impressed with similar sentiments on
the present occasion, his lordship in council has,
in consideration of the long and brilliant
services of his majesty's I9th regiment of
dragoons, resolved to extend to the officers of
that regiment a donation of the same amount,
which is accordingly directed to be paid
previously to their departure.

General Order. (Lieut. General Sir J. Cradocfc)

Head Quarters^ Choultry Plain,
Oct. I3//2, 1806.

1806. The eulogium that government has been
pleased to express in their late order upon the
services of his majesty's 19th light dragoons,
throughout its long and distinguished course in
this Country, leaves to the commander-in-chief
but little to add, except his warmest wishes for
the continuance of their uninterrupted honor
and success, in other regions of the British
Empire. The records of government every-
where proclaim the value of his majesty's iQth
light dragoons, in India, and stamp the

'So;] RETURN TO ENGLAND 171

occasions, where this regiment has perhaps
secured the foundations of our empire.

Such subjects belong to the highest authority,
and have only been briefly mentioned with
grateful acknowledgment. The bounded limits
of an order were unequal to the history.

It therefore only remains with the
commander-in-chief, to state the humbler
sentiments of approbation of the discipline,
good order, obedience, and harmony that
prevail in the igih light dragoons, which
confirm all opinion, that such are the founda-
tions that lead to glory, cause admiration and
respect, while a regiment remains in a foreign
country, and ensures to them, on their departure
the deepest regret.

And so, on the 2Oth October 1 806, twenty-four years to
a day since they first arrived in Madras, the I9th Light
Dragoons with their honours thick upon them, embarked
in the Streatham, William Pitt, and Jane Duchess of
Gordon^ to sail for England three days later, under convoy
of the squadron commanded by Rear Admiral Sir Edward
Pellew. The voyage was uneventful. Table Bay was
reached 3Oth December, and St Helena 23rd January. On
the 1 8th April 1807, the regiment disembarked at Tilbury,
one detachment being landed at Plymouth, and marched
to Northampton. A muster taken a week after landing
shows the strength of the regiment to have been 245 rank
and file. Recruiting parties were at once sent out to
Birmingham, Glasgow, Dublin and Waterford.

172 WAR WITH UNITED STATES [1812

CHAPTER XI

WAR WITH UNITED STATES

1808-1813

igth in Ireland — United States declare War — igth ordered to Canada
— United States' plans — Operations of 1812 — Mackinaw— Detroit
— Armistice — Battle of Queenston Heights — General Brock killed
— Montreal threatened — Operations of 1813 — Proctor's victory at
Frenchtown — Fort Meigs — United States' victory on Lake
Erie— Battle of the Thames ; Proctor's defeat— York captured—
Fort George and Erie evacuated— Stoney Creek : Harvey's
brilliant exploit — Fitzgibbon's success at Beaver Dam — Arrival
of squadron of iQth on Niagara frontier — Engagement on Lake
Ontario — Fort George re-occupied — Fort Niagara surprised —
Black Rock and Buffalo captured — Abortive attack on Sackett's
Harbour — United States' operations against Montreal — Battle of
Chateaugay — Battle of Chrystler's Farm — Importance of Kingston
and Sackett's Harbour.

DURING the following six years the regiment remained at
home, and took no part in the stirring events then
occurring in Spain and Portugal. At the end of 1808,
they moved from Northampton to Norwich and Ipswich,
with a detachment at Birmingham, while their recruiting
parties were actively engaged in different parts of the
United Kingdom. In March 1809, the regiment moved
to Romford, and, in December, embarked for Ireland.
For two years the regiment remained in quarters at
Tullamore, Philipstown and Longford. By an order dated
23rd April 1811, the establishment was augmented from
400 to 570 privates, making the total strength of all ranks
685. In March 1812, the regiment marched to Clonmel,
and in June, to Dublin. The regiment was soon to pro-
ceed on active service again.

On the 1 8th June, 1812, the United States declared

SQUADUON GUIDON.

GUIDONS OF THE X1XTH LIGHT DRAGOONS.

to face p. 172.

i8i2] DESIGNS ON CANADA 173

war against England. The declaration reached the British
Government on the 3Oth July; but, as the British Orders
in Council respecting the trade of neutral nations, that
had been put forward on the American side as the chief
reason for the war, had been rescinded on 23rd June, it was
still believed in England that peace would be maintained.
In spite of the hostilities that immediately commenced, it
was not till October that conditional orders for reprisals
were issued, and the formal declaration of war by Great
Britain was not made till Qth January 1813. The war
party in the States had the upper hand at the time : they
were determined on war, and cared little for the pretext. To
outward appearance, it seemed, in 1812, that England could
not much longer hold out against Napoleon, who had the
whole continent of Europe, except Russia, at his feet, while
the British armies in Spain seemed to make no progress.
In truth Napoleon's power was already beginning to totter.
The British armies in Spain, hardened and consolidated
by three years of war under their great leader, were
invincible. Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz had fallen, and
Wellington had already begun his victorious advance that
was to carry him across the Pyrenees. At the same time
Napoleon was preparing for his disastrous invasion of
Russia which dealt the first deadly blow to his power.
But the war party in the United States were unable to
discern this. The British troops in Canada were few in
number, the colonists were believed to be lukewarm in
their loyalty to Great Britain, and the war party promised
their countrymen that Canada would prove an easy prey.
Under the thin veil of resenting injuries a war of conquest
was intended.

On 6th March 1813, an order was issued for three
squadrons of the igth Light Dragoons, completed to
eighty rank and file per troop, to be held in readiness to
embark for North America, under Lieut. Colonel the

174 WAR WITH UNITED STATES [1812

Hon. J. O'Neill. The horses of the officers, sergeants and
corporals were to be taken, but all other horses were to
be left behind. In the same month the regiment reached
Cork, and embarked on 4th April, in company with
other troops, under convoy of the Sybelle frigate and
Cygnet sloop ; almost the first reinforcements sent
from England to Canada since the United States' declara-
tion of war. They reached Quebec about the i;th May,*
and were at once sent to La Prairie on the St Lawrence
near Montreal.

The war in which the regiment was about to engage,
was one in which cavalry could play only a subordinate
part. The country in which they were to operate was a
vast expanse of forest and swamp, with a few sparsely
inhabited clearings. The chief mode of communication
was by boat. The war was one to be fought out by small
bodies of men far from their supports, wielding the axe and
the oar as much as the rifle : forage was hard to get, and
there was little place for mounted men. Under these
conditions, the ipth Light Dragoons were only engaged in
small detachments, never more than a squadron, seldom
more than a troop. Their duties were of a most harassing
kind, on outpost and reconnoissance duty. Never once did
they have an opportunity of crossing swords with the
enemy's cavalry. The only cavalry charges recorded during
the war were those made by the United States' cavalry that
overwhelmed Proctor's force at the battle of the Thames,
and the charge repulsed by the 8pth at Chrystler's Farm.

Immediately on landing, one troop, taking with it only
ten horses, was dispatched to Upper Canada. With it
went Lieut. Colonel O'Neill and a convoy of ammunition.
The three hundred horses, that were to have been ready by
ist July, had not been obtained. A fortnight later, a
second troop followed, with sixty-five horses, most of

* Quebec Mercury % iSth May 1813.

i8i2] UNITED STATES' PLANS 175

which had been brought from Ireland with the regiment.
The squadron was destined for the Niagara frontier, where
it was engaged, under Captain Lisle, till the end of the war.

Meanwhile, in spite of the belief in England that war
would not be prosecuted by the States, when the rescinding
of the orders in Council was known, hostilities had been in
active progress from the first declaration. The British
regular troops in Canada, in June 1812, were about 4500 in
number ; of which 3000 were in garrison at Quebec and
Montreal, the remainder being scattered along the Upper
Canada frontier. Their small number was effectively
supplemented by the Canadian militia, who fought for the
protection of their homes with a gallantry and devotion
that could not be exceeded. Their numbers were however
liable to constant fluctuations owing to the frequent
necessity for their presence at their homes for agricultural
purposes. A considerable number of Indians also, at
times, co-operated ; allies of doubtful value, who could
never be relied on, and whose numbers varied from day to
day. In population and resources the United States were
in the proportion of more than ten to one compared to
Canada. On the British side therefore the war was
necessarily of a defensive character. The points on which
Canada was most vulnerable were, i. on the Detroit frontier
between Lake Huron and Lake Erie ; 2. on the Niagara
frontier between Lake Erie and Lake Ontario ; and, 3. on
the line of the St Lawrence between Kingston and
Montreal. The United States' plan was to invade Canada
on all three points, and three separate expeditions were
prepared for the purpose. The first attack was made on
the Detroit frontier, where, under pretence of punishing
some Indians, troops had been assembled before the
declaration of war.

Before noticing the more important operations of 1812,
it is necessary to mention the capture of the United States

176 WAR WITH UNITED STATES 1812

fort and island of Mackinaw, which was effected by a party
of regulars, militia and Indians, under Captain Roberts,
on i /th July, and retained till the .end of the war. The
capture was of some importance, as the island commanded
the navigation between Lakes Michigan and Huron.

On the 1 2th July, a United States' force of 2500 men,
under General Hull, crossed from Detroit, and occupied
the small village of Sandwich. On the same day Hull
issued a proclamation that struck the keynote of the war.
In it he called on the Canadians to seek his protection,
threatening them with a war of extermination should they
venture to take up arms against him. Acting in the spirit
of this proclamation, the United States' troops throughout
the war committed excesses against the non-combatant
population that had long been condemned by all civilized
nations, and effectually alienated any sympathy they might
have found among the Canadians. The reprisals, that are
inevitable in such cases, followed, and the war was marked
by a rancour on both sides, that contrasted strongly with
the more decorous but not less deadly warfare that was
being waged by French and British troops in Spain.

The small British force of 350 men in the neighbour-
hood of Detroit, consisting mainly of militia, and not
counting Indians, were gathered at Amherstberg under
Lieutenant Colonel Proctor. Hull, instead of advancing
at once, and overwhelming it, remained at Sandwich, in-
dulging in petty outpost affairs. Proctor passed a small
force across the river, and cut off his supplies, which
forced Hull to withdraw his force, on the 7th August,
from the Canadian side, and retreat to Detroit. On the
1 2th, Major General Brock, commanding in Upper
Canada, reached Amherstberg with three hundred men,
and, three days later, crossed the river, and advanced on
Detroit. On the i6th, Hull capitulated with his whole
force. Over fifteen hundred prisoners, thirty- three guns,

i8i2] GENERAL BROCK'S DEATH 177

2500 stands of arms and the Michigan territory passed
into the hands of the British.

At this time a lull in the war took place through the
action of Lieutenant General Sir George Prevot, Governor
and Commander-in-Chief of Canada, who, throughout the
war, was the evil genius of the British cause. In the
United States' manifesto the British Orders in Council
had been put forward as the chief cause of the war. On
hearing that the orders had been repealed, Sir George
Prevost believed that the war would not be persevered
with. He accordingly, in spite of the hostilities that had
occurred, proposed an armistice to the United States'
commander of the force threatening Montreal, till the
latter should receive further orders from Washington.
But the United States' government were determined on
war, and hostilities were resumed on 8th September.
The armistice was of much advantage to the States, as,
while it lasted, they were able to convey without
hindrance, by water, the supplies collected at Oswego
for the use of their troops destined to act on the Niagara
frontier, at a time when the British had an undoubted
superiority on Lake Ontario.

The United States' force threatening the line between
Lakes Erie and Ontario numbered 6300 men, under
General Van Rensselaar. To oppose them, Major General
Brock had but 1200 men (by one account 1500), a large
proportion of which were militia and Indians. These
troops were posted at Fort Erie and Fort George, the
two extreme points of the line, with a few companies at
Queenston and one or two other points to command
landing places. Early in the morning of the I3th
October, about 1600 United States' troops crossed at
Queenston, and made good their footing. In the course
of the fighting General Brock fell at the head of his
men, and the United States' commander was badly

iy8 WAR WITH UNITED STATES [1812

wounded. Reinforcements coming up, in the afternoon,
from Fort George, under Major General Sheaffe, brought
the British-Canadian force on the spot up to about 1000
men including Indians. An attack was made on the
enemy's position : they were driven into their boats, and
the United States' General Wadsworth, with 958 officers
and men were made prisoners. One gun and a colour
were also captured. The loss on the British side cannot
be exactly stated. Besides the General, one officer was
killed and two wounded. Among the rank and file there
were about 16 killed and 70 wounded, and about a dozen
Indians : but the success was dearly bought with the death
of Sir Isaac Brock.*

At one in the morning of 28th November, another
attempt was made to cross, about two miles below Fort
Erie. But the crossing was mismanaged, and the whole
attempt carried out in a half-hearted way. After in-
flicting and sustaining some loss, the United States'
troops re-embarked, and thus ended for the year all
serious operations on this part of the frontier.

The United States' force intended to operate against
Montreal was equally unsuccessful. Assembled at Platts-
burg on Lake Champlain, about 7000 strong, under
General Dearborn, it advanced to the frontier on i$th
November. On this being known in Montreal, the
available troops, about 1900 strong more than half of
which were militia, advanced to La Prairie. Nothing
however occurred beyond an unimportant skirmish be-
tween small detachments, after which, Dearborn retreated
to Plattsburg, and went into quarters for the winter.
Thus ended hostilities for the year. At every point the
United States' forces had been foiled by inferior numbers.
Fort Detroit and the State of Michigan, together with
the island of Mackinaw, commanding the navigation be-

* He had been created a Knight of the Bath for his victory at Detroit.

i8i3] UNITED STATES' PLANS 179

tween Lakes Michigan and Huron, remained in British
hands. The only real success gained by the United
States was in the naval strength they had been able to
develop on the Lakes, owing to superior resources, and
to the absence of any assistance to Canada from England.
The superiority thus bloodlessly established had important
results on the subsequent course of the war in Upper
Canada. By sea, successes were scored by the United
States in five frigate duels, mainly due to the superior
size and armament of the United States' ships. Effectual
measures were then taken in England, and the United
States' flag practically disappeared from the high seas
for the rest of the war. The complete mastery of the
sea by Great Britain caused the U.S. government to
direct their naval resources to the Canadian lakes, a
result that had an important bearing on the succeeding
years' warfare.

The United States' plan of operations for the following
year was, as before, to invade Canada with three separate
corps. The first was destined to retake Detroit, and
acquire possession of Amherstberg. The second attack
was to be made from the eastern end of Lake Ontario, to
capture Kingston and Toronto, then known as York, and
then, in co-operation with a force collected at Buffalo, to
act against Forts George and Erie on the Niagara frontier.
The third was to operate against Montreal, by a combined
advance from the neighbourhood of Plattsburg, and from
the eastern end of Ontario.

On the Detroit frontier the Canadian forces numbered
about 2,300 men, more than half of which were Indians,
under Colonel Proctor ; opposed to a U.S. force of double
that number, under General Harrison.

On the 1 8th January, a force of 1000 men under
General Winchester, advancing from Sandusky, drove in
the British picquets at Frenchtown, forty-five miles from

i8o WAR WITH UNITED STATES [1813

Detroit. On the 22nd, Colonel Proctor advancing from
Detroit with four guns and 950 men, half of whom were
Indians, attacked General Winchester in front of French-
town, and gained a complete victory. Winchester with
538 men were taken prisoners. In consequence of the
greatly superior numbers of the U.S. troops in the
neighbourhood, Proctor then withdrew to Detroit and
Sandwich. Little further occurred till 23rd April, when
Proctor led a small expedition against a U.S. work on the
Miami river called Fort Meigs. The attempt was un-
successful, and Proctor returned to Sandwich about I2th
May. The only noteworthy incident was the severe
punishment inflicted on the U.S. force in a sortie on the
5th May, in which nearly 500 were taken prisoners. The
British loss was comparatively small. On the 2nd August,
Proctor made a similar attempt on a fort newly constructed
at the mouth of the Sandusky river. After an attempt to
storm, which was repulsed with the loss of 100 killed and
wounded, he retired. After this no further movement
on either side occurred till September, when a change in
the situation was wrought by a success gained by the U.S.
navy on the lake. On loth September, a naval action was
fought on Lake Erie, between six British and nine U.S
ships, in which the latter were completely victorious. This
rendered Proctor's position extremely critical. He at once
evacuated Detroit and Amherstberg, and, with a force of
less than 1000 men, not counting Indians, retreated along
the river Thames, closely followed by Harrison. On the
5th October, he decided to make a stand. Attacked by a
greatly superior force, he was at once overwhelmed by
charges of cavalry, of which Harrison had 1200 in the field,
and the greater part of his men made prisoners. Proctor,
with some 200 men only, made good his retreat to Ancaster,
eighty-five miles distant. The celebrated Indian Chief,
Tecumseh, was slain on this occasion, and the state of

CAPTURE OF TORONTO 181

Michigan passed again into United States' keeping.
Harrison, after destroying Moravian town, in the
neighbourhood of which the action had been fought,
returned to Detroit and Amherstberg, and, shortly after-
wards, embarked with a portion of his force for the Niagara
frontier.

Active operations at the eastern end of Lake Ontario
commenced in April. Early in that month, a United
States' force of about 6000 men was collected at Sackett's
Harbour, which was the United States' chief naval depot
on the lake. On 2/th, the U.S. lake squadron with 2000
troops on board appeared off Toronto,* and at once began
to land under the guns of the fleet. Major General Sheaffe,
who had 500 regular troops and militia and some Indians,
after ineffectually opposing the landing, was forced to
withdraw towards Kingston, and the town was occupied by
the enemy. General Pike, commanding the U.S. troops,
was killed, and both sides suffered considerable loss by the
explosion of a magazine. On the 8th May, after burning
the public buildings, the U.S. force withdrew, and were
conveyed to the mouth of the Niagara river, where they
landed, with a view to joining in operations against Forts
George and Erie. The vessels were then employed in
bringing further re-inforcements from Sackett's Harbour,
for the contemplated attack on Fort George.

The British force on the Niagara frontier consisted at
this time of 1800 regular troops, 500 militia, and 40 Indians,
under Major General Vincent. On 2/th May, the U.S.
force, numbering 6000 to 7000 men, under General Dear-
born, crossed under cover of the guns of the flotilla and of
Fort Niagara. After a stubborn contest, in which they
suffered a loss of 445 killed and wounded, the British
troops evacuated Fort George, and retired to Burlington
Heights at the head of Lake Ontario. Fort Erie was also

* The present town of Toronto was known as York in 1813.

i8a WAR WITH UNITED STATES [1813

evacuated. Four days later, Dearborn detached 3500 men
under Generals Chandler and Winder to follow Vincent,
and, on 5th June, the U.S. force encamped at Stoney Creek,
seven miles from Vincent's position. In this critical
position Vincent resolved on a night attack. At 2 o'clock
in the morning, 700 men of the 8th and 49th regiments,
led by Colonel Harvey, penetrated the U.S. camp. Four
guns were captured ; the greatest confusion was caused in
the surprised camp, from which the enemy were driven.
In order to conceal the smallness of his force, Harvey
withdrew before daylight, taking with him two guns and
123 prisoners, among whom were the two United States
Generals. In this spirited affair the British loss amounted
to 23 killed, 136 wounded and $5 missing. The U.S.
force, after burning its tents and stores, fell back
precipitately to Forty-mile Creek, 1 1 miles in rear of the
field. Two days later, a small British squadron from
Kingston, under Sir James Yeo, bringing some rein-
forcements for Vincent, appeared and drove the U.S.
force from their camp which was taken possession of.
Harvey's gallant exploit had saved the frontier. On the
24th June, in retaliation for the affair at Stoney Creek, a
U.S. force under Colonel Boerstler attempted to surprise
an outpost of Canadian rangers at Beaver Dam, under
Lieutenant Fitzgibbon. Through the loyalty of the wife
of a Canadian farmer, Fitzgibbon received timely warning.
Disposing of his little force of 200 men, mostly Indians, to
the best advantage, the advancing enemy were caught
in an ambush, and, after suffering some loss, Boerstler
capitulated with 25 officers, 519 men, two guns and a stand
of colours. Fifty-six of the U.S. force were killed and
wounded, Boerstler himself being among the latter. At
the moment of capitulation, a reinforcement of 200 men
under Major du Haren joined Fitzgibbon, and enabled
him to guard his prisoners. These successive reverses

i8is] BRITISH SUCCESSES 183

dispirited the U.S. troops in this part of the frontier to
such an extent, that they suffered themselves to be
blockaded in Fort George by very inferior numbers. On
the 4th and nth of July, Forts Schlosser and Black Rock
were captured by separate coups de main, and the military
stores destroyed or carried off. In the second affair
Lieutenant Colonel Bisshopp, an' officer of great promise,
was unfortunately killed. On the 3ist July, the United
States' squadron on Ontario paid a second visit to Toronto,
which was undefended, and burned some more buildings.
This unexpected move on the part of the enemy occurred
just as the first troop of the ipth dispatched from Lower
Canada was near Toronto, and the ammunition and
baggage were captured.

Meanwhile, Major General de Rottenburg had taken
over command on the Niagara frontier, from Vincent,
and, on 2Oth July, the first troop of the iQth from Lower
Canada joined the army at Four Mile Creek. Two days
later we find the General reporting " two of our cavalry
vedettes were taken yesterday by the enemy." On the
1 7th August, Lieutenant Glad win of the iQth was
wounded in a skirmish near Fort George. About the
2Oth August, Sir George Prevost joined de Rottenburg,
bringing with him some reinforcements, among which
was the second troop of the igth Light Dragoons, com-
pleting the squadron under Captain Lisle. On the 24th,
a demonstration was made against Fort George. The
advance was led by thirty of the igth, under their
Lieutenant Colonel the Hon. J. O'Neill. Beyond driving
the enemy, for a short time, out of the town of
Newark, and capturing 60 or 70 prisoners the demon-
stration was without result. The British force suffered
the loss of an officer and ten men, who advanced too
far, and were taken prisoners. On the nth September
an engagement took place between the two Ontario

i84 WAR WITH UNITED STATES [1813

squadrons, the day after the engagement on Lake Erie,
already mentioned. In this also the U.S. squadron had
the best of it, but there were no decisive results. In
both engagements the British squadrons were at a
disadvantage through want of regular sailors : the greater
part of their crews consisting of Canadians and soldiers.
Early in September, Sir George Prevost returned to
Kingston, leaving General de Rottenburg in command.
On the 1st October, part of the U.S. force embarked at
Niagara, and were conveyed to Sackett's Harbour to
join in operations against Kingston and Montreal, leaving
General McClure in command at Fort George and Niagara.
The following day, the 49th and iO4th Regiments, under
de Rottenburg, started for Kingston, which they reached
on the 1 6th, leaving Vincent in command on the Niagara
frontier. Their presence secured Kingston from attack,
and helped to furnish the force that triumphed at
Chrystler's Farm. Two companies of de Watteville's
regiment, proceeding from Toronto to Kingston, were less
fortunate, being captured by the U.S. squadron. On the
9th October, the news of Proctor's defeat on the Thames
reached Vincent, causing him to withdraw from the
neighbourhood of Fort George, and fall back to Burling-
ton Heights ; where he was joined by the remains of
Proctor's force. The difficulty in obtaining supplies,
always great, were apparently almost insurmountable at
this time ; for we find Vincent recommending that Major
Lisle's squadron should return to Kingston and Montreal.
The discouragement in the British force was very great.
Sir George Prevost, believing that Upper Canada was
lost, sent orders to Vincent to collect his troops, and
bring them to Kingston ; but the order was not obeyed.
The U.S. troops in Fort George under McClure, at
this time indulged in a series of cruel and wanton
excesses against the Canadian inhabitants in the neigh-

i8is] CAPTURE OF FORT NIAGARA 185

bourhood. In order to put some check on these excesses
Vincent detached a small force of about 500 men under
Colonel Murray in the direction of Fort George. With
them went a troop of the iQth. As Murray advanced,
McClure's outposts fell back. On Murray making a
sudden dash forwards, McClure precipitately abandoned
Fort George, on I2th December, and retreated across
the Niagara river, after burning the little town of Newark :
an inhuman act at such an inclement season of the year,
and the more inexcusable, in that he left in the Fort,
without destroying them, his tents standing, a great
quantity of stores, and some guns. "With the same
intention, Queenston was deliberately bombarded with
red-hot shot from the batteries at Lewiston. Many
isolated farm houses were destroyed by marauding parties
of soldiers, or, when they proved too substantial for
instant demolition, were rendered uninhabitable by
removal of the doors and windows. The few cattle still
remaining in the possession of the country people were
mercilessly slaughtered or driven away, and their grain
and flour removed or destroyed." * At this juncture,
Lieutenant General Drummond, f who had been appointed
to the command of Upper Canada, arrived and took
command of the troops. Following up the success at
Fort George, Drummond resolved on attacking Niagara.
On the night of the i8th December, a force of 550 men
of the 4 ist and icoth, under Colonel Murray, was silently
ferried across the river, three miles above the Fort.
Advancing silently in two columns, with unloaded muskets
and bayonets fixed, the enemy's picquets were seized
before any alarm could be given : one party escaladed
one of the bastions, while the other entered by the gate
that had been left open for the relief of sentries. The

* Lundy's Lane Hist. Society.

t Afterwards Sir Gordon Drummond, K.C.B,

186 WAR WITH UNITED STATES [1813

garrison made but a feeble resistance, and, in a few
minutes the British force was in complete possession of
the Fort, with 27 guns, over 3000 stand of arms and
344 prisoners. The drummers of the looth found their
way to the roof of the principal building, and played
" The British Grenadiers " as a signal of success to their
comrades across the river. This brilliant success was
gained with a loss of only six men killed and five
wounded. A few hours later, a second force was ferried
across, and seized Lewiston after a slight skirmish, captur-
ing two guns and other military stores. In retaliation for
the burning of Newark, Lewiston and four neighbouring
villages were laid in ruins.

The U.S. force, about 2 500 strong, was now commanded
by General Hall, and quartered at Black Rock and Buffalo.
Intent on following up his success, Drummond placed his
headquarters near Fort Erie. On the night of the 29th,
Major General Riall, with 600 men and about 100 Indians,
crossed the Niagara river about two miles below Black
Rock, drove in a U.S. picquet, and took up a position at a
bridge over a small stream. At daylight on the 3ist, the
Royal Scots, about 800 strong, with a detachment of Major
Lisle's squadron of the iQth Light Dragoons, the whole
under command of Lt. Colonel Gordon, crossed over, under
fire, to land above Black Rock. Joining hands with Riall,
Black Rock was attacked and occupied after a short
resistance, the defending force retreating to Buffalo. The
advance was continued, and Buffalo taken after a poor
resistance: 130 prisoners and 8 guns were captured, and
four armed vessels of the U.S. squadron on Lake Erie,
burned. Black Rock and Buffalo were burned to the
ground. The work was completed by Major Lisle's
squadron, which swept the frontier from Buffalo to
Lewiston, bringing the operations to an end on the 2nd
January 1814. The British troops were then withdrawn to

OGDENSBURG—SACKETT'S HARBOUR 187

the Canadian side, with the exception of a garrison left in
Fort Niagara. Thus closed operations at this part of the
frontier for the year.

The operations of the year on the eastern frontier have
now to be recorded. Taking advantage of the frozen
state of the St Lawrence, skirmishing parties of U.S.
troops, from Ogdensburg, crossed the river in January and
February, and committed depredations on the Canadian
side. In order to put an end to these attacks, Major
Macdonell, with 480 men and three field pieces, crossed
the ice on the morning of the 22nd February, drove the
enemy from their position, capturing 1 1 guns and over 70
prisoners. After burning two armed schooners and two
gunboats, as well as the barracks, Macdonell returned to
the Canadian shore. This brilliant little affair was
accomplished with the loss of eight killed and fifty-two
wounded. On the 2/th May, an expedition, under Sir
George Prevost, sailed from Kingston to capture Sackett's
Harbour. Owing to the incapacity and irresolution of Sir
George Prevost, the affair ended in failure. After unneces-
sary delay, which enabled the enemy to make preparations
for defence, the troops landed, on 29th, and drove the
enemy from their positions. In anticipation of having to
capitulate, their navy-yard and ships were set on fire by
the enemy, and a great quantity of naval stores and
provisions, captured at York, destroyed ; when Sir George
Prevost, against the advice of his officers, gave the order
to retreat, at the moment that success was in his grasp.
The troops re-embarked and returned to Kingston, with
about 100 prisoners, having suffered a loss of 50 killed and
2 1 1 wounded. The capture of Sackett's Harbour by the
British would have had a tremendous influence on the war.
It was the principal United States' base on the lake,
and its capture would have given Canada the complete
supremacy of Lake Ontario as long as the war lasted,

i88 WAR WITH UNITED STATES [1813

besides the possession of the great quantities of naval
and military stores that had been collected there by the
United States' Government.

On the 3rd June, an attack was made by four armed
vessels of the U.S. squadron on Lake Champlain, upon the
post of Isle aux Noix, about 40 miles from Montreal ;
resulting in the capture of two U.S. sloops. On 29th July,
a flotilla, composed of the two captured vessels and three
gunboats, transported over land from the St Lawrence,
embarked about 1000 men of the I3th and looth regiments
under Lieutenant Colonel Murray, and arrived, the next
day, before Plattsburg. The U.S. militia in charge of the
place, retired without making any resistance. The barracks
and blockhouses were burned, and a quantity of naval
stores carried off. Four thousand U.S. troops under
General Hampton, destined to act against Montreal, lay
inactive at Burlington, without interfering with Murray.

Nothing further of importance happened till October,
when the U.S. preparations for the attack on Montreal
were complete. For this purpose, a corps of 8800 men,
under General Wilkinson, was assembled at Grenadier
Island, at the eastern end of Ontario, fully provided with
boats. At the same time a second corps of about 5700
men, under General Hampton, was assembled on Lake
Champlain. The two corps were intended to join hands at
St Regis, and act in combination. The first movement
was made by Hampton. Advancing from Plattsburg, he
reached Four Corners on the Chateaugay river, about 8th
October. To oppose him, Sir G. Prevost detached a body
of Canadian militia, about 1000 strong, under Lt. Colonel
de Salaberry, who, after some skirmishing to ascertain the
direction of Hampton's advance, took up a position on the
west bank of the Chateaugay river.

On the 2 ist, Hampton crossed the frontier, and
advanced, cutting roads for his guns, and repairing bridges

i8i3l BATTLE OF CHATEAUGAY 189

as he moved forward. During the night of the 2$th,
Hampton detached a brigade under Colonel Purdy to ford
the Chateaugay river, march down the right bank, and take
the Canadian position in rear, while he himself assailed it
in front. De Salaberry's position, a naturally strong one in
a dense forest, intersected by ravines, had been further
strengthened by breaking down bridges in the front,
and making timber breastworks. Hampton commenced
his attack at 10 o'clock on the morning of the 26th, but it
was not pushed home. By keeping his men under cover,
and placing buglers in the woods, de Salaberry gave the
impression to the enemy of having a much greater number
of men than had been supposed. Meanwhile, Purdy's
brigade, which had lost its way in the woods, came up,
attracted by the firing, and overthrew a company of
Canadians on the right bank. Re-inforcements coming up
under Macdonell, the officer who distinguished himself at
Ogdensburg in February, Purdy was driven into the woods
with loss and confusion, and took no further part in the
battle. So disorganised were his troops that, during the
following night, they opened fire on each other, causing
themselves further losses. Seeing the failure of the flank
attack on which he had principally depended, and believing
the Canadian force in his front to be stronger than it was,
Hampton drew off and fell back, first on Four Corners,
and, a few days later, to Plattsburgh ; whence his force
shortly afterwards went into winter quarters. This brilliant
affair was fought entirely by the Canadian militia at a cost
of 5 killed, 16 wounded, and four missing. A month after
the action, an officer and twenty-five men of the iQth
Light Dragoons were dispatched to join de Salaberry
at Chateaugay.

It was not till 5th November that Wilkinson's corps
left Grenadier Island, in a flotilla of between two and three
hundred open boats, protected by gunboats, and entered the

igo WAR WITH UNITED STATES [1813

St Lawrence. According to the original plan, the capture
of Kingston had been intended ; but this was relinquished
on the arrival there of the re-inforcements sent under de
Rottenburg. On arriving near Ogdensburg, the force was
landed on the south bank of the river, and marched down
to a point 14 miles below that place, in order to avoid the
risk of passing the small Canadian post of Fort Wellington
at Prescott. The boats were brought down at night with
muffled oars. On the 9th, the force was again landed,
this time on the left bank, in order to pass the rapid known
as the Long Sault. The following day, one division, under
General Brown, marched to occupy Cornwall ; the other
division, under General Boyd, was retained at the head of
the rapid, to oppose a British force that was hanging on
their rear.

Directly the start of the U.S. expedition down the
St Lawrence was known in Kingston, as many men as
could be safely spared, had been detached under Lieu-
tenant Colonel Morrison of the 89th, convoyed by a
few gunboats, to follow on Wilkinson's rear. At Fort
Wellington, Morrison received a further accession of force,
which brought up his numbers to 800 rank and file. On
the 9th, he landed, thirteen miles lower down, and, in a
few hours, was in touch with Wilkinson's force. During
the following day some skirmishing took place, and then
Morrison, finding that Boyd was preparing to attack him
in force, took up a position at a place named " Chrystler's
Farm." Morrison's force was made up of some
companies of the 49th, 89th, some militia, three 6 Pr.
guns and thirty Indians. Boyd had 2500 men, among
which was a strong force of cavalry, and ten guns.
Unlike all previous actions in this war, the battle of
Chrystler's Farm was fought in open country. This
conferred an advantage on the better trained and
disciplined British troops, that atoned for their inferiority

i8i3l BATTLE OF CHRYSTLER'S FARM 191

in numbers. The action commenced about 2 o'clock in the
afternoon of the I ith, and, after three hours' fighting, in the
course of which a charge of United States' dragoons was
defeated by three companies of the 89th, Boyd fell back,
repulsed at every point, with the loss of one gun, 339
killed and wounded, among the former of whom was the
U.S. General Covington, and over 100 prisoners. The
British loss was 21 killed, 148 wounded and 12 missing.
Boyd fell back on his boats, and embarked after the action,
crossing over to the right bank of the river. The following
day, he descended the rapid, and joined Brown's force
near Cornwall. The cavalry, and some of the artillery,
marched along the Canadian bank, without embarking.
Morrison, with his small force, continued his march down
the left bank. On his force being re-united, Wilkinson
learned that he could expect no aid from Hampton. He
at once decided on giving up the attempt on Montreal,
and retreating by the only way open to him. Embarking
his whole force, on the I3th, he descended the St Lawrence
to the mouth of the Salmon river, and ascended that river
seven miles to French Mills. Here he lay, expecting to
be attacked, till I2th February, when he set fire to his
boats, huts, and blockhouses, and retreated to Plattsburgh
and Burlington on Lake Champlain.

Thus, in loss and disaster, ended the second and most
serious attempt against Montreal, made during the war.
A handful of Canadians at Chateaugay, in the woods
that gave their special fighting powers a signal oppor-
tunity, and a small number of British troops at Chrystler's
Farm, where the field of action gave full scope to their
training and discipline, had saved Canada.

