Full text of "Works"
WORKS ISSUED li Y
ITbe Dahlugt Society
THE STRANGE ADVENTURES
OF
ANDREW BATTELL.
SECOND
VI.
THE
STRANGE ADVENTURES
ANDREW BATTELL
OF LEIGH,
IN ANGOLA AND THE ADJOINING REGIONS.
REPRINTED FROM " PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES."
(PUttrfc, toil!) flotn. anfc a Conrist
HISTORY OF KONGO AND ANGOLA,
BY
E. G. RAVENSTEIN.
LONDON
PRINTED FOR THE HAKI.UYT SOCH
ccci.
G
U
LONDON :
PRINTED AT THE BEDFORD PRESS, 2O AND 21, BEDFORDBURY, W.f.
COUNCIL
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
SIR CLEMEXTS MAKKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S.,/Vw. A*.G..S"., PRESIDENT.
THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD STAXI.KY or ALDKRLKY, VICK-PRESIDENT.
REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., VICE-PRESIDENT.
COMMR. B. M. CHAMBERS. R.N.
C. RAYMOND BEAX.LEY, M.A.
COLONEL G. EARL CHURCH.
SIR W. MARTIN CONUAY.
F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.A., M.I).
EDWARD HEAWOOD, M.A.
DUDLEY F. A. HERVEY, C.M.(i.
K. F. IM TIURN, C.B., C.M.d.
J. SCOTT KKLTIK, LL.D.
F. W. LUCAS.
A. I'. ^IA^l.•^|.\^
! I. I'AVM,. M.A.
\KI> ^AlNDKRs.
U. W. TRIXDKK.
CHARLES WELCH. F.s.A.
WILI IAM Form, B.A., l/wr.iry S,;i;-t,n-v.
CONTENTS.
PACK
INTRODUCTION. . i
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . xviii
THE STRANGE ADVENTURES OF ANDREW BATTELL OF LEIGH.
I. Andrew Battell, his voyage to the River of Plate, who being
taken on to the coast of Brazill was sent to Angola . i
II. His trading on the coast ; offer to escape ; imprisonment ;
exile ; escape and new imprisonment ; his sending to
Elamba and Bahia das Vaccas ; many strange occurrences 9
III. Discovery of the Gagas: their wars, man-eating; over-
running countries. His trade with them, betraying,
escape to them, and living with them ; with many
strange adventures. And also the rites and manner of
life observed by the Iagges,or Gagas, which no Christian
would ever know well but this author . 19
IV. His return to the Portugals : invasions of diverse countries ;
abuses ; flight from them, and living in the woods divers
months ; his strange boat and coming to Loango . 36
V. Of the province of Engoy, and other regions of Loango ;
with the customs there observed by the King and people 42
VI. Of the provinces of Bongo, Calon^o. Mayombi', Manike-
socke, Motimbas ; of the ape-monster Pongo ; their
Hunting, Idolatries, and divers other observations . 52
VII. of the Zebra and Hippopotamus; the Portuguese Wars
in those parts ; the Fishing, Grain, and other things
remarkable . . . . -63
mi RELIGION AND THE CUS mi l'i MI-IKS OF
<;oi..\, CONGO, AND LOANGO, from runhas ///.»
(\( . . . .71
vni CONTENTS.
APPENDICES.
I. ANTHONY KNIVET IN KONGO AND ANGOLA . . 89
II. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF KONGO TO THE END
OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY . . .102
III. A LIST OF THE KINGS OF KONGO . . .136
IV. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF ANGOLA TO THE END
OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY . . . 139
V. A LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF ANGOLA 188
INDEX AND GLOSSARY . . . . 191
MAPS.
A GENERAL MAP OF KONGO AND ANGOLA.
AN ENLARGED MAP OF ANGOLA.
INTRODUCTION.
OUR Englishmen are known to have
visited Angola towards the close of the
sixteenth century, namely, Thomas
Turner, Andrew Towres, Anthony
Knivet and Andrew Battell. All
four were taken by the Portuguese
out of English privateers in South- American waters, and
spent years of captivity as prisoners of war ; happy, no
doubt, in having escaped the fate of many of their less
fortunate companions, who atoned with their lives for the
hazardous proceedings in which they had engaged.
Thomas Turner,1 although he furnished Samuel Purchas
with a few notes on Brazil, never placed on record what
happened to him whilst in Portuguese Africa. Towres was
1 I'.attell trlU us (p. 7) thai he and Thomas Turner WCTC transported
to Angola in the same vessel ( 1 590). I'urchas conferred with Turner
after he had returned to England, and obtained from him an an omit
of his travels, he having "lived the best part of t\u> yens m I
i, C. 8). Elsewhere we learn that IK: " had also been in Angola'
(seep. 71).
This apparently straightforward information is <|mte irreconcilable
with what we are told by Knivet ; for Knivrt s.iys he met Turner at
Pernarnhui «> about 1598) ; that he advised him 10 ^<>la; that
ted on tin nd " made ^reat |>i<>tit • •: < han-
for whic h he thanked me when we met in England." Concerning
Kni< - V, p. 89.
x INTRODUCTION.
sent to prison at Rio de Janeiro for the heinous offence of
eating meat on a Friday ; he attempted an escape, was
retaken, and condemned to spend the rest of his captivity
in Angola. He died at Masanganu, as we learn from
Knivet. Knivet himself has left us an account of his
adventures in Angola and Kongo ; but this account con-
tains so many incredible statements that it was with some
hesitation we admitted it into this volume, as by doing so
we might be supposed to vouch for the writer's veracity.
Andrew Battell, fortunately, has left behind him a fairly
circumstantial record of what he experienced in Kongo
and Angola. His narrative bears the stamp of truth, and
has stood the test of time. It is unique, moreover, as being
the earliest record of travels in the interior of this part of
Africa ; for, apart from a few letters of Jesuit missionaries,
the references to Kongo or Angola printed up to Battell's
time, were either confined to the coast, or they were purely
historical or descriptive. Neither F. Pigafetta's famous
Relatione del Reame di Congo, " drawn out of the writings
and discourses of Duarte Lopez," and first published at
Rome in 1591, nor the almost equally famous Itinerarium
of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, of which an English
translation appeared as early as 1598, can be classed
among books of travel.1 Samuel Braun, of Basel, who
served as barber-surgeon on board Dutch vessels which
traded at Luangu and on the Kongo, 1611-13, never left the
coast.2 Nor did Pieter van der Broeck, who made three
voyages to the Kongo between 1607 and 1612 as super-
cargo of Dutch vessels, penetrate inland.3 Nay, we are
1 This description does not, of course, apply to his " Voyage to the
East Indies," but it does to his "Description of -the whole Coast of
Guinea, Manicongo, Angola, etc."
2 His Schifffarten was first published at Basel in 1624. On this
traveller, see an Abhandlung by D. G. Henning (Basel, 1900), who
rather absurdly calls him the '* first German scientific traveller in
Africa." 3 Vijf verscheyde Journalen . . . Amsterdam [1620].
INTRODUCTION. xi
even able to claim on behalf of Battell that he travelled
by routes not since trodden by European explorers.
Of Andrew BatteH's history we know nothing, except
what may be gathered from his " Adventures," and an
occasional reference to him by his friend, neighbour, and
editor, the Rev. Samuel Purchas. He seems to have been a
native of Leigh, in Essex, at the present day a mere fishing
village by the side of its populous upstart neighbour
Southend, but formerly a place of considerable importance.
As early as the fifteenth century it could boast of its guild
of pilots, working in harmony with a similar guild at Dept-
ford Strond, the men of Leigh taking charge of inward
bound ships, whilst Deptford provided pilots to the out-
ward bound. Henry VIII incorporated both guilds as the
" Fraternity of the Most Glorious and Indivisible Trinity
and of St. Clement ;" and in the venerable church of
St. Clement, at Leigh, and the surrounding churchyard
may still be seen monuments erected in honour of con-
temporaries of Battell who were Brethren of the Trinity
House ; among whom are Robert Salmon (born 1567, died
1661) and Robert Chester (died 1632). But there is no
tombstone in memory of Andrew Battell ; and if a memorial
tablet was ever dedicated to him, it must have been removed
when the church was renovated in 1837. Nor do the
registers of the church afford a clue to Battell's death, for
the earliest of these documents only dates back to the year
1684. At the present time no person of the name of
Battell lives at Leigh.
Samuel Purchas was Vicar of Eastwood, a small village
two miles to the north of Leigh, from 1604 to 1613.
11 returned to Leigh about 1610, bringing with
him a little negro boy, who claimed to have been kept a
ivc by a gorilla (sec p. 55;. Purchas had in, my
xii INTRODUCTION.
ferences with Battell, and the information obtained in this
manner was incorporated by him in Purchas His Pilgrimage,
the first edition of which was published in I6I3,1 and will
be found in this volume, pp. 71-87. Battell's papers,
however, only reached Purchas after the author's death,
and were first published by him in Hakluytus Posthumus,
or Purchas His Pilgrimes, in i625.2 There is reason to
fear that Purchas did not perform his duties as editor, as
such duties are understood at the present day. As an
instance, we notice that Battell distinctly told his editor in
private conference (see p. 83) that in his day nothing was
known about the origin of the Jagas, expressly denying
that Duarte Lopez could have any information about it ;
yet, elsewhere (p. 19), Battell is made responsible for the
statement that they came from Sierra Leone. Nor is it
likely that Battell ever mentioned a lake Aquelunda
(p. 74), for no such lake exists ; and Purchas's authority
for its supposed existence is once more Duarte Lopez or
Pigafetta.
Moreover, there is some ground for supposing that
Purchas abridged portions of the MS.; as, for instance,
the account of the overland trading trip to Kongo and
Mbata. Perhaps he likewise rearranged parts of his MS.,
thus confusing the sequence of events, as will be seen when
we come to inquire into the chronology of Battell's travels.
There exists no doubt as to the object with which Abra-
ham Cocke sailed for the Plate River in 1589. Philip of
1 Subsequent editions appeared in 1614, 1617, and 1626.
2 Battell's narrative was reprinted in Astley's New General Collec-
tion of Voyages, vol. iii (1746), and Pinkerton's Collection, vol. xvi
(1813). Translations or abstracts were published in the Collections of
Pieter van der Aa (Leiden, 1706-07) ; of Gottfried (Leiden, 1706-26) ;
of Prevot (Paris, 1726-74) ; in the Allgemeine Historic der Reisen
(Leipzig, 1747-77), in the Historische Beschrijving der Reisen (The
Hague, 1747-67), and by Walckenaer (Paris, 1826-31).
INTRODUCTION, xiii
Spain had acceded to the throne of Portugal in 1580, and
that prosperous little kingdom thus became involved in
the disaster which overtook the Armada, which sailed out
of Lisbon in May, 1588. English skippers therefore felt
justified in preying upon Portuguese trade in Brazil, and
intercepting Spanish vessels on their way home from the
Rio de la Plata. We do not think, however, that we do
Abraham Cocke an injustice when we assume him to have
been influenced in his hazardous enterprise quite as much
by the lust of gain as by patriotism.
The determination of the chronology of BatteH's adven-
tures presents some difficulty, as his narrative contains but a
single date, namely, that of his departure from England on
May /th, 1589. There are, however, incidental references
to events the dates of which are known ; and these enable
us to trace his movements with a fair amount of confi-
dence, thus : —
1. Having left Plymouth in May, 1589, we suppose
Battell to have reached Luandu in June, 1590.
2. His journey up to Masanganu, his detention there for
two months, and return to Luandu, where he " lay eight
months in a poor estate " (p. 7), would carry us to the end
of June, 1591.
3. Battell tells us that the Governor, D. Jo£o Furtado
de Mendon^a, then employed him during two years and
a half trading along the coast. This, however, is quite
impossible : for Mendon^a only assumed office in AUI;IM,
1594 ; but, as he is the only Governor of Battell's day who
held office for a longer period than two and a half ye,
hi> term of office extending to 1602 — and as Battell is
not likely to have forgotten the name of an employer who
gave him his confidence, we a^umc that he really did
make these trading trips, but at a subsequent period.
Purchas may be responsible for this transposition.
I Ir made a first attempt t<» escape (in a Dutch vessrl .
XIV INTRODUCTION.
but was recaptured, and sent to Masanganu, where he
spent "six miserable years," 1591-96.
5. Second attempt to escape, and detention for three
months in irons at Luandu, up to June, 1596.
6. Campaign in Lamba and Ngazi (see p. 13, note}.
After a field service of over three years, Battell was sent
back to Luandu, wounded. This would account for his time
up to 1598 or 1599.
7. I am inclined to believe that, owing to the confidence
inspired by his conduct in the field, the Governor now
employed him on the trading ships referred to above.
9. Trading trips to Benguella in 1600 or 1601.
10. Battell joins the Jagas, and spends twenty-one
months with them. Incidentally he mentions that the
chief, Kafuche, had been defeated by the Portuguese seven
years before that time (he was actually defeated in April,
1594).
11. Battell was at Masanganu when Joao Rodrigues
Coutinho was Governor (Coutinho assumed office in
1602).
12. Battell was present at the building of the presidio
of Kambambe by Manuel Cerveira Pereira in 1604 ;
and stayed there till 1606, when news was received
of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and he was promised
his liberty. The Queen died March 24th, 1603.
13. A journey to Mbamba, Kongo, etc., may have taken
up six months.
14. The Governor having " denied his word," and a
new Governor being daily expected, Battell secretly left
the city, spent six months on the Dande, and was ulti-
mately landed at Luangu. (The new Governor expected
was only appointed in August, 1607 5 anc^ his arrival was
actually delayed.)
15. In Luangu, Battell spent two years and a half — say
up to 1610.
INTRODUCTION. XV
Great pains have been taken by me with the maps illus-
trating this volume ; and, if the outcome of my endeavour
does not differ in its broad features from the maps furnished
by M. d'Anville, in 1732, to Labat's Relation Historique de
rEthiopie Occidental, this should redound to the credit of
the great French geographer, but should not be accounted
a proof of lack of industry on my own part. Still, my
maps exhibit an advance in matters of detail, for our
knowledge of the country has increased considerably since
the days of d'Anville. They would have proved still more
satisfactory had the Portuguese thought it worth while to
produce a trustworthy map of a colony of which they had
claimed possession during four centuries. It seems almost
incredible that even now many of the routes followed by
the Conquistadores and missionaries of old cannot be laid
down upon a modern map for lack of information. Sonyo,
for instance, through which led the high road followed by
soldiers, traders, and missionaries going up to San Salvador
(the present route leaves the Kongo River at Matadi), is
almost a terra incognita. I am almost ashamed to confess
that I have even failed to locate the once-famous factory of
Mpinda ; all I can say is, that it cannot have occupied the
site assigned to it on some Portuguese maps.
I need hardly say that modern research lends no support
to the extravagant claims of certain geographers as to the
knowledge of Inner Africa possessed by the Portuguese in
the sixteenth century. Pigafetta's fantastic map, with its
elaborate system of lakes and rivers, merely proves the
utter incapacity of its author to deal with questions of
critical geography. This has long since been recognised.
The map which accompanies Isaac Vossius s /v Nili et
aliontui l-'luininuin Originc (Hagae Com., 1659) only
shows one lake in Inner Africa, which borders on
Nimeamaie vcl Moncmugi," and may without hesitation
be identified with our N\ a t for the Moncmugi (Murix-
XVI INTRODUCTION.
Muji) is the chief of the Maravi or Zimbas. The " I ages, gens
barbara et inculta," are placed right in the centre of Africa.
The " Fungeni," which are shown as neighbours of the
" Macoco," ought to have been placed to the west of Abys-
sinia, as they are the Funj, or Fung, of the Egyptian
Sudan. If Ludolfus had carried out his intention of com-
piling a map of the whole of Africa (in 1681), these
extravagancies of early map-makers would have been
exposed more fully long since.1
In collecting materials for the maps and for the notes
illustrating BatteH's narrative, I felt bound to consult all
accessible literary sources dealing with the history and
geography of Kongo and Angola. Whilst ploughing my
way through this mass of material, it struck me that a con-
cise history of these African countries, from the time of
their discovery to the end of the seventeenth century, might
form an acceptable appendix to BattelPs Adventures, and
at the same time increase the bulk of the volume dedicated
to him to more respectable proportions. Much material of
use for such a purpose has seen the light since the publica-
tion of J. J. Lopes de Lima's historical sketches. Yet I am
bound to confess that the result of all this tedious labour is
disappointing. I may have been able to rectify a few dates
and facts ; but much remains to be done before we can
claim to be in possession of a trustworthy history of that
part of Africa. Possibly my little sketch may rouse a
Portuguese into taking up the work of the late Luciano
Cordeiro. Many documents not yet published should be
discoverable in the archives of Portugal, Spain, and Luandu.2
1 See " The Lake Region of Central Africa : a Contribution to the
History of African Cartography," byE. G. Ravenstein (Scottish Geogr.
Mag., 1891).
2 Among documents, the publication of which seems desirable, are
Don G. Abreu de Brito's Summario e Descripqao do Reino de Angola,
1 592 ; and Cadornega's Historia (at least, in abstract).
INTRODUCTION. xvii
The spelling of the proper names mentioned by Battell
is retained, as a matter of course ; but it is obvious that in
the historical appendices the various ways in which native
names are spelt had to be reduced to a common system.
Much might be said in favour of accepting the Portuguese
manner of spelling, but after due consideration I decided
to adopt the system now generally followed (even by a few
Portuguese writers), viz., that all vowels should be sounded
as in Italian, and the consonants as in English, with the
only exception that the letter g should always be hard.
I therefore write Sonyo, instead of Sonho, Sogno, or Sonjo,
as the name of that district is spelt according to the
nationality of the writer. In transcribing the native names
I have had the unstinted assistance, among others, of t he-
Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist Missionary Society ; yet
I am fully aware that the spelling adopted for many names
is at least doubtful, if not absolutely incorrect. This arises
quite as much from a defective hearing on the part of my
authorities, as from the illegibility of many early manu-
scripts or the carelessness of copyists. All such doubtful
cases arc dealt with in the GLOSSARY and I N ;
In conclusion, I feel bound to acknowledge with gratitude
the kindly assistance rendered me by Mr. R. E. Dennett,
who is spending a life-time in Luangu ; Mr. K. C. Phillips,
is thoroughly acquainted with the Lower Kongo ; the
Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist Missionary Society ;
Captain Binger, of the French Foreign Office; and last, not
least, our ever-obliging Secretary, Mr. William Foster.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Only the titles of a few books cited merely by the author's name, or by abbreviated
references, are included in this list.
Hou< cited :
ALGUNS Doc. — Alguns documentos do archive nacional da Torre
do Tombo acerca das navegac.6es e conquistas Portuguezas.
Lisboa (Impr. nac.), 1892.
A collection of documents, 1416-1554, edited by Jos^ Ramos-Coelho.
See Index sub Angola, Kongo, Manicongo.
PAIVA MANSO. — Historia do Congo, obra posthuma do (Dr. Levy)
Visconde de Paiva Manso. Lisboa (Typ. da Acad.), 1877.
A collection of documents, 1492-1722.
BOLETIM. — Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa.
The volume for 1883 contains documents now in the Bibliothe'que
Nationale (instructions given to B. Dias, 1559 ; Letters of F. Garcia
Simoes, F. Balthasar Barretta, and other Jesuits).
Memorias do Ultramar, Viagens exploragoes e conquistas
do Portuguezes. Collecgao de Documentos por Luciano
Cordeira. Lisboa (Impr. nac.) 1881.
The following Parts have been published : —
GARCIA MENDES.
(a) 1574-1620. Da Mina ao Cabo Negro segundo Garcia Mendes
Castello Branco (the writer of these reports was one of the
companions of Paulo Dias de Novaes).
REBELLO DE ARAGAO.
(b) 1593-1631. Terras e Minas Africanas segundo Balthazar
Rebello de Aragao. (He went out to Africa in 1593).
BENGUELLA E SEU SERTAO.
(c) 1617-1622. Benguella e seu sertao per um Anonymo. (The
author of this account of the conquest of Benguella may possibly
have been Manuel Cerveira Pereira).
ESTABELECIMENTOS.
(d) 1607. Estabelecimentos e Resgates Portuguezes na costa
occidental de Africa por um Anonymo.
ESCRAVOS E MINAS.
(e) 1516-1619. Escravos e Minas de Africa segundo Diversos.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. XIX
D. LOPEZ.— Relatione del Reame di Congo e della circonvicine con-
trade tratta dalli Scritti e ragionamente di Odoardo Lopez,
per Filippo Pigafetta. Roma, 1591.
This work has been translated into Latin, German, Dutch, French
and English, but has not hitherto found a competent editor. I
quote the English translation by Mrs. M. Hutchinson, published
at London in 1881.
Uuarte Lopez went out to Kongo in 1578 ; and the bulk of this
volume is based upon information imparted to his editor when he
was in Rome in 1591. Pigafetta has most unwisely expanded the
information thus obtained into a description of the greater part
of Africa.
( \\ A/ZI. — Istorica descrizione de' tre regni Congo, Matamba, e
Angola, accuratamente compilata, dal P. Gio. Antonio
Cavaz/i da Montecuccolo. Bologna, 1687.
//i, a Capuchin, visited Kongo and Angola twice (1654-67, 1670-
), and died at Genoa in 1692. This bulky folio only deals
with his first visit, and was edited by P. Fortunato Alamandini, of
Bologna. Labat (" Relation historique de 1'Ethiopie," Paris, 1732*
has given a useful version of it in French, which must, however, In-
used with some caution. It is by far the most important work
we have at the hand of one of the early Catholic missionaries.
W. D. Cooley's observation (" Inner Africa Laid Open," London,
1852, p. 3), that the works published up to the time of Ca
" would hardly furnish twenty pages of sound geographical intelli-
gence," can apply only to what they say of Inner Africa; whilst
Lopez de Lima (" Ensaios," p. xi) is hardly justified in calling
Cavazzi a " fabulista," unless that opprobrious term l>e confined to
what the friar relates of the miracles wrought by himself and
others.
I) xpi'MK. — Xauwkeurige beschrijving der Afrikaansche gewesten van \J
Olf. Dapper. Amst., 1668.
I quote the German translation (" Beschreibung von Afrika," Amst..
1670).
This is a very careful compilation ; more especially interesting,
it contains information on the country collected during the Dutch
occupation (1642-48), not to be found elseu !
CADORNKGA.— Historia das guerras de Angola Hi-tcriu C.cncral
Angolana), por L). A. de Oliveira Cadornega, in 1680-82.
dornega, a native of Villa Vi9osa, accompanied I). IV
r de Menezes to Angola in 16, at Luanda in
1690. His work (in three volumes) only exists \\\ MS. m the
library of the Ac-ade,m of N ; M .n, and in the Biblim'.
I have not been able to consult it \\ith the
minuteness \\huh it deserves. A rough copy i.:
portion of it is to IK- found in the British
15,183, fol. 22). Copious extracts from it
Manso and D. Jose dc Lac en! .• das Viagens do Dr.
Livingstone." Lisbon, 1867).
XX BIBLIOGRAPHY.
CATALOGO. — Catalogo dos Governadores do Reine de Angola
(CollecQao de Noticias para a historia das nagoes ultra-
marinas publicada pela Academia real das Sciencias,tome III,
pt. 2). Lisboa, 1826.
This is an anonymous compilation, continued to the year 1784.
J. C. Feo Cardozo, in his " Memorias contendo a biographia
do Vico-Almirante Luiz da Motta Feo e Torres," Paris, 1825,
also printed this chronological history, and continued it to the
year 1825. He has added the map drawn in 1790 by Colonel
L. C. C. Pinheiro Furtado. The "Catalogue" is useful, but it
is not free from very serious errors.
BENTLEY. — Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, by
the Rev. W. Holman Bentiey. 1887.
CORDEIRO DA MATTA. — Ensaio de Diccionario Kimbundu-Portu-
gueze coordenado par L. D. Cordeiro da Matta. Lisboa,
1893.
LOPES DE LIMA, ENSAIO. — Ensaios sobre a Statistica das possessoes
Portuguezes (III. Ensaio sobre a Statistice d' Angola e Ben-
guella), por Jose Joaquim Lopes de Lima (Imp. nac.), 1846.
This is a fundamental work. The historical account is contained
in the Introduction and in chap. v.
LOPES DE LIMA, AN. MAR. — Descobrimento, posse, e conquista do
reino do Congo pelos Portuguezes no Seculo xvi, por J. J.
Lopes de Lima ("Annaes maritimos e coloniaes," Lisboa,
1845, pp. 93-108).
LOPES DE LIMA. — Successes do Reino do Congo, no seculo xvii,
pelo J. J. Lopes de Lima (ibid., pp. 194-99).
THE STRANGE ADVENTURES
ANDREW BATTELL OF LEIGH IN ESSEX,
SENT BY THE PORTUGALS PRISONER TO ANGOLA,
WHO LIVED THERE, AND IN THE ADJOINING
REGIONS, NEAR EIGHTEEN YEARS.
§ I:
Andrew Bat tell, his Voyage to the River of Plate ', who being
taken on the coast of Brasill, was sent to A ngola.
[Front the TJiames to Cape Pahnas.]
i
IN the year 1589, Abraham Cocke1 of
Limehouse, began his voyage toward
the River of Plate, with two pinnaces2
of fifty tons apiece : the one was called
the May-Morning, the other the Dol-
phin.
\Vc sailed from the river Thames the twentieth of April ;
and the six and twentieth of the same month we put into
1 Abraham Co< ke had been in the lira/ils before this \
we learn from 1'un has (bk. vi, I't. iv, London, 16.15. 1'- 1141) that
til of ('uml)ciland, who lud left (iravcsend on Jim
1586, with three ships and a pinnace, fell in, on January IO, 1587, with
a Portuguese ve-^el, a little short ol th< I\:\«T 1'latr, and in her found
i ham Cock, of Leigh, near London," whom lie brought home
with him.
mace: formerly applied to any small vessel, usually schooner-
rigged ; at present limited arried by great ships.
B
2 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
Plimmoth [Plymouth], where we took in some provision
for the voyage. The seventh of May we put to sea, and
with foul weather were beaten back again into Plimmoth,
where we remained certain days, and then preceded on our
voyage : And running along the coast of Spain and Bar-
bary we put into the road of Sancta Cruz,1 and there set
our Light-horse-man2 together which we carried in two
pieces. Abraham Cocke made great account hereof, think-
ing that this boat should have made his voyage. This
done, we put to sea, and running along the coast of Guinea
we were becalmed, because we were so near the coast.
[St. Thome and the Gulf of Guinea^
Here our men fell sick of the scurvy, in such sort, that
there were very few sound. And being within three or
four degrees of the equinoctial line we fell with the Cape
de las Palmas, where we had some refreshing, wherewith
our men recovered. The people of the Cape de las Palmas
[Cabo das Palmas] made much of us, saying that they
would trade with us ; but it was but to betray us, for they
are very treacherous, and were like to have taken our boat,
and hurt some of our men. From this Cape we lay south-
west off;3 but the current and the calms deceived us, so
that we were driven down to the isle of St. Thome,4 think-
1 Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Canary Islands.
2 Light-horseman : a pinnace, a rowing-boat.
3 Vessels bound for Brazil usually cross the Equator about long.
22° W. If Captain Cock really intended to go direct to Brazil, he
had no business at Cabo das Palmas. Can his voyage to S. Thome
really have been, as he says, an involuntary deviation from his direct
course ?
4 The island of S. Thome was discovered by the Portuguese about
1472, and received its first settlers in 1486. In the course of the
sixteenth century it suffered much from the depredations of French,
English, and Dutch pirates, as also (1574) from a revolt headed by the
Angolares : that is, the descendants of Angolan slaves who had swum
ashore when the vessel which carried them was wrecked, in 1544, on
the Sette Pedras, and had fled to the woods near. The Fortaleza de
S. Sebastiao was intended to defend the capital against piratical
S. THOM& 3
ing that we had been further off to the Sea than we were.
And being in distress for wood and water, we went in on
the south end between San Tome and the islands das
Rolas,1 where we rode very smooth, and with our light-
horse-man went on shore, thinking to have watered, but we
found none in the island. Here we had great store of
plantains and oranges. We found a village of negroes,
which are sent from San Tome, for the Portugals of San
Tome do use, when their slaves be sick or weak, to send
them thither to get their strength again. For the islands
are very fruitful, and though there be no fresh water,
yet they maintain themselves with the wine of the
palm-trees. Having refreshed ourselves with the fruit of
this island, we burned the village. And running on the
east side of San Tome we came before the town ;2 but we
durst not come near, for the castle shot at us, which hath
very good ordnance in it.
Then we lay east and by south toward the main, and in
four and twenty hours we had sight of the Cape de Lopo
Gonsalves :3 and being within three leagues of the said cape
we cast about and stood again toward the island of San
Tome, and turned up on the west side of the island ; and
coming to a little river, which runneth out of the moun-
tains, \\e went on shore with our Light-horse-man, with six
or seven butts to fill with water. But the governor had
ambushed one hundred men of the island ; and when we
attacks. It was completed in 1575; but the Dutch, under Admiral
Van dcr Darn, nevertheless sacked the city in 1600. Only four years
before tin Author's arrival, in 1485, the city had been destroyed by fire.
1 The Hi Turtle dove M.md) lies about a mile off the
soinhem r\!K mity of S. Thome. It is of volcanic origin, rises to a
• !e height, and is densely wooded. The inhabitants (about
too) are dependent upon the ram for their drinking water, lor there
are no springs. The chief art i« Irs of export are cacao and coffee.
• of early days, on tin- I'.alua de Anna de
es, incorporated in 1535 as the Cidade de S. Thome.
3 Cabo de Lopo Conceives, thus named after its discoverer, Cape
Lopez of out < h
H 2
4 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
were on shore they came upon us, and killed one of our
men and hurt another : wherefore we retired to our boat
and got aboard.
[Across the Atlantic to the Brazils]
Then Abraham Cocke determined to fetch the coast of
Brasil, and lay west-south-west into the sea : and being
some fifty leagues off, we fell into a shoal of dolphins,1
which did greatly relieve us, for they did follow our ship all
the way, till we fell [in] with the land, which was some
thirty days. And running along the coast of Brasil till we
came to Ilha Grande,2 which standeth in five [sic\ degrees
southward of the line, we put in betwixt the island and the
main, and haled our ships on shore, and washed them, and
refreshed ourselves, and took in fresh water. In this island
are no inhabitants, but it is very fruitful. And being here
some twelve days there came in a little pinnace which was
bound to the River of Plate, which came in to water and
to get some refreshments : and presently we went aboard,
and took the Portugal merchant out of the pinnace, which
told Abraham Cocke, that within two months there should
two pinnaces come from the River of Plate, from the town
of Buenos Aires.
[The Rio de la Plata.]
From this town there come every year four or five
caravels to Bahia3 in Brasil, and to Angola in Africa, which
bring great store of treasure, which is transported overland
out of Peru into the River of Plate. There Abraham
1 The " dolphin " of British sailors is the doirada^ or gilthead, of the
Portuguese (Coryphaena hippurus\ and delights to swim in the
shadow of the vessel.
2 The Ilha Grande lies in lat. 23° 10' S., sixty miles to the west of
Rio de Janeiro. It is about seventeen miles in length, lofty, and
shelters a safe bay, surrounded with magnificent scenery.
3 S. Salvador, on the Bahia de todos os Santos, lat. 13° S.
THE RIVER OE PLATE. 5
Cocke, desirous to make his voyage, took some of the
Dolphin s men into his ship, and sent the Dolphin home
again, which had not as yet made any voyage. This
Portugal merchant carried us to a place in this island,
where there was a banished man,1 which had planted great
store of plantains, and told us that we might, with this fruit,
go to the River of Plate : for our bread and our victuals
were almost all spent.
With this hard allowance we departed from this island,
and were six-and-thirty days before we came to the Isle of
Lobos Marinos,2 which is in the mouth of the River of
Plate. This island is half a mile long, and hath no fresh
water, but doth abound with seals and sea-morses,3 in such
sort that our light-horseman could not get on shore for
them, without we did beat them with our oars : and the
island is covered with them. Upon these seals we lived
some thirty days, lying up and down in the river, and were
in great distress of victuals. Then we determined to run
up to Buenos Aires, and with our light-horseman to take
one of the pinnaces that rid at the town. And, being so
high up the river as the town, we had a mighty storm at
south-west,4 which drove us back again, and we were fain
to ride under the Isla Verder> — that is, the green island —
which is in the mouth of the river on the north side.
1 That is, one of the " degradados " or convicts, whom it is even now
customary to banish to the Colonies.
1 The Isla de Lobos Marinos (Seal Island) lies off M;ild<>n;i<l<>
Point, and forms a conspicuous landmark for vessels approarhin^ tin-
la Plata.
8 The Seal (phoca 7'/7// //>/<?, Linn.) and Diary (Ofuri.i /.-.
L) have become very rare. The morse or walrus is found only in
the Northern hemisphere.
4 These south westerly winds are knoun a* / They are
more frequent in winter. In summer they blow with greater :
but generally cease sooner.
!a Vn-de ran be no other than Flores, a small island further
west than the Isla de Lobos.
6 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
[A Prisoner of the Portuguese^
Here we were all discomforted for lack of victuals and
gave over the voyage, and came to the northward again,
to the isle of Sant Sebastian, lying just under the tropic
of Capricorn.1 There we went on shore to catch fish, and
some went up into the woods to gather fruit, for we were
all in a manner famished. There was at that time a canoe
fraught with Indians, that came from the town of Spiritu
Sancto.2 These Indians landed on the west side of the
island, and came through the woods and took five of us,
and carried us to the River of Janeiro [Rio de Janeiro].
After this mischance our captain, Abraham Cocke, went
to sea, and was never heard of more.3
1 The Ilha de Sao Sebastiao, in lat. 23° 50' S.
2 Espirito Santo, a town on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20° 20' S.
3 This capture must have happened at the end of 1589, or, at latest,
early in 1590, yet Thomas Knivet, who only left England with Cavendish
in August 1591, gives an account of the capture of five Englishmen
(Purchas iv, 1625, p. 1220) which at the first glance seems to be a
different version of this very incident. Knivet professes to have been
at Rio de Janeiro at the time, two months after his return from Angola
in 1598. He says : "There came a small man-of-war to Great Island
[Ilha Grande, 70 miles west of Rio] ; the captain's name was Abram
Cocke ; he lay in wait for the ships on the River of Plate, and had
taken them if it had not been for five of his men that ran away with
his boat that discovered his being there ; for within a sevennight after
he was gone three caravels came within the same road where he was.
These five men were taken by a Friar who came from S. Vincent,
and were brought to the river of Janeiro. I being at this time in
some account with the Governor favoured them as well as I could."
In the further course of his narrative Knivet names two of these five
men, namely, Richard Heixt and Thomas Cooper. Thomas Turner
is referred to elsewhere, but not under circumstances which would
lead one to assume that he was one of the five. Battell is not
mentioned at all.
Are we to suppose, then, that Captain Cocke 'was heard of once more,
and that in 1599 he lost five men on the Ilha Grande, just as nine
years before he had lost five on the island of San Sebastian ? Such a
coincidence is possible, but most improbable.
IN ANGOLA. 7
{Transported to Angola. — A Voyage to the Zaire.}
When we that were taken had remained four months
in the River of Janeiro, I and one Torner1 were sent to
Angola in Africa, to the city of Saint Paul,2 which standeth
in nine degrees to the southward of the equinoctial line.
Here I was presently taken out of the ship and put into
prison, and sent up the River Quansa,8 to a town of
garrison, which is 130 miles up the river. And being
there two months the pilot of the governor's pinnace died :
then I was commanded to carry her down to the city,
where I presently fell sick, and lay eight months in a poor
estate, for they hated me because I was an Englishman.
But being recovered of my sickness, Don John Hurtado de
Mcndo^a,4 who then was governor, commanded me to go
to the river of Congo, called Zaire, in a pinnace, to trade
for elephants' teeth,5 wheat,6 and oil of the palm-tree.
The river Zaire7 is fifty leagues from the city, to the north-
1 This Thomas Turner, or Torner, subsequently returned to England,
and Purchas had speech with him.
* Sao Paulo de Loanda, the capital of Angola, 8° 48' S.
* The Kwanza, the most important river of Angola, navigable from
the sea as far as the rapids of Cambambe. The " town of garrison "
Masanganu, founded in 1582.
4 Joao Furtado de Mendonfa only arrived at Loanda on August i.
1594. He remained Governor until early in 1602, when he was suc-
ceeded by Joao Rodriguez Coutinho.
6 That is, the two incisors of the upper jaw, commonly known .is
" tusks."
* BattelPs " wheat " is masti-mmnputo^ or zea mayz. Elsewhere he
speaks of "Guinea wheat," and tins might be sorghum or millet ; but
as he says that the natives < all the grain " mas im|>ot<>, ' then- i .in he
no doubt abmt Its identity with •MJ»*MMQtefe, the gr.io de P.utugal,
or maize, which, according to Fi< alho, was imported from Amci
' The River of Congo is known to the nati\<
whi« h merely signiti.- ntley's Dictionary of the Congo
<<ige). For Isle de Calabcs we ought peihaps to reaid Ilha oas
.i9as (Calabash Mand). The position of this island I am unable
it is the same as an Ilheo dos Ca\
hos (Hippopotamus Island), described by PimentH
8 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
ward, and is the greatest river in all that coast. In the
mouth of that river is an island, called the Isle de Calabes,
which had at that time a town in it. Here we laded our
pinnace with elephants' teeth, wheat, and oil of the palm,
and so returned to the city again.
within the Cabo do Padrao, Congo mouth. Duarte Lopez (A Report
of the Kingdom of Congo, drawn out oj the Writings of Duarte Lopez,
by F. Pigafetta, 1591. Translated by Margareta Hutchinson. London,
1881) says it was the first island met with on entering the Zaire, and
that, although small, the Portuguese had a town upon it.
TRADING IN LOANGO.
§ II-
His trading on the coast; offer to escape ; imprisonment ;
exile ; escape and new imprisonment • his sending to
Eiamba and Rahia das Vaccas; many strange occurrences.
\Trading in Loangol\
When I was sent to Longo [Loango], which is fifteen
leagues to the northward of the River Zaire, and carried all
commodities fit for that country, as long glass beads, and
round blue beads, and seed beads, and looking-glasses, blue
and red coarse cloth, and Irish rugs, which were very rich
commodities. Here we sold our cloth at a great rate, for
we had for one yard of cloth three elephants' teeth, that
weighed 120 pounds ; and we bought great store of palm-
cloth1 and elephants' tails.2 So, in little time we laded
our pinnace. For this voyage I was very welcome to the
governor, who promised me my liberty if I would serve
him. So I went in his pinnace two years and a half upon
the coast.
{An Attempted Escape.]
Then there came a ship of Holland to the city, the
merchant of which ship promised to carry me away. And,
when they were ready to depart I went secretly on board,
but I was betrayed by Portugals which sailed in tlic ship,
1 I'alm cloth is made from the fronds of the ff/rra, or fan palm
(Hyphane Guittfcnsis).
ipper (Africa. Amsterdam. 1670, p. 520) tells us that the bans
from an elephant's tail were highly valued by the natives, \\liu \\o\r
them into necklaces and girdles ; fifty of these hairs or bristles were
worth 1000 reis ! Duarte Lopez (Kingdom of Congo^ London, 1881,
says that one such tail was eoual in value to !«•• «n three slaves,
hat native hunters followed tne elephants up narrow and steep
defiles, and there cut orTthe desired spoils, Uattrll IHIPM If (see p. 58)
bought 20,000 (hairs) \vlm h he sold to the Portugals for thirty slaves.
io BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
and was fetched on shore by sergeants of the city and put
in prison, and lay with great bolts of iron two months,
thinking that the governor would have put me to death.
But at last I was banished for ever to the Fort of
Massangano, to serve in the conquest of those parts.
Here 1 lived a most miserable life for the space of six years
without any hope to see the sea again.
[A Second Attempt at Escape.]
In this fort there were Egyptians and Moriscoes that were
banished as myself. To one of these Egyptians1 I brake
my mind, and told him that it were better for us to venture
our lives for our liberty than to live in that miserable place.
This Egyptian was as willing as myself, and told me he
would procure ten of his consorts to go with us. So we got
three Egyptians and seven Portugals. That night we got
the best canoe that we could find, and went down the river
Cuanza, and being as far down as Mani Cabech,2 which is
a little lord in the province of Elamba [Lamba], we went
on shore with our twelve muskets, powder and shot.
1 The Egyptians were, of course, Ciganos, or gypsies. They ap-
peared in Portugal in the beginning of the sixteenth century. A
Royal order of 1526 ordered them to leave the kingdom, but appears
to have had no more effect than a law of 1538, which, on account of
the thefts of which they were accused, and their sorceries, threatened
them with a flogging and the confiscation of their goods, if caught
within the kingdom. This law was re-enacted in 1557, when the
galleys were substituted for a flogging ; and in 1 592 a still more severe
law was enacted, which threatened with death all those who should not
quit the kingdom within four months. Battell's associates were, no
doubt, gipsies who had been sent as convicts to Angola (see F. A.
Coelho, Os Ciganos de Portugal, Lisbon, 1892).
The Moriscoes are the Moors of Morocco. Early Portuguese
writers refer to the men who had fought in Africa (Morocco) as
Africanos, and Battell's Moriscoes were in all probability Moorish
prisoners of war, or Moors expelled from Portugal.
2 Mani or Muene, lord and even king, as Muene Putu, King of
Portugal, but also applied to a mere village chief. The Cabech of
Battell must have resided somewhere about Muchima, but on the right
bank of the Coanza.
AN ATTEMPTED ESCAPE. II
Here we sunk our canoe, because they should not know
where we went on shore. We made a little fire in the
wood, and scorched Guinea wheat,1 which we [had]
brought from Massangano, to relieve us, for we had none
other food.
As soon as it was night, we took our journey all that
night and the next day, without any water at all. The
second night we were not able to go, and were fain to dig
and scrape up roots of trees, and suck them to maintain
life. The third day we met with an old negro which was
travelling to Mani Cabech. We bound his hands behind
him, and made him lead us the way to the Lake of
Casansa.2 And, travelling all that day in this extreme
hot country we came to the Bansa [mbanza], or town, of
Mani Casansa, which lyeth within the land twelve leagues
from the city of San Paulo. Here we were forced to ask
water, but they would give us none. Then we determined
to make them flee their houses with our shot ; but seeing
that we were desperately bent they called their Lord, Mani
Casansa, who gave us water and fair speeches, desiring us
to stay all night, only to betray us ; but we departed pre-
sently, and rested that night in (sic) the lake of Casansa.
The fourth day, at night, we came to the river which is
towards the north,3 and passed it with great danger. For
there are such abundance of crocodiles in this river that no
man dare come near the riverside when it is deep. The
fifth day, at night, we came to the river Dande, and
travelled so far to the eastward that we were right against
1 l',.iu»-M\ (iuinea wheat is ;;/,TV,/-;;M ////>///<?, or Fr<i '•'•'//.••<*/.
the zca may/ «>f botanists, which, according to Candolle and Ficalho,
a reduced from Arm:
1 K.i ike can confidently he identified with the Lalaina Lake
of modern m.ips, south of tin- Km Ken^o, thirty-six miles due east
I'auld <!<• Loanda. Ka is a dimin;' "tza means village.
5 The river of Bengo or Nzcnza, which enters the sea ten nn!«
north -east of Loanda.
12 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
the Serras, or mountains of Manibangono,1 which is a lord
that warreth against the King of Congo, whither we in-
tended to go. Here we passed the river, and rested half
the night. And being two leagues from the river we met
with negroes, which asked us whither we travelled. We
told them that we were going to Congo. These negroes
said that we were in the wrong way, and that they were
Masicongos,2 and would carry us to Bambe,3 where the
Duke of Bambe lay.
So we went some three miles east, up into the land, till we
perceived that we were in the wrong way, for we travelled
by the sun, and would go no further that way, and turned
back again to the westward ; they stood before us with their
bows, arrows and darts, ready to shoot at us. But we,
determining to go through them, discharged six muskets
together and killed four, which did amaze them, and made
them to retire. But they followed us four or five miles, and
hurt two of our company with their arrows. The next day
we came within the borders of Bamba, and travelled all that
day. At night we heard the surge of the sea. The seventh
day, in the morning, we saw the captain of the city come
after us with horsemen and great store of negroes. Here-
upon our company being dismayed, seven of our faint-
hearted Portugals hid themselves in the thickets. I, and
the four Egyptians, thought to have escaped, but they
followed us so fast that we were fain to go into a little
wood. As soon as the captain had overtaken us he dis-
charged a volley of shot into the wood, which made us lose
one another.
1 Mani Bangono's district is not mentioned elsewhere. It cannot
have been far from the sea.
2 Mushi or Mwishikongo, a Congo-man : plural, Eshi-Kongo.
3 Bamba, or rather Mbamba, the south-west province of Congo,
extending to the lower Coanza.
A CAMPAIGN IN LAMBA. 13
[Surrenders to a Portuguese Captain.']
Thus, being all alone, I bethought myself that if the
negroes did take me in the woods they would kill me :
wherefore, thinking to make a better end among the
Portugals and Mulatoes, I came presently out of the wood
with my musket ready charged, making none account of
my life. But the captain, thinking that we had been all
twelve together, called to me and said : " Fellow Soldier, I
have the governor's pardon ; if you will yield yourselves
you shall have no hurt." I, having my musket ready,
answered the captain that I was an Englishman, and had
served six years at Massangono, in great misery; and came
in company with eleven Portugals and Egyptians, and here
am left all alone ; and rather than I will be hanged, I will
die amongst you. Then the captain came near unto me
and said: " Deliver thy musket to one of the soldiers; and I
protest, as I am a gentleman and a soldier, to save thy life
for thy resolute mind." Whereupon I yielded up my
musket and myself.
Then the captain commanded all the soldiers and
negroes to search the woods, and to bring them out alive
or dead, which was presently done. Then they carried us
to the city of San Paulo, where I and the three Egyptians
lay in prison three months with collars of iron, and great
bolts upon our legs, and hardly escaped.
[A campaign in
At that time the governor sent four hundred men, that
were banished out of Portugal, up into the country of
i, 01 Ilamba, is bounded by the Bengo in the north, and by
butary the I.iualla on the south. I he
rrnor" here referred to is Joan l-urtadock- Mention.
seems to have been among the reinforcements dcspa- i the
disastrous campaign in the spring of I 596. Tin M General
was Joao de Velloi ;.. vho was Capitao m6r do Campo.
14 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
Elambe. Then I was with proclamation through the city
banished for ever to the wars, and marched with them to
Sowonso,1 which is a lord that obeyeth the Duke of Bamba ;
from thence to Samanibansa, and then to Namba Calamba,
which is a great lord, who did resist us. But we burnt his
town, and then he obeyed us, and brought three thousand
warlike negroes to us. From thence [we marched] to
Sollancango, a little lord, that fought very desperately
with us, but was forced to obey ; and then to Combrecai-
anga,2 where we remained two years. From this place we
gave many assaults and brought many lords to subjection.
We were fifteen thousand strong, and marched to the
Outeiro,3 or mountain, of Ingombe. But first we burnt
all Ingasia, which was his country, and then we came to
the chief town of Ingombe, which is half a day's journey
to go up.4
This lord came upon us with more than twenty thousand
bows, and spoilt many of our men. But with our shot we
made a great spoil among them, whereupon he retired up
into the mountain, and sent one of his captains to our
general, signifying that the next day he would obey him.
The next day he entered our camp with great pomp, with
11 The route followed by Battell is approximately indicated upon the
map. Sowonso may be the same as Dapper's Chonso or Douville's
Quionso, beyond Icolo. As to the other places along the route, I can
suggest no identifications. Namba Calamba certainly has nothing to
do with the Portuguese Fort Calumbu on the Coanza, built in 1571.
2 Kumba ria Kaiangu ?
3 Outeiro (Portuguese), a hill.
4 BattelFs Ingasia is undoubtedly the Angazi or Engase of Duarte
Lopez, a Bunda district subject to Bamba, which in Pigafetta's map
lies to the south of the river Bengo. Mendez de Castellobranco, p. 1 1,
mentions Engombe (Ngombe). The name survives perhaps in the
Ndembu Ngombe a Muquiama on the northern bank of the Bengo.
who, according to J. V. Carneiro (An. do conselho ultramar.^ vol. ii,
pp. 172 to 179, 1861), was in olden times dependent upon Congo. The
name Ngombe ("ox") is, however, a very common one.
A CAMPAIGN IN LAMBA. 15
drums, petes,1 and Pongoes,2 or waits, and was royally
received ; and he gave great presents, and greatly enriched
the general, and them which marched up. Upon the top
of the mountain is a great plain, where he hath his chief
town ; very fresh, full of palm-trees, sugar-canes, potatoes,
and other roots, and great store of oranges and lemons.
Here is a tree that is called Engeriay? that beareth a fruit
as big as a pome-water,4 and hath a stone in it, present
remedy (sic] for the wind colic, which was strange to the
Portugals. Here is a river of fresh water, that springeth
out of the mountains and runneth all along the town. We
were here five days, and then we marched up into the
country, and burned and spoiled for the space of six weeks,
and then returned to Engombe again, with great store of
margarite stones,5 which are current money in that land.
1 The Pete, more correctly called Puita, or Kipuita, is a musical
instrument described by Monteiro (Angola, vol. ii, p. 140), and in
Cordeiro da Malta's Diccionario^ p. 29. It consists of a hollow
wooden cylinder, one end of which is covered with sheepskin. A
wooden stick is passed through the centre of this sheepskin, and
a most hideous noise is produced by moving this stick to and fro.
2 The Pongo (mpunga) is an ivory trumpet.
3 Engeriay seems to be a misprint, perhaps for the Ogheghe of
Duarte Lopez, which Ficalho identifies with Mung'eng'e {Sfotuluu
lutea) of Angola, called Gegoby Lopez de Lima ( A"//.»w/V».v, vol. iii, p. 15).
Dr. Welwitsch found the tree growing wild in the mountains of
Ilenguella, whence it was transplanted to Luanda. It is valued for its
wood, the shade it affords, and its fruit, which resembles a yellow
plum, is of delicious flavour and esteemed as a rem< t bile
(Ficalho, ritinttis uteis, p. 126; Monteiro, Angola, \<>1. ii, p. 298).
Purchas, in a marginal note, Ilk. VII, c. 4, says that the Ogheghe
"bears a fruit which is like a yellow plummc and is very good to eat,
and hath a very sweet smell withall." This information was given by
Battcll.
' I oiiK water, a kind of apple, called malus carbonaria by Coles
(Nares's Glossary).
& Mitrgnrif.! is th«- Portuguese (and Latin) for pr.nl. I'm. has may
have suggested the won!, whilst HauHl simply referred to the <
currency of the country, or to a more valuable six II MM h .is <
says was found near ( ainhambe, a collar of which h.ul tlir
value of a slave ; or to a ml m Sh.-l.i. .md < .died "thunder-
stone" by the natives. Mr. R. C. Phillips writes: "I '
1 6 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
Here we pitched our camp a league from this pleasant
mountain, which remained twelve months : but I was shot
in my right leg, and many Portugals and Mulatoes were
carried to the city to be cured.
[A Voyage to Benguella!]
Then the governor sent a fregatte to the southward, with
sixty soldiers, myself being one of the company, and all
kinds of commodities. We turned up to the southward
until we came into twelve degrees. Here we found a fair
sandy bay. The people of this place brought us cows and
sheep, wheat1 and beans ; but we staid not there, but came
to Bahia das Vaccas : that is, the Bay of Cows, which the
Portugals call Bahia de Torre,2 because it hath a rock like
a tower. Here we rode on the north side of the rock, in a
sandy bay, and bought great store of cows, and sheep —
bigger than our English sheep — and very fine copper.
Also, we bought a kind of sweet wood, called Cacongo?
which the Portugals esteem much, and great store of wheat
and beans. And having laded our bark we sent her home ;
but fifty of us staid on shore, and made a little fort with
rafters of wood, because the people of this place are
that some kind of stone used to pass as money in the old slave times,
say in 1850 or 1860, but I never saw one. These stones were of great
value, and I have a vague idea they were called ' agang.' "
1 The author's " wheat " is maize (see p. 7).
2 This is undoubtedly the bay upon which Manuel Cerveira
Pereira, in 1617, founded the city of S. Filippe de Benguella. The
bay at that time was known as Bahia da Torre, or de S. Antonio. By
its discoverers it seems to have been named Golfo de S. Maria. The
" torre " is, of course, the Ponta do Sombreiro or S. Philip's bonnet.
Pimentel (Arte de Navegar, 1762, p. 276) locates a Bahia da Torre
fifty miles to the south of Benguella Bay, which therefore corresponds
to the Elephant Bay of modern maps, with its " mesa," or table-moun-
tain rising to a height of a thousand feet.
3 Cacongo (rede Kikongo), according to Welwitsch, is the wood of
Tarchonanthes camphoratus. It is hard, of a greyish olive colour,
and has the perfume of camphor. Its powder is esteemed as a tonic
(Ficalho, Plantas uteis^ p. 206).
IN BENGUELLA. I?
treacherous, and not to be trusted. So, in seventeen days
we had five hundred head of cattle ; and within ten days
the governor sent three ships, and so we departed to the
city.
In this bay may any ship ride without danger, for it is a
smooth coast. Here may any ship that cometh out of the
East Indies refresh themselves. For the Portugals carracks1
now of late come along the coast, to the city, to water and
refresh themselves. These people are called Endalan-
bondos? and have no government among themselves, and
therefore they are very treacherous, and those that trade
with these people must stand upon their own guard. They
are very simple, and of no courage, for thirty or forty men
may go boldly into the country and fetch down whole herds
of cattle. We bought the cattle for blue glass beads of an
inch long, which are called Mopindes* and paid fifteen beads
for one cow.
This province is called Dombe,4 and it hath a ridge of
high serras, or mountains, that stretch from the serras or
mountains of Cambambe, wherein are mines, and lie along
the coast south and by west. Here is great store of fine
copper, if they would work in their mines ; but they take
no more than they wear for a bravery. The men of this
place wear skins about their middles and beads about their
necks. They carry darts of iron, and bow and arrows in
1 Carraca, a vessel, generally of considerable burthen, and su< -h as
could be profitably employed in the Brazilian and Indian trade.
* Ndalabondo seems to be the name of a person. The peoj
the interior of Benguella arc known a-> lli'nbundo.
