.
V
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48
THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB
ST, TAMMANY PARISH
LOUISIANA
BY
DAVID I. BUSHNELL, JR,
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1909
t
SI
Lib
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., July 15, 1909.
SIR: I beg to transmit herewith a manuscript prepared by Mr.
David I. Bushnell, Jr., on "The Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb, St. Tam-
many parish, Louisiana/' with a view to its publication, with your
approval, as a Bulletin of this Bureau.
Very respectfully, yours,
W. H. HOLMES,
Chief.
The SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
Washington, D. G.
HI
PREFATORY NOTE
From December, 1908, until April, 1909, the writer was in lower
Louisiana, the greater part of the time being spent in St. Tammany
parish, on the northern shore of Lake Pontchartrain, not far from
New Orleans. During this period frequent visits were made to the
few Choctaw still living near Bayou Lacomb, in the same parish.
The notes obtained as a result of those visits are now presented on
the following pages.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
CONTENTS
Page
Habitat 1
History 1
Evidences of early occupancy 3
Place names in St. Tammany parish 6
Material culture 7
Habitations 7
Food : Supply and preparation 8
Dress and personal decoration 10
Hair 10
Painting 10
Tattooing 10
Ornaments 10
Artifacts 11
Wood 11
Stone 11
Leather 11
Pottery 12
Horn 13
Baskets 13
Dyes 14
Types 14
Cords 15
Metal i 15
Social culture 15
The tribe 16
Brief list of words used by the Choctaw at Bayou Lacomb 16
The divisions of the year 17
Beliefs concerning eclipses 17
Beliefs concerning thunder and lightning 18
Transportation 18
Hunting and fishing 18
Games and pastimes 19
Dances and music 20
Medicinal plants and treatment 23
Plants 23
Forms of treatment 24
Crimes and punishments 25
Marriage ceremony '. 26
Death and burial 27
Mourning 27
Religion 28
Dreams 29
Witchcraft 29
VII
VIII CONTENTS
Page.
Myths and legends 29
Creation myth 30
Kwanoka'sha 30
Kashehotapalo 31
Okwa naholo 31
Why 'Possum has a large mouth 32
The hunter who became a deer 32
The hunter and the alligator 32
Hoklonote'she 33
The girl and the Devil 33
Skate'ne 34
Tashkaand Walo... 35
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATE 1. Longleaf pine, St. Tammany parish.
2. Section of the Ross map, 1765.
3. North end of mound near Chinchuba creek.
Palmetto thatch house near Mandeville.
4. Pottery from shell deposit in mound near Chinchuba creek.
5. Artifacts found in or near shell deposit.
6. Pere Rouquette's oak.
7. Drum and mortar.
8. Pounding corn in wooden mortar.
9. Native baskets.
10. Ancient style of wearing the hair — photograph of Heleema (Louisa).
11. Two tanning processes.
12. Scraping a skin.
Habitation about fifty years old, showing frame for stretching skins.
13. Ahojeobe (Emil John).
14. Native artifacts.
15. Carrying basket held in usual position.
16. Pack basket.
17. Pisatuntema (Emma).
18. Native baskets.
19. Native baskets, double woven, with covers.
20. Blowgun in position for shooting.
21. Native dances.
22. Snake dance.
Page
FIGURE 1. Section of mound excavation 4
IX
THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, ST. TAMMANY
PARISH, LOUISIANA
By DAVID I. BUSHNELL, Jr.
HABITAT
St. Tammany parish, Louisiana, borders on the northern shore of
Lake Pontchartrain and is bounded on the east by the State of
Mississippi, from which it is separated by Pearl river.
In the southern part of the parish are many bayous that flow into
Lake Pontchartrain. Extensive marshes and swamps are found
between the bayous, in which flourish the magnolia, live oak, black
gum, cypress, and palmetto, and vast quantities of Spanish moss
hang from the branches of many trees. Back from the swamps and
bayous, on slightly higher ground, is one unbroken stretch of forests
of longleaf pine (pi. 1).
Deer, otter, and mink are still to be found; opossums, raccoons,
squirrels, and rabbits are very numerous; and ducks, quail, and wild
turkeys are killed in large numbers.
The climate is mild during the winter ; there is but little frost, and
rarely a few flakes of snow fall. The summers are long and hot. As
a whole the section is very healthful.
At the present time the Choctaw have two settlements within the
limits of the parish: one near Bayou Lacomb, the other at Pearl
River station, on the right bank of the river, about twelve miles
from its mouth. Only a few members, a mere remnant, of the tribe
now live in this region.
HISTORY
Unfortunately very little is known of the history of the people of
whom this paper treats.
The earliest writers, as well as the oldest maps of the region,
designate the Acolapissa as the tribe occupying the region now
included within the limits of St. Tammany parish, at the time of the
discovery and settlement of lower Louisiana by the French.
The Acolapissa were so closely connected with the Choctaw proper
that it is not possible now to distinguish between them. They spoke
1
2 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
the same language, probably with only slight local variations. Their
manners and customs, in all probability, were similar to a great
extent.
One of the earliest definite references to the region is contained in
the Relation of Penicaut,a touching on a period when there was a
general movement among the Southern tribes. It is stated thus:
At this same time [1705] the Colapissas, who dwelt on a little river called Talcatcha,
four leagues distant from the shore of Lake Pontchartrain, went to live on its banks at
the place named Castembayouque.
The river ' 'Talcatcha " is the present Pearl river, and, as will be seen,
the distance of the "Colapissas" village up the river from Lake
Pontchartrain is the same as that of the present Choctaw settlement.
The Choctaw name of their own settlement is Hatcha, a name applied
also to Pearl river. This name is clearly a contraction of the word
Talcatcha recorded by Penicaut.
Moving from Pearl river about the year 1705, the "Colapissas"
went to " Castembayouque." Here, again, is a name similar to the
present Choctaw designation of a bayou a few miles west of Bayou
Lacomb. On the maps this is now designated Castine bayou; but to
the Choctaw it is still known as Caste bayou, caste bemg the Choctaw
word for "flea;" the bayou, they say, is thus named on account
of the large number of fleas found near its mouth and on its banks.
On the Ross map of 1765, a small portion of which is reproduced in
plate 2, the site of an old town of the "Colapissas" is indicated near
the mouth of Pearl river, evidently too far south.
West of Pearl river, on the same map, is "Kefonctei R," the
present Chefuncte river (from the Choctaw word for "chinkapin").
The short stream entering Lake Pontchartrain between the two
rivers is evidently intended to represent Bayou Lacomb, as the
olcation is correct.
The next river westward on the Ross map is the "Tanzipao," the
present Tangipahoa, flowing through the parish of the same name,
which bounds St. Tammany parish on the west. The name is
derived from the two Choctaw words, tonche, "corn," and paJioha,
"cob" or "inside;" it was literally translated by them "corncob."
During his extended tour through the southern part of the country
Bartram traversed Lake Pontchartrain, to which he makes the fol-
lowing reference:6
Next day [circa June, 1777] early we got under way, pursuing our former course,
nearly Westward; keeping the North shore [of Pontchartrain] several leagues . . .
[we] set sail again, and came up to the mouth of the beautiful Taensapaoa, which
takes that name from a nation of Indians, who formerly possessed the territories lying
on its banks, which are fertile and delightful regions.
a Margry, Decouvertes, v, 459, Paris, 1883.
& William Bartram, Travels through North and South Carolina, etc., 422, London, 1792.
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 3
The identity of the Tangipahoa tribe has not been clearly estab-
lished, although there is no question that they belonged to the same
linguistic stock as the Acolapissa and the Choctaw; all were practi-
cally the same people, and they may even have constituted one of
the component bands of the Acolapissa. They are said to have
been destroyed about the time of the arrival of the French in lower
Louisiana.0 Until a few years ago more than one hundred Choctaw
lived in the vicinity of Bayou Lacomb, Bayou Castine, and near
the Chefuncte river; but by act of Congress of July 1, 1902, they
were persuaded to remove to the Indian Territory and receive an
allotment of land. The settlement on Bayou Castine, not far east
of Mandeville, may have been on the site of the village of the "Cola-
pissas" on "Castembayouque," mentioned by Penicaut.
From this brief sketch it will be seen that ever since the discovery
of that part of Louisiana by the French, the northern shore of Lake
Pontchartrain has been occupied by tribes of the Muskhogean stock.
At the present time it is not possible to determine whether the Indians
living at Bayou Lacomb are descendants of the Acolapissa, or
whether they represent a small offshoot from the main Choctaw
tribe. According to the beliefs and statements of these Indians,
their ancestors lived in that place for many generations. The present
inhabitants know the locations of, and point out, their ancient bury-
ing grounds, where, they say, the "old people" for five or six gen-
erations are known to have been interred. It is not at all improb-
able that the present Indians are Acolapissa rather than Choctaw;
then again, they may represent both tribes. The Choctaw villages
were probably never far distant from some of those belonging to
the Acolapissa and, as all spoke the same language, there must have
been considerable intercourse between them.
As has been shown, one people has occupied the area under con-
sideration ever since it became known to the European : consequently
it is reasonable to attribute to the same tribes the prehistoric remains
found in that locality, none of which, however, gives evidence of
great antiquity.
EVIDENCES OF EARLY OCCUPANCY
Several mounds are found within the area now under considera-
tion. The largest of these (pi. 3) is situated about 200 yards north
of the right bank of Chinchuba creek, and about 1J. miles in a direct
line north of Lake Pontchartrain. The mound has an elevation of
between 4 and 5 feet ; it is circular in form and has an average diame-
ter of approximately 90 feet.
o Dr. J. R. Swanton, in forthcoming Bulletin 43 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Indian Tribes of
the Lower Mississippi Valley and Northern Coast of the Gulf of Mexico, gives a description of the tribes
and the history, so far as known, of their movements.
4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
A trench was run from near the center of the mound, extending
northeast 47 feet and continuing beyond the edge of the artificial work
(fig. 1). This was evidently a domiciliary mound. Two fire beds were
discovered. The first (a), near the center of the mound, had a diam-
eter of a trifle more than 2 feet; it was slightly concave in form and
was situated at a depth of 15 inches below the surface of the mound.
The second fire bed (&) was discovered near the edge of the artificial
work, evidently on or near the original surface ; this was similar to a
in form, size, and situation, but sloped toward the northeast. Both
fire beds showed evidence of considerable use. As a result of the
heat, the earth was discolored to a depth of from 6 to 8 inches be-
neath the surface of the hearth, and to a depth of several inches it
had become quite hard.
The mound was formed of a compact, homogeneous mass of clay
and sand. There was practically no surface soil or vegetal mold,
consequently it was not possible to trace the old sod line, and thus
to distinguish the artificial from the natural formation.
FIG. 1. — Section of mound excavation.
A deposit of shells (c) was revealed a short distance from fire bed
&, as shown in the drawing; this extended in a general direction from
northwest to southeast and was examined for a distance of 10 feet.
At the point of intersection by the trench the mass of shells lay
from 2J to 4 feet below the surface of the mound. The width of the
deposit was about 4 J feet and its thickness 10 inches.
For reasons stated above, it was not possible to determine whether
the shells rested upon the original surface or filled an artificial exca-
vation. They appeared, however, to be below the original surface,
as indicated on the drawing.
The shells were those of an edible clam (Rangia cuneata Gray)
found in vast quantities in Lake Pontchartrain. Intermingled with
the shells were quantities of bones of deer, rabbits, and alligators, a
that had served as food, many having been broken open for the
removal of the marrow. Fragments of many pottery vessels also
were recovered, but no entire objects of any sort were found, nor
was a single piece of stone discovered in any part of the excavation.
a These were identified by Dr. M. W. Lyon, Jr., of the U. S. National Museum, to whom the writer
desires to express his indebtedness.