Of the three invasions of the Canadian frontier, the one
by Detroit was alone successful. Proctor's defeat on the
Thames was irreparable. Fortunately for Canada, it was
the point at which the enemy's success was least im-

1 92 WAR WITH UNITED STATES [1813

portant Vincent's spirited affair at Stoney Creek was
the turning-point of the year's campaign. Had he been
overwhelmed, the Niagara frontier would have been lost,
and the re-inforcements that saved Kingston from attack
could not have been spared. The fall of Kingston might
have led to the fall of Montreal.

The operations of the year showed the extreme im-
portance to Canada of the mastery on Ontario, and the
retention of Kingston. The whole country was an almost
trackless forest. The only way of moving troops and
stores was by water. Full subsistence for the troops in
Upper Canada could not be procured among the scanty
population, and they were largely dependent for rations
on pork and biscuit from England. So long as the water-
way was open, the defence of the Niagara frontier was
possible. As the supremacy of the U.S. navy on Lake
Erie made it impossible for the British to continue the
war on the Detroit frontier, so a decisive defeat on Lake
Ontario would have lost the Niagara frontier also. But,
till the end of the war, the U.S. navy never succeeded
in establishing more than a temporary supremacy on
Ontario.

The failure of Wilkinson's expedition showed the risk
of attacking Montreal, while Kingston was strongly held
by a hostile force. An expedition, once launched on the
St Lawrence, could not re-ascend against the current, and
was liable to be caught between two fires, as actually
happened in Wilkinson's case. The true objective of the
United States, throughout the war, was Kingston ; the
possession of which would have made them masters of
Upper Canada without a further effort, and would have
placed Montreal in jeopardy. But Kingston was never
seriously attacked during the whole war.

On the Canadian side, the importance of gaining
possession of Sackett's Harbour was not clearly recog-

i8i4] UNITED STATES' PLANS 193

nized. The capture and retention of that place would
have practically secured the Niagara frontier, and assured
the safety of Montreal. But Sir George Prevost's half-
hearted and abortive attack in May, was the only attempt
made during the war. To both sides, the capture of their
enemy's depot on the lake was of supreme importance.
The keys of successful attack and defence were at
Sackett's Harbour and Kingston.

CHAPTER XII

THE NIAGARA FRONTIER
1814-1821

United States' plans — Attempt on Mackinaw — La Colle — State of
affairs on Niagara frontier — Drummond's raid on Oswego — Dover
—Advance of U.S. force— Capture of Fort Erie — Battle of
Chippewa — Critical position of British force — Battle of Lundy's
Lane — Retreat of U.S. forces — Fort Erie invested — Assault on
Fort Erie — Sergeant Powell — Conclusion of operations on
Niagara frontier — Prevost's abortive attack on Plattsburgh —
Defeat of British squadron on Lake Champlain — Other operations
— Bladensberg — Capture of Washington — General Ross killed —
Victory at Baltimore — Expedition against New Orleans — Its
defeat — Fort Bowyer captured — Treaty of Ghent — Sir William
Payne — Sir John Vandeleur — Badge "Niagara" granted —
Regiment returns to England— Equipped as Lancers— Embark
for Ireland — Disbanded.

THE plans of the United States' government for the
campaign of 1814 varied considerably from those of the
preceding years. They realised the mistake they had
made in advancing on Montreal without first getting
possession of Kingston, and they recognized the delusion
on which they had acted, in believing that the Canadians
would welcome their troops wherever they appeared on
Canadian soil. It was, indeed, the unflinching loyalty of

I94 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

the Canadians to the British flag that had so far preserved
Canada, as the troops England had been able to spare,
would, by themselves, have been inadequate for the
purpose. The United States' plans for 1814 were there-
fore directed to the following objects. To retake the
island of Mackinaw ; to renew the invasion of the Niagara
frontier ; and, after getting possession of Forts George
and Niagara, to proceed against Kingston. The United
States' officers on the Niagara frontier, had also learned
that enthusiasm without discipline was of little value,
when opposed in the open field to a disciplined enemy ;
the winter and spring therefore were utilised by them in
enforcing a higher degree of drill and discipline than
had hitherto been aimed at. This resulted in a marked
improvement in the fighting qualities of their troops
during the remainder of the war.

In the middle of April, a reinforcement of 100 men,
conveying a quantity of much-needed supplies and stores,
under Colonel McDouall, was sent from Toronto to
Mackinaw, which was reached after a most difficult journey
on 1 8th May. A great number of Indians then flocked
into the post, which prompted McDouall to fit out a
small expedition of 150 men with 500 Indians against a
small post that had been lately established at Prairie du
Chien on the Mississipi, 200 miles north-west of the present
town of Chicago. Moving by water, the expedition, under
Colonel M'Kay, was completely successful, and the post
was captured with two guns, and 61 prisoners, on igth
July, at a cost of only three Indians wounded.

On 26th July, a U.S. expedition from Detroit, consisting
of five armed vessels and about 750 troops, arrived off
Mackinaw, and landed on 4th August, when they were
completely repulsed in an attack on McDouall's position,
regaining their ships with loss and confusion. No further
attempt was made, but part of the expedition uselessly re-

i8i4] DRUMMOND'S DIFFICULTIES 195

mained in the vicinity for some time, losing two armed
vessels, which were taken, on 3rd and 6th September, by a
small party of seamen and militia under Lieutenants
Bulger and Worseley. No further fighting took place in
this quarter, and Mackinaw remained in the hands of the
British till the end of the war.

On the 30th March, General Wilkinson at the head of
4000 U.S. troops advanced from Plattsburgh, crossed Lake
Champlain on the ice, and attacked a small British force,
in a stone mill at La Colle, under Major Handcock.
Wilkinson was repulsed with some loss, and returned to
Plattsburgh.

The position of the British troops on the Niagara
frontier early in the year was very discouraging. The
hardships they had undergone during the operations in
December had caused great sickness, so that the abandon-
ment of Fort Niagara was at one time seriously entertained.

" The region between Chippewa and Erie had been so
completely laid waste that it remained almost uninhabited.
In addition to his troops, Drummond had several thousand
non-combatants to feed, and, in the destitute condition of
the country, this seemed an almost hopeless task. Most of
the western Indians that had survived General Proctor's
defeat, as well as the whole Six Nations from the Grand
River, three thousand persons in all, of whom two-thirds
were helpless women and children, had sought refuge near
the British cantonments at Burlington. Their depredations
so harassed and alarmed many of the inhabitants in the
vicinity, that they abandoned their farms, and took shelter
in the soldiers' quarters. The homeless fugitives from the
Niagara were also dependent upon the over-taxed commis-
sariat. Thus, while his armed force numbered less than two
thousand, between seven and eight thousand rations were
issued daily. . . . The Indians daily consumed twice as
much flour as the whole of the troops. In the garrison of
Fort Erie alone, not much exceeding one hundred persons,
no less than sixty-nine cases of ague were reported in a
single week." *

* Lundy's Lane Historical Society.

196 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

A great number of Indians on the United States' side
were forced to take up arms. Marauding parties from
Detroit made frequent incursions, carrying off loyal in-
habitants, and destroying Delaware and Point aux Pins.
By the end of January, Black Rock was re-occupied by
United States' troops, whence they annoyed Fort Erie by
artillery fire. It was in the midst of these difficulties that
Drummond was obliged to send the re-inforcements under
McDouall to Mackinaw, as already mentioned, and to
further weaken his available forces by withdrawing a
regiment from Toronto to strengthen Kingston.

By great exertions and the employment of soldiers in
the shipyards, the British naval forces on Ontario had
established a superiority. Drummond wished to attack
Sackett's Harbour, and destroy the enemy's vessels there ;
but Sir George Prevost refused to provide the necessary
troops. On the 5th May, Drummond made a successful
dash from Kingston, with a force of about 1000 troops,
upon Oswego. They landed on the 6th, captured the fort,
destroyed all military stores that could not be carried off,
and re-embarked. This successful attack delayed the United
States' operations on the Niagara frontier for several weeks,
and enabled a strict blockade of Sackett's Harbour to be
established.

Early in March, Major Lisle, with a troop of the iQth
Light Dragoons and a few militia, was placed in the little
village of Dover, near Long Point on Lake Erie, to watch
any attempt of the enemy from that side against Burling-
ton. On the 1 5th May, eight hundred U.S. infantry
crossed the lake in armed vessels, and landed. Major
Lisle withdrew his men, and Dover was burned to the
ground ; after which the invading force re-embarked.

By the end of June, the United States' troops on the
Niagara frontier had gathered in great numbers, and it
was evident that an invasion was imminent. Drummond

i8i4l BROWN'S ADVANCE 197

had vainly urged on Sir George Prevost the necessity
of reinforcing the troops on the frontier ; but Sir George
was convinced that the principal attack would come from
Lake Champlain, and withheld the much-needed troops.
From Toronto to Long Point on Lake Erie, Drummond's
force did not much exceed 4000 men. A number of im-
portant points had to be guarded, and the force under
General Riall on the actual frontier was only about 2200
men, including Indians, distributed on a length of thirty-
six miles, and including the garrison in Niagara. Only
about seven hundred men were available for field opera-
tions. At the end of June, the strength of Major Lisle's
squadron was six officers, eleven sergeants, and one hun-
dred and eighteen rank and file, in five different detach-
ments, at Fort George, Queenston, Chippewa, Fort Erie,
and Long Point.

On the morning of the 3rd July, the United States'
force, 4000 strong, under General Brown, was ferried across
in two divisions above and below Fort Erie, under cover
of a fog. A picquet of the ipth Light Dragoons narrowly
escaped being cut off, and the fort was at once invested.
It was occupied at that time by a garrison of 170 men, and,
though in no condition to make a proper defence, it was
expected to maintain itself for a short time. It was
however surrendered after the exchange of a few cannon
shots. Riall, with his inferior numbers, contented him-
self by maintaining a small corps of observation in his
front, while he himself remained encamped on the left
bank of the Chippewa. On the 4th, Brown advanced,
driving before him the corps of observation which destroyed
the bridges as it fell back. A detachment of the iQth
Light Dragoons under Lieutenant Horton, covering the
rear, became involved in a skirmish in which they drove
a party of the enemy into a house, which would probably
have been captured had not assistance come to them.

1 98 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

Four men and eight horses of the ipth were wounded in
the skirmish. Brown encamped that night within sight
of Riall's position.

Riall was reinforced on the 5th by the arrival of the
8th regiment from Toronto, and, greatly under-estimating
Brown's force, which now amounted to about 5000 men
with nine guns, he resolved on leaving his field works, and
attacking. At three in the afternoon, Riall, whose force
now amounted to about 1900 men, threw forward a body
of militia and Indians on his right flank. After some
desultory skirmishing they were driven back by increasing
numbers, and fell back on the three light infantry com-
panies, who received their assailants under U.S. General
Porter with a terrific volley, driving them back in complete
disorder, till they themselves were in turn forced to fall
back by superior numbers. Riall, meanwhile, had passed
the Chippewa, and drawn up his whole force in order of
battle with three guns. After some cannonading, he
formed six companies of the Royal Scots, and five com-
panies of the looth in two columns, and led them against
the enemy's centre. They were received with a tremendous
fire against which they were unable to advance: almost
every field officer, excepting Riall himself, was struck
down, and the columns, suffering heavy losses, were obliged
to withdraw, leaving their dead and many of their wounded
on the field. The 8th regiment covered the retreat, which
was not pressed, and the force recrossed the Chippewa
to its former position. " The guns were removed only
by the gallant exertions of some troopers of the iQth
Dragoons, who attached their own horses to the carriages,
and rode off with them in the teeth of the enemy." * The
British loss amounted to 515 killed, wounded, and missing,
which fell principally on the Royal Scots and looth, who
lost 422 officers and men out of a total of 950 engaged.

* Lundy's Lane Historical Society.

i8i4] FIGHT ON THE CHIPPEWA 199

The I Qth Light Dragoons had one sergeant and five men
wounded. General Riall, in his dispatch after the battle,
says : —

" I am particularly obliged to Major Lisle of the
Light Dragoons for the manner in which he covered and
protected one of the 24-pounders which had been disabled.
Lieutenant Colonel Pearson has reported to me, in the
most favourable terms, the excellent manner in which
Lieutenant Horton, with a party of the ipth Light
Dragoons observed the motions of the enemy, while he
occupied the position he took on his first landing (on 3rd
July), and during his advance to this place."

In consequence of this repulse, nearly the whole of his
Indians and many of the militia left Riall, in order to look
after their families. On the 8th, Brown threw a bridge
across the Chippewa, three miles up the stream, thus
turning RialPs right. Riall thereupon broke up his camp,
and withdrew to Fort George. Brown continued his
advance, occupied Queenston Heights, and took up a
position, investing Fort George, with his right resting on
the Niagara river, and his left on the lake. Riall, after
strengthening the garrisons in the forts, withdrew in the
direction of Burlington Heights. To do this, he executed
a remarkable night march, to avoid the enemy by whom
he was hemmed in. At midnight, his force entered the
lake, which is very shallow for a hundred yards from the
shore, and, wading through the water for two miles and a
half, he marched round the left wing of the investing army,
without being detected by their vedettes. For ten days
Brown lay inactive, looking for the arrival of the U.S.
Ontario squadron to enable him to strike a decisive
blow. But the squadron had been blockaded in Sackett's
Harbour ever since the capture of Oswego, and was unable
to render him any assistance. Frequent skirmishes took
place, in which the United States' troops suffered losses,
often at the hands of the Canadians who were roused to

aoo THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

fury by the outrages committed on them, On one occa-
sion the U.S. General Swift was killed by a patrol of the
8th regiment ; a wagon train was destroyed, and the
picquet guard at Erie cut off to a man. In retaliation
for these losses, the United States' troops burned the
village of St David's, and destroyed every dwelling-house
between Queenston and Niagara Falls ; under circum-
stances of such barbarity that the Colonel in command
was dismissed from the army.

Meanwhile, Riall received some reinforcements from
Toronto, and a great number of militia again joined him,
badly armed and undisciplined, but exasperated beyond
measure at the brigand-like acts of the invaders. This
enabled him to advance, and threatened Brown's com-
munications. On the 2Oth, Brown advanced to Fort
George, and commenced preparations for a siege, in the
hopes that Riall would again hazard an engagement with
inferior forces to relieve the Fort. Two days later, Riall
with 1700 regular troops, 700 militia, and some Indians,
took post in front of Twelve Mile Creek, in readiness to
fall upon Brown if he should commence active operations
against Fort George. On the 23rd, Brown received intelli-
gence that the U.S. squadron was closely blockaded in
Sackett's Harbour, and was in no position to render him
assistance. He at once broke up his camp, and withdrew
to the right bank of the Chippewa, with the intention of
depositing all unnecessary baggage and stores at Erie,
and then making a rapid advance on Burlington and
Toronto. On the same day, General Drummond reached
Toronto, from Kingston, with the 89th regiment. These
were at once sent forward, under Lieutenant Colonel
Tucker, to Fort Niagara, with instructions to take drafts
from the garrisons of the different forts, and to march,
on the 25th, to Lewiston, where Brown had established a
base of supplies. Riall was, at the same time, ordered

i8i4] ARRIVAL OF DRUMMOND 201

to advance towards the Chippewa. Drummond himself
embarked for Niagara, on the afternoon of the 24th,
leaving Toronto with only a few invalids as a garrison.

At midnight of the 24th, Riall detached about 900
men under Lieutenant Colonel Pearson, with whom was a
troop of the iQth Light Dragoons under Major Lisle, to
advance and occupy the high ground near the Niagara
Falls. By seven o'clock the next morning, after a fourteen-
mile march, Pearson occupied a hill by Lundy's Lane,
within three miles of the United States' camp, and one
mile from the Niagara Falls. At the same time, Drum-
mond landed and commenced his march along the left
bank of the Niagara river, while Tucker, in accordance
with previous orders, marched along the right bank on
Lewiston. Lewiston was captured at noon, and the two
parties reunited at Queenston. Sending back part of the
force, Drummond, with 815 men and two guns, held on his
way to Lundy's Lane. Brown, on receiving intelligence of
Tucker's advance on Lewiston, believing that his more
considerable stores at Fort Schlosser were threatened, and
that Pearson's party at Lundy's Lane was only a strong
patrol, resolved to make a countermove on Queenston and
Fort George. Riall's remaining brigades at Twelve Mile
Creek were under arms at daybreak to support Pearson.
Their advance was then countermanded, and they re-
mained in camp till noon, when a force, numbering 1230
rank and file, with four guns, under Colonel Scott, was
ordered to march at once for Lundy's Lane. On
neither side was there any immediate expectation of a
battle.

A little before five in the afternoon Brown detached a
force of about 1800 men and two guns under General Scott
to advance on Queenston. On coming in contact with
Pearson's outposts, Scott became aware that the force in
front of him was stronger than he had supposed, and

202 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

delayed his attack, while he sent back to Brown for more
troops. Riall, who had ridden on to join Pearson, took
Scott's brigade for the advance of Brown's whole force.
He at once sent back word to the force advancing from
Twelve Mile Creek, which was still three miles away, to
retire on the heights near Queenston, and ordered Pearson
to retreat on that point. After retiring half a mile, Riall
and Pearson met Drummond advancing. Drummond at
once took the command, ordered the position at Lundy's
Lane to be re-occupied, and sent word to countermand
Riall's last order to Colonel Scott, whom he directed to
press on and join him.

Scott (U.S.), fearing an ambush, advanced with great
caution, which just allowed time for the British force to
regain the hill before it could be occupied by the enemy.
Drummond's force now amounted to about 1700 men, thus
disposed. On the summit of the hill were two guns : a
little behind them were five companies of the Royal Scots,
a detachment of the 4ist, the 8Qth, with their left resting
on the road running parallel with the river from Queenston
to Niagara Falls. The line was prolonged towards the
river by some of the 8th and some militia. On the road,
somewhat retired, was Major Lisle's troop of the iQth
Light Dragoons. Both flanks were thrown forward, the
woods on the right of the line being occupied by the
Glengarry regiment, a corps of the Macdonald clan raised
in Canada, that fought all through the war with great
distinction. By a curious coincidence, Drummond had
under his command three regiments, in which he had
served as a regimental officer ; the Royal Scots, the 8th,
and the 4ist.

Scott commenced his attack about half past six, along
the entire front. On Drummond's right and centre, the
attack was not pushed home, and the British guns on the
hill, from their advantageous position, had a decided

i»i4] BATTLE OF LUNDY'S LANE 203

superiority over the attacking artillery. But on Drum-
mond's left, the attack was successful. A battalion,
ordered by Scott to make a wide turning movement
through the dense forest between the road and the river,
suddenly attacked the Canadian militia in flank, threw
them into disorder, and captured some prisoners, occupied
the road, and forced back Lisle's troop of the ipth for
over a mile. At this juncture, General Riall was severely
wounded, and, being taken to the road, was conducted by
mistake, in the growing darkness, into a party of the
enemy, by whom he was at once made prisoner. The
Canadian militia, however, quickly recovered themselves,
and formed up in rear of the Sgth, at right angles to them,
covering the flank and rear of the British position. They
also cleared the road to the rear, and the enemy made no
further headway on this flank during the remainder of the
battle.

Scott now made a determined attack, with the rest of
his troops, on the British centre. It was repulsed after
some severe fighting, in which both sides suffered heavily.
A lull in the action then occurred, during which the
artillery on both sides maintained their fire. Scott, while
reforming his ranks, was joined by Brown and the rest of
the United States' troops ; at the same time, Drummond
was joined by the rear division of RialFs troops, which had
been marching and counter-marching, under conflicting
orders, since they left Twelve Mile Creek. With them
came the second troop of the

" For a few minutes firing almost ceased, and this interval
was employed by the United States' artillerymen in bringing
forward fresh supplies of ammunition, and a daring officer,
Captain Brooke, stealthily crept up the hillside until within
a few yards of the British battery, with a dark lantern,
which he suspended in a thicket, as a guide for his gunners
to take aim by ; for although the moon had risen, its light
was rendered faint and uncertain by drifting clouds of

304 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

smoke and dust, and the position of either line of battle
was simply indicated at intervals, by the flash of their
guns." *

Drummond employed part of his reinforcement to
strengthen his right, while the remainder formed a second
line in rear of the first. A field gun was also brought up
in line with the two guns on the hill.

The United States' commander was now convinced that
the capture of the hill and the guns on it was necessary to
success. Forming a brigade, 1400 strong, in the hollow
of the hill, he sent them straight against the guns. Part
of them recoiled under the heavy fire, but one battalion
was able to approach under a screen of dense thickets,
and gained a position behind a log fence within twenty
yards of the guns without being observed. Pouring in
a volley, they rushed on the gunners with the bayonet,
and were at once masters of the guns, which were turned
upon the British line. A large body of United States'
infantry were then brought up on to the hill, and their
artillery ascended the slope at a gallop. In doing this, one
gun, of which the drivers were killed by a sudden volley,
was taken by the horses into the British ranks, and secured.

" The remainder of the British artillery was at the
same time brought forward, until the muzzles of the
(opposing) guns were only a few yards asunder, and the
battle thenceforward became a confused, ferocious and
sanguinary struggle, waged frequently at the bayonet's
point, or with clubbed muskets, the British striving
desperately to regain the ground they had lost, and their
opponents to thrust them down into the hollow beyond,
and drive them from the field. Regiments, companies,
and sections were broken up and mingled together. They
retired, rallied, and were led to the charge again." *

For over two hours this desperate struggle in the dark
continued, with varying fortunes. At one moment, the

* L.L.H.S.

BATTLE OF LUNDY'S LANE
9 p.m. 25th. July, 1814.

II- alker &• Koutali sc

i8i4l BATTLE OF LUNDY'S LANE 205

iO3rd, a young regiment, was forced back in disorder ;
at another the U.S. guns were captured, and two of them
spiked. Neither side could make headway, in spite of
frequent attacks and counter-attacks. Drummond was
severely wounded but kept the field : nearly one-third of
the British force were killed and wounded. The U.S.
forces were in equally bad case. Three of their generals
were wounded, while the rank and file had lost heavily.
In the confusion and darkness the whole force had become
disorganized ; Scott's brigade, that had commenced the
fight, had dwindled to a few companies : there were an
enormous number of stragglers. Closing their ranks for
a last attack the wearied British troops, headed by the
light company of the 4ist, regained possession of the hill
and of the guns, just as Brown had decided on withdrawing.
Desultory firing continued for a few minutes : it was not
till near midnight that the British troops, wearied by
prolonged marching and fighting, remained in undisturbed
possession of the field. Two of the enemy's guns remained
in their possession, while one British gun was carried off.
Thus ended the battle of Lundy's Lane, the most
severely contested action of the war. On the British side
both generals were severely wounded, one of them being
taken prisoner. Out of a total strength of somewhat less
than 3000, the total British loss amounted to 5 officers
and 76 men killed, 30 officers and 532 men wounded, 14
officers and 219 men missing and prisoners. The dis-
proportion of wounded to killed, in this and other actions,
was mainly due to the frequent use of buckshot by the
enemy. The heaviest losses fell on the Royal Scots and
SQth, who, out of a total of about 900 present, suffered
a loss of 426. The I9th Light Dragoons had two wounded
and one missing, together with three horses killed, ten
wounded, and one missing. The United States' loss was
never correctly stated. Of the four generals engaged,

ao6 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

three were wounded, while the disorganization of their
force of about 4500 men engaged, and the loss of 16 officers
killed and 56 wounded, makes it probable that their loss
in killed and wounded was not less than 1200. Several
hundred prisoners remained in the hands of the British.
In his dispatch, General Drummond writes, " In reviewing
the action from its commencement, the first object which
presents itself as deserving of notice, is the steadiness and
good countenance of the squadron of the igth Light
Dragoons, under Major Lisle, and the very creditable and
excellent defence made by the incorporated militia-
battalion &c." This refers to the first period of the
action when the left of the line was forced back.

The following day, General Ripley, who had succeeded
to the command of the United States' troops, advanced
across the Chippewa to see to his dead and wounded ; finding
the field in occupation of the British, he immediately re-
tired, broke down the bridge, destroyed a quantity of camp
equipage and stores, and retired precipitately to Erie,
which he reached on 2/th. The light troops, cavalry and
Indians were sent in pursuit, and made a few prisoners.
On reaching Erie, Ripley at once set to work to enlarge
and strengthen the defences, in anticipation of attack.

Drummond, after repairing the bridge, and receiving
some reinforcements that brought his effective strength
up to 3150 men, followed in Ripley's footsteps, and
appeared before Erie, which he invested on 3rd August.
Ripley's position was now very strong, with new earth-
works and batteries extending from the fort to the edge
of the lake. On the river side he was covered by the
batteries at Black Rock : while from the lake, his defences
were flanked by the fire of three gunboats. On the night
of the 3rd, Drummond threw a small party of about 450
men across the river to capture the batteries at Black
Rock. Failing to effect a surprise, they recrossed, with

i8i4] ASSAULT ON FORT ERIE 207

the loss of 25 men k.w.m. Two days later, the spirits of
the besieged were raised by the arrival of General Gaines
to supersede Ripley. On the night of the I2th, a daring
exploit was performed by Captain Dobbs of the Royal
Navy. With 75 seamen from Lake Ontario, he attacked
and captured, in open boats transported overland, two of
the three gunboats on Lake Erie : the third gunboat cut
its cable, and escaped. On the I3th, Drummond's batteries
opened fire on the enemy's works, and continued the
cannonade on the following day, preparatory to a grand
assault. At 2 A.M. on the 1 5th, the assault was delivered
in three columns. The right column, headed by Sergeant
Powell of the iQth Light Dragoons, "who was perfectly
acquainted with the ground, volunteered to act as guide,
and preceded the leading subdivision in the most intrepid
style," was to attack a work called Snake Hill at the
border of the lake. The picquet of cavalry under Captain
Eustace, I9th Light Dragoons was detailed to act with
the right column. The rest of the squadron was drawn
up in the rear of the most advanced battery, in readiness
to receive prisoners, and conduct them to the rear. The
centre and left columns were to assault the fort at different
points. The scaling ladders with the right attack were
too short ; after prolonged efforts, and suffering great
losses, the column was obliged to retire without gaining
a footing. The left column also was beaten back, losing
its leader and many men. The centre column, which was
the weakest of the three, led by Lt. Colonel Drummond,
the general's nephew, alone effected a lodgment, and
maintained its position till daylight, in spite of the most
desperate efforts of the garrison. Lt. Colonel Drummond
fell ; but his men, reinforced from the left column, con-
tinued to resist all attacks made to dislodge them, till a
tremendous explosion of stored ammunition took place,
killing many, and forcing the remainder to retire. Almost

208 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

every officer with the centre and left columns was killed
or wounded. This disastrous repulse cost the British
force a loss of 905 of all ranks, killed, wounded and miss-
ing ; great part of the loss being ascribed to the explosion.
Drummond continued the blockade, and his troops now
began to suffer greatly from sickness. On the 2nd
September, General Brown, who had recovered from his
wound received at Lundy's Lane, resumed command of
the U.S. forces at Erie, in place of Gaines who had been
severely wounded. On the morning of the 7th, a United
States' picquet, consisting of an officer and 21 men, was
surprised and cut off to a man, by a small party of
infantry and a detachment of the ipth Light Dragoons
under Captain Eustace, the whole commanded by Captain
Powell, D.A.Q.M.G. The General Order of the same
day says: "Sergeant Powell, ipth Light Dragoons, has
been named to the Lieutenant General as having again
distinguished himself on this occasion." This brave
soldier was subsequently taken prisoner, and is believed
to have died before he could be exchanged. On the
1 7th September, favoured by a heavy fall of rain,
Brown made a sortie in three strong divisions. The
battery guards were surprised, and the whole line of
entrenchments was for a time in the assailants' hands ;
till Drummond, bringing up troops from the camp, drove
out the enemy, and recovered possession of his batteries.
The sortie cost the British troops 609 killed, wounded and
prisoners, in addition to three of their few heavy guns
destroyed, and other damage. This, together with con-
tinuous bad weather and increasing sickness among his
troops, caused Drummond to give up the blockade, on the
2 1st, and withdraw his Head Quarters across the Chippewa
on the 24th, which was done without molestation. A
strong body of troops was maintained in advance of the
Chippewa, occupying the line of the Black Creek. In his

i8i4J FORT ERIE EVACUATED 209

dispatch of 2nd October to Sir George Prevost, Drummond
reports the capture by the enemy of a patrol of a corporal
and six men of the ipth Light Dragoons. " The Dragoons
must have been most culpably careless and confident, or
the circumstance could not have happened." About the
8th October, General Izard, with a large body of U.S.
troops, arrived by land at Lewiston, from Sackett's
Harbour. Instead of crossing the river to Drummond's
rear, as he should have done, he continued along the river
to Black Rock, and assumed the command at Erie.
Izard's force now amounted to over 8000 men, from whom
some decisive action was to be expected. Izard advanced
to Black Creek, and offered battle, which Drummond was
not strong enough to accept. Beyond some skirmishing,
Izard made no further use of his superiority of force,
awaiting co-operation from the lake. But the U.S.
squadron on Ontario was held fast in Sackett's Harbour
by Sir James Yeo. Izard remained inactive till 2Oth
October, when he fell back, and carried his force across
the river to Black Rock and Buffalo. On the 5th
November, he blew up Fort Erie and evacuated the
place. Drummond at once disposed the men in winter
quarters. Major Lisle's squadron was ordered to hold
itself in readiness to proceed to Lower Canada, and one
troop under Captain Eustace was sent to Ancaster.

Several times during the summer marauding parties
from the United States, taking advantage of the un-
defended state of the Detroit frontier, had crossed the
border, plundering and burning, and carrying off
peaceable inhabitants. Drummond was unable to spare
any force to meet this evil, and the province suffered
cruelly. Towards the end of October, a mounted force
of 1500 undisciplined men, under General McArthur,
crossed the border by Lake St Clair, and marched to
Moravian town on the Thames river, continuing eastwards

aio THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

in the direction of Burlington Heights, where only a few
militia and some 300 of the iO3rd, under Lt. Colonel
Smelt, were stationed. Smelt at once moved forward to
Grand River with about 170 men of the iO3rd, 27 of the
ipth Light Dragoons, 150 militia and some Indians.
After making a demonstration of crossing, McArthur
turned back and regained Detroit, on the I7th November,
without having effected anything beyond the destruction
of a great quantity of property. "Both in their advance
and in their retreat their progress was marked by plunder
and devastation." Captain Eustace and his party marched
to Dover.

A return, dated 8th November, shows that out of
7552 men on the frontier between Toronto and Long
Point, 1327 were in hospital at that date. The total
strength of the igth Light Dragoons' squadron was 123,
of whom 34 were sick.

The operations for the year were at an end on this
part of the frontier. Fort Niagara still remained in
British hands, and the projected attack on Kingston had
not been made. The only results of the strenuous efforts
made by the United States' government, at this point,
had been to show the improvement of their troops, both
in generalship and fighting power, since the beginning of
the war. Beyond this, there was nothing to show for
the offensive operations undertaken by the United States
during the year.

The abdication of Napoleon, and the peace concluded
in Paris at the end of May, set free for service in America
the troops serving under Wellington in the south of France.
A number of regiments were embarked at once for Quebec,
so that, by the end of August, Sir George Prevost had up-
wards of 16,000 British troops in Lower Canada. With
them came instructions to attack Plattsburgh, which, to
observers at a distance, appeared to be the point from

x8i4] ADVANCE ON PLATTSBURGH 211

which the most formidable attack might be directed against
Montreal. The strategy was at fault, as the experience of
the preceding year had shown that, while Kingston con-
tinued to be held in force, no attack from Plattsburgh was
likely to be successful. On the other hand, a British suc-
cess at Plattsburgh could lead to no decisive result. The
true point of attack was Sackett's Harbour, on Lake
Ontario. The occupation and retention of this point would
have destroyed the U.Si naval power on the lake ; Mon-
treal and Kingston would have been secured from attack ;
and Sir Gordon Drummond would have been master of the
situation on the Niagara frontier. The U.S. government
gauged the situation more correctly, and denuded Platts-
burgh of troops to reinforce Sackett's Harbour. The event
showed that Plattsburgh was only of secondary importance.
For the expedition against Plattsburgh Sir George
Prevost formed three brigades on the frontier extending
from the Richelieu river to the St Lawrence commanded
by Major Generals Power, Robinson and Brisbane. The
whole division was under command of Major General de
Rottenburg, and amounted to 11,000 men. With it was
the rest of the iQth Light Dragoons not engaged on the
Niagara frontier.

On the 3rd of September, Sir George Prevost, advancing
by Chateaugay from the St Lawrence, crossed the frontier
to Chazy, and, on the 5th, reached, without opposition, a
point eight miles from Plattsburgh. The U.S. troops
about Plattsburgh, at the time, amounted to about 1500
men, of inferior quality, under General Macomb. This
force was augmented by about 3000 militia from the
surrounding neighbourhood during the operations, but
neither in quality or numbers was it fit to stand before the
troops under Prevost. On the 6th, the army advanced on
Plattsburgh, driving in the U.S. pickets and outposts. So
feeble was the resistance made that General Macomb

212 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

mentions in his dispatch that the British troops pressed
on in column, not even deigning to fire, except by their
flankers and advanced patrols, on the militia that they
brushed out of their way. In the advance, the igth Light
Dragoons had one man and two horses wounded, two men
and six horses missing. Plattsburgh stands on the
Saranac creek which runs at right angles into Lake
Champlain. The high ground on the south side of the
Saranac was occupied by Macomb with some hastily
constructed redoubts. The houses on the north of the
Saranac were occupied by British troops, on the 6th. On
the lake lay the U.S. squadron, consisting of four vessels
and ten gunboats. The British squadron, consisting of
four vessels and twelve gunboats, was still at the north
end of Lake Champlain, awaiting the completion of the
flag-ship which had only been launched ten days previously,
and whose crew had hardly joined her from Quebec. Sir
George Prevost had only to advance on the 7th to make
himself master of the feeble defences opposed to him, when
he suddenly conceived the idea that he must await the co-
operation of his lake squadron. For four days Prevost
lay inactive, while he urged Captain Downie with his ill-
prepared ships to join him, and engage the enemy's
squadron : the time was utilised by Macomb in strengthen-
ing his defences and collecting reinforcements. On the
nth, the British squadron appeared in sight, and engaged
the U.S. ships, while Prevost put his troops tardily in
motion. They forded the Saranac, and ascended the
opposing heights, when, with victory in their grasp, they
suddenly received the order to withdraw to their former
positions. The British lake squadron, after a most deadly
contest of over two hours, had been completely defeated,
and Sir George Prevost at once threw up the sponge. The
same night, leaving his sick and wounded, together with a
quantity of stores, he commenced a retreat, which much

1814] RETREAT FROM PLATTSBURGH 213

resembled a flight, to the Canadian frontier. In the many
wars in which the British army has fought, it would be hard
to find a parallel instance in which British troops have
been so mishandled. The co-operation of the fleet was
unnecessary, as the enemy's squadron could not have
maintained its position with the whole of Plattsburgh in
British hands. Nine thousand of Wellington's veterans,
who had defeated Napoleon's choicest troops again and
again, were made to retreat from an inferior force that
could not have withstood them for an hour, with a loss of
less than 40 killed since they had crossed the frontier. No
wonder that the enemy first took the retreat for a ruse
de guerre, and that a British General broke his sword,
vowing he would never serve again. In the whole of the
operations against Plattsburgh, the land forces under
Prevost's immediate command suffered a total loss of 37
killed, 150 wounded and 55 missing. In their anger at the
fiasco, an immense number of men deserted during the
retreat, causing a greater loss than a successful prosecution
of the enterprise could possibly have entailed. The I9th
Light Dragoons while covering the retirement, lost five
men and horses taken prisoners.