* Neither Mr. Dennett nor Mr. Phillips knows a bead of that i
Mpinda (plur. Zimpinda) means ground nut.
•»r an account of Doinhe, which lies to the south of St. Filip de
Henguella, see Capello and Ivens, / ntflla to the Territory of
', London, 1882, vol. i, p. 308 ; and Serpa Pmtu, //«'rr / Crossed
Africa, London, 1881, vol. i, p. 46. Copp .unds in th«- d
and a minr, lour miles inland, was recently worked by the I
i.Monteiro, Angola, London, 1875, vol. ii, p. 198).
C
1 8 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
their hands. They are beastly in their living, for they have
men in women's apparel, whom they keep among their
wives.
Their women wear a ring of copper about their necks,
which weigheth fifteen pound at the least ; about their arms
little rings of copper, that reach to their elbows ; about
their middle a cloth of the Insandie tree, which is neither
spun nor woven j1 on their legs rings of copper that reach
to the calves of their legs.
1 That is, bark-cloth made of the inner bark of the nsanda, Banyan
or wild fig-tree, or Ficus Lutata (see Pechuel Loesche, Loango
Exped., vol. iii, p. 172).
AMONG THE JAGAS. 19
§ III.
Discovery of the Gagas: their wars, man-eating ; over-
running countries. His trade with them, betraying,
escape to them, and living with them ; with many strange
adventures. And also the rites and manner of life
observed by the lagges or Gagas, which no Christian
could ever know well but this author}-
[A Second Voyage to BenguellaJ]
In our second voyage, turning up along the coast, we
came to the Morro, or cliff of Benguele,2 which standeth in
twelve degrees of southerly latitude. Here we saw a
mighty camp on the south side of the river Cova.3 And
being desirous to know what they were, we went on shore
with our boat ; and presently there came a troop of five
hundred men to the waterside. We asked them who they
were. Then they told us that they were the Gagas, or
Gindes, that came from Sierra de lion [Serra Leda],4 and
1 Purchas spells indifferently Gaga, lagge, Giagas, etc. The correct
spelling is Jaga or Jaka. For a sketch of the history of these military
leaders, see Appendix.
1 The Morro, or bluff, of Old Benguella, in lat. 10* 48' S., is a con-
spicuous headland, presenting a perpendicular cliff towards the sea,
its summit being covered with cactus trees. Here Antonio Lopez
Peixoto, a nephew of Paulo Dias, in 1587, had built a presidio, which
was soon afterwards abandoned.
* The river Cuvo (Kuvu) enters the sea in 10° 52' S.
4 In a note to Bk. VII, c. iv, § 8 (Hartwell's translation of I'igafctta),
1 is made to say that "the lagges came from Sierre Liona.
But they dispersed themselves as a general pestilence and common
scourge through most parts of Ethiopia." But see p. 83, where
tell denies the statements made by Loj"
Walkman- tcs Voyages* vol. \iii), says that Dapper's
i Leone cannot be the place usually known by that n.imr. I In-
only locality in that part of Afrn .1 named in honour of a lion, as far as
I know, are the 1'cdras de Encoge, or more correctly del nkoski
(which means Lion).
C 2
20 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
passed through the city of Congo, and so travelled to the
eastward of the great city of Angola, which is called
Dongo.1 The great Gaga, which is their general, came
down to the waterside to see us, for he had never seen
white men before. He asked wherefore we came. We told
him that we came to trade upon the coast. Then he bade
us welcome, and called us on shore with our commodities.
We laded our ship with slaves in seven days, and bought
them so cheap that many did not cost one real, which were
worth in the city [of Loanda] twelve milreis.
[In a marginal note, Purchas adds : —
" He, in discourse with me, called them lagges, and their chief
the great lagge. I think he writ them Gagas for Giagas, by false
spelling."]
[Among the Jagasl\
Being ready to depart, the great Giaga staid us, and
desired our boat to pass his men over the river Cova, for
he determined to overrun the realm of Benguele, which
was on the north side of the river Cova. So we went with
him to his camp, which was very orderly, intrenched with
piles of wood; we had houses provided for us that night,
and many burthens [loads] of palm-wine, cows, goats and
flour.
In the morning, before day, the general did strike his
gongo? which is an instrument of war that soundeth like
a bell, and presently made an oration with a loud voice,
that all the camp might hear, that he would destroy the
Benguelas, with such courageous and vehement speeches
as were not to be looked for among the heathen people.
1 Ndongo is the name of the kingdom of Ngola (Angola). Its old
capital was at Pungu-a-Ndongo, a remarkable group of rocks, popularly
known as Pedras Negras.
2 Ngongo (plural Jingongo), in Kimbundu, means twin, and hence
Ngonge, a double bell, such as is described by Monteiro (Angola,
vol. i, p. 203) ; in Lunda it is called rubembe (Carvalho, Rxp. Port.,
Ethnographia, p. 369). See also note, p. 80.
AMONG THE JAGAS. 21
And presently they were all in arms, and marched to the
river side, where he had provided Gingadosl And being
ready with our boat and Gingados, the general was fain to
beat them back because of the credit who should be first.
We carried over eighty men at once, and with our muskets
we beat the enemy off", and landed, but many of them were
slain. By twelve of the clock all the Gagas were over.
Then the general commanded all his drums, tavales?
petes, pongos, and all his instruments of warlike music to
strike up, and gave the onset, which was a bloody day for
the Benguelas. These Bcnguelas presently broke, and
turned their backs, and a very great number of them were
slain, and were taken captives, man, woman and child.
The prince, Hombiangymbe, was slain, which was ruler of
this country, and more than one hundred of his chief lords,
and their heads presented and thrown at the feet of the
great Gaga. The men, women and children that were
brought in captive alive, and the dead corpses that were
brought to be eaten, were strange to behold. For these
Gagas are the greatest cannibals and man-eaters that be in
the world, for they feed chiefly upon man's flesh [notwith-
standing of their] having all the cattle of that country.
They settled themselves in this country and took the
spoil of it. We had great trade with these Gagas, five
1 " Gingado," elsewhere spelt " lergado," is evidently a misprint for
i Portuguese word meaning " raft.'' Such a raft is (ailed
Mhimba, and is made of the wood of the bimba (Herminio
phrovylon, Guill. et. Perr.), which is identical with the Ambnj of the
and grows abundantly on the swampy banks of the i
11 himself, at a critical point of his career, built himself such a
jangada (Ficalho, Flantas uteis da Africa^ 1884, p. 33).
* Ta-ualt. Mr. Dcnnet suggests that tavalf corresponds to the
libala of Loango, a word derived from the Portuguese taboa (\
for the instrument of this name consists <»f a ho.ud supported !
of wood, and kept in its place by pe^s dri\< n into the
ground. The player b< bOAfd with his two index t>
A. K. NI-VIS, M,»i ,11 /•:/',-./; ,>,',! < ',/ ////'/ a
drum, which is beaten to make known the death of a Jaya Castangc.
22 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
months, and gained greatly by them. These Gagas were
not contented to stay in this place of Benguela, although
they lacked almost nothing. For they had great store of
cattle and wheat, and many other commodities ; but they
lacked wine, for in these parts there are no palm-trees.
After the five months were expired they marched toward
the province of Bambala,1 to a great lord that is called
Calicansamba, whose country is five days up into the land.
In these five months' space we made three voyages to the
city of San Paul, and coming the fourth time we found
them not.
{March into the Interior^
Being loth to return without trade, we determined to go
up into the land after them. So we went fifty on shore,
and left our ship riding in the Bay of Benguela to stay for
us. And marching two days up into the country we came
to a great lord which is called Mofarigosat ; and coming
to his first town we found it burnt to the ground, for the
Gagas had passed and taken the spoil. To this lord we
sent a negro which we had bought of the Gagas, and [who]
lived with us, and bid him say that he was one of the great
Gaga's men, and that he was left to carry us to the camp.
This lord bade us welcome for fear of the great Gaga,
but he delayed the time, and would not let us pass till
the Gaga was gone out of his country. This lord Mofari-
gosat, seeing that the Gagas were clear of him, began to
palter with us, and would not let us go out of his land till
we had gone to the wars with him, for he thought himself
a mighty man having us with him. For in this place they
never saw [a] white man before, nor guns. So we were
1 Mbala or Embala merely means town or village. Lad. Magyar
(Reisenin Siid-Afrika, p. 383) has a district Kibala, abounding in iron,
the chief town of which is Kambuita on the river Longa. Walckenaer's
suggestion (Histoire des Voyages, vol. xiii, p. 30) that Bambala and
Bembe are identical is quite unacceptable.
AMONG THE JAGAS. 23
forced to go with him, and destroyed all his enemies, and
returned to his town again. Then we desired him that
he would let us depart ; but he denied us, without we
would promise him to come again, and leave a white man
with him in pawn.
\Left as an Hostage^
The Portugals and Mulatos being desirous to get away
from this place, determined to draw lots who should stay ;
but many of them would not agree to it. At last they
consented together that it were fitter to leave me, because
I was an Englishman, than any of themselves. Here I was
fain to stay perforce. So they left me a musket, powder and
shot, promising this lord, Mofarigosat, that within two
months they would come again and bring a hundred men
to help him in his wars, and to trade with him. But all
was to shift themselves away, for they feared that he would
have taken us all captives. Here I remained with this
lord till the two months were expired, and was hardly used,
because the Portugals came not according to promise.
The chief men of this town would have put me to death,
and stripped me naked, and were ready to cut off mine head.
But the Lord of the town commanded them to stay longer,
thinking that the Portugals would come. And after that
I was let loose again, I went from one town to another,
shifting for myself within the liberties of the lord. And
being in fear of my life among them I ran away, purposing
to go to the camp of the Gagas.
[He joins
And having travelled all that night, the next day I
came to a great town which was called Cashil, which stood
in a mighty overgrown thicket. Here I was carried into
the town, to the lord Cashil. And all the town, great and
24 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
small, came to wonder at me, for in this place there was
never any white man seen. Here were some of the great
Gaga's men, which I was glad to see, and went with these
Gagas to Calicansamba, where the camp was.
This town of the lord Cashil is very great, and is so
overgrown with Olicondie [baobab1} trees, cedars,'2 and palms,
that the streets are darkened with them. In the middle of
the town there is an image, which is as big as a man, and
standeth twelve feet high ; and at the foot of the image
there is a circle of elephants' teeth, pitched into the ground.
Upon these teeth stand great store of dead men's skulls,
which are [were] killed in the wars, and offered to this
image. They used to pour palm oil at his feet, and kill
goats, and pour their blood at his feet. This image is
called Quesango,3 and the people have great belief in him,
and swear by him ; and do believe when they are sick that
Quesango is offended with them. In many places of this
town were little images, and over them great store of
elephants' teeth piled.4
1 The baobab is indifferently called by Battell alicunde, licondo,
elicondi, olicandi, or alicunde, all of which are corruptions of nkondo,
by which name the tree is known in Congo. The Portuguese know
this characteristic tree of the coast-land and the interior as imbondeiro
(from mbondo in Kimbundu). Its inner bark yields a fibre known as
licomte, is made into coarse cloth, and is also exported 'to Europe to
be converted into paper. The wood is very light. The pulp of the
fruit is refreshing, and was formerly esteemed as a remedy against
fever and dysentery. The seeds are eaten. The shell (inacua) is
used to hold water (hence the popular name of Calabash tree).
Ficalho distinguishes three species, viz., Adansonia digitata, Linn.,
the fruit of which is longish ; A. subglobosa, bearing a bell-shaped
fruit ; A, lageniformis, yielding a fruit shaped like a cucumber (see
Monteiro, Angola, vol. i, p. 78 ; Ficalho, Plantas uteis, p. 100).
2 The cedar of the Portuguese is Tamarix articulata, Vahl., and
resembles a cypress (Ficalho, Plantas uteis da Africa, 1884, p. 94).
3 Kizangu, in Kimbundu, means fetish. Burton ( Two Trips to
Gorilla Land, vol. ii, p. 120), saw a like image, also called Quesango,
in a village above Boma.
4 The so-called fetishes (from feiti$o, a Portuguese word meaning
sorcery) are not idols, but charms and amulets, generally known as"
nkissi, nkishi, or mukishi. There are nkissi peculiar to a district,
village, or family ; charms and amulets to shield the wearer or possessor
AMONG THE JAGAS. 2$
The streets of this town were paled with palm-canes,
very orderly. Their houses were round like a hive, and,
within, hanged with fine mats very curiously wrought. On
the south-east end of the town was a mokiso [muh's/ii]
which had more than three tons of elephants' teeth piled
over him.
From this town of Cashil I travelled up into the country
with the Gagas1 two days, and came to Calicansamba,
where the great Gaga had his camp, and was welcome to
him. Among the cannibal people I determined to live,
hoping in God that they would travel so far to the west-
ward that we should see the sea again ; and so I might
escape by some ship. These Gagas remained four
months in this place, with great abundance and plenty
of cattle, corn, wine, and oil, and great triumphing,
against all the evils flesh is heir to, and others enabling the priest or
nganga to discover crime or the cause of disease. The idea underly-
ing the belief in the efficacy of these charms was very prevalent
among our own ancestors, and the images, rosaries, crosses, relics,
and other articles introduced by the Roman missionaries are looked
upon by the natives as equivalent to their own nkissi. Even at tin-
present day, images of S. Francis and of other saints may be seen in
the collection of Royal Fetishes at S. Salvador, and a cross called
santu (Santa Cruz) " is the common fetish which confers skill in hunt-
ing" (Bentley, Pioneering on the Congo, vol. i, pp. 35, 36, 39). The
images, according to Bentley, seen among the natives are not idols
but receptacles of "charms" or medicine. As to a belief in witch-
craft (ndoki, witch ; Kindoki, witchcraft), it is not even now quite
extinct among Christian people, boasting of their civilisation, for
a reputed wizard was drowned at Hedingham in Essex in 1863,
and a witch burnt in Mexico as recently as 1873. Matthew Hopkins,
the famous witch-finder, cannot claim a higher rank than an African
nganga, although his procedure was not quite the same. Nor «
see any difference between a fetish and the miraculous "bambino"
manufactured in the sixteenth century, and kept in the church of
S. Maria Aracceli, which a priest takes to the bedside of sick or
dying persons, who are asked to kiss it to be cured, and
guardians are at all times ready to receive the offerings of the faithful
Mckens, Pictures from Italy).
1 Marginal note by Purchas: — " Of these Giagas i Pigafetta's
Rook of Congo, translated into English by M. H.nt\\Hl. and my
it none could so well know them ithor,
v«d so long with tin
26 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
drinking, dancing, and banquetting, with man's flesh, which
was a heavy spectacle to behold.
At the end of four months they marched towards the
Serras, or mountains of Cashindcabar, which are mighty
high, and have great copper mines, and they took the spoil
all the way as they went. From thence they went to the
river Longa,1 and passed it, and settled themselves in the
town of Calango,2 and remained there five or six months.
Then we arose and entered into the province of Tondo,3
and came to the river Gonsa [Coanza],4 and marched on
the south side of the river to a lord that was called
Makellacolonge, near to the great city of Dongo. Here
we passed over mighty high mountains, and found it very
cold.
Having spent sixteen months among these cannibals,
they marched to the westward again, and came along the
river Gonsa, or Gunza, to a lord that is called Shillambansa,5
uncle to the King of Angola. We burnt his chief town,
which was after their fashion very sumptuously builded.
This place is very pleasant and fruitful. Here we found
great store of wild peacocks,6 flying up and down the
trees, in as great abundance as other birds. The old lord
Shillambansa was buried in the middle of the town, and
had a hundred tame peacocks kept upon his grave, which
peacocks he gave to his Mokeso, and they were called
1 The river Longa [Lungu] enters the sea in lat. 10° 20' S.
2 A soba Calungo is shown on the most recent maps as residing
north of the river Longa.
3 Perhaps we ought to read Tunda, the bush, the East. Lad.
Magyar (Reisen, p. 378) has a chief Tunda in the country of the Sellas,
and Falkenstein (Loango Expedition, p. 73) heard of a district Tunda,
inland from Novo Redondo.
4 The Gonsa or Gunza (Ngunza) of Battell is undoubtedly the
Coanza. A river Ngunza enters the sea at Novo Redondo.
6 Shila, nasty ; mbanza, towns.
6 According to Duarte Lopez (Pigafetta, p. 55), the feathers of
peacocks and of ostriches are used as a standard in battle. Hence,
peacocks are reared within a fence and reserved for the king.
AMONG THE JAGAS. 27
Angello Mokeso? that is, the Devil's or Idol's Birds, and
were accounted as holy things. He had great store of
copper, cloth, and many other things laid upon his grave,
which is the order of that country.2
From this place we marched to the westward, along the
river Coanza, and came right against the Serras or moun-
tains of Cambambe, or Serras de Prata.3 Here is the great
fall of water, that falleth right down, and maketh a mighty
noise that is heard thirty miles. We entered into the
province of Casama,4 and came to one of the greatest
Lords, which was called Langere. He obeyed the great
Gaga, and carried us to a Lord called Casoch,5 which was
a great warrior, for he had some seven years before over-
thrown the Portugals camp, and killed eight hundred
Portugals and forty-thousand negroes, that were on the
Portugals side. This Lord did stoutly withstand the
Gagas, and had the first day a mighty battle, but had not
the victory that day. So we made a sconce of trees after
their fashion, and remained four months in the wars with
1 Njilo (in Kimbundu), bird ; mukishi^ a charm.
* See note, p. 51.
3 Cambambe (A"a, diminutive ; mbambi^ gazelle), a village on the
north bank of the Coanza, below the falls formed by the river in
forcing its way through the Serra de Prata. Silver, however, has
never been found there (at least not in appreciable quantities), nor
anywhere else in Angola or Congo. Still we are told (Paiva Manso,
p. 50) that the King of Congo, in 1530, sent the wife of King Manuel
two silver bracelets which he had received from one of his chiefs in
Matamba, and that among the presents forwarded by Ngola Nbamlr,
the King of Ndongo, to Paulo Dins in 1576, there were several silver
bracelets, which the Regent of Portugal, Cardinal Henrique, had
converted into a chalice, which he presented to the church at Ik km
(Catalogo dos Governadores dt Angola). According to Capdlo and
'ncnguctlti) vol. ii, pp. 58, 233), silver ore is plentiful in Mat.milu,
although they never saw any in loco.
1 Hattell's Casama is the wide province of Kisama (Quic.ama), to
the south of the Coanza.
6 This Casoch (a misprint for Cafoch) is the Cafuxe (Cafuche) of
the Portuguese, who defeated I'.ahhasar <!<• Almeida on April 22, 1594.
On August 10, 1603, the Portuguese, led by Manuel Cervcira P< i
retrieved this disaster.
28 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
them. I was so highly esteemed with the great Gaga,
because I killed many negroes with my musket, that I had
anything that I desired of him. He would also, when they
went out to the wars, give charge to his men over me. By
this means I have been often carried away in their arms,
and saved my life. Here we were within three days'
journey of Massangano, before mentioned, where the
Portugals have a fort : and I sought means, and got to the
Portugals again with merchant negroes that came to the
camp to buy slaves.
[Military Organisation of the JagasJ]
There were in the camp of the Gagas twelve captains.
The first, called Imbe Calandola,1 their general, a man of
great courage. He warreth all by enchantment, and taketh
the Devil's counsel in all his exploits. He is always making
of sacrifices2 to the Devil, and doth know many times what
shall happen unto him. He believeth that he shall never
die but in the wars. There is no image among them, but
he useth certain ceremonies. He hath straight laws to his
soldiers : for, those that are faint-hearted, and turn their
backs to the enemy, are presently condemned and killed
for cowards, and their bodies eaten. He useth every night
to make a warlike oration upon an high scaffold, which
doth encourage his people.
It is the order of these people, wheresoever they pitch
their camp, although they stay but one night in a place, to
1 The name Calandola is by no means rare. A Calandula Muanji
resided in 1884, eight miles to the north-east of Malanje (Carvalho,
Viagens, vol. i, p. 443) ; another resided, formerly, near Ambaca (ib.,
p. 230) : and a third on the Lucala, south of Duque de Braganga, was
visited by Capello and Ivens (Benguella, vol. ii, p. 45). A Jaga
Calandula accompanied Joao Scares de Almeida on his disastrous
expedition to Sonyo (Cat. dos Gov., p. 390). Either of these may have
been a descendant of BattelFs Calandula.
2 Human victims are still sacrificed by the diviner when consulting
departed spirits (see A. R. Neves, Memoria, p. 119)*
A RIVER Of GOLD. £9
build their fort, with such wood or trees as the place
yieldeth : so that the one part of them cutteth down trees
and boughs, and the other part carrieth them, and buildeth
a round circle with twelve gates.1 So that every captain
keepeth his gate. In the middle of the fort is the general's
house, intrenched round about, and he hath many porters
to keep the door. They build their houses very close
together, and have their bows, arrows, and darts standing
without their doors ; and when they give alarm, they are
suddenly all out of the fort. Every company at their doors
[gates ?] keep very good watch in the night, playing upon
their drums and tavales?-
[A River of Gold.]
These Gagas told us of a river that is to the southward
of the Bay of Vaccas,5 that hath great store of gold : and
that they gathered up great store of grains of gold upon
the sand, which the fresh water driveth down in the time
of rain. We found some of this gold in the handles of
their hatchets, which they use to engrave with copper ; and
they called it copper also, and do not esteem it.
1 Cavazzi (Historica Descrizione de tre Regni Congo, etc., Bologna,
1687, p. 207) gives a plan of a Jaga camp, or Kilombo. It is formed of
a square stockade, having in its centre the quarters of the Com-
mander-in-chief, within a triple hedge of thorns. Between the
stockade, which has only a single gate, and the inner enclosure are
the quarters of the six principal officers, including the Golambolo (ngolo,
strength mbul*, a blow), or Lieutenant-General, the Tendala, or
Commander of the Rear-guard, and the Mani Lumbo (lumbu, a
stockade), or Engineer-in-chief.
• ravales (see note, p. 21).
* Bahia das Vaccas, old name for Benguclla Bay. There seems to
be no native name for gold ; yet Dr. Francisco lose Maria de Lacerda,
when with the abortive expedition of 1797, which was charged with
the exploration of the Kunene, met a negress whose head-dress was
composed of golden lamina.', said to have been washed in that
(Burton, Lacerda 's Journey to Cazembc, London, 1873, p. 2^). I
laus Magyar (Rcisen, p. 176), says that about 1833 a Bra/ilian
washed gold in the mountains of Hambo. Quite recently, in 1900, the
Mossamedes Company granted a lease of the Kasinga goldfields to
an English company.
30 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
[Palm Wine.}
These Gagas delight in no country, but where there is
great store of Palmares, or groves of palms. For they
delight greatly in the wine and in the fruit of the palm,
which serveth to eat and to make oil. And they draw
their wine contrary to the Imbondos.1 These palm-trees
are six or seven fathoms high, and have no leaves but in
the top : and they have a device to go up to the top of the
tree, and lay no hands on it, and they draw the wine in the
top of the tree in a bottle.
But these Gagas cut the palm-trees down by the root,
which lie ten days before they will give wine. And then
they make a square hole in the top and heart of the tree,
and take, out of the hole every morning a quart, and at
night a quart So that every tree giveth two quarts of
wine a day for the space of six and twenty days, and then
it drieth up.
\Jaga Raids.]
When they settle themselves in any country, they cut
down as many palms as will serve them wine for a month :
and then as many more, so that in a little time they spoil
the country. They stay no longer in a place than it will
afford them maintenance. And then in harvest- time they
arise, and settle themselves in the fruitfullest place they
can find ; and do reap their enemy's corn, and take their
cattle. For they will not sow, nor plant, nor bring up any
cattle, more than they take by wars.2 When they come into
any country that is strong, which they cannot the first
day conquer, then their General buildeth his fort, and
remaineth sometimes a month or two quiet. For he saith,
1 The Imbondos are clearly the Nbundu of Angola, who draw the
palm wine from the top, whilst the Jagas cut down the tree.
2 Purchas adds, in a marginal note : " Fruges consumere nati."
DRESS AND ORNAMENTS. 31
it is as great wars to the inhabitants to see him settled in
their country, as though he fought with them every day.
So that many times the inhabitants come and assault him
at his fort : and these Gagas defend themselves and flesh1
them on for the space of two or three days. And when
their General mindeth to give the onset, he will, in the
night, put out some one thousand men : which do ambush
themselves about a mile from their fort. Then in the
morning the great Gaga goeth with all his strength out of
the fort, as though he would take their town. The inhabi-
tants coming near the fort to defend their country, being
between them, the Gagas give the watchword with their
drums, and then the ambushed men rise, so that very few
escape. And that day their General overunneth the
country.
[Dress and Ornamentsl\
The great Gaga Calando2 hath his hair very long,
embroidered with many knots of Banba3 shells, which are
very rich among them, and about his neck a collar of
masoes* which are also shells, that are found upon that
coast, and are sold among them for the worth of twenty
shillings a shell : and about his middle he weareth landcs,
which are beads made of the ostrich eggs.5 He weareth a
palm-cloth about his middle, as fine as silk. His body is
carved and cut with sundry works, and every day anointed
with the fat of men.6 He weareth a piece of copper cross
1 " Flesh " in the sense of encourage.
1 Calando should be Calandola (see note on p. 28).
1 Mbamba, a whelk or trumpet-shell (Cordeiro da Malta, Dice.
Kimbundu).
4 Mr. Dcnnet suggests msose, a turritella, popularly knou
screw-shell.
* No ostriches arc met with in Angola, and as to beads made of
ostrich eg, DO explanation.
'onteiro was told that t and their wives among the
Muscle only us>c human fat to anoint their bodies (vol. ii, p. 157).
& BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
his nose,1 two inches long, and in his ears also. His body
is always painted red and white. He hath twenty or thirty
wives, which follow him when he goeth abroad ; and one
of them carrieth his bows and arrows ; and four of them
carry his cups of drink after him. And when he drinketh
they all kneel down, and clap their hands and sing.2
Their women wear their hair with high trompes full of
bamba \mbamba\ shells, and are anointed with civet.3 They
pull out four of their teeth, two above and two below, for
a bravery. And those that have not their teeth out are
loathsome to them, and shall neither eat nor drink with
them. They wear great store of beads about their necks,
arms, and legs ; about their middles, silk cloths.
[Infanticide.']
The women are very fruitful, but they enjoy none of
their children : for as soon as the woman is delivered of
her child, it is presently buried quick [alive], so that there
is not one child brought up in all this generation.4 But
when they take any town they keep the boys and girls of
thirteen or fourteen years of age as their own children.
But the men and women they kill and eat. These little
boys they train up in the wars, and hang a collar about
their necks for a disgrace, which is never taken off till he
proveth himself a man, and bring his enemy's head to the
1 The practice of wearing such nose ornaments exists to the present
day in Lunda, among the Bangala and other tribes (Capello and
Ivens, Benguela^ vol. i, p. 265 ; Carvalho, Expedit^ao Portugueza ao
Muatianvua, Lingua de Lunda, p. 367 ; Ethnographia, p. 349).
2 Marginal note by Purchas : " They use this ceremony in Florida."
3 Civet-cats are numerous in this part of Africa.
4 I am inclined to believe, from what we learn from Cavazzi and
other missionaries, that only those children were killed which were born
within the Kilombo. On the other hand, at the Court of the ferocious
queen Jinga, we are told by Captain Fuller, a Dutchman, that, on two
days in 1648, 113 new-born infants born outside the camp were killed
(Dapper, Africa, p. 545).
HUMAN SACRIFICES. 33
General : and then it is taken off and he is a freeman, and
is called Gonso or soldier.1 This maketh them all desperate,
and forward to be free, and counted men : and so they do
increase. In all this camp there were but twelve natural
Gagas that were their captains, and fourteen or fifteen
women. For it is more than fifty years since they came
from Serra de Lion, which was their native country.
But their camp is sixteen thousand strong, and sometimes
more.-
[Huinan Sacrifices^
When the great Gaga Calandola undertaketh any great
enterprise against the inhabitants of any country, he
maketh a sacrifice to the Devil, in the morning, before the
sun riseth. He sitteth upon a stool, having upon each side
of him a man-witch : then he hath forty or fifty women
which stand round about him, holding in each hand a
zevra [zebra]4 or wild horse's tail, wherewith they do flourish
and sing. Behind them are great store of petes, pongcs,
and drums, which always play. In the midst of them is
a great fire; upon the fire an earthen pot with white
powders, wherewith the men-witches do paint him on the
1 Ngunza, according to Cordcira da Malta, means all -|><>\\i -rful ;
according l<> P>entley a herald, who speaks on behalf of a chief.
1 See note, p. 19.
s Human sacrifices amonx the J.i en now of fret|uent occur-
rence. They are made at the installation of a Ja, ir after his
election (when the sacrifice and its at- ompanyinj; ban<i
iliate the spirit of Kinguri, the founder of the Dynasty), at his
on tin- outbreak of \\.ti. etc. The ceremony witnessed by
.el of divination. The soothsayer siuninoi.
of Kinxuri, who is supposed to foretell the results <,t
about to be undertaken. In i^»7,t: >lula,
. ised by his soothsayers that he would *t in a
war be was about to enter upc the Portuguese, declined the
arbitration of the sword, and submitted voluntarily. The body of the
victim is cooked with the flesh of a COW,
and a ::d this mess is devoured (ceremoniously b
and his makfltiis (councillors).
' The handle of this switch contains a potent medicine, which pro-
tects the owner against d<
34 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
forehead, temples, 'thwart the breast and belly, with long
ceremonies and inchanting terms. Thus he continueth
till sun is down. Then the witches bring his Casengula?
which is a weapon like a hatchet, and put it into his hand,
and bid him be strong against his enemies : for his mokiso
is with him. And presently there is a man-child brought,
which forthwith he killeth. Then are four men brought
before him ; two whereof, as it happeneth, he presently
striketh and killeth ; the other two he commandeth to be
killed without the fort.
Here I was by the men-witches ordered to go away,
as I was a Christian, for then the Devil doth appear to
them, as they say. And presently he commandeth five
cows to be killed within the fort, and five without the fort :
and likewise as many goats, and as many dogs, and the
blood of them is sprinkled in the fire, and their bodies are
eaten with great feasting and triumph. And this is used
many times by all the other captains of their army.
[Burial of the Dead.}
When they bury the dead they make a vault in the
ground, and a seat for him to sit.2 The dead hath his
his head newly embroidered, his body washed, and anointed
with sweet powders. He hath all his best robes put on,
and is brought between two men to his grave, and set in
seat as though he were alive. He hath two of his wives
set with him, with their arms broken, and then they cover
over the vault on the top. The inhabitants when they die
are buried after the same fashion, and have the most part
1 Casengula, called Kissengula, p. 86, was perhaps a trombash, for
sangula means to kill at a long range (Bentley).
2 The Jagas are still buried sitting, and wives are sacrificed (Capello
and Ivens, From Benguella to the Territory of the lacca, vol. i, p. 330).
In Ngois, likewise, the dead are occasionally buried in a sitting
posture (Bastian, vol. i, p. 82). For a full account of a funeral, see
Dennett's Folklore, p. n.
BURIAL OF THE JAGA. 35
of their goods buried with them. And every month there
is a meeting of the kindred of the dead man, which mourn
and sing doleful songs at his grave for the space of three
days, and kill many goats, and pour their blood upon his
grave, and palm-wine also ; and use this ceremony as long
as any of their kindred be alive.1 But those that have no
kindred think themselves unhappy men, because they have
none to mourn for them when they die. These people are
very kind one to another in their health ; but in their
sickness they do abhor one another, and will shun their
company.
1 These feasts are intended to secure the goodwill of the deceased,
so that he may not injure the living. Human beings are occasionally
sacrificed, in addition to goats and fowls.
I) 2
36 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
§ IV.
His return to the Portugal*: invasions of diverse countries ;
abuses ; flight from them and living in the woods diverse
months ; his strange boat, and coming to Loango.
\Jodo Rodrigues Coutinho' s Campaign, 1602.]
Being departed from the Gagas I came to Masangano,
where the Portugals have a town of garrison. There was
at that time a new Governor, which was called Sienor luan
Coutinho,1 who brought authority to conquer the mines or
mountains of Cambamba ; and to perform that service the
King of Spain had given him seven years' custom of all
the slaves and goods that were carried thence to the West
Indies, Brazil, or whithersoever, with condition that he
should build three castles, one in Demba,2 which are the
salt mines, the other in Cambamba, which are the silver
mines, and the other in Bahia das Vaccas, or the Bay
of Cows.
This gentleman was so bountiful at his coming that his
fame was spread through all Congo, and many mulatoes
and negroes came voluntarily to serve him. And being
some six months in the city he marched to the Outaba of
Tombe,3 and there shipped his soldiers in pinnaces, and
went up the river Consa or Coanza, and landed at the
1 Joao Rodrigues Coutinho received his appointment as Governor
at Madrid, on January 30, 1601 (see Appendix).
2 Ndemba, in Quissama, a territory famous for its salt mines, the
chief of which was the Caculo Caquimone Casonga (Cadornega, 1702).
In 1783, when P. M. Pinheiro de Lacerda invaded Quissama, a
Caculo Caquimone still held the mines of Ndemba. Kakulu, the
elder of twins, a title.
3 Outaba seems to be a misprint for libata (village). Tombo is on
the north bank of the Coanza, almost due south of Loanda.
THE CAMPAIGN OF l6O2. 37
Outaba of Songo,1 sixty miles from the sea. This lord
Songo is next to Demba, where the salt-mines be. In this
place there is such store of salt that most part of the
country are perfect clear salt, without any earth or filth in
it, and it is some three feet under the earth as it were ice ;
and they cut it out in stones of a yard long, and it is
carried up into the country, and is the best commodity
that a man can carry to buy anything whatsoever.
Here the Governor staid ten days, and sent a pinnace to
Masangano for all the best soldiers that were there. So
the captain of the castle sent me down among a hundred
soldiers, and I was very well used by the Governor ; and
he made me a sergeant of a Portugal company, and then
he marched to Machimba,'2 from thence to Cauo, and then
to Malombe, a great lord. Here we were four days, and
many lords came and obeyed us. From thence we marched
to a mighty lord called Angoykayongo,3 who stood in the
defence of his country with more than sixty thousand men.
So we met with him, and had the victory, and made a
great slaughter among them. We took captives all his
women and children, and settled ourselves in his town,
because it was a very pleasant place, and full of cattle and
victuals. And being eight days in this town the Governor
sickened and died, and left a captain in his room to
perform the service.
1 Songa, on the Coanza, below Muchinia, a village in the territory
of the Caculo Caquimone Casonga.
- Mac himba I believe to be Muchimaor Muxiina. whilst (according
to Cadornega) a chief Cavao occupied a district above Lake (v)ni/tia
and below Massangano.
* According to the Catalogo dos Gflrcrtmtforcs* p. ;,:/>, the < .nvcrnor
died in Quissama. He was succeeded by his captain-major, Manuel
IK \\lxt. on August 10, 1603, do
:he bloody battle to whi< h is made in tlx
M's Angoyl if undoubtedly identical with the .-/.
inonyrnous account of the Estaolimcttb
-lished by L. ("order, i II- , : | ' !:• : '' and a
ijor, with a detachment iry, was Mationed at 1m
village to keep Quissama in order.
38 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
[Manuel Cerveira Pereira carries on the
After we had been two months in the country of
Angoykayongo we marched towards Cambambe, which
was but three days' journey, and came right against the
Serras da Prata, and passed the river Coanza, and presently
overran the country, and built a fort hard by the riverside.
Here I served two years.
They opened the silver-mines, but the Portugals did not
like of them as yet, because they yielded small share of
silver.1
This new up-start governor was very cruel to his soldiers,
so that all his voluntary men left him ; and by this means
he could go no further.
At this time there came news by the Jesuits that the
Queen of England was dead, and that King James had
made peace with Spain.2 Then I made a petition to the
Governor, who granted me licence to go into my country ;
and so I departed with the Governor and his train to the
city of St. Paul. But he left five hundred soldiers in the
fort of Cambambe, which they hold still.3
[A Trading Trip to Congo.']
Then I went with a Portugal merchant to the province of
Bamba, and from thence to the Outeiro ["hill"],or city stand-
ing upon a mountain of Congo,4 from thence to Gongon5
1 See note, p. 27.
* Queen Elizabeth died April 3, 1603 ; but peace with Spain was
only concluded on August 19, 1604.
3 Joao de Araujo e Azevedo was the officer left in command at.
Cambambe.
4 That is S. Salvador.
5 Ngongo, according to Cavazzi (p. 521), is a place on the road from
Sundi to Batta, where Girolamo da Montesarchio destroyed the
heathen images. This place possibly corresponds to the modern
Congo, a station on the Stanley Pool Railway. Cadornega has a
Congo de Bata, which figures on Dapper's map as Congo de Bata,
and lies to the west of the Mbanza of Bata. It is impossible to tell
FINAL ESCAPE. 39
and Batta,1 and there we sold our commodities and re-
turned in six months to the city [Loanda] again.
[Final Escape from Captivity]
Then I purposed to have shipped myself for Spain, and
thence homewards. But the Governor denied his word,
and commanded me to provide myself within two days to
go up to the Conquest again. This Governor had served
his three years,2 and the citizens looked every day for
another out of Portugal. So I determined to absent
myself for ten or twenty days, till the other Governor came,
and then to come to the city again. For every Governor
that cometh maketh proclamation for all men that be
absent, to come with free pardon.
The same day, at night, I departed from the city with
two negro boys that I had, which carried my musket and
six pounds of powder, and a hundred bullets, and that
little provision of victuals that I could make. In the
morning I \vas some twenty miles from the city, up along
the river Bengo, and there I staid certain days, and then
passed Bengo and came to the river Dande, which is to the
northward, purposing to know what news was in the city,
for I was near the highway of Congo. And one of my
negroes inquired of those that passed, and brought me
word that it was certain that the new Governor came not
that year.
Now I was put to my shifts, whether I would go to the
which of these places was visited by Hattell ; possibly he p..
through both.
1 The Ml>an/a or chief town <>f in 8°
S., In: , p. 404) passed tlv
I discovered a huge wooden cross, a relic of the an
missionaries.
Cerveira Pereira had assumed government at tin-
iinx <>f lfo3, and three years would «>m rnimih .any us to
1606. ^cvcr,
only nominated on August 2, 1607.
40 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
city again and be hanged, or to stay and live in the woods,
for I had run away twice before. So I was forced to live
in the woods a month, betwixt the rivers of Dande and
Bengo. Then I went to Bengo again, to Mani Kaswea,
and passed over the river, and went to the lake of Casansa.1
Here is the greatest store of wild beasts that is in any
place of Angola. About this lake I staid six months, and
lived only upon dried flesh, as buffes [buffaloes], deer,
mokokes,2 impolancas,3 and roebucks, and other sorts,
which I killed with my musket, and dried the flesh, as the
savages do, upon an hurdle, three feet from the ground,
making underneath it a great fire, and laying upon the
flesh green boughs, which keep the smoke and heat of the
fire down, and dry it. I made my fire with two little
sticks, as the savages used to do. I had sometimes Guinea
wheat [maize] which my negro boy would get of the
inhabitants for pieces of dried flesh.
This lake of Casanze doth abound with fish of sundry
sorts. I have taken up a fish that hath skipped out of
the water on shore, four feet long, which the heathen call
Sombo.4
Thus, after I had lived six months with the dried flesh
and fish, and seeing no end of my misery, I wrought
means to get away.
In this lake are many little island that are full of trees
called Memba [bimbaf which are as light as cork and as
soft. Of these trees I built a lergado \_Jangadd\, with a
1 See note, p. n. - Nkoko, a large grey antelope.
3 Impalanca, Palanga^ or Mpalanga, an antelope (Hippotragus
equinus}.
4 This is an electric silurus called nsombo, plur. sinsombo, by the
natives. Fishermen dread its electrical discharges, but value its
flesh (Pechuel-Loesche, Die Loango Expedition, vol. iii, p. 282).
This fish, Mr. Dennett tells me, is the "xina" (taboo) of women,
generally speaking, which may account for the word becoming a
generic name for fish, as in Unyamwezi, Ugogo, and other countries,
tf vocabularies can be trusted,
6 See note, p. 21,
FINAL ESCAPE. 4!
knife of the savages that I had, in the fashion of a box
nailed with wooden pegs, and railed round about, because
the sea should not wash me out ; and with a blanket
that I had I made a sail, and prepared three oars to row
withall.
This lake of Casanza is eight miles over, and issueth
into the river Bengo. So I entered into my gingado
\_Jangada\ and my two negro boys, and rowed into the
river Bengo, and so came down with the current twelve
leagues to the bar. Here I was in great danger, because
the sea was great ; and being over the bar I rode into the
sea, and then sailed afore the wind along the coast, which
I knew well, minding to go to the kingdom of Longo
[Loango], which is towards the north ; and being that
night at sea, the next day I saw a pinnace come before
the wind, which came from the city, and was bound to
San Thome, and she came near to me. The master was
my great friend, for we had been mates together, and for
pity's sake he took rne in, and set me on shore in the port
of Longo, where I remained three years, and was well
beloved of the king, because I killed him deer and fowls
with my musket.
42 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
Of the Province of Engoy \_Ngoyo\ and other Regions of
Loango, with the Customs there observed by the King
and People.
[Kabinda.']
From the Point of the Palmar [Ponta do Palmar],1 which,
is the north side of the river Zaire, is the port of Cabenda
[Kabinda],2 where many ships' use to water and refresh
themselves ; and it is five leagues northwards. This place
is called Engoy [Ngoyo], and is the first province of Longo
[Loango], and is full of woods and thickets. And seven
leagues northwards of that place is the river Cacongo,3 a
very pleasant place and fruitful. Here is great stock of
elephants' teeth, and a boat of ten tons may go up the river.
The Mombales4 have great trade with them, and pass
the river Zaire in the night, because then it is calm, and
carry great store of elephants' teeth to the town of Mani
Sonna [Sonyo], and sell them in the port of Pinda to the
Portugals, or any other stranger that first cometh.5
At four leagues from Cacongo is the river of Caye, or
Longo Leuyes.6 This town of Caye [Kaia] is one of the
1 This is Red Point, or Ponta Vermelha, where there is a grove of
palms.
2 Kabinda, 5° 31' S., on a fine bay.
3 The river Kakongo, or Chiloango, enters the sea in lat. 5° 9' S.
to the north of Landana. It is a very considerable river, and its
waters discolour the sea for seven miles.
4 Mbale, according to Bentley, is the coast region between the
Congo and Ambrisette ; but on Pigafetta's map (1591) a town, Mon-
bales, is shown to the south-east of the chief place of Sonho (Sonyo).
5 Pinda, or Mpinda, in Sonyo, is below the Mbanza of Sonyo,
which on modern maps figures as St. Antonio.
6 The Luiza Loango, or Massdbi, river enters the sea in lat. 5° i' S.
Its depth across the bar is only 2 ft., but once within, it presents a
fair waterway for over a hundred miles. Kaia is about ten miles up it.
LOANGO. 43
four seats or lordships of Longo. And then the Angra, or
Gulf, das Almadias.1 In this gulf, or bay, are great store
of canoes or fishermen, because the sea is smoother there
than upon the coast. And two leagues northward is the
port of Longo [Loango]. And it is a sandy bay, and a
ship may ride within a musket-shot of the shore in four or
five fathoms.
[ TJic Capital of LoaMgoJ]
The town of Mani Longo is three miles from the water-
side, and standeth on a great plain. This town is full of
palm and plantain-trees and very fresh, and their houses
are built under the trees. The streets are wide and long,
and always clean swept. The King hath his houses on the
west side, and before his door he hath a plain, where he
sitteth, when he has any feastings or matters of wars to
treat of. From this plain there goeth a great wide street,
some musket-shot from the place ; and there is a great
market every day, and it doth begin at twelve of the clock.
Here is great store of palm-cloths of sundry sorts, which
is their merchandizes ; and a great store of victuals, flesh,
hens, fish, wine, oil, and corn. Here is also very fine log
wood,2 which they use to dye withall — it is the root of the
log wood which is the best — and molangos* of copper. Here
1 The Golfo das Almadias, or Canoe Bay, as described by Battell,
corresponds to Black Point Bay, 4° 48' S., the inner bay of which, less
than half a mile across, had become all but silted up by 1884.
1 No logwood is found in Loango, and Pure has points out in a note
(post, p. 82 , that P.attell 1 must be Red Sanders (Pt<
pus tinctorin\ , the t<icnl>i of Angola, and identical with the t<r. :
ho, /'/tiH/,i\ tf/i'/s, p. 207). Pechuel-Loesche (Loango
Exp.) vol. iii, p. 190), on the other hand, states that the dye kn<>
.0(1 /i.ip/n'ii /////'///f, .•//.-.', and P.enth-y (./)/</. of the
••:£U<igc\ who calls the dye ///•///</, is of the same opinion,
icr red dye is obtained from the Njilla \<>n</<- ( /'.
erifi'i >.).
* Nlunga (Hentlcy) or tmtlnn^i/ (Cordcira da Malta) is the native
44 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
is likewise great store of elephants' teeth, but they sell none
in the market-place.
[A Royal Audience.]
The King hath ten great houses, and is never certain to
be found but in the afternoon, when he cometh to sit.
And then he keepeth always [to] one house. The house is
very long, and at twelve of the clock it is full of noblemen.
They sit upon carpets upon the ground. The house is
always full of people till midnight.
The last king, Gembe [Njimbe],1 never used to speak in
the day, but always in the night. But this king speaketh
in the day : howbeit he spendeth most of the day with his
wives. And when the king cometh in he goeth to the
upper end of the house, where he hath his seat, as it were
a throne. And when the king is set, they clap their hands
and salute him, saying in their language : By ant Pemba,
Ampola, Money a, Quesinge?
1 The Maloango (ma, a contraction of mani or mwanu, son ;
mfumu, chief) or king is selected by the Mamboma (see p. 59) and
the princes, and must be a nephew (sister's son) of his predecessor.
On his election he takes the title of Nganga nvumbu (Nganga, priest ;
nvumbu, benevolent spirit, breath), but only proceeds to that of
Maloango when rich enough to summon the whole country to a great
feast, when declaration is made for the first time officially of the death
of the former Maloango, and he is buried. As these festivities are
very expensive, they are often deferred for years, and many a Nganga
nvumbu has died without even troubling about the higher title.' The
successors of the Maloango Njimbi of Loango, of Battell's time,
according to Mr. Dennett, have been : i. Maloango Tati of Kondi ;
2. Mani Puati of Chibanga ; 3. Mani Yambi ; 4. Man'anombo : 5. Mani
Makosso Matukila of Kondi ; 6. Mani Makosso Manombo ; 7. Mani
Makosso Masonga ; 8. Mani Puati. Nos. 3 to 8 never assumed the
title of Maloango. Mani Puati very much disgusted the people with
his cruelty (he had killed his own daughter because she refused to
cohabit with him); and when the French, in 1898, called upon the
Mamboma and the princes to produce a Maloango, they ignored the
existence of Puati, and elected his nephew, Mani Luemba. This list,
however, is evidently imperfect.
z Mr. Dennett, whose long residence at Loango and thorough
knowledge of the languages entitle him to speak with authority,
LOANGO. 45
[77*? King's Wives.]1
On the south side of the king's houses he hath a circuit
[compound] or village, where his wives dwell, and in this
circuit no man may come on pain of death. He hath in
this place one hundred and fifty wives and more. And if
any man be taken within this circuit, if he be with a
woman, or do but speak to her, they be both brought into
the market-place and their heads be cut off, and their bodies
quartered, and lie one day in the street. The last king
Gymbe [Njimbi], had four hundred children by his women.
[The King Drinks !] ;
When the king drinketh he hath a cup of wine brought,
and he that bringeth it hath a bell in his hand, and as soon
as he hath delivered the cup to the king, he turneth his
face from the king and ringeth the bell ; and then all that
be there fall down upon their faces, and rise not till the
king have drunk. And this is very dangerous for any
stranger that knoweth not the fashions, for if any seeth the
king drink he is presently killed, whatsoever he be. There
was a boy of twelve years, which was the king's son. This
boy chanced to come unadvisedly when his father was in
drinking. Presently the king commandeth he should be
finds this passage unintelligible, but ventures to suggest the follow-
ing :—
mi (my companion) ampcmbe (white) mpolo (face), tnucnycyc
(Boio, the underground nkishni), kc zinga (not live long) 1
• ly translated, it would mean " My companion, the white face,
en from underground, and will not live long." This is a curious
:ig, but it fairly represents oat tin- white man, as
long as he keeps to his ship (supposed to rise from the bottom ot the
ocean), is believed to live long ; whilst, once he como ^hore,
he is condemned to an early «!•
1 In a marginal note, 1'un ha^ says that tli« -ailed
is known neither to Mr. Dennett nor to
Mr. Phillips. Macome is probably a misprint f< ia, the title
nding to D.ipper, p. 522, by ;he king's "mother." Nkomii,
accoi nobility.
46 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
well apparelled and victuals prepared. So the youth did
eat and drink. Afterward the king commandeth that he
should be cut in quarters and carried about the city, with
proclamation that he saw the king drink.1
[ The King at Dinner^
Likewise for his diet, when it is dinner-time, there is a
house of purpose, where he always eateth, and there his
diet is set upon a bensa? like a table. Then he goeth in,
and hath the door shut. So when he hath eaten, then he
knocketh and cometh out. So that none see the king eat
nor drink. For it is their belief, that if he be seen eating
or drinking, -he shall presently die. And this is an order
with all kings that now are, or shall succeed, unless they
abolish this cruel custom.
[ 1 he King as a Rain-maker.']
The king is so honoured as though he were a god among
them, and is called Sambe and Pongof that is God. And
they believe that he can give them rain when he listeth.
So once a year, when it is time to rain, that is in December,
the people come to beg rain and bring their gifts to the
king, for none come empty.5 Then he appointeth the day,
1 Mr. Dennett informs me that, still at the present day, when the
King (Maloango) or rather Nganga nvumbu, drinks in state, he covers
his head with a cloth, so that the public may not see him drink. On
ordinary occasions, however, this custom is no longer observed.
2 The heads of all families eat alone ; that is, they eat first, and
their wives and children afterwards. Maloango still observes the
same custom, with his ma sa vi, or house-steward, as the sole
attendant (Dennett).
3 Bensa may be a corruption of the Portuguese banca, a table.
Mr. Dennett does not know the word.
4 Not Sambe and Pongo, but Nzambi-ampungu ! Nzambi is the
name by which God is known ; Nzambi-ampungu means the Most
High (Supreme) God (Bentley, Life on the Congo, 1887, p. 62).
* The rains begin in October and last till April, being heaviest from
November to March. They are very irregular. Thus, in February
A ROYAL RAINMAKER. 47
and all the lords far and near come to the feast with all
their troops, as they go in the wars. And when all the
troops of men be before the king, the greatest Lord
cometh forth with his bows and arrows, and sheweth his
skill with his weapon ; and then he hath a merry conceit or
jest that he speaketh before the king, and kneeleth at his
feet ; and then the king thanketh him for his love : and in
like manner they do all.
The king sitteth abroad in a great place, and hath a
carpet spread upon the ground, which is some fifteen
fathoms about, of fine ensacks^ which are wrought like
velvet, and upon the carpet his seat, which is a fathom from
the ground. Then he commanded his Dembes [Ndamba]2
to strike up, which are drums, so great, that they cannot
carry them, and others that are very great. He hath also
eight Pongos? which are his waits, made of the greatest
elephants' teeth, and are hollowed and scraped light, which
play also. And with the drums and waits they make an
hellish noise. After they have sported and shewed the
king pleasure, he ariseth and standeth upon his throne,
and taketh a bow and arrows in his hand, and shooteth to
the sky ; and that day there is great rejoicing, because
sometimes they have rain. I was once there when the
king gave rain, and it chanced that day to rain mightily,
which made the people have a great belief in their folly.4
1874, 2.2 ins. fell at Chinchosho ; in the same month, 1875, 12.0 ins. ;
but in 1876 only 0.2 ins.
1 Ensaka, according to D. Lopez (Pigafetta), a stuff resembling
velvet.
* The Ndamba is no drum, as understood by Pun has. but
instrument made out of ;i piece of palm stem, about ^ or 5 It. lon^.
s split down one side, the soft centre is thru stooped out. and
the edges of the split cut into notches. Hy rubbing tl"
energetically with a stick, a loud rasping noisr Montciro,
Angola, vol, ii, p. 139 : Cordeiro da Malta, Diccionario, p. 118).
a An ivory trumpet (see note, p. 15).
Of to be mistaken. V - me that
as Ngangu >r<'uml>u (see note 44) toll
48 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
[Albinos.}
Here are sometimes born in this country white children,
which is very rare among them, for their parents are
negroes. And when any of them are born, they are pre-
sented unto the king and are called Dondos [Ndundu^-
These are as white as any white man. These are the king's
witches, and are brought up in witchcraft, and always
wait on the king. There is no man that dare meddle with
these Dondos. If they go to the market they may take
what they list, for all men stand in awe of them. The
King of Longo had four of them.
[The Nkishi, or Fetishes ^\
The king also is a witch, and believeth in two idols
which are in Longo. The one is called Mokisso a Longo,
the other is called Checocke? This last is a little black
image, and standeth in a little house at a village called
Kinga, which standeth in the landing-place of Longo.
This house of Checocke standeth in the highway, and they
that go by clap their hands, which is the courtesy of the
country. Those that be craftsmen, as fishermen, hunters,
and witches, do offer to this idol, that they may have good
luck. This Checocke doth sometimes in the night come
his people, and sends them with a petition for rain to the great rain-
doctor, Nganga mBunzt, in Ngoyo. He has never heard that Maloango
had usurped the functions of the great rain-doctor by shooting an
arrow to the sky. Abbe" Proyart (Hist, de Loango, c. 13), says that the
Maloango being desirous of not committing himself, orders one of his
ministers to make rain.
1 Mr. Dennett tells me that Ndundu when born are thrown into the
bush. During his long residence in Africa he has only seen one, and
that was at Kinsembo, eighteen years ago. Proyart (Histoire de Loango,
Paris, 1819, p. 150) says that these albinos are held higher than the
Gangas, are looked upon almost as " divine," and that their hair is
valued as giving protection against accidents. See also p. 81.
2 Mukishi a Loango, the fetish or " charm " of Loango. Checoke is
identical with Dapper's Kikoko (Africa, Amsterdam, 1671, p. 535).
Dapper's account is not derived from Battell.