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 5
Examples of pottery from the shell deposit are shown in plate 4.
Some of the pieces may be described as follows :
(a, b) Fragments of two vessels showing decoration on the inner,
or concave, surfaces — a rather unusual form, probably similar to the
shallow dish discovered by Moore in a mound on Black Warrior
river, Alabama. a (c) Two pieces of a large vessel. These had evi-
dently been held together by a cord or sinew passed through the two
perforations and tied. The fracture between the perforations
occurred while the vessel was still in use. (d) A fragment of a very
large and exceptionally well decorated vessel. The straight upper
edge of this piece measures 3^ inches. By measurement the curva-
ture of the rim shows the vessel to have been between 23 and 24
inches in diameter. The color is dark gray; the surface is very
smooth and polished. The decoration was probably incised after
the clay was dry, but before the vessel was fired. Smaller fragments
of the same vessel were also discovered, (e) Small fragment of a
rim of a rather large vessel, having a perforated projection through
which a cord was probably passed. (/) A conventionalized form of
(e) showing a projection, but no longer perforated.
Although some of the pieces represent jars and vessels of excep-
tionally good workmanship, the majority appear to have been
rather crudely made and decorated. Both straight and curved lines-
appear in the ornamentation; these were evidently added after the
clay had become dry. But the pits in specimens g, h, and i clearly
were made while the material was in a plastic state.
All the pottery shows a tempering of finely pulverized shell.
The pipe (pi. 5, a) was the most interesting object found in the
shell deposit. According to Mr. J. D. McGuire, this belongs to the
oldest type of pipe found in the lower Mississippi valley; under
his classification it is of the biconical form, similar to the modern
Choctaw pipes shown in plate 14. The maximum diameter of the
bowl is If inches; it is rather shallow, being only J of an inch deep.
As has already been stated, no examples of stone objects were
discovered in the mound, although these are found in the surround-
ing country. A piece of indurated clay (pi. 5, 6), however, showing
evidence of having been used, probably as a smoother, was unearthed
in the deposit of shells. Typical examples of stone objects are
represented on the same plate, namely : four points (c, d, e, f) found
a short distance south of the mound; two scrapers (gf i) made of
red jasper, found on the surface south of the mound; a jasper bead
Qi) having a biconical perforation; and three pieces, &, Z, m, found
» Clarence B. Moore, Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Black Warrior River, fig. 92, p. 192, Philadel-
phia, 1905.
6 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
on the shore of Lake Pontchartrain. A high polish has resulted
from the action of the sand and water. Arrow points of white quartz-
ite have also been found in the locality, but these were probably
made far to the northeast. Small grooved axes are likewise met
with, but they are quite rare. The jasper of which the specimens
figured were made was obtained in the form of pebbles from the beds
of certain streams in St. Tammany parish.
South and east of the mound referred to above, for a distance of 200
feet or more, the surface was covered with shells of the kind men-
tioned (Rangia cuneata Gray) to a depth of from 4 to 8 inches. Inter-
mingled with the shells were fragments of pottery and traces of bones,
greatly decayed. A similar deposit was encountered on the opposite
side of Chinchuba creek, near the great live oak commonly called
"Pere Rouquette's oak" (pi. 6). Some shells and a few pieces of
pottery were found exposed upon the surface beneath the branches of
the oak, on the very spot where the Choctaw were wont to gather to
hear the teachings of Pere Rouquette. These latter examples of
pottery and likewise the shells appear to be of comparatively recent
origin, and were undoubtedly left there by the Choctaw not more
than one or two generations ago. As the pottery is similar to that
found in the deposit of shells beneath the mound, all should probably
be attributed to the same people.
Several burials are said to have been discovered in a low mound a
short distance west of the Chinchuba mound. The work is reputed
to have been done some years ago ; but the writer was unable to gain
any definite information respecting it.
PLACE NAMES IN ST. TAMMANY PARISH
As before shown, certain names still in use were known and applied
to the streams at the time of the earliest French exploration of the
region. Therefore it is not unreasonable to suppose that many, if
not all, of the names now employed by the Choctaw to designate the
rivers and bayous were used in precolonial days.
The names are given here as they appear on the maps of the
United States General Land Office, together with the English trans-
lations.
Abita. — The name of a spring, and also of a river which is one of the
principal tributaries of the Chefuncte river. The meaning of this
word is not known to the Choctaw. They say that an old man who
called himself Abeta' came from far away and made his home near the
spring. But this happened many years ago, and no Indian now living
ever saw him. They insist that abita is not a Choctaw word. The
name at once suggests the Abixka of the Upper Creeks, and may have
been derived from that source. The man who took up his abode near
the spring may have been a Creek.
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 7
Bayou Castine. — The Creoles claim the name was derived from
Castagne, the name of an early French settler. But the Choctaw say
it was taken from their name of the bayou, Caste (" fleas"), so named
on account of the large number of fleas found there. Now, as the
name has been shown to have been in use when the French first
entered the region, we should accept the Choctaw explanation as
probably correct.
CJimchuba creek. — Given the same name by the Choctaw. Chin-
chuba in the Choctaw language means "alligator."
Chefuncte river. — Known by the same name by the Choctaw, the
word meaning " chinkapin" (Castanea pumila).
Ponchitoawa creek. — The same in Choctaw. The word is trans-
lated " singing hair."
Bogue Falaya. — From the Choctaw bogu, " river," and falaya,
"long."
Cane bayou. — Known to the Choctaw as chela'lia, "noisy;" said
by them to be so named on account of the noise caused by the wind
blowing through the canes.
Bayou Lacomb.— Called by the Choctaw butchu'wa, "squeezing."
Their settlement is also known by the same name.
Pearl river. — Known to the Choctaw at the present time as Hatcha.
The same name is applied to the settlement.
Lake PontcJiartrain. — The Choctaw name for the lake, as well as
for any wide expanse of water, is Okwa'ta (ofcwa=water, the suffix ta
meaning "large" or "wide"). The name of the Gulf of Mexico, as
given on the Lamhatty map of 1707,a is Ouquodky.
MATERIAL CULTURE
HABITATIONS
The primitive habitations of the Choctaw who lived on the north
shore of Pontchartrain are described as having been of two types,
circular and rectangular. The frames were formed of small saplings;
the tops and sides were constructed of palmetto thatch.&
According to the present inhabitants, many of the circular houses
were large, affording shelter for many persons. Only one door was
made, this in most cases facing the south. A fire was kindled on the
ground within the lodge, the smoke passing out through an opening
made for the purpose at the top near the center.
The later form of habitation is shown in plate 12, b. It will be seen
that/ the sides, formed of thin planks, are arranged in the same way
as the palmetto thatch of former days.
a American Anthropologist, n. s., x, no. 4, 570, 1908.
ft A house of this kind is pictured in plate 3, from a photograph taken near Mandeville, St. Tammany
parish, about 1879, which was secured by the late Dr. A. S. Gatschet. The palmetto house is said to
have been in use within the last ten years.
7840— Bull. 48—09 2
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
FOOD: SUPPLY AND PREPARATION
Unfortunately, comparatively few of the articles of food used by
the primitive Choctaw are known to the members of the tribe of whom
this paper treats. They are able to give, however, the names of a
few plants that are even now used.
AJie (Smilax laurifolia). — The hard bulbous roots are pounded fine,
a small amount of water is added if necessary, and the paste is made
into small cakes, which are fried in grease. The Choctaw say that
formerly bear's grease was always used for this purpose. Ahe is
spoken of as having been one of their favorite foods.
Ahelo'sa (Phaseolus diversif olius) . — The roots are first thoroughly
boiled, then mashed, and served as food.
Nuse (acorns of the Quercus aquatica). — These acorns were
pounded in a wooden mortar until fine. The meal was then put into
an openwork basket and water was poured through several times.
It was then boiled or used as cornmeal.
Olcesok (nuts of the Juglans squamosa). — The nuts were cracked
and the meat was removed. When a sufficient quantity had been
obtained, the meat was pounded and made into a paste, which was
beaten up in a small quantity of boiling water. The mixture was
then eaten as a broth or soup.
Kombo ashish. — The leaves of Laurus sassafras are gathered during
the autumn, usually about the middle of October, after they have
turned red. They are thoroughly dried in the sun and air, without
the use of artificial heat. They are then pounded in a wooden mortar
until reduced to a very fine powder, which is sifted to remove all hard
particles. The powder is again placed in the mortar and pounded
until as fine as it can be made, when it is ready for use. About a
teaspoonful of this powder added to a kettle of soup gives it a glutin-
ous quality and the flavor also is relished. This powder is highly
prized by the Creoles of Louisiana.
Tonche (Zea mays) . — Corn is allowed to ripen and harden on the
cob; then it is removed and dried thoroughly over hot ashes. Next, it
is put into a wooden mortar (kite), plate 7, and pounded with a
wooden pestle (ketoke), plate 8, after which it is placed in a win-
nowing basket (obf~kof), plate 9. The obfko' is held horizontal,
with the flat edge away from the operator; it is jerked back and forth,
up and down, thereby throwing the crushed grain a foot or more into
the air. The lighter particles are carried off and fall into the large
flat basket (tapa), plate 9, resting on the ground. The portion of the
grain remaining in the obfko' is again pounded in the mortar and sub-
sequently passed through a sieve (ishsho'Jia) , plate 9. The fine
particles that pass through the sieve are known as botu; the coarser
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 9
portion remaining in the sieve is called tonlache. Much of the botu
was parched and eaten mixed with water; but most of the coarser
tonlache was boiled either with or without meat. Corn is said to
have been extensively raised by the Choctaw during past years.
Beans and potatoes were also raised, but no other vegetables are
remembered.
Wild crab apples are gathered and dried on a frame arranged over
a bed of hot ashes and coals. This appears to be the only fruit that
is preserved in any manner and kept for future use. Many kinds of
haws and berries grow in great quantities in the vicinity of Bayou
Lacomb, but it is said they are never dried, being eaten only when
fresh.
Honoshe (rice) . — The Choctaw have a very simple method of pre-
paring rice. After being gathered and dried, it is pounded in a
wooden mortar (Mte), with a wooden pestle (ketoke), care being
taken not to crush the grain more than can be avoided. Next the
chaff is removed by shaking the grain up and down in a winnowing
basket (olfko'), the chaff falling into the large tapa. If all the
husks are not loosened during the first pounding, the grain is again
pounded in the mortar and later winnowed. It is then sifted to
remove the broken grains, and afterward washed and dried.
Game was formerly abundant throughout lower Louisiana and
venison and bear's meat were important articles of food, either fresh
or dried. The Choctaw method of preserving meat may be described
as follows : Thin strips were hung on sticks or spread over a frame,
or in the thick smoke from a fire on which green or wet wood had
been placed. Meat thus prepared during the cold months would
remain good throughout the following spring and summer. Large
quantities were formerly prepared in this way. Pork is now similarly
treated.
As they live where fish are abundant and easily caught, it is
remarkable that the Choctaw seldom, if ever, eat them. At times,
however, large trout and shrimp were dried in the sun for future use.
As before stated, a large area surrounding the mound near Chin-
chuba, and also in the vicinity of Pere Rouquette's last chapel, is
covered with the shells of the Rangia cuneata Gray, these clams having
been brought up the creek from the shore of Lake Pontchartrain.
That they constituted an important article of food is evident from the
vast quantity of shells found mixed with charcoal, broken pottery, and
many bones of turkey, deer, and other animals, none of which appear
to be very ancient, and which consequently must have been left by
the Choctaw. The women at Bayou Lacomb say, however, they
have never eaten clams, although the "old people" may have done
so. The present natives know of the accumulated mass of shells, and
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
as they are scattered over the site of one of their old settlements they
express the opinion that the shells must have been gathered by the
Choctaw ("the old people") who lived there.