Only brief mention need be made of land operations
elsewhere, as they do not come within the scope of opera-
tions in which the ipth Light Dragoons were concerned.
In the middle of August, a combined military and naval
expedition fitted out from Bermuda, under Major General
Ross and Vice Admiral Cockburn, landed at Benedict in
the Potomac river, 50 miles from Washington, and marched
on that town. At Bladensberg, on the 24th, Ross en-
countered a U.S. army of about 8000 men under General
Winder, and gained a complete and easy victory, taking
10 guns.* Washington was occupied the same evening.

* The force actually engaged on the British side consisted only of a single
Division of 1500 men and a Naval rocket battery. Ross attacked without
waiting for his Rear Division and the rest of the Naval Brigade.

2i4 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

On the following evening, after burning the most important
public buildings, in retaliation for the outrages committed
on the Canadian non-combatants, the force retired, and re-
embarked on the 29th, without molestation.

At daylight on the I2th September, the same force
landed 13 miles from Baltimore, and advanced on that
place. On first coming in touch with the enemy, Ross was
killed by a chance shot. Colonel Brook assumed the com-
mand, and at about five miles from Baltimore a United
States' force of about 7000 men was encountered and over-
thrown in less than half an hour. Two field pieces and
many prisoners were captured. Preparations were then
made for a combined attack on the city, when it was dis-
covered that the harbour was so effectually closed by
sunken vessels, that naval co-operation was impossible. It
being considered that, under these circumstances, the loss
that must be incurred in taking the place by storm would
be out of proportion to any benefit to be gained, the troops
were withdrawn, and re-embarked without the slightest
molestation, on the I5th. The troopships, after hovering
on the coast, rather aimlessly for another month, then set
sail for Jamaica, where an expedition was preparing against
New Orleans.

The mistake that had been made by the United States
government in the early part of the war, in under-rating
the difficulty of conquering Canada, and in believing that
the inhabitants would join the invaders, was now to be re-
peated by the British government. British Ministers had
been brought to believe that the inhabitants of Louisiana
were disaffected to the U.S. government, and that the
State could easily be taken possession of. With this
object, an expedition against New Orleans had been
planned in England ; and, it was in order to save the
troops for this purpose, that the attack on Baltimore had
been abandoned. New Orleans, though a great commercial

i8i4] REPULSE AT NEW ORLEANS 215

centre, was devoid of any military importance, and the
expedition was destined to furnish another example of the
faulty strategy that was exhibited on both sides during
the war.

On the 8th December, the expedition under Major
General Sir Edward Pakenham, appeared off the coast,
and, on the night of the I2th, captured the enemy's
squadron of gunboats. On the i6th, the landing of the
troops commenced, at the mouth of the Pearl river. Con-
siderable delay ensued, owing to the swampy nature of the
ground, and the advance did not approach the city till the
23rd. General Jackson, in command at New Orleans,
occupied a long line of entrenchments at right angles to
the river. He was also assisted by armed vessels on the
Mississipi which inflicted severe losses on the British
troops, and greatly delayed their advance. On the morn-
ing of the 8th January, the attack was made, and repulsed
with heavy slaughter. Pakenham fell at the head of his
men ; Major General Gibbs died of his wounds the following
day, and Major General Keane was severely wounded. The
total loss amounted to 2119 killed, wounded and missing.
So strongly were the enemy posted, that his loss did not
exceed about 80 men. Under this disastrous repulse the
expedition withdrew on the i8th, and re-embarked. A
portion of the expedition was then directed against Fort
Bowyer, on Mobile Point, which capitulated, on I2th
February, without resistance. Twenty -eight guns
and over 300 prisoners fell into the hands of the
British.

In the middle of March, news was received that a
Treaty of Peace had been signed at Ghent on 24th
December, and the war was at an end.

During the summer of 1814, the Head Quarters of the
regiment was moved from La Prairie to Chambly, where
they remained as long as the regiment was in Canada.

216 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1814

The four troops left behind in Ireland had been moved, on
the embarkation of the regiment for Canada, to Radipole
Barracks, near Weymouth ; and thence to Maidstone, in
February 1814. In July of the same year, the regiment
lost its Colonel, Lord Howe, by death. In his place,
Lieutenant General Sir William Payne Bt, was transferred
as Colonel, from the 23rd Light Dragoons. He was
an officer who had served in the Royal Dragoons,
and commanded the British Cavalry at the battle of
Talavera. His connection with the regiment was very
brief, as, in the following January, he was appointed
Colonel of the I2th Light Dragoons. In his place,
Major General Sir John Ormsby Vandeleur K.C.B.,
Lieutenant Colonel in the regiment, was appointed
Colonel.

Sir John Vandeleur had entered the army in 1781, and
saw service in Flanders in 1794, and at the Cape of Good
Hope in 1796. He commanded a brigade of cavalry, under
Lake, in the wars against Scindia and Holkar, 1803-5, and
especially distinguished himself at Laswaree, and on other
occasions. In 1807, he exchanged into the I9th as already
mentioned.* In 1811, he commanded an infantry brigade
in Spain, under Wellington, and, at Ciudad Rodrigo, led
the assault after Craufurd's fall, when he was severely
wounded. Afterwards he commanded the 4th cavalry
brigade at Waterloo, and succeeded to the command of
the whole of the cavalry, on Lord Uxbridge being
wounded.

During 1814, gold lace was substituted for silver in the
uniform of the regiment.

In May 1815, sanction was granted, under the following
order, for Major Lisle's squadron to wear the badge
" Niagara " for their services on the Niagara frontier. The

* See page 167.

x8is] BADGE OF "NIAGARA" 217

privilege seems to have been extended later to the whole
regiment.

HORSE GUARDS

i^th May 1815.

Sir,

l have *?ad the honour to lay before the
(Squadron Commander-in-Chief your letter of the 26th
under Major February last, and am directed to acquaint you

Royll' Scots— in ^Pty' that His Royal Highness the Prince
ist Battalion. Regent has been pleased, in the Name and on
8th or King's— the behalf of His Majesty, to approve of the
iist-FLCos. Regiments named in the Margin, being per-
8Qth-2nd Batt! mitted to bear on their Colors and Appoint-
looth— ments in addition to any other Badges, or
Glengarry Lt Devices, which may have been heretofore
Inf. Fencibles. permitted to be borne by those Regiments the
Word " Niagara," in consequence of the dis-
tinguished Conduct of those Corps in the
Capture of Fort Niagara by Assault on the iQth
December 1813, and in the Battle at Lundy's
Lane, in North America, on the 25th July 1814.

I have &c.

H. CALVERT

A. G.
Lt. General

Sir GEORGE PREVOST Bt.

or General Officer Commanding Canada.

Detachments of the regiment were quartered at La
Prairie, Isle aux Noix, Blairfindie, Quebec, Montreal, and
St John's.

In 1816, the whole of the ten troops of the regiment,
amounting to 620 rank and file, appear to have been in
Canada. At the very end of the year, the strength of the
Canadian establishment was fixed at 5000 rank and file.
In order to bring it down to this number, the igth were
held under orders to return to England, but, it was not till
the following 6th August that they embarked at Quebec,

218 THE NIAGARA FRONTIER [1816-20

and landed at Tilbury, I3th September. On landing they
marched to Romford, where they remained till the following
March.

The execution done by the Polish lancers at Waterloo
induced the military authorities in England to arm four
regiments with lances. Accordingly, the Qth, I2th, i6th,
and 23rd Light Dragoons were equipped as Lancers, in
September 1816. But great reductions in the military
establishments were in progress, and, in October 1817, the
23rd were disbanded, their horses being made over to the
1 9th, whose establishment was reduced to eight troops. At
the same time, the igth were ordered to be equipped as
lancers.*

In March 1818, the regiment was moved to Hounslow
and Hampton Court, with detachments at Pimlico and
Kensington. On the 26th May, the regiment, together
with the loth Hussars, was reviewed at Hounslow by the
Prince Regent, and, in November, they were on duty, at
Datchet, for Queen Charlotte's funeral.

The regimental muster rolls show that in October the
regiment had 455 rank and file.

In June of the following year the regiment moved to
Brighton, with troops at Hastings, Arundel and Rotting-
dean.

A year later (June 1820), the regiment was ordered to
Nottingham, with troops at Mansfield, Sheffield, Lough-
borough, Peterborough and Derby. In spite of the distance,
they marched to Hounslow to be reviewed, on 4th August,
in company with the loth Hussars and I2th Lancers, by
George IV., when His Majesty expressed his " unqualified
approbation " of the three regiments.

During the winter, the regiment marched to Manchester,
and, in the end of May, embarked for Ireland, where they
were quartered at Newbridge. But further reductions

* Horse Guards order, dated 28th October 1817.

00
00

i82i] DISBANDMENT 219

were in progress, and, on 23rd August 1821, warrants were
issued for the disbandment of the i8th Light Dragoons
and ipth Lancers, which were carried into effect on loth
September. The strength of the iQth, at the time of
disbandment, was 103 officers and non-commissioned
officers, 336 rank and file, 273 horses.

PART IV

THE NINETEENTH "PRINCESS OF
WALES' OWN" HUSSARS

(1858-1899)

CHAPTER I

RAISING OF THE REGIMENT
(1858-1882)

The East India Company raises European Cavalry regiments — Their
formation — The Bengal 1st European Light Cavalry — Services
transferred to the Crown— The "White Mutiny"— Made igth
Light Dragoons, afterwards Hussars — General Pattle — Regiment
at Meerut — General Hall — Regiment ordered to England —
Badges of old iQth Light Dragoons granted— Regiment ordered
to Ireland — Guidons of old iQth Light Dragoons presented to the
regiment — Regiment returns to England — Ordered on active
service.

IN May 1857, the mutiny of the Bengal Native Army
occurred, which so profoundly changed the nature of
British administration in India. Through carelessness and
false economy, the East India Company had allowed the
number of European troops in India to sink to a danger-
ously low level, in proportion to the number of native
troops. As against some 230,000 native soldiers, the
European troops numbered less than 40,000 men, of whom
about 23,500 were royal troops. The Company's European

220

i857] UNDERSIZED MEN 221

troops in India consisted, at that time, of nine battalions of
Infantry, seventeen troops of Horse Artillery, and forty-eight
companies of Foot Artillery. Apart from other measures
for restoring tranquillity, it was determined to raise three
additional battalions of Infantry, and to replace the
mutinous Bengal Native Cavalry by Europeans. Of the
ten regiments of regular Bengal Native Cavalry, seven
had mutinied, and two had been disarmed.

In November 1857, intimation was sent to the Governor
General that it had been decided to form four regiments
of Cavalry, for the Company's service, of men recruited
in England, of ages between 20 and 30 years, and of a
standard height not less than 5 ft, and not exceeding
5 ft. 4 in. Each regiment was to consist of ten troops,
with 70 privates per troop, together with the usual number
of officers, non - commissioned officers and staff. All
accoutrements, arms, and equipments were to be of a
lighter description than those in common use by British
Cavalry : and the men were to be collected at a depot
in England (Warley), to be trained for three months,
before being embarked for India. A lower standard of
height than that of the Royal Army was adopted, with
the intention that the recruiting for the Royal Army
should not be interfered with, and it was thought that,
by tapping a new stratum of recruits, men would be easily
obtained. These anticipations were justified. The whole
nation had been roused by the sufferings of our country-
women in India, and recruits flocked in. Three weeks
later, the Court of Directors were obliged to write to the
Governor General that, in consequence of the very rapid
recruiting, accommodation could not be provided for the
men, in England, and it was necessary to embark a large
body of them, for Calcutta, at once.

With regard to these undersized men, it may be said
here, that a large number of them made excellent soldiers

222 RAISING OF THE REGIMENT [1858

in time ; but there was a considerable proportion of them,
big men on short legs, over 25 years of age at the time
of enlistment, who were unfit for cavalry purposes.

After being kept some time near Calcutta, the men
were gradually forwarded to Allahabad, where they were
collected in June 1858, an almost undisciplined mob, with-
out permanent officers, without horses, and without equip-
ments. On the i /th June, we find Major General Sir
William Mansfield (afterwards Lord Sandhurst) writing
to Major General Sir Hope Grant, then in the field against
the rebels : " We are about to organize the four regiments
of Bengal Dragoons, and to divide the recruits into four
bodies without delay. How would it suit you to have
one of these young corps attached to the " Bays " (2nd
Dragoon Guards), and another to the /th (Hussars)? Not
a man has ever been on a horse, and the men are at
present armed with muskets"

By the end of June, the apportioning of the men into
regiments was complete, and, on the 3rd July, the regi-
ment with which our interest lies, became established
as the Bengal ist European Light Cavalry, to be quartered
at Allahabad. The other three regiments marched for various
cantonments in North Western India. A fifth regiment
was formed at Peshawur, in November, of volunteers from
Royal infantry regiments, who had been formed into a
cavalry corps for temporary service during the Mutiny.

To officer each of these regiments, the officers of two
of the ten mutinied or disbanded Bengal Native Cavalry
regiments were utilized : but, instead of placing them upon
a single list, they were kept on separate lists for promotion,
which were styled Right and Left Wings, corresponding to
their late regiments. All officers newly appointed, who
had belonged to neither of the old Native regiments, were
to be borne on the strength of the Right Wing, so that, in
process of time, the Left Wing was destined to disappear ;

i8s8] EARLY DIFFICULTIES 223

but the process would have been one of thirty years or
more, according to the rate of promotion then existing in
the Company's service.

The Bengal ist European Light Cavalry was officered
by the surviving officers of the ist and 3rd Bengal Native
Cavalry, both of which regiments had mutinied. For
remounts, the men were given a number of horses hastily
purchased at the Cape of Good Hope and in Australia,
most of them wild unbroken bush horses that had never
been handled. An officer who served with the regiment
at this time, writing of it forty years afterwards, says : —

" No regiments were ever raised under such absurd
conditions, and, if the object had been to prove them a
failure, no course better calculated to achieve that end
could have been pursued. The only old soldiers sent to
assist us were two or three infantry men from a Fusilier
regiment, none higher in rank than Corporal. When the
authorities were addressed on this subject, one or two
cavalry soldiers, I think from the 7th Hussars, were sent;
the highest in rank being a Lance Corporal who was
promptly made a Troop Sergeant Major, and I don't
think turned out a success. The horses, like the men,
were all untrained, and some of the horses from the Cape
were perfect devils, very difficult to clean, and for some
time impossible to ride or to shoe. I have a vivid
recollection of one roan, who stood in his stall for days
covered with mud, because no one could go near him.
Out of the crowd of raw recruits, we had to find all our
Non-Commissioned officers from Troop Sergeant Major
downwards, so it may be imagined what little respect was
paid to the highest grades."

On the ist November 1858, the Crown assumed the
government of India, and the East India Company thence-
forth ceased to exist. No attention was paid to the view
that might be taken of the change, in the ranks of the
Company's army. The British soldier, though he yields to
discipline, never forgets that he is a soldier by his own free
will ; he objects to be treated like a conscript. The late

224 RAISING OF THE REGIMENT [1859

Company's European soldiers quickly came to believe that
their rights had been infringed. Had they been asked to
volunteer for service under the Crown, they would have
done so almost to a man ; but they objected to be handed
over "like bullocks," as they expressed it. The Indian
government consulted its legal advisers, who treated the
objection as a purely technical one, prompted by a wish
for the offer of a bounty. So long as the men were
retained for the local service for which they had enlisted,
it was considered that they had no grievance. It was
decided that the men had no case, and a General Order to
this effect was published in April 1859. The agitation
quickly assumed a serious aspect, and, during May, there
was a time when, in a few cantonments, a collision between
the Royal and the late Company's European troops
appeared possible. The movement was not confined to
the newly raised regiments, but was equally shared in by
the old soldiers of the late Company, who had shown their
fine qualities on many a hard fought field. The behaviour
of the ist Bengal European Light Cavalry was similar to
that of the local European forces in most other places.
All guards and barrack duties were performed without
demur, but the men refused to turn out for parade. On
one occasion the canteen was broken into, and an attempt
was made to release prisoners. Mutinous language was
used to officers in a few instances, and shots fired in
defiance, but not with evil intent. Under the circum-
stances already related, it is surprising that nothing worse
occurred. In one instance alone, in one of the newly
raised infantry regiments, was there a dangerous attempt
to act as an organized armed body hostile to the
State. This was speedily repressed, and the ringleader
shot.

The Calcutta government quickly recognized its
mistake. In the end of June, orders were published

1861] THE WHITE MUTINY 225

allowing the men the option of discharge, but no bounty
was offered to those who elected to remain, while those
who took their discharge were not allowed the option of
re-enlistment, as long as they remained in the country.
Under the feeling of exasperation that had grown up,
upwards of 10,000 men elected to take their discharge, of
whom 2800 re-enlisted on reaching England.

The trouble with the Indian local European forces, in
1859, has been frequently cited as a cogent reason against
the maintenance of a body of British troops in India, for
local service only ; a measure that would overcome many
difficulties now felt in army administration. Those who
study the events of 1859 must recognize that the trouble
arose, not from the conditions of service, but from the
mistakes of those in authority at Calcutta. The " White
Mutiny " was no mere outbreak against discipline : it was
the vindication of the men's claim to be consulted in the
disposal of their services.

While these events were in progress, orders were
received for the regiment to march to Cawnpore, which
it did in June.

Early in 1861, it was determined to cease the main-
tenance of any European force for local service in India,
and, on 6th May, the officers, non-commissioned-officers
and men were called on to volunteer for General Service.
They responded, almost to a man, and the regiment
received the designation of the I9th Light Dragoons. In
the same way, the Bengal 2nd and 3rd European Light
Cavalry became the 2Oth and 2ist Light Dragoons; the
4th and 5th being disbanded. At the same time, the
establishment was assimilated to that of other British
cavalry regiments in India, viz. nine troops (one at the
depot in England) with 585 corporals and privates : 693 of
all ranks. Three months later, under Horse Guards order
of i /th August 1 86 1, the designation of the regiment was

226

RAISING OF THE REGIMENT

[1862

changed to the igth Hussars. The standard for recruits
was assimilated to that of other Hussar regiments.

At the beginning of February 1862, the regiment was
moved to Lucknow.

On the 3<Dth July, in the same year, the complete roll of
officers was gazetted.

Lieutenant Colonel
Major .

Captain

Lieutenant

Comet .

Riding Master

Adjutant

Paymaster

Charles Vanbrugh Jenkins.

("John Hatfield Brooks.
\Roland Richardson.

"Henry Cadogan Craigie.
Sir John Hill, Bt. Bt. Major.
Henry Edward Ellice.
Robert Baring.
Melville Clarke.

Hugh Henry Gough, V.C., Brevet Major.
Frederick Peter Luard.
Richard Talbot Plantagenet Stapleton.
Charles Manners Sutton Fairbrother.

f Charles Hay Fairlie.
Abel Henry Chapman.
Cecil Clarke Jervoise.
Arthur George Webster.
Robert Morris.

Edward Stirling Rivett-Carnac.
John Biddulph.

George Cortlandt Buller Taylor.
Charles John Prinsep.
Albert Hearsey.

Elliot Alexander Money.
Joseph Boulderson.
Frederick Henry Huth.
Charles Robert St. Quintin.
Francis Dallas Harding.
.Seymour Duncan Barrow.

George Couch.

Abel Henry Chapman.

Henry Octavius Currie.

The greater number of them had belonged to the
Company's ist and 3rd Bengal Native Cavalry.

In September, General William Pattle C.B. was gazetted
to be Colonel of the regiment. He was an old Company's
officer who had entered the service in 1800. He served
under Lord Lake in the Mahratta campaigns of 1 803 and
1804, anc* was present at the battles of Alyghur, Delhi,

1863-70] ORDERED TO ENGLAND 227

Laswaree, the siege of Bhurtpore &c. He served through
the Mahratta war of 1817-18, and commanded the cavalry
under Sir Charles Napier, during the conquest of Scinde,
and at the battles of Meariee and Hyderabad.

Under orders from the War office, dated 6th January
1863, the establishment was reduced by one troop, leaving
seven service troops and one at Maidstone.

In the autumn, orders were received for the regiment
to march to Meerut, where it arrived 28th November.
Here the regiment remained till the end of 1867. The
only events to be noticed during these four years are a
reduction of establishment by 56 privates in 1866: and
the presence of the regiment at the great Durbar held by
the Viceroy, Sir John Lawrence, at Agra, in November 1866,
when the ipth were brigaded with the 2nd Dragoon Guards.

In the beginning of 1865, the regiment lost its Colonel
by death. In his place Lieutenant General John Hall
was appointed Colonel.

On the loth December 1867, the Head Quarters of
the regiment, with four troops, marched for Benares, being
followed, a month later, by the remaining three troops, who
marched to Cawnpore.

In the ordinary course of relief, the regiment was
intended to leave India in 1872. In a sudden fit of
economy, the Indian Government decided to get rid of two
cavalry regiments, so that, without any previous warning,
the regiment received telegraphic orders, on i8th January
1870, to proceed to England immediately. Similar orders
were sent to the 7th Hussars, then serving in India.
Volunteering was at once opened to men electing to serve
in other regiments remaining in India, and, on 24th
January, the regiment was re-united at Allahabad, whence
it proceeded to Bombay, where it embarked on board the
Jumna on the I4th February. So unexpected had been
the move, that a draft for the regiment, from England,

228 RAISING OF THE REGIMENT [1871

joined it four days before sailing. The strength of the
regiment leaving India, was as follows: 18 officers, 51
sergeants and corporals, 7 trumpeters. 257 privates, 28
women and 55 children.

On the 22nd March, the regiment landed at Dover, and
proceeded to Canterbury, whence all the Cavalry Depot
troops, excepting those of the 2Oth and 2ist Hussars, had
been moved to Maidstone. But the British Government
were as unwilling to have the home military establishment
increased by the two regiments thus sent from India, as
the Indian Government had been to retain them, and the
idea of disbanding two regiments was entertained. The
Manchester school was predominant ; shortsighted financial
considerations alone had any weight. The changes rung
in the establishment of the regiment for the next four
months show the hesitating counsels that prevailed. On
the ist April, one troop was absorbed. A month later, the
establishment was nominally fixed at 25 officers, 457
Sergeants and privates, and 300 horses, but recruiting to
make the regiment up to that strength was forbidden. At
the end of June the establishment of horses was reduced to
200. A week later, the war between France and Germany
broke out, while the question of the strength of military
establishments was still being bandied about between the
Treasury and the War Office. On the ist August, orders
were received to complete the strength of the regiment
up to 540 of all ranks, which was done by the end of
September. The number of horses was also raised to 350.

Consequent on the increase of establishment, an eighth
troop was formed in February 1871.

In May, the Head Quarters of the regiment and five
troops marched to Brighton ; the other three troops going
to the camp at ShornciirTe.

On the 1 7th June, an inspection of the regiment was
held at Brighton by its Colonel, General John Hall.

1872-74] OLD BADGES GRANTED 229

In August 1872, the regiment marched to Aldershot,
and, a few days after arrival, marched to take part in the
Wiltshire manoeuvres at Pewsey, where it was brigaded
under the command of Major General Shute C.B. ; return-
ing to Aldershot in September.

During 1872, the regiment lost its Colonel, Lieutenant
General Hall, who was succeeded by General John Yorke
C.B. He was an old officer of the Royal Dragoons,
which regiment he commanded in the Crimean War, and
was severely wounded at Balaclava.

In June 1873, the regiment marched to Windsor, to
take part in the review held in honour of H.M. the Shah of
Persia, on the 24th : returning to Aldershot the following day.
In August, manoeuvres were held at Dartmoor, in
which the regiment took part ; proceeding by train as far
as Exeter, and returning to Aldershot by route march.
The fine appearance of the regiment, and its proficiency
in outpost and reconnoissance duties attracted more than
usual attention on this occasion.

Early in 1874, the regiment was granted the privilege
of wearing the badges so gloriously earned by the old I9th
Light Dragoons.

HORSE GUARDS 24^ Feb. 1874.
SIR,

I have the honor, by desire of His Royal
Highness the Field Marshal Commanding in
Chief to acquaint you that Her Majesty has
been graciously pleased to approve of the
regiment under your command being permitted
to wear the badges granted to the old ipth Light
Dragoons for achievements during the present
Century, viz. :

The Elephant
" Assaye " " Niagara "

J. W. ARMSTRONG,

To the Depy. Adj. General

Officer Commanding
i gth Hussars.

23o RAISING OF THE REGIMENT [1875-81

It will be observed that the " Seringapatam " badge,
granted to the old iQth Light Dragoons for four cam-
paigns in the last century, was withheld. The 23rd of
September is now observed as an annual holiday in the
regiment, in commemoration of Assaye.

On the ipth May, the regiment took part in the review
held at Aldershot, in honour of H.I. M. the Emperor of Russia.

At the end of June, the regiment marched to new
quarters at Hounslow, with a troop at Hampton Court,
and another at Kensington.

At the end of July 1875, the regiment marched to
Leeds, with troops at Preston and Bury.

In June 1876, the regiment proceeded to Ireland.
After going through the drill season at the Curragh, it
went into quarters at Longford, Gort, Castlebar, Dunmore,
and Athlone. In the following spring it returned to
the Curragh, and, in October, marched to Dublin, where
it was quartered in the Royal Barracks and Abor Hill.
In the following August, it again marched to the Curragh,
whence, after a month, it marched for Ballincollig, with out-
quarters at Cork, Cahir, Limerick, Bandon, Fermoy, and
afterwards Waterford. In these quarters the regiment
remained till May 1880, when it was again ordered to the
Curragh. In August, the regiment again marched to
Dublin, leaving one squadron at the Curragh. Three
months later, a wing was ordered to Ballinrobe and Lough
Mask, by rail, in aid of the civil power, returning to Dublin
after a fortnight's work, in, what was then called, the
" Boycott " campaign.

In May 1881, the regiment moved to Dundalk,
with two troops at Belfast and one at Belturbet. The
time was one of much excitement in Ireland, when the
Land League conspiracy was in full force, and the
regiment was employed, during the winter, in much
harassing work in support of the civil power.

i882] THE GUIDONS 231

While at Belfast the regiment became possessed of
some greatly prized relics of the old ipth Light Dragoons,
through the generosity of a lady whose husband had
served in the old regiment. As is well known, all cavalry
regiments except Hussars and Lancers, at the beginning
of the century, had a standard or guidon for each squadron.
After their return from India, and shortly after the
conferring of the Elephant and Assaye badges (1807)
the 1 9th Light Dragoons received a new set of guidons.*
On the regiment being equipped as Lancers (1817) the
guidons could no longer be used, and, on the disbanding
of the regiment they became the property of the Colonel,
Sir John Vandeleur. At his death he bequeathed them
to his relative Major William Armstrong of Farney Castle,
Thurles, who had served in the igth from 1809 to 1819.
Major Armstrong's widow now made known her wish
to restore the guidons to the regiment that bears the
number and badges which the old regiment so worthily
earned. On the 28th March 1882, the Belfast squadron
paraded, under Lieutenant Colonel Coghill, and received
the guidons with a royal salute. The Princess of Wales'
Own Yorkshire Regiment (formerly the I9th Foot) lent
the services of their band, and the guidons were marched
in all honour, through the town, to barracks, where they
were deposited in the Mess Room, after a royal salute
and an address to the squadron from Colonel Coghill.

The honorary guidon granted to the old regiment for
Assaye, has not been traced. If it is still in existence, it
is to be hoped that the possessor will restore it to its
rightful guardians.

According to the old custom one guidon in each
regiment was known as the King's. The King's guidon

* It is not quite certain whether the guidons were new ones given to the
Regiment in 1808, or the old ones with the badges embroidered on them in
that year.

232 RAISING OF THE REGIMENT [1882

was of crimson silk with the Union badge in the centre.
The regimental guidons were of the same colour as the
regimental facings, with the regimental badge in the centre.
Guidons were discarded on active service, after 1811, if not
earlier.*

In June 1882, the regiment received orders to return
to England, and, while on the march for Aldershot,
where it arrived I4th July, news was received that it was
to proceed at once to Egypt on active service. Weak and
sickly men were drafted into Depot, to remain behind, the
four squadrons being completed by volunteers from other
regiments and from the Reserve. The following officers
also were attached to the regiment, for service.

Captain Lord St. Vincent . . i6th Lancers.

Lieutenant Sir G. Arthur . . 2nd Life Guards.

Scott ... 3rd Hussars.

Crabbe ... „ „

Morris . . . 7th Hussars.

Ridley ... „

Holland . . . I5th Hussars,

de Crespigny . . ,, „

Hon. R. Leigh . ,, ,,

Blagrove . . „ „

La Terriere i8th Hussars.

* Standards and Colours of the Army, by S. M. Milne. I am mainly
indebted to Mr Milne for the drawings from which the accompanying Plate
was prepared.

AN OFFICER OF THE XIXTH HUSSARS, 1882.

to face p. 232

i88a] ISMAILIA 233

CHAPTER II

TROUBLES IN EGYPT
1882-1884.

Troubles in Egypt — Arabi's rebellion — Capture of Ismailia — Kassassin
—Tel el Kebir— End of the War— iQth at Cairo— Badges granted
—Troubles in Eastern Soudan — Osman Digna— Regiment
ordered to Suakin— Wreck of the Neera— Battle of El Teb—
Heavy losses of the I9th — Battle of Tamai— Osman Digna's
camp burned — Regiment returns to Cairo — Badges granted.

IN June 1879, Mahomed Ismail, the Khedive of Egypt,
was deposed by the Sultan, at the instance of England
and France, in favour of his son Mahommed Tewfik, and a
control of Egyptian finances was established by the two
western powers. In the beginning of 1881, a spirit of
insubordination began to show itself among the officers of
the Egyptian army, who quickly recognised their own
power to enforce demands, and adopted as leader, one of
their number, Said Ahmed Arabi, better known as Arabi
Pasha. By September, the pretensions of the army had
so far increased that, they forced the Khedive to dismiss
his Ministers. Attempts were soon afterwards made to get
rid of the Anglo-French control. Arabi's influence increased
daily ; he caused himself to be appointed Minister of War ;
and, by April 1882, had practically got the whole of the
country into his hands. The Khedive was helpless. In
May, the French and English fleets were sent to
Alexandria, in order to strengthen the Khedive's hands.
But matters did not improve : Arabi openly assumed the
direction of affairs, and began to strengthen the forts
commanding the Alexandria harbour. On the nth June,

234 TROUBLES IN EGYPT [1882

serious riots broke out in Alexandria, in the course of
which a number of Europeans were killed, and their
houses pillaged. It was seen in England that a military
expedition to restore order would probably be necessary,
and preparations, in anticipation, began to be made.

In the meantime, the work on the Alexandria fortifica-
tions had so far advanced as to endanger the safety of the
fleets. The French Government was unwilling to take
action : the remonstrances of the British Admiral were met
by evasions and denials from Arabi Pasha. At last, on
nth July, after due notice, the forts were bombarded and
destroyed by the British fleet. A force of seamen and
marines was landed to secure the safety of the Khedive,
and put an end to the pillaging and burning of the town by
Arab marauders, and, on the i7th, two battalions of
British infantry, from Cyprus, under Major General Sir
Archibald Alison, landed to hold the town. On the 2Oth,
the British Government definitely decided to send a
military expedition to Egypt, to restore the Khedive's
authority. The French Government refused to co-operate,
and withdrew from further action.

The force sent from England and the Mediterranean
stations amounted to 25,450 men, of whom 2400 were
cavalry : the whole being commanded by Lieutenant
General Sir Garnet Wolseley. There being no fear of their
being attacked at sea, they were sent without convoy, as
soon as the ships could be got ready. By the nth
August, the last transport had sailed from England for
Alexandria. The igth Hussars were among the last to go.
On the loth August, they embarked at Southampton, in the
Assyrian Monarch and the Montreal, with a total strength
of 33 officers, 553 non-commissioned officers and privates,
and 464 horses, under command of Lieutenant Colonel
K. J. W Coghill. Previous to this, a detachment of 20 men
under Lieutenant Aylmer had sailed in the Orient as escort

i882] ISMAILIA 235

to H.R.H. the Duke of Connaught. It was also arranged
for a Contingent from India to operate from Suez, consist-
ing of one battalion of British infantry, three battalions of
Native infantry, and three regiments of Native cavalry,
under command of Major General Sir Herbert Macpherson.

Arabi's army, at the beginning of July, consisted only
of about 9000 men. By calling out reserves, and enlisting
Arabs, it soon reached the number of 60,000 men, and
eventually amounted to 100,000.

Before the expedition left England, it had been
determined to seize the Suez Canal, and advance on Cairo
from Ismailia ; but, as it was expedient that the Canal
should not be blocked or injured, Alexandria was appointed
as the rendezvous of the troops on the Mediterranean side,
and measures were taken to spread the belief that the
advance on Cairo would be made from that place.

The greater part of the troops being gathered at
Alexandria, on the i8th August, preparations were made
as if an attack on Aboukir was intended. Troops were re-
embarked, and sailed under convoy of the fleet, at noon on
the i Qth, anchoring in Aboukir Bay the same afternoon.
After dark, while demonstrations of bombarding the
Aboukir forts were made, the transports weighed anchor,
entered the Canal, and commenced landing at Ismailia on
the 2Oth. The movement was unexpected by the enemy,
and no resistance was experienced. By the 22nd, complete
command had been gained of the whole Canal from Port
Said to Suez. On the 2ist, Nefisha, four miles in front of
Ismailia, was occupied. Early on the 24th, a small force
was pushed forward to El Magfar, which was occupied after
a slight skirmish, in which Lieutenant Aylmer's detachment
of the 1 9th Hussars took part. At El Magfar, it was
found necessary to push on to Tel-el-Mahuta, to secure the
water supply. The place was strongly occupied by the
enemy, and the small British force was exposed to long

236 TROUBLES IN EGYPT [1882

range fire of guns and small arms, for many hours, while
reinforcements were coming up, which did not happen till
the evening. The next morning, the whole force advanced,
and occupied Tel-el-Mahuta after a slight opposition, while
the cavalry pushed forward, and occupied the enemy's
camp at Mahsama without resistance. Seven guns, with a
large quantity of small arms, ammunition and stores, fell
into the hands of the British troops. Early on the 26th,
Kassassin was occupied by a brigade of infantry under
Major General Graham, and the troops from Suez began to
arrive at Ismailia.

The iQth Hussars, in the Assyrian Monarch and the
Montreal^ did not reach Alexandria in time to take part in
these operations. They reached Ismailia on the 24th, and
completed their disembarkation by the evening of the 26th.
The duty assigned to them was to act as Divisional troops ;
the Right Wing, consisting of two squadrons under
Lieutenant Colonel Coghill, formed part of the ist Division
under Lieutenant General Willis ; the remaining two
squadrons, under Lieutenant Colonel A. G. Webster,
formed part of the 2nd Division under Lieutenant General
Sir E. Hamley. One troop was detailed as escort to Sir
Garnet Wolseley throughout the campaign. The Right
Wing joined the Head Quarters of the ist Division at
Tel-el-Mahuta, on the evening of the 27th.