LOANGO FETISHES. 49
and haunt some of his best beloved : sometimes a man,
sometimes a boy or a woman. And then they be frantic
for the space of three hours ; and whatsoever the frantic
person speaketh, that is the will of Checocke. And they
make a great feast and dancing at his house.1
There is another Mokisso which is also in Kinga, and it
is called Gomberi. It is the name of a woman, and is in
a house where an old witch dwelleth, and she is called
Ganga Gomberi, which is, the Priest of Gomberi. Here
once a year is a feast made, and Ganga Gomberi speaketh
under the ground.2 And this is a common thing every
year. I have asked the negroes what it was, and they told
me that it was a strong Mokisso that is come to abide
with Checocke.
{Children are born White.']
The children in this country are born white, and change
their colour in two days to a perfect black. As, for
example, the Portugals, which dwell in the kingdom of
Congo, have sometimes children by the negro women, and
many times the fathers are deceived, thinking when the
child is born it is theirs, and within two days it proveth the
son or daughter of a negro ; which the Portugals do greatly
grieve at, for they rejoice when they have a mulato child,
though it be a bastard.
[ The Royal Princes I\
The town of Longo [Loango] standeth in the midst of
four Lordships, and is governed by four Princes, which
1 According to Mr. Bentley, hysteria is very common in this
country. For the account of the ravings of a witch-doctor, see
. vol. i, j>. 271.
1 Mr. Dennett informs me that the underground speaking trii-h in
Loango is at the present time called /fo/0, and is found at ( hiliin^a.
He suggests that Nguuilnri \\ \cr spirit, or Nkishi from the
country north of Mayumha. I >i. Haitian paid a visit to the holy pla« e
of the underground ora< Ic of Ngoio near Moanda, known .1
whirh only speak- on thr accession of a kin^, whom he instructs as to
his royal duties (I Hi- A-/// I i, p. 85, 223).
I
50 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
are the King's sisters' sons, for the King's sons can never
be kings. The first is Mani Cabango,1 the second Mani
Salag, the third Mani Bock, the fourth Mani Cay. This
Mani Cay is next to be king, and hath his train and court
as a Prince. And when the King dieth he cometh pre-
sently into the seat of the King. Then, Mani Bock
cometh to Cay, Mani Salag cometh to Bock, and Mani
Cabango cometh to Salag. And then they provide another
to go to Cabango, so there be four Princes that wait on
the King when their turns come.
[The King's Mother.]
The mother of these Princes is called Mani Lombo,2 and
she is the highest and chief woman in all the land. She
maketh choice of her husband, and when she is weary of
him she putteth him away, and taketh another. Her
children are greatly honoured, and whosoever passeth by
them kneel down and clap their hands, which is the
cburtesy of the country.
These Lordships are champaign grounds, and full of
corn and fruit.
[Palm Cloth.}*
The men in this kingdom make good store of palm-cloth
of sundry sorts, very fine and curious. They are never
idle : for they make fine caps of needlework as they go in
the streets.
1 The mani (mwana, or princes) mentioned by Battell are those of
Chibanga, Selanganga (of the family of the Petra Praia of Kenga),
Mbuku, and Kaya, in Chikamba. (R. E. Dennett, on the law of succes-
sion, see note on p. 44.)
2 Mani Lombe is a man's name : at least, at the present time, and
is never given to a woman. It means "One who is peaceful and
quiet." No special name or title is borne by the mother of the
successors of Maloango (R. E. Dennett) ; but as Lumbu means stock-
ade, palace, or chiefs house, Battell may have mistaken a word
applied to this woman's residence for that of her title. Lombo means
a person supposed to be an incarnation of a shimbi, or water-fairy.
3 Palm-cloth (see note, p. 9).
BURIAL IN LOANGO. $1
[The Royal Tombs]
There is a place two leagues from the town of Longo,
called Longer!,1 where all their kings be buried, and it is
compassed round about with elephants' teeth pitched in the
ground, as it were a Pale, and it is ten roods in compass.
[Europeans Committed to the Sea.]
These people will suffer no white man to be buried in
their land,2 and if any stranger or Portugal come thither
to trade, and chance to die, he is carried in a boat two
miles from the shore, and cast into the sea. There was
once a Portugal gentleman, that came to trade with them,
and had his house on shore. This gentleman died, and
was buried some four months. That year it did not rain so
soon as it was wont, which beginneth about December, so
that they lacked rain for some two months. Then their
mokisso told them that the Christian, which was buried,
must be taken out of the earth, and cast into the sea ; and
within three days it rained, which made them have a great
belief in the devil.
1 Dr. Bastian visited the Royal graves at Loangiri, or Loangele,
and found each grave marked by a tusk. The visitors pulled out x'.^
around the tomb and poured libations of rum upon the bare ground
(Die Deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Kiiste^ Berlin, 1874, vol. i,
p. 69).
1 This may be quite true of earlier times, when Europr.ms wen
looked upon as great wizards, who rose out of the sea and were
returned to that element when they died. At present, however, a
burial-place is set apart for them, and is looked after by the IVti.i 1'i.u.i
Salanganga), an office created since tin- arrival of tin- 1'orti:
for the purpose of looking after the affairs of the white men (K. 1 .
Dennett;.
E 2
•52 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
§ VI.
Of the Provinces of Bongo \ Calongo, Mayombe, Manikesocke,
Motimbas : of the ape-monster Pongo : their Hunting ",
Idolatries, and divers other observations.
[Bongo.}
To the eastward of Longer! is the Province of Bongo,
and it bordereth on Mococke, [of which] the great Angeca1
is king. In this place is great store of iron, and palm-
cloth, and elephants' teeth, and great store of corn.
[Cango.]
To the north-east is the great province of Cango,2 and
it is fourteen days journey from the town of Longo.
This place is full of mountains and rocky ground, and full
of woods, and hath great store of copper. The elephants
in this place do excel, and there are so many that the
people of Longo hath great store of elephants' teeth, and
bring them to the port of Longo.
\CalongoI\
To the northwards of Longo, three leagues, is the river
Quelle :3 and on the north side is the province of Calongo
[Chilunga]. This country is always tilled, and full of corn,
1 There is some confusion here. Angeca is evidently the Anziki or
Anzique of D. Lopez and others, now represented by the Banteke, on
Stanley Pool. The word may be derived from anseke, far or distant.
The proper name of the tribe is Atio (A. Sims, Kiteke Vocabulary, 1886).
Mococke (Makoko} is a title. Bongo is evidently the country of the
Obongo of Du Chaillu, the Babongo of Lenz, Bastian, and Falkenstein :
a race of dwarfs between the coast and the Banteke, varying in
stature between 51 and 56 ins. Compare note, p. 59.
2 Identical with Chinkanga, on the river Juma, where the French
have a post, Wemba.
3 The river Kuilu, 4° 28' S.
YUMBE. 53
and is all plain and champaign ground, and hath great
store of honey. Here are two little villages that show at
sea like two hummocks,1 which are the marks to show the
port of Longo ; and fifteen miles northward is the river
Nombo,2 but it hath no depth for any bark to go in. This
province, towards the east, bodereth upon Bongo ; and
towards the north upon Mayombe, which is nineteen leagues
from Longo along the coast.
[ YumbeJ
The province of Mayombe is all woods and groves,
so overgrown that a man may travel twenty days
in the shadow, without any sun or heat. Here is no
kind of corn nor grain, so that the people liveth only
upon plantains and roots of sundry other sorts, very good,
and nuts ; nor any kind of tame cattle, nor hens. But
they have great store of elephants' flesh, which they
greatly esteem, and many kinds of wild beasts ; and great
store of fish. Here is a great sandy bay, two leagues to
the southward of Cape Negro, which is the port of
Mayombe. Sometimes the Portugals take logwood4 in
this bay. Here is a great river called Banna.6 In the
winter it hath no bar, because the general winds cause a
1 As duos moutas (the two copses) of Juan de la Cosa's map ( 1 500),
near the mouth of the Kuilu.
- Fifteen miles carry us to the Longebonda of the Admiralty Chart,
4° 20' S.. which has very little water in it at the most favourable time'
of the year (Africa Pilot., vol. ii, 1893, p. 136), but the river meant is
evidently the Numbi, which enters Chilunga (Kilon-a) I Jay in 4 i
a mere stream (Deutsche Loango Expedition}.
3 Yumba is the name of the country. Mayumba (Mani Yumbu}
( hief of Yumba. The Hay of Mayumba, 3" 19' S., lies about
10 miles to the south of Cape Mayumba, whirl) is undoubtedly the
Cabo Negro of Battell.
1 Dyewoods are still an article of export, but not logwood (sec
note, p. 43.)
* The Banya, a lagoon extending to the south-east, parallel with
the coast.
54 BATTELL?S ADVENTURES.
great sea ; but when the sun hath his south declination,
then a boat may go in, for then it is smooth because of
the rain. This river is very great, and hath many islands,
and people dwelling in them. The woods are covered
with baboons, monkeys, apes and parrots, that it will fear
any man to travel in them alone. Here also are two kinds
of monsters, which are common in these woods, and very
dangerous.
[Gorillas and Chimpanzis^
The greatest of these two monsters is called Pongo
[Mpungu~\ in their language, and the lesser is called Engeco.
This Pongo is in all proportions like a man, but that he is
more like a giant in stature than a man ; for he is very tall,
and hath a man's face, hollow-eyed, with long hair upon his
brows. His face and ears are without hair, and his hands
also. His body is full of hair, but not very thick, and it is
of a dunnish colour. He differeth not from a man but in
his legs, for they have no calf. He goeth always upon his
legs, and carryeth his hands clasped upon the nape of his
neck when he goeth upon the ground. They sleep in the
trees, and build shelters from the rain. They feed upon
fruit they find in the woods and upon nuts, for they eat
no kind of flesh. They cannot speak, and have no more
understanding than a beast.
The people of the country, when they travel in the
woods, make fires when they sleep in the night. And in
the morning, when they are gone, the Pongoes will come
1 The Mpungu is the gorilla. For Engeco (printed . Encego in the
earlier editions) we ought to read Nsiku, the native name for the
chimpanzi, a larger variety of which is known as Chimpenso (Pechuel-
Loesche, Loango Expedition, vol. iii, p. 248). P. Du Chaillu, the first
European to kill a gorilla in his native haunts {Adventures in
Equatorial Africa), declares Battell's stories to be mere traveller's tales,
" untrue of any of the great apes of Africa." Sir R. F. Burton ( Tivo
Trips to Gorilla Land, vol. i, p. 240) suggests that as Battell had not
seen a gorilla, he may have confounded gorillas with bushmen.
GORILLAS AND CHIMPANZIS. 55
and sit about the fire till it goeth out, for they have no
understanding to lay the wood together. They go many
together, and kill many negroes that travel in the woods.
Many times they fall upon the elephants, which come to
feed where they be, and so beat them with their clubbed
fists and pieces of wood that they will run roaring away
from them.
Those Pongoes are never taken alive, because they are
so strong that ten men cannot hold one of them, but yet
they take many of their young ones with poisoned arrows.
The young Pongo hangeth on his mother's belly, with his
hands clasped fast about her, so that when the country
people kill any of the females, they take the young one
which hangeth fast upon his mother. When they die
among themselves, they cover the dead with great heaps of
boughs and wood, which is commonly found in the forests.
[Purchas adds in a marginal note :
" He told me in a conference with him that one of these Pongos
took a negro boy of his, which lived a month with them, for tlu-y
hurt not those which they surprise at unawares, except they look
on them, which he [the boy] avoided. He said, their height
was like a man's, but their bigness twice as great. I saw the
negro boy.
"What the other monster [the Engeco] should be he hath forgotten
to relate, and these papers came to my hand since his death,
which otherwise, in my often conferences, I might have leanu d.
Perhaps he meaneth the Pigmy Pongo-killers mentioned."]
[Hunting Dogs.}
The Morombes1 use to hunt with their country-dogs,
and kill many kinds of little beasts, and great store of
pheasants. But their dogs be dumb, and cannot bark at
all.' They hang wooden clappers about their necks, and
1 M isprint for Mayumbas ?
1 Ur. Pechuel-Loesche (D. Loango Exp., vol. iii, p. 302) says that
native dogs do //"/ hark, but that they often acquire the habit \\hi-n
I among European dogs. Most of tin in arc mongrels, but time
>me superior breeds trained for hunting. These dogs carry a
56 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
follow them by rattling of the clappers. The huntsmen
have Petes [whistles], which they whistle their dogs withall.
These dogs, in all this country, are very little, with prickt
ears, and are for the most part red and dun. The Portugal
mastiff dog, or any other great dog, are greatly esteemed
because they do bark. I have seen a dog sold up in the
country for thirty pounds.
[The Maramba
In the town of Mani Mayombe is a fetish called
Maramba, and it standeth in a high basket made like a
hive, and over it a great house. This is their house of
religion, for they believe only in him, and keep his laws,
and carry his reliques always with them. They are for the
most part witches, and use their witchcraft for hunting and
killing of elephants and fishing, and helping of sick and
lame men, and to forecast journeys, whether they shall
speed well or evil. By this Maramba are all thefts and
murders tried, for in this country they use sometimes to
bewitch one another to death. And when any dieth, their
neighbours are brought before the Maramba ; and if it be
a great man that dieth, the whole town cometh to swear.
The order is, when they come before Maramba, to kneel
and clasp Maramba in their arms, and to say : Emeno,
eyge bembet Maramba, that is, " I come to be tried, O
Maramba/'2 And if any of them be guilty, they fall down
wooden bell (ndibu} round the neck, the clatter of which scares the
game. When the scent grows warm, the dogs begin to whine, and
when the game is in sight they give tongue. After each beat the dogs
sit down apart from the hunters, raise their heads, and howl for several
minutes. Mr. Dennett, in a letter to me, confirms the barking
(kukula, to bark) of the native dogs.
1 See p. 82 for further information on this fetish.
2 Neither Mr. Dennett, nor one of the officials in the French
Colonial Office, thoroughly acquainted with the language, has been
able to make sense out of this sentence. The latter suggests Ku
Kwlza bukie lika, " I come for the truth ! " For another version of
this appeal, see p. 83. The sentence is evidently very corrupt.
THE MARAMBA FETISH. 57
stark dead for ever. And if any of them that swear hath
killed any man or child before, although it may be twenty
years past, he presently dieth. And so it is for any other
matter.
From this place, as far as it is to Cape de Lopo Gon-
salves, they are all of this superstition. I was twelve
months in this place, and saw many die after this sort.
These people be circumcised,1 as they are through
all Angola, except the kingdom of Congo, for they be
Christians. And those that will be sworn to Maramba2
come to the chief Gangas, which are their priests or men-
witches, as boys of twelve years of age, and men and
women. Then the Gangas put them into a dark house,
and there they remain certain days with very hard diet.
After this they are let abroad, and commanded not to
speak for certain days, what injury soever they be offered,
so that they suffer great penury before they be sworn.
Lastly, they are brought before Maramba, and have two
marks cut upon their shoulders before, like a half moon,
and are sworn by the blood that falleth from them, that
they shall be true to him. They are forbidden some one
kind of flesh and some one kind of fish, with many other
toys [trifles]. And if they eat any of this forbidden meat
they presently sicken, and never prosper.3 They all carry
a relique of Maramba in a little box, and hang it about
their necks, under their left arms.
The Lord of this province of Mayombe hath the ensign
or shape of Maramba carried before him, and whithersoever
rcumcision is common in some districts, but no magir.il «>i
M influence is ascribed to it (Bentley).
x For an account of the initiation into the guild called Ndtmbo^ see
r.rntlrv s l^tiofuuy^ p. 506.
3 The custom of prohibiting « crt.nn food to be eaten, etc., is very
common. Mpangu is the name fortlu^ taboo in the < .ise of ne\\
, a taboo imposed in connection with an illness. Tin-
thing tabooed is called nlongo (Bentley).
58 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
he goeth ; and when he sitteth down it is set before him ;
and when he drinketh his palm-wine the first cup is poured
at the foot of the Mokiso or idol, and when he eateth
anything, the first piece he throweth towards his left hand,
with enchanting words.
[Sette.]
From Cape Negro northward is a great Lord called
Mani Seat,1 which has the greatest store of elephants' teeth
of any Lord in the kingdom of Longo, for his people
practice nothing else but to kill elephants. And two of
these negroes will easily kill an elephant with their darts.
And here is great store of logwood.
[Mani Kesock^f
There is another Lord, to the eastward, which is called
Mani Kesock, and he is eight days' journey from Mayombe.
Here I was with my two negro boys to buy elephants' hairs
and tails. And in a month I bought twenty thousand,
which I sold to the Portugals for thirty slaves, and all my
charges borne.
From this place I sent one of my negro boys to Mani
Seat with a looking-glass. He did esteem it much, and
sent me four elephants' teeth (very great) by his own men,
and desired me to cause the Portugals, or any other ship,
to come to the northward of the Cape Negro, and he would
make fires where his landing place is, for there was never
yet any Portugal or other stranger in that place.3
1 This refers no doubt to Sette, the river of which enters the sea
in 2° 23' S. The capital of the same name being fifty miles up it.
Barwood is still exported, but no logwood.
2 His modern representative seems to be the Mani Kasoche on the
Upper Ngonga, who was visited by Giissfeldt.
3 Not to be taken literally, for Cao certainly touched at this bay.
PYGMIES. 59
[Pygmy ElepJiant- Hunters]
To the north-cast of Mani Kesock are a kind of little
people called Matimbas,1 which are no bigger than boys of
twelve years old, but are very thick, and live only upon
flesh, which they kill in the woods with their bows and
darts. They pay tribute to Mani Kesock, and bring all
their elephants' teeth and tails to him. They will not enter
into any of the Marombos2 houses, nor will suffer any to
come where they dwell ; and if by chance any Maramba, or
people of Longo [Loango], pass where they dwell, they
will forsake that place and go to another.
The women carry bow and arrows, as well as the men,
and one of these will walk in the woods alone, and kill the
Pongos [gorillas] with their poisoned arrows. I have asked
the Marombos whether the elephant sheddeth his teeth or
no, and they say no ! But sometimes they find their teeth
in the woods, but they find their bones also.
{Poison Or deals I\
When any man is suspected of any offence he is carried
before the king, or before Mani Bomma [Mamboma],3
which is, as it were, a judge under the king. And if it be
upon matter that he denieth, and cannot be proved but by
their oath, then the suspected person is thus sworn : they
have a kind of root which they call Imbondo [mbundu]*
1 The usual designation for "Dwarf" is inbaka or kitnbakabakii
(the diminutive of mbaka), but Batumba (with which BatteU's tnatintba
seems to be identical) is likewise applied to a dwarf person or thin^
•!<•>•). In Angola, Matumbu means a far-off, unknown country
(Cordeiro da Matta). Compare note, p. 52.
Marombos" seems to be a misprint for Mavumbas (see note,
* The Mamboma U a sort of home secretary. He buries the
Maloango, and summons the princes for the election of a successor.
>ia is the black python ; botna means fear. Hence the title has
been translated " Lord of Terror."
1 Mbundu, the powdered root of a species of strychno
administered to confessed win In s accused of having caused the death
6b BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
This root is very strong, and is scraped into water. The
virtue of this root is, that if they put too much of it into
water, the person that drinketh it cannot void urine, and so
it striketh up into the brain, as though he were drunk, and
he falleth down, as though he were dead. And those that
fall are counted as guilty, and are punished.1
[Purchas adds, in a marginal note : —
" He told me that this root makes the water as bitter as gall (he
tasted it), and one root will serve to try one hundred. They
which have drunk and made water are cleared, before which, if
dizziness take them, they ciyiUndoke, Undoke? and presently
execute them. See my Relations, b. 7 c. 10, which I writ from his
mouth.3 Neither may this be ascribed to the virtue of the herb,
but to the vice of the Devil, a murderer and his instrument, the
Ganga or priest.4 And therefore that conjecture seems un-
probable. For how could an ordinary trial of life where are so
of a person. If the accused be guilty, this poison causes him to lose
all control over the sphincter urethra ; he discharges red urine pro-
fusely, runs a few paces, falls down and dies. An innocent person
only discharges a few drops on a banana leaf (Pechuel-Loesche,
Loango Exp., vol. iii, p. 188). Nkasa, prepared from the bark of
Rrythrophlaeum guineense, paralyses the action of the heart, but if
thrown up at once, it will not kill (Dr. M. Boehr, Correspon. der
Deutschen Afrik. Ges., vol. i, p. 332). It is administered to persons
who deny being witches. (For a full account of such a trial, see
Dennett, Seven Years Among the Fjort, p. 165.) In the case of minor
offences, the ordeal of the hot matchet — bikalo, bisengo, or bau — is
resorted to. The knife is passed thrice over the skin of the leg, and
if it burns the accused is declared guilty (see also Dennett, Notes on
the Folk-Lore of the Fjort^ p. 162). The Nganga is, of course, open to
a bribe, and in the case of a chief the poison may be administered to
a substitute — a dog or a slave — and the penalty commuted to a fine.
See also Bentley's Pioneering on the Congo, London, 1900.
1 The poison administered in this case was nkasa, and not mbundu
(see p. 80).
2 Ndoki, a witch ; undoki, that which pertains to witchcraft (Bentley).
3 That is, Purchas his Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World,
bk. vii, ch. 10, dealing with Loango.
4 Worthy Purchas grows quite incoherent in his indignation, but
the reader will nevertheless be able to gather his meaning, and will
appreciate his distinction between a Jewish priest and a heathen
Nganga, both administering the same rite. He thus shares the
opinion of the Roman Catholic missionaries who recognised the efficacy
of native charms, but ascribed it to the Devil, whilst claiming greater
potency for their crosses, relics, etc., deriving their potency from
Heaven.
THE POISON ORDEAL. 6 1
many so perilous ; and therefore curious (more than) spectators,
nor perceive this in so long and frequent experience, which costs
so many their dearest friends their dearest life ? I think rather
that this was the transcriber's conjecture. I remember no such
scruple in his narrations to me. Who knows not the Devil's
ambition of Deity, and cruel misanthropy or man-hating ? This
is his apish imitation of Divinity, and those rites prescribed for
trial in the case of jealousy, Numbers, v.1 In Guinea like trial is
made by salt, and also by the Fetisseroes pot. In Benomotapa
by water also ; in the Maramba trial before [mentioned (see
p. 56)], and Motamba trial by hot iron in Angola;2 the plough-
shares in olden times with us; and the trial of witches in
the East parts by water, etc., were not unlike in deceivable
superstition."]
[Death and Witchcraft^
In this country none of any account dieth but they kill
another for him, for they believe they die not of their own
natural death, but that some other hath bewitched them
to death. And all those are brought in by the friends of
the dead which they suspect, so that many times there
come five hundred men and women to take the drink made
of the foresaid root Imbonda [mbundii]. They are brought
1 The poison ordeal, which required a woman suspected of infidelity
to her husband to drink "bitter water" administered by the Jewish
priest, is here referred to. This ordinance, of course, was not applic-
able in case of a similar offence charged against a husband (Numbers v,
12-31).
* Valdez (Six: Years in Angola, vol. ii, p. 130) calls this ordeal
quiriguJ tubia (Kirikt tubia], and says that the hot hatchet may be
applied to any part of the person. The meaning of kiri is truth ;
of /I////V/, fire. Purchas is evidently mistaken when he calls this pro-
cedure Mot'unba, for tnmbi or mutambi is a kind of funeral feast
or \\akr. The body having been buried, and potsherds, piprs.
and other articles placed on the grave, the nimirnrrs devour I
pig, the skull of which is afterwards thrown into a neighbouring river.
3 Illness and death are frequently ascribed to witchcraft. If a
disease does not yield to medical treatment by a Nganga a mok», the
ngan^i :*o, or witch-doctor, is called in with his fetish. He
may ascribe the death to natural causes, or to a charm worked by a
person recently deceased and beyond his reach ; or he may denounce
one or more persons as witches. The persons thus denounced .IK
compelled to submit to th. id«-.d (see. among others, Dennett's
:<>ng the Fjort, and his I-'slk-Lore).
62 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
all to the high street or market-place, and there the master
of the Imbonda sitteth with his water, and giveth everyone
a cup of water by one measure ; and they are commanded
to walk in a certain place till they make water, and then
they be free. But he that cannot urine presently falleth
down dead, and all the people, great and small, fall upon
him with their knives and beat and cut him into pieces.
But I think the witch that giveth the water is partial, and
giveth to him whom he will have to die, the strongest
water, but no man can perceive it that standeth by. And
this is done at the town of Longo almost every week in
the year.
ANIMALS, WILD AND DOMESTIC. 63
§ VII.
Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus ; Tlit Portugals Wars in
those parts ; the Fishing, Grain, and other things
remarkable.
[Domestic Animals]
In this kingdom there is no kind of tame cattle but
goats, for none other cattle will live here. Oxen and kine
have been brought hither, but they presently die. The
hens in this place do so abound that a man may buy thirty
for the worth of sixpence in beads.1
[Wild Birds.]
Here is store of pheasants, and great plenty of partridges
and wild fowl. Here is a kind of fowl that lives in the
land bigger than a swan, and they are like a heron, with
long legs and long necks, and it is white or black, and
hath in her breast a bare place without feathers, where she
striketh with her beak. This is the right Pelican, and not
those sea-birds which the Portugals call pelicans, which are
white and as big as geese, and these abound in this
country also.
[The Zebra]
Here is also the zevcra or zebra, which is like a horse,
but that his mane, his tail, his strakes and divers colours
down his sides and legs do make a difference. These
zeveras are all wild and live in great herds, and will
suffer a man to come within shot of them, and let them
Mendcs de Castellobranco, p. 33, says, in ifi.M, that hens
abounded ami • l>, l>m that cows were rare.
64 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
shoot three or four times at them before they will run
away.1
[The Hippopotamus.]
Moreover, there are great store of sea or river horses,
which feed always on the land, and live only by grass, and
they be very dangerous in the water. They are the
biggest creature in this country, except the elephant.
They have great virtue in the claws of their left forefoot,
The Zevera, or Zebra.
and have four claws on every foot, like the claws of an ox.
The Portugals make rings of them, and they are a present
remedy for the flux.
[Portuguese dealings with the Natives.]
The Portugals make war against the negroes in this
manner. They have out of Congo a nobleman, which is
1 Zebras are still found in Benguella, but not any longer in Angola
or Congo. Duarte Lopez, p. 49, speaks of a " pet zebra" (in Bamba ?)
which was killed by a "tiger." Further on he says that zebras were
common, but had riot been broken in for riding. M. Garcia Mendez
likewise mentions the " zebra." The native name is ngolo (Kangolo).
" Zebra" is a corruption of its Abyssinian appellation.
THE PORTUGUESE AND THE NATIVES. 65
known to be a good Christian and of good behaviour.
He bringeth out of Congo some one hundred negroes that
are his followers. This Macicongo \imvishi-Kongo\ is made
Tandala} or general over the black camp, and hath
authority to kill, to put down Lords and make Lords, and
hath all the chief doings with the negroes. And when any
Lord cometh to obey he first cometh to the Tandala and
bringeth his present, as slaves, kine and goats. Then the
Tandala carrieth him before the Portugal Governor, and
bringeth two slaves for the Governor's page, before he
goeth in. Then he must have a great gift for the Governor,
which is sometimes thirty or forty slaves, besides cattle.
But when he cometh before the Governor he kneeleth
down and clappeth his hands, and falleth down with his
face upon the ground, and then he riseth and saith : " I have
been an enemy, and now I protest to be true, and never
more to lift my hand against you." Then the Governor
calleth a soldier, which hath deserved a reward, and giveth
the Lord to him. This soldier seeth that he have no
wrong ; and the Lord acknowledgeth him to be his master,
and he doth maintain the soldier and maketh him rich.
Also, in the wars he commandcth his master's house to be
built before his own, and whatsoever he hath taken that
day in the wars, he passeth [divideth] with his master.
So that there is no Portugal soldier of any account, but
hath his negro sova, or Lord.-
mdalr, in Kimlnmdii, means rotm< illor or mimM<
Bl : tmiifainitit/.t was an old title of the Km-s of Angola, and
ited Kmpeioi Cordeiroda M .•«»//• f/7<>).
-' All tlii> i-, borne out by Portuguese do. mm nt>. From tin
1 Mas dt- Nn\ aes handed over the Sovas to tin- men y of his
fellow-ad\enuuers and the Jesuits. The system uas still in fo-
( ia Mende/ de ( 'astellobiaiK o (imposed to Kintf
Philip a " regimen <i cnien. which would
yielded a \- i \\<mld. at th<
time, afforded some slight protection to the natives. Those uho
would have- profited onld h.i\ .
the Jesuits.
66 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
[Fishing.]
They use upon this coast to fish with harping irons, and
wait upon a great fish that cometh once a day to fish along
the shore, which is like a grampus. He runneth very near
the shore and driveth great shoals of fish before him ; and
the negroes run along the shore as fast as they are able to
follow him, and strike their harping irons round about him,
and kill great store of fish, and leave them upon the sand
till the fish hath done feeding ; and then they come and
gather their fish up.
This fish will many times run himself on ground, but
they will presently shove him off again, which is as much
as four or five men can do. They call him Emboa, which
is in their speech a dog, and will by no means hurt or kill
any of them.1
Also, they use in the bays and rivers, where shoal water
is, to fish with mats, which are made of long rushes,
and they make them of an hundred fathoms long. The
mats swim upon the water, and have long rushes hanged
upon one edge of the mat, and so they draw the mat in
compass, as we do our nets. The fishes, fearing the rushes
that hang down, spring out of the water and fall upon the
mat, that lyeth flat on the water, and so are taken.
1 According to Ur. Pechuel-Loesche (Die Loango Expedition,
vol. iii, p. 279), this seems to be the cowfish of the whalers, or
Tursions gillii, Dale. The natives call it ngulu-mputu (ngulu, hog-
fish ; mputu, Portugal). He says that the natives will not suffer this
fish to be injured, as it drives other fish ashore and into their nets ;
and that if one of these fish were to be wounded or killed they would
stop away for ever so long. The Rev. W. M. Holman Bentley, in his
Dictionary of the Kongo Language, says that the ngola of the natives
is a bagre, or catfish. A gigantic bagre, 8 ft. in length, is found in
the Upper Coanza (Monteiro, Angola, vol. ii, p. 134). Mr. Dennett
suggests the Chialambu, a kind of bream, which is said to chase other
fish ; Mboa, Mbiva, or Imboa certainly means dog, and is not the
name of a fish.
CORN AND GROUND-NUTS. 6?
[" Com."]
They have four sorts of corn in Longo. The first is
called Masaiiga? and it groweth upon a straw as big as a
reed, and hath an ear a foot long, and is like hempseed.
The second is called Mascinbala* This is of great increase,
for of one kernel there springs four or five canes, which are
ten foot high, and they bear half a pint of corn apiece.
This grain is as big as tares, and very good. Thirdly, they
have another that groweth low like grass, and is very like
mustard-seed : and this is the best.3 They have also the
great Guinea wheat, which they call Mas-impoto* This is
the least esteemed.
[Ground-nuts.]
They have very good Peason [peas], somewhat bigger
than ours, but they grow not as ours do ; for the pods grow
on the roots, underneath the ground, and by their leaves
they know when they be ripe.5 They have another kind
of Peason, which they call Wando? This is a little tree,
1 Massa-ngO) the Penisetum typhoidcum, introduced from abroad.
It i^ the mil/io, or millet, of the Portuguese (see Capello and Ivens,
II: n^iiclla, vol. i, p. 103 ; vol. ii, p. 257).
- M.issa-mballa is sorghum (Ficalho). A white variety is known as
o-maxxo.
'•'• This is ////•//, or Elcusinc <vvv/<>f////, introduced from Asia. It is
ively grown in Abyssinia and amon- the Niaxnniam (Schwein-
furth, The Heart of Africa, vol. i, p. 248; l-'icalho, riantas utcis,
p. 41).
' JAf.M, /-;;/,*;;//;///,;, or Cr.io de Portugal, is /.c,i inayz, introduced
from America (Ficalho). See note, p. 7.
s is the ground-nut (Arachis hypogaea\ or underground
kidney bean. Its native name is n^n/>,i or nipitttiii. According to
bo, )>. M-< 't was introduced from America, while
subterranca, called vielo in Angola, is certainly indigenous. The
seeds of the la nl less oleaginous than those of
• nd hem e its coinmcr< ial value is less.
6 W<i the nib.ir.r.i of the Sw.ihili. ihe I'.i/.nins
:titiiiu.\ of botanist-. It is -rown all ovei Africa, and \\elv,
F 2
68 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
and the first year that it is planted it beareth no fruit ; but
after, it beareth fruit three years, and then it is cut
down.1
[Plantains, or Bananas.]
Their plantain trees bear fruit but once, and then are
cut down, and out of the root thereof spring three or four
young trees.
[Bees and the Baobab.']
They have great store of honey, which hangeth in the
Elicondy trees.2 They gather it with a hollow piece of
wood, or chest, which they hang in the top of the tree, and
once a year it is full, by smoke rewarding the laborious
creatures with robbery, exile, death.
[Purchas here adds in the margin, "out of Battell's
own reports" : —
This Alicunde or Elicondi tree is very tall and exceeding
great, some as big as twelve men can fathom, spreading
like an oak. Some of them are hollow, and from the
liberal skies receive such plenty of water, that they are
hospitable entertainers of thousands in this thirsty region.
Once have I known three or four thousand remain at one
of these trees, and thence receiving all their watery pro-
vision for four and twenty hours, and yet not empty.
siders it indigenous. In Angola a variety is known as nsonje
(Ficalho, p. 143 ; Burton, Two Trips to Gorilla Island, vol. ii,
p. 119).
1 In a marginal note to his reprint of Pigafetta's book (p. 1005),
Purchas quotes Battell as confirming Lopez when he states, with
regard to the Cola (c. acuminata, R. Br.}, that " the liver of a hen, or
of any other like bird, which putrified and stinketh. being sprinkled
over with the juice of this fruit (the Cola), returneth into its former
estate, and becometh fresh and sound again."
2 See note, p. 24. Monteiro (vol. ii, 165) confirms that hives are
securely placed in the branches of a tree, the Baobab being chosen in
preference.
A CROCODILE STORY. 69
The negroes climbed up with pegs of hardwood (which that
softer easily receiveth, the smoothness not admitting other
climbing), and I think that some one tree hold forty tuns
of water. .
This tree affords not less bountiful hospitality to the
back than belly, yielding (as her belly to their bellies, so)
her back to their backs ; excepting that this is better from
the younger trees, whose tenderer backs being more season-
able for discipline, are so soundly beaten (for man's fault,
whence came the first nakedness), whereby one fathom
cut from the tree is extended into twenty, and is presently
fit for wearing, though not so fine as the luzandd tree
yields. This tree yields excellent cloth from the inner
bark thereof by like beating.
[Palm Trees.}
Of their palm trees, which they keep with watering
and cutting every year, they make velvets, satins, taffetas,
damasks, sarsenets, and such like ; out of the leaves,
cleansed and purged, drawing long threads and even, for
that purpose. They draw wine (as it is said) from the
palm-tree. There is another kind of palm-tree which
beareth a fruit good for the stomach and for the liver,
and most admirable.2
[A Crocodile Story.}
One crocodile was so huge and greedy that he
devoured an Alibamba? that is, a chained company of
1 A misprint from ///^n/n/n, i.e., A'sam/a, banyan.
1 The three kinds of palm are, the wine-palm (AV/////V/) ; the oil-palm
(Elaeis) ; and the date-palm (/'//</•///>).
3 Lubdmbu (in Kimbundu) ; Invmnhii (in Congoese) means a chain.
! acerda sa>s that a l.ilmmbo was made of sufficient length to
hold twelve slaves ( The !.<nitt\ cf C<izfint>,-, ed. In lluiion, London,
1873, p. 18).
70 BATTELL'S ADVENTURES.
eight or nine slaves, but the indigestible iron paid him his
wages, and murdered the murderer, found afterwards in
his belly. I have seen them watch their prey, hailing in
gennet, man, or other creature, into the water. But one
soldier thus wrapt in shallower water drew his knife, took
his taker in the belly, and slew him.]
[THE END.]
ON THE
RELIGION AND THE CUSTOMS
OF THE PEOPLES OF
ANGOLA, CONGO AND LOANGO.
THE following notes on the religion and customs of the Negroes
of Angola, Congo and Loango, are taken from Book vii,
chapters ix and x, of Purchas His Pilgrimage, or Relations of the
World and the Religions observed in all Ages and Places discovered
from the Creation unto this Present. London (H. Fetherstone),
1617. This account is a compilation. Purchas quotes, among
others, Duarte Lopez, De Barros, Osorio, Marmol, and Du Jarric.
In what follows, we confine ourselves to the oral information
which Purchas received from his friends or acquaintances,
Andrew Battell and Thomas Turner.
CHAP. IX, § I.— ANGOLA.
[The Slave Trade.]
ASTER THOMAS TURNER, one
that had lived a long time in Brasil,
and had also been at Angola, re-
ported to me1 that it was supposed
eight and twenty thousand slaves
(a number almost incredible, yet such
as the Portugal* told him) were yearly shipped from
Angola and Congo, at the Haven of Loanda.2 He named
• his Relations, see Purchas, lib. \ i. « h. \ in.
.;<>s d'Alircii <!<• I'.iito. in a mnnoii addressed in Iv
I'hilip, states that 52.000 slaves were exported from Angola to
72 RELIGION AND CUSTOMS.
to me a rich Portugal in Brasil, which had ten thousand of
his own, working in his Ingenios^ (of which he had eighteen)
and in his other employments. His name was John du
Paus, exiled from Portugal, and thus enriched in Brasil.2
A thousand of his slaves at one time entered into con-
spiracy with nine thousand other slaves in the country, and
barricaded themselves for their best defence against their
master, who had much ado to reduce some of them into
their former servitude.
[Fetishes.]
To return to Angola, we may add the report of another
of our countrymen, Andrew Battell (my near neighbour,
dwelling at Leigh, in Essex) who served under Manuel
Silvera Perera,3 Governor under the King of Spain, at his
city of St. Paul, and with him went far into the country of
Angola, their army being eight hundred Portugals and
fifty thousand Naturals. This Andrew Battell telleth that
they are all heathens in Angola. They had their idols of
wood in the midst of their towns, fashioned like a negro,
and at the foot thereof was a great heap of elephants'
teeth, containing three or four tuns of them : these were
piled in the earth, and upon them were set the skulls of
dead men, which they had slain in the wars, in monument
of their victory.4 The idol they call Mokisso [MukisJii\,
Brazil and the Spanish Indies between 1575 and 1591, and 20,131
during the last four years of this period (Paiva Manso, Hist, do Congo,
p. 140). Cadornega, quoted by the same author, estimates the number
of slaves annually exported between 1580 and 1680 at eight or ten
thousand (id., p. 287).
1 Recte, Engenho, a mill, and in Brazil more especially a sugar mill.
2 Turner says, in his Relations, p. 1243, that John de Paiis (sic)
owned ten thousand slaves and eighteen sugar mills.
3 Manuel Cerveira Pereira was Governor 1603-7 (see p. 37).
4 Cz.rva\\io(Ethnographia, pp. 248, 258) describes trophies of these
as also trophies of war, built up of the skulls of enemies killed in battle.
Bastian (Loango Expedition, vol. i, p. 54) saw a fossil tusk, which was
looked upon as a fetish, around which were piled up the horns of oxen,
and the teeth and skulls of hippopotami.
ORDEALS.— BURIAL. 73
and some of them have houses built over them. If any be
sick, he accounteth it Mokisscts hand, and sendeth to
appease his angry God, with pouring wine (which they
have of the palm tree) at his feet.1 They have proper
names of distinction for their Moktssos, as Kissungo, Kali-
kete, etc., and use to swear by them, Ktssutigo TIT, that is,
by Ktssungo?
[Trial by Ordeal.}
They have another more solemn oath in trial of con-
troversies : this trial is called Motamba? for which purpose
they lay a kind of hatchet, which they have, in the fire, and
the Ganga-Mokisso, or Mokisso's Priest,4 taketh the same
red-hot, and draweth it near to the skin of the accused
party ; and if there be two, he causeth their legs to be set
near together, and draweth this hot iron without touching
between them ; if it burns, that party is condemned as
guilty, otherwise he is freed.
[BuHal.J
For the ceremonies about the dead, they first wash him,
then paint him, thirdly apparel him in new clothes, and
then bring him to his grave, which is made like a vault,
after it is digged a little way down, undermined, and made
spacious within ; and there set him on a seat of earth, with
1 Libations are a common practice. Dr. llastian (/.flttngo /f.r/W/'-
ol. i. p. 70) observed libations of rum bein^ poured on the royal
Loan^iri ; Capello and hens (/>V//j,r//< •//</, vol. i.
that the Bandombe, before they drink spirits, pour a portion on the
ground, as a libation to Nzninbi : whilst in Con-o .uroidin- to
lientley), the blood of a boast killed in the rluM- is poured on the
to ensure MICM-SS in the future hist. 11
e ( ould easily be multiplied. Compare note, p. 51.
2 //"*/, an interjection, O ! see note,
p. 24). Kulckctn^ to pro-. ;<-mi da Matt.i irio).
3 On this ord< 1 in Angola, see note, p. 6l.
4 Nganga a ;/////;
6 See note, p. 34.
74 RELIGION AND CUSTOMS.
his beads -(which they use on chains and bracelets for
ornament), and the most part of his goods, with him in his
last home. They kill goats and shed the blood in the
graves, and pour wine there in memorial of the dead.
..... Andrew Battell saith that the Dogs in these
countries are all of one sort, prick-eared curs of a mean
bigness, which they use also to hunt with, but they open
not (for they cannot bark), and therefore they hang clappers
made of little boards about their necks. He hath seen
a mastiff sold for three slaves .....
This kingdom [of Angola] hath many lordships subject
thereto, as far as the sea-coast as Cape Negro. Towards a
lake called Aquelunda2 lieth a country called Quizama, the
inhabitants whereof being governed after the manner of
a commonwealth, have showed themselves friendly to the
Portugals, and helped them in their wars against Angola.
The houses in Angola are made in fashion like a bee-hive.
[ Women and the Moon.]
The women at the first sight of the new moon, turn up
their bums in despite, as offended with their menstruous
courses, which they ascribe unto her.
1 See note, p. 55.
2 Battell is named in the margin as authority for this paragraph, but
it is not likely that he would have mentioned a lake Aquelunda,
which we now know does not exist. It rather seems that Purchas got
this bit of information out of Pigafetta. The Quizama here referred
must not be confounded with the country of the same name, to the
south of the Coanza. It was the district of the Quiluangi quia Sama
(or quia Samba, according to Lopez de Lima, p. 60), the ancestor of
a chief of the same name now living near the Portuguese fort of
Duque de Bragan9a. The " commonwealth" is an evident reference
to the country of the Dernbos (ndembu, plural jindembu, ruler, chief),
who recognise no superior chief or king.
A CROCODILE STORY. 75
[Horses' Tails.}1
The men sometimes, in a valorous resolution, will devote
themselves unto some haughty attempt in the wars ; and,
taking leave of the king, will vow never to return until
they bring him a horse-head, or some other thing, very
dangerous in the enterprise, and will either do it or die.
Horse-tails are great jewels, and two slaves will be given
for one tail, which commonly they bring from the River of
Plate, where horses are exceedingly increased and grown
wild. They will, by firing the grass round about, hem
the horses about with a fiery circle, the fire still straighten-
ing and growing nearer till they have advantage enough to
kill them. Thus have the European cattle, of horse and
kine, so increased in the other world, as they spare not
to kill the one for their hides, and the other for their tails.
CHAPTER IX, § II.— OF CONGO.
[A Crocodile Story. ,]2
.... Andrew Battell told me of a huge crocodile
which was reported to have eaten a whole Alilwmbat that
is, a company of eight or nine slaves chained together, and
at last paid for his greediness : the chain holding him
slave, as before it had the negroes, and by his undigestible
nature devouring the devourer ; remaining in the belly of
him after he was found, in testimony of this victory. He
hath seen them watch and take their prey, haling a gennet,
man, or other creature into the water. A soldier thus
drawn in by a crocodile, in shallower waters, with his
knife wounded him in the belly, and slew him.
1 It need scarcely be Mated iliat the i HIM introduced into
Angola l>y the I'ortu-ui^r. The tails seen by the rarly I
nnes desci . were in truth the t.nK of the
ee anothei 69.
76 RELIGION AND CUSTOMS.
CHAPTER IX, § III. — OF THEIR .... STRANGE
TREES ....
Having stated that they use in Congo to make " clothes
of the Enzanda tree,1 of which some write the same things
that are reported of the Indian fig-tree," that it sends forth
a hairy substance from the branches, which no sooner
touch the ground but they take root, and grow up in
such sort, that one tree would multiply itself into a wood?
if nature set not some obstacle (a marginal note adds
that "Andrew Battell saith that the tree which thus
strangely multiplieth itself is called the Manga tree"2).
Purchas continues as follows : —
" But more admirable is that huge tree called Alicunde?
of which my friend Andrew Battell supposeth some are as
big (besides their wonderful tallness) as twelve men can
fathom. It spreads like a oak. Some of them are hollow,
and the liberal clouds into those natural casks disperse
such plenty of water, that one time three or four thousand
of them, in that hot region, continued four and twenty
hours at one of these, which yielded them all drink of her
watery store, and was not emptied. Their negroes climbed
up with pegs4 (for the tree is smooth and not therefore other-
wise to be climbed, and so soft that it easily receiveth pegs
of harder wood, driven into her yielding substance with a
stone), and dipped the water, as it had been out of a well.
He supposed that there is forty tuns of water in some one
of them. It yielded them a good opportunity for honey,
1 The nsanda is the banyan, or wild fig-tree (ficus umbelata, Vahl).
2 Battell has been misunderstood by Purchas, for the manga tree is
the Mangrove (Rhyzophora mangle] called Mangue in Kimbundu,
which rejoices in adventitious roots, as also does the nsanda.
3 See p. 24, for note on the Nkondo or Baobab.
4 For an account of this mode of climbing a tree, see Pechuel-Losche,
Loango Expedition, vol. iii, p. 179.
OF LOANGO. 77
to which end the country people make a kind of chest,
with one hole inth the same, and hang it upon one of
these trees, which they take down once a year, and with
fire or smoke chasing or killing the bees, take thence a
large quantity of honey.1 Neither is it liberal alone to the
hungry or thirsty appetite, but very bountifully it clothes
their backs, and the bark thereof, which, being taken from
the younger Aliciindcs \nkondo\ and beaten, one fathom
which they cut out from the tree will by this means extend
itself into twenty, and presently is cloth fit for wearing,
though not so fine as that which the Inzandcr tree yieldeth.
[It serves them also for boats, one of which cut out in pro-
portion of a scute3 will hold hundreds of men."]4 In a
further marginal note Purchas adds : " These boats, saith
Andrew Battell, are made of another tree, for the Alicundc
is of too spongy a substance for that purpose."
CHAPTER X, § I. — OF LOANGO.
[Offerings.}
.... Andrew Battell lived among them [the Bramas
of Loango]5 for two years and a half. They are, saith he,
heathens, and observe many superstitions. They have
1 On honey, see note, p. 68. 2 Nsnniia, the banyan-tree.
3 Schuit, a boat, in Dutch.
4 This sentence is introduced on the authority of Duartc Lopez
:>. M . Tin- other tree referred to by MaUrll is the /;///////</,
or cotton-tree (see Tuckey, \nrntfi-r,\ p. 22$ Dr. 1 liken itein, how-
ever, affirms that the soft wood of the baobab is that usually employed
for making canoes (" dug-outs ").
ittHI. I have no doubt, never employed the \\ord " I'.iamas "
I'.iainanes in Portuguese, Urahmans . 1 >. I .opt. :i < must be
held responsihl' thai tin- inhabitant- •
Surely this cannot be .1 by
• d and yellow stripes with \\hich the
lint ilicn : in honour ol .
and the similarity of these with tin "ft IK- vn:
?8 RELIGION AND CUSTOMS.
their Mokissos or images \nkisht\ to which they offer in
proportion to their sorts and suits j1 the fisher offereth
fish when he sueth for his help in his fishing ; the country-
man, wheat ; the weaver, Alibungos? [that is] pieces of
cloth ; others bring bottles of wine ; all wanting that they
would have, and bringing what they want, furnishing their
Mokisso with those things whereof they complain them-
selves to be disfurnished.
[Funeral Rites.'}
Their ceremonies for the dead are divers. They bring
goats and let them bleed at the Mokisso 's foot, which they
after consume in a feasting memorial of the deceased
party, which is continued four or five days together, and
that four or five several times in the year, by all his friends
and kindred. The days are known, and though they dwell
twenty miles thence, yet they will resort to these memorial
exequies, and, beginning in the night, will sing doleful and
funeral songs till day, and then kill, as aforesaid, and make
merry. The hope of this maketh such as have store of
friends to contemn death ; and the want of friends to
bewail him makes a man conceive a more dreadful appre-
hension of death.3
[Prohibitions — Taboo.]
Their conceit is so ravished with superstition that many
die of none other death. Kiri^ is the name of unlawful and
1 Dr. Bastian (Loango Expedition, vol. i, pp. 158, 202, 232) mentions
offerings of this kind. Thus the skull of an animal killed in the chase
is placed before the fetish.
2 Mbongo, cloth (Bentley's Dictionary}.
3 See note, p. 35.
4 Restrictions upon the use of certain articles of food are imposed
by the doctor (nganga), even before the child is born (inpangu), and
upon the sick (kcnko). The things forbidden to be eaten are called
nlongo, and it is believed that a disregard of this taboo entails
TABOO. 79
prohibited meat, which, according to each kindred's devo-
tion, to some family is some kind of fish ; to another a
hen ; to another a buffe [beef] ; and so of the rest : in
which they observe their vowed abstinence so strictly that
if any should (though all unawares) eat of his Kin, he
would die of conceit, always presenting to his accusing
conscience the breach of his vow, and the anger of Mokisso.
He hath known divers thus to have died, and sometimes
would, when some of them had eaten with him, make them
believe that they had eaten of their Kin, till, having sported
himself with their superstitious agony, he would affirm the
contrary.
They use to set in their fields and places where corn or
fruits grow, a basket, with goat's horns, parrot's feathers,
and other trash : this is the Mokisso 's Ensign, or token,
that it is commended to his custody ; and therefore, the
people very much addicted to theft, dare not meddle, or
take anything. Likewise, if a man, wearied with his
burthen, lay it down in the highway, and knit a knot of
grass, and lay thereon ; or leave any other note (known to
them) to testify that he hath left it there in the name of
his idol, it is secured from the lime-fingers of any
passenger. Conceit would kill the man that should trans-
gress in this kind.1
In the banza \jnbanza\ or chief city, the chief idol is
named Chckokc'- Every day they have there a market,
and the Chckvki- is brought forth by the (langa, or priest,
to keep good rule, and is set in the market-place to prc-
• lisastrous consequences ( I '.nit Icy, /V,//Vv/,/ry, pp. 353, 389). In
Loango things forbidden are called £/////, or tliina (I)enmu, l-\>lk-
p. 138).
.y |)la< i- x'lanUd l>\ .1 " , l..mn. |||| li u -t slu-ll, a hit of i loth,
or the 1>\ the !).; Ix-in^ proti • tril by the
tk-Lortt pp. o, 1 8).
* S«
80 RELIGION AND CUSTOMS.
vent stealing. Moreover, the king hath a Bell,1 the strokes
whereof sound such terror into the heart of the fearful
thief that none dare keep any stolen goods after the sound
of that bell. Our author inhabited in a little reed-house,
after the Loango manner, and had hanging by the walls, in
a cloth case, his piece, wherewith he used to shoot fowls
for the king, which, more for the love of the cloth than the
piece, was stolen. Upon complaint, this bell (in form like
a cow-bell) was carried about and rung, with proclamation
to make restitution ; and he had his piece next morning
set at his door. The like another, found in a bag of beans
of a hundred pound weight, stolen from him, and recovered
by the sound of this bell.
[Poison Ordeal^
They have a dreadful and deadly kind of trial in con-
troversies, after this manner : there is a little tree, or shrub,
with a small root (it is called Imbitnda) about the bigness
of one's thumb, half a foot long, like a white carrot. Now,
when any listeth to accuse a man, or a family, or whole
street, of the death of any of his friends, saying, that such
a man bewitched him, the Ganga assembleth the accused
parties, and scrapes that root, the scrapings whereof he
mixeth with water, which makes it as bitter as gall (he
tasted of it) ; one root will serve for the trial of a hundred
men. The Ganga brews the same together in gourds, and
with plantain stalks hitteth everyone, after they have
drunk, with certain words. Those that have received the
drink walk by, till they can make urine, and then they are
1 This bell is called SM-Ngongo, and the Maloango alone is
allowed to order it to be struck. Thus, when a messenger is sent
round the town, striking this Shi-Ngongo, the people know that it is the
voice of Maloango which speaketh. It is thus quite likely that a thief,
under these circumstances, should be frightened into restoring stolen
property. (From a letter by Mr. Dennett.) See also note, p. 20.
2 See p. 59.
ALBINOS. 8 1
thereby free'd. Others abide till either urine frees them,
or dizziness takes them, which the people no sooner per-
ceive but they cry,Undoke, Undoke^ that is "naughty witch" ;
and he is no sooner fallen by his dizziness, but they knock
him on the head, and dragging him away, hurl him over
the cliff. In every Liberty2 they have such drinks, which
they make in case of theft, and death of any person.
Every week it falls out that some or other undergoes this
trial, which consumeth multitudes of people.
[Albinos.1?
There be certain persons called Dunda \iidundu\ which
are born by negro parents, and yet are, by some unknown
cause, white. They are very rare, and when such happen
to be born, they are brought to the king, and become great
witches : they are his councillors, and advise him of lucky
and unlucky days for execution of his enterprises. When
the king goes any whither the Dundas go with him, and
beat the ground round about with certain exorcisms before
the king sits down, and then sit down by him. They will
take anything in the market, none daring to contradict
them.
[The Gumbiri Fetish.]