Rex cassine. — This grows throughout the region and some speci-
mens were found near Bayou Lacomb, but the Choctaw have no
knowledge of a tea ever having been made of it. This is rather
remarkable as the plant was formerly so extensively used by the
Southern tribes.
DRESS AND PERSONAL DECORATION
HAIR
Men wore their hair long enough to enable them to make two
braids, one on each side of the head. In front the hair was cut
straight across, above the eyebrows. Women allowed their hair to
grow very long. Their ancient method of wearing it is shown in the
photograph of the old woman, Heleema (Louisa), plate 10.
PAINTING
Both men and women painted, especially when dressed for dancing.
The women remember having seen blue, red, yellow, and green used
on their faces. They say there were no special designs and that no
combination of colors had any meaning. One of the favorite pat-
terns, the only one they remember, was a yellow crescent, outlined
with blue, that was painted on both cheeks. This was used by both
men and women and represented a new moon in the dark blue sky.
TATTOOING
Tattooing (hanchahale) was practised by both men and women,
but only to a very limited extent. An old woman who died a few
years ago is said to have had lines of tattooing extending from the
corners of her mouth across both cheeks to her ears. According to
the writer's informants, no totemic devices were ever represented,
and tattooing was done only as a means of ornamenting the face. In
some cases the shoulders were tattooed, but no other part of the body.
The method of tattooing practised was as follows: A needle was
used to puncture the skin and soot caused by a fire of yellow pine
was rubbed over the surface. This was then wiped off and more
soot rubbed in, to make certain that all the punctures were filled.
The soot gave a bluish tinge to the dots. No other substance or
color was ever employed.
ORNAMENTS
Quantities of glass beads and much bright-colored ribbon are said
to have been obtained from the traders. The Choctaw are very
BUSHNELLJ THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 11
fond of bright and gaudy colors. Among the older men are remem-
bered several who were experts in the art of making silver ornaments.
One small pin is shown in plate 14; this was made from a silver
dime and the date 1856 still may be clearly read on the back. Larger
ornaments were made from larger coins. Pendant earrings were
also fashioned, having glass beads attached to the lower part. When
dancing, the men often wore strings of small brass bells around each
leg, below the knee. These bells were highly prized by the older
generation. Feathers do not seem to have been held in great esteem,
although they were worn.
ARTIFACTS
Comparatively few articles are now made by the Choctaw, much
of their ancient art having been forgotten. At the present time
they purchase the necessary tools and implements at the stores, and
other objects are no longer used.
The list which follows is believed to include all things of native
origin now made by the Choctaw at Bayou Lacomb :
WOOD
Mortars and pestles (see pp. 8, 9).
Scrapers, two forms of, used in preparing skins (see pp. 11, 12).
Drum (see p. 22).
Ball club (see p. 20).
Blowgun and darts (see p. 18).
Canoes (see p. 18).
STONE
Pieces of chert or jasper are sometimes used with a steel to " strike
fire."
LEATHER
Straps for carrying baskets.
Narrow strips used on the ball clubs.
Un tanned skins used for the heads of drums.
Long strips of tanned deer skin used as lashes for whips by the
drivers of ox teams employed in the lumber industry.
The Choctaw method of tanning is as follows:
(a) Skins to be tanned soft, without the hair. A hole is dug in the ground, its size
being determined by the number of skins to be prepared. The w.alls and bottom are
made smooth and water is poured in, which, on account of the nature of the clay and
sand formation, remains several hours. The skins are then put into the water, where
they are allowed to remain several hours, or sometimes during the night. A hole filled
with water, containing several skins, is shown beneath the ax handle in plate 11, a.
After the skin has become sufficiently soaked and softened, it is taken from the water
and spread over the end of a beam, as shown in plate 11, a. In this position the hair
is readily removed by the use of an instrument resembling a modern drawknife, and,
12 BtJKEAtJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
although a piece of metal is now used in the wooden handle, it is highly probable that
stone or bone was formerly employed for the same purpose.
The hair having been removed, the skin is placed in a mortar, or in a hole cut in a
log (see pi. 11, 6) which serves the purpose. Eggs and cornmeal mixed with a little
water are then poured over the skin, which is thoroughly beaten with a long wooden
pestle.
The skin is then taken from the mortar and wrung rather dry; a number of small
holes are cut around the edge and through these cords are passed, which serve to hold
the skin stretched between two upright posts, as shown in plate 12, a. While in this
position it is scraped and all particles of flesh are removed. The instrument now
employed consists of a piece of metal attached to a long wooden handle. A large bone
probably served as the primitive implement.
The skin remains stretched until dry, when it is, of course, rather stiff. To soften
it, the skin is pulled back and forth over the top of a stake driven into the ground,
which has been made smooth and round to prevent tearing the skin (see pi. 12, a, on
the right).
This process of tanning renders the skin soft and white. The Choctaw claim that it
is a very ancient method of preparing skins. Eggs of various kinds, they say, are used
with equally good results. The method described, including the use of corn and eggs,
may have been followed by all the Southern tribes.
Lawson,« in writing of the Indians of Carolina more than two centuries ago,
referred to their use of "young indian corn, beaten to a pulp," in the place of the
brains' of animals, in preparing skins. "Young indian corn" would probably have
about the same effect as the mixture of eggs and cornmeal.
If the skins are to be smoked, a process that renders them more durable, a hole a
foot or more in depth is dug in which a fire is kept until a bed of hot ashes accumulates.
On this are put pieces of rotten oak, no other wood being used for this purpose; these
are not permitted to blaze, as the more smoke that arises the better it is for the skins.
These, already tanned soft and white and perfectly dry, are stretched over the hole
and allowed to remain in the smoke an hour or more.
(&) Skins to be tanned soft, with the hair remaining. If the skin is dry and stiff
it is first softened with clear water, after which it is spread over a beam and scraped
on the inner surface to remove all flesh. The inside is then thoroughly rubbed with
a mixture of eggs, cornmeal, and water, great care being taken not to wet the outside,
or fur. When the skin is about dry, it is pulled and worked back and forth over the
top of a stake, as already explained, after which it remains soft.
POTTERY
Pipes (ashun'Tcwa) are still made and used by the Choctaw. Two
specimens fashioned by Ahojeobe (Emil John), plate 13, are shown in
plate 14. These are made of a white clay that outcrops in certain
places beneath the superstratum of yellow clay and sand along the
banks of the bayous. There is no tempering of sand or pulverized
shell, only the clay being used.
The clay is moistened and kneaded until the mass is uniformly
damp throughout. The pipe is then modeled and allowed to dry.
The incised decoration is added before the pipe is burned in a bed
of hot ashes and glowing coals. When thoroughly burned it turns
rather dark in color, whereupon it is removed from the fire and
immediately immersed in a bowl of grease, which is absorbed by the
a. The History of Carolina, London, 1714; reprint, 339, Raleigh, 1860.
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 13
clay and carbonized by the intense heat. This process causes the
pottery to turn black and also adds a certain luster to the surface.
Herein probably is to be found the explanation of the origin of the
rich black ware obtained from mounds and burials in Louisiana and
Mississippi.
The use of white clay by the Choctaw is in harmony with a state-
ment made by Lawson a concerning the Indians of Carolina, about
the year 1690: " Where they find a vein of white clay, fit for their
purpose, [they] make tobacco pipes."
The Choctaw have a strange superstitious belief in connection with
the making of pottery. They say that no person except the one
who is making the object should see it until after it has been removed
from the fire. If another person chances to look on an object while
it is being made or before it is burned, the Choctaw believe that it
will crack as soon as placed near the fire.
Pottery bowls are no longer made, although they are remembered
by the living Indians, who recall having seen bowls provided with
three small feet; consequently bowls must have been in use only a
short time ago.
HORN
Spoons are made by the Choctaw from cow horns
(wale lape'she sti'mpa; literally,
cow horn spoon) .
Two good examples are represented in plate 14.
In describing the manners and customs of the Choctaw, Adair6
alluded to "their wooden dishes, and spoons made of wood and
buffalo horn;" consequently the making of spoons is a continuation of
an ancient art.
BASKETS
The Choctaw are excellent basket makers, although their work at
the present time is greatly inferior to that of a generation ago. The
best baskets are made of narrow strips of cane, Arundinaria macro-
sperma (Choctaw, usJce), though now, at Bayou Lacomb, they are
using the stems of palmetto, Serrenoa serrulata (Choctaw, tola), as
cane is no longer found near-by, and to obtain it a journey has to be
made to Pearl river, some fifteen or twenty miles away.
The baskets now made, with few exceptions, are very crude and
rather poorly formed. Brilliant aniline dyes are used in the place
of the more subdued native colors. Large numbers of small baskets
provided with handles are made and exchanged in the stores of the
near-by towns for various goods; these are purchased by strangers
and taken away as examples of native art.
o The History of Carolina, London, 1714; reprint, 338, Raleigh, 1860.
b James Adair, History of the American Indians. . . 421, London, 1775.
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 4&
DYES
The only colors utilized by the Choctaw before they obtained
aniline dyes were yellow, red, and black. These, ^together with the
natural cane, gave them four colors to combine in their work.
The old Cherokee basket now in the British Museum, known to
have been obtained in Carolina in 1721, displays the same colors —
yellow, red, and a very dark brown, or black. It is evident that
these were the only colors used by the Southern Indians in their
basket work.
The Choctaw method of making the dye and coloring the material
is simple.
Yellow. — To make a yellow dye they gather a quantity of roots of
the Rumex crispus L. (yellow dock) , which when dry are reduced to
small pieces by pounding in a wooden mortar. The dye is then
extracted by boiling in water. The material to be dyed is placed in
• the infusion and allowed to boil until the desired color is obtained.
Red. — Equal parts of the bark of the Quercus texana (red oak) and
the Nyssa aquatica L. (black gum) are burned to a fine ash. Water
is then added to the ashes, forming a thick paste. The material
previously dyed yellow, as above described, is then placed in a vessel
and the ash paste poured over it. After a few hours the strong
alkali turns the yellow to a deep red. The intensity of the color
depends on the length of time the material remains in the ashes. If,
during the first process, the material is dyed dark orange, the appli-
cation of the paste causes it to turn reddish purple.
Black or dark brown. — At the present time the Choctaw of Bayou
Lacomb do not make a black or dark brown dye. They claim,
however, that the "old people" made such a dye from the bark of
a tree that grows in the north but not in this region, referring prob-
ably to the walnut.
In addition to the dyes enumerated above the Choctaw make and
use a red paint, but this is seldom applied to baskets. It is made thus :
Equal parts of the bark of the Quercus texana (red oak) and the Quercus
obtusiloba (post oak) and a smaller quantity of the bark of the Quercus
virens (live oak) are boiled together until the liquid begins to thicken.
The bark is then removed and the liquid is again boiled until still
thicker. Just before removing the mixture from the fire a small
piece of yellow pine pitch is added and, when melted, is thoroughly
mixed with the extract. The latter is then removed from the fire and
is ready for use. The drum (pi. 7) was decorated with paint of this
sort.
TYPES
Kishe' (pack basket), plates 15, 16. The bottom is rectangular; the
top flares on two sides. Extreme height, 21 inches. Made entirely
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 15
of natural colored cane, no dyes being used. The strap (aseta) passes
through four loops of the cane, as are shown in the illustration.
This particular basket was made at Bayou Lacomb about five years
ago by Pisatuntema (Emma), plate 17.
Taposhake shakapa (basket elbow [shape]). — A very old specimen
of this peculiar basket is shown in plate 18. This is made of cane,
some parts being colored yellow and red with native dyes.