On the 28th, a demonstration was made by the enemy
against Graham's force at Kassassin. The Right Wing of
the iQth was ordered in support to Mahsamah ; but, on
its being ascertained that no serious attack was intended
they returned to Tel-el-Mahuta. Graham, having been
reinforced, and expecting the Heavy Cavalry Brigade to
join him, made a general advance after sunset. The orders
for the heavy cavalry had, however, miscarried, and did not
reach Major General Lowe for several hours. Making a
wide sweep into the desert, Lowe fell upon the left of the

i88a] KASSASSIN, TEL-EL-KEBIR 237

enemy in the dark, and charged, rolling up their infantry ;
the darkness made pursuit impossible. The sound of the
heavy firing, caused the Division at Tel-el-Mahuta to turn
out again, but after a brief advance they returned to camp,
with the exception of the iQth Hussars, who pushed on to
Kassassin, which they reached at daybreak. It was not
till noon, after visiting the scene of the previous night's
encounter, that they were able to off-saddle and rest.

The following twelve days were spent in preparing for
the advance on Tel-el-Kebir, 13 miles from Kassassin,
where Arabi's army had constructed a formidable line of
entrenched works. During these days, the ipth Hussars
and the Indian Native Cavalry were employed in continual
outpost and reconnoissance duties. On the 5th, Lieutenant
Holland was badly wounded.

By the 8th, all was ready for massing the whole force
at Kassassin preparatory to the advance on Tel-el-Kebir.
Early on the Qth, Arabi advanced in force on Kassassin,
attacking in two separate bodies simultaneously, one in
front from Tel-el-Kebir, and the other in flank from Es
Salihiyeh. Willis repelled the double attack with ease,
and pushed the enemy back to within cannon shot of
Tel-el-Kebir, capturing four guns.

Soon after dark on the I2th, the whole force consisting
of 17,000 men, with 61 guns, moved out of camp to some
high ground in front of Kassassin, in preparation for an
attack on Arabi Pasha's entrenched lines. At 1.30 in the
morning, the troops moved silently forwards through the
desert, their march directed by a naval officer steering by
the stars. The four infantry brigades, in two lines, led the
way, supported on the right by the heavy cavalry brigade
and horse artillery, and on the left by the naval brigade.
In rear of the naval brigade, followed the igth Hussars
under Lieutenant Colonel Coghill. One troop of the
regiment remained at Mahsamah, and another at Tel el

238 TROUBLES IN EGYPT [1882

Mahuta, to guard those points. At five in the morning
the attack was delivered ; after half an hour's severe
fighting, the British infantry was in complete possession
of the lines. While the heavy cavalry pushed on to
Zagazig to cut off fugitives, the I9th, under Coghill,
passed through an opening in the entrenchments, and
seized the Tel el Kebir railway station and bridge, cutting
off a great number of fugitives. Thence the pursuit was
continued for three hours, when the iQth returned to the
enemy's late camp. In the afternoon they started again
in the track of the heavy cavalry, leaving a troop to
protect burial parties, and reached Belbeis that evening.
On the following evening Cairo was taken possession of,
and Arabi surrendered himself. The only casualty in the
regiment was Lieutenant Barclay who was struck by a
fragment of shell from one of the first guns fired by the
enemy at Tel-el-Kebir.

The war was over. A medal, with clasp for Tel-el-
Kebir, was given to all who took part in the campaign.
The medals were presented to the regiment by Lady
Dufferin, in Her Majesty's name, in the following
February. H.H. the Khedive also gave a star.

A few weeks after the arrival of the regiment in Cairo,
a virulent epidemic attacked the horses. In order to
shake it off, the regiment was moved to Helouan, at the
end of the first week in November, with 248 sick horses,
56 having died in Cairo. A good deal of sickness also set
in among the men. In the following March the regiment
returned to Cairo, and occupied the Abassiyeh barracks,
having lost 18 men and 141 horses in the interval. When
the regiment went to Egypt it had four coloured squadrons,
chesnut, bay, brown, and black, while the band were
mounted on greys. Experience showed that the greys
bore the climate better than any others ; the chesnuts
also bore the climate well. The dark coloured horses

i882] THE SOUDAN 239

suffered most, and were more liable, than the others, to
sore backs. In respect to age, the percentage of deaths
among horses between five and ten years, was double that
among horses between ten and fifteen years. In the hurry
of departure from England, about twenty horses, over
fifteen years of age, were taken. They were employed as
waggon horses, and had perhaps harder work than those
under saddle ; yet they stood the climate and work
better than all the others.

Affairs in Lower Egypt, to outward appearance, seemed
to be settling down so satisfactorily that, in November, the
regiment received orders to hold itself in readiness to
proceed to England. This prospect endured only for a
week, when news from Upper Egypt was received, altering
all arrangements.

While the British government were busying themselves
with Lower Egypt, they paid scanty attention to the
Soudan, which they regarded as a burden and encum-
brance that Egypt would do well to get rid of. The
Khedive's government did not hold this view, and con-
tinued to occupy themselves in dealing with a movement
that had originated in Kordofan, the importance of which
was greatly under-estimated at the time. Simultaneously
with the insubordination of the Egyptian army and the
rise of Arabi Pasha, another pretender to power, of a more
serious type had arisen in the South. In May 1881, an
Arab, in Kordofan, named Mahomed Ahmed, proclaimed
himself to be the Mahdi, and preached a religious war.
Matters were not improved by communications from
Arabi, published in the Soudan, proclaiming that the
Khedive's government was at an end, and that no
obedience should be paid to it. By the end of 1882, the
Mahdi had gathered a large force of fighting men, and
had inflicted several disastrous defeats on the Egyptian
troops. In April 1883, an Egyptian force, which came

240 TROUBLES IN EGYPT [1884

to be known as the " English Army," was organized at
Khartoum, under the command of Major General Hicks,
who had with him a number of English officers, to
advance on Kordofan, and put down the revolt* In
October, this force was utterly destroyed, and the whole
of the Soudan was in a blaze. It was at once realized that
the reconquest of Kordofan and the complete suppression
of the Mahdi would require operations on a scale that
could not then be undertaken. A complete withdrawal
from the Western Soudan was therefore determined on.
To effect this, Colonel Gordon with £40,000 was sent to
Khartoum. Meanwhile, the uprising of the tribes had
developed in another direction.

In August 1883, a slave trader, named Osman Digna,
in the Eastern Soudan, had raised the tribesmen, in the
name of the Mahdi, and attacked the Egyptian posts in
the vicinity of Suakin, the principal seaport of the Soudan,
laying siege to Sinkat and Tokar. An Egyptian force
for the relief of these places was organized in Cairo, and
sent down, under Major General Baker, in December.
On the 4th February 1884, while advancing to the relief
of Tokar, it was utterly destroyed, Baker and his staff
making their escape with difficulty. The fall of Sinkat
and massacre of its garrison quickly followed. The
presence of British men-of-war at Suakin, alone saved
that place. It was evident that without British troops
nothing could be done. But beyond securing the safety
of Suakin and effecting the relief of Tokar, the British
Government had no definite plans.

To effect these objects, a force was organized at Cairo,
under Major General Graham, and dispatched from Suez.
The 1 9th Hussars commanded by Lieutenant Colonel A.
G. Webster, left Cairo on the i^th February, and embarked

* The force was mainly composed of the men who had fought against us
under Arabi. They could hardly have been expected to fight well.

i884] BATTLE OF EL TEB 241

in the Osiris and the Neera, with a strength of 20 officers,
457 non-commissioned officers and men, and 395 horses.
Three hundred of the horses were small Syrian Arabs
procured from the Egyptian cavalry. The force was
destined to land at Trinkitat, about 50 miles south of
Suakin, and the nearest point on the coast to Tokar.

The Osiris reached Trinkitat on the 22nd February,
and the portion of the iQth on board, disembarked the
following day. In a reconnoissance made on the 24th,
they came in touch with the enemy at once. The Neera»
less fortunate, struck on a rock off Suakin, and became a
total wreck, though men and horses were all saved ; but
they did not reach Trinkitat till the 25th. The regiment
was brigaded with the loth Hussars and mounted infantry,
about 750 men in all, under Colonel Herbert Stewart. On
the 28th, the whole force, consisting of about 4500 men,
moved from Trinkitat to Fort Baker, but, before this, the
news of the fall of Tokar had been received.

On the 29th, the force advanced against the enemy,
who occupied a strong position at El Teb. Moving in a
large square, they found the Arab force in position on an
isolated ridge covered with bush scrub, and protected with
parapets and rifle pits. A squadron of the loth Hussars
covered the front and left face of the square ; a troop of the
1 9th covered the right face. The rest of the cavalry were
disposed in rear of the square, in three lines, commanded
respectively by Lieut. Colonel Wood, loth Hussars, Lieut.
Colonels Barrow and Webster, I9th Hussars. By their
defeat of General Baker, and the capture of Tokar, the
enemy had become possessed of guns, small arms and
ammunition, which they used very efficiently. As the
British force came within range, the cavalry cleared away
from the front of the square, which moved to the right,
across the front of the position, so as to attack the left flank
of the enemy, and the British guns came into action. In

242 TROUBLES IN EGYPT [1884

forty minutes, the enemy's guns being silenced, the square
moved forward again. As they approached the ridge, the
enemy's fire ceased, and, in small groups of twenty and
thirty men, the Arabs dashed at the face of the square with
the most reckless valour. Not one of them succeeded in
reaching it. Again the British infantry advanced, and
again with desperate courage a great force of Arabs hurled
themselves on the British bayonets. There are no braver
men than the Arabs of the Soudan. Armed with sword
and spear, in spite of hundreds being shot down, many of
them succeeded in coming hand to hand with their foes
and the matter was decided by the bayonet. Thus,
fighting at every step, the British infantry swept steadily
along the whole line of the enemy's position, capturing
seven guns in their progress. The enemy's number was
computed at from 6000 to 10,000 men. Of these, over
2000 lay dead on the ridge. As the remainder drew off
across the plain beyond, the first two lines of British cavalry
swept round the end of the ridge, and pursued. After driving
the main body of the enemy before them for some distance,
it was found necessary to return to encounter a large body
of the enemy they had passed in the broken ground, and
that now interposed between them and the infantry. The
loth Hussars, and two squadrons of the iQth under
Lieutenant Colonel Barrow, charged a large body of Arabs
composed of horsemen, men on camels, and footmen,
and at once became involved in a desperate hand to hand
conflict. This body of Arabs had not been engaged with
our infantry, and were quite fresh. Thirty Arab horsemen
charged one of the leading squadrons, three of them
getting through and wheeling their horses in pursuit
regardless of the second line. The Arab swordsmen and
spearmen, taking advantage of the scrub and broken
ground, hamstrung horses as they passed, and then attacked
the riders. Captain Freeman of the iQth and several men

i884] BATTLE OF EL TEB 243

were killed, and many wounded. Of all those who lost
their horses in the melee, Colonel Barrow alone escaped alive.
His horse was killed, and he received a thrust from a
spear that passed through his arm and penetrated his side.
Surrounded by numbers of the enemy, he must have been
killed, had it not been for the devotion of Quarter Master
Sergeant William Marshall who rode to his assistance,
seconded by Sergeant Fenton and Private Boseley.
Marshall gave the Colonel his hand. Running in this
fashion, in rear of the charging squadrons, Barrow, with the
heavy spear swaying to and fro in his side, managed to get
free of the enemy before he sank down. His attendant
trumpeter, in spite of sixteen terrible wounds, kept his
horse going, and escaped from the press, to die of his
injuries later. Captain Jenkins, on whom the command of
the two squadrons devolved, on Barrow being disabled,
was engaged by three of the enemy at once. His horse
was wounded in three places, but he himself escaped with
a slight wound. Horsemen, as a rule, have little difficulty
in dispersing and driving before them disordered infantry :
but, so extraordinary was the activity and bravery of
the Arabs, and the skill with which they used their spears
and two-handed swords that, in the uneven ground
covered with low mimosa bushes, they were more than a
match for horsemen. It was not till some men had
dismounted, and opened fire on them, that they sullenly
drew off and retreated.

Meanwhile, the other two squadrons of the regiment,
acting independently under Lieutenant Colonel Webster and
Major Hanford-Flood, had cleared the flank of numerous
small parties of the enemy. By 1.30 the action was at an
end. The total British loss was 34 killed or died of wounds,
and 155 wounded. To this the iQth Hussars contributed
one officer killed, two wounded, 13 non-commissioned
officers and men killed or died of wounds, 20 wounded ;

244 TROUBLES IN EGYPT [1884

a heavier loss than fell on any other regiment engaged at
El Teb. Every single casualty in the regiment was caused
in hand-to-hand combat, by sword or spear. For his gallant
behaviour, Quartermaster Sergeant William Marshall re-
ceived the Victoria Cross. Lieutenant Colonel Barrow's
wound was of so terrible a nature that it was not thought
possible he could survive, but he lived to go through
another and more arduous campaign.

On the following day the force advanced on Tokar.
Sergeant James Fatt of the I9th while scouting in advance^
rode boldly into the village, while it was still uncertain
whether there would be any opposition, and brought out
one of the villagers. Osman Digna's camp was taken
without resistance: two guns and a great quantity of
small arms, ammunition and stores, captured from General
Baker's force, being taken by the cavalry.

On the 5th March, the regiment paraded, for inspection
by General Graham and Colonel Stewart, and received
complimentary addresses from both officers.

On the 6th, the force re-embarked at Trinkitat, and
landed at Suakin the following day, to encounter Osman
Digna in person, who was encamped at Tamai, sixteen
miles from Suakin. On the night of the I2th, the whole
force bivouacked in front of Osman Digna's position ; the
infantry at about one mile, the cavalry four miles in rear
of the infantry. At eight the next morning, the advance
commenced : the two infantry brigades in squares, the
cavalry in rear of the left. The Arab skirmishers, who
had pelted the British encampment with rifle fire during
the night, fell back, increasing in numbers as they retired.
Seeing a great number of the enemy in front of them,
massed in a ravine, the front line of the 2nd brigade
charged with the bayonet, destroying the formation of
their square. The active Arabs broke into the opening,
stabbing and slashing at close quarters. Numbers

1884] BATTLE OF TAMAI 245

followed, and for a few minutes a catastrophe was imminent.
The cavalry galloped forward on the left, dismounted,
and poured volley after volley into the flank of the
advancing Arabs, while the bayonet and spear contended
for victory within the square itself. The 1st brigade,
which had repulsed a similar charge, swept the right face
of the 2nd brigade square with its fire, and, in a few
minutes, the last surviving Arab who had penetrated the
square had paid the penalty. The ranks were reformed,
and the infantry advance was resumed, the cavalry clearing
away the numerous small parties of the enemy who still
clung to the broken ground. The battle was over. In
those few minutes over 2000 of the enemy had fallen, out
of an estimated number of 12,000: of the British force,
109 officers and men were killed, and 112 wounded. The
1 9th Hussars lost one killed and two wounded.

On the following day the force advanced to Tamai,
burned Osman Digna's camp, and returned to Suakin.
For a fortnight the force lay at Suakin, the cavalry and
mounted infantry being employed in daily reconnoissances.
On the 27th, the whole force advanced for a distance of
25 miles to ascertain if the enemy remained in any force.
A few hundreds only were found. Beyond some desultory
skirmishing, which drew from the General in command a
highly complimentary order, nothing serious occurred, and
the force returned to Suakin.

" Too high praise can scarcely be given to the Cavalry
and Mounted Infantry, who bore the brunt of a long
skirmish on rocky ground unsuited for cavalry action, and
who, the following morning, although nearly twenty-four
hours without water for their horses, performed admirable
scouting duty during the advance of the force in a moun-
tainous district, when distant peaks and ridges had to be
crowned and watched." *

It being considered that the objects of the expedition
* G.O. by Sir G. Graham.

246 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1884

had been fully attained, the force was broken up and
withdrawn. The igth embarked on the ist April, and
returned to Cairo on the 6th.

By G.O. 10 of January 1885 the regiment was permitted
to add the date " 1884" to the badges on its appointments.
A medal with clasps for El Teb and Tamai were granted
to those present.

CHAPTER III

CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE

1884-1899

Troubles in the Western Soudan — Expedition to relieve Khartoum —
19th ordered up the Nile— Korti — The Desert Column — Action
at Abu Klea — Action at Abu Krou — Quartermaster Lima killed —
The horses— Metemmeh— Fall of Khartoum— Return of the
Column — The River Column — Action at Kirbekan — Return of
the Column— Summer Quarters — Regiment returns to Cairo —
Squadron sent to Suakin — Serious losses — Returns to Cairo —
Designation granted of " Princess of Wales' Own "— Death of
Colonel Barrow — igth returns to England — Badge of "Mysore"
granted — iQth embarks for India — Bangalore — Secunderabad.

IN the meantime, matters in the Western Soudan had
steadily been getting worse. In March, the Mahdi's
forces had reached Khartoum ; by the end of May Berber
had fallen, cutting off communication between Khartoum
and Cairo, and the wave of rebellion rolled steadily north-
ward. Still the Government in England did nothing.
They had resolutely ignored the whole Soudan question,
and allowed matters to drift. Gordon's urgent advice to
occupy Berber with British troops, in order to keep open
the route to Suakin, had been disregarded, and his demand
for Zobehr Pasha to be sent to Khartoum, as the only

1884] ORDERED UP THE NILE 247

chance of saving the situation, was emphatically refused.
It was not till August, that the British Cabinet recognised
that some effort might be required to relieve Khartoum,
and even to defend Lower Egypt from the Mahdi. By
the middle of August preparations were made for dispatch-
ing a small body of troops to Wady Haifa, and a squadron
of the i Qth Hussars was held in readiness. Then followed
more delay. It was not till the middle of September that
preparations for an advance beyond Wady Haifa began
to be made in earnest.

On the 25th October, three squadrons of the regiment,
under Lieut. Colonel Barrow, left Cairo, and reached Wady
Haifa, by rail and steamer, on I2th November, with a
total strength of 21 officers, and 353 Non-Commissioned
officers and men. Two instances of the eager spirit to get
to the front, that animated the whole regiment, must not
go unrecorded. At the moment of leaving the barracks
in Cairo, a man met with an accident that necessitated his
being left behind. In a minute one of the men detailed
to remain at Cairo stepped forward in his place, in march-
ing order, with kit complete. He had got himself ready
on the chance of some such opportunity occurring, and
it is pleasant to know that he got it. At Assiout, next
morning, a stowaway was discovered, a bandboy, who
accounted for himself by saying " He was the only
man in the band without a medal, and he could not
stand it."

Experience had shown that English horses could not
stand hard work under a tropical sun, with scarcity of
water and desert fare. It was therefore decided, before
leaving Cairo, to mount the regiment entirely on the small
Syrian Arab horses used by the Egyptian cavalry. Three
hundred and fifty of these little horses had been sent up
in advance, and were taken over by the regiment on
arrival at Wady Haifa. The regiment was at this time

248 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1884

in superb condition. The men had an average of seven
years' service, and most of them had been through the
preceding campaigns of Tel-el-Kebir and Suakin. From
Wady Haifa the regiment marched, by squadrons, to
Korti, where it arrived on the 2Oth December.

Here was assembled the expeditionary force, under
General Lord Wolseley ; perhaps the most singular force
ever put into the field by Great Britain, to fight in one
of the most remarkable campaigns ; starting from a base
a thousand miles from the sea. In addition to the ipth
Hussars, who were the only horsemen with the force, and
nine battalions of infantry, there were four Camel Corps,
composed respectively of picked men from different Heavy
and Light Cavalry regiments, the Foot Guards, and
Infantry of the Line ; a Naval Brigade of Bluejackets
and Marines ; a Battery of Royal Artillery, and two Camel
Batteries. The boats by which the Nile had been
ascended had been built in England, and were managed
by Canadian voyageurs, some of whom were of Indian
blood, and by Kroomen from the west coast of Africa,
while the camels were managed by Arab drivers brought
for the purpose from Aden.

The original intention had been to follow the course
of the river the whole way to Khartoum, but now a fresh
disposition became necessary. A letter from Gordon,
dated 4th November, was received, showing that provisions
in Khartoum were running short, and time would not
allow of the slow but less hazardous advance along the
river. The new plan was to send a compact flying column
across the desert to Metemmeh, under Brigadier General
Sir Herbert Stewart, for the purpose of opening communi-
cation with Khartoum. A second column, under Major
General W. Earle, was to ascend the river, clearing away
all parties of the enemy, and, eventually, to recapture
Berber. The rest of the force was to remain at Korti,

I88S3 THE DESERT COLUMN 249

where Lord Wolseley's Head Quarters were fixed. The
1 9th Hussars were destined to furnish a contingent to both
columns.

THE DESERT COLUMN

The task before the Desert Column was no easy one.
Between Korti and Metemmeh 176 miles of barren desert
have to be traversed. At two places only is water in any
considerable quantity procurable ; at Jakdul 98 miles
from Korti, and at Abu Klea, about 53 miles from
Jakdul. The first operation was to establish a post at
Jakdul, where as yet the enemy had not appeared.

On the 3Oth December, a force of 1107 men of all
ranks, with 2200 camels, started from Korti, under Sir
Herbert Stewart. With them went 2 officers and 32
men of the I9th. Being the only horsemen with the
force, the whole of the scouting duties devolved upon
the men of the 1 9th. The rest of the force were mounted
on camels. One gallon of water for each man, and two
for each horse, were carried on camels. In the early
morning of the 2nd January, the Jakdul wells were
reached, in 63 hours after leaving Korti. Only a few
stragglers of the enemy were sighted. On the same
evening the force set out on its return to Korti, leaving
a garrison of 420 men at Jakdul.

On the 8th January, Sir Herbert Stewart again
started with the main column, consisting of 1607 men,
2228 camels, and 306 camel drivers. The I9th Hussars,
on this occasion, mustered 135 officers and men, with
155 horses, under Lieut. Colonel Barrow. On the I4th,
the column left Jakdul: about 1800 combatants of all
ranks, with 1118 camels. Early on the i6th, the I9th
were pushed on ahead of the column, and came in touch
with the enemy in front of the Abu Klea wells. A patrol,

250 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1885

under Major French, pursued a small body of men right
into the gorge leading to the wells, and captured one
of them, on the spot where next day's action was fought.
A number of horsemen appearing and threatening to
cut him off, French was obliged to relinquish his
prisoner, and retire to the entrance of the gorge. Here
Barrow dismounted his men in order to keep the road
open for Stewart's force. Though threatened on both
flanks by the enemy's horsemen, the position was easily
held by carbine fire, and the power of the enemy to
dispute the advance of the column at this point was
checkmated. On the arrival of the column a zeriba
was formed for the night, three and a half miles from
the water. As the camp was being formed, the enemy
appeared in considerable numbers, and opened a distant
fire, wounding one man and several horses of the igth.
As darkness closed in the enemy became bolder, and,
during the whole night, the force was exposed to a
constant fire which did little harm beyond disturbing
the much needed rest of the men. At daybreak, the
fire increased in intensity ; several officers and men were
struck down, and the ipth had several horses killed and
disabled while standing at their pickets. At 9 A.M. the
force was formed in square, preparatory to an advance
towards the water which was of such vital importance.
While the square was forming, the iQth were ordered
to move out and hold in check a body of some
500 of the enemy, horsemen and footmen combined, who
threatened to get round to the rear of the square. An
hour after the hussars had left, the square advanced.
The small force moved slowly, frequent halts being
necessary to permit of the camels, loaded with ammuni-
tion and water, closing up. The ground was uneven,
with ravines and hollows that prevented the full strength
of the enemy being seen. Suddenly a great body of

i88s] BATTLE OF ABU KLEA 251

Arabs, 5000 strong, rose from a fold in the ground, and
rushed at the square. So rapid and overwhelming was
their attack, aided by the inequalities of the ground,
and the fact that the fire from the square was at first
impeded by its own retiring skirmishers that, in spite of
the heavy fire poured upon them, the Arabs succeeded
in penetrating the square, as at Tamai, stabbing and
slashing in every direction. At the same moment, a
squadron of horsemen charged the square, but were
repulsed. For five minutes the hand-to-hand conflict
raged, till the last Arab who penetrated the formation
was killed. The remainder, who had been heavily
punished by rifle and artillery fire drew off, though for
a time it seemed doubtful if they would not renew the
attack. The iQth, who had helped the square with
dismounted fire, followed and cut off many stragglers,
but the number of the enemy was too great to admit
of a charge on the main body. The horses also were
hardly able to move out of a walk, having been thirty
hours without water. In this brief conflict the small
British force lost 74 killed, and 94 wounded, some of
whom died of their injuries. As at El Teb and Tamai,
the fatal skill with which the Arabs used their weapons
is shown by the relative numbers of killed and wounded.
Of the Arabs, whose strength was estimated at about
9000 men, 1100 dead were counted in close proximity
to the square.

On the retreat of the enemy, Barrow pushed on
and occupied the wells, from which the enemy had to
be driven by carbine fire. It was late at night before
the infantry obtained the much needed water.

The greater part of the i8th was spent in building
a small fort at Abu Klea, and establishing a post there,
for the protection of the wounded and defence of the wells.
While this was in progress, the I9th returned to the battle

252 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1885

field and buried the British dead. Late in the afternoon the
small column moved out, to traverse the 25 miles of desert
that must be crossed before the Nile could be reached.
The 1 9th Hussars led the way. As night closed in, progress
became very slow. Men and camels were exhausted, and,
in the darkness, great confusion ensued. Night marching
over an unknown route is a doubtful expedient. In the
early morning of the I9th, the line of the Nile, with villages,
was sighted about six miles distant. But between them
and the column was a gravel ridge on which the enemy
appeared, and soon, dense masses of them were visible,
swarming out to meet the column. In view of the distress
for want of water, it had been Sir Herbert Stewart's wish
to reach the Nile without fighting ; but this was now
impossible. The camels were collected together, and a
zeriba of brushwood, saddles, boxes &c. formed. By
8 o'clock the enemy's fire became heavy. Among the
earliest to be struck was the commander of the column,
Sir Herbert Stewart, who received a wound that afterwards
proved mortal. Speaking to Colonel Barrow just before he
received the fatal wound, he said, "Take care of the I9th
Hussars, they have done well." The command devolved
on Colonel Sir Charles Wilson. It was necessary to drive
the enemy away, but nothing could be done till the zeriba
was complete, and, owing to the exhaustion of the men,
the work proceeded slowly. In the interval there were
many casualties, and here the I9th Hussars lost Quarter
Master A. G. Lima, who was killed by a shot through the
head.

At last all was ready. The I9th Hussars came in, and
picketted their horses, which were so exhausted as to be
scarcely able to carry the men. Colonel Barrow and his
men were detailed to assist in holding the zeriba, while the
rest of the force marched out to engage the enemy. By 2
o'clock the square had formed up outside the zeriba, and

BATTLE OF ABU KROU 253

moved off. With it went a few dismounted men of the
1 9th, under Lieutenant Craven.

As the square moved towards the Nile, the enemy's fire
increased, and many men fell. The progress made was
very slow. The bush and sandhills on three sides swarmed
with Arabs. As the square neared the ridge, the men
dropped fast under the heavy rifle fire to which they were
exposed. Suddenly the enemy's fire ceased, and a great
swarm of Arabs poured down on the square. There were
no skirmishers to mask the fire, as at Abu Klea, and the
Arabs were met by a steady fire that swept away the
foremost ranks wholesale. Not an Arab lived to reach the
square, and a ringing British cheer went up as the enemy
were seen to be flying in all directions. The way to the
Nile was no longer closed. Half an hour after dark the
river was reached, near the village of Abu Krou. It was
not till the afternoon of the 2Oth that the igth Hussar
horses were able to drink. Half of them had been 72 hours
without water ; none of them less than 56 hours, yet only
3 succumbed. If English horses had been employed,
probably not one would have survived.

" The cavalry horses were quite done up. The way in
which Barrow managed to bring the iQth Hussars across
the desert is one of the best things in the expedition ; but
the horses had only had a short drink at Abu Klea, and
then they had barely enough to wash their mouths out
until they got to the Nile on the 2Oth. The scouting of the
Hussars during the march was admirably done ; they were
ubiquitous. But want of food and water no horses can
fight against, and they were but a sorry spectacle as they
moved out of the zeriba to go down to the river. They
reached the Nile almost useless as cavalry, and could only
be employed for scouting purposes, at short distances from
the camp." *

During the whole march from Korti the entire scouting
duty had been taken by the iQth Hussars, so that, each

* Sir Charles Wilson, in From Korti to Khartoum.

254 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1885

day, they covered far more ground than the rest of the
force. The men also were thoroughly exhausted with
the tremendous efforts they had been called on to make,
but their health continued to be good. There was wonder-
ful freedom from sickness of any kind. The casualties
in the whole force on the igth January, amounted to i
officer and 22 non-commissioned officers and men killed;
8 officers and 90 non-commissioned officers and men
wounded. Many non-combatants also were killed or
wounded.

The 2Oth was occupied in placing the village of Gubat
in a state of defence, and, at dawn of the 2ist, Barrow and
his Hussars rode out to reconnoitre Metemmeh, preparatory
to an attack in force. So exhausted were the horses that
all the Hussars could do was to ride up in a body to some
high ground on the north of the village, while the rest of
the force opened fire from the east side. While the attack
was proceeding, four small steamers sent down by Gordon
from Khartoum on the I4th December, appeared in sight,
and landed some native troops. They brought intelligence
of Arab reinforcements being on the march from Khartoum.
It was important to husband ammunition, and incur no
further losses of men, so the attack was withdrawn. But
the Arab reinforcements never reached Metemmeh. The
news of the disastrous defeats their comrades had sustained
at Abu Klea and Abu Krou, caused them to retrace their
steps.

Reconnoissances having shown that no large force of
the enemy was in the vicinity, Sir Charles Wilson started
on the 24th for Khartoum, with two of the steamers, taking
with him two hundred men. On the 28th, after great diffi-
culties, Khartoum was reached, and found to be in the hands
of the Arabs. The town had been captured by the Mahdi,
two days before, and Gordon was dead. On the 4th
February, Sir Charles Wilson and his party rejoined the

i885] RETURN OF THE FORCE 255

camp at Gubat, after adventures that read more like a page
of romance than of modern history. In the interval, both
his steamers had been wrecked, and the whole party had
been continuously under fire for eight days and a half. In
the meantime, the force at Gubat received some reinforce-
ments and supplies from Korti. The iQth were engaged
in daily skirmishes with the outlying pickets of the enemy
who showed a wholesome respect for them : " Even the
fierce Baggara horsemen appeared unwilling to cross
swords with our Hussars," wrote one who was present with
the force. On the nth, Major General Sir Redvers Buller
arrived to take command of the force, with orders to retire
on Abu Klea.

On the 1 4th February, Gubat was evacuated, and Abu
Klea reached on the I5th, followed by the enemy who
annoyed the force with long range rifle fire. At Abu
Klea, on the i/th, a smart skirmish took place which cost
the force 3 killed and 27 wounded. Among the killed
was Sergeant Horwood of the iQth Hussars, who was
acting as Sergeant Major with the Mounted Infantry. It
had been intended to occupy Abu Klea permanently, in
view of a second advance on Khartoum in the autumn ;
but want of food, scarcity of water, and the complete
breakdown of transport necessitated Buller's withdrawal
to Korti. On the i6th, the iQth Hussars marched out for
Jakdul, leaving at Abu Klea with Sir R. Buller a small
detachment under Major French. The march was a pain-
ful one, about half the men being on foot. While on the
march they heard of Sir Herbert Stewart's death near
Jakdul. Wishing to be present at the funeral of the
commander they had served under in two campaigns, they
made a long forced march into Jakdul, but arrived too late.
They had the melancholy satisfaction of erecting a walled
enclosure, with headstone, round his grave. On the 3rd
March they left Jakdul, and reached Korti on the 8th. On

256 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1885

the 23rd February the last of the desert column left Abu
Klea, and returned to Korti, i6th March. In a dispatch
from Jakdul, dated 26th February, Sir R. Buller wrote of
the ipth Hussars : —

" I wish expressly to remark on the very excellent work
done by the small detachment of the ipth Hussars, both
during our occupation of Abu Klea and during our retire-
ment. Each man has done the work of ten, and it is not
too much to say that the force owes much to Major French
and his 13 troopers."

Meanwhile, the men of the igth, left at Korti, had not
been idle. In February they were engaged in establishing
two watering posts in the desert, distant respectively
twelve and thirty miles from Korti, for the use of the
retiring force. The water was conveyed in tin lined biscuit
boxes, and every animal in camp was pressed into the
service.

THE RIVER COLUMN

The primary object of General Earle's column was to
clear the river line of all hostile parties as far as Abu
Hamed, punishing, en route, the Monassir tribe of Arabs
who had treacherously murdered Colonel Stewart and a
small party sent down by Gordon from Khartoum, in
September. At Abu Hamed a base was to be established
for a further advance on Berber. The force, under General
Earle, consisted of four battalions of infantry, a battery of
Egyptian Artillery, an Egyptian Camel Corps, and one
squadron of the iQth Hussars ; the latter under Major
Hanford-Flood, amounting to 91 sabres and 107 horses.
The total strength of the force was about 3000 officers and
men.

The force left Korti, in detachments, for Hamdab, about
50 miles up the river, whence the final start was to be

1885] SLOW ADVANCE 257

made. On the i8th January, 60 men of the igth Hussars
together with the Egyptian Camel Corps, under Major
Flood, made a forced march into the desert to surprise a
party of the enemy collected at the wells of El Kooa, 35
miles from Hamdab. The Arabs having received timely
notice of their coming, hastily broke up their camp and
disappeared, before Flood's arrival. The detachment
returned to Hamdab after 32 hours' absence.

On the 24th, the start was made ; the Hussars, Camel
Corps and baggage, marching along the left bank, the
infantry and stores in boats. Progress was very slow,
the banks of the river being rough and difficult, and
the frequent rapids and cataracts causing great labour
in tracking the boats up. On the 2/th, the cavalry
skirmishers first came in touch with the enemy, but beyond
a harmless interchange of shots at long range nothing
occurred. This happened frequently, the enemy falling
back, day by day, as the river column advanced. The
progress of the boats was very slow owing to the succession
of rapids here formed by the Nile. Major Flood's men
worked and camped independently, reconnoitring along
the left bank, far ahead of the main body, and, owing to
the rocky nature of the ground, often at a considerable
distance from the river. The rocky ridge, on which the
battle of Kirbekan was afterwards fought, was ascended
and mapped, and a reconnoissance of the iQth Hussars
was pushed some way into the Shukook Pass, five days
before the action. On the 6th February, a two days' halt
at Birti became necessary, in consequence of the fall of
Khartoum making a change of plans possible. The enemy
meanwhile had fallen back to the Shukook Pass.

On the 8th, the advance was resumed, and it became
known that the enemy, about 1000 strong, had advanced
from the Shukook Pass, and taken position in some
extremely strong ground at Kirbekan, in front of the Pass,

258 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1885

about 14 miles from Earle's Head Quarters. The 8th and
9th were employed in reconnoitring, and closing up the
troops preparatory to the attack. On the 8th, Major
Flood, with twenty of his men, exchanged volleys with the
enemy, and drove in some of their advanced posts. On
the 9th, the whole of the mounted troops felt the enemy
again. That night the troops bivouacked in their allotted
stations, the most advanced of the infantry being only a
short mile from the enemy's position.