Kenga is the landing-place of Loanga. They have
there an idol called Gumbiri, and a holy house called
Munsa Gumbiri* kept and inhabited by an old woman,
where once a year is a solemn feast, which they celebrate
with drums, dances, and palm-wines ; and then, they say,
he speaketh under the ground. The people call him
1 Ndokc, or ndoki, witrlu rafi.
1 A misprint for Libata, village.
• See p. 48-
4 Munsa, should be inzo or **<?, a house (see also note, p. 49).
G
82 RELIGION AND CUSTOMS.
Mokisso Cola^ or a strong Mokisso, and say, that he comes
to stay with Chekoke, the idol of the banza. That Chekoke
is a negro image, made sitting on a stool ; a little house is
then made him. They anoint him with Toccola \tacula~\?
which is a red colour made of a certain wood, ground on a
stone, and mixed with water, wherewith they daily paint
themselves, from the waist upwards, esteeming it a great
beauty ; otherwise they account not themselves ready. It
is for like purposes carried from hence to Angola.
[Possessed of the FetishJ]
Sometimes it falls out that some man or boy is taken
with some sudden enthusiasm, or ravishment, becoming
mad, and making a whooping and great clamours.
They call them Mokisso- Moquatf that is, taken of the
Mokisso. They clothe them very handsomely, and what-
ever they bid in that fit (for it lasteth not very long), they
execute as the Mokissrfs charge.
[The Maramba Fetish^
Morumba5 is thirty leagues northwards from hence, in the
Mani Loango's dominions, where he [Battell] lived nine
months. There is a house, and in it a great basket, pro-
portioned like to a hive, wherein is an image called
Morumba, whose religion extendeth far. They are sworn
to this religion at ten or twelve years old ; but, for probation
are first put in a house, where they have hard diet, and
must be mute for nine or ten days, any provocation to
1 Nkishi ngolo, a strong nkishi.
2 Marginal note by Purchas : " This seenieth to be Red Sanders.
A. Battell saith it is logwood." Purchas is right ! Tacttla is Red
Sanders (Pterocarpus tinctorius}.
3 Nkwa, the possessor of a thing or quality ; akiva, possessed of.
4 Compare p. 56, where we are told that a fetish called Maramba
(Morumba), stood in the town of the Mani Yumba.
5 Evidently a misprint for Mayumba.
THE JAGAS. 83
speak notwithstanding. Then do they bring him before
Mornmba, and prescribe him his Kin [kina], or perpetual
abstinence from some certain meat. They make a cut in
his shoulder like to a half moon, and sprinkle the blood at
Morumbas feet, and swear him to that religion. In the
wound they put a certain white powder in token of his
late admission ; which, so long as it continueth, doth
privilege him to take his meat and drink with whom-
soever he pleaseth, none denying him the same, at free cost.
They also have their fatal trials before this image, where
the accused party, kneeling down and clasping the hive,
saith : " Mene quesa cabamba Morumba" signifying that he
comes thither to make trial of his innocence j1 and if he
be guilty he falls down dead ; being free he is free'd.
Andrew Battell saith he knew six or seven, in his
being there, that made this trial.
CHAP. X, § III.— OF THE GIACCHI, OR lAGGES.2
[ Origin of the Jagas. ]
.... Andrew Battel lived (by occasion of the Portugals
treachery) with the lagges a longer time than ever any
Christian or white man had done, namely, sixteen months,
and served them with their [his] musket in the wars ;
neither could Lopez (saith he) have true intelligence
whence they came,3 for the Christians at that time had
lion of this address will be found on p. 56.
* Marginal note \\ith refeivm e to thr i:\isti-m e of .1111.1 ..feita,
ji. 124 : "Amir. I'.attcll, \\ hi< h travelled ne.n to thrsr pai ts | \\ here
.tic Mi|>|)< • ..ii,t| denieth this rrport «•! l.oj
untrue Amazons of Lopez lived in Monomotapa, on the
Zambezi.
mm that I'mdia^ told his friend what was rrpoi ted
by Lopez i i \ol. n, < hs. 5, 9) and others .il.out the origin ot
the J.i utell, upon this, not only i< ure of
84 RELIGION AND CUSTOMS.
but uncertain conjectures of them : neither after had the
Portugals any conversing, but by way of commerce ; but
he, being betrayed, fled to them for his life, and after, by
stealth, escaped from them : the only European that ever
lived in their camp.
He saith they are called lagges by the Portugals, by
themselves Imbangolas*1 (which name argues them to be of
the Imbij and Galae before mentioned) and come from
Sierra Liona;*2 that they are exceeding devourers of man's
flesh, for which they refuse beef and goats, whereof they
" take plenty. They have no settled habitation, but wander
in an unsettled course.
[Infanticide among the Jaga.]
They rise in harvest, and invading some country, there
stay as long as they find the palms, or other sufficient
means of maintenance, and then seek new adventure.
For they neither plant nor sow, nor breed up cattle, and,
which is more strange, they nourish up none of their own
children, although they have ten or twenty wives a man, of
the properest and comeliest slaves they can take. But when
they are in travail they dig a hole in the earth, which
presently receiveth in that dark prison of death the new-
Lopez, but also disclaims having any knowledge of their origin
himself. Elsewhere, however, Purchas makes his author responsible
for the assertion that they came from Sierra Leone (see note, p. 19).
1 The Bangala (akibangdla, in Kimbundu Jimbangdla, sing, kiban-
gdla] are the people of the Jaga of Kasanj. The term merely means
" people," and they have absolutely nothing to do with the Bangala on
the middle Kongo, still less with the Galla (see Carvalho, Exp. Port.
do Mitatianvua, Ethnographia, p. 85).
2 The words within asterisks are obviously a parenthesis of worthy
Purchas. He speaks (p. 854) of the Gallae [our Galla] as a " nation-
less nation," either the same as or like in condition to the Giacchi or
lagges [Jaga], and (p. 857) of the Imbij as "a barbarous nation" near
Mombaza. There exists not the slightest justification for identifying
the Jagas of Angola with the Sumbas of Sierra Leone, the Mazimbas
of the Zambezi, or the Galla. The whole of this question is dealt with
in the Appendix.
INFANTICIDE. 85
born creature, not yet made happy with the light of life.
Their reason is that they will not be troubled with educa-
tion, nor in their flitting wanderings be troubled with such
cumbersome burthens.1
Once, a secret providence both punisheth the father's
wickedness, and preventeth a viperous generation, if that
may be a prevention where there is a succession without
generation ; and as Pliny saith of the Esseni (lib. v, c. 15),
Gens aterna est in qua nemo nascitur. For of the con-
quered nations they [the Jaga] preserve the boys from ten
to twenty years of age, and bring them up as the hope of
their succession, like N egro-azimogli? with education fitting
their designs. These wear a collar about their neck in
token of slavery, until they bring an enemy's head slain in
battle, and then they are uncollared, free'd, and dignified
with the title of soldiers ; if one of them runs away he is
killed and eaten ; so that, hemmed in betwixt hope and
fear, they grow very resolute and adventurous, their collars
breeding shame, disdain, and desperate fury, till they
redeem their freedom as you have heard.
Elembe,3 the great lagge, brought with him twelve
thousand of these cruel monsters from Sierra Liona, and
after much mischief and spoil settled himself in Benguele,4
twelve degrees from the Zone southwards, and there
breedeth and groweth into a nation. But Kelandula,
sometime his page, proceeds in that beastly life before
mentioned, and the people of Elembe, by great troops,
run to him and follow his camp in hope of spoil.
1 On infanticide, see note, p. 32.
1 In a marginal note Tun has ;idds : " Asimogli are the children
of Christians taken from the parents by the Turke, the spaunr . :
tries." It should be Ajon oglan ("inexperienced boys" . tin-
children of Christians who were handed over to Turks to be brought
up as Moslims, and trained as recruits for the Yanisaries ( Ycni-ihcri,
new troop ed by Sultan Urkhan in 1328. This unruly force
ceased to exist in 1826.
3 Elembe means pel * See notes, pp. 19, 28.
86 RELIGION AND CUSTOMS.
[Human Sacrifices.']
They have no fetissos, or idols. The great lagge, or
Prince, is master of all their ceremonies, and a great witch.
I have seen this Kelandula (sayth our author) continue a
sacrifice from sun to sun, the rites whereof are these :
himself sat on a stool, in great pomp, with a cap adorned
with peacocks' feathers (which fowls, in one country called
Shelambanza? are found wild ; and in one place, empaled
about the grave of the king, are fifty kept and fed by an
old woman, and are called Ingilla Mokisso, that is, Birds of
Mokisso).2 Now, about him thus set, attended forty or
fifty women, each of them waving continually a zebra's tail
in their hands. There were also certain Gangas, priests
or witches. Behind them were many with drums and
pipes, and pungas* (certain instruments made of elephants'
teeth, made hollow a yard and a half, and with a hole like
a flute, which yield a loud and harsh sound, that may be
heard a mile off). These strike and sound, and sing, and
the women wave (as is said) till the sun be almost down.
Then they bring forth a pot, which is set on the fire with
leaves and roots, and the water therein, and with a kind of
white powder the witches or Gangas spot themselves, one
on the one cheek, the other on the other ; and likewise
their foreheads, temples, breasts, shoulders, and bellies,
using many enchanting terms, which are holden to be
prayers for victory. At sunset a Ganga brings his Kissen-
gula? or war-hatchet, to the Prince (this weapon they use
to wear at their girdles) and putting the same in his hands
bid him to be strong, [that] their God goes with him, and
he shall have victory. After this they bring him four or
five negroes, of which, with a terrible countenance, the
1 See note, p. 26. 2 Njilo mukisho, see p. 27.
3 Mpungi, an ivory trumpet. 4 See note, p. 34.
HUMAN SACRIFICES. 87
great lagge with his hatchet kills two, and the other two
are killed without the fort. Likewise, five kine are slain
within, and other five without the fort ; and as many goats
and as many dogs, after the same manner.
This is their sacrifice, at the end whereof all the flesh is,
in a feast, consumed. Andrew Battell was commanded to
depart when the slaughter begun, for their devil, or
Mokisso (as ,they said) would then appear and speak to
them.1
This sacrifice is called Kissembulc? which they solemnise
when they undertake any great enterprise. There were
few left of the natural lagges, but of this unnatural brood
the present succession was raised.
1 See note, p. 33.
a soothsayer, diviner. Neves, p. 19, mentions a
bfocoa-co-Zambtilla as officiating among the Jagas of Cassanje.
APPENDIX I.
ANTHONY KNIVET IN KONGO AND ANGOLA:
BEING
Extracts from "The Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes
of MASTER ANTONIE KNIVET, which went with MASTER
THOMAS CANDISH in his Second Voyage to the South
Sea, 1591," published in Purchas His Pilgritnes,
Part iv, lib. vi, c. 7. London, 1625.
INTRODUCTION.
ASTER ANTHONY KNIVET
joined the second expedition of
Thomas Cavendish, which left Eng-
land in August, 1591. He seems to
have served on board the Roebuck,
of which vessel one Cocke was
captain. Nothing in his narrative enables us to identify
this Cocke with the Abraham Cocke of Limehouse, who
was " never heard of more" after he parted from Battell
on the coast of Brazil in 1590, nor with the Abram
Cocke who, according to Knivet, put in at the Ilha Grande
in 1598, in the hope of making prizes of some of the
richly-laden Spanish vessels returning from the Rio de la
Plata. Battell, surely, may be supposed to have been
acquainted with the fate of his old shipmate, whilst Knivet
no hint that the Abram Cocke of the Ilha Grande
9O APPENDIX I.
was the captain of the Roebuck, to whom he was indebted
for his life when Cavendish was about to throw him over-
board in Magellan's Strait. It is, however, just possible
that there was but one Abraham Cock, who had not been
heard of for some time when Battell returned to England
about I6I0.1
When Cavendish returned from Magellan's Strait, he put
Knivet and nineteen other sick men ashore near St.
Sebastian, to shift for themselves. Knivet was ultimately
taken by the Portuguese ; but they spared his life, and he
became the " bond-slave" of Salvador Correa de Sa, the
Governor of Rio de Janeiro ; and apart from the time he
spent among the cannibal Indians, and on a voyage to
Angola, he remained with his master to the end, and
returned with him to Portugal in 1599.
My friend, Colonel G. Earl Church, to whom I applied
for an opinion on the trustworthiness of Knivet's state-
ments with regard to Brazil, writes as follows : —
" Yesterday morning I spent at the R. Geo. Soc., refresh-
ing my memory of Knivet's extraordinary adventures.
One must read them always bearing in mind the romantic
spirit of the age in which they were written, and the novel
surroundings in which every adventurer found himself in
the New World. Giving due weight to all this, I find
Knivet's relation of his voyages singularly truthful, so far
as my knowledge of Brazil goes. What he states, except-
ing in two or three minor particulars, clashes with no
geographical, descriptive, or historical point with which
I am familiar, and he often throws in a sentence which
relates to facts which no man could invent, and which
makes his narrative impressive with truthfulness. I utterly
discard Cavendish's opinion of his men and companions
for Cavendish appears to have been one of the most cold-
1 See pp. i and 6.
KNIVET'S NARRATIVE. 91
blooded freebooters who ever cut a throat or raided a
settlement or scuttled a prize."
I regret not being able to write in terms equally favour-
able of what Knivet claims to have experienced during his
visit to Angola and Kongo. Knivet says that he ran away
from bondage on June 2/th, 1597, and that he reached the
" port of Angola" after a perilous voyage of five months,
that is in November. He then sailed up the Kwanza, and
reached Masanganu, where he remained three months,
when he was arrested in consequence of a requisition of his
master and sent back to Brazil, which he must have
reached before June, 1598. We should be quite prepared
to accept this part of his story if his description of Masan-
ganu did not show that he can never have been there.
Knivet, however, is not content with such modest honours,
but claims to have resided for some time at the court of
the King of Kongo, and to have fallen in the hands of the
Portuguese when on his road to Prester John's country.
By them he was carried to Masanganu, where he lived
three months. These two accounts are absolutely irrecon-
cilable. As to the author's astounding geographical
misstatements, I refer the reader to the notes appended to
his narrative.
FIRST ACCOUNT (Purchas, pp. 1220-2).
Continually I desired my master to give me leave to get
my living, intending to come into my country, but the
Governor would not let me go from him. When I saw no
means to get leave of my master, I determined to run
away to Angola, for to serve the King as a soldier in
Massangano till such time that I might pass myself to the
King of Anyeca,1 which warreth against the Portugals,
1 Masanganu is the famous fort on the Kwanza built by Paulo
dc Novaes in 1583. Anyeca, elsewhere called Ancica, Angica,
i icant for Anzica, that is the country of
«-ke above Stanley Pool.
92 APPENDIX I.
and so have come through Prester Johns country into
Turkey.
On the seven and twentieth day of June, 1597, I em-
barked myself unknown to my master, in a small ship of
one Emanuell Andrea, for to come for Angola. In this
voyage we were driven so near the Cape of Good Hope
that we thought all of us should have been cast away, the
seas are there so great ; and by reason of the current they
brake in such sort that no ship is able to endure. There
we brake both our main mast and our mizzen. It pleased
God to send us the wind Eastward, which brought us to our
desired harbour [of] Angola.1 We had been five months
in our voyage, and by that means other ships that departed
two months after us were there before us.
When I heard that there were ships of the River of
lenero [Rio de Janeiro], T durst not go ashore for fear of
being known of some of the Portugals. The next day
after that we came into the harbour, there came a great
boat aboard us, to ask if we would sell any Cassava meal.
We told them we would, and asked them whither they
went with their boat. They answered, that they tarried
for the tide to go up to the River of Guansa [Kwanza] to
Masangano. Then I thought it a fit time for my purpose,
and so embarked myself in the bark. The Portugals
marvelled to see me go willingly to Masangano ; for there
men die like chickens, and no man will go thither if he
can chose.
Nine days we were going up the River of Guansa
[Kwanza], in which time two Portugal soldiers died ; the
country is so hot that it pierceth their hearts. Three days
after I had been in Masangano, Don Francisco de Mendosa
Fortado,2 the Governor of the city of Kongo, having
1 That is, St. Paul de Loanda, the chief town of Angola.
2 Joao Furtado de Mendonga was Governor of Angola (not Kongo),
1594-1601.
KNIVET'S NARRATIVE. 93
received a letter from Salvador Coria de Sasa [Salvador
Correa de Sa], who was his great friend, sent a Pursuivant
for me, who brought me by land through the King of
Kongo's country, and in six days we came to a town called
Saint Francis1 (where the Governor was), hard by the
kingdom of Manicongo.
When I came before the Governor he used me very
kindly in words, and asked me what I meant, to cast myself
away wilfully in Masangano. Then I told him how long I
had served Salvador Coria de Sasa ; and in how many
dangers I had been for him and his Son, without ever
having any recompence of any of them, and therefore I
thought it better to venture my life in the King's service,
than to live his Bond-slave. The Governor commanded
me to be carried to Angola, and charged a pair of bolts to
be put upon my legs, because I should not run away.
About a fortnight after I was sent back again in a Carvell
[caravel] of Francis Lewes, and in two months we arrived
in the River of Jenero [Rio de Janeiro], and I was carried
with my bolts on my legs before the Governor ;, when he
saw me he began to laugh and to jest with me, saying that
I was welcome out of England. So, after many jests he
spake, he bade pull off my bolts from my legs, and gave me
clothes and used me very well.
SECOND ACCOUNT (Purchas, pp. 1233-7).
Angola is a kingdom of itself in Ethiopia, where first the
Portugals did begin to inhabit : The country of Angola
cometh along the coast ; as Portugal doth upon Spain, so
doth Angola run upon the Kingdom of Longa [Luangu]
and Manicongo.
1 I know of no tm\n (or even church) in the whole of Angola
•
94 APPENDIX I.
In Angola the Portugals have a City called the Holy
Ghost,1 where they have great store of Merchandise, and
the Moors do come thither with all kind of such things, as
the country yieldeth ; some bring elephant's teeth, some
bring negro slaves to sell, that they take from other
kingdoms which join hard by them ; thus do they use once
a week, as we keep markets, so do all the Blackamoors
bring hens and hogs, which they call gula,2 and hens they
call Sange,3 and a kind of beast that they take in the
wilderness, like a dog, which they call ambroa :4 then they
have that beast which before I have told you of, called
gumbe, which is bigger than a horse.5
The Blackamoors do keep good laws, and fear their King
very much ; the King is always attended with the nobles
of his realm, and whensoever he goeth abroad, he has always
at the least two hundred archers in his guard, and ten or
twelve more going before him, singing and playing with
pipes made of great canes, and four or five young Moors
1 There is no such city in Angola. It seems to me that Knivet
found the name in Linschoten, a translation of whose work appeared
in 1698. Linschoten says here of the island of Luandu, which lies in
front of the Portuguese town of S. Paul de Loanda, that " there were
seven or eight villages upon it, at one of which called * Holy Ghost;,
resides the Governor of Kongo, who takes care of the right of
fishing up shells." This " Governor" was an officer of the King of
Kongo. The island, with its valuable cowrie fishery, was ceded to
Portugal in 1649.
2 Ngulu, a hog. 3 Sanji, a hen.
4 Pmboa, or mbiva, dog.
5 Earlier in his narrative he mentions having seen, at the Straits of
Magellan, " a kind of beast bigger than horses ; they have great eyes
about a span long, and their tails are like the tail of a cow ; these are
very good : the Indians of Brazil call them tapetywasoti : of these
beasts I saw in Ethiopia, ip the Kingdom of Manicongo. The
Portugals call them goinbe" (marginal note by Purchas). The gombe
(iigombe) of the Portugals is undoubtedly a cow, whilst the tapetywason^
called "taparussu" in a Noticia de Brazil of 1589, and tapyra, in the
language of the Tupi Indians, is applied to any large beast, and
even to the oxen imported by the Portuguese, which they call tapyra
sobay go ara, that is, " foreign beasts," to distinguish them from their
own tapyra caapora or " forest beast."
KNIVET'S NARRATIVE. 95
coming after him as his pages. After them follow all his
noblemen.
When there falleth out any controversy among them, they
crave battle of the King, and then they fight it out before
him. They come before the King and fall flat on their
breasts ; then they rise up and kneel upon their knees,
stretching out their arms crying, MaJiobeque benge^ benge j1
then the King striketh them on the shoulders with a horse-
tail ; then they go to the camp, and with their bows they
fight it out till they kill one another. After the battle is
done, if any liveth, he that liveth falleth down before the
King in the same manner as he did when he went to the
field ; and after a long oration made, he taketh the horse-tail
from the King's shoulder, and waveth it about the King's
head, and then layeth it on his shoulder again, and goeth
away with great honour, being accompanied with all the
nobles of the Court. The Moors of Angola do know that
there is a God, and do call God Caripongoa? but they
worship the sun and the moon.
The country is champaign plain, and dry black earth,
and yieldeth very little corn ; the most of anything that it
yieldeth is plantons [plantains], which the Portugals call
baynonas [bananas], and the Moors call them mahonge? and
their wheat they call tumba* and the bread anou ; and if
you will buy any bread of them, you must say, Tala cuna
ancn tumbola gimbo ; that is, Give me some bread, here is
1 This account of a '* trial by battle" does much credit to the author's
ingenuity. No such custom i 1 to by any other visitor to the
o. The meaning of " Muliolx-que" we cannot discover, but
mbenge-mbenge \\. • • n c i j >a 1 1 y . "
1 Nkadi, one who is, and mpungu. the highest. The usual word to
nzambi* ampungu, God the most
unpcmlhi, arcordit :lcy, means Satan. Tin-
ned in A . '-pcinba.
3 Ki-konji
•in- tlour limn \\IIK 1) i assava-bread i> n
96 APPENDIX I.
money.1 Their money is called guilginbo? a shell of a fish
that they find by the shore-side ; and from Brazil the
Portugals do carry great store of them to Angola.
These Moors do esteem very much of red, blue and yellow
cloths. They will give a slave for a span of cloth in
breadth, I mean, and the length of it, of the breadth of the
piece ; those pieces of cloth they wear about their middles,
and under it they hang the skin of a great weasel before
them, and another behind them, and this is all the garments
that they wear. A weasel in their language is called puccu?
You can do a Blackamoor no greater disgrace than to take
away his skin from before him, for he will die with grief if
he cannot be revenged.
The Portugals do mark them as we do sheep, with a hot
iron, which the Moors call crimbo.^' The poor slaves stand
all in a row one by another, and sing Mundele que sumbela
he Carey ha belelelle? and thus the poor rogues are beguiled,
for the Portugals make them believe that they that have
not the mark is not accounted a man of any account in
Brazil or in Portugal, and thus they bring the poor Moors
to be in a most damnable bondage under the cover of love.
The country of Angola yieldeth no stone, and very little
wood : the Moors do make their houses all covered with earth.
1 The name for bread, both in Kimbundu and Kishikongo, is mbolo
(derived from the Portuguese word for cake or bolo). Anou or auen
may stand for mwan, a cassava-pudding ; tala means look ! kuna,
here ! The Rev. Thomas Lewis would say, in the Kongo language of
Salvador : Untpana mbolo tambula nzimbu ; literally, " Give me bread,
take or receive money."
2 The cowrie-shells fished up at Luanda Island (the old "treasury" of
the Kings of Kongo) are called njimbu in Angola, but nsungu in Kongo.
Njimbu in Kongo means beads, or money generally, and hence the
author's " gullgimbo" evidently stands for ngulu anjimbu, red beads.
3 Npuku^ a field mouse.
4 Crimbo (kirimbo) seems to be a corruption of the Portuguese
carimbo, a stamp.
6 The Rev. Thomas Lewis suggests : Mundele ke sumbanga ko->
kadi wan bele-bele ; that is, " The white men do not buy, but they
have gone away in a hurry."
KNIVET'S NARRATIVE. 97
These houses are no bigger than a reasonable chamber,
and within are many partitions, like the cabins of a ship, in
such sort that a man cannot stand upright in them. Their
beds are made of great bulrushes sowed together with the
rinds of a tree. They do make cloth like spark of velvet
(but it is thinner) of the bark of a tree, and that cloth they
do call mollelleoy
The elephants do feed in the evening and in the morning in
low marshes, as there be many. The Moors do watch which
way they come, and as soon as the elephants are at meat,
they dig great holes in the ground, and cover them with
sticks, and then they cover the pits with earth ; and when
they have made all ready they go to the elephants and
shoot at them with their arrows ; and as soon as the
elephants feel themselves hurt, they run at whatsoever they
see before them, following after the Blackamores that chase
them. Then they fall into the deep pits where, after they
are once in, they cannot get out.
The Moors of Angola are as black as jet ; they are men
of good stature ; they never take but one wife, whom they
call mocasha* These Moors do cut long streaks in their
faces, that reach from the top of their ears to their chins.
The women do wear shells of fishes3 on their arms, and on
the small of their legs. The law amongst them is, that if
any Moor do lie with another's wife, he shall lose his ears
for his offence. These Moors do circumcise their children,
and give them their names, as we do when we baptize.
Angola may very easily be taken, for the Portugals have
no forts to defend it of any strength.
The King4 of Congo is the greatest King in all Ethiopia ;
1 NMe, the general name for European cloth. They do make cloth
from tin: inner bark of tin.- banyan tree (see p. 18, note).
• Mukaji\ wife, unman, ron< ubine.
e " fishes" are no doubt molluscs.
'- Kintf at the t . isit was Alvaio II.
II
98 APPENDIX I.
and doth keep in the field continually sixty thousand
soldiers, that do war against the King of Vangala,1 and the
King of Angola ; this King is a Christian, and^is brother-
in-law of arms with the King of Spain. His servants of
his house are most of them all Portugals, and he doth
favour them very much.
The King is of a very liberal condition, and very favour-
able to all travellers, and doth delight very much to hear
of foreign countries. He was in a manner amazed to hear
how it was possible Her Majesty [Queen Elizabeth] had
lived a maiden Queen so long, and always reigned in peace
with her subjects. When I was brought before the King,
and told him of my country, what plenty of things we had,
if the Portugals had not liked of it, they would interrupt
my speech, and the King would show himself very angry,
and tell them that every man was best able to speak of his
country, and that I had no reason but to tell him that which
was true.
The King of Congo, when he goeth to the camp to see
his army, rideth upon an elephant in great pomp and
majesty ; on either side of the elephant he hath six slaves.
Two of them were kings, that he himself had taken in the
field ; all the rest were of noble birth ; some of them were
brothers to the King of Ancica, and some of them were of
the chiefest blood of the great King of Bengala. These
noble slaves, at every command of the King of Congo, do fall
flat on the ground on their breasts. When the King doth
ride, as you have heard, they carry a canopy, as it were a
cloth of state, over his head. His two secretaries, the one
a nobleman of Spain, the other a Moor, do ride next after
him. Before him goeth at the least five hundred archers
which are his guard ; then there followeth a Moor, which
1 The Vangala, spelt Bengala lower down, seems to represent the
Imbangolas of Battell, more generally known as Jagas (see p. 84, note].
KNIVET'S NARRATIVE. 99
doth nothing but talk aloud in praise of the King, telling
what a great warrior he hath been, and praising his wisdom
for all things that he hath accomplished very honourably
to his great fame of such as knew him.
When this King of Congo cometh to his host, all the
soldiers, as he passeth, fall flat on their faces to the ground.
He never cometh into his host after any battle, but he
dubbeth at the least twenty Knights Portugals, and as
many Moors, giving them very great living according to
their callings, and the service that they have done. The
brother of this King was in Spain at my coming from thence
for ambassador from his brother.1
Here the Portugal Captain would have taken me perforce,
to have been a common soldier, but the King commanded
that they should let me go whither I would, and my deter-
mination at that time was to have gone for the country of
Prester John [Abyssinia], for I had a great desire to see
the River of Nilo and Jerusalem (for I accounted myself as
a lost man, not caring into what country or kingdom I came)
But it was not the will of God that I should at that time
obtain my desire, for travelling through the kingdom of
Congo, to have gone to the kingdom of Angila,2 it was my
fortune to meet a company of Portugal soldiers that went
to a conquest that the King of Spain had newly taken,
called Masangana ; which place is on the borders of Anguca.
Here they made me serve like a drudge, for both day
and night I carried some stone and lime to make a fort.
It lyeth right under the Line, and standeth in a bottom
1 D. Alvaro sent several embassies to Europe, but ne\er a brother ot
his. I famous of these ambassadors was Duartc Lope/, who
was at Rome in 1 590.
> certainly seems to he a misprint for Angola, for a party of
Portuguese going to Ma^anx-mii would never stray so far north as
U < 'n ihe other hand, it Km vet was really on his way from the
capital of Co D-o to Prester John's country, that is. Ibyssinia, he must
have gone in the direction of
100 APPENDIX I.
in the middle of four hills, and about are many fogges [bogs]
but not one river.1 It is the unfirmest country under the sun.
Here the Portugals die like chickens. You shall see men in
the morning very lusty, and within two hours dead. Others,
that if they but wet their legs, presently they swell bigger
than their middles ;2 others break in the sides with a draught
of water. O, if you did know the intolerable heat of the
country, you would think yourself better a thousand times
dead, than to live there a week. There you shall see poor
soldiers lie in troops, gaping like camelians [camels ?] for a
puff of wind.
Here lived I three months, not as the Portugals did,
taking of physick, and every week letting of blood and
keeping close in their houses when they had any rain,
observing hours, and times to go abroad morning and
evening, and never to eat but at such and such times. I
was glad when I had got anything at morning, noon, or
night ; I thank God I did work all day from morning till
night ; had it been rain or never so great heat, I had always
my health as well as I have in England.
This country is very rich. The king had great store of
gold3 sent him from this place : the time that I was there,
the King of Angica had a great city at Masangana ; which
city Paulas Dias, Governor of Angola, took and situated
there ; and finding hard by it great store of gold, fortified
it with four forts, and walled a great circuit of ground round
about it, and within that wall ; now the Portugals do build
a city, and from this city every day they do war against
1 Masanganu actually stands at the confluence of the Rivers Kvvanza
and Lukala !
2 That is, they suffered from elephantiasis.
3 Gold is often referred to in ancient documents, but its actual dis-
covery (so far in unremunerative quantities) is quite a recent affair.
Silver was supposed to exist in the hills of Kambambe above Masan-
ganu, but has not as yet been actually found.
KNIVET'S NARRATIVE. 101
the King of Angica, and have burnt a great part of his
kingdom.
The Angicas1 are men of goodly stature ; they file their
teeth before on their upper jaw, and on their under jaw,
making a distance between them like the teeth of a
dog ; they do eat man's flesh ; they are the stubbornest
nation that lives under the sun, and the resolutest in
the field that ever man saw ; for they will rather kill
themselves than yield to the Portugals. They inhabit
right under the line, and of all kinds of Moors these are
the blackest. They do live in the law of the Turks, and
honour Mahomet. They keep many concubines, as the
Turks do ; they wash themselves every morning up\vards>
falling flat on their faces towards the east. They wear
their hair all made in plaits on their heads, as well men as
women ; they have good store of wheat, and a kind of grain
like vetches, of which they make bread : they have great
store of hens like partridges, and turkeys, and all their
feathers curl on their backs. Their houses are like the
other houses of the kingdoms aforenamed.
And thus I end, showing you as brief as I can, all the
nations and kingdoms, that, with great danger of my life,
I travelled through in twelve years of my best age, getting
no more than my travel for my pain. From this kingdom,
Angica, was I brought in irons again to my master, Salvador
Corea de Sasa, to the City of San Sebastian in Brazil, as
you have heard.
Anxicas are certainly i.lrr,ti<al with tin- An/iijiu-s <u \
ii.utr l.<>|" '"IK to whom they eat human tlrsh and
ISC, 'lli<- Anx'>l.iii- ha\<; at no tiiiu- IK-CM <liaiu;rd \\ilh
cannibalism.
APPENDIX II.
A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF KONGO
TO THE
END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
THE EARLY HISTORY OF KONGO.
IF traditions may be accepted where
written history fails us, the foundation
of the Empire of Kongo lies back no
further than the middle of the fifteenth
century.
The founder of the dynasty and first
King of Kongo — Ntotela ntinu nekongo — was Nimi a
Lukeni, the son of Nimi a nzima and of Lukeni lua
nsanzi, the daughter of Nsa ku ki-lau. His father appears
to have been a mere village chief in Kurimba (Corimba),1
a district of the kingdom of Kwangu. He had established
1 Cavazzi, p. 262, calls Corimba a province of the kingdom of Coango
(not Loango, as in Labat's version) on the Zaire. Cadornega (quoted
by Paiva Manso, p. 285) tells us that our river Kwangu (Coango) is
called after a lordship of that name, and was known to the people as
the " great " Zaire (nzari anene). On the other hand, D. Pedro
Affonso II, in a letter of 1624, speaks of Bangu, which had recently
been raided by the Jaga, aided by the King of Loango (sic\ as the
"trunk and origin of Congo" (Paiva Manso, p. 177). But then this
Pedro Affonso was not of the original dynasty of Nimi a Lukeni.
EARLY HISTORY OF KONGO. IO3
himself at a ferry on a great river (mart), now known to
us as the Kwangu, and levied a toll upon all travellers who
crossed the stream. One day the young man's aunt came
that way, and claimed exemption on the ground of being
the old chiefs sister. Her brother was absent, and not only
was the claim denied, but young Nimi a Lukeni, notwith-
standing that she was with child, caused her to be dis-
embowelled. The younger members of his clan looked
upon this act of brutality as one of bravery, and shielded
him against his father's just wrath. He then placed him-
self at their head, assumed the title of ntinu (king), and
started westward upon a career of conquest.
The country he was about to invade was inhabited by a
people kindred to those of Angola and of the country to
the north of the Zaire, split up into numerous small clans1
ruled by independent kinglets. This, no doubt, would
account for the rapidity and the extent of his conquests,
which have been matched however, in our own days, by
the Makololo.
Having defeated Mbumbulu mwana Mpangala of
Mpemba-kasi, he founded his capital — Mbazi a nkanu—
upon a rock within that chiefs territory. By degrees he
extended his conquests southward to the Kwanza and
even beyond, installed his uncle Nsa ku ki-lau as ruler of
1 Collectively known as Ambundu, a term applied in Angola to
black men generally, but in Kongo restricted to slaves, i.e., the con-
quered. Bunda, in Kongo, has the mraning of "combine;" in
Lunkumbi (Nogueira, Rol. 1885, p. 246) it means "family." Camuvatiin,
in the introduction to his Grammar, says that Kimbundu originated in
Kasanj, and that the meaning of Abundo or I'.umlo is "conqueror.1
According to Carvalho (Exp. Port. >i« Muatianvua^ Ethmograpkia,
p 123) Kimbundu should be translated " invaders." The derivations Of
• Td Kongo arc quite as fanciful. Bentley seems to favour//
a "hunter." Cordeiro da Malta translates Kongo by "tribute;
whilst Nogueira says that Kongo (pi. Makongo) denotes a "prisoner
of war."
* "Palaver place" or "court," corrupted by Kuropcan travellers
" Ambasse." Subsequently this town became known
idor.
104 APPENDIX II.
the important province of Mbata, bestowed large territories
upon others of his adherents, and even restored some
of their father's territories to the children of the Mwana
Mpangala. His " sons," attended by the great Nganga
Ngoyo, he sent across the Zaire, and they became the
founders of the " kingdoms " of Kakongo and Luangu ;
whilst a third son, by a slave woman, is supposed to be
the ancestor of the " counts " of Sonyo or Soyo.1
Anciently the King of Kakongo, before he assumed his
kingship, was bound to marry a princess of the blood
royal of Kongo, whilst he of Luangu married a princess
of Kakongo ; yet the ruler of Luangu was highest in rank,
for he enjoyed the title of nunu ("aged person"), whilst
his brother of Kakongo had to be contented with the
inferior title of nkaji (" spouse"). The Kings were elected
by the feudal princes, but their choice was limited to the
sons- of princesses, as in a great part of negro Africa.2
Of the early institutions of Kongo we know next to
nothing, though we may presume that the law of succession
was originally the same there as in the sister-states to the
north, for the first Ntotela was succeeded by two nephews
1 Both the Rev. W. H. Bentley and the Rev. Tho. Lewis believe
Sonyo to be a corruption, at the mouths of natives, of San Antonio.
This is quite possible, for when the old chief was baptised, in 1491, he
received the name of Manuel (after the King), whilst his son was
thenceforth known as Don Antonio. Images of Sa. Manuela and
S. Antonio are still in existence, and are venerated by the natives as
powerful fetishes (Bastian, Loangokuste, vol. i, p. 286). Soyo, accord-
ing to the same author, is the name of a district near the Cabo do
Paclrao. Yet Garcia de Resende and Ruy de Pina, in their Chronicles
of King Joao II, only know a Mani Sonho, whom Joao de Barros
calls Mani Sono. No hint of the suggested corruption is given by
any author.
2 On these northern kingdoms, whose connexion with Kongo proper
seems never to have been very close, see Proyart. Histoire de Loango,
Cacongo, et autres royaumes d1 Afrique, Paris, 1776 ; Degrandpre,
Voyage a la cote occidental d'Afrique, 1786-7, Paris, 1801 ; and of recent
books, R. D. Dennett, Seven Years among the Fjort, London, 1887,
Giissfeldt, Falkenstein, and Pechuel-Loesche, Die Loango Expedition,
Berlin, 1879-83 ; and that treasury of ill-digested information, Bastian,
Die Deutsche Expedition an der Loangokuste, Jena, 1874-5.
THE DISCOVERY OF THE KONGO. 10$
(Nanga kia ntinu and another, whose name has not reached
us). But even thus early, and anterior to the introduction
of Christianity, the old law of succession was broken
through, for Nkuwu a ntinu, the fourth Ntotela, was a son
of Xtinu Nimi a Lukeni, and was succeeded by a son of his
own, Nzinga a Nkuwa, the first Christian Ntotela, better
known in history as John I.
If Dapper may be believed, it was the custom to bury
twelve virgins with the earlier kings — a distinction much
sought after, as in other parts of Africa ; but the people of
Kongo have never been charged with cannibalism, nor its
rulers with the bloody rites practised by the Jaga.
CAo's DISCOVERY OF THE KONGO, 1482.*
It was towards the end of 1482, that the natives at the
mouth of the River Kongo for the first time saw rising
above the horizon the white wings of a European vessel,
ascending, as it were, from the Land of Spirits ; and we
can imagine their surprise when they for the first time
beheld the bleached faces of its inmates. Yet they came
on board, offering ivory in exchange for cloth. The in-
terpreters from the Guinea coast who were with CSo
naturally failed to make themselves understood, but they
learnt from signs that far inland there dwelt a powerful
king. CSo at once despatched some Christian negroes in
search of this potentate. They were the bearers of suitable
presents, and were instructed to assure the King of the
friendly intentions of his visitors, whose only desire it was
to trade with him.
Before continuing his voyage, Cao set up the first
of the stone pillars, or padroes, which he had on board.
iu n sailed south along the coast, noting its prominent
-, see my paper in the Geographical
'125-65 5.
106 APPENDIX II.
features, but curiously missed the Kwanza or River of
Angola, although its clayey waters discolour the sea for ten
or fifteen miles. On a low foreland, Cabo do Lobo,1 ten
miles beyond the cliffs named by him Castello d' Alter
Pedroso, he set up a second pillar, to mark the furthest
point reached by him.
On again returning to the Kongo, he was annoyed to
find that his messengers had not returned ; and as he was
naturally anxious to make known in Portugal his discovery
of a magnificent river and a powerful kingdom, he left
them behind him, and seized instead four unsuspecting
visitors to his ship as " hostages ;" giving their friends to
understand that they should be restored to them after the
lapse of fifteen months, when they would be exchanged for
his own men. These latter appear to have been treated
with distinction at first, but when the King heard of Cao's
high-handed proceedings he refused to admit them any
longer to his presence, and even threatened them with
death, should his own people not be restored.
Among the hostages carried off by Cao there was a
man of some distinction in his own country, Nsaku
(Cac^uto) by name, who picked up Portuguese quickly, and
much pleased King John by the information he was able
to give. He, as well as his companions, were much petted
in Portugal, and, in defiance of all sumptuary laws, were
dressed in fine cloths and silks.
Cao himself, soon after his arrival, in April, 1484, was
appointed a cavalier in the Royal household, granted an
annuity of 18,000 reals, and on the I4th of that month
he was " separated from the common herd," and granted a
coat-of-arms charged with the two pillars erected by him
during this memorable voyage.
1 Now Cape St. Mary, 13° 28' S.
CAO'S SECOND VOYAGE. 1 07
CAo's SECOND VOYAGE, 1485-6.
Cao's departure on a second voyage was much delayed,
either because the King's Council were opposed to these
adventures, which strained the resources of a small king-
dom like Portugal, or — and this is more likely — because it
was desired that a change in the Royal Arms, which was
only made in June, 1485, should be recorded on the stone
pillars which Cao was to take with him.
Great was the rejoicing when Cao's " fleet " appeared in
the Kongo, and the hostages, loud in praise of the good
treatment they had received, were once more among their
friends. Cao at once forwarded rich presents to the King,
with an invitation to throw aside all fetishes, and to
embrace the only true and saving faith ; promising that, on
his return from a voyage to the south, he would personally
visit the capital of his kingdom. This promise Cao was
not permitted to fulfil, for having set up a pillar on Monte
Negro (15° 40' S.) and another on Cape Cross (21° 5O'),1
he died a short distance beyond. Of the details of his
death we know nothing.2 It seems, however, that the loss
of their commander induced a speedy return home : for
Cao's vessels must have arrived in Portugal before August,
1487, as in that month Dias sailed on his famous voyage,
taking with him the negroes whom Cao had kidnapped to
the south of the Kongo, with a view to their learning
Portuguese, and being employed as interpreters in future
voyages.
Cio, therefore, never saw the King of Kongo ; and there
,<>od grounds for believing that Nsaku who was sent by
1 T: v maps.
M.nU-llus Ccrnianus (1489),
and t! t tin- .Spanish pilots of i 525, are our only authori-
.1111 mentioned in Portuguese domim-nts
'Journal^ p. 637).
I08 APPENDIX IT.
the King to Portugal to ask for priests, masons, carpenters
agricultural labourers, and women to make bread, only
reached Europe in one of Bias's vessels, in December,
1488. Nsaku, most certainly, was first introduced to
King John at Beja, in January, 1489, when he and his
companions were baptised, the King himself, the Queen,
and gentlemen of title acting as sponsors.1 He was
sent back to the Kongo with Don Gongalo de Sousa,
in December, 1490, about two years after he had been
baptised.1
THE EMBASSY OF i49o-i.2
Don Joao de Sousa, the ambassador, left Portugal on
December I9th, 1490, with a fleet commanded by Gon^alo
de Sousa, as captain-major. Among the pilots were Pero
d'Alemquer and Pero Escovar, men famous in the mari-
time history of Portugal. Ten Franciscan Friars3 went
out with this fleet, and so did Nsaku, the ambassador of
the King of Kongo. The plague was raging at Lisbon at
the time, and before the vessels reached the Cape Verde
Islands, this dreaded disease had carried off Joao de Sousa
(the ambassador), the captain-major, and many others.
Ruy de Sousa, a nephew of the captain-major, was then
chosen to take the place of D. Joao de Sousa.
After a voyage of a hundred days the vessels reached
the Kongo, and the Mwana of Sonyo and his son, who
1 Nsaku was henceforth known as Don Joao da Silva. See Ruy de
P.ina, p. 149 ; Garcia de Resende, c. 69; and De Barros, Asia, t. I,
Pt. I, pp. 177, 224.
2 On this embassy, see De Barros, Asia, Dec. /, Liv. 3 ; Ruy de
Pina's Chronica, pp. 174-179; Garcia de Resende's Chronice, cc. 155-
161 ; D. Lopez, Bk. n, c. 2 ; Fr. Luis de Sousa, Historia de S. Domin-
gos, Parte II, Livro vi, c. 8; and Parte iv, Livro iv, c. 16.
3 Not Dominicans, as is usually stated. Garcia de Resende says
Franciscans ; and P. Fernando da Soledade, Historia Serafica, has
proved the documents published by Paiva Manso in favour of the
Dominican claim to be forgeries. Compare Eucher, Le Congo, Huy,
1894, p. 64.
THE EMBASSY OF
had already been instructed in the Christian doctrine by a
priest from S. Thome, were baptised on Easter Sunday,
April 3rd, 1491, and were thenceforth known as Don
Manuel and Don Antonio da Silva ; for it was the practice
of the Portuguese, from the very beginning, to bestow
Portuguese names and titles upon the negroes who sub-
mitted to the sacrament of baptism.
This ceremony performed, Ruy de Sousa started for the
King's capital,1 which he reached on April 29th. The
King received him seated on a platform, in a chair inlaid
with ivory. He wore a loin-cloth, presented to him by
Ciio, copper bracelets, and a cap of palm-cloth. A zebra
tail depended from his left shoulder — a badge of royalty.2
The King was about to join his son Mbemba a Nzinga,
Duke of Nsundi, who had taken the field against the
Bateke ;3 but before doing so he was anxious to be baptised.
The foundations of a church having been laid on Rood
Day, May 3rd,4 the King and his Queen were baptised at
once by Frei Joao de Santa Maria, and were named Don
JoSo and Donna Leonor, after the King and Queen of
Portugal.
The King, marching for the first time under the banner
of the Cross, and supported by the firearms of his
1 Mbaji a ekongo, the palaver-place of Kongo. See Index sub San
Salvador.
2 The insignia of royalty of the Kings of Kongo are the chair, a
baton, a bow and arrow, and the cap.
": Barros calls them Mundequetes, but D. Lopez says they should
be called Anziquetes. They are the Anzicanasof later writers, about
whose identity with the Bateke there can be no doubt. Their king bore
the title of Makoko (Nkaka).
Hence this, the oldest church of S. Salvador, became known as
Vera Cruz. In it the Christian kings of Kongo wen- lor-
mcrly buried; but when the Devil took up its roof and earned the body
of the unbelievi: mcisco to hell, their coffins were K ino\ed to
other churches (see j -i). Other churches, subsequently built,
S. l.i-,.. S. Mi-uel, dos Santos, de
ricordia, ."
IIO APPENDIX II.
Portuguese allies, came back a victor to his capital. His
eldest sori and many nobles were then baptised.
When Ruy de Sousa departed, he left behind him Frei
Antonio1 with other priests, and gave instructions for an
exploration of the Kongo river above the cataracts, which
do not appear to have been acted upon. He also founded
a factory near the mouth of the Kongo, where the
enterprising people of S. Thome had already established
commercial relations, although formal permission to do so
was only granted them by King Manuel on March 26th,
1500. Dom Pedro, a cousin of the King of Kongo,
accompanied him, with nine attendants, who, having been
taught to read and write, returned to their native country
with D. Joao Soares, early in I494/2
The missionaries lost no time in preaching the doctrines
of their Church ; but whilst Don Affonso proved an ardent
Christian, who recklessly destroyed all fetishes discovered
in his province of Nsundi, the King himself soon grew
lukewarm, owing to the priests' interference with polygamy
and other valued social institutions. In the country at
large, the heathen still held their ground.
D. AFFONSO I, 1 509-1 54o.3
And thus it happened that when Joao I died in 1509,
the chiefs favoured his second son, Mpanzu a nzinga? a
heathen, whilst the dowager queen and the Count of Sonyo
1 Frei Joao had died soon after reaching the capital.
2 Paiva Manso, pp. 2-4.
3 Paiva Manso, pp. 6-76, publishes quite a series of letters and
documents bearing upon the reign of Affonso, and dated between
1512, and December I5th, 1540. Cavazzi makes him die in 1525, but
in letters written between February I5th, 1539, and December 4th,
1540, the King refers to D. Manuel, who was about to go to Rome, as
his "brother." If the letters had been written by his successor Don
Pedro II Affonso, Don Manuel would have been an uncle, and not a
brother.
4 Cavazzi calls him Mpanzu a kitima; D. Lopez invariably Mpangu.
D. AFFONSO I. Ill
took the part of the elder brother. Don Affonso, immedi-
ately on hearing of his father's illness, hurried up to the
capital, accompanied by only thirty-six Christians. He
found that his father had died. His brother approached
with a mighty army, but five flaming swords seen in the
heavens on the eve of battle gave courage to his small
following, whilst a white cross and the appearance of St.
James at the head of the celestial host struck terror into
the hearts of the assailants. They fled in a panic.1 Mpanzu
himself was taken, wounded, and decapitated.
Order having been restored throughout the country,
Kino; Affonso availed himself of the presence of Gon^alo
Rodriguez Ribeiro, who had come from Portugal with a
number of priests, and was about to return to that country,
to send an embassy to Pope Julius II and King Manuel.2
The head of this mission was Don Pedro (de Castro?), a
cousin of the King (who was accompanied by his wife), and
with him went D. Manuel, a brother of the King, and
D. Henrique, a son. The presents conveyed to Portugal
included seven hundred copper bracelets, elephant tusks,
slaves, parrots, civet cats and other animals, and native
cloth. D. Henrique remained behind at Rome, where he
was ordained and created Bishop of Utica in I5i8.3
The mission sent by King Manuel in return was far-
reaching in its effects upon the political development of
1 King Affonso, whose account of this battle may be read in Paiva
• », p. 8, does not mention the flaming swords, but there ran be
no doubt that they were seen, for they were introduced in the coat-of-
ub.sequently granted to the King. D. Lopez (p. 82) substitutes
.:gin for the white cross seen during the battle. Cavazzi (p. 273),
and others, down to Father Kucher (Lr l-iy. iS»)4. p. 36), un-
nngly arrcpt this miracle. The l\ev. \V. 11. P.entley most
cntly suggests a solar halo; but such a phenomenon might
account for flaming swords, but not for the Virgin and St. Jain-
this embassy, see the do< umrnts printed by PftlVI Mans.i. and
m de Goes, Chn>n. <t<> A 37.
3 ^4,'- •>", P« 419.
112 APPENDIX II.
Kongo.1 Of its magnitude we may judge when we learn
that it embarked in five vessels. Its leader, SimSo da
Silva, dying on the road to S. Salvador, his place was taken
by Alvaro Lopes, the Royal factor. In his company were
priests, experienced soldiers, masons and carpenters to
build churches and a royal palace, and a lawyer (leterado]
to explain the law books which figured among the royal
gifts, besides horses, mules, cloth, banners, church furniture
and images. The ambassador was instructed to explain
the management of the royal household in Portugal, and
King Affonso quickly learnt the lessons he received, and
at once introduced the Portuguese titles of Duke, Marquis,
and Count. The ambassador likewise had with him an
elaborate coat-of-arms for the King,2 and twenty less
ambitious heraldic designs for his principal noblemen ; and
the monarch himself adopted a title closely imitated from
that of his " brother " of Portugal.3 The ambassador was
likewise instructed to make inquiries about the origin of
the Kongo in a lake, and to bring home cargoes of slaves,
copper and ivory.
1 On this mission, see Alguns documentos, pp. 277-289, for the in-
structions given to Simao da Silva; Paiva Manso, pp. 5-12, or King
Manuel's letter, and D. Affonso's manifesto ; and also Damian de Goes,
Chronica, vol. iii, cc. 38-39.
2 This coat-of-arms is fully described by King Affonso himself (Paiva
Manso, p. 11), as follows: — The field gules, and the chief of the coat
azure, quartered by a cross-fleury argent. Each quarter of the chief
charged with two shells, or, on a foot argent, bearing a shield azure,
charged with the five plates of Portugal. The field gules is charged
with five arms holding swords, or. An open helmet, or, with a royal
crown surmounts the coat. Crest : the five swords. Supporters : two
idols, decapitated, with their heads at their feet. The coats figured on
Pigafetta's map and by Cavazzi, p. 274, are much less elaborate, but
are both charged with five swords. The arrow in the latter is one of
the royal insignia.
3 In the formal documents addressed to his "brother" of Portugal,
he claims to be " By the Grace of God, King of Kongo, Ibumgu,
Kakongo, Ngoyo this side and beyond Zari, lord of the Ambundus,
of Ngola, Aquisyma (Ptolemy's Agisymba), Muswalu, Matamba, Muyi-
lu and Musuku, and of the Anzicas (Bateke), and the Conquest of
Mpanzu-alumbu," &c.
D. AFFONSO I. 113
The King was delighted with all these gifts, not being
aware that by accepting them he virtually acknowledged
himself to be a vassal of the King of Portugal ; and
he published a long manifesto to his people, in which he
dwelt upon his past career, the blessings of the Christian
faith, and the honours now done him. He actually read
the six bulky folios, but he told Ruy d'Aguiar (in 1516)
that if complicated laws like these were to be introduced
in his dominions, not a day would pass without a legal
offence of some kind being committed.1
The intercourse between Kongo and Lisbon must have
been very active in those days. We learn, for instance,
that in 1526 the King asked for physicians and apothe-
caries, and in 1530 he forwarded to his "brother"
Manuel two silver bracelets, which he had received from
Matamba. Many young Kongoese were sent to Portugal
to be educated ; but, to judge from a letter written by the
King in 1517, the results were not always very gratifying.'2
Nay, he accuses Antonio Viera, to whom he entrusted
twenty young relations to be taken to Portugal, of having
parted with several among them to Mpanzu-alumbu, his
enemy, and of having left others behind him at S, Thome.3
A second embassy left Kongo in 1 540, to do homage to
Pope Paul III. It was headed by D. Manuel, a brother
of the King, who had been a member of D. Pedro's
mission. King Affonso expected the King of Portugal
to pay 3,000 cruzados towards the expenses of this mission,
in consideration of the large profits which he derived from
the trade with Kongo.4
As a member of the Church militant, King Affonso
deserved well of the priesthood. I lc ruthlessly ordered all
1 I > '. \<>1. iv, c. 3.
i'j). 1 5, 17.
Paiva Manso, p. 71. Concerning Mp.m/u almnlni, see bcl<>\\.
< in tin M.m^n. pp. 69-74.
1
114 APPENDIX II.
fetishes to be destroyed throughout his dominions, but
supplied their place with images of saints, crosses, agni dei,
and other ecclesiastical paraphernalia, which he held to be
more effectual. The clergy were numerous in his day, and
in addition to secular priests included Franciscans, Domin-
icans and Austin Friars. They were wealthy, too, for
lands and slaves had been given them, and Christian
churches arose even in remote parts of the country. A
Franciscan friar, Antonio de Denis (known in the world as
D. Diogo de Vilhegas) had been appointed Bishop of
S. Thom£ and Kongo,1 and took possession of his see in
1534, on which occasion exceptional honours were shown
him. He was a man of energy and much sincerity, but,
unhappily for his Church, survived only a few years. On
his death-bed he desired that D. Henrique, the King's son,
whom he himself had ordained a priest, when in Rome,
and whom the Pope (as already mentioned) had created
Bishop of Utica in 1518, should succeed him in the epis-
copal chair. The Pope, however, before he would consent
to the appointment of a native, desired personally to
inquire into the matter. D. Henrique went to Rome,
but died on the voyage home, in 1539 or earlier.