Taposhake chufa (basket pointed). — A typical specimen is shown
in plate 18. This is claimed by the Choctaw to be one of the oldest
forms made by them.
Covered baskets. — These are no longer made, although they are
remembered by women as they were fashioned a generation ago.
Two examples are here shown: (a) Plate 19, a. This is a very large
double basket, formed of two distinct thicknesses of cane; the lower
part is 18 inches in height. The basket is rectangular in form. The
cover is about 5 inches in depth. The ornamentation is formed of
canes dyed red and yellow. The specimen is a rare example of
Choctaw basketry, (b) Plate 19, ~b. A very old basket of Choctaw make.
This is a double weave, made entirely of natural colored cane, no
dyes having been used. The dimensions are: Length, 8^ in.; width,
4 in. ; depth, 5 in.
Another form of basket, no longer made but formerly common,
was designed to hang on the wall. The basket proper was rectan-
gular or slightly oval in shape. One side extended 8 or 10 inches
above the other and was provided with a loop at the top, by means
of which the basket was suspended from a nail or peg.
The sieve, winnowing basket, and large flat basket, or tapa, are
described in the section treating of the preparation of food (pp. 8, 9) .
The Choctaw at Bayou Lacomb have no knowledge of mats ever
having been made or used in their tribe.
CORDS
Narrow strips of the bark of the cypress tree (Cupressus disticha;
Choctaw, sh,amgo'lo) serve as cords, which are employed for various
purposes. Spanish moss was never used to make ropes.
METAL
Ornaments, as pins, earrings, etc., were formerly made by ham-
mering silver coins until they became thin and then perforating them
in various designs.
SOCIAL CULTURE
It is interesting to know that many of the primitive beliefs and
customs of the people here dealt with have persisted to the present
day, notwithstanding the fact that the Choctaw have been in close
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
contact with Europeans for about two centuries, and under the di-
rect influence of Christian missionaries for several generations.
THE TRIBE
By the people of the tribe, or, more correctly, that portion of the
tribe now under consideration, they themselves are called the Chata'
ogla or the Chata' people or family. According to them, the first
word can not be translated as it is merely a proper name.
The great tribe is divided into many distinct subdivisions, each of
which has a special name. The oldest male member of each sub-
tribe, or subdivision, of the great tribe, was the recognized leader or
chief of that division or family. These leaders were the ones to be
consulted whenever advice was required, and, as will be seen later,
they played an important part in the marriage ceremony of the tribe.
The subdivisions of the tribe were numerous and no two members of
the same division (ogla) were allowed to marry.
The divisions known to have lived in this region are:
Kasha'pa ogla, or the Half people. — They lived at Bayou La-
comb and the remnant of the tribe now dwelling there belong to
this division. The name of the village was Butchu'wa.
Sliatje ogla, or the Crayfish people. — The home of this family was
near Chinchuba, some twelve miles west of Bayou Lacomb. Tosh-
kachito (pi. 20) is said to be the last member of the family.
Inhulata ogla, or the Prairie people. — This was considered the
largest and probably the most important division of the Choctaw
living in the region. Their principal settlement, Hatcha, was located
on Pearl river.
Other divisions, known by the people at Bayou Lacomb to have
lived in the country a short distance northward, are:
Tula'iksa' ogla, or Fall-in-bunches people.
Chufafiksaf ogla, or Bunches-of-flies people.
Shunkwane ogla, or Ant people.
Hanna'le ogla, or Six people.
Unfortunately the people at Bayou Lacomb know very little
respecting the tribal organization and customs.
BRIEF LIST OF WORDS USED BY THE CHOCTAW AT BAYOU LACOMB
arrow ino'ke
basket taposhdke
bayou kwahonoshe'
black losa
blowgun kaklu'mpa
blue ocha'kwa
bow tansheba'ta
cane uske
cat kdto
coon shafwe
corn tonche
cow wok
crayfish shatje
dart (for blowgun) shum&/nte
devil (evil spirit) nanapolo
dog ofe
drum tke'ba
eight ontuchina
BOSBHELL] THE CHOCTAW OP BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA
fire
lowak
five
takla'pe
four
hdshta'
god (good spirit)
aba
green
chamale'
gun
tanapo
half
kasha' pa
horn (cow's)
lape'she
hundred (one)
taleba chafa
knife
bashpo
lightning
mala'tha
long
falaya
magnolia
katlaha
mortar
kite
nine
chale
one
chafa
opossum
soTca'ta
palmetto
tola
pestle
Htoke
pipe
ashu^kwa
prairie
inhulata
red
huma
rice
honoshe
river
bogu
seven
ontogola
sieve
ishsho'ha
six
hanna/le
spoon
sti'mpa
strap (for basket)
aseta
sumac
bushucha
tattooing
hanchahale
ten
pokwole
three
tuche^na
thunder
heloha
tobacco
achumon
two
tuglo
water
okwa
white
tobe
winnowing basket
obfko'
yellow
lokwana
THE DIVISIONS OF THE YEAR
It is asserted by the women at Bayou Lacomb that the Choctaw
year was divided into twelve moons; but it is highly probable that
thirteen — not twelve — is correct. The native method of reckoning the
divisions of the year is no longer practised, nor do the present Choc-
taw remember the names of all the moons; they assert, however,
that the year begins in December instead of the first of January.
The only names they can recall are :
December Una' fa haslie, Cold moon.
February . . Hashe Icapo'sha, Moon of snow.
March Hash'mahale, Moon of wind.
April _ Tans liashe, Corn [planting] moon.
July Hash' luwak, Moon of fire.
The year is divided into two seasons, which in turn are subdivided,
making four seasons in all :
Spring -Tofaape.
Summer __ ^Tofalaspa.
Autumn . Unafa ape.
Winter _ _ Unafa Icapese.
BELIEFS CONCERNING ECLIPSES-
Eclipse of the sun, ashe oklelega ("sun dark or dirty"). The
Choctaw say that since the sun works every day he becomes dirty
and smoked from the great fire within. It is necessary therefore for
him to rest and clean himself, after doing which he shines the brighter.
During the eclipse he is removing the accumulated dirt.
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
A similar explanation applies to the dark of the moon, their term
being :
ninaatiukwa olclelega, Tcoshsholeje, or
moon dark or dirty, cleaning
BELIEFS CONCERNING THUNDER AND LIGHTNING
Thunder and lightning are to the Choctaw two great birds — Thun-
der (Heloha), the female; Lightning (Mala'fha), the male. When
they hear a great noise in the clouds, Heloha is laying an egg, "just
like a bird," in the cloud, which is her nest. When a tree is shattered
the result is said to have been caused by Mala'tha, the male, he
being the stronger; but when a tree is only slightly damaged, the
effect is attributed to Heloha, the weaker.
Great trouble or even war was supposed to follow the sight of a
comet.
TRANSPORTATION
Dugouts were employed on the creeks and bayous, but evidently
only to a small extent. The Creoles make dugouts at the present
time which they use on the streams of St. Tammany parish. These
are hollowed from single pieces of black gum; most of them measure
from 8 to 12 feet in length.
Many of the roads now used probably follow the courses of Indian
trails. A road leading from just west of Chine huba to Lake Pont-
chartrain is known as the " Indian road;" this passes within a few
feet of the mound described on page 3, and evidently follows the
trail that led from the settlement about the mound to the shore of
Lake Pontchartrain.
HUNTING AND FISHING
The primitive blowgun was used until recently in hunting squirrels,
rabbits, and various birds. Only one specimen was found at Bayou
Lacomb; this was said to have been made some ten years ago. The
man Toshkachito (Joe Silestine) is shown in plate 20 holding the
blowgun in position for shooting. The blowgun (kaklu'mpa) is about
7 feet in length; it is made of a single piece of cane (Arundinaria
macrosperma;ChoctsiW, uske) , formed into a tube by perforation of the
joints, which was given a smooth bore of uniform diameter through-
out. The darts (shuma'nte) are made of either small, slender canes
or pieces of hard yellow pine, sharpened at one end; they are from 15
to 18 inches in length. The lower end is wrapped for a distance of 4
or 5 inches with a narrow band of cloth having a frayed edge, or a
piece of soft tanned skin is used. The effect of this band is to
expand and fill the bore of the gun, a result that could not possibly be
secured by the use of feathers, as in .the case of ordinary arrows.
BTJSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OP BAYOU LACOMB,, LOUISIANA 19
Bows and arrows were formerly used, but for many generations the
Choctaw have been in possession of firearms obtained from the French,
the Spanish, and later from the Americans.
Curiously enough the people at Bayou Lacomb do not care for
fish or fishing, although quantities of excellent fish could be taken from
the bayous and from Lake Pontchartrain. The Choctaw say they
formerly had fish traps in the bayous, but seem not to remember how
they were constructed.
GAMES AND PASTIMES
The Choctaw appear to have had rather few games of chance.
Among those described to the writer is one that closely resembles the
moccasin game of the Algonquian and other widely separated tribes
in America. This is said to have been played by the "old people"
and is probably one of the oldest Choctaw games. It was described
thus:
Lake'lomi. — Twelve men were required in playing this game. They knelt or sat on
the ground in two rows, or "sides," facing each other, six players in each row. Seven
hats were placed on the ground in a line between the two rows of players.
The player who was to start the game and who was always at one end of his row held
in one hand a small stone or shot. With his other hand he raised all the hats in order,
placing under one of these the stone or shot; during the entire performance he sang a
particular song. After the stone or shot had been placed, the player sitting opposite
him guessed under which hat it lay. If he did not succeed in three guesses, the leader
removed the object and again hid it under either the same or another hat. Then the
second player on the opposite side had three guesses. If a player guessed under which
hat the object was hidden, he in turn became the leader.
Unfortunately, those who described the game could not recall how the points were
counted. They agreed, however, that the side having the greater number of points
made by the six players combined, won.
Another game of chance, one that seems to have been a favorite
and much played in this region, was —
Tanje boska, or corn game. — This was played, the writer was informed, with either
five or seven kernels of corn blackened on one side. Holding all the grains in one hand,
the players tossed them on the ground, each player having three throws. The
one making the greatest number of points in the aggregate, won. Each "black " turned
up counted 1 point; all "white" turned up counted either 5 or 7 points, accord-
ing to the number of kernels used. Any number of persons could play at the same
time, but usually there were only two.
Culin, who witnessed this game at Mandeville, some ten miles from Bayou Lacomb,
in 1901, described it as played with eight grains of corn;a hence it seems evident
that no regular number was employed. The count, as described by Culin, is also
somewhat different from that now followed at Bayou Lacomb. '
The ball game, played by many tribes throughout the country, was by far the most
important game of the Choctaw, but it has been described so often that mere mention
of it is all that is here required. For full information on the subject the reader is
referred to Doctor Culm's monograph, above cited, in which are brought together many
« Stewart Culin, Games of the North American Indians, in Twenty-fourth Annual Report of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, 146, 1907.
20 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
references and accounts of the game. A variation of the game as now played when
there are few players was witnessed by the writer at Bayou Lacomb in February,
1909. This was played in the following manner:
To'le. — The players were divided into two equal groups, or sides, which may be
designated A and B. Two stakes, each about 10 feet in height and only a few inches
in diameter, served as goals; these were about 200 feet apart. One-third of the A
players were on the B side of the field and one-third of the B players were near their
opponents' goal. One player belonging to each side remained in the middle of the
field. The ball was put in play by being thrown from one end of the field to the two
players in the middle. No rackets were used, the ball being caught in the hands and
thrown or held while the player endeavored to reach his opponents' goal. To score
a point a player was required to touch the goal post with the ball, or if the ball was
thrown and hit the post, the play likewise counted. The first side to score a chosen
number of points won the game. This game is seldom played, and the older game,
formerly played with rackets (kapocha), has not been played for several years.