On the morning of the loth, General Earle, with 1196
men of all ranks, moved forward to the attack. The
enemy occupied a position on a line of low rocky
eminences at right angles to the river, and a detached
steep ridge in echelon with the rocky eminences. It was
determined to march right round the rear of their position
by the desert side, closing their retreat, and attack them
in flank and rear from the river side. Two companies of
the Staffordshire regiment, with two guns were left in front
of the position to occupy the enemy's attention, and keep
down their fire. The I9th Hussars led the way, and the
force marched right round the enemy's position till the
river was again reached in the enemy's right rear. As
soon as they saw their retreat was cut off, a number of the
enemy tried to escape by swimming the river, many of
them being shot in the attempt. But a considerable
number of them still held their ground. The Black Watch
were accordingly ordered to assault the line of rocky
eminences, while the Staffordshire regiment assaulted the
ridge. As the Black Watch won their way along the
lower eminences, a desperate rush was made by a body of
the enemy, which was repulsed, and the eminences crowned
by the Highlanders ; the Arabs gallantly fighting to the
last man. In the moment of victory, General Earle was
killed by a shot from a hut which he had incautiously
approached. The assault on the high steep ridge offered

i885] FIGHT AT KIRBEKAN 259

greater difficulties, but the position was gallantly carried
by the Staffordshire men. Both regiments had their
commanding officers killed.

In the meantime, Flood's Hussars and the Egyptian
Camel Corps had gained the entrance to the Shukook
Pass, and captured one of the enemy's camps, in which
were a number of standards, camels and donkeys. The
enemy opened fire from the surrounding hills without
effect. The victory was purchased with the loss of
three officers and nine men killed, four officers and forty-
four men wounded. The enemy's force was subsequently
ascertained to have been from fifteen hundred to two
thousand men, but of these only about six hundred
fought well.

The advance of the column was continued, on the
1 2th, under Colonel H. Brackenbury, on whom the
command had devolved by General Earle's death. The
enemy had disappeared, but progress was slow, through
the continuous rapids. On the 2Oth, a suitable place
was found for crossing the Nile. A scouting party of
the i gth was first rowed across, and brushed away some
of the enemy's scouts. By the afternoon of the 2ist,
the whole force was transported to the right bank, at
Hebbeh, the scene of Colonel Stewart's murder in
September. The murderers had fled, and beyond the
destruction of their property no other punishment could
be meted out to them. By the evening of the 23rd, the
whole force was concentrated at Huella, 26 miles from
Abu Hamed.

All was ready for the advance on Abu Hamed, where
a strong force of the enemy was known to be posted.
Hardly had the troops commenced their march, on the
24th, when orders were received from Korti directing
their return to Merawi. Sir Redvers Buller's withdrawal
from Abu Klea rendered a farther advance on Berber

260 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1885

out of the question, and the River Column had to return.
While the main body commenced to descend the river,
Major Flood's squadron scouted another six miles towards
Abu Hamed, without seeing an enemy. Descending by
the right bank, Merawi was reached on the 5th March,
and, on the 6th, after recrossing the river to Abu Dom,
the River Column was broken up. One troop of the
1 9th was left at Abu Dom, while the remainder marched
for Korti.

In spite of the extremely hard work, the health of
the troops, as with the Desert Column, had been excellent.
Not a single man of Major Flood's party had been on
the sick list, from the time of leaving Korti till the
date of return. Of the horses, three had succumbed.
The performance of the small Arab horses both with
the River and Desert Columns, carrying a heavy
weight, on scanty fare and less water, is a marvel of
endurance.

The next few days were spent in arranging for the
distribution of the troops into summer quarters, in antici-
pation of the advance on Khartoum in the autumn. The
quarters selected for the ipth were Merawi, Abu Dom,
Tani, Kurot, Abu Kussi, and Dongola. By the 1st
April, they were all located in the assigned positions.
Before leaving Korti, the regiment was inspected by
Lord Wolseley, who addressed them in terms of commen-
dation that will long be remembered in the regiment.

OPERATIONS NEAR SUAKIN

While their comrades had thus been busy on the
Nile, the remnant of the regiment left at Cairo had
found work to do. The effect of the operations, near
Suakm, in March 1884, had been quite temporary.

1885] CAPTAIN APTHORP'S SQUADRON 261

Osman Digna had recovered his authority, and was
again threatening the port. It was also considered
that, by making a diversion at Suakin, the operations near
Berber and the reopening of the Suakin-Berber road
would be facilitated. It was determined, therefore, to
send a sufficient force to crush Osman Digna, and to
make a railway line to Berber. The capture of Berber,
before the great heat of the summer set in, was then
considered feasible.

Before the force, which was to be commanded by
Lieut. General Sir Gerald Graham, could arrive, a weak
squadron of the iQth Hussars, under Captain Apthorp,
was dispatched from Cairo on the 24th January, together
with two Horse Artillery guns, followed next day by a
battalion of infantry. On landing at Suakin, recon-
noissances were instituted to ascertain the strength and
position of the enemy. On the ist February, a small force
of all arms reconnoitred, under Major General Fremantle,
towards Hasheem, 8 miles west of Suakin. The Arabs
were found in great numbers, in a position too strong to
attack. The infantry were formed in square, while the
cavalry and guns were sent forward to try and draw the
enemy out of their position. But the memory of El-Teb
and Tamai were too fresh in the Arab mind for them to
be induced to attack the arrayed infantry. They refused
to quit their position, and after a prolonged skirmish,
General Fremantle's force returned to camp. One Egyptian
trooper was wounded, and the iQth Hussars lost a
horse.

On the 3rd, Captain Apthorp was sent with 40 of his
own men and 40 Egyptian troopers to reconnoitre along
the Berber road. At Hamdoob, 10 miles from Suakin,
a camp and village, occupied by the enemy, was surprised
and burnt. While the small party were thus occupied, a
great body of Arabs, 5000 strong, had moved from Tamai

262 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1885

and Hasheem to intercept them, and took post in a ravine
two miles from Hamdoob, completely blocking their
return to Suakin. The Arab force was so well concealed
that the squadron was almost in contact with them before
their presence was discovered, and the great mass of Arabs,
footmen and men mounted on camels, bore down on the
small body of cavalry at once. There was no time to dis-
mount and fire, and it was hopeless to attempt to break
through : nothing was left them but to ride for Suakin
by a circuitous route. Turning eastwards the squadron
started on a long gallop round the enemy's flank. The
Arabs followed in overwhelming numbers, and, moving on
a shorter line, together with their knowledge of the ground,
were able to harass the squadron for several miles. The
1 9th lost 8 men and n horses, while the Egyptian troop
lost three men and six horses.

The number of Arabs in the neighbourhood of Suakin
was too great to allow of distant reconnoissances, little
more of interest occurred, therefore, till the arrival of Sir
Gerald Graham's force. Early in March, they began to
arrive, but the whole force was not completed till nearly
the middle of April. On the I7th March, the I9th Hussar
squadron re-embarked for Cairo in order to join the Head
Quarters of the regiment at Dongola, in readiness for the
advance on Khartoum in the autumn.

Our interest with the Suakin force ceases here. It is
sufficient to say that it amounted to 12,500 men, composed
of troops from England, a contingent of native troops from
India, and a contingent from New South Wales consisting
of two batteries of artillery, and 500 infantry. It had
also with it a balloon detachment, the first occasion on
which balloons were used by British troops in warfare.
On the 2Oth March, it fought a successful action at
Hasheem, and again on the 22nd, at Tofrik, when an
enormous number of the enemy were killed at a rather

i885] WITHDRAWAL OF THE ARMY 263

heavy cost to the British troops engaged. On the 3rd
April, Tamai was occupied, and the last of the enemy's
force broken up. By the end of April, 18 miles of railway
were completed, and the tribes in the neighbourhood had
given in their submission ; when the intention of the
British Government to abandon the advance on Khartoum
became known. On the i;th May, the withdrawal of the
troops commenced, and again Suakin was left with only
a small force to protect the port.

We left the three squadrons of the iQth at Dongola
and other stations south of that place, with all thoughts
concentrated on preparations for the autumn advance on
Khartoum. The regimental establishment was increased
by 1 10 men, bringing up the strength to 740 sabres. Four
strong squadrons were being prepared for the field : but
over 13 years were to elapse before Khartoum was again
seen by British troops. About the 22nd April it was
announced that the intention of advancing on Khartoum
in the autumn had been abandoned, and orders were
issued for the withdrawal of the troops. The retirement
commenced on the 26th May, when Merawi was evacuated.
The troops were withdrawn down the river in detachments,
each post being evacuated in turn as it became the
southernmost point of occupation. On the 22nd June, the
Head Quarters of the igth marched out of Dongola, the
last of the force to leave for Lower Egypt. At Wady
Haifa the hot and tedious march came to an end, and from
that point the regiment reached the railway at Assiout in
barges. At Wady Haifa, Korosko and Assouan they made
over their horses to the 2Oth Hussars, and, by the I4th
August, the regiment was reunited in Cairo. In the
whole campaign the regiment had suffered a total loss of
two officers, Lt. Colonel Taylor (died of fever) and
Quarter Master Lima, and 18 non-commissioned officers
and men.

264 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1886

In July 1885, Her Majesty was graciously pleased to
confer on the regiment the designation of " Princess of
Wales' Own," in recognition of " its distinguished services
in Egypt and the Soudan."

By G.O. 10 of January 1886 the regiment was
permitted to bear on its appointments, the words " Nile
1884-85" "Abu Klea," in commemoration of the ascent
of the river Nile and the operations in the Eastern
Soudan.

At the beginning of 1886, the regiment experienced
a severe loss in the death of its commander, Colonel
Percy Barrow. The desperate wound he had received at
El Teb, on the igth February 1884, was one from which
complete recovery was impossible. In spite of grave
inconvenience to himself, he had gone through the most
arduous part of the Nile campaign without flinching, while
the skill and judgment with which he handled his men
during the march of the Desert Column won the applause
of the whole force. While preparing the regiment for
some regimental games, a violent exertion re-opened the
old wound, and after thirty hours of intense suffering he
expired on the I3th January, in his 38th year. In him the
army lost a soldier of great promise. The son of a well
known Indian Officer, Major General Lousada Barrow,
who commanded a Corps of Volunteer Cavalry in the
Indian Mutiny and at the relief of Lucknow, Percy Barrow
entered the iQth Hussars as Cornet in 1868. In 1879, ne
was selected to command a corps of Mounted Infantry and
some irregular troops in the Zulu war ; and served through
the Boer war of 1881 in command of the Mounted Infantry.
The soldierly spirit that animated him, and his intense
devotion to everything that concerned the welfare of the
regiment, can only be appreciated by those who have been
privileged to read his letters written in quarters and in the
field. Telegrams of condolence to the regiment from Her

From a Photograph.

COLONEL PERCY BARROW, C.B.

i888] RETURN TO ENGLAND 265

Majesty the Queen and from Her Royal Highness the
Princess of Wales testified to the general appreciation of
the loss the public service had suffered in his death. His
remains were removed to England and interred at Saltwood
near Hythe. To command the regiment, his brother-in-
law, Colonel Boyce Combe, was transferred from the loth
Hussars to the igth.

In May, the regiment was ordered to proceed to
England, and embarked at Alexandria on the ipth, in the
Geelong and the lona, leaving their horses behind them.
On the 6th and 7th June, they landed at Harwich and
Woolwich, and proceeded to Norwich, three troops being
sent to Colchester. The regiment was much gratified at
the receipt, on landing, of a telegram, welcoming them to
England, from H.R.H. the Princess of Wales. In July,
one of the Colchester troops was recalled to Head Quarters.
The establishment of the regiment was fixed at 24 officers,
469 warrant officers non-commissioned officers and men,
and 300 horses.

In the following March, the two troops at Col-
chester were sent to Birmingham, being replaced, in
September, at Colchester by two troops from Head
Quarters.

In October, the establishment was increased by 132
rank and file and 80 horses. For this purpose the necessary
horses were transferred to the regiment from the I4th and
2 1st Hussars. A month later, by which time 56 recruits
had been enlisted, the order was cancelled, and the horses
were transferred to the i8th and 2Oth Hussars. At the
end of the year, the Colchester squadron rejoined Head
Quarters.

In April 1888, the regiment marched from Norwich
and Birmingham to Hounslow, Hampton Court and
Kensington.

In September, the regiment was brought on the

266 CAMPAIGN ON THE NILE [1889-96

strength of the ist Army Corps, and its establishment
increased to 707 of all ranks with 424 horses.

In March 1889, under Army Order No. 136, the
regiment was granted permission to wear " Mysore " on
its appointments, in commemoration of the campaigns
against Tippoo in the last century, in which the old
1 9th Light Dragoons had borne so distinguished a part.
The badge is certainly more appropriate than the old
one of " Seringapatam " which was discarded.

In the same month the regiment lost its Colonel,
Major General John Yorke, C.B. In his place Major
General and Honorary Lieut. General Coote Synge
Hutchinson was gazetted to the regiment. He was an
old 2nd Dragoon Guards' officer, and had served with
that regiment through the Indian Mutiny.

In the following June, the regiment marched to
Aldershot. On the 3rd July, it was employed in
London on the occasion of H.M. the Shah of Persia
visiting the City.

In September 1890, the regiment took part in the
manoeuvres on Berkshire Downs.

On the 26th June 1891, a special inspection of the
regiment was held by H.R.H. the Princess of Wales ;
and, on the 8th July, the I9th took part in a review
at Hounslow before H.I.M. the German Emperor.

The regiment was again destined for foreign service.
At the end of July, it marched to Shorncliffe, and, on
ist September, embarked at Portsmouth, in the
Euphrates, for India, arriving at Bombay on the 28th,
whence it was forwarded by train to Secunderabad in
relief of the 7th Hussars. In November the regiment
was transferred, by train, to Bangalore.

Towards the end of 1892 the squadron system was
substituted for the troop system in the regiment.

In October 1896, the i9th P.W.O. Hussars were trans-

1899] WILLING BEYOND DESCRIPTION 267

ferred to Secunderabad. Here we must take leave of
the regiment. The history of a regiment in quarters
possesses little interest. " Soldiers in peace are like
chimneys in summer." When the time comes for the
ipth P.W.O. Hussars to take the field again, they will
be found like their predecessors, over one hundred years
ago, "ready in all that depends upon them, and willing
beyond description."

APPENDICES

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

271

APPENDIX A.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS OF THE
NINETEENTH.

1760

1761

1762

Lieut. Colonel
Commandant

/Charles, Earl of
\ Drogheda.

fCharles, Earl of
\ Drogheda.

/Charles, Earl of
\ Drogheda.

Lieut. Colonel

John Wynne.

Richard Gorges.

Major .

/Wm. John, Lord
\ Newbattle.

Francis Caulfield.

Captain

[ Francis Caulfield.
\J Henry Mark Mason.
Chas. Wilson Lyon.

( Francis Caulfield.
] Henry Mark Mason.
[Chas. Wilson Lyon.

(Chas. Wilson Lyon.
I Hon. Richard Roch-
1 fort.
I. Francis Brooke.

Capt. Lietiten-
ant . .

( Hon. Richard Roch-
\ fort.

(Hon. Richard Roch-
\ fort.

{Hon. Thos. Vesey.

Lieutenant .

(Thomas Vesey.
1 Clotworthy Rowley.
X Charles Burton.
I Francis Brooke.
^Michael Goodman.

{Francis Brooke.
Hon. Thos. Vesey.
Clotworthy Rowley.
Charles Burton.
Thos. Walmesley.

/'Clotworthy Rowley.
Charles Burton.
J Thomas Walmesley.
William Burton.'
VSkeffington Smith.

Cornet .

(William Burton.
Skeffington Smith.
Paul Gore.
Robert Moore.
James Staunton
Hepburn.

'Skeffmgton Smith.
William Burton.
William Moore.
-I Paul Gore.
James Staunton
Hepburn.
\James Johnston.

'William Moore.
Paul Gore.
James Staunton
Hepburn.
James Johnston.
Robert Nicholson.
^Lawrence Chaloner.

Chaplain

Henry Blacker.

Adjutant

Michael Goodman.

Thos. Walmesley.

Surgeon

Alexander Eason.

Agent .

/Capt. Montgomery,
\ Mary St., Dublin.

272

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1763*

1779

1780

Colonel .

/Russell Manners,
\ Major General.

Russell Manners.

Lieut. Colonel
Commandant

/Charles, Earl of
\ Drogheda.

Lieut. Colonel .

-| Richard Gorges.

-j Robert Laurie.

/Francis Augustus
\ Eliott.

Major

Francis Caulfield.

Richard Grant.

Captain .

f Chas. Wilson Lyon.
I Francis Brooke.
j Thomas, Lord
\ Knapton.

{John Hamilton.
Fewster Johnson.
John Morris.

f John Hamilton,
-j Fewster Johnson.
(John Morris.

Capt. Lieuten-
ant and Captain

(Hon. Chas. Gunter
\ Legge.

( Vacant.

Capt. Lieuten-\
ant . . /

Clot worthy Rowley.

Lieutenant

f Charles Burton.
ThomasjWalmesley
William Burton.
Skeffington Smith.
[ William Moore.

^Nassau Smith.
Geo. Chas. Brath-
J waite.
1 Francis Gregory.
Tho. Chas. Hardy.
Ijohn Petley.

f Francis Gregory.
Tho. Chas. Hardy.
J Geo. Chas. Brath-
] waite.
John Petley.
I William Wills.

Cornet

r Robert Nicholson.
Lawrence Chaloner
1 William Scott.
i John Moore.
Gorges Crofton.
I Vacant.

f John Bailey,
Geo. Montgomery.
1 Smith.
I Richard Warner.
Vacant.
\ Vacant.

'John Bailey.
Richard Warner.
William Tooke
Harwood.
Francis Drake.
George Street.
Vacant.

Chaplain .

Henry Blacker.

Vacant.

Charles Mayo.

Adjutant .

Thomas Walmesley.

Vacant.

George Street.

Surgeon .

Alexander Eason.

Christopher Arden.

Agents

T Messrs Bisshopp &
Brummell, Vine
[ Street.StJames'.

Number of regiment changed to the Eighteenth in this year.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

273

1781

1782

1783

Colonel.

Russell Manners.

Lieut. Colonel

R. Mason Lewis.

Major .

-j Benjamin Lambert.

/William, Viscount
\ Fielding.

ijohn Callander.

Captain

fjohn Hamilton.
-I Sir James Erskine.
[John Quantock.

fjohn Hare.
J John Petley.
jWm. Tooke Har-
l. wood.

fjohn Hare.
J John Petley.
1 Wm. Tooke Har-
L wood.

Captain Lieu-
tenant and
Captain

Hohn Hare.

/Thomas Carteret
\ Hardy.

Lieutenant .

f Thomas Carteret
Hardy.
1 John Petley.
1 John Bailey.
Richard Warner.
I Robert Kelsall.

fjohn Bailey.
Richard Kelsall.
Francis Drake.
George Street.
V. Vacant.

fjohn Bailey.
Richard Kelsall.
J George Street.
| Thomas Townley
Parker.
IWm. Cave Brown.

Cornet .

'William Tooke
Harwood.
Francis Drake.
George Street.
Henry Geo. Grey.
Francis Thomas
Hammond.
Francis Philip Bod-
. ingfield.

'Henry Geo. Grey.
Henry Goodricke.
Wm. Cave Brown,
Charles Richard
Vaughan.
E. Walbanke.
w Vacant,

'Charles Richard
Vaughan.
Edward Walbanke.
George Donithorpe.
John Monk.
Gary.
^Philip Gresley.

Chaplain

Charles Mayo.

Samuel Bethell.

Adjutant

George Street.

Digby Hamilton.

Surgeon

Christopher Arden.

274

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

THE TWENTY-THIRD LIGHT DRAGOONS.

1782

1783

1784

Colonel .

(Sir John Burgoyne
\ Major General.

(Sir John Bur-
\ goyne.

Lieut. Colonel .

John Floyd.

Major

Thomas Nash.

Captain .

(Jonathan Thomas.
\ John Beckwith.
[Thos.CreweDodd.

(John Beckwith.
\ Thomas Crewe
t Dodd.

Captain Lieu-
tenant and
Captain

Ljames Affleck.

Lieutenant

(William Gilbert
Child.
William Walton.
Guy Henry Craw-
ford.
T. J. Venables
Hinde.
William Sage.

(William Gilbert
Child.
Guy Henry Craw-
ford.
' T. J. Venables
Hinde.
William Sage.
George Williams.

Comet .

(George Williams.
1 John Campbell.
I John Horsefall.
1 John Jaffray.
Robert Anstey.
Ijohn Armstrong.

'George Williams.
John Campbell.
John Horsefall.
John J affray.
Robert Anstey.
John Armstrong.

'John Campbell.
John Jaffray.
Robert Anstey.
- John Armstrong.
Robert Hilton.
Hon. Andrew
^ Cochrane.

Chaplain .

John Burgh.

Adjutant .

Robert Hilton.

Lawrence Neville.

Surgeon .

John M'Cullock.

Agents

(Messrs Gray and
\ Collyer, Terrace,
^ Spring Gardens.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

275

1785

1786*

1787

Colonel .

| Sir John Burgoyne

fHon.SzrW.Howe,
\K.B.,Lt.- General.

fJfon.SzrW.Hovte,
\ K.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

John Floyd.

Major

Thomas Nash.

Thos. Crewe Dodd.

James Affleck.

Captain . .

[Jonathan Thomas.
\ John Beckwith.
[Thos.;CreweDodd.

f James Affleck.
-I George Browne.
[Samuel Orr.

{George Browne.
Samuel Orr.
Edward Sage.

Capt. Lieuten-
ant and Captain

jjames Affleck.

/William Gilbert
\ Child.

Lieutenant

fWm. Gilbert Child.
T. J. Venables
I Hinde.
1 William Sage.
I George Williams.
\John Jaffray.

'William Sage.
George Williams.
- John Jaffray.
Thomas Howell.
Robert Anstey.

C George Williams.
Thomas Howell.
I Robert Anstey.
1 Patrick Maxwell.
Hon. Andrew
V. Cochrane.

Comet ,

'Robert Anstey.
Hon. Andrew
Cochrane.
Patrick Maxwell.
John Banger.
Walter Monteath.
John Whitford.

'Hon. Andrew
Cochrane.
Patrick Maxwell.
- John Banger.
Walter Monteath.
John Whitford.
James Patterson.

John Banger.
Walter Monteath.
John Whitford.
- James Patterson.
Abraham Brown.
Arthur Brabazon.
Robert Williams.

Chaplain . .

John Price.

Adjutant .

Lawrence Neville.

Surgeon .

John McCullock.

James Irwine.

Agents

[Messrs Cox, Cox
\ and Greenwood,
1 Craig's Court.

Number of the regiment changed in this year to the Nineteenth.

276 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1788

1789

1790

Colonel .

fffon.StrW.Hovfe,
{ K.B.

fffon.StrW.Howe,
\ K.B.

Cffan.SirW.Howe,
\ K.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

John Floyd,

John Floyd.

Major

James Affleck.

Captain .

[George Browne.
Samuel Orr.
[Edward Sage.

f George Browne.
Edward Sage,
(james Campbell.

T George Browne.
\ Edward Sage,
y ames Campbell.

Captain Lieu-
tenant and
Captain

/William Gilbert
\ Child.

Lieutenant

'George Williams.
Robert Anstey.
Hon. Andrew
Cochrane.
Thomas Paterson.
John Bayly.

(George Williams.
Robert Anstey.
Thomas Paterson.
"| Hon. Andrew
Cochrane.
VJohn Bayly.

1 Robert Anstey.
Thomas Paterson.
Hon. Andrew
Cochrane.
John Bayly.
Walter Monteath.

Cornet

(John Banger.
Walter Monteath.
James Patterson.
Abraham Brown.
Arthur Brabazon.
Robert Williams.

(Walter Monteath.
James Patterson.
Abraham Brown.
\ Robert Williams.
James Kennedy.
Arthur Brabazon.
Ijohn Banger.

(James Patterson.
Abraham Brown.
Robert Williams.
\ James Kennedy.
Arthur Brabazon.
John Banger.
^ Vacant.

Chaplain .

John Price.

Adjutant .

Lawrence Neville.

Surgeon .

James Irwine.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

277

1791

1792

1793

Colonel .

fffon.SirW.Hovfe,
{ K.B.

/ Hon. StrW. Howe,
1 K.B.

fffon.StrW.Hovte,
\ K.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

John Floyd.

Major

f James Affleck.
\George Brown.

/James Affleck.
\George Browne.

f James Affleck.
\ William Gilbert
[ Child.

Captain .

/-William Sage.
I William Gilbert
1 Child.
Ijames Campbell.

fWilliam Gilbert
Child.
j William Sage.
\. James Campbell.

( William Sage,
j James Campbell.
[Patrick Maxwell.

Captain Lieu-
tenant and
Captain ,

I Robert Anstey.

>- Thomas Paterson

Lieutenant

'Thomas Paterson.
John Bayly.
Walter Monteath.
James Patterson.
Robert Williams.
I James Kennedy.
1 Arthur Brabazon.
Roderick Mac-
kenzie.
Lawrence Neville.
Charles Maddison.
James Cockburn.

'Thomas Paterson.
John Bayly.
Walter Monteath.
James Patterson.
James Kennedy.
I Arthur Brabazon.
| John Fortnam.
Roderick Mac-
kenzie.
Charles Maddison.
James Cockburn.
kRich. Drummond.

'John Bayly.
Walter Monteath.
James Kennedy.
Arthur Brabazon.
John Fortnam.
Roderick Mac-
| kenzie.
Charles Maddison.
James Cockburn.
Rich. Drummond.
William Bellasis.
..George Hale.

Cornet .

John Banger.
George Hale.
John Fell Snow.
- James Cathcart.
Robert Lisle.
John A. Winne.
.Henry Roberts.

'John Banger.
George Hale.
John Fell Snow.
- James Cathcart.
Robert Lisle.
John A. Winne.
^Henry Roberts.

'John Banger.
James Cathcart.
Robert Lisle.
- John A. Winne.
Henry Roberts.
Henry Skelton.
John Dent.

Chaplain .

John Price.

Adjutant .

Lawrence Neville.

Thomas Hassall.

Surgeon .

James Irwine.

278

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1794

1795

1796

Colonel

fffon.SirW.Howe,
{ K.B.

f^w.SzVW.Howe,
{ K.B.

r^«.^>W.Howe,
{ K.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

John Floyd.

Major

'James Affleck.
William Gilbert
[ Child.

f James Affleck.
William Gilbert
[ Child.

fWilliam Gilbert
Child.
[William Sage.

Captain .

["William Sage.
James Campbell.
[Patrick Maxwell.

fWilliam Sage.
James Campbell.
[Patrick Maxwell.

f Patrick Maxwell.
Thomas Paterson.
[Rich. Drummond.

Captain Lieu-
tenant and
Captain

j- Thomas Paterson.

^Thomas Paterson.

Ijohn Bayly.

Lieutenant

John Bayly.
Walter Monteath.
James Kennedy.
Arthur "Brabazon.
John Fortnam.
Roderick Mac-
kenzie.
Charles Maddison.
James Cockburn.
Rich. Drummond.
William Bellasis.
.George Hale.

"John Bayly.
Walter Monteath.
James Kennedy.
Arthur Brabazon.
John Fortescue.
Roderick Mac-
kenzie.
Charles Maddison.
James Cockburn.
Rich. Drummond.
William Bellasis.
^George Hale.

'Walter Monteath.
James Kennedy.
Arthur Brabazon.
John Fortnam.
Roderick Mac-
kenzie.
Charles Maddison.
William Bellasis.
James Cathcart.
Vacant.
Vacant.
. Vacant.

Cornet

'John Banger.
James Cathcart.
Robert Lisle.
John A. Winne.
Henry Roberts.
Henry Skelton.
John Dent.

John Banger.
James Cathcart.
Robert Lisle.
- Henry Roberts.
Henry Skelton.
Vacant.
Vacant.

John Banger.
Robert Lisle.
Henry Roberts.
- Henry Skelton.
Thomas Hassall.
Vacant.
Vacant.

Chaplain .

John Day.

Adjutant .

Thomas Hassall.

Surgeon .

James Irwine.

Joseph Mayde.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

279

1797

1798

1799

Colonel .

(Hon. Sir Wm.
i. Howe, K.B.

'Hon. Sir Wm.
{ Howe, K.B.

(Hon. Sir Wm.
( Howe, K.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

John Floyd.

Major

William Gilbert
Child.
[William Sage.

(William Gilbert
Child.
[William Sage.

f Patrick Maxwell.
\ Charles Bladen.

Captain .

f Patrick Maxwell.
1 Thomas Paterson.
| John Bayly.
[Walter Monteath.

f Pa trick Maxwell.
1 Thomas Paterson.
j John Bayly.
[Walter Monteath.

/"Thomas Paterson.
I John Bayly.
j Walter Monteath.
[Arthur Brabazon.

Capt. Lieuten-
ant and Cap-
tain

j-James Kennedy.

Mames Kennedy.

Lieutenant

'Arthur Brabazon.
John Fortnam.
Roderick Mac-
kenzie.
Charles Maddison.
William Bellasis.
" James Cathcart.
John Banger.
Robert Lisle.
Henry Roberts.
Henry Skelton.
^ Vacant.

'Arthur Brabazon.
John Fortnam.
Roderick Mac-
kenzie.
William Bellasis.
James Cathcart.
John Banger.
Robert Lisle.
Henry Roberts.
Thomas Hassall.
George John Sale.
Henry Skelton.

'John Fortnam.
Roderick Mac-
kenzie.
James Cathcart.
John Banger.
Robert Lisle.
Henry Roberts.
Thomas Hassall.
George John Sale.
Henry Skelton.
Patrick Anderson.
^Edward Darvall.

Cornet

(Thomas Hassall.
George John Sale.
Edward Darvall.
1 Henry Young.
George Tuite.
[Philip Bailey.

'Wallace Boyle.
Nathan Wilson.
Edward Geils.
- Edward Darvall.
Henry Young.
George Tuite.
^Philip Bailey.

'Wallace Boyle.
Nathan Wilson.
Edward Geils.
- Henry Young.
George Tuite.
Philip Bailey.
Andrew Geils.

Paymaster

Chaplain .

John Day.

Adjutant .

Thomas Hassall.

John Crooks.

Surgeon .

Thomas Browne.

Asst. Surgeon -

/John Murray.
\William Beville.

Vety. Surgeon .

Joseph Erratt.

a8o

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1800

1801

1802

C'ftJn'HtJ

/William, Viscount

/William, Viscozint

/William, Viscount

^oionei . •

I Howe, K.B.

\ Howe, K.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

1 John Floyd.

/Patrick Maxwell.
\Edgar Hunter.

Major

/Patrick Maxwell.
\Thomas Paterson.

/Thomas Paterson.
\John Bayly.

/John Bayly.
\ Vacant.

Captain .

/John Bayly.
1 Walter Monteath.
I Arthur Brabazon.

(James Kennedy.
1 John Fortnam.
J James Cathcart.

Hames Kennedy.
J John Fortnam.
) James Cathcart.

I Vacant.

I Robert Lisle.

Captain Lieu-

)

]

tenant and

j-James Kennedy.

\ Henry Roberts.

y Henry Roberts.

Captain

'John Banger.

John Banger.

'John Fortnam.
Roderick Macken-
zie.

Thomas Hassall.
George John Sale.
Henry Skelton.

George John Sale.
Henry Skelton.
Wallace Boyle.

Lieutenant

James Cathcart.
John Banger.
Robert Lisle.
I Henry Roberts.
Thomas Hassall.
George John Sale.
Henry Skelton.
Patrick Anderson.
^Edward Darvall.

Patrick Anderson.
Wallace Boyle.
Nathan Wilson.
Edward Geils.
Henry Young.
Thomas Vaughan.
George Tuite.
Thomas Johnson.
Robert Torrens.
John Crooks.

Nathan Wilson.
Patrick Anderson.
Edward Geils.
Henry Young.
Thomas Vaughan.
George Tuite.
Thomas Johnson.
Robert Torrens.
John Crooks.
F. Cumberlege.

F. Cumberlege.

Joseph Dowson.

'Michael Thomas

Harris.

William Lewis

^Wallace Boyle.

John Christopher

Herries.

Nathan Wilson.

Ridout.

Charles Cobbe.

Edward Geils.

William Lewis

Port.

Cornet .

Henry Young.

Herries.

George Hutchins

George Tuite.

Charles Cobbe.

Bellasis.

Philip Bailey.

George Hutchins

William Serle.

„ Vacant.

Bellasis.

Charles Abdy

Port.

Chapman.

IWilliam Serle.

John Montague

v. Jackson.

Paymaster

Adjutant .

John Crooks.

Surgeon ,

Thomas Browne.

Asst. Surgeon .

/John Murray.
{ William Seville.

"John Murray.
James Colgan.

'John Murray.
James Colgan.

Vety. Surgeon .

Joseph Erratt.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

281

1803

1804

1805

Colonel .

/William, Viscount
t Howe, K.B.

/William, Viscount
\ Howe, K.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

/Patrick Maxwell.
\Edgar Hunter.

/Edgar Hunter.
\Sit Robt. Wilson.

/James Kennedy.
\R. R. Gillespie.

Major

/John Bayly.

/John Bayly.
\James Kennedy.

/John Fortnam.
\James Cathcart.

'John Fortnam.

'Robert Lisle.

Captain .

'James Kennedy.
John Fortnam.
• James Cathcart.
Robert Lisle.
Henry Roberts.

James Cathcart.
Robert Lisle.
Henry Roberts.
George John Sale.
Henry Skelton.
Hugh Henry.

Henry Roberts.
George John Sale.
Henry Skelton.
Hugh Henry.
Nathan Wilson.
Patrick Anderson.

Capt. Lietit. and
Captain

| George John Sale

.Wallace Boyle.

. Edward Geils.

'John Banger.

'Nathan Wilson.

Henry Skelton.

Patrick Anderson.

Wallace Boyle.

Edward Geils.

"Henry Young.

Nathan Wilson.

Henry Young.

George Tuite.

Patrick Anderson.

George Tuite.

Robert Torrens.

Edward Geils.

Thomas Johnson.

John Crooks.

Lieutenant

Henry Young.
George Tuite.

Robert Torrens.
John Crooks.

< Charles Cobbe.
Richard Miller.

Thomas Johnson.

F. Cumberlege.

William Serle.

Robert Torrens.

Joseph Dowson.

C. A. Chapman.

John Crooks.

Charles Cobbe.

Benjamin Jones.

F. Cumberlege.

Richard Miller.

.Alan Twaddle.

Joseph Dowson.

John David Duval.

.Richard Miller.

^Wm. L. Herries.

'Michael T.Harris.

fGeo. H. Bellasis.

'Geo. H. Bellasis.

Wm. L. Herries.

William Serle.

John Atkins.

Charles Cobbe.

C. A. Chapman.

James Verner.

Port.

John Atkins.

Colin Anderson.

Cornet

Geo. H. Bellasis.

James Verner.