King Affonso deserved his reputation as a zealous
Christian, and had certainly proved himsel'f a good friend
to the regular and secular clergy who undertook to con-
vert his people. Yet, as early as 1515, he had occasion to
call upon the King of Portugal to aid him in suppressing
the irregularities of these "unworthy preachers of the
Holy Catholic Faith," whose inordinate desire of power
and covetousness brought scandal upon the Church, and
promised little for the future.2 Towards the close of his
1 On the bishops of Kongo, see Add. MS. 15183 (British Museum),
and R. J. da Costa Mattos, Corographia Historica das Ilhas S.
Thome\ etc. Oporto, 1842.
2 Paiva Manso, p. 31.
D. AFFONSO I. 115
reign, in 1540, one of these priests, Frei Alvaro, actually
attempted to assassinate the King, in church, and after
Mass!1
The Portuguese living at the time in Kongo were
placed under a royal factor and a Corregedor (magis-
trate), and enjoyed ex-territorial jurisdiction. They had
a factory at Mpinda, at the mouth of the Kongo, where
the King of Portugal levied heavy duties. The commercial
relations do not appear to have been at all times of the
most friendly nature. In 1514 the King complained that
Fernao de Mello, the Governor of S. Thome", traded with
the Mpangu-lungu2 who were his enemies ; and in 1526 he
remonstrated against the conduct of the Portuguese slave-
merchants. Indeed, so preposterous were the claims put
forward by the Portuguese officials, that King Affonso,
in 1517, humbly begged to be allowed to employ a
ship of his own when trading ; or, at least to be exempted
from paying the heavy duties exacted by a foreign,
albeit suzerain, power upon the outlanders trading in his
kingdom. These ill-advised exactions explain, too, win-
trade gradually deserted the Kongo, and sought more
favourable openings to the south, at Luandu, as is shown
by an inquiry held in I548.3
The Portuguese made an effort to exploit the mineral
wealth of the country. Ruy Mendes, the " factor of the
copper mines," is stated to have discovered lead ; and
Gimdarlach (Durlacher ?), a German " fundidor," in 1593
discovered copper, lead, and silver. The King, however,
would not allow the mines to be worked, for he fcaivd
that such a concession might cost him his kingdom.
1 For Km.- Affonso's account of this event, a m ar< oimt
. apparently planned 1>\
r.ull Manso, pp. 76-80.
Mpangu-lunKU, see Index and (ilo^sary.
t this inquiry arc printed by l'ai\ a Manso, p. 84.
I 2
Il6 APPENDIX II.
Proposals for the exploration of the interior were made,
but bore no fruit. Gregorio de Quadra, who had spent
several years as a prisoner among the Arabs, was sent
to Kongo in 1520, with instructions to make his way
thence to the country of Prester John. The King refused
his consent ; Quadra returned to Portugal, and died a
monk.1 Balthasar de Castro, the companion of Manuel
Pacheco in Angola, desired to explore the upper Kongo in
1526 ; but neither his scheme nor that of Manuel Pacheco
himself, who was to have built two brigantines, seems to
have been carried out.
Of the domestic wars carried on by the King, we know
next to nothing. Angola and Matamba seem to have
been virtually independent in his day, though the island of
Luandu, with its valuable cowry-fishery, was held by him
and his successors until 1649. He conquered, however,
Mpanzu-alumbu (Mpangu-lunga ?)2 on the lower Kongo, a
district inhabited by a predatory tribe.3 That his successes
in these " wars " were due to his Portuguese mercenaries
and their fire-locks is a matter of course.
Don Affonso died in 1540, or soon afterwards, leaving
behind him a son, D. Pedro, who succeeded him, and three
daughters.4
1 D. de Goes, Chron. de Rei D. Em., iv, c. 54.
2 See Index, sub Mpanzu-alumbu and Mpangu-lungu.
3 See Paiva Manso, pp. 60, 69. Later sovereigns claimed also to be
kings of the Matumbulas, i.e., the spirits of their dead ancestors
buried at S. Salvador, whom they pretended to be able to consult, and
who were dreaded as fetishes.
4 According to a Jesuit canon, who wrote in 1624 (Paiva Manso, p.
174), these daughters were : (i) Nzinga a mbembe, the mother of D.
Diego, Affonso II, and Bernardo ; (2) D. Isabel Lukeni lua mbemba,
the mother of Alvaro I, Alvaro II, Alvaro III, and Bernardo II ; (3)
D. Anna Tumba a mbemba, the mother of D. Affonso Mbikia ntumba,
Duke of Nsundi, whose son was Pedro II. This genealogy does not
seem to be quite trustworthy.
D. PEDRO I AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 117
D. PEDRO AND HIS SUCCESSORS, 1540-1561.
PEDRO I had been educated in Portugal, and is
described by Cavazzi as a wise prince who had inherited
all the virtues of his father, and was a great friend of the
missionaries. His reign was apparently a short one,1
and he was succeeded by a cousin, D. FRANCISCO, who
only reigned two or three years, and left the kingdom to
a son,2 D. DlOGO.3 Duarte Lopez describes this prince as
a man of noble mind, witty, intelligent, prudent in council,
an upholder of the missionaries, and at the same time a great
warrior who, in the course of a few years, conquered many
of the neighbouring countries. His " wars " certainly did
not enlarge the borders of his kingdom, and the only war
we know of ended in disaster. The Portuguese at S.
Salvador, jealous of the growing commercial importance of
Luandu, had persuaded the King to send an army against
Ngola Mbandi, they themselves furnishing an auxiliary
corps. The Kongoese, in spite of this, were defeated
on the river Dande (about 1556); and Ngola not only
appealed to Portugal for protection, but also allied himself
with the Jagas, with whose aid he invaded Kongo (in
Nor were the relations of D. Diogb with the missionaries
quite as friendly as Lopez would lead us to believe. As
early as 1549, D. Diogo complained of the overbearing
1 Several authors say that he came to the throne in 1525 or 1532,
but the letters written by I). AfTonsn, and published b\
Insivcly show that this is impossible i sec .\nf •
- His natne name proves him to ha\e been a son ol I >. I tamisco.
,iii\ <l( -M libed as a cousin or grandson of I >. ivdm.
rliesl published letter of I >. Dio^ois dated April 25th, 1547.
His death is mentioned in a letter dated N<»\<-mbrr ^th. i =;M !
8 1, 113). He may. ln»\\e\ei. ha\r died a « < m-idn able time
before that date. Lope? < .In. M.ir. 1845, p. 101) mala
die in 1552, after a rcij;n of nn
Il8 APPENDIX II.
conduct of the Jesuits who had arrived in that year in the
company of D. Joao Baptista, the Bishop of S. Thome;1 the
priests, on their side, accused the King of having shown
little respect to the bishop, and of having ordered them to
be pulled out of their pulpits, when they denounced his
vices and those of his people.2 The Jesuits may have
been over-zealous in the performance of what they con-
ceived to be their duty, and too prone to meddle in
politics ; but they seem to have led clean lives, which can-
not be said of all of their clerical brethren. When D. Caspar
Cao,3 the Bishop of S. Thome and Kongo, a man who
took the duties of his office seriously, visited S. Salvador,
these priests openly defied his authority. But after
several of the recalcitrant priests had been deported to
Portugal, whilst others had left voluntarily with such
wealth as they had been able to amass, discipline was
re-established.4
A REIGN OF ANARCHY, 1561-1568.
When Diogo died, about 1561, the Portuguese residents
endeavoured to secure the throne for one of their own
creatures, and caused the duly elected favourite of the
people to be assassinated. As a result, the people of
S. Salvador rose upon the Portuguese, many of whom were
killed, not even priests being spared. The accounts5 of
1 This bishop was a Dominican. He entered upon his charge in 1 549.
The four Jesuits going in his company were Christovao Ribeira,
Jacome Dias, Jorge Vaz, and Diogo de Several.
2 See letters in Paiva Manso, pp. 91-93.
3 He was appointed bishop in 1554, and died at S. Thome in 1574.
4 For the minutes of an inquiry into a conspiracy planned by one
D. Pedro ka nguanu of Mbemba, in 1550, see Paiva Manso, pp. 101,
1 10.
6 Compare D. Lopez, p. 93 ; Cavazzi, p. 276 ; a list of kings given
by the Duke of Mbamba to the bishop D. Manuel Baptista in 1617
(Paiva Manso, p. 166), the statement of a Jesuit canon of S. Salvador
made in 1624 (ibid., p. 174), and Christovao Dorte de Sousa's letter to
D. ALVARO I. 119
this period of disorder are too confused to enable us
to be certain even of the names of the reigning kings.
D. AFFONSO II, a son (probably illegitimate) of D. Diogo,
ascended the throne of his father, but was murdered by
his brother, D. BERNARDO, who appears to have been
the candidate favoured by the Portuguese. He at once
sent Father Estevao de Laguos on an embassy to Queen
Catherine of Portugal, who, in a letter dated June 26th,
1 562,1 congratulated him upon his accession, whilst gently
chiding him for the murder of his brother. This King
was evidently friendly disposed towards the Portuguese;
and Antonio Vieira, a negro, who had visited Portugal as
member of an embassy, when writing to Queen Catherine
in April I566,2 suggested that he might be induced to
allow the mines of copper and tin to be worked. D.
Bernardo is stated by the Duke of Mbamba to have fallen
in a war with the Anzicas, " in defence of Christianity and
the Fatherland." He was succeeded by D. HENRIQUE,
a brother of D. Diogo, who, after a short and troubled reign,
died of a wound received in a battle, either against some
revolted vassals,3 or fighting the Anzicanas.4 He was the
last king of the original dynasty, for Alvaro I, his suc-
cessor, was only a step-son.
D. ALVARO I AND THE AVAKA, 1568-157.)
1). Alvaro, immediately on his accession, sent an
embassy to Portugal, to apologise for the massacre of
Queen Catherine of Portugal, dated (Luandu) November 4th, 1561
(//>/>/., p. 113); also a letter by P. Rodrigues de Pias, 1565 (Euchcr,
Le Congo, p. 70).
Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 114.
* His letter is printed 1> Manso, p. nC>. It was during the
reign of this king, in 1 563. that a "missionary" is stated to have crossed
.1 (Garcia d'Orta, Colwjuios <fos si tuples c drives . (ioa, 1567).
3 Lopez de Lima, An. M<ir.. 1845, p. 101.
1 Du.utc I.npiv, p. V3-
aro, according to Cavazzi, came to the throne in 1542 and
in 1587, whilst Lopez de Lima, quite arbitrarily, puts oft" hi*
120 APPENDIX II.
many Portuguese during the reigns of his predecessors,
which he excused on the ground of the vices and abuses of
the clergy. These excuses were apparently accepted in
Portugal, fortunately for D. Alvaro, for the very next year
the dreaded Ayaka1 invaded his kingdom by way of
Mbata; and, being worsted, the King fled with his adher-
ents to the Hippopotamus Island,2 on the lower Kongo,
where they suffered many hardships, and whence he
appealed piteously to the Portuguese for help. This help
was not denied him. Francisco de Gouvea, corregedor of
S. Thome, in 1570, hastened to his aid with six hundred
Portuguese, expelled the Ayaka, reinstated the King in his
capital, and built a wall round S. Salvador for greater
security. The King fully recognised the value of the
service that had been rendered him, for Paulo Bias de
Novaes told Garcia Mendes3 that he acknowledged himself
a vassal of Portugal ;4 and as neither gold or silver had
been discovered in his country, he agreed to pay a tribute
in njimbos, which he actually did for a few years.
No sooner was Alvaro once more seated securely upon
his throne than he sent the Count of Sonyo against Ngola
(1572). Several encounters took place in Musulu and
Mbuila (Ambuila) ; but in the end Ngola was allowed
to retain his father's conquests, the river Dande being fixed
upon as the boundary between the two kingdoms. Kongo,
accession to 1552. These figures are absolutely incorrect, as may be
seen from the date of the letter of Queen Catherine to D. Bernardo.
D. Alvaro cannot possibly have ascended the throne anterior to 1568.
1 The Ayaka still inhabit a large stretch of country along the Kwangu,
and are generally considered to be identical with the Jagas (Cavazzi
speaks of them as Jaga, or Aiaka), an opinion which I do not share.
See/0.y/, p. 149.
2 I imagine the account given by Duarte Lopez, p. 96, is much
exaggerated.
3 Garcia Mendes, p. 9.
4 As a proof of vassalage we may mention that the King was denied
the title of Alteza (Highness), which would have implied sovereign
rights, and was only allowed that of Senhoria (lordship).
D. ALVARO II. 121
however, retained possession of the valuable island of
Luandu.
Among other events of this reign we should mention a
second visit of D. Caspar Cao, the bishop, shortly before
his death (in 1574) ; and the scandal caused by the burial of
a notorious infidel, D. Francisco Mbula matadi, in the
church of S. Cruz, the roof of which was taken off by
night, and the body carried away by the Devil I1
D. Alvaro only enjoyed his prosperity for a short time,
for when Paulo Dias landed at Luandu, in 1575, he was
already dead.-
D. ALVARO II, 1574-1614.
Alvaro II, a son of Alvaro I, is described by Bishop D.
Manuel Baptista as a " zealous Christian, father and friend
of all ;"3 but it is evident that he looked not with over-
much favour upon the Portuguese residents in his country,
and he is charged, in a memoir addressed by Domingos
d'Abreu Brito to King Philip I, in 1592, with having
plotted with the kings of Ndongo and Matamba against
the Portuguese. An army which he sent ostensibly to the
aid of the Portuguese in 1583 retired, apparently without
striking a blow, whilst he furnished a contingent to the
forces of Matamba which invaded Angola in 1590. He
hindered, by specious excuses, the completion of a stone
fort at Mpinda, which had been commenced in 1609 by
Antonio Gon^alves Pitta, until all the workmen had died.
II« favoured Dutch traders to the great detriment of the
1 Duartc Lopcv. p. <;. Originally, the Christian kin^s of Kon-o
airied in this church, hut upon this desecration tlu-ir hodic.s \\ru-
to other churches.
1 Our information concerning the rei^n of this kin^ is e\< eodinjjy
We think uc have show: •, ,i \]\- th.it he ( annot have
reigned from 1542 to 1587, but arc unable to YOU. h either lor the date
invasion of his country by the Ayaka, or for that of his death.
In .1 !' ;.temlM i 15th, 1617 (Pah.t M.n, O, p. 166).
122 APPENDIX II.
Portuguese ; and we know from Samuel Braun,1 that an
effort was made in 1612 to expel the Dutch from the
Kongo, and that it would have been successful, had not
the natives sided with these heretical enemies, whose
dealings appeared to them to be more generous. More-
over, the King, although he had promised Sebastian da
Costa (1580) that he would allow the supposed silver mines
to be sought for, eventually refused his consent.2
Turning to Church affairs, we hear of the usual applica-
tions for missionaries, and of several episcopal visitations
by D. F. Antonio de Goiva (1578), D. Manuel de Ulhoa,
D. Miguel Baptista Rangel, and D. Manuel Baptista. D.
Manuel de Ulhoa presided over a synod at S. Salvador, in
1585, and laid down statutes for the government of his
see. D. Miguel Baptista Rangel was the first Bishop of
Kongo, which had been separated from the diocese of
S. Thome by a Bull of May 2oth, 1596. His successor,
D. Manuel Baptista, resided for several years in Kongo,
where he died in 1621; and a letter addressed to King
Philip II, in i6i2,3 speaks of the results of over a century
of missionary effort as insignificant, and describes the
people as incurable barbarians, full of vice.
D. PEDRO II AFFONSO, 1622-1624.
BERNARDO II, a son of Alvaro II, only reigned for a
few months, for he was killed by his brother, ALVARO III,
and a complaint addressed to him by the Governor of
1 Samuel Braun, who visited the Kongo in 1612, says that the fort
built near the Padrao, and another on an uninhabited island, had been
razed.
2 Sebastian da Costa had been sent to Kongo to announce the
accession of Philip I, in 1580. He was given a letter by D. Alvaro,
but died on the voyage, and Duarte Lopez, upon whose writings and dis-
courses Pigafetta based his work on the Kongo (see p. 19), was appointed
in his stead. For an account of this embassy, see Duarte Lopez, pp.
101-108.
3 Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 158.
D. PEDRO II AFFONSO. 123
Angola about the admission of heretical Dutchmen to
trade in Sonyo was answered by his successor. This
Alvaro III, the fratricide, is nevertheless described by
Cavazzi as having been "wise, modest, courageous, and
above all a zealous Christian." It was during his reign, in
1619, that the Jesuits founded a college at S. Salvador.
A proposed mission of Italian Capuchins came to
nothing, for King Philip of Spain, by royal letters of
September 22nd, 1620, forbade foreign missionaries to
enter Portuguese colonies without first obtaining a royal
license.1 Alvaro III died on May 26th, 1622, and was
succeeded by D. PEDRO II AFFONSO, whom Cavazzi
describes as a son of Alvaro III ; whilst a Jesuit canon of
S. Salvador,2 who wrote an interesting life of this prince in
1624, makes him out to have been a son of Mbiki a
ntumba, Duke of Nsundi, and a descendant, in the female
line, of the first King of Kongo. If this biographer can be
trusted, he was a man of much promise, and of a mild,
forgiving temper ; for although the Duke of Mbamba had
sought his life, he conferred upon him the marquisate of
Wembo. His reign was a short and troubled one. In
August, 1622, the Duke of Mbata had been killed by
rebels, and his vassaJ, the King of Kwangu (Ocango), had
suffered a defeat. Joao Correa de Souza, the Governor of
Angola, summoned him to surrender Luandu Island and
all the copper mines ; and this being refused, the Portu-
guese under Luiz Gomez, aided by the Jagas, crossed the
Dandc at Ikau and invaded Nambu a ngongo, and (in
inber) also Mbumbi, where the Duke of Mpemba
and many others were killed and eaten by the Jagas, in
spite of their being Christians. The people of the invaded
districts revenged themselves by killing the Portuguese
1 This order was, as a matter of course, issued at tin- instance of the
Council of Regency at Lisbon.
1 Paiva M.tnso. pp. 174-177.
124 APPENDIX II.
living in their midst, the King vainly endeavouring to
protect them. These invaders had scarcely been driven
off, when Captain Silvestre Scares, with a body of Jagas,
entered Ngombe and Kabanda. But that which gave
most pain to the King was the destruction of the kingdom
of Bangu, and the murder of its King by the Jagas, with
the aid of the King of " Loango," which was the "trunk
and origin of the kingdom of Kongo."1 In the midst of
these afflictions, the King was rejoiced to learn the arrival
of D. Simao Mascarenhas at Luandu ; but he met with an
accident, and died on April I3th, 1624, after a short reign
of less than two years, and mourned by six sons and two
daughters.2
D. PEDRO'S SUCCESSORS, 1624-1641.
GARCIA, the eldest son of D. Pedro, when elected
was only twenty years of age. He was succeeded by
D. AMBROSIO, in October, 1626, whose reign, up till
March, 1631, was one continuous warfare with his powerful
vassals. The country became unsafe, and the Portuguese
retired for a time from S. Salvador. ALVARO IV, a son
of Alvaro III, made himself master of the kingdom, and
retained possession until his death, February 25th, 1636.
He was succeded by his son, ALVARO V, who, doubting
1 We confess that this is unintelligible to us. Perhaps we ought to
read Coango (Kwangu), instead of Loango.. There is, of course, the
" kingdom •" of Kwangu beyond the Kwangu river, within which lies
the district of Kurimba, the birthplace of the first King of Kongo (see
p. 102). Bangu is evidently the district on the river Mbengu. It may
have been the home of the King's ancestors; and the Kwangu here
referred to may be a neighbouring district of that name (see Index).
2 It was during the reign of this King that five Portuguese merchants
crossed the Kwangu, and fell into the hands of the Makoko, who made
slaves of them. But upon this, his kingdom was visited by plague
and famine, and his armies were beaten ; and these "miracles'" only
ceased when, acting on the advice of his diviners, he had sent back his
prisoners to S. Salvador, richly compensated for their sufferings
(Cavazzi, p. 281).
GARCIA II AFFQNSO. 12$
the loyalty of his half-brothers, the Duke of Mbamba and
the Marquis of Kiowa, made war upon them, was defeated
and taken prisoner, but liberated. Unmindful of the
generosity of his opponents, he once more tried the fortune
of battle, was taken again, and executed (in August, 1636).
The Duke of Mbamba was unanimously elected in his
place, and reigned, as ALVARO VI, until his death on Feb-
ruary 22nd, 1641. He waged two unsuccessful wars against
the Count of Sonyo, in 1636 and again in 1637 ; and was
obliged to surrender the district of Makuta (Mocata) to
his adversary.
GARCIA II AFFONSO, o KIMBAKU, I64I-I663,1
the half-brother and old companion in arms of Alvaro
VI, took possession of the throne at a critical time ; for in
August of the year of his accession, the Dutch captured
Luandu, and the fortunes of the Portuguese were at the
lowest ebb. The Dutch lost no time in sending an
embassy to Kongo (i642),2 and these new allies lent him
their assistance in a small war against Mwana Nsala, who
had defied the royal authority.3 But they declined to give
effective help against a more powerful vassal, the Count of
Sonyo, as it might have interfered with their trade interests
on the Lower Kongo.4 The King's army was defeated twice
on April 29th, 1645, when Affonso, the King's son, was taken
prisoner, and again in July 1648, in the forest of Mfinda
angulu. Meanwhile the Dutch had broken the padrao set
<>r documents referring to the reign of this king, see I'.ma
>. |)p. 187-237.
1 Whether the Dutch ambassadors prostrated themselves when pre-
sented to the king, as shown on one <»f Dapper's plates, may 1><
doubted
3 The auxiliary force of thirty Dutchmen was commanded by
Captain Tihm:m • Dapper, p. 541).
4 They sent, indeed, a vessel to remonstrate, but the Duke defied
them t<> l.ind. .ind they icturd humbly.
126 APPENDIX II.
up by Cao at the mouth of the Kongo ; they had re-named
S. Antonio's Bay after their river Pampus at Amsterdam ;
had gone to S. Salvador ; and at least one of them, Johan
Herder,1 had travelled far inland, and visited the Mwana
Nkundi on the Kwangu. The heretical tracts and books
which they liberally distributed were in due course burnt
by the Capuchin friars.
Portugal was, moreover, irritated by the admission of
Italian and Castilian Capuchins, a batch of whom, headed
by P. Bonaventura of Alessano,2 arrived at S. Salvador,
on September 2nd, 1645, without having previously called
at Lisbon. This first mission was followed by three others
in 1648, 1651 and i654,3 and mission stations were estab-
lished in Mbata, in Nkusu, Nsundi, Mpemba, Mbwela,
and Wembo (Ovando).4 Among the more noteworthy
missionary travels of the time was that of P. Girolamo
of Montesarchio, who visited Konko a bele (Concobello),
in i652.5
Even greater offence was given to Portugal by a mis-
sion which the King despatched to Rome in 1646, and
which arrived there, by way of Holland, in May, 1648.
P. Angelo de Valenza, the head of this mission, had been
instructed to beg the Pope to appoint three bishops for
1 Dapper, p. 572. Perhaps the itinerary on one of Dapper's maps
from Mpinda, by way of Mbamba, S. Salvador, Mbata and Nsundi, is
supplied by Herder. The names conso^canda, quing and ensor of the
map are corruptions of the names of the four week-days (konso,
nkanda, nkenga and nsona], and designate places where markets are
held on those days.
2 He died at S. Salvador in 1651, when about to start for Abyssinia,
and was succeded by P. Giovanni Francisco of Valenza, as Prefect.
For a full account of the missions of 1645 and 1648, see Pellicer de
Tovar, Mission Evangelica al Reyno de Congo, Madrid, 1649; and P.
Francisco Fragio, Breve Relazione, Rome, 1648.
3 Giovanni Antonio de Cavazzi, of Montecuccolo, was a member of
this mission.
4 This district was invaded by Queen Nzinga, in 1649, and the mis-
sionaries, P. Bonaventura of Correglia, and P. Francesco of Veas,
retired.
5 See Cavazzi, pp. 512-15.
D. GARCIA II AFFONSO. 1 27
Kongo, Matamba and the Makoko's country, without
reference to the claims of Portugal. This the Pope
declined to do ; but to show his pleasure at receiving this
mission, he had a medal struck in memory of its visit, with
the inscription " Et Congo agnovit Pastorem," and sent the
King a Royal crown blessed by himself. The King, how-
ever, when his mission returned (1651), and when he heard
that the Pope had refused to change Kongo from an elec-
tive into a hereditary monarchy, grew wroth. He openly
renounced Christianity, forbade the Capuchins to preach
the word of God, and recalled his native ngangas. But
when some bags containing relics and ornaments, which the
King had taken out of the churches, were miraculously
spared by a fire which broke out in his palace, he recon-
sidered his position. A reconciliation with the Capuchins
was effected, and soon afterwards the King, in penitential
robes, actually marched at the head of a procession which
had been organised to turn away a threatened plague of
locusts ; he allowed himself to be crowned by P. Giannu-
ario of Nola, in the name of his Holiness, and took an
active part in the celebration of the Pope's jubilee.1
Meanwhile the Portuguese had recovered Luandu, and
the King was called upon to pay the penalty for having
made friendship with the Dutch heretics, and admitted
foreigners as missionaries. Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos
invaded Kongo. The King at once sent P. Domingos
Cardoso, a Jesuit, and the Capuchin Friar Bonaventura
Sardo, to Luandu, where they had an interview with the
Governor (on February iQth, 1649), and preliminary terms
of peace were arranged.2 The treaty was reported upon by
1 Those of our readers who have no time or inclination to \\.ulr
through the bulky tomes of Cavazzi and other missionaries of tlmsr
days, may be recommended to read an excellent summary l>\ tin- I ran
u Kucher (l^e Congo^ Essat sin- P Uistoirc dt cc
Pays, Huy, 1860).
* Pa «», pp. 200-229.
128 APPENDIX II.
the Conselho Ultramarino, and confirmed in 1651 at Lisbon,
whither Friar Bonaventura1 of Sorrento had gone to do
homage to the King of Portugal, on behalf of the Prefect
of the Capuchins, as also to plead the cause of his Order in
reference to the proposed treaty. The terms of this treaty,
as modified, were as follows : — Castilians or Dutchmen
not to be permitted to reside or travel in Kongo nor
their ships to be admitted, unless provided with a Portu-
guese passport ; the Capuchin friars to communicate with
Rome only by way of Luandu or Lisbon, and no Castil-
ians to be admitted among them ; the Kings of Kongo
and Portugal to mutually assist each other if attacked by
an enemy ; an ambassador of the King of Kongo to take
up his residence at Luandu, as also a royal prince, as
hostage, or in his absence two or three men of rank ; com-
pensation to be granted for all the losses suffered by the
Portuguese since the arrival of .the Dutch, and fugitive
slaves to be surrendered ; Portuguese merchants to be
exempted from the payment of tolls ; a site to be granted
at the mouth of the Kongo for a fortress-; all gold and
silver mines to be ceded to the crown of Pbrtugal, and
the country to the south of the river Dande to be ceded
absolutely ; and finally the King of Kongo to acknowr
ledge himself a "tributario" of Portugal.
The King seems to have long hesitated before he ratified
this treaty, for in 1656, Diogo Gomes de Morales was
ordered to invade Kongo to enforce it, and was on the point
of crossing the river Loje into Mbamba, when he was
recalled, as envoys from the King had arrived at Luandu,
definitely to arrange the terms of peace.
1 Fr. Bonaventura had left Luandu in December, 1649; in June,
1650, he was in Rome : in July, 1651, at Lisbon. He then returned to
Kongo in the company of P. Giacinto Brusciotto of Vetralla (1652),
but ultimately joined the mission in Georgia. To Brusciotto we are
indebted for a grammar and vocabulary of the Sonyo dialect, pub^
lished at Rome in 1659.
ANTONIO I. I2Q
During the later years of his life, D. Garcia once more fell
away from his Christian teachers, whom he accused of
being influenced by political motives. Suspecting the
Duke of Mpemba of a desire to deprive his son of the
succession, he had him executed ; and when the native
diviners accused his eldest son, Affbnso, of aiming at his
life, he had his second son elected as his successor. He
died in 1663.
D. ANTONIO I, 1663-66.
D. Antonio had been enjoined by his dying father to
avenge the humiliation forced upon him by the Portuguese.
He inaugurated his reign by killing his own brother and
other relatives, whom he suspected of disloyalty. The
warnings of heaven — fiery balls, an earthquake, which
destroyed part of his capital, a plague, which decimated
the population — were disregarded by him.
He very soon found himself involved in a war with the
Portuguese, who claimed possession of the mines which
had been promised by treaty, and complained of raids
made upon friendly chiefs. On July I3th, 1665, the King
called upon his people to rise in defence of their country
and liberty.1 His diviners had promised him an easy
victory. The Portuguese had recently been reinforced
from Brazil, yet the army which they were able to put into
the field only numbered four hundred Europeans, with two
field guns and six thousand negroes. It was commanded
by Luiz Lopez de Sequeira, the captain-major, with
whom were Manuel Rebello de Brito, Diogo Rodriguez de
^imao de Matos and Antonio Araujo Cabreira, the
serjeant-major. The hostile forces met on January ist,
1666, at Ulanga, near the IVdras de Ambuilla.2 Antonio,
1 I'.m.i M.mso, p. 244.
* I have no doubt that these " IVdras" are identic al with the
" Pcdras dc Nk<>sln. <M "lion p.. ks." no\\ occupied by tin- I'rcsidio
of Encogc.
K
130 APPENDIX II.
seeing the small force opposed to him, hoped to gain an
easy victory ; but the Portuguese, formed in square, resisted
the onslaught of his hosts for six hours. At last the King
left the ranks, desirous of a personal encounter with Lopez
de Sequeira ; but he was shot down, his head was cut off,
and stuck upon a pike. His followers fled in dismay. The
missionaries assert that the Virgin Mary, with her Child,
was seen to stand by the side of the Portuguese leader,
directing the battle, and that a fiery rain fell upon the
idolaters.1
The Governor of Angola, in commemoration of this
victory, built the chapel of N.S. da Nazareth at Luandu,
whilst the King of Portugal amply rewarded the victors.
A TIME OF ANARCHY, AFTER 1666.
We are indebted to Pedro Mendes for an account of the
history of Kongo from the death of D. Antonio in 1666 to
the beginning of the eighteenth century.2 During that
time, according to this authority, there were fourteen Kings
of Kongo; of whom four were beheaded (or killed) by the
Musurongo, five by the Ezikongo, three died a natural
death, and two were survivors when he wrote, namely, D.
Pedro IV, at Salvador, and D. Joao at Mbula.3 At one
time there were actually three kings in the field.
ALVARO VII, a royal prince who had passed his early
life in retirement, but who, on being raised to the throne,
turned out a monster of iniquity, was killed by his own
subjects, abetted by the Count of Sonyo (1666), under
whose auspices took place the election of his successor,
1 Cavazzi, p. 287.
2 Published by Paiva Manso, pp. 350-355.
3 Pedro Mendes, however, only gives the names of ten Kings. If
we add to these Alvaro VII, D. Rafael, and Alvaro IX, mentioned by
others, we make up the number to thirteen. See Appendix III for a list
and classification of these Kings.
A TIME OF ANARCHY. 131
D. ALVARO VIII ((666-70), who was in turn removed by
the Marquis of Mpemba. Alvaro VIII1 had allowed the
Portuguese to search for gold, but this search turned out as
fruitless as the search for silver at Kambambe. Meanwhile
D. AFFONSO III AFFONSO had been proclaimed at
Kibangu, the new capital (1667), whilst D. PEDRO III
nsukia ntamba was put up as an opposition King in
Mbula. The latter defeated his rival, who fled beyond the
Mbiriji (Ambriz), and died there (of poison ?). His widow,
D. Anna, a daughter of a former King, Garcia, retired to
Nkondo (Mucondo), and survived her husband until 1680.
The people proclaimed D. GARCIA II I nenganga mbcmbir
his successor, whilst the opposition, at the old capital
(S. Salvador), declared D. DANIEL DE GUZMAN, descendant
of Mpanzu (Alvaro I), to be the rightful King. D. Daniel
took the field against D. Garcia III, but, before he reached
the residence of that King, he was overtaken by D. Pedro
of Mbula ; his army was dispersed, and himself beheaded.
His children sought refuge with the Count of Sonyo, and
by treachery they succeeded in getting D. Pedro into their
power, and killed him. The people of Mbula thereupon
raised his brother, D. JoAo, to the throne, who survived
until after 1710. S. Salvador, after D. Daniel had deserted
it, became the haunt of wild beasts.
Meanwhile D. RAFAEL, Marquis of Mpemba, who had
been proclaimed King some time anterior to this, had been
obliged to seek refuge among the Portuguese, and his
reinstatement was one of the objects of the disastrous
expedition of i67O,3 by which it was sought to punish
Count Estevilo da Silva of Sonyo for his desecration of
Christian churches and the ill-treatment of Portuguese
traders: or, rather, his dealings with heretic competitors.
1 Cadornega says Affonso III.
1 He had some correspondence with the Pope in 1673 and 1677.
'• p. 254.
132 APPENDIX II.
Joao Scares de Almeida, the commander of this expedition,
had with him five hundred Portuguese, supported by a
strong force of native allies, among whom was a Jaga
Kalandula. He won a battle, in which Estevao was killed ;
but Pedro, the brother of the unfortunate Count, rallied the
forces of Sonyo, unexpectedly fell upon the Portuguese
near the Mbiriji (Ambriz), and scarcely a man among them
escaped. Count Pedro then expelled the Italian Capuchins,
who were supposed to be friendly to Portugal, and invited
in their stead Belgian members of the same Order, who
arrived in September, 1673, under the lead of P. Wouters.
But, having been accused of stopping the rain, and having
in reply excommunicated the Count, they were speedily
expelled.1 Peace between Sonyo and Portugal was only
restored in 1690, when the former promised to abolish
idolatry and to sell no slaves to heretics.
It was about this period (between 1669 and 1675) that
Francisco do Murga, the captain-major of Dande, visited
S. Salvador, and proceeded thence to Mbata and the
Kwangu, where he was told that this river flowed through
the kingdom of the Makoko, and entered the sea at
Mpinda, a fact long before known to the missionaries.
These latter had not quite abandoned the Kongo, notwith-
standing these troubles, and in 1668 the Capuchins still
occupied their monasteries at the capital of Mbamba and at
Mpembu f whilst Girolamo Merolla (1682-88) and Antonio
Zucchelli steadily laboured (1700-02) in Sonyo and
Luangu.3
D. ANDRE succeeded D. Garcia, but died after a
1 See Eucher, Le Congo, p. 176. Subsequently the Capuchins
returned to Sonyo (Merollo in 1683, Zucchelli in 1703).
2 Dionigi Carli paid a visit to these : see his Viaggio, Reggio,
1672.
3 See Merolla's Relatione del Regno di Congo, Naples, 1692 ; and
Zucchelli's Viaggi, Venice, 1712.
A RETROSPECT. 133
short reign. D. MANUEL nzinga elenge, a descendant of
Mpanzu, was duly elected, but expelled by the sons of the
late D. Garcia, who raised ALVARO IX to the throne in his
stead. This prince was never recognised by the Count of
Sonyo, who looked upon D. Manuel, who had sought
refuge with him, as the legitimate King. He was rein-
stated by him for a time, but ultimately fell into the power
of his enemies, and was beheaded.
Alvaro IX was succeeded in 1694 by his brother PEDRO
IV nsanu a mbemba> also known as agoa rosada? who once
more returned to the ancient capital. He and D. Joao of
Mbula were the only Kings alive in 1701, when the Capu-
chin Friar Francisco de Pavia, and his colleague Friar Joao
Maria went throughout the kingdom of Kongo, preaching
peace, and calling upon the leading men to recognise
D. Pedro as their King ; and thus put an end to quarrels
which had distracted the country for an entire generation.
A RETROSPECT.
And if we ask to what extent, and in what manner, have
the natives of Kongo been benefited by two centuries of
contact with the civilisation of Europe, and of missionary
effort, we feel bound to admit that they have not been
benefited at all — either materially or morally. On the
contrary. There were, no doubt, a few earnest men among
the missionaries, and the Church of Rome deserves some
credit for the zeal with which she addressed herself to the
object of converting the natives. At the same time it
cannot be denied that the instruments she employed, the
methods she pursued, and the surrounding circumstances,
were not favourable to success. And success there has
1 His cap -.il, I). I'cclro Constantino, n> inm-
sclf elected kin^, hut MTU taken pribuncr am! \.idui
in 1709.
134 APPENDIX II.
been none — at least, none of an enduring nature — notwith-
standing the boastful, if not absolutely mendacious, reports
of her missionaries. The assertion that there was a time
when the whole of Kongo had become Roman Catholic
must raise a smile on the face of those who have atten-
tively studied the missionary reports. There were eleven
churches and a crowd of priests at the capital ; but the
outlying provinces • were but poorly attended to. The
number of missionaries, even including the native helpers,
was never large enough to administer, even to a tithe of the
population, those rites and sacraments, which the Roman
Catholic Church professes to be of essential importance.1
I quite agree with the Rev. J. Leighton Wilson, when he
says that the " great spiritual edifice" [raised by the mission-
aries] has not only " crumbled into the dust, but it has left
the unfortunate inhabitants of that country in as deep
ignorance and superstition, and perhaps in greater poverty
and degradation, than they would have been if Roman
Catholicism had never been proclaimed among them."2
Father Jose Antonio de Souza, who resided at S. Salvador
from 1881-87, and was subsequently created Bishop of
Mozambique, virtually admits this, for he says : " Christi-
anity did not penetrate deeply ; it passed over the country
like a heavy rain, which scarcely wetted the surface of the
land, and left the subsoil absolutely dry and sterile."3 He
adds significantly : " By the side of the missionary stood
1 It was not unusual to make a charge for the administration of the
sacraments. In 1653, the parochial priests complained that the Capu-
chin friars administered the sacraments without claiming an "acknow-
ledgment ;" and the authorities at Rome (1653) prohibited their doing
so within five leagues of the capital (Paiva Manso, p. 233). At Mbamba,
the priest had a regular scale of prices. A baptism cost 7,000 cowries,
for a marriage a slave was expected, and so forth ; and thus, adds the
Bishop of Angola (1722) : "little children go to limbo, and grown-up
people to hell!"
2 Western Africa, London, 1856, p. 329.
3 Boletini) Lisbon Geogr. Society, March 1889.
A RETROSPECT. 135
the slave-trader." And surely it was the export slave
trade, created by the cupidity of the Portuguese, but shared
in by Dutch, French and English, which undermined the
prosperity of the country, and decimated its population.
And the missionaries never raised a protest against this
traffic, although it was against the tenets of their Church,1
for they profited by it. The only thing which they did for
the wretched slaves was to endeavour to secure, as far as
possible, that they should not fall into the hands of
heretics ; so that at least their souls might be saved, what-
ever became of their bodies.
1 In 1709, the Holy Office declared the slave-trade in Africa illicit.
Only those persons were to be looked upon as slaves who were born
such ; who had been captured in a just war ; who had sold them-
selves for money (a usual practice in Africa) ; or who had been adjudged
slaves by a just sentence.
APPENDIX III.
A LIST OF THE KINGS OF KONGO.
(NTOTELA NTINU MAKONGO.)
1. Ntinu mini a lukeni.
2. Nanga kia ntinu, his nephew or cousin.
*2 ^-^ -^—
4. Nkuwu a ntinu, son of No. i.
5. Joao I Nzinga a nkuwu, son of No. 4, baptised May
3rd, 1491, died 1509.
6. Mpanzu a nzinga (Mpanzu a kitima?), second son of
No. 5, 1509.
7. Affonso I Mbemba a nzinga (Mbemba nelumbu),
eldest son of No. 5, 1509-40.
8. Pedro I Nkanga a mbemba, son of No. 7, 1540-44.
9. Francisco Mpudi a nzinga, 1544-46.
10. Diogo Nkumbi a mpudi, son of No. 9, 1546-61.
11. Affonso II Mpemba a nzinga, an illegitimate son of
No. 10? 1561.
12. Bernardo I, (bastard) son of No. 10, 1561-67.
13. Henrique (Nerika) a mpudi, son of No. 9, 1567-68.
14. Alvaro I o Mpanzu, Mini a lukeni lua mbamba,
stepson of No. 12, 1568-74.
15. Alvaro II Nempanzu a Mini, son of No. 14, 1574-
1614.
KINGS OF KONGO. 137
16. Bernardo II Nenimi a mpanzu, son of No. 15, 1615.
17. Alvaro III Mbiki a mpanzu, Duke of Mbamba, son
of No. 15, 1615 to May 26th, 1622.
1 8. Pedro II Affonso Nkanga a mbiki, son of Mbiki an
tumbo, Duke of Nsundi, grandson of a daughter of No. 7,
1622 to April 1 3th, 1624.
19. Garcia I Mbemba a nkanga, Duke of Mbamba, son
of No. 18, April 1624, to June 26th, 1626.
20. Ambrosio I, October loth, 1626, to March, 1631.
21. Alvaro IV, son of No. 17, 1631 to February 25th,
1636.
22. Alvaro V, son of No. 21, 1636-38.
23. Alvaro VI, Duke of Mbamba, August, 1638, to Feb-
ruary 22nd, 1641.
24. Garcia II o kimbaku, (Nkanga a lukeni), Marquis of
Kiwa, 1641-63.
25. Antonio I Nevita a nkanga, mwana mulaza, son of
No. 24, 1663-66.
26. Alvaro VII Nepanzu a masundu, 1666-67.
27. Pedro III Nsukia ntamba of Mbula, 1667-79.
28. Alvaro VIII, 1667-78.
29. Affonso III Affonso, 1667-69.
30. Garcia III Nenganga mbemba, 1669-78.
31. Rafael I, marquis of Mpemba, 1669-75.
32. Daniel de Guzman Nemiala nia gimbuilla (?), a
descendant of No. 14, 1678-80.
33. Joao of Mbula, brother of No. 27, 1679 — (He was
alive in 1710).
34. Andre mulaza, a descendant of No. 25, 1679.
35. Manuel Nzinga elcngc, a descendant of No. 14, 1680-
16— .
36. Alvaro IX Nenimi a mbemba, a descendant both of
No. 14 and of No. 25.
37. Pedro IV, Nsanu a mbemba (Agoa rosada), brother
\o. 36, acceded 1694, and was alive in 1710.
138
APPENDIX III.
He was executed in
38. Pedro Constantino Kibangu.
1709.
The dates given for Nos. 26-38, are for the most part very
uncertain : Nos. 26, 28, 31, and 32 I believe to have resided
at S. Salvador ; Nos. 29, 30, 34, 35, 36 and 37, at Kibangu ;
Nos. 27 and 33, in Mbula.
APPENDIX IV.
A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF ANGOLA
TO THE
END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
EARLY PORTUGUESE VISITORS.
HE inhabitants of S. Thom£ were granted
permission in 1 5OO1 to trade as far as
the Kongo river ; but it is just possible
that long before that time, and not-
withstanding an interdict of 1504, they
had felt their way southward along the
coast, and had discovered that a profitable trade, not
hampered by the presence of royal officials or " farmers,'1
might be carried on at Luandu, and up a river which, after
the King of the country, was called the river of Ngola
(Angola).
Several years afterwards, a representative of this Ngola,
whilst on a visit at S. Salvador, suggested that missionaries
should be sent to convert his master. King Manuel was
nothing loth to act upon this suggestion, and entrusted
Manuel Pacheco and Halthasar de Castro, both of whom
were old residents in Kongo, with an expedition, whose
Documcntos^ p. 107.
140 APPENDIX IV.
main object was to report on the missionary and com-
mercial prospects in Ngola's country, to inquire into the
existence of reputed silver mines, and, eventually, to
explore the coast as far as the Cape of Good Hope. On
arriving at the bar of Ngola's river (the Kwanza), B. de
Castro was to go to the King's court, where, if circum-
stances were favourable, he was to be joined by a priest.
Pacheco himself was to return to Portugal, with a cargo of
slaves, ivory, and silver.1
No report of this mission has hitherto seen the light ;
but we know that B. de Castro actually reached Ngola's
residence, and that he was retained there as a prisoner,
until released in 1526, through the intervention of the King
of Kongo. He reported that he never saw silver or precious
stones anywhere in Angola.2
THE EARLY HISTORY OF NDONGO (ANGOLA).
Ndongo is the original name of the vast territory now
known as Angola, from the name or title of its ruler
(Ngola) when first the Portuguese became acquainted with
it. The early history of this region is involved in obscurity,
but it seems that its chiefs at one time owed allegiance to
the King of Kongo, whose authority was finally shaken off
about the middle of the sixteenth century, the King only
keeping possession of Luandu island and its valuable
njimbu fishery.
Cavazzi, Antonio Laudati of Gaeta, Cadornega, and
others, have published long lists of Kings of " Angola ;"
but nearly all the names they give are not those of the
Kings, but the titles which they assumed,3 and by which
1 For the instructions given to Pacheco, see Alguns Documentos,
p. 436. 2 Paiva Manso, p. 55.
3 Kiluanji, nzundu, and ndambi, which are given as names of kings,
are in reality only titles assumed by them. — Capello and Ivens,
Benguella to the lacca, vol. ii, p. 53. Tumba-ndala (according to
He'll Chatelain) was another of these ancient royal titles.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 141
they were generally known. The full title of the King of
Ndongo was Ngola kiluanji kia Samba?- and that title is
still borne by the present ruler, who claims to be a
descendant of the kings of old, and whose Kabasa* on the
River Hamba (Va-umba or Umba) still occupies the
locality assigned by the missionaries to Queen Nzinga's
Kabasa, where they built the church of S. Maria of
Matamba.
Cavazzi's Matamba, however, included the whole of
Queen Nzinga's kingdom, as it existed in his day, whilst
the original Matamba, as also the country known by that
name in the present day, had much narrower limits. It
was originally tributary to Kongo, but one of its rulers
assumed the title of Kambulu, that is, King, and renounced
all vassalage to his former suzerain. It existed as an
independent kingdom until 1627, when the famous
Queen Nzinga took prisoner the dowager Queen, Muongo
Matamba, and incorporated this ancient kingdom in her
own dominions.3
It may have been a Ngola kiluanji, described by Cavazzi
as the son of Tumba ria ngola and of a Ngola kiluanji kia
Samba, who first invaded lower Ndongo, and assigned his
conquest to one of his sons. But all is uncertainty, and
there exists an inextricable confusion in the names of the
Kings of upper and lower Ndongo as transmitted to us.
1 Capello and Ivens, #., vol. ii, p. 59. His proper name is Kalunga
!t.f.. Excellency) ndombo akambo.
* KabAsa, according to Cordeiro da Malta's / '/« /<>;/<j/7<>, simply
means "capital;" but J. V. Carneiro (An. <i<> • »»;/»-. ulfrant., vol. ii,
p. 172, 1861) would have us distinguish between a Mban/a 1.1 K
and a Mhan/a ia Kakulu : the former meaning "second," the latter
.'capital. This "I'M R! of the kings of Ndoogo
ndoubu-dly in the locality of Queen Nzinga's kabasa ; the second
capital was at I'ungu a ndongo.
3 Cavazzi, pj. The Queen was branded as a slave (a
e learnt from the Portuguese ; see Man ador in thr lnd»
died of grief ; but her dau^htri was received into favour, and was
baptized in 1667.
142 APPENDIX IV.
One thing, however, is certain, namely, that as early as
1520 the country down to the sea was held by a king
bearing the name or title of Ngola.1
THE FIRST EXPEDITION OF PAULO BIAS DE
NOVAES, 1560.
In 1556 Ngola Ineve,2 being threatened by Kongo, sent
an ambassador to Portugal asking for the establishment of
friendly relations. This ambassador arriving in the year
1 Lopes de Lima (Ensaio, vol. iii, partc segundo], is very severe
upon Cavazzi, whom he charges with having " falsified" history, but
does nothing himself to throw light upon the vexed question of the
names of the kings of Matamba and Ndongo. The following is a
summary of Cavazzi's very copious information (where Antonio of
Gaeta gives different names, these are added within brackets). Ngola,
the smith, or musuri (Ngola Bumbumbuld], was the founder of the
kingdom of Ndongo. Having no sons, he was succeeded by his
daughter, Nzunda ria ngola, and then by another daughter, Tumba ria
ngola, who married a ' Ngola kiluanji kia Samba, a great warrior.
Their son, Ngola kiluanji, was succeeded by Ndambi ngola. Then
followed Ngola kiluanji kia ndambi, another great warrior, who
advanced to within ten leagues of the sea, and planted a nzanda tree
(Insandeird), on the northern bank of the Kwanza, a short distance
above Tombo, to mark the furthest point reached by his conquer-
ing hosts. Nzinga ngola kilombo kia kasende (Ngola kiluanji} followed
next ; then came Mbandi ngola kiluanji, the father, and Ngola mbandi,
the brother, of the famous Queen Nzinga (Jingo) mbandi ngola (born
1582, acceded 1627, died 1663), since whose day the upper part of
Ndongo, including Matamba. has been known as Nzinga or Ginga.
The great queen was succeeded by her sister, D. Barbara da Silva,
who married D. Antonio Carrasco nzinga a mina (she died 1666).
Then followed in succession D. Joao Guterres Ngola kanini, D.
Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini (i 680-81), and D. Victoria, whom
Cadornega calls Veronica.
According to Lopez de Lima, it was a Jaga of Matamba, Ngola a
nzinga, who conquered Ndongo, and gave it as an appanage to his
son, Ngola mbandi. It was this Ngola mbandi who invited the
Portuguese in 1556, and a son of his, bearing the same name or title,
who received Dias in 1560.
Cadornega (Paiva Manso, p. 281) gives the following names as the
" Kings of Angola" since the arrival of the Portuguese : Ngola
a kiluanji, Ngola mbandi, Ngola a kiluanji II, Queen Nzinga D. Anna
de Sousa, D. Antonio Carrasco Nzinga a mina, D. Barbara da Silva,
his wife ; D. Joao Guterres Ngola kanini, D. Luis, D. Francisco
Guterres Ngola kanini, D. Veronica, the wife of D. Francisco.
2 Called Ngola mbandi by Lopes de Lima.
THE FIRST EXPEDITION OF DIAS. 143
of the death of King John III (1557), action was deferred
until 1559, when three caravels were fitted out and placed
under the command of Paulo Dias, a grandson of the
discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope. Dias left Lisbon on
December 22nd, 1 5 59, and called at S. Thom£ (where Bishop
Caspar Cao observed that the Jesuits, who accompanied
Dias, would meet with no success as long as commercial
intercourse was prohibited).1 Dias arrived at the bar of the
Kwanza on May 3rd, and there waited patiently for six
months, when Musungu, a native chief, made his appear-
ance at the head of a crew of painted warriors, armed with
bows and arrows. In his company Dias, accompanied by
the Jesuit fathers and twenty men, travelled up the country
for sixty leagues, when he arrived at the royal residence.'2
The King, not any longer the Ngola who had asked for
missionaries, but his successor,3 received his visitors kindly,
but would not allow them to depart until they had helped
him against one of his revolted Sobas, called Kiluanji kia
kwangu by Garcia Mendes.4 Having rendered this service
Dias was dismissed, but the Jesuits remained behind as
hostages. Whilst Dias was absent in Europe, Ngola
defeated an army sent against him, and thus compelled the
1 Paiva Manso, p. 112.
* The Jesuit fathers (Francisco de Gouvea and Garcia Simoes) date
their letters from An^olcme, and call the King's capital Glo-amba
Coamba, evidently a misprint. Sixty leagues woula carry us far
beyond the later capital, Pungu a ndongo, perhaps as far as the
Anguolomc aquitambo (Ngwalema a kit.imbu) of Garcia Mendes, in the
district known as Ari. Another Angolome (Ngolome) lived less than
twenty leagues from the coast, on the northern side of the 1\
and near him a soba, Ngola ngolemc a kundu. Neves (Exped. dc
Cassange] says the old name of Pungu a ndongo is Gongo a mboa.
For the Jesuit letters of that time, see liolctim, 1883, pp. 300-344).
1 He is referred to as Ngola Mbandi or Ngola ndanibi.
4 Lopes de Lima, Ensaios, p. ix, rails him Kiluanji kia sam
ancestor of the chief residing near the presidio of Duque de Bra^
V. I. Duarte (Annaes do cons. ultramar.,\Q\. ii, p. 123), the com-
mandant of that presidio in 1847, confirms that it occupies the site of
a former chief of that name, who was, however, quite- an insign
personage.
144 APPENDIX IV.
recognition of the Dande river as his boundary, the island
of Luandu alone, with its productive njimbu fishery,
remaining with Kongo. Ngola ndambi died (in 1568?)
before Dias returned.
THE SECOND EXPEDITION OF DIAS, 1574.
After a considerable delay, Dias was sent out as " Con-
quistador" of the territory recently visited by him. He left
Lisbon on October 23rd, 1574, with seven vessels and
three hundred and fifty men, most of them cobblers,
tailors, and tradesmen.1 Among his officers were Pedro da
Fonseca, his son-in-law, Luis Serrao, Andre Ferreira Pereira,
and Garcia Mendes Castellobranco, all of whom subse-
quently won distinction as " Conquistadores." Three Jesuit
fathers (with P. Balthasar Barreira as superior), and three
Dominicans accompanied him. These latter, however, not
finding the country to their liking, soon sought more
comfortable quarters in Kongo. Dias was authorised to
grant estates (including full seignorial rights) to all such
among his companions as were prepared to build a small
fort at their own expense.
In February, 1575, the fleet sighted the coast near the
Kwanza, and passing over the bar of Kurimba cast anchor
in the fine bay of Luandu, and on February 2Oth Dias
laid the foundations of a church.2 The island, at that time,
was inhabited by forty Portuguese who had come from
Kongo, and a considerable number of native Christians.
Its cowry fisheries yielded great profit to its owner, the
1 Domingos d'Abreu de Brito, in a MS. of 1592, quoted by Lima,
Ensaios^ p. x. Garcia Mendes mentions seven hundred men, but
these probably included the crews of the vessels.