During the hot months of the year a favorite pastime of the boys
and men consisted in trying to swim blindfolded a wide stream to a
certain point on the opposite bank. The first to reach the goal was
declared the winner.
Somewhat similar amusement participated in by the boys and
young men consisted in rolling down hills while wrapped and tied in
blankets or skins, the first to reach a certain line being the winner.
As there are few hills in the vicinity of Bayou Lacomb, they resorted
to the sloping banks of streams or bayous, but avoided the water.
At the present time both men and children play marbles, drawing
rings on the ground and following the child's game.
The children play also "tag" after the manner of white children.
Various other games and pastimes were undoubtedly known and
practised in former days, but these have been forgotten by the Choc-
taw of whom this paper treats. The game of cTiungJce may never
have been in vogue with them, although it was played extensively by
the main part of the Choctaw tribe.
The woman's game described by Captain Romans in 1775 a is not
known to them.
DANCES AND Music
The Choctaw living at Bayou Lacomb have one dance ceremony,
which is in reality a series of seven distinct dances, performed in rota-
tion and always in the same order. These dances are as follows:
i 1. Ndnena Hilda, (Man dance)
All lock arms and form a ring; all sing and the ring revolves rapidly. No one
remains in the ring.
2. Shatene hitkla (Tick dance)
The dancers lock arms and form in straight lines (pi. 21). First they move for-
ward two or three steps, then backward, but they gradually advance. When they
Stewart Culin, Games of the North American Indians, in Twenty-fourth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, 709, 1907.
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA
21
take the forward step they stamp with the right foot, as if crushing ticks on the
ground, at the same time looking down, supposedly at the doomed insects. During
the dance all sing with many repetitions the song here given, the words of which
have no special meaning.
^MN J r- -I*-T— ^-
; — f — ^ —
-f 0 —
' J I
Hai ya wa to ho ya le
hai ya wa
to ho
m * \
ya le
~>r • * —
— d 1 — 1 — I —
_J i
— 1 — *l 1
\(r) 1 ~ **'*'**
^ * S '
• ?--
& ^i j.1.1
hai ya wa to ho ya le ha
\ ya wa to ho
ya le 1
lai ya
3. Kwishco hitkla (Drunken-man dance)
Two lines facing each other are formed by the dancers, who lock arms. The lines
slowly approach, then move backward, and then again approach. All endeavor to
keep step, and during the dance all sing. The song, which is repeated many times,
is evidently a favorite with the Choctaw at Bayou Lacomb.
TfHlT— j^ -js — * •
?HS± •
-f— J-^-^-:^
— i 1 1
b " * :
Yu wa le lie
yu wa le he yu
(s -N 1 H—
— ^ 1
wa le he
•II
yu wa le he yu wa le he
4. Tinsanale hitkla
-J «! — 4J
yu wa
In this dance two persons, facing, clasp each other's hands. Many couples in this
position form a ring. One man remains in the center to keep time for the singing and
the circle of dancers revolves around him. The Indians say many persons are required
in order to perform this dance properly .
5. Fuchuse hitkla (Duck dance)
Partners are required in this dance also; they form two lines, facing. The peculiar
feature is that two partners pass under the arms of another couple, as shown in plate
21. The dancers endeavor to imitate the motion of a duck in walking, hence the
name of the dance.
6. Hitkla Falama (Dance Go-and-come)
All lock arms and the line moves sideways, first in one direction, then in the oppo-
site, but never backward or forward. If there are too many dancers for a single
line, additional lines are formed. All taking part sing the particular song for this
dance.
7. Siente hitkla (Snake dance)
Of the seven dances this appears to have been the great favorite as it was also the last.
The dancers form in a single line, either grasping hands or each holding on to the
shoulder of the dancer immediately in front. First come the men, then the women,
and lastly the boys and girls, if any are to dance. The first man in the line is naturally
the leader; he moves along in a serpentine course, all following. Gradually he leads
the dancers around and around until finally the line becomes coiled, in form resembling
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
a snake. Soon the coil becomes so close it is impossible to move farther; thereupon
the participants release their hold on one another and cease dancing. As will be
seen, the song belonging to this dance is very simple, but it is repeated many, many
times, being sung during the entire time consumed by the dance, said to be an hour
or more. This dance is shown in plate 22. The snake dance closed the ceremony.
fe^S^^^S^ESEifl
p 0 ^— *-• * • €—±-*- 0 J JULJJ
Ta yo we ha ta yo we ha ta yo we ha ta yo we ha
The Bayou Lacomb Choctaw always danced at night, never during
daylight hours, the snake * dance, the last of the seven, ending at
dawn. This agrees with the statement made by Bossu just one and
a half centuries ago that "nearly all the gatherings of the Chactas
take place at night. "a
Neither the men nor the women of this branch of the tribe appear
to know of any special dances, although it is highly probable that in
former years distinct ceremonies were enacted on particular occasions.
Until a few years ago there were several hundred Choctaw living
in the vicinity of Bayou Lacomb within a radius of a few miles.
Their dance ground was in the pine woods a short distance north of
the place where the few remaining members of the tribe now dwell.
There they would gather and with many fires blazing would dance
throughout the night. No whites ever were permitted to witness
the dance. It is said that if the Indians suspected a white man was
watching . them they would extinguish the fires at once and remain
in darkness. During the dances one man acted as leader. He held
two short sticks, hitting one on the other to keep time for the singing,
as shown in plate 21.
The only musical instrument known to the Choctaw of Bayou
Lacomb is the drum (ihe'ba), a good example of which is repre-
sented in plate 7. This is 30 inches in height and 15 inches in diam-
eter. It is made of a section of a black gum tree; the cylinder
wall is less than 2 inches in thickness. The head consists of a piece of
untanned goat skin. The skin is stretched over the open end, while
wet and pliable, and is passed around a hoop made of hickory about half
an inch thick. A similar hoop is placed above the first. To the second
hoop are attached four narrow strips of rawhide, each of which is
fastened to a peg passing diagonally through the wall of the drum.
To tighten the head of the drum it is necessary merely to drive the
peg farther in. In this respect, as well as in general form, the drum
resembles a specimen from Virginia in the British Museum,6 as well
as the drum even now used on the west coast of Africa. It is not
possible to say whether this instrument is a purely American form or
whether it shows the influence of the negro.
a Nouveaux voyages aux Indes occidentales, n, 104, Paris, 1768 [written in 1759].
t> The Sloane Collection in the British Museum, American Anthropologist, n. s., vni, no. 4, 671-685, 1906.
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 23
MEDICINAL PLANTS AND TREATMENT
The Choctaw make use of a large variety of plants in the treatment
of various ailments and exhibit a wide knowledge of the flora of the
region. The plants enumerated in the following lista were all col-
lected in the vicinity of Bayou Lacomb between January 1 and
April 15. It is highly probable that a larger number could be
obtained later in the year.
PLANTS
1. Beshu'kchenokle (Smilax tamnoides).— The stems are boiled and the extract is
taken as a general tonic.
2. Chilo'pintoMt (Erythrina herbacea), spirit beans. — The leaves are boiled in water.
The liquid is strained off and again boiled. The extract is taken as a general tonic.
3. Chinchuba (Aseyrum crux andrese), alligator. — The leaves are boiled in water and
the liquid is used to bathe sore eyes. The root is boiled and the extract is employed
as a remedy for colic.
4. Klotchowachokama (Obolaria virginica). — The roots are boiled in water and the
liquid is used to bathe cuts, or this decoction is mixed with the scum that rises to the
surface when the root of Liquidambar styradflua is boiled in water. This decoction is
highly esteemed as a dressing for severe cuts and bruises.
5. Ete hesha kaklahashe (Populusangulata), "tree leaf noisy." — The stems, bark, and
leaves are boiled together and the steam is allowed to pass over wounds caused by bites
of snakes.
6. Hataks pone nepakwibe (Chionan thus virginica), old man's beard. — The bark is
boiled in water and the extract is used to bathe wounds; or the bark is beaten, and if
necessary, a small quantity of water is added, the resultant mixture being used to
make poultices or dressings for cuts or severe bruises.
7. Hekania (Liquidambar styraciflua).— The roots are boiled in water and the scum
is removed and mixed with water in which roots of Obolaria virignica have been
boiled. The mixture is used as a dressing for cuts and wounds.
8. Hichi (Arisaema quinatum). — The root is boiled in water and the extract is taken
"to make blood."
9. Hohshish okwa stikbe ishkwo (Verbesina virginica), "robt water put in drink." —
The root is pounded and is then soaked in water a few hours, but is not boiled. The
extract is drunk during attacks of fever.
10. Hungwekilo (Myrica cerifera). — The leaves and stems are boiled in water and
the liquid is drunk during attacks of fever.
11. Hoshukome (Rumex- verticillatus). — A large quantity of leaves is boiled in
water. A person bathes in the liquid four times, once each day for four days in
succession, to prevent smallpox.
12. Hoshukkosona (Pluchea foetida), "grass strong smell." — The leaves are boiled
in water and the extract is taken during attacks of fever.
13. Ishunaignone (Saururus cernuus), "guts not ripe." — The roots are boiled and
mashed and applied as poultices to wounds.
14. Kafe ashish (Laurus sassafras). — The roots are boiled in water and the extract is
drunk "to thin the blood."
15. Katlaha (Magnolia grandiflora). — The bark is boiled in water and the liquid is.
used to bathe the body to lessen or prevent itching due to prickly heat.
a The writer is indebted to Mr. R. S. Cocks, professor of botany in Tulane University, for assistance
in the identification of various plants mentioned in this paper.
7840— Bull. 48—09 3
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
16. Napopokpoke (Gnaphalium polycephalum). — The leaves and blossoms are
boiled in water and the extract is taken for colds or for pains in the lungs.
17. Neta pisa (Yucca aloifolia), "bear see." — The root is boiled in water and then
mashed and mixed with grease or tallow; the mixture is used as a salve for various
purposes.
18. Nashoba impisa (Chrysopsis graminea), "wolf see." — The entire plant is dried
and then burnt; the ashes are used as a powder to cure sores in the mouth.
19. Nottm pisa (Cephalanthus occidentalis), "teeth see." — The bark is boiled in
water and the extract used to bathe sore eyes; also, the bark is chewed to relieve
toothache.
20. Kwonokasha ipsa (Polygala lutea). — The blossoms are dried and mixed with a
small quantity of hot water to make poultices for swellings.
21. Shinuktelele (Pycnanthemum albescens). — The leaves are boiled in water and
the liquid is drunk very hot, to cause sweating as a relief for severe colds.
22. Shoklapa (Callicarpa americana). — The roots and berries are boiled in water
and the extract is taken as a remedy for colic.
23. Taklaha (Pinus mitis). — The buds are soaked in cold water but are not boiled.
The extract is drunk as a remedy for worms.
24. Tauchima hobok (Ceanothus var.). — The roots are boiled in water. The extract
is taken in small doses for hemorrhage from the lungs.
25. Tiadksds shuwa (Aristolochia serpentaria), "pine smell." — The root is soaked in
water, not boiled. The extract is drunk to relieve pains in the stomach.
It is rather curious that although the witch hazel (Hamamelis mrginica) is plentiful
in the region, the Choctaw appear not to have made use of it. Leaves of the hickory
(Juglans squamosa; Choctaw, okesok) are scattered about to drive away fleas.
FORMS OF TREATMENT
The Choctaw treat boils and ulcers with applications of salve made
of pine pitch mixed with grease or tallow. This salve is applied also
to wounds caused by splinters and thorns. Severe or deep cuts are
filled with sugar and bandaged tightly.