4 Chas. T. Wilson.

William Serle.

Colin Anderson.

H. A. Glad win.

C. A. Chapman.

Charles Townsend

Robert Kennedy.

John M. Jackson.

Wilson.

J. W. Fullerton.

Paymaster .

Lawrence Neville.

Adjutant .

John Crooks.

Surgeon .

John Abercromby.

Asst. Siirgeon .

fjohn Murray.
\ James Allerdice.

/John Murray.
\James Allerdice.

Vety. Surgeon .

Joseph Erratt.

282

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1806

1807

1808

y^-/ ./

f William, Viscount

/William, Viscount

f William, Viscount

(Colonel , .

\ Howe, K.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

fjames Kennedy.
VRobt. R. Gillespie.

fjames Kennedy.
\Robt. R. Gillespie.

fjames Kennedy.
\J. O. Vandeleur.

Major

fjohn Fortnam.
Qames Cathcart.

fjames Cathcart.
\Hugh Henry.

fjames Cathcart.
•! Hon. John Bruce.
[Richard O'Neill.

'Robert Lisle.

Captain .

Robert Lisle.
Henry Roberts.
George John Sale.
Henry Skelton.
Hugh Henry.
Nathan Wilson.
Patrick Anderson.
Edward Geils.

'Robert Lisle.
Henry Roberts.
George John Sale.
Henry Skelton.
Nathan Wilson.
Patrick Anderson.
Edward Geils.

Henry Roberts.
George John Sale.
Henry Skelton.
Nathan Wilson.
Patrick Anderson.
Edward Geils.
Henry Young.
Sir George Tuite.

^Robert Torrens.

.rHenry Young.

'Henry Young.
George Tuite.
Robert Torrens.

George Tuite.
Robert Torrens.
John Crooks.
Charles Cobbe.

'John Crooks.
John Atkins.
James Verner.

Lieutenant

John Crooks.
Charles Cobbe.
William Serle.
C. A. Chapman.
William Dunbar.
Thomas Keighley.
Benjamin Jones.
VAlan Twaddle.

C. A. Chapman.
William Dunbar.
Thomas Keighley.
Alan Twaddle.
William Serle.
James Verner.
Robert Kennedy.
Thomas Martin.
Chas. T. Wilson.
H. A. Gladwin.

C. A. Chapman.
William Dunbar.
Colin Anderson.
< Chas. T. Wilson.
H. A. Gladwin.
Lewis B. Buckle.
Robt. John Edgar.
Benjamin Burton.
Thomas Coulthard.
IjR. W. Maxwell.

^Edward Taylor.

'John Atkins.

Comet .

James Verner.
Colin Anderson.
Chas. T. Wilson.
H. A. Gladwin.
Robert Kennedy.
Smith.
J. W. Fullerton.
John Edgar.

'John Atkins.
Colin Anderson.
Henry Young.
- Samuel Saunders.
John Edgar.
Lewis B. Buckle.
Charles Warden.

THenry Young.
I Benjamin Jones.
1 James Rathbone.
IG. A. Moultrie.

.Lewis B. Buckle.

Paymaster

Lawrence Neville.

Adjutant .

Smith.

Samuel Saunders.

James Rathbone.

Surgeon .

John Abercromby.

John Murray.

Asst. Stirgeon .

/John Murray.
\James Allerdice.

-( James Allerdice.

/James Allerdice.

Vety. Surgeon .

Joseph Erratt.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

1809

1810

1811

'William, Viscount

Colonel

\ Howe, K.B.

'J. O. Vandeleur,

Lieut, Colonel .

'James Kennedy.
\J. O. Vandeleur.

Major General.
Hon. John Bruce.

.Richard O'Neill.

'Edward Parker.

f Edward Parker.

Major . .

A. J. Dalrymple.

LA. J. Dalrymple.

WA. J. Dalrymple.

'Robert Lisle.

^ Robert Lisle.

r Robert Lisle.

Henry Skelton.

Nathan Wilson.

Patrick Anderson.

Edward Geils.

Robert Torrens.

Captain .

Sir George Tuite.
Robert Torrens.

C. A. Chapman.
Francis D'Arcey

C. A. Chapman.

Bacon.

Francis D'Arcey

Archibald Ross.

Bacon.

John Atkins.

y. Archibald Ross.

^Archibald Ross.

I Lewis B. Buckle.

Lieutenant

fjohn Crooks.
John Atkins.
James Verner.
Colin Anderson.
Chas. T. Wilson.
H. A. Gladwin.
i Lewis B. Buckle.
Benjamin Burton.
Thomas Coulthard
Robt. W. Maxwell
G. A. Moultrie.
Ijohn R. Eustace.

'John Atkins.
James Verner.
Colin Anderson.
H. A. Gladwin.
Lewis B. Buckle.
Benjamin Burton.
Thomas Coulthard.
Robt. W. Maxwell.
G. A. Moultrie.
John R. Eustace.
James Rathbone.
ohn Lucas.

'James Verner.
Colin Anderson.
H. A. Gladwin.
Benjamin Burton.
Thomas Coulthard.
G. A. Moultrie.
John R. Eustace.
James Rathbone.
John Lucas.
Henry Floyd.
VWm. Armstrong.

Cornet

C Henry Young.
I Benjamin Jones.
-| James Rathbone.
Geo. E. Quintin.
\John Lucas.

1 Henry Floyd.
Wm. Armstrong.
James Skelton.
William Rhodes.
Wm. T. Lee.

/"James Skelton.
J William Rhodes.
1 Wm. T. Lee.
Ijohn Lang.

Paymaster

Lawrence Neville.

Wm. F. Neville.

Adjutant .

James Rathbone.

Quartermaster .

John Gloag.

Surgeon .

John Murray.

Asst. Surgeon .

James Barlow.

Vety. Surgeon .

Charles Dymoke.

Lawrence Bird.

284

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1812

1813

1814

Colonel .

/William, Viscount
\ Howe,^^.

{William, Viscount
Howe, K.B.
General.

/William, Viscount
\ Howe, K.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

f J. O. Vandeleur.
\ Hon. John Bruce.
[Richard O'Neill.

f J. O. Vandeleur.
-! Hon. John Bruce
[Richard O'Neill.

f J. 0. Vandeleur.
\ Hon. John Bruce.
I Richard O'Neill.

Major

/Edward Parker.
\A. J. Dalrymple.

'Robert Lisle.

Henry Skelton.

Patrick Anderson.

Edward Geils.

Robert Torrens.

C. A. Chapman.

Captain .

C. A. Chapman.
Francis D'Arcey

^ Lord Arthur J. H.
Somerset.

Bacon.

James Verner.

John Atkins.

William Browne.

L. B. Buckle.

George Austin

Lord Arthur J. H.

Moultrie.

Somerset.

w Somerset.

.Colin Anderson.

'James Verner.

'H. A. Gladwin.

Colin Anderson.

Benjamin Burton.

H. A. Gladwin.

J. R. Eustace.

Benjamin Burton.

James Rathbone.

Thos. Coulthard.

G. A. Moultrie.

Henry Floyd.

Lieutenant

G. A. Moultrie.

J. R. Eustace.

- Wm. Armstrong.

J. R. Eustace.

James Rathbone.

William Rhodes, j

James Rathbone.

John Lucas.

John Lang.

John Lucas.

Henry Floyd.

Wm. F. Arnold.

Henry Floyd.

Wm. Armstrong.

George Snoad.

^Wm. Armstrong.

.William Rhodes.

John Hammersley.

("James Skelton.

"John Lang.

1 William Verelst

Cornet .

William Rhodes.
Wm. T. Lee.

Wm. F. Arnold.
George Snoad.

Horton.
Lionel Goldsmid.

John Lang.
[Win. F. Arnold.

John Hammersley.
.Wm. V. Horton.

Wm. LongWrey.
Thomas Walker.

Paymaster

Wm. F. Neville.

Adjutant .

James Rathbone.

Quartermaster .

John Gloag.

Surgeon .

John Murray.

Asst. Surgeon .

f James Barlow.
VWm. O'Donnell.

/James Barlow.
\Wm. O'Donnell.

/Wm. O'Donnell.
\E. Pilkington.

Vety. Surgeon .

Lawrence Bird.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

1815

1816

1817

Colonel .

(Sir Wm. Payne,
\ Lt. General.

f Sir John Ormsby
\ Vandeleur, K.C. B.

(Sir] ohn Ormsby.
\ Vandeleur, K.C. B.

Lieut. Colonel .

fj. O. Vandeleur.
\ Hon. John Bruce
[ Richard O'Neill.

(Hon. John Bruce.
\Richard O'Neill.

Henry Wyndham.

T\/T~ *>.

/Robert Lisle.

[Robert Lisle.

Major .

\Patrick Anderson.

(_ Patrick Anderson.

\Patrick Anderson.

/'Henry Skelton.

'Henry Skelton.

f Henry Skelton.

Edward Geils.

C. A. Chapman.

James Verner.

Lord Arthur J. H.

William Browne.

Somerset.

G. A. Moultrie.

Captain .

James Verner.

Colin Anderson.

William Browne.

Sir John Rowland

G. A. Moultrie.

Eustace.

Colin Anderson.

Wm. Armstrong.

John R. Eustace.

H. A. Gladwin.

,Wm. Armstrong.

wWm. Armstrong.

.William Rhodes.

(H. A. Glad win.
Benjamin Burton.
James Rathbone.
William Rhodes.

'Benjamin Burton.
James Rathbone.
John Lang.

"Wm T^1 Arnnlrl

Lieutenant

John Lang.
Wm. F. Arnold.
George Snoad.
John Hammersley.
Wm. V. Horton.
Lionel Goldsmid.
wWm. Long Wrey.

John Lang.
Wm. F. Arnold.
George Snoad.
John Hammersley.
Wm. V. Horton.
Lionel Goldsmid.
.Wm. Long Wrey.

vv iii. j? . /vrnoici.
George Snoad.
John Hammersley.
Joseph Wakefield.
Richard E. Welby.
Charles Wyndham.
w William Dungan.

Thomas Walker.

Cornet .

( Thomas Walker.
Richard E. Welby.
William Dungan.
George Macquay.
Chas. J. Peshall.
, Henry Georges.

Richard E. Welby.
William Dungan.
George Maquay.
- Chas. J. Peshall.
Henry Georges.
John Gowdie.
Wm. Glanville.

1 Henry Georges.
John Gowdie.
Wm. Glanville.
George Gregory.
Robert Downes.
Alexander Bailey.

.George Gregory.

Paymaster

Wm. F. Neville.

Adjutant .

James Rathbone.

Wm. Glanville.

Quartermaster .

John Gloag.

Surgeon .

John Murray.

Asst. Surgeon .

/Edward Pilkington
\William Pardy.

/Edward Pilkington
V William Pardy.

/Edward Pilkington
\William Pardy.

Vety. Surgeon .

Lawrence Bird.

a86

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1818

1819

1820

Colonel .

/ Sir John O. Van-
\ deleur, K.C.B.

/&> John O. Van-
\ deleur, K.C.B.

f Sir John O. Van-
| deleur, K.C.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

Henry Wyndham.

/Robert Lisle.

Major

\Patrick Anderson.

\Edward Geils.

'Henry Skelton.

Edward Geils.

William Browne.

George Austin

William Browne.

George Austin

Moultrie.

George Austin

Moultrie.

Sir John Rowland

Captain .

Moultrie.
Colin Anderson.

Sir John Rowland
Eustace.

Eustace.
John Hammersley.

Sir John Rowland

Wm. Armstrong.

George Doherty.

Eustace.

Wm. F. Arnold.

William Moray.

Wm. Armstrong.
Henry A. Glad win.

John Hammersley.
^George Doherty.

Wm. H. Stewart.
Joseph Wakefield.

'John Lang.

Lieutenant

'Benjamin Burton.
James Rathbone.
John Lang.
Wm. F. Arnold.
' John Hammersley.
Joseph Wakefield.
William Dungan.
Robert Downes.

'Benjamin Burton.
John Lang.
Joseph Wakefield.
- William Dungan.
Robert Downes.
John Gowdie.
Wm. Glanville.

William Dungan.
R. S. Ruddach.
Henry Georges.
John Gowdie.
' Wm. Glanville.
Alexander Bailey.
Charles Lush
Cumberlege.

^ George Duff.

Cornet

Henry Georges.
John Gowdie.
Wm. Glanville.
Alexander Bailey.
Charles Lush
Cumberlege.
George Duff.
J. H. Whitmore.
George Blair Hall.
_ Gilbert E. Jolliffe.

'Alexander Bailey.
Charles Lush
Cumberlege.
George Duff.
J. H. Whitmore.
' George Blair Hall.
Gilbert E. Jolliffe.
George Mecham.
Alexander Wilton
Dashwood.

fj. H. Whitmore.
George Blair Hall.
Gilbert E. Jolliffe.
George Mecham.
- Alexander Wilton
Dashwood.
George Talbot.
George Johnstone.
^Hon. Geo. Hervey.

Paymaster

Wm. F. Neville.

Adjutant .

William Glanville.

Wm. Glanville.

Quartermaster .

John Gloag.

James M'Lennon.

Surgeon .

John Murray,

John Murray.

As st. Surgeon .

/"John Riach.
\Edward Hollier.

•j John Riach.

< John Riach.

Vety. Surgeon .

Lawrence Bird.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

287

1821

Colonel
Lieut. Colonel

Major

Captain

Lieutenant

Cornet

Paymaster
Adjutant .
Quartermaster .
Surgeon . .
Assistant Surgeon
Veterinary Surgeon

Sir John Ormsby Vandeleur, K.C.B.
Henry Wyndham.

/Robert Lisle.

\George Austin Moultrie.

f Henry Skelton.

Sir John Rowland Eustace.

John Hammersley.

George Doherty.

William Moray.

Joseph Wakefield.

Robert Stewart Ruddach.
^Richard Beauchamp.

'William Dungan.
Henry Georges.
John Gowdie.
William Glanville.
Alexander Bailey.
Charles Lush Cumberlege.
George Duff.
Gilbert East Jolliffe.
Edward Methold.

George Blair Hall.
George Mecham.
Alexander Wilton Dash wood.
George Talbot.
George Johnstone.
Hon. George Hervey.
William Osborne.
Horatio Clagett.

William Frederick Neville.

William Glanville.
James MacLennon.
John Murray.
John Riach.
Lawrence Bird.

288

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

BENGAL FIRST EUROPEAN LIGHT CAVALRY.

RIGHT WING.

1859

LEFT WING.

Colonel

Lieut. Colonel .

Major

Captain .

Lieutenant

Cornet

Adjutant .

Interpreter and
Quartermaster .

Surgeon .
As st. Surgeon .
Vety. Surgeon .
Riding Master .

T. M. Taylor.

'F. Wheler.

,G. M. C. Smyth.

Charles V. Jenkins.

john H. Brooks.
C. H. Nicholetts.
Hamilton Forbes.
F. C. J. Brownlow.
Sir]. Hill, Bt.
H. E. Ellice.
W. H. Macnaghten.

C. Martin.

F. P. Luard.

R. T. P. Stapleton.
R. W. Dent.
A. H. Chapman.
R. G. Birch.
J. S. Robinson.
R. Morris.

E. S. R. Carnac.

G. C. B. Taylor.
C. J. Prinsep.

F. Currie.

C. Martin.

J. F. Beatson..
T. P. Page.

J. Brennan.

Henry Drummond.

John Christie.
A. W. C. Plowden.
Roland Richardson.
H. C. Craigie.
G. A. Galloway.
R. Baring.
Melville Clarke.

H. H. Gough, r.C
J. A. M. Patton.
A. R.D.Mackenzie.
C. H. Fairlie.
C. C. Jervoise.
A. G. Webster.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

289

BENGAL FIRST EUROPEAN LIGHT CAVALRY.

RIGHT WING. 1860 LEFT WING.

Colonel .

/"Harry Thomson.
\ C.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

/F. Wheler.
\G. M. C. Smyth.

Major

Charles V. Jenkins. Henry Drummond.

Captain .

John H. Brooks. ( John Christie.
C. H. Nicholetts. A. W. C. Plowden.
Hamilton Forbes. Roland Richardson.
* F. C. J. Brownlow. -{ H. C. Craigie.
Sir]. Hill. G. A. Galloway.
H. E. Ellice. R. Baring.
W.H.Macnaghten. (.Melville Clarke.

Lieutenant

/C. Martin.
F. P. Luard.
R. T. P. Stapleton.
A. H. Chapman. fH. H. Gough, V.C.
R. G. Birch. J. A. M. Patton.
J.S.Robinson. J A. R.D.Mackenzie.
R. Morris. | C. H. Fairlie.
E. S. R. Carnac. C. C. Jervoise.
G. C. B. Taylor. VA. G. Webster.
C. J. Prinsep.
F. Currie.
A. W. Roberts.

Comet .

E. C. B. Rawlinson.

Adjutant .

C. Martin.

Interpreter and
Quartermaster .

Surgeon .

J. F. Beatson.

Asst. Surgeon .

W. E. Caird.

Vety. Surgeon .

T. P. Page.

Riding Master .

Lt. W. Keily.

290

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

BENGAL FIRST EUROPEAN LIGHT CAVALRY.

RIGHT WING. 1861

LEFT WING.

Colonel .

H. Thomson, C.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

/F. Wheler.
\W. B. Wemyss.

Major

C. V. Jenkins.

H. Drummond.

Captain .

fj. H. Brooks.
C. H. Nicholetts.
H. Forbes.
- F. C. J. Brownlow.
Sir]. Hill.
H. E. Ellice.
W. H. Macnaghten.

IR. Richardson.
H. C. Craigie.
G. A. Galloway.
R. Baring.
M. Clarke.

Lieutenant

'C. Martin.
F. P. Luard.
R. T. P. Stapleton.
A. H. Chapman.
R. G. Birch.
J. S. Robinson.
R. Morris.
E. S. R. Carnac.
G. C. B. Taylor.
C. J. Prinsep.
WF. Currie.

fH. H. Gough, V.C.
J. A. M. Patton.
A. R. D.Mackenzie.
C. H. Fairlie.
C. C. Jervoise.
,A. G. Webster.

Cornet

Adjutant .

Interpreter and
Quartermaster .

Surgeon .

J. Campbell, C.B.

Asst. Surgeon .

Vety. Surgeon .

T. P. Page.

Riding Master .

Capt. W. Keily.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

291

1863

1864

1865

Colonel .

[Wm. Pattle, C.B.,
General.

[Wm. Pattle, C.B.

fjohn Hall, Lt.
\_ General.

Lieut. Colonel .

C. V. Jenkins.

fj. H. Brooks.

fR. Richardson.

Major

R. Richardson.

V Henry C. Craigie.

L Henry C. Craigie.

Captain .

/"Henry C. Craigie.
Sir John Hill.
Henry E. Ellice.
Robert Baring.
Melville Clarke.
H. H.Gough.F.C1.
Y. P. Luard.
R. T. P. Stapleton.
Chas. M. S. Fair-
[ brother.

(Sir John Hill.
Henry E. Ellice.
Robert Baring.
Melville Clarke.
H. H. Gough, V.C.
R. T. P. Stapleton.
Chas. M. S. Fair-
brother.
.George A. Bishop.

( Henry E. Ellice.
Robert Baring.
Melville Clarke.
R. T. P. Stapleton.
Chas. M. S. Fair-
brother.
George A. Bishop.
K. J. W. Coghill.
James Duncan.

rChas. H. Fairlie.

'Chas. H. Fairlie.

rChas. H. Fairlie.

Abel H. Chapman.
C. C. Jervoise.

Abel H. Chapman.
A. G. Webster.

A. G. Webster.

Edward S. Rivett-

Robert Morris.

Carnac.

Lieutenant

Edward S. Rivett-
Carnac.
John Biddulph.
G. C. B. Taylor.
Chas. J. Prinsep.

« Edward S. Rivett-
Carnac.
John Biddulph.
G. C. B. Taylor.
Chas. J. Prinsep.

' John Biddulph.
G. C. B. Taylor.
Chas. J. Prinsep.
Elliot A. Money.
^H. E. Kensit.

.Albert Hearsey.

, Elliot A. Money.

Cornet

f Elliot A. Money.
Joseph Boulderson.
J Fred. H. Huth.
1 C. R. St Quintin.
F. D. Harding.
VS. D. Barrow.

Joseph Boulderson.
Fred. H. Huth.
C. R, St Quintin.
- F. D. Harding.
S. D. Barrow.
Jos. S. A. Bruff.
VR.G.E.Dalrymple.

f Joseph Boulderson.
Fred. H. Huth.
C. R. St Quintin.
F. D. Harding.
S. D. Barrow.
Jos. S. A. Bruff.
R.G.E. Dairy mple.
^C.A. H. Bannister.

Paymaster

Henry O. Currie.

Adjutant .

A. H. Chapman.

A. II. Chapman.

Riding Master .

George Couch.

Quartermaster ,

William Langdale.

Surgeon .

Edward Menzies.

As st. Surgeon .

/Samuel Fuller.
\ByngT. Giraud.

Vety. Sttrgeon .

292

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1866

1867

1868

Colonel .

John Hall.

Lieut. Colonel .

C. V. Jenkins.

Major

/R. Richardson.
\Henry C. Craigie.

JR. Richardson.
\Henry C. Craigie.

/R. Richardson.
\Henry C. Craigie.

Captain .

'Henry E. Ellice.
Robert Baring.
Melville Clarke.
R. T. P. Stapleton.
- Chas. M. S. Fair-
brother.
G. A. Bishop.
K. J. W. Coghill.
James Duncan.

'Henry E. Ellice.
Robert Baring.
Melville Clarke.
R. T. P. Stapleton.
- Chas. M. S. Fair-
brother.
K. J. W. Coghill.
James Duncan.

.Samuel C. Walker.

Lieutenant

'Chas. H. Fairlie.
Abel H. Chapman.
A. G. Webster.
Edward S. Rivett-
Carnac.
John Biddulph.
G. C. B. Taylor.
Chas. J. Prinsep.
Elliot A. Money.
^Henry E. Kensit.

'Chas. H. Fairlie.
Abel H. Chapman.
A. G. Webster.
Edward S. Rivett-
Carnac.
" John Biddulph.
G. C. B. Taylor.
Chas. J. Prinsep.
Elliot A. Money.
.Fred. H. Huth.

f Chas. H. Fairlie.
Abel H. Chapman.
A. G. Webster.
Edward S. Rivett-
Carnac.
John Biddulph.
G. C. B. Taylor.
Chas. J. Prinsep.
Elliot A. Money.
,Fred. H. Huth.

Cornet .

'Joseph Boulderson.
Fred. H. Huth.
C. R. St Quintin.
F. D. Harding.
S. D. Barrow.
Jos. S. A. Bruff.
R.G.E.Dalrymple.
C. A. H. Bannister.

Joseph Boulderson.
C. R. St Quintin.
F. D. Harding.
S. D. Barrow.
Jos. S. A. Bruff.
R.G.E. Dairy mple.
C.A. H. Bannister.
L. A. C. Cook.

Joseph Boulderson.
C. R. St Quintin.
F. D. Harding.
S. D. Barrow.
R.G.E.Dalrymple.
C.A. H. Bannister.
L. A. C. Cook.
J. L. Mackay.

Paymaster

Henry O. Currie.

Adjutant .

A. H. Chapman.

A. II. Chapman.

Riding Master .

George Couch.

Quartermaster .

William Langdale.

Surgeon .

Edward Menzies.

Benjamin Burland.

Asst. Surgeon .

/Samuel Fuller.
\Byng T. Giraud.

/Byng T. Giraud.
\Thomas Babington

Vety. Surgeon .

Hugh Anderson.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

293

1869

1870

1871

Colonel .

John Hall.

Lieut. Colonel .

C. V. Jenkins.

Major

fR. Richardson.
\Henry C. Craigie.

/Henry C. Craigie.
\Robert Baring.

/ Henry C. Craigie.
\Robert Baring.

'Robert Baring.
Melville Clarke.
R. T. P. Stapleton.
Chas. M. S. Fair-

fMelville Clarke.
R. T. P. Stapleton.
Chas. M. S. Fair-
brother.

(Melville Clarke.
R. T. P. Stapleton.
Chas. M. S. Fair-

Captain .

brother.
K. J. W. Coghill.
James Duncan.
Samuel C. Walker.
,Chas. H. Fairlie.

< K. J. W. Coghill.
James Duncan.
Chas. H. Fairlie.
Abel H. Chapman.
U. G. Webster.

brother.
' K. J. W. Coghill.
Chas. H. Fairlie.
Abel H. Chapman.
A. G. Webster.

Lietttenant

fAbel H. Chapman.
A. G. Webster.
Edward S. Rivett-
Carnac.
John Biddulph.
G. C. B. Taylor.
Chas. J. Prinsep.
C. R. St Quintin.
John Nethercote.
,E. W. G. Williams.

'Edward S. Rivett-
Carnac.
John Biddulph.
G. C. B. Taylor.
- Chas. J. Prinsep.
John Nethercote.
E. W. G. Williams.
F. D. Harding.
.Wm. S. Greene.

'Edward S. Rivett-
Carnac.
John Biddulph.
G. C. B. Taylor.
John Nethercote.
< E. W.G.Williams.
Wm. S. Greene.
L. A. C. Cook.
J. L. Mackay.
Henry Hall.
.P. H. S. Barrow.

Cornet .

'Joseph Boulderson.
F. D. Harding.
S. D. Barrow.
R.G.E.Dalrymple.
C. A.H. Bannister.
L. A. C. Cook.
James L. Mackay.
Henry Hall.
P. H. S. Barrow.
J. C. Christie.

'S. D. Barrow.
R.G.E.Dalrymple.
L. A. C. Cook.
James L. Mackay.
« Henry Hall.
P. H. S. Barrow.
J. C. Christie.
James M'Killop
k Macwhirter.

IJohn C. Christie.
James M'Killop
Macwhirter.
Henry Edmonds
Kynaston.

Paymaster

Henry O. Currie.

Adjutant .

A. H. Chapman.

J. Nethercote.

Riding Master .

George Couch.

Quartermaster .

William Langdale.

Surgeon .

Benjamin Burland.

Asst. Surgeon .

/ Byng T. Giraud.
\Thomas Babington

f Byng T. Giraud.
\Thomas Babington

Edmund Vallance.

Vety. Surgeon .

Chas. Barrow.

294

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1872

1873

1874

Colonel

John Hall.

f John Yorke, Maj.
\_ General.

John Yorke.

Lieut. Colonel .

C. V. Jenkins.

Major

|H. C. Craigie.
(Robert Baring.

(H. C. Craigie.
L Robert Baring.

f H. C. Craigie
\Robert Baring

Captain .

f R. T. P. Stapleton.
Chas. M. S. Fair-
brother.
K. J. W. Coghill.
C. H. Fairlie.
A. H. Chapman.
A. G. Webster.
Edward S. Rivett-
Carnac.
John Biddulph.

f R. T. P. Stapleton.
Chas. M. S. Fair-
brother.
K. J. W. Coghill.
C. H. Fairlie.
A. H. Chapman.
A. G. Webster.
John Bidduloh.
IE. W. G. Williams.

f R. T. P. Stapleton.
Chas. M. S. Fair-
brother.
K. J. W. Coghill.
C. H. Fairlie.
A. H. Chapman.
A. G. Webster.
John Biddulph.
E. W. G.Williams.
^Wm. S. Greene.

G. C. B. Taylor.

E. W. G. Williams.
W. S. Greene.
L. A. C. Cook.
Henry Hall.

/"Win. S. Greene.
Henry Hall.
P. H. S. Barrow.
James M'K. Mac-

fHenry Hall.
P. H. S. Barrow.
James M'K. Mac-

wtiirtcr.

Lieutenant

P. H. S. Barrow.
* J. C. Christie.
James M'K. Mac-
whirter.
H. E. Kynaston.

whirter.
Clement Smith.
H. E. Kynaston.
Frederic M. Stow.
Charles Edward

i Clement Smith.
H. E. Kynaston.
Frederic M. Stow.
Charles Edward
Warde.

F. M. Stow.

„ Warde.

C. E. Warde.

A. M. Taylor.

(A. M. Taylor.

Eugene Dieudonne

R. C. Gregg.

Feraldi.

H. M. A. Warde.

Wm. Frederic H.

Jno. Compton

Sub. Lieutenant

Yatman.

Hanford-Flood.

R. C. Gregg.

Wm. E. Phillips.

Henry Murray

Stephen George

Ashley Warde.

( Wilson.

Paymaster

H. O. Currie.

Riding Master .

George Couch.

Quartermaster .

Wm. Langdale.

Surgeon .

Benj. Burland.

Asst. Surgeon .

Edmund Vallance.

Vety. Surgeon .

James Kettle.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

295

1875

1876

1877

Colonel .

John Yorke.

Lieut. Colonel .

C. V. Jenkins.

Major

f Henry C. Craigie.
\Robert Baring.

'Henry C. Craigie.
Robert Baring.

Henry C. Craigie.

Captain .

f R. T. P. Stapleton.
C.M.S.Fairbrother
K. J. W. Coghill.
Chas. H. Fairlie.
- A. G. Webster.
John Biddulph.
E. W.G.Williams.
Wm. S. Greene.
iHenry Hall.

fR.T. P. Stapleton.
C.M.S.Fairbrother
K. J. W. Coghill.
Chas. H. Fairlie.
A. G. Webster.
John Biddulph.
E.W. G.Williams.
Wm. S. Greene.
Henry Hall.
,P. H. S. Barrow.

/'R. T. P. Stapleton.
C.M.S.Fairbrother
K. J. W. Coghill.
Chas. H. Fairlie.
A. G. Webster.
John Biddulph.
E.W. G.Williams.
P. H. S. Barrow.
H. W. R. Blackett.
W.L. Twenty man.

Hames M'Killop

]

Lieutenant

/T. H. S. Barrow.
James M'Killop
Macwhirter.
Clement Smith.
H. E. Kynaston.
Frederic M. Stow.
Charles E. Warde.
Alex. M. Taylor.
J. D. P. French.
w Ralph C. Gregg.

f James M'Killop
Macwhirter.
Clement Smith.
H. E. Kynaston.
F. M. Kenyon-Stow,
Charles E. Warde.
Alex. M. Taylor.
J. D. P. French.
J.C.Hanford-Flood
H. M. A. Warde.
VD. R. Apthorp.

Macwhirter.
Clement Smith.
H. E. Kynaston.
F. M. Kenyon-Stow
Charles E. Warde.
Alex. M. Taylor.
J. D. P. French.
J.C.Hanford-Flood
C. B. H. Jenkins.
H. M. A. Warde.
D. R. Apthorp.
H. O'C. Henchy.

..Maurice Wright.

Sub. -Lieutenant

fH. M. A. Warde.
^ J.C.Hanford-Flood
III. O'C. Henchy.

/H. O'C. Henchy.
\C. B. H. Jenkins.

II. E. Reynolds.

Paymaster

Henry O. Currie.

Riding Master .

Robert Speirs.

Quartermaster .

John White.

Medical Officer .

B. Burland.

Vety. Surgeon .

James Kettle.

296

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1878

1879

1880

Colonel .

John Yorke.

Lieut. Colonel .

Henry C. Craigie.

/Chas. M. S. Fair-
\ brother.

Major

f Richard T. P.
\ Stapleton.

/Chas. M. S. Fair-
\ brother.

K. J. W. Coghill.

'Chas. M. S. Fair-

f K. J. W. Coghill.

fChas. H. Fairlie.

brother.

Chas. H. Fairlie.

A. G. Webster.

K. J. W. Coghill.

A. G. Webster.

E. W. G. Williams

Chas. H. Fairlie.

E. W. G.Williams.

P. H. S. Barrow,

A. G. Webster.

P. H. S. Barrow.

C.M.G.

Captain .

E. W. G. Williams
* Percy H. S. Barrow

< H. W. R. Blackett.
Wm. Lawrence

< II. W. R. Blackett.
| Wm. Lawrence

H. W. R. Blackett

Twentyman.

Wm. Lawrence
Twentyman.

James M'Killop
Macwhirter.

James M'Killop

Clement Smith.

Macwhirter.

WH. E. Kynaston.

.H. E. Kynaston.

^Clement Smith.

H. E. Kynaston.
Fred. M. Kenyon-
Stow.

fChas. E. Warde.
Alex. M. Taylor,

'Alex. M. Taylor.

Lieutenant .

Chas. E. Warde.
Alex. M. Taylor.
Jno. D. P. French.
Jno. C. Hanford-

Flnnrl

Adj.
Jno. D. P. French.
Jno. C. Hanford-
Flood.
< C. B. H. Jenkins.

Jno. D. P. French.
Jno. C. Hanford-
Flood.
C. B. H. Jenkins.
H. M. A. Warde.

-T 1UUC1.

C. B. H. Jenkins.
H. M. A. Warde.
D. R. Apthorp.
H. E. Reynolds.
Hugh O'Connor
Henchy.

H. M. A. Warde.
D. R. Apthorp.
H. E. Reynolds.
Hugh O'Connor
Henchy.
^Maurice Wright.

D. R. Apthorp.
H. E. Reynolds.
Hugh O 'Connor
Henchy.
.Maurice Wright.

^Maurice Wright.

TDavid Edward D.

Sub. Lieutenant

( David Edward D.
\ Barclay.

Barclay.
Jno. Douglas M.
Guthrie.

i^Fred. A. Freeman.

Paymaster

Henry O. Currie.

Jas. O. Dalgleish.

Riding- Master .

Robert Speirs.

Quartermaster .

John White.

Vety. Surgeon .

James Kettle.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

297

1881

1882

1883

Colonel .

John Yorke, C.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

rChas. M. S. Fair-
\ brother.

(K.J.W. Coghiii.

f Kendall J. W.
Coghill, C.B.
[A. G. Webster.

{A. G. Webster.

(Percy H. S. Bar-

Major

K. J. W. Coghill.

Percy H. S. Bar-
row, C.M. G.
H. W. R. Blackett.

row, C.M.G.
H. W. R. Blackett.
Clement Smith.
Alex. M. Taylor.

Captain .

(A. G. Webster.
Percy H. S. Bar-
row, C.M.G.
H. W. R. Blackett.
W. L. Twentyman.
Jas. M'K. Mac-
whirter.
Clement Smith.
H. E. Kynaston.
Alex. M. Taylor.

/"Clement Smith.
Alex. M. Taylor.
1 J. D. P. French.
Is Jno. C. Hanford-
Flood.
C. B. H. Jenkins.

'Jno. D. P. French.
Jno. C. Hanford-
Flood.
C. B. H. Jenkins.
< H. M. A. Warde.
Dudley Richard
Apthorp.
H. E. Reynolds.
William Pochin

Jno. D. P. French.

Warner.

/H. O'C. Henchy.

Maurice Wright.

(H. M. A. Warde.

D. E. D. Barclay.

'Jno. C. Hanford-

D. R. Apthorp.

J. D. M. Guthrie.

Flood.

H. E. Reynolds.

F. A. Freeman.

C. B. H. Jenkins.

Hugh O'Connor

E. K. G. Aylmer.

H. M. A. Warde.

Henchy.

Jno. Charles Ker

Lieutenant

D. R. Apthorp.
H. E. Reynolds.

Maurice Wright.
" D. E. D. Barclay.

Fox, Adj.
* H. D. Fanshawe.