2 F. Garcia Simoes, S.J., informs us that a few days before the
arrival of Dias four men had been killed at a village only six leagues
from Luandu, and eaten. — Boletim, 1883.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 145
King of Kongo, who was represented by a governor.1 Not
finding the site originally chosen for his capital to be
suitable, Dias, in 1576, removed to what is now known as
the Morro de S. Miguel, and he named the new colony
" Reino de Sebaste na conquista de Ethiopia," in honour of
the King who fell gloriously at Al Kasr el Kebir, and its
capital S. Paulo de Luandu.
Meanwhile the customary presents were exchanged with
the King, whose name or title seems to have been Ngola a
kiluanji. The King's gifts included slaves, cattle, copper
and silver bracelets, and aromatic Kakongo wood. The
Cardinal King D. Henrique (1578-80) converted the silver
bracelets into a chalice, which he presented to the church
of Belem.
Friendly relations continued for three years. The King
had been duly helped against his rebellious sobas ; Pedro
da Fonseca lived at the King's residence as " ministro
conservador" of the Portuguese, and a brisk trade seems
to have sprung up with the new town of S. Paulo de
Luandu, when it was insinuated to the King that the
Portuguese ultimately intended to take possession of his
country, and to sell his subjects abroad as slaves. The
Catalogo traces these insinuations to the jealousy of a
Portuguese trader " inspired by the Devil," and although
neither Garcia Mendes nor Abreu de Brito alludes to this
infamy, their not doing so does not disprove the positive
statement of the Catalogo? Moreover, whether the King's
mind was influenced by envoys from Kongo, or by a
traitorous Portuguese, it must be admitted that the inten-
tions of the Portuguese were not altogether misrepresented.
1 I'omingos d'Abreu de Brito, quoted by I'aiva Manso. p. 139,
informs us that in 1592 it was governed by a Muene Mpofo, M.
Luandu and M. Mbumbi.
2 The Ki; staled to have ordered the M.il.
who had j»ivcn him this evil < mmsrl to be killed I Lima.
146 APPENDIX IV.
At all events, the results were immediately disastrous, for
twenty Portuguese traders, who were at the King's kabasa
at the time, were murdered, together with one thousand
slaves, and their merchandise was confiscated.
BIAS IN THE FIELD, 1578-89.
Dias, before this happened, had already (in 1577) built
the fort of S. Cruz,1 ten leagues up the Kwanza, and was at
the time at a stockade on the Penedo de S. Pedro, still
higher up on the river.2 When there, he was warned not to
advance any further, and, suspecting treachery, he retired
with his one hundred and fifty men to Kanzele (Anzele),3
where he entrenched himself (in 1578). Twenty days later
he received news of the massacre. Dias at once hastened
back to Luandu for reinforcements, the serjeant-major,
Manuel Joao, meanwhile valiantly defending the stockade
and raiding the neighbourhood.
In September, 1580, Dias again left Luandu with three
hundred men. Slowly he proceeded along the Kwanza by
land and in boats, punished the sobas Muchima, Kitan-
gombe, and Kizua, in Kisama, and defeated the King's
army at Makunde,4 where he had his headquarters for two
years, during which time his subordinates, Joao Serrao,
Manuel Joao, and others, established his authority among
the sobas of Kisama and Lamba (Ilamba).
In 1582 he removed to Masanganu, at the "meeting of
the waters " of the Lukala and Kwanza. Determined to
1 Lima, Ensaios, vol. xi, suggests that this S. Cruz became sub-
sequently known as Kalumbu, and that its church was dedicated to
S. Jose. To me it seems more likely that it occupied the site of
Tombo, and was subsequently abandoned.
2 This " Penedo" seems subsequently to have been named after
Antonio Bruto, a captain-major.
3 Garcia Mendes, p. 19, describes Kanzele as lying half-way
between the rivers Kwanza and Mbengu.
4 According to Antonio of Gaeta two leagues below Masanganu.
Garcia Mendes calls this place Makumbe.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 147
capture the reputed silver mines of Kambambc, he set out
with Luiz Serrao, eighty Portuguese, and a "guerra
preta " of thirty thousand men. During his forward
march he defeated the soba Mbamba Tungu ; and at an
entrenched camp at Teka ndungu, on February 2nd, 1584,
he inflicted a crushing defeat upon the King's forces ; the
Jesuit Father Balthasar Barreiro claiming no little credit
for having contributed to this victory by his prayers.1 As
a result of this success, many of the sobas declared in
favour of Portugal, but so inconsiderable were the forces
at the command of Dias that he could do no more
than maintain his position at Masanganu. An army under
the Duke of Mbamba, which had been promised to him,
was never sent.- Reinforcements, however, arrived in
the course of 1584 and I586,3 and Dias fought a battle on
the Lukala. But his subordinates did not always meet
with a like success ; and Joao Castanhosa Vellcz, with one
hundred Portuguese, was completely routed by the soba
Ngola Kalungu.4
As an incident of the governorship of Paulo Dias may
be mentioned the building of a fort at Benguella velho, by
his nephew, Antonio Lopes Peixoto, in 1587. Unhappily,
fifty men of the garrison ventured abroad, unarmed, and
fell in an ambush ; and of the twenty who had remained in
the fort, and who offered a stout resistance, only two
escaped. As a matter of fact, the losses of human life in
native wars were very considerable.
1 Si-, • int of this battle in />W» •//;;/, 1883. I IK story
in tin . that Dias sent loads of cut off ROSei to S. I'.mlo, is
h.inlly < rediblr.
]>. 25 : whilst Duarte Lopez, |>. 34,
• •re sent, but being defeated on the ri\er Mbrn-u. rctiird
to the north.
•>X«» Kodnxnos dos Colos limu-lit thirr hundred men in 1^X4 ;
Jacoiucda Cltnha, nine hundred in i $>'><>. Tuo hundred Hemm^s. uho
I in 1 587, nearly all died ! hrm landed.
'-lende-,. ;
L 2
148 APPENDIX IV.
Paulo Dias died in the midst of preparations for a fresh
expedition against Ngola, in October, 1589, and was buried
in the church of N. S. da Victoria, which he himself had
built at Masanganu.1
His soldiers elected Luiz Serrao, the captain-major, to
succeed him.
Luiz SERRAO AND THE BATTLE OF 1590.
Luiz Serrao, having completed his preparations, started
with an army numbering one hundred and twenty eight
Portuguese musketeers (with three horses), and fifteen
thousand native allies armed with bows. With this utterly
insufficient force he crossed the Lukala, and then advanced
to the east. On Friday, December 25th, 1590, when at
Ngwalema a kitambu (Anguolome aquitambo) in Ari,2 he
found himself face to face with the King of Matamba,
whose army had been reinforced by Ngola, the King of
Kongo, the Jaga Kinda,3 and others. Serrao desired to
retire before this overwhelming host, but his subordinate
officers, Andre Ferreira Pereira and Francisco de Sequeira,
persuaded him to attack the enemy. He did so, on
Monday, December 28th, 1590, and was defeated. The
retreat was effected in good order. The vanguard of
1 In 1809 his remains were transferred to the Jesuit Church at
Luandu.
2 This place is said to be eighty leagues from Masanganu, a gross
exaggeration. Vicente Jose, who was the commander of Duque de
Braganga in 1848, mentions a Ngolema Aquitamboa among the chiefs
of Haire da cima (An. do Conselho ultram., vol. ii, p. 123).
3 Garcia Mendes mentions the Kindas as if they were a tribe. To
me they seem to be the people of the Jaga Kinda (Chinda of the
Italian Capuchins), one of the chiefs killed by the famous Queen
Nzinga. See Cavazzi, p. 636, and Antonio de Gaeta's narrative in
La maravigliosa conversione delle Regina Singa escritta dal. P. F.
Francesco Maria Gioia da Napolt. Naples, 1669, p. 233. Emilio, a
son of Count Laudati, was born in 1615 ; he lived a few years as a
knight of Malta, and then entered a monastery of Capuchins, assuming
the name of Antonio of Gaeta. He landed at Luandu in November,
1650, and died there, after an active life as a missionary, in July, 1662.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 149
forty musketeers was led by Joao de Velloria, then came
the "guerra preta," whilst Serrao himself commanded
the rear, and fought almost daily with his pursuers. The
camp at Lukanza, with its valuable contents, had to be
abandoned. At length, on reaching Akimbolo,1 many
leagues to the rear, the fugitives met Luiz Mendez Rapozo,
who had come up from Luandu with seventy-eight men.
At last they reached the old presidio of Mbamba Tungu
and Masanganu ; Manuel Jorge d'Oliveira was at once sent
down to Luandu for reinforcements, and on their arrival
the siege was raised. L. Serrao survived this disaster only
for a month ; and when he died, his officers elected Luiz
Ferreira Pereira, the captain-major, to take his place. The
sobas all around, and in Lamba and Ngulungu, headed by
one Muzi Zemba (Muge Asemba), were in the field, but
they were held in check by Pereira, and the Portuguese
name continued to be respected.
THE JAGA.
Jaga or Jaka is a military title,2 and by no means the
name of a people. The predatory man-eating bands at
whose head they invaded the agricultural districts towards
the sea coast, included elements of all kinds, not unlike the
bands of the "Zulu" of our own time; and hence, one of
the names by which they became known in Angola was
Bangala.3 I have already stated that I do not think that
these military leaders, or Jaga, have anything to do with
the tribe of the Ayaka to the cast of Kongo. Still less
can we adopt the monstrous notion that the various
inland tribes who, in the course of the sixteenth century,
1 Called Kakalde in the t\it,ilogO.
'•uvillc, I'oyti^c >ut < .iris, 1832, vol. ii, p. 375 ; Howilirh.
On the Hittiii.i I 1 1. i ^S. no(
•'-. j>. 84.
150 APPENDIX IV.
descended upon the coast of the most opposite parts of
Africa, are to be identified with our Jaga. It was Joao
Bermudes1 who first identified the Galla of Abyssinia with
the Sumba, who raided the coast of Guinea about 1570.
Duarte Lopez (pp. 66, 67) would have us believe that the
Jaga came out of Moenemuge (Mwene muji), and called
themselves Agag.2 But the people of Mwene muji, or the
land of the Maravi, are in reality the Zimbas, who raided
Kilwra and Mombasa in 1589, whilst "Agag" looks to me
like a corruption of Agau, which is the name of an
Abyssinian tribe.3 And hence arises this absurd confusion
of Father Guerreiro, who expects us to believe that the Jaga
are known in Kongo as lacas, in Angola as Gindes,4 in
" India" (that is, on the East coast of Africa) as Zimbas,
in Prester John's country as Gallas, and in Sierra Leone
as Sumbas ! Battell, who reports facts and leaves hypo-
theses alone, confesses that in his day nothing was known
about the origin of this dreaded people.5
We have already met with Jaga in Kongo, as allies of
Ngola. In 1590 they were fighting Luiz Serrao as the
allies of Matamba, and by 1600 they appear to have
advanced as far as the coast of Benguella, where Battell
joined them, and had an opportunity of gaining an intimate
knowledge of their daily life, not enjoyed by any other
traveller. H. D. de Carvalho6 and A. R. Neves7 have been
1 Breve Relaqdo da embaixada, etc., Lisbon, 1565. Reprint of 1875,
p. 98.
2 It will be remembered that Battell, p. 25, writes Gaga as an
alternative form for Jaga. May Agau stand for Agaga, the Jagas
collectively ?
3 Relacdo anuel, 1602-3. Lisbon, 160;.
4 Ginde (pronounced Jinde) may be derived from njinda, the meaning
of which is fury, hostility.
5 See p. 83.
6 Expediqao Portuguesa : Ethnographia, p. 56.
7 Expediqao a Cassange, Lisbon, 1854.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 151
at the trouble of collecting such information on their
origin as it is possible to gather after the lapse of three
centuries. Entrusting ourselves to the guidance of the
former of these authors, we learn that Kinguri, the son of
the chief of the Bungo, in Lunda, was excluded by his
father from the succession, in favour of his sister Lueji.
Gathering around him his adherents, he left his native
land to found a " state " elsewhere. He first settled in
Kioko, then crossed the Upper Kwanza into Kimbundu
(Binbundu of Bie), and reached Lubolo, where he made
friends with the chief, Ngongo, whose daughter Kulachinga
he married. He then crossed the Kwanza above Kambambe,
entered into friendly relations with the Portuguese, visited
the Governor, D. Manuel,1 and offered to fight on the side
of the Portuguese. He was granted land at Lukamba,2 on
the river Kamueji. Being dissatisfied with this land, on
account of its sterility, he again turned to the eastward,
and, crossing the Lui, finally settled in the country still
occupied by his successors, who (according to Carvalho),
were Kasanje", Ngonga ka mbanda, Kalunga ka kilombo,
Kasanje ka Kulachinga, etc.3 Having settled down,
Kinguri invited his father-in-law to join him, and his
forces were subsequently increased by some discontented
subjects of Queen Nzinga, led by Kalungu. His followers,
being thus a mixture of many tribes, the Jagas were
thenceforth chosen alternately among the three leading
1 I'erhaps Manuel Cerveira Pereira, who founded the Presidio of
Kambambe in 1604. The first DON Manuel, however, is I). Manuel
Pereira Forjaz (1607-11). I'.ut as the Ja^a oficntl to fijjht Queen
a, who only acceded in 1627, this Don Manuel may ha\e been
I). Manuel Pereira Coutinho (1630-34).
* A "fei: .-.tablished at Lukamba, near Mbaka, in 1623.
The Kamueji is perhaps the Fumcji of Capello and Ivens.
1 The list of Neves, p. ioS, begins with Kin^'ini kia Km-al.i. \\lio
was succeeded by Kasanje kaiin l.akula. hnu;.t. K.iki
lombo, Ngonga nb.t
152 APPENDIX IV.
families of Kulachinga (Kinguri's wife), Ngongo and
Kalunga.1
It is perfectly clear from this information, collected in
Lunda and Kasanje, that it throws no light upon the
original Jaga, although it may explain the origin of the
Jaga still ruling at Kasanje.
The account given by Ladislaus Magyar2 evidently
refers to the same leader. According to him, a Jaga
Kanguri settled in the country now occupied by the Sonyo
three hundred years ago. His people were cannibals, but
the more intelligent among them saw that this practice
would ultimately lead to the destruction of the subject
tribes upon whom they depended for support, and they
founded the secret society of the Empacaceiros3 for the
suppression of cannibalism. Being worsted in a civil war,
they crossed the upper Kwanza into Bie, whilst Kanguri
turned to the north-west and settled in Kasanje.
Cavazzi seems to go further back, for he tells us that
Zimbo, who was the first chief of the Jaga (Aiacca), invaded
Kongo, whilst one of his chiefs, " Dongij " (Ndongo?),
invaded Matamba, and that the bloody " kichile,"4 or
customs, were introduced by Musasa the wife, and Tem-
bandumba the daughter, of this " Dongij." The daughter
married Kulambo, whom she poisoned ; he was suc-
ceeded by Kinguri, who was killed during an invasion of
Angola, Kulachimbo a great warrior, Kassanje, and many
1 Capello and Ivens, Benguella to lacca, vol. i, p. 239, include
Mahungo and Kambolo among the family of Ngongo, and Mbumba
among that of Kulachinga.
2 Reisenin Siid-Afrika, Pest, 1869, p. 264.
3 From Mpakasa, a buffalo, and the meaning of the word is there-
fore originally "buffalo-hunter," but it was subsequently applied to
natives employed by government, as soldiers, etc. Capello and Ivens,
From Benguella to theYacca, vol. ii, p. 215, deny that they ever formed
a secret society for the suppression of cannibalism.
4 Kichile, transgression.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 153
others ; the last of whom, Kassanje ka nkinguri, was bap-
tised in I65/.1
I confess my inability to evolve the truth out of these
conflicting statements, and can only suppose that the title
of " Jaga " was assumed by the leaders of predatory hordes
of very diverse origin, in order to inspire terror in the
hearts of peaceful tribes ; just, as in more recent times,
certain tribes in East Africa pretend to be Zulu for a like
reason.
D. FRANCISCO AND D. JERONYMO D'ALMEIDA,
1592-1594.
The new Governor, D. Francisco d' Almeida, arrived at
S. Paulo, on June 24th, 1592, accompanied by four hundred
foot-soldiers and fifty African horse, all picked men.
Among the volunteers attending him were his brother,
D. Jeronymo, Luis Lopez de Sequeira and Balthasar
Rebello de Aragoa;2 and perhaps also Domingos d'Abreu
de Brito, who, in a " Summario e descrip^ao do Reino de
Angola," presented to King Philip I, proposd an expedi-
tion across Africa, and the protection of the road to be
opened by a chain of forts.3
The new Governor, immediately on his arrival, found
himself face to face with a religious difficulty. The
Jesuits, ever since the days of Bias, expected to be
consulted in all government business. They desired to be
appointed " preceptors " (amos) of the native chiefs, their
aim being evidently to create a theocratic government,
such as they established subsequently in Paraguay. They
1 Sec Cav;i//i. pp. 182-205.
- It is to him we owe scveial memoirs. it-It iud to p. \\iii. He did
excel!- '•; hut \\hilst Joao Velloi ia ,md others were made
Knights of the Order of Christ, and received oilier more substantial
rein not to ha - cognised.
3 This important MS., dated 1592, still awaits publication.
154 APPENDIX IV.
" used their spiritual influence to induce the conquered
sobas to refuse obedience to the civil powers ;" and when
d'Almeida made use of the authority conferred upon him
at Madrid in order to crush this " nascent theocracy," he
was excommunicated. He certainly was unequal to cope
with these domineering priests. Disheartened, he threw
up a charge to which he felt unequal, and took ship for
Brazil (April 8th, I593).2
D. Jeronymo, at the urgent request of the Camara, took
up the reins of government, and being of a more con-
ciliatory nature than his brother, made peace with the
Jesuits, and was thus able to take the field. He started
with four hundred men and twenty horses, and received
the submission of the sobas of Kisama, excepting the most
powerful among them. On reaching the salt mines of
Ndemba3 he founded a " presidio," and garrisoned it with
one hundred men. On his way to the silver-mines of
Kambambe he was struck down with fever, and returned
to Luandu, leaving Balthasar d'Almeida de Sousa and
Pedro Alvares Rebello in command of the troops. They
were imprudent, and on April 22nd, 1594, fell into an
ambush prepared for them by the powerful chief Kafuche
kabara (Cafuxe cambara). Only the captain-major, thanks
to the swiftness of his horse, and a few men, escaped this
disaster.4
1 Lopes de Lima, Ensaios, p. 147.
2 However, there are two sides to this dispute, and it may well be
doubted whether the natives would not have been better off under a
Jesuit theocracy than they were under an utterly corrupt body of civil
officials. See P. Guerreiro, Relacao anual de 1605, p. 625, and Lopes
de Lima, p. xviii.
3 Erroneously called Adenda by most authors. Battell is the first
to give the correct name.
4 Garcia Mendes, p. 24.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 155
JOAO FURTADO DE MENDON^A, 1594-1602.
D. Jeronymo was on the point of hurrying up with
reinforcements when Joao Furtado de Mendon^a arrived
at Luancu (August 1st, 1594). He brought with him, not
only four hundred men with thirty horses, but also twelve
European women,1 the first ever seen in Luandu, in whose
honour the town was decorated.
One of the most memorable events of his governorship
was a campaign which he conducted up the river Mbengu.
Starting at the worst time of the year (in March, 1496), he
quickly lost two hundred men by fever. Having brought
up fresh recruits from Luandu, he avenged himself for a
disaster brought about by his own ignorance, by an
exceptional severity in his treatment of the " rebels,"
many of whom were blown from guns. This expedition
kept the field for several years, and proceeded as far as
Ngazi (Ingasia), the chief of which district was called
Ngombe — the bullock.2
Meanwhile, Joao de Velloria,3 the captain-major, had
severely punished the rebellious sobas of Lamba. Masan-
ganu was once more blockaded by the King Ngola (1597),
until relieved by Balthasar Rebello de Aragao. On again
1 They were "converts" from the Casa Pia founded by D. Maria,
the queen of U. Manuel — not reformed criminals, but converted
Jewesses.
- liattcll gives some account of this campaign. See also Garcia
Mendes, p. n. Ngombe a Mukiama, one of" the Ndembu to the
north «>f the MU-ngu, may be a descendant of this Ngomlx
Luis Simplico Fonseca's account of "Dembos" in An. tto t<>;t\t'//i<>
ul train., ii, p. 86).
3 Upon this Spaniard was conferred tlie halm of the < )rder of ChnM.
he was granted a pension of 20,000 reis, and appointed " nurcador
dos esclavos," an office supposed to yield i,ooocruzadosa year (Rrl>< -llo
deA: ^3).
156 APPENDIX IV.
descending the Kwanza, he built a presidio in the territory
of the chief Muchima, in Kisama (I559).1
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1 602-3.2
A new Governor, Joao Rodrigues Coutinho, arrived
early in 1602. He was acceptable to the Jesuits, and soon
won the hearts of the people by his liberality. He had
been authorised by the King to bestow five habits of the
Order of Christ, dub five knights, and appoint thirty
King's chamberlains (mogos da camara). Seven years'
receipts of the export duty on slaves were to be devoted
to the building of forts at the salt mines (Ndemba),
Kambambe, and in Benguela.
Six months after his arrival, the Governor took the field
against the powerful chief Kafuche. His force was the
most formidable that had ever been at the disposal of a
Governor, numbering no less than eight hundred Portu-
guese. It was joined at Songo by a portion of the garrison
of Masanganu. Unhappily, the Governor died before
coming in contact with the enemy, and appointed Manuel
Cerveira Pereira as his successor. Battell calls this man
an " upstart," and he certainly had many enemies; but he
is well spoken of by the Jesuits, and was an able soldier.
On August roth, 1603, he inflicted a crushing defeat upon
Kafuche, at Agoakaiongo,3 on the very spot where, seven
years before, the Portuguese had met with a great
disaster. Overcoming the stout resistance of the chiefs
of the Museke,4 he arrived at the head of the navigation
of the Kwanza, and there, at Kambambe, he founded the
Presidio da N.S. do Rozario (1604). Having punished
1 Luciano Cordeiro ( Terras e Minas, p. 7), says that, according to
local tradition, the first presidio of that name was at Kasenga, a
village which we are unable to discover on any map.
2 See Battell's account of this campaign, p. 37.
3 See note, p. 37. 4 See Glossary, Museke,
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 157
several of the neighbouring chiefs, including Shila mbanza
C Axilambanza), the father-in-law of King Ngola, and left
Joao de Araujo e Azevedo1 in command of the new
presidio, Pereira returned to the coast.
S. Paulo de Luandu had by that time grown into a fine
town, where commerce flourished. Unfortunately for the
lasting prosperity of the colony, human beings constituted
the most valuable article of export, and the profits yielded
by this slave trade attracted Dutch and French interlopers,
notwithstanding a royal decree of 1605, which excluded
all foreign vessels from the vast territories claimed by
Portugal. In 1607 there were four " Presidios" or forts in
the interior, namely Muchima, Agoakaiongo, Masanganu,
and Kambambe.2
U. MANUEL PEREIRA FORJAZ AND BENTO BANHA
CARDOSO, 1607-15.
\Ve have already stated that Manuel Cerveira Pereira
had many enemies, and when D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, the
new Governor, arrived towards the end of 1607, very serious
accusations must have been brought against the former,
for he was at once sent back to Lisbon. There, however,
we are bound to assume that he refuted these accusations,
for otherwise it is not likely that he would have been
re-appointed Governor eight years afterwards : unless, in-
deed, he had friends at court who profited by his delin-
quencies. Forjaz himself showed to little advantage. He
superseded the commandant of Kambambe by one of his
own creatures, and the fort would certainly have been
taken by the sobas who blockaded it, had not Roquc de
S. Miguel and Rcbcllo de Aragao hastened to its relief.
Forjaz, moreover, is accused of having imposed an annual
1 Others call him I'aio d'Araujo.
* Estabelecimentos, 1607.
158 APPENDIX IV.
tax upon the sobas, yielding from twelve to thirteen
thousand cruzados, which seem to have found their way
into his own pockets, and those of his favourites.1 When
he suddenly died in his bed, on April I ith, 161 1, the bishop
and the leading men called upon the captain-major,
Bento Banha Cardoso, to take charge of the government.
Cardoso was a man of enterprise, and successful in his
undertakings, but cruel. In 1611 he defeated King
Ngola. The sobas Kilonga and Mbamba Tungu, who fell
into his hands, were beheaded, as were also several of their
makotas. To avenge these executions, fourteen sobas of
Ngola and Matamba made an attack upon Kambambe in
the following year ; and although that place was valiantly
defended until relieved, it took a year before order was
restored in the surrounding district. To keep these sobas
in check, a fort (Mbaka) was built on the river Lukala
(1614), eight leagues from Masanganu.2 In Kisama, the
territory of Nambua ngongo (Nabo angungo) was raided
in the same year.
AN ATTEMPT TO CROSS AFRICA.
Before proceeding with our account, there remains to be
noticed a serious attempt to cross the whole of Africa
from the west coast to " Manomotapa," on the Zambezi,
which was made by Balthasar Rebello de Aragao, by
order of D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz. Rebello de Aragao
himself furnishes a very short account of this expedition,3
from which we learn that he discovered copper and iron,
and was told that there was also silver. The natives bred
cattle and cultivated the land, and they told him of a lake,
1 A. Beserra Fajardo, in Produc^oes commercio e governo do Congo e
de Angola, 1629, one of the documents published by Luciano Cordeiro
in 1881.
2 Near where the railway now crosses that river.
3 Rebello de Aragao, p. 15.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 159
in lat. 1 6° S., giving rise to many rivers, including the
Nile. Unfortunately, when he had advanced one hundred
and forty leagues from the sea, and eighty beyond the
place he started from (Kambambe ?), he was summoned
back, as the fort just named was threatened by King
Ngola.1
THE CONQUEST OF BENGUELLA.
In 1615, Manuel Cerveira Pereira2 returned to the scene
of his former labours, with special instructions to take
possession of Benguella, which for a considerable time
past had been visited by trading vessels But before he
started upon this enterprise, he ordered his old comrade,
Joao (or Paio ?) de Araujo e Azevedo, to deal with Kakulu
Kabasa,3 Mbumba (Bumba) a ndala, Kilomba kia tubia,
and other revolted chiefs in Angola, whilst he himself
penetrated into the country of the Kakulu Kahenda,4 who
had given offence by assisting fugitive slaves and inter-
fering with traders.
Having entrusted Antonio Gon9alves Pitta with the
1 It seems that the explorer considers Kambambe to lie eighty
leagues inland (I', (iucrreiro AW. <vi., 1515, f. \2<> estimated the
distance from S. I'aulo to Kafu< hi s at sixty leagues). Accepting this
gross over-estimate in calculating his further progress, and assuming
him to have gone to the south-east, which was not only the shortest
route to C'hikovo and Mwanamtapa, hut also avoided the country
of the hostile Ngola, he cannot even have got as far as Hie. As to
a " big lake," he heard no more than other travellers have heard since,
only to be disappointed. The natives certainly never told him that
one of the rivers flowing out of that lake was the Nile. This hit of
information he got out of a map. His expedition //.<n ha\e taken
place in 1607— he himself gives no date. Perhaps l-Oija/ had given
the instructions, which were only carried out in 1612, when Kamhamhe
n-.ility threatened hy the natives.
>cllo de Aragao, p. 14, < alls him Manuel da Sil\<
Kakulu K.tbasa still lives to the northeast o!
' Tin- irnitory of , t hat name is on the upper Mbcn..
the north of .\Ih < ,dK him Kakulu Kahango.
l6o APPENDIX IV.
government of S. Paulo, he left that place for the South, on
April nth, 1617, with four vessels, a patacho, and one
hundred soldiers.1 Finding the site of the old fort near
the Terra das duas Puntas unsuitable, he continued his
voyage along the coast, until he came in sight of a
" sombreiro," overlooking the Bahia das Vaccas ;2 and
there he built the fort of S. Filippe de Benguella, which
in course of time developed into a city of some importance.
The sobas of Ndombe, of whose territory he had possessed
himself, naturally objected to the presence of these uninvi-
ted strangers, but they were compelled to submit after five
defeats. The Jaga on the river Murombo likewise gave in,
after three months' fighting, but soon afterwards broke
the peace, and was executed. The chief Kalunga, at the
mouth of the Koporolo (Kuporol), and the cattle-keeping
Mukimba in the neighbouring hills, also submitted. It
scarcely admits of doubt that Pereira, in the course of his
many military excursions, discovered copper, sulphur and
salt,3 but he was to benefit little by these discoveries. His
harsh conduct and greed had estranged his people.
Headed by a priest and by their officers, they mutinied,
put their leader on board a patacho, and shipped him off
to S. Paulo, where no notice was taken of his presence, the
Governor being absent at that time, because of a native
war (1618).
1 See Benguella e seu sertao, 1617-22, by an anonymous writer,
published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881.
2 This bay is known by many aliases, such as S. Maria, S. Antonio,
do Sombreiro, and da Torre.
3 The anonymous MS. already cited by us is, however, silent on this
subject.
4 Antonio Diniz, who wrote in 1622 (Producgdcs do Congo e de
Angola, Lisbon, 1881, p. 14), charges .Pereira with having sent, without
the King's knowledge, three shiploads of salt to Luandu, which he
exchanged for "Farinha de guerra" (Commissariat flour), with which
to feed his men.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. l6l
Pereira once more returned to Madrid, and having
explained matters to the satisfaction of the authorities,
he was sent back, and again reached S. Felippe de Ben-
guella on August 8th, 1620. He sailed north to Sumba
mbela's country, at the mouth of the river Kuvu. A couple
of days inland he discovered more copper, three quintals
of which he took to S. Paulo. He died in the midst of his
labours. The Catalogo credits him with having gone
inland as far as Kakonda.1
THE COLONIAL GOVERNMENT.
We have already learned that the native sobas were
handed over to the mercy of individual " conquistadores,"
and Rebello de Aragao declares that these sobas were
being " robbed and maltreated." They were required by
their masters to pay a tax in slaves, to furnish carriers,
and render all kinds of services,2 without payment. In
addition to this the Governor, D. M. P. Forjaz, imposed
upon them a poll-tax, which produced from twelve to
thirteen thousand cruzados (say ;£i,65o3) a year. Rebello
dc Aragao maintains that the native wars were largely due
to this pernicious system, which enriched the Governor and
his officials, whilst traders were made to suffer, and cc
to visit the " fciras" because of the extortionate demands
made upon them. At Mpinda nearly all the " honest " trade
had passed into the hands of the Dutch, because of the
monopoly conferred upon Portuguese slave-dealers. He
declares that a tax of 20 per cent, on the salt mined at
' 'I : .'ied Kakonda, for tin- old fort <>! thai name
(Cacoi Mom tlu- only Inuli in
L, dated September yth, K»2u, ami Januai\
1621, in Egerton J/6". 113.3 liritisli MUM-UIII), ff. 357-301-
•!o not know \\ i ij>lo\rd a> iu-asts o| buillirn
(bois cavallos) in these early d.
3 Reckoning the
M
162 APPENDIX IV.
Ndemba would pay all the legitimate expenses of govern-
ment ; but that, although the export duty on slaves yielded
from five to six thousand cruzados, there had not yet been
built a decent house for the government offices.
Garcia Mendes Castellobranco, in a memoir1 addressed
to the King in 1620, is equally outspoken with regard to
the treatment of the native chiefs, who, he maintains, ought
not to be taxed more heavily than at the time when they
were still subjects of a native king. He, too, refers to the
salt mines as a source of revenue, recommends the levying
of a toll at river crossings, and the expropriation of the
uncultivated territory around S. Paulo.2
Many of these abuses may, no doubt, be traced to the
demoralising influence of the slave-trade and the insufficient
pay of the officials. A slave costing £3 73. in the interior
(or nothing, if taken in the course of one of the frequent
slave raids) was sold for more than double that sum on the
coast ; and whilst money could be made thus easily the
great natural resources of the country were neglected and
the population — which, on the arrival of the Portuguese, is
said to have been very considerable — shrank from year to
year.3
The export duties on slaves and ivory were farmed out
in 1607 to one Duarte Dias Enriques for twenty million
reis annually (about ^6,6oo).4
S. Paulo and Masanganu enjoyed municipal institutions
at that time, but all outside these cities was ruled by
military adventurers. The Governor (in 1607) was paid a
1 Published by Luciano Cordeiro.
2 Dapper, p. 592, regrets that these exactions ceased on the occupa-
tion of the country by the Dutch (not from love of the native, we may
be sure), and that, as a consequence, his countrymen were little
respected.
3 Antonio Diniz, Pfoduc$oes, commercio e governo do Congo e de
Angola, 1516-19, published by Luciano Cordeiro in 1881.
4 Luiz de Figuerido Falcao, Livro em que se content toda a Fasenda,
etc. Lisbon, 1855, P- 2^- I reckon 400 reis to a cruzado worth 2,s. 8^.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 163
salary of £267, but the other officials were decidedly
underpaid ; and thus, almost of necessity, were driven to
increase their incomes by illegitimate means.1
THE WAR WITH NGOLA NZINGA MBANDI.
Luiz Mendes de Vasconcellos, the new Governor, arrived
in November, 1617, and almost immediately found himself
involved in a war with the King of Ndongo. Nzinga
mbandi ngola kiluanji,2 a great tyrant, had been " removed"
by his indignant subjects shortly before the arrival of
the new Governor. He left behind him three daughters,
one of whom, born in 1582, became famous as Queen D.
Anna de Souza Nzinga, and two sons, one by a legitimate
wife, the other by a slave woman. It was the latter, Ngola
nzinga mbandi,3 whom his partisans raised to the throne,
which he reached through rivers of blood, among his
victims being his own brother, a son of his sister, and many
of the trusted councillors of his father. In 1618 the
usurper took the field, intending to expel the Portuguese,
who seem to have given provocation by shifting the old
presidio of Mbaka (Ambaca) to a site much higher up the
Lukala.4 The Governor, ably supported by his captain-
major, Pedro de Souza Coelho, not only defeated the King,
1 The Capitao-mor do Campo, who was the chief officer next to the
Governor, was paid ^67 ; the ouvidor (or judge), ^34 ; the sergeant-
major, ,£34 ; the principal financial officer (provedor da I- a/enda ,
^,27: a captain of infantry, ,£40; a private, .£18. There was a
** marcador dos esclavos," who branded the slaves. He received no
>ut levied fees which brought him in ^140 a year (see A'.v/,/-
bclciimcntos, p. 21).
In 1721 the (iovernor's salary was raised to 15,000 cruzados(;£2,ooo),
but he \\a> forbidden to engage any longer in trade.
1 Called Nzinga mbandi ngola, or Mbandi Ngola kiluanji. by
Cavazzi, pp 28, 601 ; Ngola akiluanji by Cadornega ; and Nzinga
mbandi, King of Ndongo and Matamba, in the
3 Called Ngola mbandi by < md in the ( ,>t<ilogo;
Ngola-nzinga mbandi by Lopes dc Lima. A"//w/Vv, p. 95.
4 This remo\ tO have taken place immediately after the
site i hosen was that of the Praia velhaof
modern maps, to th«- south of the prrsrm . \mb.i
M 2
1 64 APPENDIX IV.
but also captured his queen and many other persons of
consideration. The King sued for peace, but as he failed
to surrender the Portuguese whom he had taken prisoner,
the war was renewed in 1619. His allies fared no better
than the King himself. His vice-king of lower Ndongo,
Ngola ari,1 was compelled to pay a tribute of one hundred
slaves annually (in 1620) ; and while the Governor raided
the territories of Kahibalongo, Ndonga, and Kasa, his
lieutenant, Lopo Scares Laco, destroyed the kilombos of
the sobas Ngunza a ngombe and Bangu.
It had been recognised by this time that many of these
punitive expeditions were provoked by the lawless conduct
of white traders, mulattoes and negros calgados (that is,
shoe-wearing negroes), who went inland on slaving expedi-
tions; and only Pumbeiros descalcos, that is, native agents
or traders not yet sufficiently civilised to wear shoes, should
be permitted to do so in future."2
When King Ngola nzinga mbandi heard of the arrival
of Joao Correa de Souza, the new Governor, in September,
162 1,3 he at once sent his sister to Luandu to arrange
terms of peace. This woman, then about forty years of
age, proved an excellent diplomatist. When the Governor
alluded to the payment of tribute, she declared that
tribute could only be demanded from a conquered people,
and the treaty ultimately signed was one of reciprocity :
fugitive slaves were to be surrendered, and assistance to
be given against common enemies.
1 D. Joao de Souza Ngola ari was the first King of Angola (Ndongo)
recognised by the Portuguese. He only survived a few days, and was
succeeded by D. Felippe de Souza, who died in 1660 ; and by
D. Joao II, the last of the line, who was executed as a traitor in
1671.
2 Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 1857, p. 371, calls this a law
dictated by motives of humanity.
3 He was appointed April 7th, 1621, took possession in September
1621, and left in 1623 (see Add. MS. 15183, i. 5).
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 165
Before this able ambassadress left Luandu, she wa?
received into the bosom of Holy Mother Church, being
baptised as D. Anna de Souza (1622); and on her
return home she persuaded her brother to apply for
the services of a priest, or Matnaganga.1 A priest was
sent, but he was a native, who had been ordained -at
Luandu, and one of the King's own subjects. The King
looked upon this as an insult ; he treated the priest with
great indignity, and once more invaded the Portuguese
territory. Thrice beaten, and deserted by his vassals, he
fled to the island of Ndangi,2 in the Kvvanza river, where
he died of poison administered by his own sister Nzinga,
who thus avenged the murder of her son (1623).
QUEEN NXIXGA, 1623-1636.
X/.inga at once renounced Christianity, and the bloody
rites of the Jaga were celebrated when she ascended
her throne. She inaugurated her reign by the murder
of her brother's son, of his adherents, and her supposed
enemies. Having reduced her own people to subjection,
with the aid of the Jaga, she declared war upon Portugal.
I ). Felippe de Souza Ngola ari, the King of Ndongo
recognised by the Portuguese, was at once ordered to
defend the frontier, and, if possible, to invade the terri-
tories of his kinswoman. On consideration, however, it
was thought best, in the interest of trade, to avoid a
serious conflict. An officer was sent to the court of the
Queen, offering to restore the lost provinces (and thus
sacrificing their vassal D. Felippe), on condition of her
acknowledging herself a vassal, and paying tribute. These-
ly "mother priest." It is thus the natives of An^ci
i Catholic priests, because of their lon^ habits, to distinguish
them from their own NX>I>
han^i .with the i oy. 1 1 sepultures (J//'//W .\\.ist\\olragues
fiom I'lin^u a ndo; i, p. 20).
1 66 APPENDIX IV.
conditions were haughtily rejected, and the war began in
earnest.
Joao de Araujo e Azevedo was placed at the head of the
Portuguese invading force.1 He raided the country along
the Lukala, and then turned back upon the Kwanza,
occupied the islands of Ukole and Kitaka, and came up
with the Queen's camp at Ndangi Island. The Queen,
having consulted the spirit of her brother Ngola mbandi,2
declined to risk a battle, and fled into Hako (Oacco). The
Portuguese followed in pursuit, passing through Bemba,
Malemba and Kipupa, and Little Ngangela (Ganguella) ;
came up with the Queen's forces in the territory of soba
Matima (Mathemo), and inflicted a serious defeat upon
them. Among the prisoners taken were the Queen's
sisters, Kambe and Funji, and many Makotas. The
pursuit was continued as far as Kina grande in Ngangela,
a deep and difficult gorge, into which some of the soldiers
and the guerra preta descended by means of ropes. When
the Queen fled to the kingdom of Songo, the Portuguese
forces retired to the west (i627).3
The two princesses were taken to Luandu, where the
Governor, Fernao de Souza, lodged them in his own
1 Bento de Benha Cardozo was originally given the command, but
died before operations were begun.
2 The Queen was in the habit of consulting the spirits of the Jagas
Kasa, Kasanji, Kinda, Kalandu and Ngola mbandi, each of whose
Mbila (p\.Jimbila\ or sepulture, was in charge of a soothsayer or
Shingiri (Cavazzi, p. 656).
3 The Catalogo is provokingly obscure with respect to the pursuit of
the Queen. Malemba (Lemba) is known to be above Hako, to the
west of the Kwanza, whilst Ngangela (Ganguella) is a nickname applied
by the Binbundo to the tribes to the east of them. " Little Ngangela,"
according to Cavazzi, is identical with the country of the Bangala, or
Kasanji, of modern maps. Kina (quina) simply means " sepulture " or
"cavern," and A. R. Neves (p. 103) tells us that Kasanji, on first
arriving in the country where subsequently he settled permanently,
took up his quarters at Kina kia kilamba (" Sepulture of the exor-
cist"). The mountain mentioned by Cavazzi (p. 770), as abounding in
caverns full of the skulls of Kasanji's victims, may be identical with
this Kina,
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 167
house. In baptism (1628), they received the names of
D. Barbara and D. Engracja.
The Portuguese had no sooner retired than Queen
Nzinga returned to Ndangi Island, and having been
reinforced by several Jaga, she undertook the conquest of
Matamba. At Makaria ka matamba she took prisoner
the dowager-queen1 Muongo Matamba, and her daughter.
The mother was branded as a slave, and died of grief ;
but the daughter was taken into favour, and was baptised
in 1667.
Having thus destroyed the ancient kingdom of Matamba,
the Queen once more invaded Portuguese territory, but
she turned back when she heard that the Jaga Kasanji was
raiding her recent conquest, upon which he claimed to
have prior rights.
At the same time she interfered continually with the
commerce of the Portuguese with the interior ; and it was
only in 1636, when the Governor, Francisco de Vasconcellos
da Cunha, sent D. Caspar Borgia and Father Antonio
Coelho on a mission to the Jaga in Little Ngangela, and
to the Queen at her Kabasa, in Umba, that peaceable
relations were established. The Queen, however, per-
sistently refused to surrender her claims to the provinces
of Ndongo which had been occupied by the Portuguese.
MINOR EVENTS, 1624-1641.
Punitive expeditions were frequent. In 1624 the Jaga
inji, who had taken advantage of the conflicts between
the Portuguese and Queen Nzinga to rob Pumbeiros, was
severely punished, and Captain Roque de Miguel returned
from this expedition with a large number of captives, who
1 Cava/zi, pp. 9,622. In one |>la< e lie call* her tin- clou.,
in th<- other the daughter of Matamba Kalombo. the last King of
iiba. J. V. Carneiro (An. do cons, ultrum. 1861 ), asserts that
nnha was the honorary title of the great huntsman of Ngolu.
l68 APPENDIX IV.
as a matter of course, were sold into slavery. During the
provisional governorship of- the bishop D. Simao de
Mascarenhas1 (1623-4), Lopo Scares Lago meted out
punishment to the Jagas Nzenza a ngombe and Bangu-
Bangu, and to the irrepressible Kafuche.2 A few years
later, in 1631, the captain-major Antonio Bruto waged a
successful war against rebellious sobas, and more especially
impressed the natives by his victory over the dreaded
Mbuila anduwa (Ambuila Dua), who held out for six
months in a rocky stronghold deemed impregnable. The
invasion of Kongo, in 1622, by order of Governor Joao
Correa de Souza, who claimed the surrender of Luandu
Island and of all the copper mines, has already been
referred to (see p. 123).
Among the very few measures calculated to promote
the material or moral interests of the colony may be
mentioned the establishment of the three feiras, of Ndondo,
Beja, and Lukamba, in 1625 ; the foundation of a Santa
casa da misericordia (Poor-house and hospital) at S. Paulo
de Luandu, by the bishop D. Simao de Mascarenhas ; the
compulsory cultivation of the banks of Mbengu (Bengo),
when Luandu was threatened with famine owing to the
non-arrival of provision ships from Brazil, in 1629 ;3 the
1 D. Simao de Mascarenhas had been appointed bishop of Kongo
on November I5th, 1621, and provisionally assumed the office of
Governor at the urgent request of the captain-major Pedro de Souza
Coelho. He was a native of Lisbon and a Franciscan. On the
arrival of his successor, Fernao de Souza, in 1624, he proceeded to
his See at S. Salvador, and died there in the following year under
mysterious circumstances. Under his successor, D. Francisco Several
(1628, d. 1642) the See was transferred to S. Paulo de Luandu. {Add.
MS. 15,183). The dates given by Lopes de Lima (Ensaio, iii, p. i66a)'
are evidently corrupt.
2 This Kafuche appears to have been a descendant of the warlike
soba of that name. Another Kafuche, likewise in Kisama, asked to
be baptised in 1694 (see Paiva Manso, p. 332).
3 Dapper, p. 579. This first attempt to cultivate the soil was under-
taken very reluctantly, but the profits derived therefrom soon con-
verted both banks of the Mbengu into flourishing gardens.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 169
reform of the administration of the Royal revenue, by
Fernao de Souza, in the same year ; and the creation of a
board of revenue (Junta da fazendd], charged with the
collection of the tithes and of the tribute payable by the
native chiefs, by Francisco de Vasconcellos da Cunha, in
1638.
The affairs of the missions will be dealt with subse-
quently, in a comprehensive manner, but a difficulty which
arose in 1623 between the Governor, JoSo Correa de
Souza, and the Jesuits, may be dealt mentioned at once. In
1619, Caspar Alvares,1 a wealthy merchant of Luandu,
placed 20,000 cruzados at the service of the Fathers, in
order that they might found a seminary2 for the education
of twelve natives. Subsequently he himself became a
member of the Society of Loyola, and devoted the whole
of his fortune, amounting to 400,000 cruzados, to its
purposes. The Governor not unnaturally objected to this
sudden enrichment of a Society which had always been a
thorn in the side of the government. Alvares himself
escaped to S. Salvador, but the Prefect of the Jesuits and
three Fathers were sent as prisoners to Lisbon, where they
were at once liberated ; whilst the Governor himself, who
arrived soon afterwards, perhaps with the intention of
justifying his hasty proceedings, was thrown into prison,
and died in the limoeiro in 1626.
THE DUTCH IN ANGOLA.
When Philip of Spain seized upon the crown of Por-
tugal in 1580, that unfortunate country became at once
involved in the tl U-twecn Spain and the United
1 T; .;•/>, p. 366, rails him Alv.uvs, Inn Paiva Manso, p. 1X2,
Gasp. Kes (see also Eucher, p. 83).
2 This s< ; founded, notwithstanding
rnnii i (Lopez de Lima. £ftftz/V>, iii,
170 APPENDIX IV.
Netherlands. No sooner had the destruction of the
Armada, in 1588, enabled the Dutch to take the offensive
on sea, than they began to compete for a share in the
trade of the Portuguese possessions. The Dutch at first
kept on the defensive, but in 1 598 they and the Portuguese
came into hostile collision near the Ilha do Principe ; and
all efforts to exclude these noxious heretics from sharing
in the trade of the Kongo proved futile, more especially as
the natives themselves preferred their Dutch visitors to
the masterful Portuguese.1
An armistice concluded in 1609 expired in 1621. The
Dutch West-India Company was founded in that very
year, and thenceforth the Dutch proceeded aggressively.
In 1623 they burnt several patachos off the mouth of the
Kwanza ; in 1629 a Dutch squadron cruised during three
months off the coast of Benguella and captured four Por-
tuguese merchantmen, but failed to force their way into
the harbour of Luandu. In 1633 two Dutch vessels
menaced S. Felippe de Benguella, but were driven off by
Lopo Soares Lago, after a stout fight, on November I5th.
In 1637, Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, the
Governor's brother, captured a Dutch man-of-war of 24
guns. At that time the coast was being regularly patrolled
by Portuguese men-of-war,2 and in 1638 the foundations
of the Fort S. Miguel were laid on the Morro de S. Paulo,
the original site of the city of S. Paulo.
When Portugal recovered her independence, in Decem-
ber, 1640, D. Joao IV of Braganga at once sent Tristao
de Mendoza Furtado to the Hague, with instructions to
demand a suspension of hostilities. The West-India
Company, which profited largely from a state of war,
1 S. Braun, Schiff-farten, Basel, 1624 ; and P. van der Broeck.
Journalen, Amst, 1624.
2 Jacome Ferreira, in command of these patrol ships, was killed in
action in 1639, when the command devolved upon Bartholomeu de
Vasconcellos.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. I? I
declared in favour of a definite treaty of peace, but
objected to the conclusion of an armistice. The Portuguese
envoy had no authority to sign such a treaty ; but after
protracted negotiations an armistice for ten years was
signed on June 23rd, 1641, which was to take force outside
Europe as soon as it became known there.
Meantime, the directors of the West-Indian Company
had instructed Count John Moritz of Nassau to take
advantage of the momentary weakness of Portugal, after
her war of liberation, to seize all he could before the terms
of the treaty became known.1 Count Moritz, being desirous
to increase the supply of slaves for the plantations in
Brazil, determined to seize upon Luandu. A fleet of
twenty-one vessels was at once fitted out at Pernambuco,
and placed under the command of Cornell's Cornelissen
Jol, surnamed Houtebeen, or " Wooden leg." It was
manned by nine hundred sailors, and had on board two
thousand troops, commanded by Jeems Hindersen. This
formidable armament left Pernambuco in June 3Oth, 1641,
sighted Cabo Negro on August 5th, and having captured
the Jesus Maria, on a voyage from Madeira, was by her
piloted into the harbour of Luandu. On August 24th the
Dutch fleet unexpectedly appeared off S. Paulo, surprising
its inhabitants in the midst of their rejoicings at the
accession of the " liberator king." S. Paulo, at that time,
was a city of twenty thousand inhabitants, including three
thousand Portuguese ; but the Governor, Pedro Cezar de
Menezes, though he was at the head of nine hundred
white troops, offered only a feeble resistance ; and, accom-
panied by many of the citizens, he withdrew to the river
Mbengu, and subsequently to Masanganu. The booty
1 N. G. van Kampen, Geschiedtnes der Nederlandershuiicn /• .
'•m, 1831, vol. i, p. 436, asks his readers to decide upon tin-
morality of this proceeding, when negotiations were a< tua'Iy in |>t<>
gress, and in the case of Portugal, which had only recently thrown off
the yoke of Spain, the common enemy.
1/2 APPENDIX IV.
which fell into the hands of the Dutch included thirty
ships and ninety-eight cannon.
They lost no time in gaining the goodwill of the neigh-
bouring sobas, sent an embassy to the King of Kongo (see
p. 125), and entertained offers of alliance from Queen
Nzinga. Aki musanu (Aca mochana)and Nambu a ngongo
(Naboa ngongo), who had risen upon the Portuguese, were
joined by one hundred and fifty Dutchmen, and thus
enabled to overcome their enemies, whose leaders, Andre
da Costa and Joao Vieira, they killed (1642).
In the following year (1643) information was received
that the truce had been signed, but the Dutch director very
naturally declined to surrender the town. He agreed,
however, to suspend hostilities. Pedro Cezar had been
instructed by his government to avail himself of the first
opportunity to recover the city,1 and it was evidently with
a view to this eventuality that he established a camp on
the river Mbengu. The Dutch suspected his treacherous
design, and at dawn on May 26th, 1643, they surprised his
force. Many Portuguese were killed (including Antonio
Bruto), while Pedro Cezar himself, Bartholomeu de Vascon-
cellos da Cunha, and one hundred and eighty seven
soldiers were taken prisoner. The remainder escaped to
Masanganu. The forces assembled there under the captain-
major, Antonio de Miranda, were unable to retrieve this
disaster, but the Governor, aided by friends, managed soon
afterwards to escape.
But though unequal to meeting the Dutch in the field,
the Portuguese were still able to enforce their authority
upon the natives ; and in 1645 Diogo Gomes de
Morales led an expedition into Lubolo and Mbalundu
(Bailundo), and reduced the kolombos of thirty " Jagas "
to obedience.
Catalogo, p. 375.
MISTORV OF ANGOLA. 1/3
In 1645, the Portuguese of Brazil, under the leader-
ship of Joao Fernandez Vieira, rose upon their Dutch
oppressors, and in the same year the Dutch occupied
S. Felippe de Benguclla. The garrison under Antonio
Teixeira de Mendon^a, the captain-major, and Antonio
Gomez de Gouvea, an experienced sertanejo, or back-
woodsman, retired northward along the coast. On reach-
ing Kikombo Bay, on July 2;th, 1645, they met there
Francisco de Sotto-maior, just arrived from Rio de Janeiro
with reinforcements. By advice of Gomez, the troops and
stores were landed in Suto Bay, near Cabo ledo, and con-
ducted by him in three detachments to Masanganu, with-
out the Dutch becoming aware of their arrival. The
Governor, Pedro Cezar de Menezes, returned by the same
route to Rio, taking with him a cargo of slaves.
These reinforcements arrived just in time to be em-
ployed against Queen Nzinga. That lady. had set a black
and a white cock to fight each other, and the defeat of
the white cock was looked upon by her as a favourable
augury for venturing an attack upon Masanganu. But
Caspar Borges de Madureira fell upon her before her
forces had been concentrated (January, 1646). She
suffered a severe defeat, notwithstanding the presence of
Dutch auxiliaries. Her sisters once more fell into the
hands of the Portuguese. D. Engracia was strangled soon
afterwards for an act of treachery, whilst D. Barbara was
kept in honourable captivity until 1657.*
Meanwhile the Dutch had made preparations for an
advance up the Kwanza. They had built Fort Mols at
the mouth of the river, and another fort higher up.
The Governor, Francisco de Sotto-maior, having died
of fever in May, 1646, measures for a spirited defence
taken by the three captains-major, Bartholomeu de
1 Ctsvazzi, |
174 AffENDlX IV.
Vasconcellos da Cunha, Antonio Teixeira de Mendon^a,
and Joao Juzarte de Andrada. Muchima, which had been
furiously assaulted by the Dutch, was relieved by Diogo
Gomes de Morales. But in the following year the
Portuguese suffered a reverse at Kawala (Caoalla), and
Masanganu itself was threatened by the combined forces
of Queen Nzinga, Kongo, and the Dutch.
However a saviour was at hand in this extremity. On
August 1 2th, 1648, Salvador Correa de Sa Benevides,1 with
nineteen vessels, having on board nine hundred soldiers,
cast anchor in the harbour of Luandu, and summoned the
Dutch to surrender within forty-eight hours. On their
refusal he landed his troops, and after a short bombard-
ment of Fort S. Miguel, to which the Dutch had withdrawn,
early on August I5th he delivered an assault, which cost
him one hundred and sixty three men, but led to the sur-
render of a garrison numbering one thousand one hundred
men, including French and German mercenaries. When
these prisoners had been joined by the three hundred
Dutchmen who were with Queen Nzinga, and the garrison
of Benguella, which surrendered without a blow, they were
shipped off to Europe. The city, in memory of the event,
assumed the name of " S. Paulo da Assumpgao de
Loanda," for it was on the Day of Ascension of the Virgin
Mary that a seven years' captivity ended. The anniversary
of that event is celebrated to the present day by a religious
procession.