Various remedies are employed for snake bites :
(a) Smoke from strong tobacco is blown into the wound.
(b) The bitten limb is inserted into a hole in the ground dug for
the purpose, which is then filled with earth and water. The limb is
allowed to remain thus, in thoroughly saturated earth, for several
hours.
(c) A quantity of the leaves and bark of the Carolina poplar
(Populus angulata) is boiled in water; the vessel is then covered and
the steam is caused to pass over the wound.
The Choctaw believe in sweating as a cure for certain diseases, but
have no recollection of ever having seen a primitive sweat house.
They merely wrap themselves in several blankets and drink a quan-
tity of hot liquid.
These Indians seem to be very susceptible to cold and to changes of
temperature.
As a remedy for severe pains in the stomach or rheumatic pains
these Choctaw believe in the efficacy of a strong counter irritant.
Their treatment consists in pressing into the flesh above the seat of
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 25
the pain a piece of cotton or similar substance, about the size of a
small pea, which is burned in that position. It is said that many of
the older Choctaw bore numerous scars as a result of the frequent
use of this treatment.
For broken bones in the arms or legs splints and bandages are
employed, the injured member remaining wrapped until the bone
unites.
CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS
Until a very few years ago no Choctaw could be brought legally
before a court in Louisiana to answer for any crime, even murder,
provided such crime was perpetrated against another member of the
tribe.
Murder was the one great crime recognized by the Choctaw, and
the life of the murderer was invariably claimed by the friends or rela-
tives of the victim. It is said that murderers seldom attempted to
escape, holding it a duty to their families to receive the punishment
of death. To attempt to escape was regarded as a cowardly act,
which reflected on every member of the family. If, however, a mur-
derer did succeed in escaping, another member of the family usually
was required to die in his stead.
The following account of a native execution, the last to occur
according to tribal custom, was related by the two women at Bayou
Lacomb. This event occurred some thirty years ago at a place not
far from Abita Springs:
One night two men who were really friends, not enemies, were dancing and drink-
ing with many others, when they suddenly began quarreling and fighting; finally one
was killed by the other. The following day, after the murderer had recovered from
the effects of the whisky, he realized what he had done, and knowing he would have
to die, he went to the relatives of the murdered man and told them he was ready to
meet his doom, but asked that he be allowed to remain with them about two weeks
longer, as he did not want to miss a dance to be held within that time. To this they
consented, and during the following days he was given many small presents, as pieces
of ribbon, beads, and tobacco. He was treated by everyone, by old and young alike,
with the greatest respect and kindness; all endeavored to make his last days enjoy-
able. At last came the event on account of which his life had been prolonged, and
for three days and nights all sang and danced. The next day, just at noon, when the
sun was directly overhead, was the time fixed for the execution. Shortly before that
time his friends and relatives gathered at his house, where he joined them. All then
proceeded to the cemetery, for the execution was to take place on the edge of the
grave that he himself had helped to dig, in a spot he had selected. The murderer
stood erect at one end of the grave, and with his own hands parted his shirt over his
heart. Four of his male friends stood near with their hands on his-shoulders and legs,
to keep his body erect after death. His female relatives were on each side, and all
were singing loudly. Soon he announced that he was ready. A relative of the mur-
dered man advanced and pressing the muzzle of a rifle against the murderer's chest,
fired.
As provided for, the body was held in an upright position and immediately a piece
of cloth was inserted into the wound to stop the flow of blood. Late that afternoon
the remains were placed in the grave, which was filled with earth without ceremony.
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
Thieves apprehended with the stolen property in their possession
were forced to return it. If they could not produce the property,
either they or their families were compelled to return goods of equal
value.
The Choctaw bear a good reputation among the people of the sur-
rounding country for honesty and truthfulness. They regard lying
as a crime and they have no respect for a person whom they can not
believe. Bossu, writing in 1759, said of the Choctaw:
Although they are wild and ferocious, you must gain their confidence, and be very
careful to keep your word after having promised them anything, otherwise they treat
you with the greatest contempt.
The Choctaw appear to be quiet and peaceable people, and even
now the few remaining at Bayou Lacomb often refer to the fact that
their tribe never took up arms against the Americans.
MARRIAGE CEREMONY
The marriage ceremony as performed until a few years ago, at a
time when there were many Choctaw living in the region, was thus
described by the women at Bayou Lacomb.
When a man decided he wanted to marry a certain girl he confided
in his mother, or "if she was not living, in his nearest female relative.
It was then necessary for her to talk with the mother or the nearest
living relative of the girl, and if the two women agreed, they in turn
visited the chiefs or heads of the two ogla, or families, to get their
consent to the union. As a man was not allowed to marry a girl who
belonged to his ogla, often the women were obliged to make a long
journey before seeing the two chiefs, whose villages were frequently
a considerable distance apart.
After all necessary arrangements had been made, a day was fixed
for the ceremony. Many of the man's friends and relatives accom-
panied him to the girl's village, where they seem to have had what
may be termed " headquarters " of their own. As the time for the
ceremony drew near, the woman with her friends was seen some
distance away. The man and his party approached and he endeav-
ored to catch the girl. Then ensued much sham fighting and wrest-
ling between the two parties, and the girl ran about apparently
endeavoring to escape, but she was finally caught by the man and
his relatives and friends.
Then all proceeded to the place where the feast had been prepared,
to which both parties had contributed. Off to one side, four seats
had been arranged in a row; usually a log covered with skins served
the purpose. The man and girl then took the middle seats and on the
ends sat the two male heads or chiefs of their respective ogla. Certain
questions were then asked by the chiefs, and if all answers were satis-
factory, the man and girl agreed to live together as man and wife and
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 27
were permitted to do so. This closed the ceremony and then the
feasting and dancing began.
The man continued to live in his wife's village and their children
belonged to her ogla.
By mutual agreement the two parties could separate and, in the
event of so doing, were at liberty to marry again. The man usually
returned to his own village, taking all his property with him.
If a man died in his wife's village, even though he left children,
his brothers or other members of his ogla immediately took posses-
sion of all his property and carried it back to his native village. His
children, being looked on as members of another ogla, since they
belonged to their mother's family, were not considered as entitled to
any of this property.
DEATH AND BURIAL
There appears to have been very little lamenting or mourning on
the occasion of a death or a burial. The body was borne to the grave
and the interment took place without a ceremony of any sort. In
the event of the death of a man of great importance, however, the
body was allowed to remain in state for a day before burial. During
that time it was decorated with various ornaments and garments, but
these were removed before interment. Such objects are said to have
been preserved and handed down from one generation to the next,
and used whenever required.
Usually a hunter's gun was placed in the grave with the body.
MOURNING
The period of mourning varied with the age of the deceased. For
a child or young person it was about three months, but for an older
person, as one's mother or father, from six months to one year.
The women cut their hair and " cried" at certain times near the
grave.
When a person desired to cease mourning he stuck into the ground
so as to form a triangle three pieces of wood, each several feet in
length, about one foot apart. The tops of these sticks were drawn
together and tied with a piece of bright-colored cloth or ribbon.
This object was placed near the door or entrance of the lodge and
indicated to all that the occupant desired to cease mourning.
During the next three days the mourners cried or wailed three
times each day — at sunrise, at noon, and at sunset. While wailing
they wrapped blankets around their heads and sat or knelt upon the
ground. During these three days the friends of the mourners
gathered and began dancing and feasting. At the expiration of the
time they ceased weeping and joined in the festivities, which con-
tinued another day.
28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
RELIGION
As the Choctaw dealt with in this paper have been under the
influence of the Roman Catholic Church for many years, it is not
surprising that they have modified some of their primitive beliefs
regarding the future state. But even in spite of Christian teaching
many of their ancient ideas have persisted.
From 1845 until his death in 1887 Pere Adrian Rouquette lived
among the Choctaw, the greater part of his time being spent at either
Bayou Lacomb or Chinchuba, although the first of his three chapels
was near Bonfouca, some eight miles east of Bayou Lacomb. By
the Choctaw Pere Rouquette was known as Chataima, literally
"Choctaw-like," from his fancied resemblance to a Choctaw. His
hair, which was dark and straight, was worn long, his eyes were dark
and piercing, and the natural swarthiness of his complexion was
increased by constant exposure to sun and wind. The two women,
Emma and Louisa, now living at Bayou Lacomb, when children
were baptized by Pere Rouquette, and the former was one of the
Choctaw who followed his body through the streets of New Orleans
and carried wreaths made by the Sisters at Chinchuba.
It is evident that, before the coming of Pere Rouquette, the Choc-
taw did not agree even among themselves regarding the future state.
Some held to the belief that with death all existence ceases. They
seem to have had a vague idea of a spirit in the body, but when the
spirit died, then man, or rather the body, ceases to move. Others,
who are said to have constituted the predominating element in the
tribe, had a radically different conception of man's future state.
These believed in the existence of two spirits — Aba being "the good
spirit above" and Nanapolo "the bad spirit." While they insisted
that a spirit abides in every Choctaw, still they were of the opinion
that all spirits do not leave the earth after death, as explained by
the peculiar belief set forth below.
Persons dying by violent deaths involving loss of blood, even a few
drops, do not pass to the home of Aba (heaven), regardless of the
character of their earthly lives, or their rank in the tribe. At night
spirits are wont to travel along the trails and roads used by living men
and thus avoid meeting the bad spirit, Nanapolo, whose wanderings
are confined to the dark and unfrequented paths of the forest. The
spirits of men like the country traversed and occupied by living men,
and that is why SJiilup, the ghost, is often seen moving among the
trees or following persons after sunset.
The spirits of all persons not meeting violent deaths, with the excep-
tion of those only who murder or attempt to murder their fellow
Choctaw, go to the home of Aba. There it is always spring, with
sunshine and flowers; there are birds and fruit and game in abun-
dance. There the Choctaw ever sing and dance, and trouble is not
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 29
known. All who enter this paradise become equally virtuous with-
out regard to their state while on earth.
The unhappy spirits who fail to reach the home of Aba remain
on earth in the vicinity of the places where they have died. But
Nanapolo, the bad spirit, is never able to gain possession of the spirit
of a Choctaw.
DREAMS
The Choctaw hold that it is possible for the " spirit" to leave the
body even during life, and by that belief explain dreams thus:
At night when a person is resting and all is quiet the " spirit" steals
away from the body and wanders about the country, seeing many
people and things, which are known to the individual when he awakes.
If, during its wanderings, the spirit meets large animals of any sort,
the person will surely suffer misfortune before many days have passed.
WITCHCRAFT
Witchcraft (JiolkJcunda) was practised by many persons, both men
and women. It was never definitely known whether a person pos-
sessed the power to bewitch or when one was making use of it. Old
people of both sexes, however, were most often suspected of possess-
ing this power. The manner of exerting this evil influence against
others was believed to be after this fashion: Those having proper
knowledge could remove at night their viscera, thus reducing their
weight to so great an extent that they could fly through the air to
the individual they wished to harm. Accompanying them always
were several spirits, otherwise resembling men, but no larger than a
man's thumb. On reaching the person against whom the spell was
to be directed the witch would stop and point toward him, whereupon
one of the little spirits would go noiselessly and touch him, afterward
remaining and doing a great deal of mischief about the place. The
spirit was able to pass with ease through cracks, and thus to reach
places not accessible to a larger being. After directing the little
spirit, which was left to continue its work, the wizard would fly back
to his village or house and again assume his natural condition. Such
is the belief of the Choctaw even at the present day.
It is said by these Indians that no herbs were ever added to the food
of individuals to cause illness or misfortune. They do not appear to
have followed practices similar to those involved in the voodooism of
the negroes of Louisiana.