Hugh O'Connor

J. D. M. Guthrie.

H. G. Marsh.

Henchy.

F. A. Freeman.

J. C. A. Walker.

Maurice Wright.
D. E. D. Barclay.

E. K. G. Aylmer.
Jno. Charles Ker

H. G. S. Young.
W. S. Stanhope.

Fox, Adj.

H.G.De Pledge.

G. O. Welch.

VR. W. Nicholson.

Second Lieut. .

(J. D. M. Guthrie.
-{ F. A. Freeman.
IE. K. G. Aylmer.

Paymaster

J. O. Dalgleish.

Jas. O. Dalgleish.

D. C. O. Spiller.

Riding Master .

Robert Speirs.

Quartermaster .

John White.

Vety. Surgeon .

James Kettle.

298

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1884

1885

1886

Colonel

John Yorke, C.B.

Lieut. Colonel .

(A. G. Webster.
{ Percy H. S. Bar-

( Percy H. S. Bar-
\ rovf,C.B.,C.M.G.

r Percy H. S. Bar-

[ rov/,C.M.G.

[Alex. M. Taylor.

\J. D! P.' French.'

Major

(H. W. R. Blackett.
J Clement Smith.
] Alex. M. Taylor.
Ijno. D. P. French.

( Clement Smith.
Jno. D. P. French.
\ Jno. C. Hanford-
Flood.
I^C. B. H. Jenkins.

1 Clement Smith.
Jno. C. Hanford-
Flood.
C. B. H. Jenkins.
H. M. A. Warde.

'Jno. C. Hanford-

( H. M. A. Warde.

'D. R. Apthorp.

Flood.

D. R. Apthorp.

E. K. G. Aylmer.

C. B. H. Jenkins.

E. K. G. Aylmer.

J. C. K. Fox, Adj.

Captain .

- H. M. A. Warde.

J. C. K. Fox, Adj.

* B. R. Wilson.

Dudley Richard

Belford R. Wilson.

H. D. Fanshawe.

Apthorp.

H. D. Fanshawe.

Maurice Wright.

D. E. D. Barclay.

Maurice Wright.

.H. G. Marsh.

/Jno. C. A. Walker.

H. G. S. Young.

W. Spencer- Stan-

hope.

Lieutenant

"Maurice Wright.
F. A. Freeman.
E. K. G. Aylmer.
J. C. K. Fox, Adj.
H. D. Fanshawe.
Harry G. Marsh.
Jno. C. A. Walker.
H. G. S. Young.
W. Spencer-Stan-
hope.
H. G. De Pledge.
Geo. O. Welch.
R. W. Nicholson.
..Edward S. Craven.

Harry G. Marsh.
J. C. A. Walker.
H. G. S. Young.
W. Spencer-Stan-
hope.
H. G. De Pledge.
G. O. Welch.
- R. W. Nicholson.
E. S. Craven.
H. W. Boyce.
H. J. M'Laughlin.'
P. J. Zigomala.
F. E. S. Swan.
F. W. Clernentson.
F. D. Barry.

H. G. De Pledge.
Geo. O. Welch.
R. W. Nicholson.
E. S. Craven.
H. W. Boyce.
H.J. M'Laughlin.
P. J. Zigomala.
'F. E. L. Swan.
Francis Woodward
Clementson.
F. D. Barry.
H. P. Levita.
Jas. Wm. Gaily P.
Jeffcock.
Chas. Sydney W.

Reeve.

Slingsby Edward

D. Cradock.

Vere de Lone

L Temple.

Paymaster

H. F. G. Webster.

Riding Master .

Wm. Francis.

Quartermaster .

John White.

A. G. Lima.

/W. T. Marshall,

{ y.c.

Vety. Surgeon .

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

299

1887

1888

1889

Colonel .

John Yorke, C.B.

f Boyce Albert

Lieut. Colonel .

Combe.

Jno. D. P. French.

( Jno. C. Hanford-
Flood.

fjno. C. Hanford-
Flood.

Major

C. B. H. Jenkins.

1 C. H. B. Jenkins.

C. B. H. Jenkins.

1 Henry M. A.
^ Warde.

Henry M. A.
{ Warde.

Henry M. A.
\ Warde.

fDudley Richard
Apthorp.
E. K. G. Aylmer.
Jno. C. K. Fox.

'Dudley Richard
Apthorp.
E. K. G. Aylmer.
Jno. C. K. Fox.

'Dudley Richard
Apthorp.
E. K. G. Aylmer.
Hew D. Fanshawe,

AJj

Captain .

Hew D. Fanshawe,
Adj.
Maurice Wright.
Harry G. Marsh.
Ijno. C. A. Walker.

Aaj.
Maurice Wright.
Harry G. Marsh.
Jno. C. A. Walker.
Arthur Heywood
Brooksbank.

/Hugh G. S. Young
f W. Spencer-Stan-

/Hugh G. S. Young
/W. Spencer-Stan-

/Hugh G. S. Young

hope.

W. Spencer-Stan-

Harold G. de

hope.

Pledge.

Harold G. de

George O. Welch.

George O. WTelch.

Pledge.

Edward S. Craven.

George O. Welch.

Hugh W. Boyce.

Edward S. Craven.

H. J. M'Laughlin.

Pandia J. Zigo-

mala.

Francis E. L. S wan.

Lieutenant

\ Francis E. L. Swan

Francis E.L.Swan.

Francis W. Cle-

mentson.

Fred. D. Barry.

Fred. D. Barry.
Harry P. Levita.

Harry P. Levita.
Jas. W. G. P. Jeff-

Jas. W. G. P. Jeff-

cock.

Chas. S. W. Reeve

Slingsby E. D.

Cradock.

Vere de Lone

V Vere de Lone

i Vere de Lone

\ Temple.

Paymaster

H. F. G. Webster

Herbert H. Gilbert

Capt. H. G. Marsh.

Riding Master .

William Pilley.

Quartermaster .

/W. T. Marshall,

1 v.c.

/W. T. Marshall,
\ V.C.

300 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1890

1891

1892

Colonel .

fCooteSyngeHutch-
V inson, Lt. Gen.

C. S. Hutchinson.

Lieut. Colonel .

J. D. P. French.

Major

H. C. Hanford-
1 Flood.
1 C. B. H. Jenkins.
[H. M. A. Warde.

(J. C. Hanford-
| Flood.
1 C. B. H. Jenkins.
IK. M. A. Warde.

IJ. C. Hanford-
Flood.
C. B. H. Jenkins.
H. M. A. Warde.
D. R. Apthorp.

'E. K. G. Aylmer.

D. R. Apthorp.

H. D. Fanshawe.

E. K. G. Aylmer.

Harry G. Marsh.

H. D. Fanshawe,

H. D. Fanshawe.

J. C. A. Walker.

Captain .

Adj.

Harry G. Marsh.

A. H. Brooksbank.

Harry G. Marsh.

' J. C. A. Walker.

' H. G. S. Young.

J. C. A. Walker.

A. H. Brooksbank.

H. G. de Pledge,

A. H. Brooksbank.
H. G. S. Young.

H. G. S. Young.
H. G. de Pledge.

Adj.
Pandia J. Zigo-

mala.

'W. Spencer-Stan-

'Pandia J. Zigo-

f Fred. D. Barry.
J. W. G. P. Jeff-

hope.
H. G. de Pledge.
Pandia J. Zigo-
mala.

Fred. D. Barry.
Harry P. Levita.
J. W. G. P. Jeff-

cock.
Vere de Lone
Temple.
Eustace T. Hill.

Lieritenant

F. E. L. Swan.
Fred. D. Barry.
Harry P. Levita.
J. W. G. P. Jeff-
cock.

cock.
< Vere de Lone
Temple.
Eustace T. Hill.
Alfred Jennings-

T> l"

Alfred Jennings-
Bramly.
Philip W. Chet-
wode.
H. V. Thomson.

Vere de Lone
Temple.

Bramly.
Philip W. Chet-

Rupert M. Ross-
Johnson.

,, wodc.

,H. R. Grafton.

2nd Lieutenant.

"Eustace T. Hill.
Alfred Jennings-
Bramly.
Philip Walhouse
Chetwode.

/H. V. Thomson.
XF. W. Mussenden.

(A. J. Mosely.
A. L. Powell.
G. J. F. Lidwill.
G. A. Egerton.
Robert F. Cox.
C. V. Henderson.
M.G.E.Woodmass

E. S. St. Quintin.

Paymaster

Riding Master .

William Pilley.

W. F. G. Percy.

Quartermaster .

/W. T. Marshall,
\ V.C.

/W. T. Marshall,
X V.C.

/W. T. Marshall,

X v.c.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

301

1893

1894

1895

Colonel

C. S. Hutchinson.

Lieut. Colonel .

Jno. D. P. French.

/Jno. C. Hanford-
X Flood.

IJno. C. Hanford-
Flood.

"C. B. H. Jenkins.
Dudley Richard

(C.B.H.Wolseley-
Jenkins.

Major

C. B. H. Jenkins.
H. M. A. Warde.
D. R. Apthorp.

Apthorp.
E. K. G. Aylmer.
H. D. Fanshawe.

\ D. R. Apthorp.
E. K. G. Aylmer.
[H. D. Fanshawe.

[E. K. G. Aylmer.

C H. G. Marsh.

H. D. Fanshawe.
H. G. Marsh.
Jno. C. A. Walker.

J. C. A. Walker.
Arthur H. Brooks-
bank.

H. G. Marsh.
Jno. C. A. Walker.
H. G. S. Young.

Captain .

< A. H. Brooksbank.
H. G. S. Young.
Harold G. de
Pledge, Adj.
.P. J. Zigomala.

Hugh G. S. Young.
Harold G. de
Pledge, Adj.
P. J. Zigomala.
.F. D. Barry.

Harold G. de
' Pledge, Adj.
P. J. Zigomala.
Adam Brack-Boyd-
Wilson.

fjames W. G. P.

'Eustace T. Hill.

Jeffcock.

Alfred Jennings-

'Frederic D. Barry.

Eustace T. Hill.

Bramly, Adj.

James W. G. P.

Alfred Jennings-

P. W. Chetwode.

Jeffcock.

Bramly.

A. J. Moseley.

Eustace T. Hill.

P. W. Chetwode.

A. L. Powell.

Lieutenant

Alfred Jennings-
Bramly.

A. J. Moseley.
A. L. Powell.

G. A. Egerton.
Robert F. Cox.

P. W. Chetwode.

G. A. Egerton.

C. V. Henderson.

H. V. Thomson.

R. F. Cox.

M.G.E. Woodmass.

A. J. Mosely.

Carlisle V. Hen-

E. S. St. Quintin.

,A. L. Powell.

derson.

W.R. P. Stapleton-

Montague G. E.

Cotton.

Woodmass.

,A. R. Armstrong.

(G. J. F. Lidwill.

Geo. A. Egerton.

(G. J. F. Lidwill.

Robert F. Cox.

E. S. St. Quintin.

'N. F. Uniacke.

C. V. Henderson.

W. R. P. Staple-

M. Archer-Shee.

Montague G. E.

ton-Cotton.

A. J. Campbell.

2nd Lieutenant.

Woodmass.

A. R. Armstrong.

* G. D. Franks.

E. S. St. Quintin.

N. F. Uniacke.

S. S. Binny.

Wellington R. P.

Martin Archer-

H. A. Porter.

Stapleton-Cotton.

Shee.

J. F. Ritchie.

A. R. Armstrong.

.A. J. Campbell.

IN. F. Uniacke.

Paymaster

(Lt. A. Jennings-
X Bramly (acting).

/ Lt. A. Jennings-
X Bramly (acting).

fA. L. Powell
X (acting).

Riding Master .

fW. F. G. Percy,
\ Hon. Lieut.

|W. F. G. Percy,
X Hon. Lieut.

(W. F. G. Percy,
X Hon. Lieut.

Quartermaster .

/W. T. Marshall,
X V.C.,Hon.Liettt.

/W. T. Marshall,
X V.C., Hon. Lieut.

302

THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1896

1897

1898

Colonel .

C. S. Hutchinson.

Lieut. Colonel .

fj. C. Hanford-
X Flood.

fj. C. Hanford-
\ Flood.

f C. B. H.Wolseley-
\ Jenkins.

Major

rC. B. H.Wolseley-
Jenkins.
| D. R. Apthorp.
E. K. G. Aylmer.
l^H. D. Fanshawe.

1C. B. H.Wolseley-
Jenkins.
D. R. Apthorp.
E. K. G. Aylmer.
H. D. Fanshawe.

(E. K. G. Aylmer.
1 D. R. Apthorp.
j H. D. Fanshawe.
\.Harry G. Marsh.

Captain .

( Harry G. Marsh.
J. C. A. Walker.
H. G. S. Young.
H. G. de Pledge.
Pandia J. Zigo-

( Harry G. Marsh.
J. C. A. Walker.
H. G. S. Young.
H. G. de Pledge.
- Pandia J. Zigo-

/H. G. S. Young.
H. G. de Pledge.
Pandia J. Zigo-
mala.
Eustace T. Hill.

mala.
A. Brack-Boyd-

1113,13.*

A. Brack-Boyd-
Wilson.

Alfred Jennings-
Bramly, Adj.

Wilson.

.Eustace T. Hill.

P. W. Chetwode.

/'Eustace T. Hill.

'Arthur Jennings-

Arthur Jennings-

Bramly, Adj.

'A. L. Powell.

Bramly, Adj.

P. W. Chetwode.

G. A. Egerton.

P. W. Chetwode.

A. L. Powell.

Robert F. Cox.

A. L. Powell.

G. A. Egerton.

M.G.E.Woodmass

G. A. Egerton.

Robert F. Cox.

E. S. St. Quintin.

Lieutenant

< Robert F. Cox.

< C. V. Henderson.

- W.R.P.Stapleton-

C. V. Henderson.

M.G. E.Woodmass

Cotton.

M.G.E.Woodmass

E. S. St. Quintin.

A. R. Armstrong.

E. S. St. Quintin.

W.R.P. Stapleton-

N. F. Uniacke.

W.R.P.Stapleton-

Cotton.

M. Archer-Shee.

Cotton.

A. R. Armstrong.

{A, J. Campbell.

A. R. Armstrong.

JN". F. Uniacke.

fN. F. Uniacke.

'M. Archer-Shee.

'G. D. Franks.

M. Archer-Shee.

A. J. Campbell.

Steuart S. Binny.

A. J. Campbell.

G. D. Franks.

H. A. Porter.

•2nd Lieutenant.

H G. D. Franks.

« Steuart S. Binny.

- WJ.R.Wingfield.

Steuart S. Binny.

H. A. Porter.

Arthur Holford.

H. A. Porter.

W.J.R.Wingfield.

Walter Pepys.

James F. Ritchie.

_ Arthur Holford.

Lionel K. D'Arcy.

Paymaster

/A. L. Powell
\ (acting").

fA. L. Powell
\ (acting}.

|A. L. Powell
\ (acting}.

Riding Master .

|W. F. G. Percy,
X Hon. Lieut.

fW. F. G. Percy,
\ Hon. Lieut.

(W. F. G. Percy,
\ Hon. Lieut.

Quartermaster .

/W. T. Marshall,
\ V.C.,Hon.Lieut.

fW. T. Marshall,
\ V.C.,Hon.Lieut.

/W. T. Marshall,
\ V.C.^Hon.Lieut.

YEARLY LISTS OF THE OFFICERS

303

1899

Colonel
Lieut. Colonel

Major
Captain .

Lieutenant

2nd Lieutenant ,

Paymaster.
Riding Master .
Quartermaster .

C. S. Hutchinson.

C. B. H. Wolseley-Jenkins.

:E. K. G. Aylmer.
D. R. Apthorp.
H. D. Fanshawe.
Harry G. Marsh.

'H. G. S. Young.
H. G. de Pledge.
A. Jennings-Bramly.
P. W. Chetwode.
A. L. Powell.

G. A. Egerton.

Robert F. Cox.

M. G. E. Woodmass.

E. S. St. Quintin.

W. R. P. Stapleton-Cotton.

M. Archer- Shee, Adj.

A. J. Campbell.

G. D. Franks.

Steuart S. Binny.

H. A. Porter.

W. J. R. Wingfield.

'A. Hoi ford.
L. K. D'Arcy.
W. A. Orlebar.
A. W. Parsons.
O. M. Croshaw.
. H. Fanshawe.

W. F. G. Percy, Hon. Lieut.

W. T. Marshall, V.C., Hon. Caff.

3o4 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

APPENDIX B.

CASUALTIES IN THE NINETEENTH HUSSARS DURING
THE EGYPTIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1882.

f H. C. Holland (at
Lieutenant . \

I D. E. D. Barclay,

Wounded.

ttached), 6th September.
1 3th September.

APPENDIX C 305

APPENDIX C.

SPECIAL HONOURS GRANTED TO NINETEENTH
HUSSARS FOR EGYPTIAN CAMPAIGN OF 1882.

Companionship of the Bath.
Lieutenant Colonel K. J. W. Coghill.

Order of the Medjidie (4th Class}.
Captain J. C. Hanford- Flood.

Order of the Osmanieh (4th Class).

Lieutenant Colonel A. G. Webster.

Major A. M. Taylor.

Brevets.

Major A. M. Taylor to be Lieutenant Colonel.
Captain J. C. Hanford-Flood to be Major.

Mentioned in Dispatches.

Coghill.

f K. J. W.
\ A. G. W

Captain J. C. Hanford-Flood.

Lieutenant Colonel ,

Webster.

3o6 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

APPENDIX D.

CASUALTIES IN THE NINETEENTH HUSSARS DURING
THE CAMPAIGN NEAR SUAKIN, 1884.

Killed—

EL TEE (29th February).

Captain
Sergeant

Corporal

Lance Corporal
Trumpeter .

Private

Wounded —

Lieutenant Colonel

Captain

Troop Sergeant Major

Sergeant

Saddler

Corporal

F. A. Freeman.
fF. Keith.

H. Grey.

LW. D. Brown (died of wounds).
CH. Ibbott.
tP. Hughes.

C. Maney.

R. Fanning (died of wounds).
rH. Cottle.

C. Singleton.

H. Williams.

W. Wilkinson.

P. Webb.

S. Garside (died of wounds).

P. H. S. Barrow.
C. B. H. Jenkins.
T. Taylor.
H. Phipps.
J. Ferguson.
C. Masters.

Private .

rH. Reeves.

D. C. Price.

E. Fitzpatrick.
A. Hubbard.
J. Bartley.

J. Todd.

J. Sankey.

T. O'Connor Lee.

F. Floyd.

J. Waitt.

W. Hollinshead.

F. Hainning.

W. Lennon.

R. Shepperd.

J. Raines.

E. R. Cheeseman.

Killed—

Private

Wounded —

Lance Corporal
Private

TAMAI (i3th March).
W. Page.

R. Williams.
T. Hamilton.

APPENDIX E

307

APPENDIX E.

SPECIAL HONOURS GRANTED TO NINETEENTH
HUSSARS FOR CAMPAIGN NEAR SUAKIN, 1884.

Companionship of the Bath.
Lieutenant Colonel . .

Mentioned in Dispatches.

Lieutenant Colonel . .

Major ..... J. C. Hanford- Flood.

Captain . . . . C. B. H. Jenkins.

Regimental Sergeant Major A. G. Lima.

Quarter Master Sergeant . W. Marshall.

Troop Sergeant Major . T. Taylor.

Secant .

Private J. Bosely.

Victoria Cross.
Quarter Master Sergeant . William T. Marshall.

Distinguished Service Medal.
Troop Sergeant Major . T. Taylor.
Secant {

Private . . . . J. Boseley.

3o8 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

APPENDIX F.

ADDRESS TO NINETEENTH HUSSARS BY MAJOR
GENERAL G. GRAHAM, C.B., V.C. TRINKITAT,
5TH MARCH 1884.

"COLONEL WEBSTER,

" I congratulate you on the efficient
state of your Regiment, and I wish to express my high
appreciation of the conduct of the officers, non-com-
missioned officers and men who have displayed unceasing
energy in the discharge of their duties. From the com-
mencement of the campaign, no other regiment has
done more valuable service, or displayed greater dash
and daring, than the ipth Hussars, especially on the
2pth February. I wish to convey to the officers, non-
commissioned officers and men, my high opinion of
their conduct, and, before leaving, I wish the regiment
every success in its future career."

ADDRESS TO NINETEENTH HUSSARS BY BRIGADIER
GENERAL H. STEWART. TRINKITAT, STH MARCH

1884.

" COLONEL WEBSTER, OFFICERS, NON-COMMISSIONED
OFFICERS AND MEN OF THE IQTH HUSSARS,

"It affords me great pleasure to thank you for the
valuable services you have rendered during the campaign,
especially on the 2pth February at Fort Teb, where you
displayed extreme coolness, unparalleled courage and fear-
lessness and cheerful and ready obedience to orders, when
under a heavy fire, and surrounded by an almost innumer-
able foe. As a cavalry officer I had not the chance to
notice each act of bravery as others had, but the conduct
of the regiment, and its steadiness and boldness were

APPENDIX F 309

noticed by several Infantry Officers who were better able
to see and judge than I, and who have spoken to me in
the highest possible terms of the way in which it dis-
charged its difficult duties.

" Your loss has been heavy, but your victory has been
sure. I mourn the fate of my comrades in arms, and of
your second in command Lieut. Colonel Barrow.

" I had heard of your drill, and I proved the efficiency
of the regiment when it was on the Curragh, and its
present state of efficiency is admirable. Words are in-
adequate to convey to you how much I would wish to
thank you, but I do thank you from the bottom of my
heart."

3io THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

APPENDIX G.

CASUALTIES IN THE NINETEENTH HUSSARS
DURING THE SOUDAN CAMPAIGN OF 1885.

ABU KLEA (i6th and iyth January).
Killed—

Corporal . . . . J. Walker.

Private . . . . W. Purton.

Wounded —

Farrier Sergeant . . . J. Short.

Whitefield
Private

{}. Whitefie;
. \ C. Ray.
Ij. Whelan.

ABU KROU (i9th January).
Killed—

Quartermaster . . . A. G. Lima.

Wounded —

p . . /D. Godfrey.

Pnva* ' ' ' '\J. Pullan.

ABU KLEA (i7th February).

Killed—

Sergeant .... Horwood.

OPERATIONS NEAR SUAKIN (3rd February).
Killed-

Lance Corporal . . .

Private

W. Campbell.
W. Cooper.
B. Coppstone.
P. King.
T. Rafferty.
St. Clair.

APPENDIX H 311

APPENDIX H.

SPECIAL HONOURS GRANTED TO NINETEENTH
HUSSARS FOR SOUDAN CAMPAIGN, 1885.

Order of the Medjidie (tfh Class).
Major C. B. H. Jenkins.

Order of the Osmanieh {<\th Class}.
Lieutenant Colonel J. C. Hanford-Flood.

Brevets.

Lieutenant Colonel . P. H. S. Barrow to be Colonel.

Major . . . J. C. H. Flood to be Lieutenant Colonel.

Mentioned in Dispatches.

P. H. S. Barrow.

Lieutenant Colonel . ,___,_

J. D. P. French.

Major . . J. C. Hanford-Flood.

Captain . . . J. C. Ker Fox.

Troop Sergeant Major W. T. Beale.

Sergeant . . R. O, Chislett.

Distinguished Service Medal.

Troop Sergeant Major W. T. Beale.
Sergeant . . R. O. Chislett.

Corporal ... P. Breslan.
W. Woolley.

Lance Corporal .

' H. Baker.

Private , . , W. Lennon

3i a THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

APPENDIX I.

ADDRESS TO NINETEENTH HUSSARS BY GENERAL
LORD WOLSELEY, G.C.B. KORTI, 23RD MARCH
1885.

" I am very much pleased with your general appearance
and smart turn out this afternoon, which reflects great
credit upon the Regiment.

" I know the wear and tear to which your clothing and
equipment has been put, and your appearance to-day is
highly creditable ; but I tell you what is more creditable,
and that is the admirable manner in which you have done
your work during the campaign, both with the River and
Desert Column. The late Genl. Sir H. Stewart told me,
after the campaign of 1884 in the Eastern Soudan, of the
good work you did there, and said that there was no
regiment of cavalry in Her Majesty's Service which knew
its work more thoroughly, or could have performed it
better than the iQth Hussars, and that you were everything
a Hussar regiment should be.

" He was no bad judge, and I know you will value what
he said.

" I for my part have heard this opinion confirmed on all
sides, during the campaign, and, from what I have person-
ally seen of you, I believe it to be true. Your success is
due not only to the Officers and Non - Commissioned
Officers, who have taught you, and who lead you, but to
the Private Soldiers, each one of whom knows his work as a
Cavalry Soldier, and does his duty so thoroughly.

" This is of the highest importance in a Light Cavalry
Regiment, and you have proved its value. You have
several months of hot weather in front of you, but I know
you will face it cheerfully, as your duty ; and I hope that
you will keep well, so that when the autumn comes, and
we advance on Khartoum, I may see the ipth Hussars
leading the way, and giving a good account of the enemy,
as they have done before.

" I shall have very much pleasure in reporting to
H.R.H. the Field Marshal Commanding in Chief what I
have told you to-day."

APPENDIX K 313

APPENDIX K

REPORT BY COLONEL BARROW ON THE ARAB
HORSES RIDDEN BY THE NINETEENTH
HUSSARS DURING THE NILE CAMPAIGN OF
1885.

Description of Horse.

Arab stallion. Average height, 14 hands ; average age,
8 years to 9 years ; some 15 per cent, over 12 years ;
bought by Egyptian Government in Syria and Lower
Egypt ; average price, 1 8/.

Work done previous to Campaign.

Some 50 per cent, had been through the campaign in
the Eastern Soudan with the iQth Hussars in February
and March 1884, and returned in a very exhausted state,
and about 10 per cent, had been at Tel-el-Kebir.

In June 1884 the whole number were taken by
Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor, with the Egyptian Cavalry,
from Cairo to Assouan in barges, and remained there for
two months.

In September 1884 they were marched by Major
Grenfell from Assouan to Wady Haifa, 210 miles, and
there awaited the arrival of the igth Hussars. 350 of
these ponies were handed over to the ipth Hussars on
1 3th November 1884, all except some 10 per cent, being
in a very fair marching condition,

3i4 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

The March up the Nile.

The 1 9th Hussars marched by squadrons from Wady
Haifa to Korti, distance 360 miles. Average daily march
about 1 6 miles, not including halts.

Halts were made for one day at Absarat, one day at
Dongola, and two days at Shabadood when crossing the
river.

The ration was supposed to be 8 Ib. of grain, barley or
dhourra, and 10 Ib. of dhourra stalk ; but owing to scarcity
of grain, the horses generally received about 6 Ib. of grain
and 10 Ib. of dhourra stalks.

They arrived at Korti in very good condition.

Halt at Korti.

The horses remained at Korti from 2Oth December to
7th January, and received 8 Ib. green dhourra stalk daily
instead of dry stalk. They improved during the halt at
Korti.

On the 3Oth December 40 horses proceeded to Jakdul,
100 miles, and performed the reconnaissance duties of the
column. The march to Jakdul was performed in 63
hours, 15 hours' rest there, and the return journey in 63
hours. Six horses returned the 100 miles in 46 hours ; the
last 50 miles in *j\ hours.

During the 141 hours of this march the horses were
ridden for 83 hours.

Desert March.

From the 8th to the ipth of January, the ipth Hussars,
strength as below, marched across the desert with General
Sir H. Stewart's Column : —

Officers 8

Men 127

Horses 155

In addition, therefore, to one extra horse for each
Officer, there were 12 spare horses.

The following table will show the daily work performed
and amount of food and water given daily to each horse.

APPENDIX K 315

The 40 horses referred to in previous paragraph
returned to Korti on the 5th, and started again on the 8th,
as fit as any horses in the troop.

There was not one casualty out of the 40 : —

Date.

Time of March.

No. of
Hours.

No. of
Miles.

When Watered.

Amount
of
Water.

Food
Grain.

Janry. 8th

2 p.m. to 6 p.m. .

„ 9th{

2.45 a.m. to loa.m.
2 p.m. to 6 p.m. .

10.30 a.m. .
6. 15 p.m. .

I* gal.

} 6

3 a.m. to 9 am.

„ lOthj

12.15 p.m. to 4.30
p.m. .

J4i

4.45 p.m. .

igal.

„ nthj

3.30 a.m. to 12.30
p.m. .

12.45 p.m. .

F'ldr'nk

(

9 a.m.

,, 1 2th-!

12.30 p.m. to 4.30
p.m. .

4.45 p.m. .

„ i3th

Halt at Gakdul .

...

/8.30 a.m.,
\ 4.45 p.m. .

} -

...

6a.m., i p.m.

„

)

2.30 p.m. to 6.30

[ 6

p.m. .

j 4

...

5 a.m to 10 a.m. .
1.30 p.m. to 6 p.m.

10.30 a.m. .

1^ gal.

} =

„ i6th

4.30 a.m. to 4 p.m.

6 p.m.

igal.

,, i 7th

8 a.m. to 4 p.m. ,

4 p.m.

2 gal.

0 , f

7 a.m.

I gal.

„ fSth-J

4 p.m. to 12 p.m. .

...

, /

12 p.m. to 9 a.m. .

...

5? iyiiJ"\

9 a.m. to 12 noon .

,, 20th |

12 noon to i p.m. .

...

2 p.m.

F'ldr'nk

It will be seen from the above table, that the average
forage ration for the first 10 days was about 5 lb. to 6 lb.
of grain, and 2 gallons of water, the horses performing 31
miles daily, not counting one day's halt.

When the final advance was made on Matammeh, the
horses marched to the Nile without having received a drop
of water for 5 5 hours, and only I lb. of grain. Some 1 5 to
20 horses received no water for 70 hours.

The Halt at Gubat.

During the period, 2Oth January to I4th February, the
horses received no grain, but were fed on dhourra stalk,

316 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

or green dhourra stalk, about 8 Ib. daily ; two days before
marching they received 6 Ib. of grain.

They performed outpost and patrol duty, averaging
some 8 miles daily. Under the above conditions the
horses recovered from the effort made during the desert
march, but many were in a weak state.

Return to Korti and Dongola.

The first 75 miles, the horses performed the whole
distance on 4 Ib. of grain and 3 gallons of water, the
remainder of the journey water was plentiful, and the 8 Ib.
of grain was supplied. Two marches of over 40 miles were
performed, which shows that the horses were still able to
march. After two weeks' rest at Korti, the horses marched
strong and well to Dongola and other stations, receiving
plenty of food and water, and after two months' halt they
were in quite as good condition as when they left Wady
Haifa.

The Return March— Dongola to Wady Haifa.

On the return march to Wady Haifa the distance,
some 250 miles, was performed at the average rate of some
1 6 miles a day, with one halt for two days.

The marching was done mostly at night, but the horses
were generally exposed to a hot sun all day, as there was
not much shelter for them under the palm trees.

Except two fractures from kicks, no horses were lost or
left on the line of march.

The horses were conveyed from Wady Haifa to
Assouan in barges, and after two weeks' rest at Assouan
were handed over to the 2oth Hussars in quite as good
order as when they left Wady Haifa nine months
previously.

The attached statement gives a list of casualties.

I think it may be considered a most remarkable
circumstance, that out of 350 horses during nine months
on a hard campaign, only 12 died from disease.

This result must be attributed to the two facts : —

i. That the climate of the Soudan is most suitable
for horses.

APPENDIX K 317

2. That the Syrian horse has a wonderful constitu-
tion, and is admirably suited for warfare in an
eastern climate.

Conclusion.

The distance actually marched from point to point, not
taking any account of reconnaissances, &c., was over 1500
miles.

The weight carried was reduced to the minimum, but
averaged about 14 stone. The weather during the last
four months of the campaign was trying. Food was often
very limited, and during the desert march water very scarce.
Under the above conditions, I venture to think that the
performances of the regiment on the Arab ponies, will
compare with the performance of any horsemen on record.

Casualty Return of Arab ponies, igtk (Princess of Wales'
Own) Hussars, \lth November 1884 to is t July 1885.

SUMMARY.

Killed in action
Destroyed
Drowned .
Missing .
Died

Total

37
i
i

DISEASE.

Bullet wounds
Exhaustion
Fractures .
Paralysis .
Enteritis .
Farcy
Purpura hsemorrhagica
Rupture of intestine .
Rupture of stomach .
Saddle gall
Colic spasmodic
Missing .
Drowned .

Total

3i8 THE NINETEENTH LIGHT DRAGOONS

Casualty Return of Arab Ponies, \gth {Princess of Wales*
Own} Hussars, from \^th November 1884, to 1st July
1885, showing the period during which the horses died.

Period.

Number of
horses
effective.

Destroyed or
died from
debility and
exhaustion.

Destroyed or
died from
other causes.

Killed in
action.

Wady Haifa to Korti, I3th

November to 8th January .

350

...

Korti to Matammeh and back,

8th January to 8th March .

155

At Korti, 8th January to 8th

March ....

...

With River Column, 1st Janu-

ary to 8th March

107

Korti, Dongola, and other

Stations, 9th March to 2oth

34.7

Dongola, Assouan, 2 1st June

JTV

to ist July 1885 .

380

...

Total deaths

...

A few practical lessons learnt.

1. When water was limited to two gallons or less it was
given in small quantities, not all at once. Even one pint
to the horses, or just enough to moisten their mouths,
enabled them to come up to time again. On one occasion,
late at night, the horses were much exhausted — we were
35 miles from water, and less than one pint left per horse
— the horses could not eat, their mouths were so parched.
I had a sack of dhourra meal, and with the water made a
number of moist balls of meal. These balls revived the
horses, and they marched on their 35 miles next morning.
I obtained this hint, previous to the campaign, from General
V. Baker, who told me that the Turkomans used to carry
in skins balls of grease, or oil and meal.

2. The horses were saved on every possible occasion,
and by every possible device. The men never sat on their
horses' backs for a moment longer than necessary. Marches

APPENDIX K 319

in column were avoided, extended line being used, so that
each horse had pure air to breathe ; when picketed, horses
always had plenty of room and their heads to the breeze ;
when possible, they were washed two or three times a week,
which tended much towards their healthy condition.

3. Several horses were severely wounded, but recovered
rapidly, although in a very exhausted condition.

4. The horses were fed, whenever possible, on the grass
of the Bayuda Desert. This grass was very dry. The
horses chewed it, but ate very little. During the last few
days of the march to Matammeh, there was no opportunity
for giving the horses any grass.

On several occasions, tins of mouldy biscuit, unfit for
issue to the men, were obtained from the Commissariat,
and the biscuit given to the horses.

They ate this greedily and worked on it.

P. H. S. BARROW,

Lieut, -Colonel, igth Hussars.

CAIRO, ist August 1885.