RESTORATION OF PORTUGUESE AUTHORITY.
No time was lost in restoring the authority of Portugal
throughout the colony. The King of Kongo was com-
pelled to accept a treaty by which Luandu Island and the
1 He was a son of the valiant Martim de Sa\ the Governor of Rio
de Janeiro. Previously to sailing up to Luandu. he erected a factory
on Kikombo Bay.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 175
whole of the country to the south of the Dande river were
unconditionally surrendered, and other advantages held
out (p. 128). Queen Nzinga, although she declined the
overtures of Captain Ruy Pegado1 for a formal treaty,
retired inland, and gave no trouble for a number of years.
As to the sobas of Lamba, Kisama, Lubolo, and the
Modiku islands, they were visited by punitive expeditions
commanded by Antonio Teixeira de Moraes, Diogo Mendes
de Morales, Vicente Pegado de Pontes, and Francisco de
Aguiar.
Order having been restored, the Governor, Salvador
Correa de Sa, caused the ruined buildings to be repaired,
and granted crownland to the inhabitants for houses and
gardens. In a very short time prosperity returned, and
the trade of Luandu was as flourishing as ever it had
been.2
But although the Portuguese were masters on shore, the
Dutch, and occasionally also French or English " pirates"
frequented the coast. In 1650 Alvaro d' Aguiar defeated
five of these interlopers, who had made prizes of two ships
on a voyage from Brazil ; in 1651 Joao Duque was killed in
an action with Dutch men-of-war ; in 1652 Joao de Araujo
drove away the Dutch from Mpinda and Luangu ; in 1658
the same officer made a prize of a English slaver off"
Benguella. A second English slaver was captured in 1659
by Joao Cardoso, who also captured a Dutch vessel off the
Kongo in 1661. In 1662 the definite treaty of peace
between Portugal and Holland was signed, and " pirates "
are no longer heard of; although Dutch vessels provided
1 This envoy likewise visited the Jagas Kas.mji. Kalun-u and
Kalumbu for the purpose of pnsuudinx them to abolish infanti-
cide; and they promised to shut an eye if the old prac tiee was m.t
folio v
x In \<>j2 two fbl the payment of all drills inclined
anterior to the invasion of the Dutch v. <i to all inhabitants
IV.
with passes, or favoured by the Governors, seem to have
been admitted to Portuguese ports.
QUEEN NZINGA AND HER SUCCESSORS.
Queen Nzinga, after the return of her General from a
raid on the territory of Mbuila (Imbuille), in 1655, whence
he brought a miraculous crucifix, felt troubled in her con-
science ; and on consulting the spirits of five of her ancestors
(see p. 1 66), she learned, to her no small terror, that they
were suffering eternal torments, which she could only escape
by once more embracing the Christian faith, and seeking
the friendship of the Portuguese.1 Upon this advice she
acted. The negotiations for a treaty were conducted by
Captain Manuel Freis Peixoto and the Capuchin friar
Antonio of Gaeta, who came to her Court for that purpose
in 1657. Her sister, D. Barbara, was restored to her on
payment of a ransom of two hundred slaves,2 and the
river Lukala was thenceforth to form the boundary be-
tween the Queen's dominions and those of the Portuguese
No tribute was to be paid by her. Friar Antonio had
the honour of once more baptising this ancient lady, then
seventy-five years of age, and also of marrying her, legiti-
mately, to a slave-youth, Don Salvatore ; while her sister,
D. Barbara, allied herself unto D. Antonio Carrasco
Nzinga a mona, a foster-brother of the Queen, and the
General-in-Chief of her armies. A church, S. Maria de
Matamba, was specially built for these interesting cere-
monies. This remarkable woman died on December i/th,
1663, after Father Cavazzi had administered to her the
last consolations of religion, and was buried in the church
of St. Anna, which had been built within the precincts of
the Royal palace.
1 Cavazzi vouches for this (p. 637).
2 She was conducted back by Jose Carrasco.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 177
When D. Barbara died, on March 24th, 1666, her hus-
band, D. Antonio Carrasco Nzinga a mona, killed the
legitimate heir, D. Joao Guterres Ngola kanini, and
usurped the throne, but was himself slain in a battle
against D. Francisco Guterres Ngola kanini, in 1680. The
conqueror then attacked the allies of the Portuguese,
robbed the pumbeiros, and beheaded the Jaga Kasanji
(I682).1 Luiz' Lopez de Sequeira at once took the field
against him with five hundred and thirty infantry,
thirty-seven horse, and ten thousand empacaceiros , and
defeated him at Katole, a place within three days of
the Royal kabasa. The King himself lost his life, but
so did the leader of the Portuguese2 and Vasco de
Mello da Cunha. Joao Antonio de Brito, who took the
command after his leader's death, remained encamped
for thirty days on the site of the battle ; and finding
that the enemies did not return, retired to Mbaka ;
from which we may judge that the Portuguese, too, suffered
heavy losses. D. Veronica (or Victoria) Guterres, the
sister of the late King, sued for peace, which was readily
granted. Fresh complications threatened in 1689, when
the Queen was charged — falsely, it appears — with having
stirred up the soba Kahenda to rebel against his Portu-
guese masters; but matters were arranged through the
intervention of bishop D. JoSo Franco de Oliveira. No
further trouble seems to have occurred with the successors
of Queen Nzinga until 1744, when the Queen3 provoked
a war by killing a white trader and robbing pumbeiros:
the result of which was the capture of her capital by
1 This may have been Kasanji ka kinjuri, born in 1608, and bap-
tised by Antonio of Serraveza in 1655, and named I). Pascjuule
(Cavazzi, p. 784).
1 Lopes de Lima, Ensaio, iii, p. xxxii, says he was assassinated
by a Portuguese soldier.
1 AH the successors of the famous Queen her people and
country, arc called N >>y I'm tu.;iicsc authors.
N
178 APPENDIX IV.
Bartholomeu Duarte de Sequeira, and the cession of the
Kinalunga Islands to Portugal.1
THE LAST OF THE KINGS OF NDONGO, 1671.
We have seen that D. Joao de Souza Ngola ari had
been installed as the first King of Nclongo, recognised
by the Portuguese (see p. 164), about 1627, and had been
succeeded by D. Filippe de Souza, who died in 1660,
and by Joao II. The hope that this tributary would
prove a staunch ally of the Portuguese was not to be
realised, for immediately after the disastrous campaign
against Sonyo (see p. 131), in 1670, D. Joao Ngola ari
raised the standard of rebellion, and invaded the district
of Mbaka. The Governor, Francisco de Tavora,2 a future
Viceroy of India, who on account of his youth (he was
only 23 years of age) and supposed prudence had been
nick-named o menino prudente^ despatched his captain-
major, Luiz Lopes de Sequeira, to reduce the rebel to
obedience. Ngola ari met with a defeat on the river
Luchilu, close to the Pedras of Pungu a ndongo, which
were considered impregnable. Yet, on a dark night, on
November i8th, 1671, Manuel Cortes, the leader of the
guerra preta, surprised this rocky stronghold. The King
himself was taken, and beheaded as a traitor. Thence-
forth there was no further need for punitive expeditions on
a large scale.
1 Lopes de Lima, Ensaio, iii, p. 117, and parte segunda, p. 18, calls
them Quinalonga, and there can be no doubt of their identity with the
Quihindonga (Kindonga) islands of Cavazzi. The Catalogo does not
mention this cession.
2 He had arrived on August 26th, 1669, and spite of his prudence
must be held responsible for this disastrous Sonyo campaign.
3 See Paivo Manso, p. 255, who quotes an anonymous Rela^ao, pub-
lished at Lisbon in 1671 ; also Cadornega.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 179
RELATIONS WITH KONGO.
No sooner had the Portuguese regained possession of
S. Paulo than the King of Kongo was called to account
for having sided with the Dutch and favoured the opera-
tions of " foreign" Capuchins. A threatened invasion of his
kingdom (1649) speedily led to the conclusion of a treaty
of peace (see p. 126). But as the supposed gold and silver
mines were not ceded, as promised, the Portuguese once
more invaded the country, and in the bloody battle of
Ulanga, in 1666, the King lost his life and crown (p. 129).
From that time to the close of the century anarchy reigned
in Kongo. The disastrous expedition against Sonyo in
1670 (see p. 131) was partly undertaken in order to
support one of the many rival kings of that period.
MINOR PUNITIVE EXPEDITIONS, 1658-95.
Joao Fernandes Vieira, who had gained fame as the
leader of the Portuguese patriots in Brazil, where the cap-
ture of Pernambuco had won him the surname of o hero de
nossa edade> arrived as Governor on April i8th, 1658,
and before the close of the year, a serious rebellion broke
out in Upper Ngulungu. The captain-major, Bartholomeu
de Vasconcellos, took the field, and compelled Ngolome a
kayitu (Golome Acaita), to surrender his rocky stronghold
after a siege of four months ; Tanga a ngongo sub-
mitted quietly, but Kiluanji kia kanga (Quiloange Acango),
faced the Portuguese four times, and then retired inland
without yielding submission.
A second expedition, in the same year, traversed the
districts to the south of the Kwanza.1 It started from
1 Cavazzi, who accompanied this expedition as chaplain, gives a full
account of it, without naming the Portuguese commander. His geo-
graphu il data, as usual, are exceedingly vague: a circumstance all the
more to be regretted, as even now we know very little about this part
of Angola.
N 2
180 APPENDIX TV.
Masanganu, and having crossed the Kwanza into Hako
was joined by Ngunza mbambe j1 it entered the district of
Kabeza, where the Jaga of Rimba brought further rein-
forcements. Jaga Ngonga ka anga, the chief of Nsela
(Sheila), on the river Kuvu, surrendered his capital, Kan-
gunza, by the advice of his diviners, without striking a
blow, and submitted to be baptised. The expedition then
returned to Mbaka by way of the river Gango and Tamba ;
whilst Cavazzi, who accompanied it as chaplain, took
a more direct road through Kabeza.
After the great victory over the King of Kongo in 1666
(see p. 1 30), a detachment under Antonio da Silva was sent
into the territory of the Ndembu Mutemu Kingengo, whilst
another, under Diogo Gomes Morales, raided the villages of
Nambua nongo, these chiefs having aided the defeated
King.
Kisama, at all times an unruly district, and even now
virtually independent, though situated on the sea and
within easy reach of Luandu, has repeatedly given trouble
to the Portuguese. In 1672, the sobas of the district
unsuccessfully assaulted the fort at Muchima. In 1686
they blockaded that fort, until relieved by Joao de Figu-
eiredo e Souza. In 1689, the sobas Kimone kia sanga and
Muchima interfered with the free navigation of the
Kwanza, and were punished by the Portuguese leader
just named ; and in 1695, the rebellion of the soba
Katala brought into the field the captain-major, Manuel
de Magalhaes Leitao.
A rebellion in Lubolo, in 1677, was suppressed by
Luiz Lopez de Sequeira. The soba Ngunga mbambe was
killed, and his allies, Sakeda, Ngola kitumba, and Ngola
Kabuku, were severely punished.
1 This soba had been baptised. In 1684, a brother of his expelled
him, but he was reinstated by Joao de Figueireda e Souza.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. l8l
Far more serious was an expedition which the Governor,
Goncalo da Costa de Alca^ova Carneiro de Menezes,
despatched against the ndembu Mbuilu (Ambuilla), who
had expelled the Portuguese residents, robbed the Pum-
beiros, and burnt the church. Joao de Figueireda e Souza,
a trusted officer, was given the command ; and notwith-
standing that the garrison of Masanganu mutinied and
refused to join him, he mustered, on May 25th, 1682, a
formidable force of six hundred musketeers, forty-two
horse, and a guerra preta of forty thousand men, with two
field guns. Unfortunately, he lost precious time by
lingering two months at Kamolembe, where many of his
people died; and when at last ready to start, he heard
that Mbuila had been reinforced by two "armies " sent to
his aid by King Manuel of Kongo1 and Queen Nzinga,
and lost his head. Fortunately for the Portuguese a
stroke of paralysis carried off this pusillanimous leader,
and his place was taken by Pascoal Rodrigues, a man of
much energy, who marched straight upon the mbanza of
Mbuilu, and there achieved a great victory. Mbuilu fled
to his neighbour and ally Ndamba (Dambc). The number
of prisoners taken was so great that it was feared they
might endanger the safety of their captors, and they
were mercilessly beheaded, a nephew of Mbuilu alone
being sent a prisoner to Luandu.2
When Pascaol Rodrigues fell ill, the Governor appointed
Joiio Baptista de Maia to succeed him. The troops passed
the rainy season in barracks. On the return of fine weather,
Mbuilu was pursued into the territory of Ndamba and
killed. The mbanzas and over one hundred and fifty
libatas were burnt. The Ndembu Kabanda, a partisan of
1 I torn a letter published by Paiva Manso(p. 316), \M- Ir.irn that
Mbuilu had begged the King of Kongo to ivceivi: Im,
* For K s letter of thanks for this victory, see Catalogo^
p. 401. In 1693, massacres of \ strictly prohibited.
182 APPENDIX TV.
Mbuilu, was pursued by the sergeant-major, Lourengo de
Barros Morim, and the leader of the guerra preta^ Gongalo
Borges de Barros, and killed with many of his people.
Another ndembu having been installed, and sworn
allegiance to the King of Portugal, the army returned to
Mbaka, and thence to Lembo near Masanganu. The
victorious troops were refused admission into the latter,
the garrison of which had mutinied. It was only after the
Governor had promised a pardon to the offenders, with the
exception of the leaders, that order was restored (1693).
BENGUELLA.
S. Filippe de Benguella was founded in 1617 by Manuel
Cerveira Pereira, and in 1661 its fortifications were rebuilt
by Caspar de Almeida Silva, whilst Manuel de Tovar
Froes fought the neighbouring sobas. A further step in
advance was taken in 1682, when the sergeant-major,
Pedro da Silva, founded the presidio of Kakonda a velha,
in the territory of the soba Bongo. Two years later, in
1684, this presidio was surprised by Bongo, and Manuel da
Rocha Scares, its commandant, was killed. Carlos de
Lacerda, who was despatched to avenge this outrage, being
compelled to fall back before superior forces, Joao Braz de
Goes, the captain-major of Benguella, himself took the field.
The Jaga, deserted by his people, sought refuge with
Ngola njimbu (Golla Gimbo), but was pursued and captured,1
and the present presidio was built eighty miles further
inland (1685), in the territory of the soba Kitata. An
attempt made by the soba of Huambo (Hiamba), in 1698,
to expel the Portuguese was frustrated by Antonio de Faria,,
its commandant A more formidable attack by the neigh-
bouring sobas, in 1718, proved equally ineffectual. The
Portuguese had thus gained an advanced post nearly one
1 He died in prison at Luandu.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 183
hundred and fifty miles from the coast, the possession of
which opened up to them fresh sources for the supply of
slaves, and contributed not a little to the growing pros-
perity of S. Filippe de Benguella.
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS.
The Jesuits were the earliest missionaries in Angola; but
it would be in vain to look to them for any precise geo-
graphical or historical information, such as is furnished by
members of the Society established in other parts of the
world. They confined their activity to the seat of Govern-
ment and its immediate vicinity, and Portuguese authors
are severe upon their love of power and covetousness.
Their relations with the Governors were on many occasions
strained, but it cannot be asserted that the Jesuit Fathers
were in every instance in the wrong.1 As an illustration of
their masterfulness, the following ^incident may serve. In
1 66 1, the Governor, Joao Fernandez Vieira, very properly
ordered that pigs should no longer be allowed to run about
the streets of the capital. The Jesuits did not deign to
take the slightest notice of this order ; and when several of
their slaves were arrested for disregarding it, they protested
against this exercise of authority, and actually excom-
municated the Governor. But the Governor was not
to be frightened. He reported the case to his King, D.
Affonso VI, and the King in a Royal rescript of December
9th, 1666, severely reproved the Jesuits for their insolence ;
and threatened, in case of similar conduct, to deprive them
of the crown lands, and to take other legal measures
against them.
Franciscans (Tertiaries of the Order of St. Joseph)
followed the Jesuits in 1604. Then came the Capuchins,
1 The author of a Report referred to below admit* that they had
many detractors who were envious of their success.
1 84 APPENDIX IV.
for the most part Italians and Castilians, in 1651 ; and
lastly barefooted Carmelites (Religiozos de S. Thereza).
Of all these friars the Italian Capuchins alone appear to
have done good work ; and to members of their Order, and
especially to Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi, of Montecuccoli,
Antonio Laudati, of Gaeta, and Antonio Zucchelli, of
Gradisco, we are indebted for much useful information
regarding the people among whom they laboured. Many
of the other friars seem to have been men whom their
superiors in Europe were glad to part with ; and the same
may be said with reference to the secular clergy.
A report of the ecclesiastical affairs of Angola and Kongo,
drawn up in 1694 by Gongalo de Alcagova Carneiro
Carvalho da Costa de Menezes, by order of the Governor,
presents us with a deplorable picture of the state of affairs
in that year. Throughout the country there were only
thirty-six friars1 and twenty-nine secular clergy ; and of
these as many as twenty-nine had taken up their quarters
in the capital. Of fifty churches and chapels, many were
without priests, and had fallen into ruins. The village
missions (missoes das Sanzalas) had long been given up,
and many baptised negroes had returned to the ancient
superstitions. The author proposes the institution of a
court of clerics, in order that all lapses of this kind might
be punished in accordance with the " sacred canons." A
board of missions (Junta das missoes), which had been
created in 1693, and richly endowed,2 allowed things to
drift. Lopes de Lima3 ascribes the failure of the Chris-
tian missions, first, to the small number of missionaries
and priests ; secondly, to the corruption of the clergy ;
and thirdly, to the slave-trade.
1 Seventeen Capuchins, eight Jesuits, seven Franciscans, and four
Carmelites.
2 In 1709 there were seven million reis in its treasury. .
3 Ensaio, iii, p. 149.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 185
MEASURES OF ADMINISTRATION.
Joao Fernandez Vieira must be credited with the first
serious attempt to organise the military forces of the
country (1660), by raising a regiment, or ter^o, of infantry,
for Luandu, and a company for each presidio. These
" regulars" were to be supported by the guerra preta, or
cmpacaceiros. A company of cavalry was added to the
regular troops in 1672 ; and the exemption from every
kind of military service conferred upon the inhabitants of
Luandu since 1660 was partly abolished in 1695, and
orders given for the organisation of a tergo of ordenan$as
(militia) for Luandu, and of seventeen companies for the
districts and presidios. The fortifications of Luandu had
been much improved since the expulsion of the Dutch.
The fort of S. Miguel, at Luandu, which was begun in
1638, had been completed by D. Joao de Lencastre in
1689; and at the close of the century there existed forts,
sufficiently strong to resist native attack, at Muchima,
Masanganu, Kambambe, Pungu a ndonga, Mbaka, S.
Filippe de Benguella, and Kakonda.
The only measure bearing upon the civil administration
of the country seems to have been the publication of a
Regimento for the guidance of officers of revenue and of
justice, in 1675. At the same time, an extra export-duty
of ten testoes1 was ordered to be paid on every slave, the
proceeds to go towards the dowry of Queen Catherine, the
consort of Charles II of England.
The introduction of copper coins (makutas] into Luandu,
in 1624, caused much dissatisfaction, and actually led to
a mutiny of the troops, who not unnaturally felt agrievcd at
being expected to accept 200 reis in copper as an equiva-
lent of a native cloth, up to that time valued at 700
1 The testoon was a coin of 100 reis, worth about £/.
1 86 APPENDIX IV.
reis.1 The mutiny was suppressed, and the five ringleaders
were executed. In the interior of the country, the ancient
currency remained in force, larger amounts being paid in
merchandise (fazenda de lei), whilst smaller sums were
paid in zimbos (njimbu) or cowries, libongos (mbongo,
plural jimbongo), or square pieces of native cloth, or blocks
of rock-salt.
The only attempt at geographical exploration was that
of Jose de Roza, who left Masanganu in 1678, for the
lower Zambezi, but turned back after only a .few days'
journey, owing to the hostility of the natives.
At the end of the seventeenth century, Portugal held
sway over a territory of over fifty thousand square miles ;
she maintained fortified posts far inland; her traders had
penetrated as far as the upper Kwanza; and on the coast
she held the prosperous cities of S. Paulo de Luandu and
S. Filippe de Benguella. But this prosperity depended
almost exclusively upon the slave trade. Scarcely any
attempt had been made to develop the great natural
resources of the country, and even the food of the inhabi-
tants was still largely supplied by the Brazils. The colonists
introduced included too large a criminal element; the
Government officials were more intent upon realising large
fortunes2 than permanently benefiting the country they had
been sent to rule; and even among the preachers of the
gospel were men quite unfit to hold the office which they
filled. And this deplorable state of affairs continued long
beyond the period with which we have dealt. Lopes de
1 The assumed value of the makuta was 50 reis; its actual value, in
silver, only 30 reis. There were pieces of half inakutas and of quarter
makutas, popularly called paka.
2 Zucchelli (p. xvii, § 11), tells us that when Luiz Cezar de Menezes
returned to Rio, in 1701, he carried away with him 1,500,000 crusados
(.£200,000), realised in the slave trade.
HISTORY OF ANGOLA. 1 87
Lima1 calls D. Francisco Innocencio de Sousa Coutinho, who
was appointed in 1764, the "first Governor who undertook
to civilise this semi-barbarous colony; and who during his
rule of eight years and a-half, did more in that sense than
all his predecessors had ever thought of." Up to his time,
" Governors, captains, magistrates, men of the church and
the cloister" were only intent upon dividing the spoils
of office, and acted in the most scandalous manner.
1 Ensaio, iii, p. xxxiv.
APPENDIX V.
A LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF ANGOLA,
1575-1702.
The dale of arrival and departure are given, unless stated
otherwise.
I. Paulo Bias de Novaes, February, 1575; October,
1589.
2.1 Luiz Serrao, captain-major, 1589-91.
3.1 Andre Ferreira Pereira, 1591, to June, 1592.
4. D. Francisco d'Almeida, June 24th, 1 592, to April 8th,
I593-
5.1 D. Jeronymo d'Almeida, 1593-4.
6. Joao Furtado de Mendonga, August 1st, 1 594, to 1602-
7. Joao Rodrigues Coutinho, appointed January 23rd,
1 60 1 ; arrived in 1602.
81. Manuel Cerveira Pereira, 1603-7.
9. D. Manuel Pereira Forjaz, end of 1607; died April
nth, 1611.
IO.1 Bento Banha Cardoso, captain-major, elected April
I5th, 1611 to 1615.
11. Manuel Cerveira Pereira, second term of office,
1615 to 1617.
12. Luiz Mendes de Vasconcellos, November, 1617, to
1621.
1 Provincial Governors not appointed by the King, but elected by
the local authorities or the troops.
GOVERNORS OF ANGOLA. 189
13. Joao Correa de Souza, September, 1621; departed
1623.
I41. Pedro de Souza Coelho, captain-major, during five
months, 1623.
I5.1 D. Simao de Mascarenhas, Bishop of Kongo and
Angola, 1623 to 1624.
1 6. Fernao de Souza, appointed October 2ist, 1623 ;
in possession February, 1624, to 1630.
17. D. Manuel Pereira Coutinho, 1630 to 1634.
18. Francisco de Vasconcellos da Cunha, 1634 to 1639.
19. Pedro Cezar de Menezes, 1639 to 1645.
20. Francisco de Sotto-maior, September, 1645,10 May,
1646.
2 11. Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, Antonio
Texeira de Mendon^a, and Joao Juzarte de Andrada, the
captains-major, 1646 to 1648.
22. Salvador Correa de Sa Benevides, August, 1648 to
1651.
23. Rodrigo de Miranda Henriques, October, 1651 ;
died 1653.
24.1 Bartholomeu de Vasconcellos da Cunha, captain-
major, 1653 to 1655.
25. Luiz Martins de Souza Chichorro, October, 1655 to
1658.
He was killed in an engagement with a Dutch corsair, on
the voyage to Brazil.
26. Joao Fernandez Vieira, 1658 to 1661.
27. Andre Vidal de Negreiros, May loth, 1661, to
August, 1666.
28. Tristao da Cunha, August, 1666, to January, 1667 ;
when the people compelled him to depart in the vessel in
which he had come.
1 I'mviivial Governors not appointed by the King, but clcct< •! by
the local authorities or the tn>
IQO APPENDIX V.
2Q.1 Antonio de Araujo e Azevedo, president of the
Camara of Luandu, 1667 to 1669.
30. Francisco de Tavora, August 26th, 1669, to 1676.
31. Ayres de Saldanha de Menezes e Souza, August
25th, 1676, to 1680.
32. Joao da Silva e Souza, September I ith, 1680, to 1684.
33. Luiz Lobo da Silva, September I2th, 1684, to 1688.
34. D. Joao de Lencastre, September 8th, 1688, to 1691.
35. Gon^alo da Costa de Alcagova Carneiro de Menezes,
November ist, 1691, to 1694.
36. Henrique Jaques de Magalhaes, November 3rd,
1694, to 1697.
37. Luiz Cezar de Menezes, November 9th, 1697, to 1700.
38. Bernardo de Tavora Souza Tavares, September 5th,
1700, to 1702.
1 Provincial Governors not appointed by the King, but elected by
the local authorities or the troops.
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
For information additional to that given in the body of this volume, consult
Hramas, Margarita, Ostrich Eggs.
Included in this Index are all the geographical names mentioned by Duarte
Lopes (Pigafetta's Report of the Kingdom of Congo), as also many names
referred to by Cavazzi, Paiva Manso, and others.
The approximate geographical position is given in degrees and tenths of
degrees.
For names beginning with C, Ch, or Qu, see also A'.
Abundu, pi. of mb:tndu, a slave. In
Angola the natives generally are
called Ambundu.
Aca mochana. Sec Aki musanu.
Acca, a corruption of Aki^ followers.
Achelunda. See Aquilumla.
Adenda. See Ndemba.
Administration of natives, 161
Affonso VI, King of Portugal, 183
Affonso I, King of Kongo, no, 136
Affonso II, King of Kongo, 119, 136
Affonso III, King of Kongo, 131,
137
Agag, are not Jaga, 1 50
Aghirimba, according to D. Lopez,
the ancient name for Mbata, but
called Agisymba on his map, and
evidently Ptolemy's region of that
name, 1 1 2
Agoa Kaiongo (Augoy cayango),
9.8 S., 14.2 E., 37 ; battle of 1603,
IS6
Agoa rozada, King of Kongo
(I'edro IV), 13.5. I ;;
Aguiar, Alvaro, 175
Aguiar, Francisco de, 175
Aguiar, Ruy d', 113
Aiacca, Se, Ay.ika.
Aki, folio',
Akimbolo ( A<jnitx>lo), about 9.3 S.,
14.0 i-:., 149
Aki musanu ( Aramochana), a
8.9 9 .172
Albinos, 48, 81
Alemquer, !Vro d', jiil.it, 108
Alguns documentos, quoted, 112,
139, 140
Almadias, <;<>lf<> das undoubtedly
Kabind .-IKs
B. (fa AinUkiUUt 4?, is identi-'al
with Ul.u-k I'ou, X, 43
Almeida, I). Francisco, 153, 188
Almeida, D. Jeronymo, 153, 154,
1 88
Almeida, Joao Scares de, 132
Alvares, Caspar (or Gon^ales), 169
Alvaro I, King of Kongo, 119, 136
Alvaro II, King of Kongo, 121, 136
Alvaro III, King of Kongo, 122, 137
Alvaro IV, King of Kongo, 124, 137
Alvaro V, King of Kongo, 124, 137
Alvaro VI, King of Kongo, 125, 137
Alvaro VI I, Kins.; of Kongo, 130, 137
Alvaro VIII, King of Kongo, 131,
U7
Alvaro IX, King of Kongo, 130,
133. 137
Alvaro, Frei, the assassin, 115
Alvaro Gonc^ales Bay, called Aharo
Martins' Bay on map (D. L<>;
identical with Yumba Hay, 3.3 S.,
10.5 E.
Ambaca. Sec Mhaka.
Ambasse, or Ambresa, a corruption
ol w/'(/:/or inbaji. See S. Salvador.
Ambriz (Ml)idiji or Mbiriji) river, 7.3
S., 12.9 E., 131, 132
Amboella. See Mbwela.
Ambrosio I, King of Kongo, \2.\,
137
Ambuilla. .SV<- Mlmila.
Ambuiladua. Av Mlmila anduwa.
Ambandu, i.e.. (in Kongo
al Hindu - slaves), 103, 112
Ambus ( I ' . iribr l)c-l\\ccn
COast and A : ihaps tin-
Iitiluml>u. Mini- -01
Ampango. 5Sn M|ian^n.
Amulaza, Coin . ; I .
Andala mbandos ( \dala ml .an. i
Fndalla n;
Andrada. I > I
I92
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
Andre mulaza, King of Kongo, 132,
137
Angazi, or Engazi (D. Lopez),
Ingasia (Battell). See Ngazi.
Angeka, or Engeco (nsiku, Chim-
panzee), 54
Angelo of Valenza, capuchin, 126
Angica of Knivet, are the Anzica.
Angoi. See Ngoya.
Angola, history, 139 ; Knivet's
account, 93
Angola. See Ngola.
Angoleme (Ngolome) of Jesuits was
Ngola's capital in 1565, 143
Anguolome aquitambo (Ngwalema
a kitambu), 9. S., 15.8 E. ; battle
143, 148
Angoy kayonga, a chief. See Agoa
Kaiongo.
Antelopes, 40
Antonio I, King of Kongo, 129, 137
Antonio, Friar, a Franciscan, no
Antonio, de Denis, or Diogo de
Vilhegas, 114
Antonio of Serravezza, Capuchin, 177
Antonio Laudati, of Gaeta, 148 n.,
140, 146, 176, 184
Anville, B. d', his maps, xv
Anzele (D. Lopez) (Kanzele), fort, in
Lower Ngulungu, 9. S., 13.8 E.,
147
Anzicana, Anzichi, Anziques, Mun-
diqueti, etc., the people of the
Makoko (Aweke, "distant," "re-
mote"), are undoubtedly the Bateke
about Stanley Pool. Knivet's ac-
count, 10, 91 ; war with them, 112
Aquilunda, or Achelunda(D. Lopez),
a supposed lake, 74 ; Douville
( Voyage au Congo, ii, 173), suggests
that the name meant " here (Aqui)
is Lunda. "
Aquibolo. See Akimbolo.
Aquisyma (D. Lopez), misprint for
Agisymba.
Aragao, Balth. Rebello de, xviii, 27,
153, 157, 158 ; attempt to cross
Africa, 161 ; on Ouando, 206
Araujo, Joao, 175
Araujo e Azevedo, Antonio de, 190
Araujo e Azevedo, Joao, 157, 166
Argento, Monti dell (D. Lopez), sup-
posed "Silver Mountains" (Serra
da Prata) near Kambambe.
Ari, or Hary, a district, 9.0 S., 15.5 E.
See Ngola Ari.
Armada, its destruction in 1588, xiv,
169
Armistice of 1609-21, 170 ; or 1641,
171
Augoykayangp. See Agoa Kaiongo.
Austin Friars in Kongo, 114
Axila mbanza. See Shilambanza.
Ayaka (Aiacca), 7.5 S., 18.0 E.,
their invasion of Kongo, 120 ; are
not identical with Jaga, 149
Bagamidri. D. Lopez calls it a river,
separating Mataman and Monomo-
tapa, but it is clearly Bege meder
of Abyssinia gone astray.
Bahia das Vaccas, 12.9 S., 13.4 E.,
1 6, 29, 1 60
Bailundo (Mbalundu), 12.2 S.,
19.7 E., 172
Bakkebakke (Mbakambaka), dimi-
nutive of Mbaka, dwarf, and ac-
cording to Dennett, also the name
of a fetish Shibingo which prevents
growth. See Matimba.
Bamba. See Mbamba.
Bamba ampungo. See Mbamba a
mpungu.
Bambala (Mbala, Mbambela), a
district, 10.6 S., 14.5 E., 22
Bamba-tunga(Mbamba-tungu),soba,
9.6 S., 14.4 E., 147, 158
Bananas, 68
Bancare (D. Lopez), a tributary of
the Kongo, east of Nsundi.
Bangala, the people of the Jaga,
9.5 S., 13-oE., 84, 149
Bango aquitambo (Bangu a Kitam-
bu), missionary station, 9.1 S.,
14.9 E.
Bango-bango. See Bangu-bangu.
Bangono, mani, in hills north of
Dande River, 8.5 S., 13.6 E., 12
Bangu, kingdom, "trunk" of Kon-
go, 24 ; perhaps Bangu on the
river Mbengu. Bangu signifies
an acclivity, and the name occurs
frequently.
Bangu, a soba in Angola, 164
Bangu-bangu, soba near Nzenza a
ngombe, 168
Banna (Banya), river, 3.5 S., n.o E.,
Banyan-tree, 18, 76, 77
Baobab, 24, 68, 71
Baptista, Joao, bishop, 118
Baptista, Manuel, bishop, 118, 121,
122
Barama. See Bramas.
Barbara, Kambe, sister of Queen
Nzinga, 166, 173, 176
Barbela (Berbela), river, a tributary
of the Kongo, which flows through
Mpangu. According to L. Magyar
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
193
(Petemt. Mitt. 1857, p. 187) ; the
south arm of the Kongo opposite
Mboma, is known as Barbela.
Barkcloth, 18, 28, 77
Barros, Gonzalo Borges de, 181
Barros, Joao de, quoted, 108
Barreira, F. Balthasar, Jesuit, 144,
M7
Barreiras, " cliffs." Barreiras ver-
mdlias, north of Zaire, 5.3 S. ; Ponta
das barrciras, 3.2 S.
Bastian, Dr. A., quoted, 51, 52, 72,
73, 78, 104, 204
Bateke, tribe are identical with the
Mundequetes, Anziquetes, Anzi-
canas, etc., 109
Batta (Mbata), province, Mbanza,
5., 15-4 E., 39, 104, 120
Battell, Andrew, character of his
narrative, x ; chronology of his
voyages, xiii ; account of "adven-
tures," 1-70 ; notes on the religion
and customs, 71-87
Batumba, in Kongoese, a dwarf.
See Matimba.
Bavagul. Sec Bravagul (D. Lopez).
Beads, as ornaments, 9, 17, 32
Beehives, 68, 77
Beja. Feira de, 9.8 S., 15.3 E.t 168
Bembe (Mhembe), according to
•. az/i, p. 13, etc., a vast district
extending from the Kwanza to the
Kunene (which separates it from
Benguella), traversed by the river
Kutato, and inhabited by the Bin-
bundo. It included all Lulx>lo,
and Kuengo (Kemgo), the residence
of Ngola Kakanje (according to
Cadornega, a chief of Hako) was
capital. I believe it to be the
same as Chimbebe (<?.v.), 166
Bembern (. Mhembe), a village be-
tween Luandu and R. Mbengu,
Benevides. .sv- S;i de Urnevides.
Bengledi (D. Lopez), a river, almost
linly a misprint for Benguella.
Bengo, d'i-trici .,f Angola, at mouth
of R. Mbeiigu, or Nzenza, 8.7 S.,
'3- ;
Bengo, nv>-M Mbengu), 39, 155, 168
Benguella . isit,
16 : -ince
Benguella a velha, 10.8 S., 13^
'47
Benomotapa. .SVv M ipa.
BentJey. Rev, \V. II.. quoted.
25. 33. 34. 42, 43. 45. 57, 59, 60,
66, 73, 95, 104. 1 1 1
Berbela, or Verbela (D. Lopez), is
evidently identical with the Barbela
river, q.v.
Bermudez, Joao, Abysinian mission-
ary, 150
Bernardo I, King of Kongo, 119,
136
Bernardo II, King of Kongo, 122,
137
Bi<§ (Bihe), 12.3 S., 16.8 E., 151,
152
Binbundo, or Ya-nano, the hill tribes
of Benguella, 13.0 S., 15.5 E.,
151
Binger, Captain, xvii
Binguelle (Cavazzi, ii), a misprint for
Bengttella.
Bock (Mbuku), mani, 4.9 S., 12.3
F. There are many other Mbukus.
Boehr, Dr. M., quoted, 34, 73
Boenza, or Benza (Mbensa), about
4.6 S., 15.0 E.
Boma (Mboma) 5.8 S., 13,1 E.
Bonaventura, of Alessano, Capuchin,
126
Bonaventura, of Correglia, Capu-
chin, 126 //.
Bonaventura Sardo (the Sardinian),
Capuchin, 127
Bonaventura, of Sorrento, a Capu-
chin, 128
Bondo, province, or rather a tribe,
10.0 S., 17.0 E.
Bongo, 32, the country of the
Ha bongo dwarfs
Bongo soba, on site of Kakonda
a velha, 182
Boreras rosas (I). Lopez), should
be Barreiras vermelhas, 5.4. S.,
12.2 F.
Borgia, I). Caspar, 167
BOSSO, a rock, perhaps Mpozo hills,
opposite Yivi.
Bowdich, T. F., quoted, 149
Bozanga, kingdom in Kongo (Garcia
M rndes, 8), identical either with
Nsan. S '.•'.).
Bramas, 677 *, :ig to D.
•he original inhabitants
of all Fuangn. According I \.
< t (Com f>t •' r, it in of" 1
.}, ]>. 431), a trading tribe
call -till
lives to N.E.
10.5 I . 77
Braun, Samuel, quoted, \, 122, 170
Bravaghul, <>i I'. .t \.igul (I). Lop.
Mountain-
•'•
Delagoa i
194
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
Brito. Domingos d'Abreu de, quoted,
I2i, 144, 145, 147, 153
Brito, Joao Antonio de, 179
Brito, Manuel Rebello de, 129
Broeck, Pieter van der, his journals, x
Brusciotto, P. Giacinto, of Vetralla,
a Capuchin, 128
Bruto, Antonio, 168 ; his death, 172
Bruto, a " penedo " named after him,
9.1 S., 13.7 E., 146
Bula. See Mbula.
Bulhao, Fernao Rodrigues, 115
Bumbe (Mbumbi), mani S. of River
Loje, 7.8 S., 13.6 E., 123
Bumbelungu (Mbumbu a lungu), a
village near mouth of Kwanza,
where Dias' vessels awaited his re-
turn, 9.3 S., 13.2 E.
Bumba andalla, (Mbumbu a ndala),
a soba in Lamba, 159
Bunda means family, kin : hence
Binbundo (sing. Kibundo), kins-
folk (Nogueira, A ra$a negra, 255).
See also Abundu.
Burial, 34, 73
Burton, Sir R. F. , 24, 29, 54, 68
Cabech, (Kabeka), soba on the
Kwanza, 9.5 S., 14. iE., 10, 11
Cabango (Kabangu, or Chibanga),
mani, in Luangu, 50
Cabazo, should be Kabasa, capital.
Cabenda (Kabinda), port, 5.5 S.,
12.2 E., 42
Cabreira, Antonio Araujo, 129
Cachoeira (D. Lopez), is the Portu-
guese for cataract, and refers to the
Falls of the lower Zaire.
Cacinga (Kasinga), river, a tribu-
tary of the Barbela, in Mbata (D.
Lopez).
Cacongo river, or Chiluangu, 5.1 S.,
12. i E., 42
Cacongo, (Chikongo), aromatic
wood, 16
Caguto (Nsaku), Cao's hostage, 106,
107, 108
Cadornega, quoted, 38, 72, 131,
140, 142, 163
Cafuche. See Kafuche.
Calabes Island (Ilha des Calaba9as),
8. See Cavalli.
Calando (Kalandu), a Jaga, 31, should
be Calandnla. Cavazzi, however,
(p. 656) mentions a Jaga Calenda.
Calicansamba (Katikasamba, or Ka-
chisamba), a chief, 10.78., I4-5E.,
22, 24, 25
Calango (Kalungu), town in Lubolu,
10.30 S., 14.5 E., 26
Calongo (Chilunga), district north of
river Kuilu, 4.1 S., H.4E., 52
Camara, Portuguese, a municipal
council.
Camissa, flows out of Lake Gale
(q.v. ), and enters the sea as Rio doce
at the Cape of Good Hope (D.
Lopez).
Cango (Nkanga, Chinkanga), a dis-
trict of Luengu, 3.9 S, 12.3 E., 52
Cannibalism, 31, 144, 162
Cao, Diogo, discovery of Kongo, 105 ;
second voyage, 107
Cao, Caspar, Bishop of S. Thome,
118, 121, 145
Caoalla (Kawala), between Luandu
and Masangarm ; fight 1648, 174
Capelloand Ivens, quoted, 17, 27, 28,
32, 34, 67, 73, 140, 141, 151
Capuchins in Kongo, 123, 126, 127,
128, 183 ; in Angola, 183
Cardoso, Bento de Banha, 158, 166,
1 88
Cardoso, Joao, 175
Cardoso, Domingos, Jesuit, 127
Carli, Dionigi, Capuchin, 132
Carmelites in Angola, 189
Carneiro, J. V. , quoted, 14, 141, 167,
206
Carrasco, ]os6, 176
Carvalho, H. B. de, quoted, 20, 32,
72, 84, 103, 150, 151, 202
Casama of Battell, 27, is Kisama.
Casanza (Kasanza), a chief, 8.9 S.,
13.7 E., n, 40, 41
Cashil (Kati, Kachi, or Kasila),
chief, 10.8 S., 14.3 E., 23-25
Cashindcabar (Kashinda kabare),
mountains, 10.6 S., 14.6 E., 26
Castellobranco. See Mendes.
Castello d' Alter pedroso, cliff, 13.3
S., 12.7 E., 106
Castro, Balthasar de, 116, 139, 152
Catalogo, quoted, xx, 145, 147, 159,
163, 166, 169, 172, 178, 181
Catharina, Cabo de S., 1.8 S., 9.3 E.
Catherine, Queen of England, 185
Catherine, Queen of Portugal, 119
Cauo, Cavao of Cadornega, 9. S.,
14.2 E., 37
Cavalli, isola (D. Lopez). See
Hippopotamus Island.
Cavangongo, Motemo, 8.4 S., 13.4
E. ; a second Cavangongo, 8.2 S.,
15.3 E.
Cavazzi, quoted, xix, 15, 29, 32, 38,
1 10, in, 119, 123, 124, 126, 130,
140, 141, 148, 152, 153, 163, 165,
166, 167, 176, 179, 184, 193
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
195
Cavendish, Thomas, his voyage, 89
Cay, or Caye (Kaia), river and town,
4.8 S. , 12.0 K., 42, 50
Cedars. 24
Chabonda(D. Lopez). See Kabamla.
Chatelein, Heli, quoted, 140
Chekoke, a fetish, 82
Chichorro. See Souza Chichorro.
Chiluangu, 5.2 S.f 12.1 E., 42
Chilunga (Calongo), 4.1 S., 11.4 E.,
5.2
Chimbebe. See Kimbebe.
Chimpanzee, 54
Chinchengo (Ki-nkcnge) in Mbam-
ba, on border of Angola (D. Lopez),
S.o E., 15.0 E.
Church, Col. G. Earl, on Knivet's
adventures, 90
Circumcision, 57
Civet Cats, 32, in
Climbebe (D. Lopez), a misprint for
(Jui mbebe.
Coandres, perhaps the Mnkwanda,
a tribe to S. of Benguella, 13.5 S.,
13.0 E.
Coanga (Cavazzi, 440), a territory
near Masanganu.
Coango. See Kwangu.
Coanza. See Kwanza.
Coari river (D. Lopez), perhaps Kii-
ari, a river flowing towards Ari.
Coat-of-arms of Kongo, 112
Cocke, Abraham, his voyages, 1,5;
his identity, 6, 8, 9
Coelho, V. A., quoted, 10
Coelho, Pedro de Souza, 163, 168,
189
Coelho, I . Antonio, 167
Colos, I )iog, . Kodrigo das, 147
Combrecaianga (Rumba ria kai-
anga), village, about 8.9 S.,
14.1 E., 14
Concobella (Konko a bele), on N.
bank of the Zaire, below Stanley
Congere amulaza (Kongo dia mu-
. 6.0 S., i<>
Congre a molal (Kongo dia mulai ?)
name by which the An/.ichi
known in Luangu (I).
Lopez).
Consa, a misprint for Coanza (Kwan-
Copper mines, 17, 18, 31, 43, in.
1 1'», 123, 160
Copper coins, introduction of, 185
Cordeiro, Luciano, quoted, \vi, 37. j
Corimba. Sec Kurimba.
Corn, native, 67
Cortes, Manuel, 178
Costa, Andre da, 172
Coste, Sebastien da, 122
Costa de Alca^ova Carneiro de
Menezes, Umealo da, 190
Coua (Kuvu) river, 10.9 S., 13. 9 E.,
19, 20, 161
Coutinho, D. Francisco Innocencia
de Souza, 187
Coutinho, Joao Rodrigues, 36, 156,
ISS
Coutinho, D. Manuel Pereira, 189
Cowrie fishery at Luandu, 96
Crocodiles, 11, 69, 75
Cross, Cape, 21.8 S., 107
Crystal mountain (D. Lopez) in
Nsundi.
Cuigij (Cavazzi), perhaps = Muija or
Muguije, " river," 9.7 S., 16.0 E.
Cunha, Jacome da, companion of
Dias, 147
Cunha, Tristao da, 189
Cunha, Yasconcellos da. See Vas-
concellos.
Dambe (Ndambe), a territory near
Mbuila, 7.8 S., 19.6 E., 181
Dande (Dandi), river, 8.5 S., 13.3
I-., ii, 39, 117, 120, 123, 128, 144
Dangi (Ndangi), island in Kwanza,
9.8 S., 15.9 E. (?), 165, 166, 167
Daniel de Guzman, King of Kongo,
13'. »37
Dapper, quoted, xix, 9, 19, 32, 45,
48, 105, 125, 168
Degrandpre", quoted, 72, 104
Demba (Xdemba), salt-mine, 9.9 S.,
13.8 E., 36, 37, 154, 162
Dembo. 6V<? Ndembu.
Dennett, R. E., quoted, xvii, 17, 21,
31, 40, 44-51, 56, 60, 61, 66, 79,
80, 104, 192
Dias de Novaes, Bartholomeu, 107,
1 08
Dias de Novaes, Paulo, 120, 121,
142, 144, 148, 180
Dias, Jacome, ]>rie>t, 1 18
Dickens, Charlr-. quoted, 25
Diniz, Ant'.nio, quoted, 162
Diogo, King «>f Kongo, 117, 136
Diogo de Vilhegas, «.r Antonio <l<
I )> nis. l-'raiif. I 14
Divination, ??, S6, 129, 176
Dogs, 33, 86
Delphi;
Dombe (Ndombc). in I'n-nguella.
160
Dominicans. icxS. 114, 144
Dondo .•Nduiidui .are
All'inos, 48, 8l
O 2
196
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
Dondo (Ndondo), feira, 9.7 S., 14.5
E., 168
Dongo, 20, 26, is Pungu a ndongo.
Dongy (Ndongazi?), a Jaga (Cavazzi,
86, 200), 152
Douville, quoted, 149, 192
Drinking customs, 32, 45
Drums, 33, 34
Duarte, V. J., quoted, 143, 205
Du Chaillu, quoted, 52, 54
Dumbe a Pepo, 8.63 S., 15.1 E.
Dumbe a Zocche (D. Lopez), a lake
fed by streams rising in the Monti
nevosi ; most likely the Dembea
lake of Abyssinia.
Dunda, or Dondo (Ndundu) are
Albinos, 48, 81
Duque, Joao, 175
Dutch, embassy to Kongo, 125 ;
traders in Kongo, 121, 123, 131,
161, 170; occupation of Angola,
169-174 ; piracies, 170
Ecclesiastical state of Angola, 183
Egyptians, or gypsies, 10 n.
Elambe. See Lamba.
Electric Fish, 40
Elembe, a Jaga, 185
Elephants, how trapped, 97 ; value
of tails, 9, 58
Eleusine, 67
Elizabeth, Queen, 38
Embacca. See Mbaka.
Embo, or Huembo, a marquisate of
Kongo (Paiva Manso, 175). See
Wembo.
Emeus of Zucchelli = Nkusu.
Empacaceiros, from Pakasa, buffalo,
originally buffalo-hunters, then na-
tive militia-men. Supposed secret
society, 152, 185.
Encoge, should be Nkoshi, lion.
Endalla nbondo, or Andala mbundos,
17
Engase, or Angaze (D. Lopez), is
Battell's Ingasia See Ngazi.
Engeriay, a tree, 1 5
English pirates, 175
Engombe, or Ingombe. See Ngombe.
Engombia. See Ngombe.
Engoy (Ngoyo),_42, 104
Engracia Funji, sister of Queen
Nzinga, a prisoner, 166 ; strangled,
173
Enriques, Duarte Dias, 162
Ensala. See Nsala.
Esiquilo (Esikilu), birthplace of
D. Alvaro I., on the road from
S. Salvador to Nsundi (Cavazzi,
105), 5.58., 14-5 E. (?)
Escovar, Pero d', pilot, 108
Espiritu Santo, Serra do, 2.8 S.,
10.2 E.
Eucher, F., quoted, 108, in, 119,
127
Ezikongos, the people of Kongo,
130
Fajardo, A. Beserra, quoted, 158
Falcao, Luiz de Figueirido, quoted,
162
Falkenstein, quoted, 26, 52, 77, 104
Famine in Luandu, 168
Faria, Antonio de, 182
Feira (Portuguese), fair, market.
Ferreira, F. de Salles, quoted, 203
Ferreira, Jacome, 170 n.
Ferro, serra do (iron mountains) to
S. of Kwanza, 10.6 S., 15.2 E.
Fetishes, 24, 41 ; underground, 49,
8 1 ; Maramba fetish, 56, 82 ;
possessed of a fetish, 182 ; de-
struction by missionaries, 114
Ficalho, quoted, 7, 15, 1 6, 21, 24,
43> 67
Figueirido e Souza, Joao de, 180,
181
Finda. See Mfmda.
Fishing, 166
Flemish immigrants in Angola, 147
Flores, Fr. Antonio, quoted, 198
Fonseca, Luis Simplicio, quoted,
J55
Fonseca, Pedro da, 144, 145
Foret, A., quoted, 193
Forjaz, D. Manuel Pereira, 157,
161, 188
Foster, Mr. W., xvii
Fragio, Francisco, capuchin, 126
Franciscans in Angola, 108, 114,
i83
Francisco, King of Kongo, 117, 136
Francisco of Pa via, capuchin, 133
Francisco of Veas, 126 n.
Freddi, monti. See Fria.
French pirates, 175
Fria, serra ("Cold Mountains"), on
Pigafetta's map, in 17.5 S. ; the
Monti Freddi (" cold mountains)
of the text, stated to be known
to the Portuguese as Monti nevosi
("snowy mountains"). Modern
maps show a Serra da neve in 14.0
S. ; but as I am not aware that
snow ever fell in these mountains,
neve may be an ancient misprint for
nevoas (mists). The Serra Fria
may possibly be connected with the
Cabo Frio, thus named because of
the cold current which washes it.
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
197
Froes, Manuel de Tovar, 182
Fumacongo, (nifumu ekongo),
village (Cavazzi, 416).
Funerals, 78
Funji. See Engracia.
Furtado, Xristao de Mendonca, 170
Gaga, 13, arc the Jaga.
Gale, according to 1'igafetta a lake-
giving rise to the river Caniissa,
rashly supposed to represent Lake
i, but copied from more
ancient maps, upon which arc t«» In-
read the names G'ti't (Galla), Adia,
Vaby (Webi), etc. Hence a lake in
the Galla country, south of
Abyssinia.
Galla, are not Jaga, 150
Gangella, &rNJzangela.
Gango, river. 9.88., 75-5 E., 180
Gangue (Gange), village near Ma>-
anganu, with church S. Antonio.
Garcia I., King of Kongo, 124, 137
Garcia II., King of Kongo, 125, 137
Garcia III., King ofKoiigo, 131, 137
Geographical explorers. Sec Aragfn ^
Brito, Castro, Girolamo of Monte-
hio, Herder, Mur«;a. 1'acheco,
• Juadra and Roza: also pp. 119, 129
Germanus, Henruu> Martellus, his
map, 107
Giaghi, an Italian mode of spelling
Giannuario <>f Xola, capuchin, 127
Gimbo Amburi. Sec Xjiiubu a mbuji.
Gimdarlach, a German miner, 115
Gindes (Njinda), a name by which the
are known, 19, 150
Giovanni Francisco of Yalen9a, a
chin, 126
Gipsies in Angola, 2, 10
Giribuma, or Giringbomba, inland
tribe. Perhaps the Huma, 3.08.,
Girolamo of Montesarchio, a capu-
chin, 125, 126
Glo-Amb Coambu, sup|>osed name
of the capital of Angola, 142;;.
Kwambu,
or Kiambu.
Goats
Goes. . i u. i i ;.
116
Goes, J"., 182
Goiv. hop, 122
Goln .la.
Gold, 20, 198, 131
Golungo. St-c Ngulungu.
Gomba. A .
Gomez, Lui/, 123
Gon^alves. See Alvares, 169
Gonga caanga (Ngonga kaanga),
chief of Nsela, iSo
Gongha (Ngonga), original name of
Kasanje Kakinguri (Cavazzi, 773).
Congo a mboa (Ngongo a mbwa),
supposed old name of Fungu-a-
Ndongo, 143 ft.
Congo (Ngongo), a double bell, 20
Gongon, 38, on road from S. Salva-
dor to Mbata. Perhaps Congo
(Ngongo), on the Kongo railway,
5.38., 14.8 K. Rev. Tho. Lewis
suggests Kongo dia Mbata^ 38
Gonsa, or Gunza, river, of Battell, 26,
is the Kwan/a.
Gorilla, 54, 57
Gouvea, Francisco de, 120, 143
Gouvea, Antonio Gomez de, 173
Groundnuts, 67
Guerra preta, 4i black warriors," i.e.,
the native militia.
Guerreira, a Jesuit, 150, 154, 159
Gulta, Ngulta, (D. Lopez), town
S. \\ . i>t Masanganu.
Gumbiri, fetish, ^te Ngumbiri.
Gunga bamba (Ngunga mbamba),
chief in Lubulo, 180
Gunza (Ngunza), on Pigafetta's map
a town S. of the river Longa, ii.
undoubtedly Kangunze of Nsela.