MYTHS AND LEGENDS
All the myths and legends recorded on the following pages a are
evidently of purely native conception, showing no trace of Euro-
pean influence. According to their own statements the greater part
a Related to the writer by two women, Pisatuntema (Emma) and Heleema (Louisa), and a man John,
at Bayou Lacomb.
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
of the folklore of the Choctaw is preserved in the form of songs, of
which they have (so they say) a great many, adapted to various
occasions.
CREATION MYTH a
Many generations ago Aba, the good spirit above, created many men, all Choctaw,
who spoke the language of the Choctaw, and understood one another. These came
from the bosom of the earth, being formed of yellow clay, and no men had ever lived
before them. One day all came together and, looking upward, wondered what the
clouds and the blue expanse above might be. They continued to wonder and talk
among themselves and at last determined to endeavor to reach the sky. So they
brought many rocks and began building a mound that was to have touched the
heavens. That night, however, the wind blew strong from above and the rocks fell
from the mound. The second morning they again began work on the mound, but
as the men slept that night the rocks were again scattered by the winds. Once more,
on the third morning, the builders set to their task. But once more, as the men lay
near the mound that night, wrapped in slumber, the winds came with so great force
that the rocks were hurled down on them.
The men were not killed, but when daylight came and they made their way from
beneath the rocks and began to speak to one another, all were astounded as well as
alarmed — they spoke various languages and could not understand one another. Some
continued thenceforward to speak the original tongue, the language of the Choctaw,
and from these sprung the Choctaw tribe. The others, who could not understand this
language, began to fight among themselves. Finally they separated. The Choctaw
remained the original people; the others scattered, some going north, some east, and
others west, and formed various tribes. This explains why there are so many tribes
throughout the country at the present time.
KWANOKA'SHA 6
Kwanoka'sha is the name of a little spirit — a man, but no larger than a child two or
three years of age. His home is in a cave under large rocks, in a rough, broken part of
the country.
Now, when a child is two or three or even four years old, it is often sick, and then
runs away from its home and goes among the trees. When the little one is well out
of sight of home Kwanoka'sha, who is on the watch, seizes it and leads it away to his
dwelling place. In many instances they have to travel a considerable distance
through the country. When Kwanoka'sha and the child enter the spirit's home they
are met by three other spirits, all very old, with white hair. Approaching the child
the first offers it a knife; the second a bunch of herbs, all poisonous; the third a bunch
of herbs yielding good medicine. Now, if the child accepts the knife he is certain to
become a bad man, and may even kill his friends. If he takes the bunch of poisonous
herbs he will never be able to cure or otherwise help others; but if he waits and accepts
the good herbs, then he is destined to become a great doctor and an important and
influential man of his tribe, and to have the confidence of all his people. In this event
Kwanoka'sha and the three old spirits tell him how to make use of the herbs — the
secrets of making medicines of the roots and leaves and of curing and treating various
fevers and pains.
aversion related by Pisatuntema (Emma) at Bayou Lacomb, April 15, 1909.
b This legend, as related to the writer by Ahojeobe (Emil John), is given by the Choctaw as explain-
ing why some men do good and help others, while many are ignorant and harm those whom they
should assist. The existence of a "spirit" such as Kwanoka'sha was evidently believed firmly by all, as
it is by the few now living at Bayou Lacomb.
TIIK CIIOCTAW ( ) F HAVOC LACOMB, LOVISIANA 31
The child remains with the spirits three days, after which he returns to his home,
but does not tell where he has been or what he has seen and heard. Not until the child
has become a man will he make use of the knowledge gained from the spirits; but never
will he reveal to others how it was acquired.
The Choctaw say that few children wait to accept the offering of the good herbs
from the third spirit, and hence there are comparatively few great doctors and other
men of influence among them.
KASHEHOTAPALO a
Kashehotapalo is neither man nor beast. His head is small and his face shriveled
and evil to look upon; his body is that of a man. His legs and feet are those of a
deer, the former being covered with hair and the latter having cloven hoofs. He
lives in low, swampy places, away from the habitations of men. When hunters go
near his abiding place, he quietly slips up behind them and calls loudly, then turns
and runs swiftly away. He never attempts to harm the hunters, but delights in
frightening them. The sound uttered by Kashehotapalo resembles the cry of a
woman, and that is the reason for his name (kasheho, "woman;" tapalo, "call").
OKWA NAHOLO
The Okwa naholo ("White People of the Water") dwell in deep pools in rivers and
bayous. There is said to be such a place in the Abita river; the pool is clear and cold
and it is easy to see far down into the depths, but the surrounding water of the river
is dark and muddy. Many of the Okwa naholo live in this pool, which is known to all
the Choctaw.
As their name signifies, the Okwa naholo resemble white people more than they do
Choctaw; their skin is rather light in color, resembling the skin of a trout.
When the Choctaw swim in the Abita near the pool, the Okwa naholo attempt to
seize them and to draw them down into the pool to their home, & where they live and
become Okwa naholo. After the third day their skin begins to change and soon
resembles the skin of a trout. They learn to live, eat, and swim in the same way
as fish.
Whenever the friends of a person who has become one of the Okwa naholo gather
on the river bank near the pool and sing, he often rises to the surface and talks with
them, sometimes even joining in the singing. But after living in the pool three days
the newly made Okwa naholo can not leave it for any length of time; if they should
go out of the water they would die after the manner of fish, for they can not live in
the air.
a This myth was told by Ahojeobc at Bayou Lacomb in March, 1909, and he assured the writer that
only a few days before one of the boys, while hunting in a swamp not far from the bayou, had been
frightened by Kashehotapalo, whom he saw distinctly, and that he immediately ran home and related
his experience.
The great similarity between the subject of this myth and the Faun of Latin mythology- at first
glance would lead one to suspect that the conception had been acquired by the Choctaw after their con-
tact with Europeans. But such does not appear to have been its origin with the tribe. So firmly con-
vinced are they that such a "spirit" exists that it is probable the tradition has been handed down through
many generations.
b Heleema (Louisa), one of the women living at Bayou Lacomb, claims that when a child, some forty
years ago, she had an experience with the Okwa naholo. She related it with the greatest sincerity. One
summer day, when she was seven or eight years of age, she was swimming in the Abita with many other
Choctaw children. She was a short distance away from the others when suddenly she felt the Okwa naholo
drawing her down. The water seemed to rise about her and she was struggling and endeavoring to free
herself when some of her friends, realizing her danger and the cause of it, went to her assistance and, seizing
her by the hair, drew her to the shore. Never again did the children go swimming near the pool where
this incident occurred.
32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
WHY 'POSSUM HAS A LARGE MOUTH
It had been a dry season and there was very little food for Deer, consequently he
had become thin and rather weak. One day Deer met 'Possum and exclaimed:
"Why! 'Possum, how very fat you are. How do you keep so fat when I can not find
enough to eat?" And 'Possum, answered, "I live on persimmons, and as they are
unusually large this year, I have all I want to eat." "But how do you get persim-
mons, which grow so high above the ground?" "That is very easily done," replied
'Possum. "I go to the top of a high hill and, running swiftly down, strike a persim-
mon tree so hard with my head that all the ripe persimmons fall to the ground. Then
I sit there and eat and eat until I can not hold more." "Indeed, that is easily done,"
answered Deer; "now watch me."
So 'Possum waited near the tree while Deer went to the top of a near-by hill. And
when Deer reached the top of the hill, he turned and then ran quickly down, striking
the tree with so great force that he was killed and all his bones were broken.
When 'Possum saw what Deer had done, he laughed so hard that he stretched his
mouth, which remains large even to this day.
THE HUNTER WHO BECAME A DEER
One night a hunter killed a doe and soon afterward fell asleep near the carcass.
The next morning, just at sunrise, the hunter was surprised and startled to see the
doe raise her head and to hear her speak, asking him to go with her to her home. At
first he was so surprised that he did not know what to reply, so the doe again asked
him whether he would go. Then the hunter said that he would go with her, although
he had no idea where she would lead him. So they started and the doe led the hunter
through forests and over high mountains, until at last they reached a large hole under
a rock, which they entered. Here the hunter was led before the King of all the deer,
an immense buck, with huge antlers and a large black spot on his back. Soon the
hunter became drowsy and finally he fell asleep. Now all around the cave were
piles of deer's feet, antlers, and skins. While the hunter was asleep the deer endeav-
ored to fit to his hands and feet deer's feet which they selected for the purpose.
After several unsuccessful attempts the fourth set proved to be just the right size and
were fastened firmly on the hunter's hands and feet. Then a skin was found that
covered him properly, and finally antlers were fitted to his head. And then the
hunter became a deer and walked on four feet after the manner of deer.
Many days passed, and the hunter's mother and all his friends thought he had been
killed. One day when they were in the forest they found his bow and arrows
hanging on a branch of the tree beneath which he had slept beside the body of the
doe. All gathered around the spot and began singing, when suddenly they saw a
herd of deer bounding toward them through the forest. The deer then circled about
the singers. One large buck approached closer than the others, and the singers, rush-
ing forward, caught it. To the great astonishment of all it spoke, whereupon they
recognized the voice of the lost hunter. Greatly distressed, the hunter's mother
begged her companions to remove from her son the deer skin and antlers and feet, but
they told her he would certainly die if they should do so. She insisted, however,
saying she would rather bury her son than to have him remain a deer. So her friends
began tearing away the skin, which already had grown to the hunter's body, and, as
they continued their efforts to remove it, the blood began to flow. Finally the hunter
died. Then his body was taken back to the village and was buried with the cere-
mony of a great dance.
THE HUNTER AND THE ALLIGATOR
One winter there were many hunters living in a village, all of whom, with one excep-
tion, had killed a great many deer. But one had met with very poor luck, and although
he often succeeded in getting close to deer, just ready to draw his bow on them, they
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 33
always contrived to escape unharmed. He had been away from his village three
days, and during that time had seen many deer, but had not been able to kill a single
one. On the third day, when the sun was overhead, the hunter saw a huge alligator
resting on a dry, sandy spot.
This alligator had been without water for many days, and was dry and shriveled
and so weak that he could scarcely speak. He was able, however, to ask the hunter
where water could be had. The hunter replied, "In that forest, only a short journey
hence, is a clear, deep pool of cold water." "But I can not travel alone; I am too
weak to go so far. Come nearer that we may talk and plan. I can not harm you;
have no fear, " said the alligator.
At last the hunter went nearer and listened to the alligator, who said: "I know you
are a hunter, but all the deer escape from you. Now, carry me to the water and I
will then make you a great hunter and tell you how to kill many, many deer. " The
hunter hesitated, as he feared the alligator, and then he said: "I will carry you, but
not unless I may bind your legs so you can not scratch, and your mouth so you can not
bite me. " The alligator rolled over on his back and held up his legs, saying, "I am
helpless; bind me and do with me as you will. "
Then the hunter bound with a cord the alligator's legs and mouth. Then he lifted
the animal to his shoulder and carried him to the water. When they reached the pool
the hunter loosened the cords and the alligator plunged into the water. It went down,
then returned to the surface three times, then went down again and remained a long
time. At last he rose again to the surface and spoke to the hunter, saying: "You
brought me to the water; now listen, and if you do as I counsel you will become a
great hunter. Take your bow and arrows and go into the woods. You will first meet
a small doe, but do not kill it. Next you will meet a large doe, but you must not
shoot this one, either. Then you will see a small buck, but this likewise must be
spared. Lastly you will encounter a very large, old buck. Go very close to it and kill
it, and ever afterward you will be able to kill many deer."
The hunter did as the alligator told him, and never again was without venison in
his camp.
HOKLONOTE'SHE
A man away from his village on a hunting trip had killed many deer and bears.