INDEX

ABERCROMBY, Gen., 68, 80, 90, 94

Aboukir, 235

Abu Dom, 260

Abu Hamed, 256, 259

Abu Klea, action at, 249-251, 255

Abu Krou, 253

Abu Kussi, 260

Adams, Major Gen., 46

Affleck, Major, 70

Agra, 134, 135, 227

Ahmednugger, 132, 133, 134; cap-
tured. 136

Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, I

Ajunta Pass, 137, 138, 148, 149

Akola, 149

Aldborough, n

Aldershot, 229, 266

Alexandria, 234

Allahabad, 133, 134, 222, 227

Alyghur, 132, 134

Amboor, 82

Ameer Khan, 115

America, War in, 10, 19

Amherstberg, 176, 179

Ancaster, 180, 209

Anstey, Robert, 28

Apthorp, Capt., 261

Arabi Pasha, 233 ; his rebellion, 233 ;
number of men, 235 ; surrenders,

A238

Arcot, 52, 124

Argaum, 135, 149; battle of, 150-152
Arikera, 88 ; battle of, 89
Armstrong, J. W., 229
Armstrong, Major William, 231
Army, increase of the, 3, II ; size of

letters, in
Arnee, 31, 72, 78, 80; battle of, 23;

mutiny at, 51
Arrekeery, 124
Arthur, Lieut. Sir G., 232
Assaye, battle of, 131, 135, 138-144,

154; village, 137, 140

Asseerghur, 135, 149

Assiout, 263

Assouan, 263

Assyrian Monarch, 234, 236

Athy, 158

Aurungabad, 137, 148, 149

Austria, coalition with France, 2

Avaracoorchi, 69

Aylmer, Lieut., 234

BADAJOZ, 173

Badges, 113, 156, 217, 246, 264, 266

Baillie, Colonel, 20

Baird, Major Gen. Sir David, 58, 108

Baker, Fort, 241

Baker, Major Gen., 240, 241

Balasore, 133, 135

Baltimore, 214

Bangalore, 82, 94, 107, 266; captured,

Barabuttee, 135
Baramahal, 78
Barclay, Lieut., 238
Baring, Capt. R., 226
Baroda, 126, 133
Barrington, 27; Sir Jonah, 158; Mr,

158

Barrow, Major Gen. Lousada, 264
Barrow, Lieut. Col., 241, 242, 243, 247,

249, 253, 254, 319; death, 264, 309
Barrow, Cornet S. D., 226
Bassein, Treaty of, 129
Bateman, Private Jonas, 30
Bayly, Lieut., 70
Beat son's Mysore War, extract from,

no, note

Beaver Dam, 182
Beccles, 15

Beckwith, Lieut. John, 24, 28
Bednore, 36, 115
Begum Somroo, 148
Belbeis, 238
Belfast, 231

322

INDEX

Belleisle, siege of, 64
Benares, 133, 227
Benedict, 213

Bengal, ist European Light Cavalry,
formation of, 222 ; services trans-
ferred to the Crown, 223 ; the
" White Mutiny," 224 ; at Cawnpore,
225 ; designated igth Light Dra-
goons, 225 ; igth Hussars, 226
Berber, 246
Bhagelcottah, 120

Bhonslay, Rajah of Berar, 126, 130,
148 ; encamped at Argaum, 149 ;
defeated, 152; sues for peace, 153
Bhowani river, 69

Bickerton, Vice-Adm. Sir R., 29, 36
Biddulph, Lieut. J., 226
Bird, 257

Bisshopp, Lieut. Col., 183
Bissolee Pass, 124

Black Rock, Fort, 183; occupied, 186
Bladensberg, 213
Blagrove, Lieut., 232
Blairfindie, 217
Boerstler, Col., 182
Bokerdun, 137
Bombay, 30, 227, 266
Boscawen, 4
Boseley, Private, 243
Boulderson, Cornet J., 226
Bourquien, 135
Bowser, Lieut. Col., 118
Bowyer, Fort, 215
Boyd, 104, note ; Gen., 190, 191
Boyle, Capt., 144
Brackenbury, Col. H., 259
Braddock, his expedition to New

England, 2

Brady, Sergeant, 162, 167
Brandywine, 64
Brathwaite, Col., 31, 100
Brest, blockade of, 4
Bridgenorth, 14
Brighton, 228
British troops, position of on the

Niagara frontier, 195
Broach, 134

Brock, Major Gen. ,176, 177; death, 178
Bromley, 15
Brook, Col., 214
Brooke, Capt., 203
Brooks, Major J. PL, 226
Broughton, Lieut. Col, 133
Brown, Gen, 190, 197, 208; Geo., 8
Bruce, Major Gen., 41, 46, 49
Brunswick, Prince Ferdinand of, 4
Buchanan, Private, 85
Budnapore, 137
Buffalo, 179; taken, 186
Bulger, Lieut., 195

Buller, Major Gen. Sir Redvers, 255
256

Bullum, Rajah of, 123

Bundelcund, 132, 134

Bungay, 15

Bunker's Hill, 64

Burgoyne, Col. Sir John, in command
of the 23rd Regiment of Light
Dragoons, 23, 24, 29; Orders and
Instructions, 25-27 ; on the treat-
ment of his regiment, 42 ; Com-
mander-in-Chiefship conferred, 43 ;
refuses to accept, 44; difficulties of
his position, 45-48 ; interview with
Lord Macartney, 49 ; assumes com-
mand, 50; arrest, 51 : court-martial,
54 ; acquitted, 56 ; his death, 57

Burhanpore, 131, 135, 148

Burlington Heights, 181, 184, 196

Bury St Edmunds, 31

Buswapore, 121

CABUL, 102

Cairo, 238

Calicut, 80

Calpee, 135

Calvert, Harry, 113, 156, 217

Cambay, Bay of, 125

Campbell, Major Gen. Alan, 46, 51

Campbell, Sir Archibald, inspection of

the 1 9th Light Dragoons, 64
Campbell, Capt. Lieut. John, 24, 28
Campbell, Lieut. Col, 133
Canara, 124
Caniembadi, 88, 90
Cannanore, 107
Capper, Lieut. Col., 120
Capsah, 135
Cathcart, Capt., 144
Cauveripatam, 78
Cauvery river, 79, 88, 95, 97, 109
Cawnpore, 133, 227
Ceres, 29
Chambly, 215
Champaneer, 135
Champlain Lake, 178, 188, 195
Chandler, Gen., 182
Changama Pass, 72, 82
Chapman, Lieut. A. H., 226
Charlotte, Queen, her funeral, 218
Chateaugay river, 188; battle, 188
Chatham, II
Chazy, 211
Cherbourg, 4
Cheyloor, 123
Chicago, 194
Child, Lieut., W. G., 24, 28; Capt.,

73, 84, 98
Chinroypatam, 123
Chippewa, 197 j battle of, 198

INDEX

323

Chitteldroog, 117

Chrystler's Farm, 184 ; battle of, 190

Chumbul, 127

Chunar, 133

Ciudad Rodrigo, 173

Clair, St, Lake, 209

Clarke, Capt. M., 226

Clonmel, 172

Coates, Major, 163

Cockburn, Vice-Adm., 213

Coghill, Lieut. Col., K. J. W., 231,
234, 236

Coimbatore, 68, 69, 74, 77, 93

Colle, La, 195

Combe, Col. Boyce, 265

Combermere, Lord, 102

Conaghul, 122

Conflans, 4

Conjeveram, 59, 68

Connaught, Duke of, 235

Coorg, 124 ; Rajah of, no

Coote, Sir Eyre, his victory at Porto
Novo, 20 ; on the want of cavalry,
22 ; forced to resign, 31, 39 ; his
death, 36, 41 ; treatment by the
Madras Government, 41

Cornwallis, Lord, 21, 79 ; capitulates,
20 ; assumes command of the army,
8 1 ; his advance on Bangalore, 82 ;
improvement in the order of march,
82 ; captures Bangalore, 87 ; attack
on Seringapatam, 96 ; takes posses-
sion of French territories, 100

Cotapilli, 87

Cotton, Lieut. Col. Stapleton, 101

Couch, G., 226

Coveripoorum Pass, III

Covington, Gen., 191

Cowdelghee, 120

Cowgatchy, 34

Cox Heath, 1 1

Crabbe, Lieut., 232

Cradock, Lieut. Gen. Sir J., 160

Craigie, Capt. H. C., 226

Craven, Lieut., 253

Crawford, Lieut. G. H., 24, 28

Crespigny, Lieut, de, 232

Croydon, 15

Cuddalore, 31 ; attack on, 36; siege of,

Culloden, 166
Cumberland, Duke of, evacuates

Hanover, 3
Currie, H. O., 226
Cuttack, 132, 135
Cygnet, 174

DALLING, Lieut. Gen, Sir J., Com-
mander-in-chief in Madras, 54
Damodar River, 133

Darapooram, 69, 72, 78

Darley, Major, 73

Dartmoor, 229

Datchet, 218

David's, St, village, burnt, 200

De Boigne, 127

Dearborn, Gen., 178, 181

Deare, Major Gen., 133

Delaware, 195

Delhi, 126 ; battle of, 135

Demiacotta, 69, 76

Deodroog, 121, 122

Deogam, 153

Deogheri, 118

Desert Column, 249

Detroit, Fort, 178; frontier, 175

Devis, A. W., 98

Deyrah Dhoon, 167

Dharwar, 80, 90, 115

Dhoondia, Punt Gokla, 116, 118

Dhoondia Wao, 115; head quarters,
116; adherents, 117; defeated and
killed, 122

Dindigal, 71, 72

Dirom, extract from, 97

Dobbs, Capt., 207

Dodd, Capt. Thomas Crewe, 28

Domingo, St, 159

Dongola, 270, 263

Dover, village of, burnt, 196

Dowlut Rao Scindia, 127

Downie, Capt., 212

Dragoons, Light, 1 9th Regiment of,
5 ; notification to raise, 5 ; Royal
Warrant, 6-8 ; change of number,
9; uniform, 9, 12; formation, 12;
strength, 12 ; clothing accounts, 12 ;
quartered at various places, 14 ; dis-
banded, 15

Dragoons, Light, 23rd, formation of,
23; appointments, 24; despatched
to India, 27 ; strength, 28, 65, 100,
104, 171, 210, 219; list of the
officers, 28 ; embark, 29 ; at Madras,
30, 32, 92 ; appearance, 33 ; casual-
ties among the horses, 52 ; review,
59 ; at Shevtamodoo, 59, 99 ; change
of number, 62; uniform, 62-64; under
orders, 67; casualties, 76, 86, 90,
144, 152, 205; remounted, 92;
return to Trichinopoly, 100, 112;
badges granted, 113, 155, 216; ex-
pedition against Dhoondia Wao,
117; at Cheyloor, 123; the battle
of Assaye, 142 ; conspicuous
gallantry, 146 ; honorary colours
granted, 147; battle of Argaum, 150;
march against banditti, 154 ; en-
camped at Panwell, 155 ; return to
England, 1 68, 171, 218 ; approbation

324

INDEX

Dragoons, Light, 23rd, continued —
of their services, 169-171 ; in Ireland,
172, 218; ordered to Canada, 173;
equipped as lancers, 218 ; disbanded,
219

Drogheda, Earl of, 5

Drummond, Lieut. Gen., 185, 195;
his attack on Oswego, 196; at
Toronto, 200 ; Lundy's Lane, 2OI-
205 ; wounded, 205 ; blockade of
Fort Erie, 206-208

Drummond, Lieut. Col., 207

Dublin, 172

Dudrenec, 132

Dufferin, Lady, 238

Dummul, 119

EARLE, Major Gen. W., 248, 256;
death, 258

East India Company, condition of the
European forces, 20 ; want of cavalry,
21 ; jealousy of the King's Officers,
37 ; raises European cavalry regi-
ments, 221 ; cease to exist, 223

Egypt, Khedive of, deposed, 233

El Kooa, 257

El Magfar, 235

El Teb, battle of, 241-244

Ellice, Capt. II. E., 226

Ellichpore, 152

Elliott, Sir John, 60

Ellore, 53

Emsdorf, battle of, 60

England, condition of, in 1779, IOJ m
1781, 19

Epsom, 15

Eratoor, 95

Erie, Fort, 177, 179, 186, 197;
evacuated, 181 ; assault on, 206-208;
Lake, 175, 177 ; naval action on, 180

Erode, 71, 72, 77

Es Salihiyeh, 237

Euphrates, 266

Europe, state of affairs in 1756, I ;
peace in, 36

Eustace, Capt., 207, 208, 209

Ewell, 15

Eyre, Thomas, 28

FAIRBROTHER, Capt. C. M. S., 226
Fairlie, Lieut. C. H., 226
Fancourt, Col., 161
Fatt, Sergeant James, 244
Fawcett, Lieut. Gen., 18
Fenton, Sergeant, 243
Fen wick, Col., 133
Ferguson, Lieut. Col., 133
Finglass, Capt., 104, note
Fitzgibbon, Lieut., 182
Fitz- Patrick, R., 17

Floyd, Lieut. Col. John, 24, 28, 29,
46, 49, 94, 98, 100, 1 06 ; his birth,
60; commission in the I5th Light
Dragoons, 60; appointed Major of
the 2 ist and Lieut. Col. of the 23rd,
6 1 ; his advance on Coimbatore, 69 ;
takes the Fort of Satyamunglum,
71 ; retreat, 74 ; reaches Velladi, 76 ;
casualties, 76 ; reconnoissance, 84 ;
wounded, 85; on the attack at
Seringapatam, 96 ; charge at Malla-
velly, 108 ; sails for England, 1 14 ;
appointed Colonel of the 26th Light
Dragoons, 114; death, 114

Forbes, Lieut. Col., 163

Fortnam, Cornet John, 90

Forty-mile Creek, 182

Four Mile Creek, 183

France, coalition with Austria, 2;
declares war against England, 10, 99

Freeman, Capt., 242

Fremantle, Major Gen., 261

French, Major, 250, 255, 256

French Mills, 191

Frenchtown, 179

Fullarton, Col., 36, 82

Fullerton, Cornet John, 24

GAEKWAR OF BARODA, 126

Gaines, Gen., 207

Ganjam, 133, 134

Gardner, Private Joseph, 30

Gawilghur, 135, 148, 149, 152

Geelong, 265

George II., his death, 9

George IV., his review of the regi-
ments, 218

George, Fort, 33, 177, 179, 183, 197
199 ; evacuated, 181 ; re-occupied,
l85

Ghent, Treaty of Peace signed at, 215

Ghuffoor Khan, 115

Gibbs, Major Gen., 215

Gibraltar, siege of, 19

Gillespie, Lieut. Col. R. R., 157 ; his
career, 158 ; treatment of the Vellore
mutiny, 163-166; death, 167

Glad win, Lieut., 183

Godavery, 133, 137, 154

Gokauk, 120

Gordon, Col., 42, 186, 240, 246

Gough, Capt II. H., 226

Gowdie, Major, 84, 86

Graham, Major Gen., 236, 240, 244,
245, 261, 308

Grand River, 210

Grant, Lieut. Alex., 146

Grant, Major Gen. Sir Hope, 222

Grant Duff's History of the Mahrattas,
extracts from, 142, 146

INDEX

3*5

Grenadier Island, 188, 189
Guadaloupe captured, 4
Gubat, 254 ; evacuated, 255
Gudduck, 119
Guiche, Comte de, 29
Guidons, 231, 232
Gunjicotta, 92
Guns, galloper, 105
Gurramconda, 94
Gutpurba river, 120
Guzerat, 133, 134
Guzulhutti Pass, 68, 70, 71, 72
Gwalior, 136, 152, 153

HALE, Cornet, 98

Halesworth, 15

Hall, Gen., 186

Hall, Lieut. Gen. John, 227, 228

Kamdab, 256

Hamdoob, 261

Hamley, Lieut. Gen. Sir E., 236

Hampton, Gen, 188

Handcock, Major, 195

Hanford-Flood, Major, 243, 256

Hanoor, 120

Hanover, 3

Harcourt, Lieut. Col., 133, 135

Harding, Cornet F. D., 226

Haren, Major du, 182

Hari Punt, 81, 91, 94

Harris, Gen., 89, 106, 107, 109; on

the Cavalry Division, 112; raised to

the peerage, 113
Harrison, Gen., 179
Hartley, Col., 68, 72, 78, 80
Harvey, Col., 182
Hasheem, 261, 262
Hassan, 124

Hastings, Warren, 37, 40
Havre, 4
Hawke, blockades Brest, 4 ; destroys a

French fleet, 4
Hearsey, Lieut. A., 226
Hebbeh, 259
Helena, St, 171
Helouan, 238
Hessing, 129
Hicks, Major Gen., 240
Hill, Capt. Sir J., 226
Hilton, Robert, 28
Hinde, Lieut. T. J. V., 24, 28
Holkar, 126, 128; hostilities against

Scindia, 129 ; alliance, 130
Holland, Lieut., 232, 237
Holland, declaration of war in 1781, 14
Honorary Colours for Assaye. 147, 231
Hoobli, 120
Hooli, 120
Hooliadroog, 92, 95
Hoonagoonda, 121

Horsefall, John, 28

Horsham, 15

Horton, Lieut., 197, 199

Horwood, Sergeant, 255

Hounslow, 218, 230, 265, 266

Howe, Lord, 4 ; Lieut. Gen. the Hon.
Sir W., 156; appointed Colonel of
the 1 9th Light Dragoons, 64 ; his
death, 216

Huella, 259

Hughes, 31

Hull, Gen., 176

Hunmunsagur, 121

Hunter, Major Edgar, 157

Huron, Lake, 175, 179

Hurrianah, 115

Hurryhur, 117, 131

Hussars, I9th, 226; ordered to England,
227, 232, 265 ; badges granted, 229,
246, 264, 266 ; in Ireland, 230 ;
restoration of guidons, 231 ; ordered
to Egypt, 232 ; to Suakin, 240 ;
casualties, 243, 245, 304, 306, 310;
return to Cairo, 246 ; ordered up
the Nile, 247 ; designation of
"Princess of Wales' Own" con-
ferred, 264 ; ordered to India, 266 ;
honours granted, 305, 307, 311

Hutchinson, Major Gen. Coote Synge,
266

Huth, Cornet F. H., 226

Hyder Ali, of Mysore, 20, 31 ; death,

Hyderabad, 65, 102 ; dispersal of the
French contingent, 103

INDIA, results of the campaign of 1781,
20 ; condition of the European troops,
20 ; want of cavalry, 21 ; state of
affairs in, 31 ; relations between
civil and military, 37

Indore, 126, 129

lona, 265

Ireland, 230

Ismailia, 235

Izard, Gen., 209

JACKSON, Gen., 215

Jaffrabad, 137

Jaffrey, John, 28

Jakdul, 249, 255

Jalasore, 133

Jalgaum, 137

Jane, Duchess of Gordon, 171

Jaulna, 137, 154

Jellahal, 1 20

Jenkins, Capt., 243; Lieut. Col. C.

V., 226

Jenkinson, C., n, 14, 24
Jervoise, Lieut. C. C., 226

326

INDEX

Johnston, Lieut. Gen. James, 12, 18

Jowrah, State of, 115

Juah river, 138, 141

Juggernaut, 135

Jumna, 127

Jumna, 227

KAITNA RIVER, 138

Kalunga, 167

Kandeish, 129

Karoor, 69, 72, 78

Kassassin, 236

Keane, Major Gen., 215

Kelly, Col., 68, 72

Kemp, Private Simon, 30

Kennedy, Lieut. Col., 157, 164; Capt.,

109

Khanagheri, 121
Khartoum, 240 ; expedition to relieve,

247 ; captured by the Mahdi, 254 ;

preparations for the advance on

abandoned, 263
Kingston, 175, 179, 181, 184
Kirbekan, 257 ; victory at, 258
Kistna river, 66, 120
Kistnapah Naik, 123
Kittoor, 118

Kloster-Severn, convention of, 3
Kolapore, Rajah of, 126, 128
Kolar, 94
Koondgul, 119
Kopaul, 8 1
Kordofan, 239
Korosko, 263

Korti, 248, 249, 253, 255, 256
Kurot, 260

LA PRAIRIE, 178, 215, 217

La Terriere, Lieut., 232

Lagos, Bay of, 4

Lahore, 104

Lake, Gen., 133, 134, 135

Lang, Lieut. Col., appointed Com-

mander-in-Chief, 44; withdrawn from

the service, 57
Laswaree, 135
Lawrence, St, 175, 187, 191
Lawrence, Sir John, 227
Leeds, 230
Leger, St, Lieut. Col. the Hon. Arthur,

151

Legge, H. B., 8
Leigh, Lieut. Hon. R., 232
Lewiston captured, 186, 201
Lexden Heath, 12

Lima, Quarter Master A. G., 252, 263
Lisle, Capt., 175, 183, 184, 186, Major,

196, 199, 201, 209
Lister's Corps, 12
Little, Capt., 91

Longford, 172

Long Island, 64

Long Point, 196, 197

Long Sault, 190

Louisbourg, expedition against, 3, 4

Lowe, Major Gen., 236

Luard, Capt. F. P., 226

Ludlow, 14

Lundy's Lane, 201 ; battle of, 202-205

Lundy's Lane Hist. Society^ extracts

from, 185, 195, 198, notes
Lunkia Naik, 101

MACARTNEY, Lord, 32, note, 36;
Governor of Madras, 39 ; character,
47; his treatment of Sir J. Bur-
goyne, 48 ; interview with him, 49 ;
resigns his post, 54; sails for Eng-
land, 54; duels, 55

Macdonell, 187, 189

Mackenzie, Lieut. Col., 47, 158;
Cornet Roderick, 85, 90

Mackinaw, island of, 176, 178, 194

Macomb, Gen., 211

Macpherson, Major Gen. Sir H., 235

Madho Rao Scindia, 127

Madras, 30 ; famine in, 31; misman-
agement of the administration, 33,
38 ; council, 38 ; treatment of Sir E.
Coote, 41 ; native cavalry, 65

Magre, 94

Mahe, 20

Mahomed Ahmed, 239

Mahommed Tewfik, 233

Mahrattas, 20, 80 ; arrival of, 91 ;
supremacy, 125 ; quarrels, 128

Mahsama, 236, 237

Maidstone, 216

Majendie, Capt. Lieut. Lewis, 24

Malabar, 80

Mallavelly, 107 ; battle of, 108

Malpurba, 119, 120

Malwa, 128

Manapur, 101

Mangalore, peace of, 66

Manikpatam, 135

Manners, Major Gen. R., Letter of
service to, 1 1 ; warrant to refund
clothing money, 12

Manoli, 119

Mansfield, Major Gen. Sir W., 222

Marshall, Quartermaster Sergeant W.,

243

Maryborough, 159
Matthews, Major Gen., 36
Mauritius, 103
Maxwell, Lieut. Col., 72, 78, 89, 141 ;

killed, 143 ; pension to his widow,

147
M* Arthur, Gen., 209

INDEX

327

M'Clure, Gen, 184, 185

M'Culloch, John, 28 "

M'Douall, Col., 194

Medows, Major Gen., 67, 89; in
command of the army, 68 ; advance
on Coimbatore, 69, 77

Meerut, 167, 227

Meigs, Fort, 180

Merawi, 259, 260 ; evacuated, 263

Metemmeh, 248, 249, 254

Miami river, 180

Michigan, Lake, 176, 179

Midnapore, 133

Militia Bill, 3

Milne, S. M., Standards and Colours
of the Army, 232

Minden, 4

Minorca, fall of, 2

M'Intyre, 129

Mirzapore, 133

Mitcham, 15

M'Kay, Col., 194

Mobile Point, 215

Mocher, Lieut. Gen., 18

Money, Cornet E. A., 226

Monghyr, 34

Montcalm, 3

Montreal, 175, 179,217; preparations
for the attack on, 188

Montreal, 234, 236

Moodgul, 134

Moodianoor, 135

Mooglee Pass, 82

Morgan, Capt., 133, 135

Mornington, Lord, 103

Morris, Lieut. R., 226, 232

Morrison, Lieut. Col., 190, 191

Mudgheri, 121

Munro, Sir Hector, 20, 25 note ; re-
signs his command, 31

Murray, Col., 133, 185, 188; Corporal,

Musgrave, Major Gen., 80, 93
Mysore, 68; fall of, 112

NAGMUNGLUM, 92

Nagpore, 126, 153; Rajah, 131

Nana Farnawis, 126, 128

Nash, Capt. Thomas, 24, 28

Naulniah, 138, 144

Neemgaum, 154

Neera, wreck of the, 241

Nefisha, 235

Negapatam, 31

Nerbudda, 131, 133

Neville, Lieut., 66

New Orleans, 214; expedition against,

215

Newark, 183 ; burnt, 185
Newbridge, 218

Newcastle, Holies, 8

Niagara, Fort, 181 ; success at, 186 ;

frontier, 175 ; position of the British

troops, 195
Nizam of Hyderabad, 20, 80, 106 ; the

horse, 89; decrease of his power, 125
Noix, Isle aux, 188, 217
Northampton, 171
Norwich, 14, 265
Nundydroog, 93

OCCARRO, 70

Ogdensburg, 187, 189, 190

Ogle, Major Gen., 46, 50

Oldham, Col., 70

Oliphant, Lieut, 101

O'Neill, Lieut. Col. the Hon. J., 174,

183

Ontario, Lake, 175, 177, 181
Oojain, 126, 129
Ooscotta, 94, 112
Ootradroog, 94
Orient, 234
Osiris, 241
Osman Digna, 240
Oswald, James, 8
Oswego, 177, 196

PACKET, 133

Pakenham, Major Gen. Sir E., 215

Palghat, 71, 77

Paliar river, 60

Palicode Pass, 82

Pareshram Bhow, 8 1, 91, 94

Paris, Peace of, in 1763, 9

Parkes, Private, 78

Parterly, 149

Partoor, 137

Paterson, Major, 123

Patree, 149

Patterson, Cornet James, 90

Pattle, Gen. William, 226

Paugri, 138

Pawaghur, 135

Payne, Lieut. Gen. Sir W., 216

Pearl river, 215

Pearson, Lieut. Col., 199, 201

Pednaikdirgum Pass, 94

Peepulgaon, 139

Peishwa, 125 ; under the protection of

the British Government, 129
Pellew, Rear Adm. Sir E., 171
Pembroke, Lord, his book on military

equitation, 60

Periapatam, 90, 94, 107, 109
Permacoil, 80
Perron, 115, 127, 128; number of his

troops, 132

Persia, Shah of, 229, 266
Petley, Capt. Lieut. John, 28

328

INDEX

Pewsey, 229

Philipstown, 172

Pike, Gen., 181

Pitt, his management of affairs, 3

Pittsburgh, 178, 179, 1 88, 189, 195 ;

expedition against, 211-213
Plymouth, II, 171
Pohlman, 142
Point aux Pins, 196
Pondicherry, 51, 80 ; capitulates, 100
Ponies, Arab, 313-317 ; casualties, 317,

3i8

Poodicherim Pass, 94
Poona, 125, 129, 131
Poonamallee, 51, 65
Poongar Ford, 73
Porter, Gen., 198
Porto Novo, 20, 72
Portsmouth, II, 266
Potomac river, 213
Powell, Lieut. Col., 133, 134, 135, 136;

Sergeant, 207, 208
Prairie du Chien, 194
Prescott, 190
Prevost, Lieut. Gen. Sir George, 177,

183, 184, 197, 209; fails to capture

Sackett's Harbour, 187 ; failure of

his expedition against Plattsburgh,

211-213

Prinsep, Lieut. C. J., 226
Proctor, Lieut. Col., 176, 179; victory

over Gen. Winchester, 180 ; retreats

to Ancaster, 180
Purdy, Col., 189
Pyche, Rajah, 123

QUEBEC, 174, 217 ; taken, 4
Queenston, 185, 197, 199
Quiberon Bay, 4
Quintin, St, Cornet C. R., 226

RADIPOLE, Barracks, 216

Rajoora, 149

Rajpoot, States, 126

Ranee Bednore, 117

Regis, St, 1 88

Rensselaar, Gen. Van., 177

Riall, Gen., 186, 197; despatch after
the battle of Chippewa, 199 ; night
march, 199 ; wounded, 203

Richardson, Major R., 226

Ridley, Lieut., 232

Rigby, Richard, 6

Ripley, Gen., 206

River Column, 256

Rivett-Carnac, Lieut. E. S., 226

Roberts, Capt., 176

Rochefort, 3

Rodney, 4

Romford, 172, 218

Ross, Major Gen., 213; killed, 214
Rottenburg, Major Gen. de, 183, 184
Rowley, Capt., 159
Royal Henry ', 29
Rughonath Rao, 126
Runjeet Singh, 115
Russia, Emperor of, 230
Rycottah, 107

SACKETT'S HARBOUR, 181, 184; fail-
ure to capture, 187; U.S. Squadron
blockaded, 196, 199, 200

Sadasheo Bhow, 129

Sage, Lieut. William, 28

Said Sahib, 69

Salaberry, Lieut. Col. de, 1 88

Salbye, Treaty of, 32, 128

Sale, Capt, 144, 146

Salisbury, 12, 14

Salmon river, 191

Sandhurst, Lord, 222

Sandusky, 179, 180

Sandwich, 176, 180

Saone, 133

Sara, 92, 124

Saranac creek, 212

Sasseram, 133

Satara, Rajah of, 125

Satyamunglum, Fort of, 71

Savandroog, 93

Savanoor, 118, 12 1

Saxmundham, 15

Schlosser, Fort, 183, 201

Scindia, 126; hostilities, 129; retreats
to Thalnair, 148 ; armistice, 149 ;
peace signed, 153

Scott, Col., 201, 202, 203; Lieut.,
232 ; Major, 97

Secunder Jah, 94

Secunderabad, 266

Sedaseer, 107

Sepoys, mutiny, 161-166

Seringapatam, 65, 72, 82, 95 ; advance
on, 88, 94 ; siege, 109 ; taken, 112

Seringham, 100

Serle, Cornet, 147

St Servan, 4

Seven Years' War, 2, 9

Shah Alum, 125

Shapoor, 120

Shawoor, 70, 74

Sheaffe, Major Gen., 178, 181

Shevtamodoo, 59, 94

Shinoor, 121, 122

Shorncliffe, 228, 266

Shropshire, 14

Shukook Pass, 257

Shumshere Bahadoor, 132, 135

Shute, Major Gen., 229

Sinkat, 240

INDEX

329

Sirdhana, 148

Sirhetty, 119

Sirsoni, 150

Sivaji, 126

Skelly, Major, 87

Skelton, Capt., 165

Sloper, Lieut. Gen. R., 18 ; Com-

mander-in-Chief in India, 54
Smelt, Lieut. Col., 210
Snake Hill, 207
Songhur, 133
Soondooti, 119, 120
Soorong, 135
Sosilay, 109
Soudan, 239

Stapleton, Capt. R. T. P., 226
Sterling, Lieut. Col., 50
Stevenson, Col., 120, 131, 133, 137;

occupies Burhanpore, 149
Stewart, Col. H., 241, 244, 248,

308 ; wounded, 252 ; death, 255
Stoney Creek, 182
Strange, Sergeant, 146
Straubenzee, Lieut. Col., 50
Streatham, 171
Stuart, Major Gen., 25 note, 36, 39;

his position, 40 ; charges against, 42 ;

dismissal, 43 ; arrest, 44 ; shipped

off to England, 49 ; colonelcy of

H.M.'s 3ist, 57
Stuart, Lieut. Gen., 107, 109; Col.,

7i, 77, 97

Suakin, 240, 244, 260
Sudbury, 15
Suez Canal, 235
Suffren, 20, 31
Surat, 133

Surjee Anjengaum, 153
Sutherland, 75
Sutlej, 127
Sutton Park, 24
Swift, Gen., 200
Sy belle, 174
Syringhi, 121

TABLE BAY, 171

Tamai, 263 ; battle of, 244

Tani, 260

Tapoor Pass, 79

Tapti, 133

Taylor, Lieut. Col., G.C.B., 226,

236

Tecumseh, slain, 1 80
Tel-el-Kebir, 237
Tel-el- Mahuta, 235, 236
Thalnair, 148

Thames, Battle of the, 180
Thomas, Capt. J.; 24, 28
Thomas, 115
Thome, San, 33, 37

Thorn's Memoir of the War in India,

extracts from, 105, 153
Tiaghur, 79

Ticonderago, 4, 64, note
Tilbury, 171 218
Tippoo, Sahib of Mysore, 35 ; treaty of

peace, 36 ; war with, 66 ; advance,

72 ; march on Trichinopoly, 78 ; loss

at Seringapatam, 96; surrenders, 98;

animosity against the English, 102 ;

various embassies, 102; killed, 112
Tofrik, 262
Toka, 137
Tokar, 240, 244
Tonk, State of, 115
Toombadra river, 117, 12 1
Toronto, 179, 183
Tour, M. le Maitre de la, on the

English troops in India, 21
Travancore, Rajah of, 67
Trichinopoly, 67, 69, 79, 100
Trincomalee captured, 31
Trinkitat, 241, 244
Trinomalli, 80
Tryon, Major Gen., 15
Tucker, Lieut. Col., 200
Tullamore, 172
Twelve Mile Creek, 200

UNITED STATES declare war against
England, 173 ; plan of invading
Canada, 175, 179, 193

Uxbridge, Lord, 216

VANDELEUR, Major Gen., Sir J. O.,

113, 167, 216, 231
Vaniembadi, 78
Velladi, 70, 74
Vellore, 36, 65, 104, 106 ; mutiny at,

160-166
Vellout, 80, 8 1
Venkitagheri, 87
Vincent, St, Capt. Lord., 232 ; Major

Gen., 181, 184

WADS WORTH, Gen., 178

Wady Haifa, 247, 263

Walkee, 131, 133

Wallace, Lieut. Col. W., 157

Wallajabad, 59, 67, 100, 104

Walton, Lieut. William, 24, 28

Warley, n

Waroor, 139

Warrants, Royal, 6-8, II, 13, 15-17,

23, 25-27
Washington, 213
Watteville, de, 184
Webster, Lieut. Col. A. G., 226, 236,

240, 241, 243, 308

33°

INDEX

Wellesley, Col. the Hon. A., 103, 106;
expedition against Dhoondia Wao,
117; Scindia, 131; distribution of
troops, 132; captures Ahmednugger,
136; battle of Assaye, 138-144; of
Argaum, 150-152; march against
banditti, 154

Wellington, Field Marshal the Duke
of, 106, note

Wellington, Fort, 190

Werdah river, 118

Whitehill, Mr, 39

Wilkinson, Gen., 188, 190, 195

William Henry, Fort, taken, 3

William Pitt, 171

Williams, Cornet George, 28

Willis, Lieut. Gen., 236

Wilson, Nathan, Capt., 144, 146, 163,
164; Lieut. Col. Sir R., 157; Col.
Sir C., 252, 254; From Korti to
Khartoum, 253

Winchester, Gen., 179 ; taken prisoner,

1 80

Winder, Gen., 182, 213
Windsor, 229
Wolfe, 4
Wolseley, Lieut. Gen, Sir G., 234, 248,

312

Wood, Lieut. Col., 241
Woodbridge, 15
Woodhouse, Lieut., 165
Woodington, Lieut. Col., 134
Worseley, Lieut., 195

YARMOUTH, 15

Yeo, Sir James, 182

Yepalpurri, 121, 122

Yorke, Major Gen. John, 229, 266

Yorktown, 20

Young, Lieut., 144, 165

ZEMAN SHAH, 102, 104
Zobehr Pasha, 246

Printed at

The Edinburgh Press
9& II Young Street

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

Biddulph, John

655 The Nineteenth and their

19th times

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "The Nineteenth and their times : being an account of the four cavalry regiments in the British Army that have borne the number nineteen and of the campaigns in which they serverd"

See other formats