One night he made a large fire of oak and soon was sleeping soundly, but before long
he was aroused by the cry of an owl, and, looking up, he saw a huge owl standing
over the fire. Then the hunter thought to himself, "What am I to do?" Thereupon
the owl said to him, "So you wonder what you are to do," and repeated every thought
the hunter had.
The owl was really Hoklonote'she, a bad spirit that can read men's thoughts,and
readily assumes the forms of various birds and animals.
After the owl had stood there some time, repeating whatever thoughts were in the
hunter's mind, the latter suddenly jumped up and vigorously stirred the fire, causing
the oak logs to send up a myriad of sparks that fell on the feathers of the owl and
burned them. So badly frightened was Hoklonote'she that he flew away in haste, and
never again troubled the hunter.
THE GIRL AND THE DEVIL
A young Choctaw girl was walking alone one day in the outskirts of the village
when she suddenly met a young man whom she had never seen before. Soon he
L^poke to the girl and asked her to accompany him to his home. At first she refused,
but at last he succeeded in persuading her to go with him. They passed through
dense woods and over hills, and at last entered the yard that surrounded his house.
Here various birds and animals were tied to the trees. As they were hungry, food
was brought them, and then, and not until then, did the man assume his true
character, and the girl saw the Devil before her. Then she became frightened and
34 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 48
endeavored to escape, but before she could do so she was seized and locked in a small
cave.
A large frog hopped from a hole in the far corner of the cave, and going to the girl,
said: " Do you know what that noise is? " "No," replied the girl, "what is it?" The
frog told her the Devil and his men were sharpening their knives to kill her. At this
she became more frightened than before, but the frog quieted her by saying: "Now,
if you will listen and do just as I say you will escape. I will open this door and there-
upon you must run swiftly out and down the wide road. Soon you will reach a road
on the left, but do not take it; keep to the broad road. Then you will come to the
junction of three roads, and you must take the middle one. Shortly afterward you
will reach a broad bayou where there will be a small boat on the shore. Here you
will be safe."
After saying this to the girl the frog hopped up a beam to the top of the door, which
he unlocked. As soon as the door swung open the girl ran out and followed the roads
as she had been directed. Finally she arrived at the bayou, jumped into the small
boat, and, seizing the paddle, pushed out from the shore. As she neared the middle
of the bayou she heard voices calling her, and looking in the direction of the sound
she saw the Devil standing on the bank just where she had been a few moments before.
He called the girl, who was not able to resist him, so she pushed the boat toward the
spot where he stood. "Come nearer," said the Devil, "so that I can step into your
boat." The girl said she could not do so, but she rested one end of her paddle on the
side of the boat and the other end on the shore, telling the Devil to walk on the bridge
thus made. He started to do so, but just as he reached the middle the girl jerked
the paddle and the Devil fell into the water. He sank straight to the bottom of the
bayou and never came up.
In time the Devil's body broke into many small pieces, which became hard, forming
the gravel now found on the bottoms of the bayous.
SKATE'NE
Late one afternoon several children were playing near their house when suddenly
they saw a woman approaching. She was very old and stooping, and her hair was
white . The children were greatly frightened and ran into the house , but soon returned
to the old woman, who said to them: "Children, do not be afraid of me, for nothing
will harm you. I am your great-great-great-grandmother, and neither you nor your
mother has ever seen me. Now, go to the house and tell her that I have come. ' ' The
children did so. Then they took a deer skin and spread it on the ground for the old
woman and carried her food and drink. She then asked the children when their
father went to sleep and in which part of the house he lay, and the children told
her all.
That night, after all had gone to sleep, the old woman entered the house and cut
off the man's head, which she put into a basket she carried for that purpose; then she
covered the man's body with his blanket and quietly left the house. The next
morning the man's wife was surprised to find him asleep (as she supposed), since it
was his custom to go hunting before sunrise. So she spoke to him, and as he did not
answer she pulled off his blanket. When she saw that his head was missing she
became greatly alarmed.
After cutting off the man's head Skate'ne, the old woman, immediately left the
house and started down the road. Soon she met a large bear, who said to her, "What
have you covered up in your basket, old woman?" "You must not see it," said
she, "for if you look on it you will lose your eyes; it is poison and bad." The bear
was contented and went on his way.
Then she met many other animals, and at last came two wildcats. "Stop, old
woman, and show us what you have in your basket," called one of the wildcats, "we
must see what you carry." The old woman repeated what she had told the bear and
BUSHNELL] THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB, LOUISIANA 35
all the others. "But we must look inside your basket, even if we do lose our eyes,"
replied one of the wildcats, at the same time seizing the basket and raising the cover.
When they saw the man's head they knew it was the old woman who prowled around
during the night, killing men and animals and birds, so they determined to kill her.
While one held her the other went to find a large club. When he had gone she said
to the wildcat holding her: "Over there is a large club. You would do well to get
it and kill me before your companion returns, for the one that kills me will always
have good luck, and I like you." So the remaining wildcat went to get the club,
for he believed what the old woman had told him, and hence wanted to kill her. On
his return with the club he could not find the old woman, for she was Skate'ne, an
owl, and had flown away.
TASHKA AND WALO
Tashka and Walo were brothers who lived long ago. Every morning they saw the
sun rise above the horizon, pass high overhead, and late in the day die in the west.
When the boys were about four years old they conceived the idea of following the
sun and seeing where he died. So the next day, when he was overhead, they started
to follow him; but that night, when he died, they were still in their own country,
where they knew the hills and the rivers. Then they slept, and in the morning
when the sun was again overhead they once more set off to follow him. And thus
they continued for many years to wend their way after the sun in his course through
the heavens.
Long, long afterward, when the two boys had become men, they reached a great
expanse of water, and the only land they could see was the shore on which they were
standing. Late that day, when Sun died, they saw him sink into the water; then
they also passed over the water and entered Sun's home with him. All about them
they saw women — the stars are women and the moon is Sun's wife. Then Moon
asked the brothers how they had found their way so far from their home. They told
her how for many, many years, ever since they were mere boys, they had followed
Sun in his daily journey.
Then Sun told his wife to boil water. Into this he put the boys and rubbed them;
this treatment caused them to turn red and their skin to come off.
Sun then asked them whether they knew the way to return to their home, and they
said, "No; " so he took them to the edge, whence they looked down to the earth but
they could not distinguish their home.
Sun asked why they had followed him, as it was not time for them to reach heaven.
They replied that their only reason for following him was a desire to see where he died.
Sun then told them that he would send them home, but that for four days after
reaching their home they must not speak a word to any person. If they spoke during
the four days they would die, otherwise they would then live and prosper. A large
buzzard was then called by Sun and the two boys were placed on its back. Buzzard
then started toward the earth. The clouds are midway between heaven and earth;
above the clouds wind never blows. As buzzard flew from heaven to the clouds the
brothers could easily keep their hold; but from the clouds to the earth the buzzard
was blown in all directions. All reached the earth in safety, however, and the boys
recognized the trees that stood about their old home.
They rested beneath the trees, and while there an old man passed by who knew
the brothers. He continued down the road, and soon meeting the boys' mother, told
her the boys had come back. She hastened to see them. When she saw them she
began to talk and made them answer her. Then they told her that, as they had spoken
during the first four days after their return, they would surely die. Knowing she had
forced them to speak, on hearing this the mother was greatly worried. Then all went
to the mother's home, and the brothers told of all they had seen and how they had
followed Sun during many years. After they had told all, they died and went up to
heaven to remain forever.
INDEX
ABA, the good spirit.
ACOLAPISSA...
Page
28
1
BASKETS 13-15
BLO WGUN 18
BURIAL CEREMONY 27
CANOES 18
CORDS 15
CRIMES 25-26
DANCES 20-22
DARTS for blowgun 18
DREAMS 29
DRUM... 22
DUGOUTS
DYES, native . .
EARLY OCCUPANCY, evidence of 3
ECLIPSES, beliefs concerning 17-18
FIRE 11
FISHING 18-19
FOOD 8-10
GAMES 19-20
GHOSTS ... 28
HABITAT
HABITATIONS
HAIR, method of wearing.
HISTORY
HOUSES . . .
7
10
1
7
HUNTING ... . . 18-19
LEGENDS
LIGHTNING, beliefs concerning.
29-35
18
MARRIAGE CEREMONY 26-27
MEDICINAL REMEDIES 24-25
METAL, use of 15
MORTARS 8
MOUNDS 3
MOURNING, period of 27
Page
MUSIC 20-22
MYTHS 29-35
NAMES in St. Tammany parish 6-7
NANAPOLO. the bad spirit 28
ORNAMENTS, personal 10
PAINTING 10
PEARL RIVER 1
PERE ROUQUETTE'S OAK 6
PESTLES 8
PIPE, from mound 6
as now made 12-13
PLANTS, food 8-10
medicinal 23-24
POTTERY, from mound 5
method of making 12-13
PUNISHMENTS 25-26
RELIGION 28-29
ROUQUETTE, PERE 28
ROUQUETTE'S (PERE) OAK 6
SCRAPERS, modern 11-12
SHELLS, in mound .' 5
on surface 6
SKINS, tanning of '. 11-12
SPOONS, covv's-horn 13
STONE OBJECTS 5-6
TANNING 11-12
TATTOOING 10
THUNDER, beliefs concerning 18
TRANSPORTATION 18
TREATMENT and remedies 24-25
TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 16
VOCABULARY 16-17
WITCHCRAFT 29
YEAR, divisions of 17
37
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE
NORTH END OF MOUND NEAR CHINCHUBA CREEK
PALMETTO THATCH HOUSE NEAR MANDEVILLE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 4
j;
POTTERY FROM SHELL DEPOSIT IN MOUND NEAR CHINCHUBA
CREEK
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 5
PIPE («) FROM SHELL DEPOSIT AND OBJECTS OF STONE (b-m) FOUND ON SURFACE
ARTIFACTS FOUND IN OR NEAR SHELL DEPOSIT
UJ
CO
o
3 I
I "5
< c:
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE
POUNDING CORN IN WOODEN MORTAR
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 9
TAPA, OR LARGE FLAT BASKET
OBFKO', OR WINNOWING BASKET ISHSHO'HA, OR SIEVE
NATIVE BASKETS
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 10
ANCIENT METHOD OF WEARING THE HAIR-PHOTOGRAPH OF
HELEEMA (LOUISA)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 11
a REMOVING HAIR FROM A SKIN
b POUNDING A SKIN
TWO TANNING PROCESSES
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 12
a SCRAPING A SKIN
b HABITATION ABOUT 50 YEARS OLD, SHOWING FRAME FOR STRETCHING SKINS (ON LEFT)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 13
AHOJEOBE (EMIL JOHN)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 14
Two-fifths natural size
PIPES MADE BY AHOJEOBE; SMALL SILVER ORNAMENT
About one-half natural size
SPOONS MADE OF COW'S HORN
NATIVE ARTIFACTS
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 15
CARRYING-BASKET IN USUAL POSITION
(Same basket is shown in pi. 16)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 16
PACK BASKET
The occupant of the basket is a fullblood Choctaw boy about 2 years old
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 17
PISATUNTEMA (EMMA)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 18
POINTED
ELBOW-SHAPED
NATIVE BASKETS
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 19
a LARGE SPECIMEN
b VERY OLD SPECIMEN
NATIVE BASKETS, DOUBLE WOVEN, WITH COVERS
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 21
TICK DANCE
DUCK DANCE
NATIVE DANCES
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 48 PLATE 22
READY TO BEGIN
SERPENTINE MOVEMENT
SNAKE DANCE
E
51
U6
no. 4.8
As MO]V
U.S. Bureau of American
Ethnology
Bulletin
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