Gunza a gombe, (Ngunza a ngombe),
a solia in Ndongo, 164
Giissfeld. (j noted, 58, 104.
Guzambamba (Ngun/a a mbamba),
sobain Hako, 10.38., 15.3 E., 180
Hako (Oacca), country, 10.4 S.,
15.5 E., 166, 180
Hamba (\"a-umba, or Umba) river,
8.0 S., 17.0 E., 141
Hambo. S,<- Huambo.
Hary, a district. Stc Ari.
Henrique, the Cardinal - Kin-
Portagal, i n, 1 14, 145
Henrique, King of Kongo, 119, 136
Henriques, R.xlrigo de Miranda.
Herder, |ohan, 126
Hiambo. AV, lluamU).
Hindersen, Jeems, 171
Hippopotami. (14
Hippopotamus Island, uo. ihe
lllia d.,- marinh.'
ihe I'ortugiu
1 ind," 1'V I'ig.iletla. Perhaps
ideiilical \\ith Hallell'
id. A ••Ilip|M.p.,taimiN Island"
figures in the >
Hobley, (juoted, 202, 206
198
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
Holy Ghost, a village on Luandu
Island, 94 (called Espiritu Santo by
D. Lopez), 8.8 S., 13.2 E.
Hombia ngymbe (Hombia ngombe,
equivalent to Wembo a ngombe in
the S. Salvador dialect), a " prince"
in Benguella, on the river Kuvu,
21
Horse Island (D. Lopez). See
Hippopotamus Island.
Horses' (zebras') tails, 75
Huambo (Hambo, Hiambo), district
or soba in Benguella, 13.1 S., 15.6
E. ; gold found there, 29
Huembo, a province of Kongo (Paiva
Manso, 50), perhaps Wembo.
Human sacrifices, 28, 33, 85, 86, 105
lakonda, a tributary of the Kwanza
(Cavazzi), probably to be looked
for in the Kondo cataract, 9.9 S.,
16.1 E.
Ibari (Ybari), a kingdom whither the
Portuguese traded (Garcia Mendes,
8). Rev. Tho. Lewis suggests that
it refers to a place where mbadi
cloth is made (the letters r and d
being interchangeable, and m coming
naturally before b). Sir H. Stanley
( Through the Dark Continent, ii,
283, 320, 323) heard Kongo called
Ibari, and subsequently was told of
an Ibari Nkubu, or river of Nkutu.
A. Sims (Kiteke Vocabulary] knows
of a tribe Bakutu towards the Kasai.
We believe the Ybari of G. Mendes
to refer to the country about the
Kwangu, whither Portuguese traders
actually did go for cloth.
Icau (Ikau), 8.5 S., 13.9 E., 123
Icolo (Ikolo), district on lower
Mbengu, 8.8 S., 13.6 E.
Ilha grande, Brazil, 4
Ilamba (Lamba), Battell's campaign
in it, 13
Imbangola, identical with Bangala,
84 n.
Imbondos of Battell, 30 are the
Mbundu of Angola.
Imbuella. See Mbuila.
Imbuilla, recta, Mbila, sepulture.
Incorimba. See Kurimba.
Incussu. See Nkusu.
Infanticide, 32, 84
Ingasia, 14, 155. See Ngazi.
I ngombe. See Ngombe.
Initiation of native priests, 56, 57,
82
Innocent X, Pope, 127
Insandeira(Nzanda),the tree planted
by Ngola Kiluanji on Kwanza, 9. 1
S., 13.4 E., 142
Insandie. See Nsande.
Iron, 52
Ivory, 7, 9, 42, 52, 58
Jagas, Battell's account, 19, 83 ;
origin, 83 ; infanticide among
them, 32, 89 ; allies of the Portu-
guese, 123 ; history of the Jaga of
Kasangi, 149 ; their invasion of
Kongo in 1558, 117
Jesuits, in Angola, 143 ; in Kongo,
118; Jesuit college, 123; political
intrigues, 153, 183; a legacy, 169
Jinga. See Nzinge.
Joao II, of Portugal, 106, 108
Joao IV, of Portugal, 127, 170
Joao I, King of Kongo, 109, 136
Joao II, King of Kongo, 136
Joao of Mbula, King of Kongo, 130,
*3t, 137
Joao, Manuel, 146
Joao de S. Maria, Franciscan, 109
Joao Maria, capuchin, 133
John. See Joao.
John Moritz of Nassau. See Nas-
sau.
Jol, Cornelis Cornelisson, 171
Jose, Uuarte, 147, 150
Jose, Vicente, 148
Kabanda, district in Motolo, on road
to Mpemba mines (Garcia Mendes,
n, 12) ; the Chabonda of D. Lopez,
8.7 S., 14.6 E., 124, 181
Kabangu, (Cabengo), mani in
Luangu, 50
Kabasa, capital, chief town, group
of villages, 141 n.
Kabasa, Kakulu, 9.3 S., 14.9 E.,
1 59 ; another chief Kakulu Kabasa
in 8.3 S., 15 3 E., in Banga moun-
tains (map of Fr. Antonio Flores,
1867).
Kabeka (Cabech), soba on the
Kwanza, 9.5 S., 14.1 E., 10, 11
Kabeza (Cabezzo) district, 10.2 S.,
15.0 E.. 180
Kabinda, seaport, 5.5 S., 12.2 E.,
42
Kabuku (kia mbula), soba, 9.5 S.,
15.0 E.
Kafuche (Kafuche Kabara), 10.0 S.,
14.4 E., 27, 37, 156, 1 68
Kahenda, Kakulu, 8.9 S., 15.5 E.,
i59> J77
Kakonda a velha, 13.2 S., 14.0 E.,
161, 182
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
199
Kakonda, 13.7 S., 15.1 E., 182
Kakongo, kingdom, N. of Zaire,
104. i 12
Kakongo, (Kikongo), an aromatic
\\ood, 16 «., 145
Kakulu, the first-born of twins, a
title in Angola. 5<v Kimone.
Kakulu kia Nkangu (Caculo quen-
acango), a soba in whose territory
•v.ele was built (Garcia Mendes).
9.1 S., 13.8.
Kalandu, ancestor of Queen Nzinga,
166
Kalandula, name or title among the
,28, 33,83,86,132
Kale, J t. suit farm in Kisama, 9.1 S..
I3.4E.
Kalemba. .SV«- Namba Calemba.
Kalumbu. presidio, on K wan/a, 9. i
S., 13.5 E., 146 ; Jaga in Little
gele, 175
Kalungu, » >ba at mouth of Koporolo,
12.9 S., 13.0 E., 160
Kalungu (Calongo), Jaga, near
Kasanji, 9.8 S., l8.l E., 151, 152,
Kaiungu (Calango), 10.3 S., 14.6
E., 26
Kambambe, presidio, 9.7 S., 14.6
1 .- 17, 27, 36, 38, 147, 156, 158
Kambe. See Barbara.
Kambo, river in Matamba, enters
the Kwangu, 7.6 S., 17.3 E.
Kambulu, a royal title in Matamba,
141
Kamolemba, \illagc on road from
Masanganu to Mbuila ; perhaps
I.emlx), </.r.
Kamuegi, perhaps the Fumeji river
lo and Ivens, 9.5 S., 15.5
1 ... 151
Kamundai, village of Bangala
: perhaps named from
*' mundai," a tree which is sup-
d to pmu-ct against lightning.
Kangunze, capital of Xsela, 11.2
s.. 15.0 K., 180
Kanguri, <>r Kinguri, Jaga, 152
Kanguana. .s./Kinguana.
Kanzele (An/ela), st..ckade, 9.0 S.,
'47
Kasa, Jaga, oi n X/inga's
ions, 164, 1 66
Kasandama, 1 lo de
Loanda, 8.7 S., 13..-
Kasanji, Jagas, 151, 152, 166.
175 ft. K i the princi-
pal among them, almut 9.6 S,
Kasanji ka kinjuri, Jaga, 177
Kasanza (Cazzanza), mani, 8.9 S.,
13.7 E., u, 40, 41
Kasinga, river, tributary of the
Harbela (D. Lopez).
Kasoko, Kilombo of Kasanji ka
Kinjuri, 9.7 S., 18.0 E.
Kaswea, mani, 8.8 S., 13.6 E., 40
Katala, soba in Kisama, 9.6 E.,
14.1 S., 180
Katole, three days from Mbanza Oi
Matamba, I//. A village, Katala
ka nzinga, on the river Kambo,
8.8 S., 1 6. 6 E., was visited by
Mechow (Zeitsch.f. Erdk., 1882).
Kawala (Caoalla), is Kisama, 74
Kaya, 4.88., i2.oE., 42, 50
Kazanga, island, 8.9 S., 13.0 E.
Kenga (Kinga), the port of Luangu.
4.6 S., ii 8E.,48, 50
Kesock, mani, 2.8 S., H.oE., 58
Kibangu, temporary capital of Kongo,
perhaps identical with an old
. priests' " town (Kinganga), 6.9 S.,
14.6 E., 131
Kifangondo, village on lower
Mbengu, 8.6 S., 13.3 E.
Kijila (Qoudlle), the laws or customs
of the Jaga, 1 52
Kikombb, bay, 11.38., 13.9 E.
Kilolo, a warrior.
Kilombo, "dwelling-place." Cavazzi,
p. 893, applies it to the residence of
the Jaga.
Kilomba kia tubia, chief in upper
Ngulungu, 159
Kilonga, a soba, 158. A Kilonga
kia Hango still live close tu Kam-
bambe, 9.6 S., 14.5 I .
Kiluanji kia Kanga ((v>uiloange
Acango), soba of upper Ngulungu,
179
Kiluanji kia Kwangu, according to
C.arcia Mendes, the chief \\Iiom
Dias defeated) 143. .v(< K\\argu.
Kiluanji kia Samba, title ..!' kings
i'l" Ndongo. A small chief of that
title still re.side.s near Diujue de
r.r:igani;a, 141 //.
Kimbadi (<l|uimba/i), a small pi.
doth.
Kimbaka, l..n. stockade.
Kimbebe. Su (Juimbcbe.
Kimbundu. See I'.inbundo.
Kimone kia Sanga. piincipal chid
of Kisama, 180
Kina grande, the "great sepulture,"
9.5S., 17.7 E. (?), 166
Kinalunga, <>r Kimlonge ((Juihin-
donga), isl.in :,
, 166, 177
2OO
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
Kinda, Jaga, 148 »., 166
Kindonga. See Kinalunga.
Kinganga, "priests' town," applied
to old stations of the Roman Catho-
lic missionaries.
Kinga (Kenga), port of Luengu,
4.6 S., ii. 8 E., 48, 50
Kingengo (Chingengo or Quin-
guego). See Mutemu.
Kinguri (Kanguri), a Jaga, 151, 152
Kinzambe, ndembu at Koporolo
mouth (Dapper), 12.9 S., 12.9 E.
Kioko, tribe, 12.0 S., 18.0 E., 151
Kiowa (Quioa) duchy in Sonyo,
6.1 S., 13.0 E., 125
Kipaka, a kraal, entrenchment.
Kipupa, soba, 10,2 S., 18.7 E., 166
Kisala, a steep mountain in Lit.
Ngangela (Cavazzi, 771), 9.8 S.,
17.9 E.
Kisama, country S. of Kwanza,
9.3 S., 13.5 E., 27, 74, 146, 1 80.
Another Kisama (Chizzema, Que-
sama on Pigafetta's map) is said
by D. Lopez to lie E. of Mpemba
and Mbamba.
Kisamu (Quisomo), village with chapel
two leagues above Masanganu.
Kisembo, 7.7 S., 13.1 E.
Kisembula (Kuzambulo), a sooth-
sayer, 87
Kisengula, a war hatchet, 34, 81
Kisengengele (Quicequelle), soba in
Masanganu district with church of
S. Anna.
Kisutu (Quixoto) village with church
(N.S. do Desterro), in Masanganu
district.
Kitaka, island in the Kwanza,
9.8 S., 15.7 E., 166
Kitangombe, " cattle dealer," soba
in Kisama, 146
Kitata, soba near Kakonda, 13.4 S.,
15.1 E., 182
Kizua, a soba in Kisama, 9.5 S.,
14.1 E., 146
Knivet, Anthony, his credibility, x,
travels, 6, 89-101
Kole (Cola, Icole), tributary of Lu-
kala, 9.1 S., 1 6. i E.
Kongo, kingdom, history, 102-135 ;
list of kings, 136 ; Battell's visit to
Kongo, 38 ; Kongo, river, 7 5 Kni-
vet's visits, 89, 94
Kongo dia Mulaza, 6.0 S., 16.0 E.
Konko a bele (Concobella), town.
The confused account given of
Girolamo of Montesarchio's visit to
that town, merely enables us to
locate it on the northern bank of
the Zaire. The place was likewise
visited by Luca of Caltanisetta
(Zucchelli, xviii, 3).
Konzo, one of the four days of the
week, and hence applied to places
where a market is held on that
day.
Koporolo, river, 12.9 S., 12.9 E. ,
1 60
Kuari. See Coary.
Kuilu (Quelle), river, 4.5 S., 11.7 E.,
52
Kulachimba, a warrior, 152
Kulachinga, a woman, 151, 152
Kulambo, a Jaga, 152
Kumbu ria Kaianga. See Combre.
Kumba ria Kina, 9.8 S., 14.7 E.
Kundi. See Nkundi.
Kurimba, or Kwimba ? (Corimba,
Incorimba), a district on the Kwan-
ft, 6.0 S., 17.0 E., 102 ; another
wimba, 6.1 S., 14.8 E.
Kurimba, bar of, 8.9 S., 13.1 E.,
144
Kuvu (Covo), river, 10,9 S., I3-9E. ,
19, 20, 161
Kwangu, river, formerly looked
upon as the principal source stream
of the Zaire (Zari anene, the " big
river''). It joins the Kasai 3.2 S. ,
17.3 E.
Kwangu (Ocango,Coango), kingdom,
after which the river is named, 4.5
S., 17.0 E., 102
Kwangu, a minor district (Coanga)
near Masanganu (Cavazzi, 440),
124. See Kiluanji kia Kwangu.
Kwanza (Coanza), the " river of
Ngola," 9.3 S., 13.2 E., 7, 10, 92,
106, 146, 149, 173
Lacerda, Carlos de, 182
Lacerda, Dr. J. M. de, 29, 69
Laco, Lopo Scares, 168, 169, 170
Laguos, Estevao de, 119
Lake, reported in Central Africa,
!59
Lamba (Ilamba), district, 9.3 S.,
14.3 E., 13, 146, 149
Longere, a chief in Kisama, 9.9 S.,
14.4 E., 27
Lead, discovered, 115
Ledo, cabo, 9.8 S., 13.3 E.
Lefumi, river. See Lufune.
Leigh in Essex, xi
Leitao, Manuel de Magalhaes, 180
Lelunda, river (D. Lopez), enters the
sea 6.9 S., 12.8 E.
Lemba. See Malemba.
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
201
Lemba, name of several villages or
chiefs in Kongo (Kongo di Lemba,
• 6.2 S., 14.2 E. ; Lemba, on coast,
8.3 S. ; Lemba Mbamba, 7.5 S.,
17.1 E.)
Lembo, village near Masanganu, 9.5
S.. 14.4 K., 181 .
Lencastre, D. Joiio de, 185, 190
Lendi, province of Kongo. A village
S.S.E. of S. Salvador, in
6.6 S., 14.5 E.
Lewis, Rev. Tho., quoted, xvii, 104,
197, 198, 210
Libations, 58, 73
Libolo. See Lubolo.
Light-horse man, 2, 3, 5
Lima, Lopez de, quoted, xx, 74, 117,
119, 140, 142, 143, 145, 146, 154,
163, 168, 169, 177, 178, 184, 187
Limoeiro, a prison at Lisbon, 169
Linschoten, quoted, x, 94
Livingstone, quoted, 164
Loanda. See Luandu.
Loango. See Luangu.
Lobo, Calx) do, with Cao's pillar, now
C. St. Maria, 13.4 S., 106
Logwood, 43. 53
Loje, river, 7.8 S., 13.2 E., 28
Longa, river, 10.3 S., 13.6 E., 26
Longeri (Loangele, or Luanjili), the
royal tombs of Luangu, 4.6 S., 11.9
51,86
Longo Leuys, river. See Luiza
Luangu.
Lopez 112
Lopez, Duarte, quoted, \, xix, 8, 9,
26, 47, 64, 68, 75, 97, no, in,
IIJ, 119, 121, 122
Lopo Goncalves, Cape, 0.6 S., 3
Loze, river. .SW Loje.
Luandu (Loanda), 8.7 S., 13.2 E.,
115, 116, I2i, 123, 140, 146;
Dutch occupation, 171-4; fortifi-
cations, 185
Luangu (Loango) kingdom, 4.68.,
i i.S I-:., 9, 43, 44. 49, 50, 86, 104 ;
11 in Luangu, 9
Luanjili. .s<v Longeri.
Lubolo (Libolo), olixtriet, formerly of
much \\idcr extent, IO.O S., 15.0
1.. 180
Luca of Caltanisetta, visit -
l)dl i, 3)
Luchilu ( I.U xil i jngu
an- . 178
Ludolfus, his projxjsed map of A
Lueji, priinvsx of I.umla, 151
Lufune (Lefumi), river, entering sea
in S.
Lui, river, enters Kwangu in 8.3 S.,
17.6 E.,is the Luinene("bigLui"),
called Lunino by Cavaz/i.
Luiza Luangu, river (Lovanga Luise,
Longo Luys), the Masabi, 5.0 S.,
12.0 E.
Lukala, river, tributary of Kwanza,
9.6 S., 14.2 E., 146, 166
Lukamba, district and feira, 9.4 S.,
15.5 E., 151, 168
Lukanza, camp, W. of Ngwalema,
149
Lula, province of Kongo (Paiva
Manso, 244) ; the mbanza, 5.3 S.,
15.7 E.
Lumbo, or upper Ngulungu.
Lumbu. <S« Pan/alunbu.
Lusum, river, crossed on road from
Mpinda to S. Salvador. Perhaps
the Litzn, a tributary of the Mpozo,
6.2 S., 14.0 E.
Lutatu, river of Bembe (Cavazzi, 13),
probably misprint for Cutato.
Luxilu. See Luchilu.
Mabumbula (Mbumbula), mwana
of Mpangala, 6.1 S., 14.6 E., 103
Machimba, 37, is probably identical
with Muchima village.
Madureira, (laspar Beiges de, 173
Magalhaes, 1 lenrique Jaques, 190
Magyar, Ladislas, quoted, 22, 26,
29, 152, 192
Maia, Baptists de, 181
Maize, 67
Majinga, Mwixi, a "man of
jinga," a term of contempt for
" Bushman" (Bentley, Dictionary,
364). .
Makaria kia matamba, village, 167
Makella colonge, chief, 9.88., 15.4
I '.. 26
Makoko, title of the King of the
Bateke (An/icana). perhaps more
correctly given as Nkaka, a title of
pect, lit " grandfather," 52,
124;;., 127, 132
Makota (plur. rikota), counsel!
;: chief.
Makunde (Makumbe), 9.6 S., 14.2
I 146
Makuta, ]*-rlups 0.3 S., 13.0
surrendered tO
n;i
Malemba (LemUi), a kingd..iu.
11.4 S
Malomba I >.
a inixpiint loi Malumba.
AND GLOSSARY.
Malombe, a " great lord" in Kisama,
9.8 S., 14.2 K, 37
Mamboma, an official in Luangu,
59 »•
Mambumba (D. Lopez), between
river Loje and Onzo, the same as
Mani Mbumbi.
Manuel, King of Portugal, no, in,
"3» J33> J37, 139
Manuel, King of Kongo, 137, 181
Manuel, brother of Afifonso I, of
Kongo, in, 113
Mangroves, 76
Manso, Paiva, quoted, xviii, 27, 72,
102, 108, no, in, 119, 121, 124,
125, 130, 169, 178, 181
Maopongo (Cavazzi), a corrupt spel-
ling of Mpungu a ndongo.
Maps, illustrating this volume, xv.
Maramara, river, between S. Sal-
vador and Kibangu (P. Manso), 351
Maramba, fetish in Yumba, 56, 82
Maravi, they are Zimbas and not
Jagas, 150
Marcador dos esclaves, an officer
charged with "branding3 'the slaves.
Margarita stone, 15. Garcia Si-
moes, the Jesuit, in 1575, says that
" provisions are bought for cloth
and margaridit." Rev. Tho. Lewis
suggests Ngameta, a special kind
of beads. It is just possible that
these " stones" may be perforated
quartz-pebbles, worn as beads, such
as were recently discovered by Mr.
Hobley in Kavirondo, where they
are highly valued. They are found
after thunder-storms, and of un-
known antiquity.
Masanganu, presidio, 9.6 S., 14.3
E., 7, 10, 13, 91, 92,99, 146, 155,
171, 173, 181
Mascarenhas, bishop Simao de,
124, 167, 189
Masicongo (Muizi Kongo), a Kongo
man, 1 2
Masongo, a "kingdom," the country
of the Songo, n.o S., 13.0 E.
Masinga, a " kingdom ;" perhaps
Majinga (q.v, ), hardly to be iden-
tified with the Chinge, beyond the
Kwangu.
Matama, King of Quimbebe (D.
Lopez). Perhaps identical with
Matimu. See Quimbebe.
Matamba, kingdom, 7,5 S., 16.5 E.,
113, 116, 121, 127, 141, 142,
167
Matamba Kalombo, King of Ma-
tamba, 167
Matambulas, the spirits of the King
of Kongo's ancestors, 116 n.
Matapa (D. Lopez), stands for Mono-
matapa, q. v.
M atari (Matadi). There are many
villages of that name. Cavazzi's
Matari, on road to Nsundi, 5.8 S.,
14.6 E.
Matimu, soba, in Ngangela, battle,
1 66
Matimbas (Batumba), or pygmies,
59.
Matinga, a town 60 miles N.-E. of
Cabo do Palmar (D. Lopez).
Mates, Simao de, 129
Matta, Cordeira da, quoted, xx, 103,
141
Mattos, R. J. da Costa, quoted,
114
Maxilongos, the people of Sonyo
(Paiva Manso, 350), should be
Osolongo, or Musurongo.
Mayombe (Yumba), country, 3.3 S.,
10.7 E., 53, 82
Mbaji, a "palaver place," corrupted
into Ambassi. See S. Salvador.
Mbaka (Ambaca), first fort, 9.4 S.,
14.7 E., 158 ; new fort, 9.3 S.,
15.4 E., 163
Mbakambaka. See Bakkebakke.
Mbale (Mombales), 6.5 S., 12.7 E.,
42
Mbalundu (Bailundo), 12.2 S.,
15.7 E., 172
Mbamba, province of Kongo, 12,
123. The chief Mbanza is probably
identical with Kiballa, 7.5 S.,
14.0 E.
Mbamba (Dapper, 577), district of
Lamba, 9.1 S., 14.0 E.
Mbamba a mpungu, village on river
Mbengu (Garcia Mendes, ii), 8.9 S.,
14.1 E.
Mbamba Tunga, soba, 147, 158
Mbanza, residence of a chief or king.
Mbata, province of Kongo, capital,
5.8 S., 15.4 E., 39, 104, 120
Mbemba, same as Mpemba, or
Mbamba, 42
Mbembe. See Bembe.
Mbengu (Bengo), river, 5.7 S.,
13.3 E., 39, 155, 168
Mbila, sepulture, 165
Mbiriji (Ambriz), river, 7.3 S.,
12.9 E., 131, 132
Mbuila (Ambuila), 8.0 S., 15.7 E.,
120, 176, 181
Mbuila amduwa (Ambuila dua, 168
Mbuku (Buck), 4.9 S., 12.3 E.; and
many others of the same name.
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
26}
Mbula, one of royal residences of i
Kongo, perhaps 5.2 S., 15.0 E., I
134
Mbula matadi, D. Francisco, carried J
off by the Devil, 121. There are ;
several villages named Matadi or !
Matari ("stones"), and a mbula
matari lies beyond the Zaire in 5.5
S., 13 4 E.
Mbumba a ndala, solxi in Angola,
J59
Mbumbi, soba in Mbamba, 7.9 S.,
13.6 K., 123
Mbundu, root of a species of strych-
s.9 w.
Mbwela (Amlwelle), 7.8 S., 15.0
(F. de SaUesFerreira, .-/;/. do Cons.
////;-., ii, 1859, p. 59), 126
Mechow, Major, quoted, 199, 210
Mello daCunha, Yasco de, 177
Mello, Fernao de, 115
Mendes Castellobranco, C.arcia,
quoted xvii, 14, 63, 64, 65, I2O,
143-147, 145, 146, 154, 155, 162
Mendes, Pedro, quoted, 130
Mendes. Ruy, 115
Mendonc^a, j<>ao Furtado de, 17, 93,
155, i8«
Mendon<^a, Antonio Texeira de, 173,
174. 189
Menezes, Goncalo de Alcacova
Carneiro Carvalho da Costa de,
is,
Menezes, Luis Cesar de, 190
Menezes, (loncalo da Costa de Alca-
Carneiro de, 184, 190
Menezes, I'edm Cc/ar dc, 171-173,
1 86, 189
Menezes e Souza, Ayres de Sal-
danha de, 190
Merolla, (iirolanm. of Sorrento, 132
Messa D. LI.JK.V.) is a town n
Mm
Mfinda a ngulu, forest between
Sonyo and S. Salvador, 6.2 S.,
13.2 I
Mfinda a
nkongo (I1. Mans.., 355),
1 <>l Lukunga, 5.2 S. ,
14.3
Mfuma ngongo, 6.3 S., 13.5 I
Miguel, Rained
Military organisation, 185
Millet, 17
Mimos, ^ynonyni of I!.
Miracles, in, 121. 124;;., 124, 127,
130
Miranda, Antonio • !••, 172
Missions in K 110,111.
M'tion of I. - 111 .ii}.
117; scandalous conduct, 122;
small results, 123, 126 ; heretic
Dutchmen, 126; troubles in Sonyo,
132; failure in Kongo, 133; mis-
sion in Angola, 139, 183, 187
Mo-. See Mu-.
Moanda, 5.98., 12.3 E., 49
Mocata. See Makuta.
Mocicongo (I). Lopez), should be
mwizi- Kongo, a native of Kongo
(plur. Ezikongo).
Mococke, 52, a corrupt spelling of
Makoko.
Modiku, islands in upper Kwanza,
9.78., 15.9 E.
Moenemugi (Mwene muji), " Lord of
villages in the country of the
Maravi, 150
Mofarigosat, a " lord " in Benguella, •
10.98., 14.1 E , 22, 23
Moko a nguba, mani, in Kongo
(I'aiva Manso), 109
Mols, Fort, 9.38., 13. 2 E., 173
Molua, frequently used as a synonym
for Lunda, means "carrier of in-
formation " (Carvalho, fcthnogra-
////Vz), 66
Mombales (Mbale), 6.5 S., 12.7 E.,
72
Monomatapa (Mwanamtapa), the
famous empire to the E. of the
Zambesi.
Monsobos (I). Lopez), elsewhere
called Mu/onibi. They are the
Xombo of Mbata.
Monsul, capital of the Makoko, a
corruption of Monjol, "scratch-
faces " (?)
Monte di Ferro. See Ferro.
Monteiro, quoted, 15, 17, 21, 24, 31,
47, 66, 68
Monte negro, with Cao's pillar,
15.7 S., 107
Montes queimados, "burnt moun-
tain^ "(I >. Lopez), 6.98., 15. 1 E.,
Monti freddi, and Xevosi (D.
Lo] nv I. »S<r Fria.
Moon, Mountains of the ; these
fabulous mountains, «.;i Pi^af. tla's
map, rise in 25.0 S.
Moraes, Antonia Texeira dc, 175
Morales, Diogo (Jome/ dc, 128, 172,
1 80
Morales, I )i..^, . Menda <le, 175
Morim, I, , 181
Moriscoes, or Moormen, 10
Morombes, 55, 59, a mispiini l..r
Morro de Benguella, 10.8 S.,
'3 •:
2O4
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
Morumba, 82, a town 30 leagues N.
of Luangu ; should be Mayumba (?).
Moseche. See Museke.
Mosombi. See Zombo.
Mosul. See Musulu.
Motemmo. See Mutemu.
Motolo, an inland district in Mbam-
ba, N. of the Mbengu or Dande
(D. Lopez) ; Kabanda is in Motolo
(Garcia Mendes), 8.7 S., 14.6 E.
Mpangala, district in Kongo, 6.0 S.,
14.6 E., 103, 104
Mpangu, or Ulolo, on road from
Nsundito Mbata, 5.4 S., 14.9 E. (?)
Mpangu ( Panga), a lordship bestowed
upon the bishop D. Henrique, in
1625 (Paiva Manso, 51), seems to
be identical with Mpahgu-lungu.
Mpangu-lungu, the Pango or Pan-
galungo of Cavazzi, S. 454, and
D. Lopez, variously spelt Pange-
lungu or Pamzelungua in King
Affonso's letters (Paiva Manso, 29,
36, 41), is undoubtedly a district on
the lower Kongo, bordering upon
the country of the Musurongo.
There are numerous villages called
Mpangu, several of which are indi-
cated upon our map, but the Mbanza
of Mpangu, according to Lopez,
was near the river Barbela, which
is another name for the Kongo. See
also Mpanzu alumbu, 115, 116.
Mpanzu-alumbu (Panzu or Pazo-
alumbu) a village or district on the
lower Kongo, either in Mpangu-
lungu or that district itself. King
Affonso (Paiva Manso, 50) calls
himself " Lord of the Conquest of
Pazoallumbo," and does not men-
tion Pangalungu, which' certainly
was a district incorporated with
Kongo in his day. Bastian (Exped.
an der Loangokuste, i, 289), men-
tions a village Mpanzo, and another
Mpanzo mfinda (" Mpanzo in the
Wood") as being near Sonyo.
Mpangu and Mpanzu may possibly
be interchangeable, just as Lopez
gives the name of Mpango to the
fourth king of Kongo, whom others
call Mpanzu, 112, 113
Mpanzu anzinga, King of Kongo,
130, 131, 137
Mpemba, province of Kongo, capital,
7.1 S., 14.8 E.
Mpemba-kasi, district around S.
Salvador, 103, 131
Mpinda, 6.1 S., 12.4 £.,42, no, 115,
121, 161
Mpozo, river, enters Kongo at
Matadi, 5.8 S., 13.5 E.
Mpunga, an ivory trumpet. See
Ponge.
Mubela, village with chapel, in Bengo
(Mbengu.)
Muchima, presidio and soba, 9.4 S.,
13.9 E., 146, 155, 174, 1 86
Mucondo. See Nkondo.
Muene, in Angole, a title, lord,
owner. Ngana (Nga-) is a syno-
nym.
Mugi. See Muzi.
Mukimba, cattle-breeders in hills of
Benguella, 14.0 S., 13.0 E., 160
Mulato children, born white, 49
Mulaza (Kongo dia Mulaza) 6.0 S.,
16.3 E.
Mundequetes, derived from Nteke,
plur. Manteke or Anazinteke, our
Bateke.
Muongo Matamba, queen, 167
Mur^a, Francisco de, 132
Muromba, river N. of Felippe de
Benguella, perhaps the Balombo,
ii. o S., 13.8 E., 160
Musasa, the wife of Dongy, a Jaga,
Museke, "farm," or country-house,
and hence used to denote the
vicinity of a town. There is thus
a Museke of Luandu, a Museke of
Masanganu, etc., 156
Muswalu, province of Kougo, 112
Musuku, province of Kongo, 112.
The Maungu, a tribe extending
eastward across the Kwangu (8.0
S.), are also known as Musuku ;
a village Musuku lies on the lower
Zaire.
Musulu (Mosul), 8.5 S., 13.3 E., 120
Musurongo, or Asolongo, the people
of Sonyo, 130
Mutemu, Ndembu, at head of navi-
gation of the Lufune, 8.2 S.. 14.3 E.
Mutemu Kavongonge, 8.2 S., 15.3
E.
Mutemukingengo, ndembu, about
7.9 S., 15.0 E., 180
Mutiny at Luandu, 186 ; at Masan-
ganu, 181
Muyilu, province of Kongo, 112
Muzombi(D. Lopez), are the Zombo
in Mbatu, 5.8 S., 15.5 E.
Muzi zemba (Muge azemba), soba
in Lamba, 149 '
Mwana, in Kongo, a title, son ;
mwana, a ntinu, prince ; synonyms
are Muene, Muata, Ngana. Mani
is a corruption.
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
205
Mwana mtapa, famous empire on
lower Zambezi, described as Bene-
motapa, 61
Nabo angungo. -SV< Nambu a
ngongo.
Nambu Calamba (Nambua kalam-
bu), village, 14. Dapper, 397,
mentions Namboa and Kalumha as
-eparate but contiguous dis-
tricts east of Ikolo, about 8.9 S.,
13.7 E.
Nambu a ngongo (Uambo ngongo ?)
S.j 14.5 E. : invaded by Por-
tuguese, 123 ; rebellion, 172, iSo.
Another soba of that name lives
in Kisama, 158
Nassau, John Moritzof, 171
Ndala. .V<v Andala.
Native policy of the Portuguese, 65
Ndamba (I)amba), district in Kongo, ;
- . 15.3 1..
Ndamba (I)ambe) a ndembu, 7.8 S., I
14.7 E., 181
Ndamba, a musical instrument, 47
Ndangi (Danji), island in Kwanza, j
5 E. ? 165, 166, 167
Ndemba (Demlia of "Battell, erron-
eously called Adenda). salt mines
in Kisama, 9.9 S., 13.8 E., 36,
37, 154, 162
Ndembu (plur. jindembu), potentate.
The commonwealth of these home-
rulers lie> to the N. of the Dande,
oE.
Ndombe (Dombe), country around
Felippe de Henguella, 13.0 S.,
13.3 E., 17, 160
Ndondo, fdra, 9.7 S., 14.5 E., 168
Ndonga, a soba in Ndongo, 164
Ndongo (the native name of Angola),
140, list of kings, 142
Ndundu. or Albino-,. 48, 81
Negreiros, Andre Yidal de, 189
Negro, Cabo, 15.7 S., 171
Negro, Calx., 3.2 S., 10.5 E., 53
Neves, Capt. A. K., quoted, 28, 150,
151, 199
Nevosi, monti. Sec Eria, monti.
Nganga, a wise man, medicine-man,
priest.
Ngangela (C.angiiella), a nick
for the inland trih«-x. Little
Njpuig< la is identical \\ i:h th<-
Bangala country, 9.5 S., 17.7 I .
Ngazi (Ingasia of I
Nginga .s. . Nzinga.
Ngola, title or name of kings of
Xdongo.
Ngola ari, king, 164, 165, 178
Ngola Bumbumbula, founder of
kingdom of Ndongo, 142 ;;.
Ngola a nzinga, jaga of Matamba,
142 ;/.
Ngola ineve, 142
Ngola kabuku, soba in Kisama, 180.
Another Kabuku now lives on the
Lukala, 9.4 S., 15.0 E.
Ngola kalungu. a soba near Kam-
kunhe, 9.8 S., 14.6 E., 147
Ngola kanini, 177
Ngola kiluanji, 142 ;/. 145
Ngola kiluanji kia Samba, full
title of kings. A chief of that title
occupied site of Duque de lira
ganca, 8.9 S., 16. E., 41, 141 n.
Ngola kitumba, soba in Lubolo, 180
Ngola mbandi, 117, 142, 165, 169
Ngola ndambi, 140
Ngola njimbu (Golla gimbo), near
Kakonda, in Benguella, 182
Ngola njinga mbandi, king, 163,
164
Ngola's river (the Kwan/.a), 139
Ngola Ngolome a kundu, a soba on
the Kwanza, 9.5 S., 14.2 E., 143
Ngolome, a soba on the Kwanza,
9.48., 14.2 E., 143
Ngolome aquitamboa. See Ngwa-
lema.
Ngolome a kayiti. Sec Ngwalema.
Ngombe (Ingombe), chief town of
Ngazi, 8.8 S., 14.3 E., 14, 15, 124,
1SS
Ngombe a muchana, 8.4 S. , 13. 5 E.
Ngombe kabonde, S.7S., 13.7 K.
Ngongo. S,Y C.ongon, 38
Ngongo, a chief in Lubolo, 151, 152
Ngongo ka anga (Kanga) of Nsela
(Sheila), ISO
Ngoya (Angoy), kingdom, 5.'
12.3 E., 42, 104
NgulungU (C.olungo), a region be-
tween the Lukala ami Mbengu,
9.0 S., 14.5 K., 149, 179
Ngumbiri, fetish, 49, 81
Ngunga mbamba, sol>a in Lul>olo,
I So
Ngunzaa ngombe, chief in Ndongo,
164
Ngunzaa mbamba, in llako, n
15.3 K., 180
Ngwalema (Ngolome) a Kayitu,
i in Ngidungu, 179
Ngwalema a kitambu. tin- Ngoli.nu-
akitaml.u.i o( \ I. I NttUtC ' I". i/<>
: ' |), and the
206
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
Anguolome aquitambo of Garcia
Mendes, 9.1 S., 15.8 E., 143, 148
Njimbu, native name for cowries.
Njimbu a mbuji (Gimbo Amburi) a
fetish place, about 5.9 S., 14.5 E.
Nkanda Kongo, of Girolamo of
Montesarchio, is perhaps identical
with a modern village, Nkandu,
4.8 S., 14.9 E.
Nkandu, one of the four days of the
Kongo week, and hence applied to
a place where a market is held on
that day.
Nkishi. See Fetish.
Nkondo (Mucondo), district between
Sonyo and Kibango, 16.7 S.,
14.1 E., 131
Nkanga. See Cango.
Nkundi (Kundi), female chief in
Kwangu, 4.7 S., 16.8 E., 126
Nkusu (Incussu), 26, district in
Kongo, 6.7 S., 15.0 E., 126
Nogueira, A. F., quoted, 103, 194,
207
Nombo (Numbu), river, enters
Xilungu Bay, 4.3 S., 11.4 E., 53
Nsaku (Ca§uto) Cao's hostage, 106,
108
Nsata, a district in Kongo, 7.8 S.,
16.0 E., 125
Nsanda. See Banyan tree.
Nsanga, of Girolamo Montesarchio,
is perhaps identical with a modern
village, Nsanga, 4.7 S., I5-2E.
Nsela (Sheila), district, 11.3 S., 15.0
E., 1 80
Nsongo, a province of Mbata (Cav-
azzi, 6), 4.4 S., 16.5 E. ?
Nsonso (Zucchelli, xvii, 3), a district
above Nsundi, the capital of which
is Incombella (Konko a bela).
Nsoso (Nsusu), a province of Mbata,
6.7 S., 15.5 L.
Nsundi (Sundi), province of Kongo,
capital perhaps, 5.2 S., 14.3 E.,
109
Ntinu, King of Kongo, 102
Ntotela, title of King of Kongo, 102,
136
Nua Nukole (Nuvla nukole), river,
(«««, mouth), 10.2 S., 15.4 E.
Numbi. See Nombo.
Nzari, or Nzadi, "great river," ap-
plied to the river Kongo (Zaire) and
its tributaries.
Nzenza, said to be the proper name
of the river Mbengu, and is also
the name of several districts, as
Nzenza of Ngulungu, the chief
place of which is Kalungembo,
9.2 S., 14.2 E. Nzenza means
river-margin ; Nzanza, table-land.
Nzenza a ngombe, a Jaga in Ndon-
go, 168
Nzinga a mona (D. Antonio Car-
rasco), king, 176, 177
Nzinga mbandi ngola (D. Anna de
Souza), the famous queen, 141, 142,
163, 164, 165, 173, 176, 181
Nzinga mbandi ngolo, kiluanji, 163
Oacco. See Hako.
Oarij. See Ari.
Ocango. See Kwangu.
Offerings, 77
Oliveira, Manuel Jorge d', 149
Oliveira, bishop Joao Franco de, 177
Oloe, a river, which on the map of
D. Lopez, flows past S. Salvador,
and enters the Lilunda (Lunda) — an
impossibility. The river flowing
past S. Salvador is the Luezi.
Onzo, or Ozoni (D. Lopez), 8.2 S.,
13-3 E.
Orta, Garcia d', quoted, 119
Ostrich eggs, beads, 31. Mr. Hobley
suggests to me that these may
merely be discs cut out of the shell
of ostrich eggs and then perforated,
such as he saw used as ornaments in
Kavirondo.
Ouuando, seems to be a region to the
N. of Encoge and the river Loje.
Rebello de Aragao, p. 20, calls it
Oombo (Wumbo) and says the
copper mines of Mpemba are
situated within it. J. C. Carneiro
(An. do cons, ultr, ii, 1861, p. 172)
says that the proper name is
Uhamba (pronounced Wamba) or
Ubamba. Dapper calls it Oando
(pronounced Wando). Rev. Thos.
Lewis tells me that the natives pro-
nounce d, b, and v quite indistinctly,
and suggests Wembo. He rejects
Ubamba as a synonym. From all
this we may accept Wembo, Wandu,
or Wanbo as synonymous. See
Wembo.
Oulanga. See Wanga.
Outeiro, the " Hill," a vulgar desig-
nation of S. Salvador.
Ozoni. See Onzo.
Pacheco, Manuel, 116, 139
Padrao, Cabo do, at Kongo mouth,
6.1 S., 12.4 E., 105, 107, 125
Palm cloth, 9, 31, 43, 50, 52
Palm oil, 7
Palm wine, 30, 32
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
207
Palm trees, 69
Palmar, Cabo or Punta do, 5.6 S.,
12. i E.
Palmas, Cabo das, on Guinea
coast, 2
Palongola, a village one mile out-
side S. Salvador (Cavazzi.) No
such village exists now.
Palongola, kilombo of Kasanji ka
Kinjuri in Lit tie Ngangela( Cavazzi,
42, 78i, 793)-
Pampus Bay, Dutch name given to
S. Antonio Bay at Kongo mouth,
126
Pangu. S<\ Mpangu.
Panzu. St-i Mpanzu.
Parrots, 54
Partridges, 63
Paul III, Pope, 113
Peacocks, sacred birds, 26
Peas, 67
Pechuel-Loesche, quoted, 18, 40,
43' 54, 55» 60, 66, 76, 104
Pedras da Ambuila, are the Pedras
de Nkoski, or the "Roca" S. of
the Presidio de Encoge, 7.7 S.,
15.4 E., 129
Pedro, King of Portugal, 181
Pedro I, Kini^ of Kongo, 117, 136
Pedro II, King of Kongo, 123, 137
Pedro III, KiiiLj of Kongo, 131,
!37
Pedro IV, King of Kongo, 130,
133, 137
Pedro Constantino, King of Kongo,
itti '38
Pedro, Dom, negro ambassador to
Portugal, no
Pegado, Captain Ruy, 175
Peixoto, Antonio Lopez, 19, 147
Peixoto, Manuel Fix-is, 176
Pelicans, 63
Pemba. Set Mpemba.
Penedo de Bruto, 9.1 S., 13.7 E.,
U"
Pereira, Andre Fercira, 144, 148
Pereira, I.ui' Ferreira, 149
Pereira, Mann . 37, 38,39,
72, 156, 159, 161, 182, 188
Pete (puit.i), a musical instrument,
'.33
Pheasants,
Philip of Spain, Kin;; of Portugal,
121, 153, 169
Philip II. K l|K-l'» I22
Phillips, K. (.'., <|ii -tied, xvii, 15, 17,
45
Pigafetta. «ju i t, 42. 74,
Pimcntal, quou ,
Pina, Ruy de, quoted, 104, 108
Pinda. Str Mpinda.
Pinto, Serpo, quoted, 1 7
Pirates, 170, 175
Piri, the lowland of Luangu, inhabi-
ted by the liavili.
Pitta, Antonio Gone-alves, 121, 159
Plata, Rio de la, 4
Plymouth, departure, 2
Poison ordeals. 59, 6l, 73, 80
Pongo (Mpunga), an ivory trumpet,
15. 21, 33. 47, 86
Pontes, Vicente Pegado de, 175
Portuguese knowledge of inner
Africa, xv ; massacre of Portuguese
in Angola, 145 ; in Kongo, 105
Poultry, 63
Prata, Serra da, the supposed " silver
mountain" near Kambambe, 27
Prazo, Porto do, the bay of the
Kongo.
Prohibitions. See Tabu.
Proyart, ciuoted, 64
Pumbeiros (from 1'nmbclu^ hawker),
in Kongo, the country of the
Avumbu, the trading district about
Stanley Pool is knovvn as Mpumbu
(Bentley). See p. 164 for " Shoe-
less Pumbeiros."
Punga, an ivory trumpet. See Pongo.
Purchas, as editor, xi
Pungu a ndongo, 9.7 S., 15.5. E.,
i43» 17*
Pygmies, 59
Quadra, Gregorio de, 116
Quelle (Kuilu), river, 4.5 S., 11.7 E.,
52
Quesama. Sec Kisama.
Queimados. serras, " burnt moun-
tains'' <;I). Lopez), about 6.9 S.,
15-3 I'--
(uesanga, a fetish, 24
Sec Ki.
ugoango. See Kinkwan^o.
|uina (Kina), sepulture, 166
lioa. Sec Kiowa.
lisama ma.
limbebe of D. \.<>\>c/, I believe
night to have been spelt nuimU-be
(pron. Kiinbenibe), and to be iden-
tical with (\iva//i'> ui.le disiiict of
Hcmbe (Ml>einbe). Its king,
Mataina, may have been the Matima
(Mathenio) near \\hose Kilombo
:!e«l. p. l()0.
The P.i-shimba. or Masimba (\o-
'iliini; to do with this Kim-
. I. at may have iMven origin
208
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
to the Cimhebasia of the mission-
aries. See Bembe.
Quingi. See Kind.
Quinguego (D. Lopez). Sue Kin-
gengo.
Rafael, king of Kongo, 130, 131, 137
Raft, built by Battell, 41
Rain-making in Luangu, 46
Rangel, D. Miguel Baptista, bishop,
122
Rapozo, Luiz Mendes, 147
Rebello, Pedro Alvares, 154
Resende, Garcia de, quoted, 104, 108
Revenue, administrative reforms, 169
Ribeiro, Christovtao, Jesuit, 118
Ribeiro, Gon9alo Rodrigues, 1 1 1
Rimba, district, 11.5 S., 14.5 E., 1 80
Rio de Janiero, 6.
" Roebuck," voyage of, 89
Rolas, Ilheodas, islet off S. Thome, 3
Roza, Jose de, 186
Sa, Diogo Rodrigo de, 129
Sa, Salvador Correa de, governor of
Rio, 90, 93
Sa de Benevides, Salvador Correa
de, 174, 189
Sabalo, inland town S.-E., of Sela
(D. Lopez).
Sakeda, mbanza in Lubolo, 180
Salag, mani, 50. Dennett suggests
Salanganga% Rev. Tho. Lewis
Salenga.
Salaries of officials in 1607, 163
Saldanha de Menezes e Sousa,
Ayres de, 190
Saltpeter mountains (Serras de Sal-
nitre), of D. Lopez, are far inland,
to the east of the Barbela.
Salt mines, 36, 37, 160
Samanibanza, village in Mbamba, 14
Santa Cruz of Tenerife, 2
S. Cruz, abandoned fort on the
Kwanza, perhaps at Isandeira,
9.1. S., 13.4 E., 146 n.
S. Felippe de Benguella, 12.6 S.,
15.4 E., 1 60, 170, 173, 183
S. Miguel, Roque de, 157
S. Miguel, fort and morro, 8.8 S.,
13.2 E., 145, 170, 174
S. Paulo de Loande, 8. 8 S. , 1 3. 2 E. ,
7, 13, 144, 157, 171-174. See also
Luandu.
S. Pedro, Penedode, (perhaps identi-
cal with the Penedo de A. Bruto,
9.1 S., 13.7 E.), 145
San Salvador, 6.2 S., 14.3 E., the
Portuguese name of the capital of
Kougo, also referred to simply as
" Outeiro," the Hill, on the ground
of its situation. The native names
are Mbaji a ekongo (the palaver place
of Kongo), Mbaji a nkanu (the place
of judgment), Nganda a ekongo or
Ngandekongo (the "town") or
ekongo dia ngungo (town of church-
bells, because of its numerous
churches), 103, 109, 117, 123, 131,
S. Sebastian, in Brazil, 6
S. Thome, island, 139
Schweinfurth, quoted, 67
Seals in the Rio de la Plata, 5
Seat See Sette.
Sebaste, name given by Dias to
Angola, 145
Sebastian, King of Portugal, 145
Sela. See Nsela.
Sequeira, Bartholomeu Duarte de,
177
Sequeira, Francisco de, 148
Sequeira, Luiz Lopez de, 129, 153,
177, 178, 1 80
Serra comprida, the " long range,"
supposed to extend from C. Catha
rina to the Barreira vermelha,
1.8 to 5.3 S.
Serrao, Joao, 146
Serrao, Luiz de, 144, 147, 148, 150,
1 88
Sette, 2.6 S., 10 3 E., 58
Shelambanza. See Shilambanze.
Shells, as ornaments, 31, 32
Shilambanza, 26, 86 (a village of the
uncle of King Ngola), and Axilam-
bansa (a village said to belong to the
king's father-in-law), are evidently
the same place, situated about 9.8
S., 15.1 E.
Shingiri, a diviner, soothsayer.
Sierra Leone, supposed home of the
Jaga, 19
lilva,
Silva, Antonio da, 180
Silva, Gaspar de Almeida da, 182
Silva, Luiz Lobo da, 190
Silva, Pedro da, 182
Silva e Sousa, Joao da, 190
Silver and silver mines, 27, 113, 115,
122, 128, 140, 145
Silver mountain (Serra da Prata),
supposed to be near Kambambe.
Simaoda Silva, 112
Simoes, Garcia, Jesuit, 143, 144,
202
Sims, Rev. A., quoted, 198
Singnilamento (Cavazzi, 189, 198),
a divination, from Shing'iri, a
diviner.
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
209
Sinsu, a district on Mbengu river,
N. of Luandu (Dapper), 8.7 S.,
13-3 E.
Slave trade, 71, 96, 135, 157
Scares, Joao, Dominican, no
Scares. ".Manuel da Rocha, 182
Scares, Silvestre, 124
Soba, kinglet, chief, only used S. of
the river Dande.
Segno, pronounced Sonyo, q.v.
Soledade, P. Fernando de, 108
Sollacango (Si)l;inkani;u), a small
lord in Angola, 14. Perhaps iden-
tified with Kikanga, 8.9 S., 13.8 E.
Songa, village on the Kwanza, 9.3
S., 13.9 E., 37, 156
Songo, a tribe, ii.oS., iS.oE., 152,
166
Sense, a province of Kongo (P.
Mans. i, 244), to N.E. of S. Salva-
dor. 15.7 S., 14.5 E. ?
Sonyo (Sonho), district on lower
Kongo, 6.2 S., 12.5 E., 42, 104
(origin of name).
Sorghum, 67
Sotto-maior, Francisco de, 173,
189
Sousa, Balthasar d' Almeida de, 154
Sousa, Christovfio Dorte de, 118
Sousa, Luiz de, quoted, 108
Sousa, Ruy de, 108
Souza, Fernao de, 168, 189
Souza. Cion9alo de, 108
Souza, Joao Correa de, 123, 164,
169, 187
Souza, Joao de, 108
Souza. J..M- Antonio de, 134
Souza Chichorro, Luiz Martini de,
189
Several, Dingo, Jesuit, 118
Soveral, 1 r n i^co, bishop, 168
Sowonso (Sonsu), village 14
Spelling, rules followed, xvii
Stanley, Sir H. M., quoted, 198
Sulphur discovered, 160
Sumba mbela', district at the Kuvu
mouth, 10. S S., 14.0 E., 160. On
modern maps ii j> called Amboella.
Sumbe • •• Leone, are not
Jaga, 150
Sun mountains (Scrras do Sol) of
I). I,opez, E. of Mbata and
Sundi. Sec Nsiindi.
Susa, diftrid <.f Matamba, 7.8 S.,
16.6 !
Sutu Bay, 9.7 S., 13.3 E., 173
Tabu (prohibitions), 57, 78
Tacula r, <1 ,.m«K r,), 82
Talama ratumbo (S. Joao Bautista),
in Nzenza do Ngulungu, 9.2 S.,
14.2 E.
Tala mugongo, mountain, 9.8. S.,
17.5 E.
Tamba, district, 10. 1 S., 15.5 E.,
180
Tari (Tadi) ria nzundu, district in
Kongo. A Tadi, 4.9 S., 15.2 E. ;
a Nzundu^ 5.6 S., 14.9 E.
Tavale, a musical instrument, 21
Tavares, Bernardo de Tavora Sousa,
190
Tavora. Francisco de, 178, 190
Teeth, filed or pulled out, 37
Teka ndungu, near Kambambe,
9.7 S., 14.6 E., 147
Temba ndumba, a daughter of
Dongy, 152
Tenda (Tinda), town between
Ambrize and Loze (D. Lopez).
Theft, its discovery, 56, 80, 83
Tihman, Captain, 125
Tin mines, 1 19.
Tombo, village, 9.1 S., 13.3 E., 36,
MS
Tondo (Tunda), a district, 10.0 S.,
15.0 E., 26
Tovar, Joseph Pellicer de, quoted,
126
Treaties with Holland, 128, 175
Trials before a fetish, 56, 80, 83
Trombash, or war-hatchet, 34, 86
Tuckey, Capt., quoted, 77
Turner, Thomas, ix, 7, 71
Ukole, island in Kwanza, 9.7. S.,
15.7 E.
Ulanga, battle of 1666, 7.7 S., 17.4
I "... 127, 179
Ulhoa, I). Manuel de, bishop, 122
Ulolo. Sec Mpangu.
Umba, district of, 8.1 S., 16.7 E.,
167
Vaccas, Bahia das, 12.6 S., 13.4
K., 1 6, 29, 1 60
Vamba, river. See Vumba.
Vamma, district at mouth of Dande
(Dapper), S.5S., 13.3 E.
Vambu a ngongo, a \as-al < .f K< >n^« >.
in l lie south, \\ho sided \\ith Hie
I '« -it HIM: . ins to be ideil-
1 \\illi Nainliu a n^ongo, y. v.
Vasconcellos, Ernesto, quoted, 210
Vasconcellos, Lui/ Mendes de, 163,
1 88
Vasconcellos da Cunha, Bartho-
lomew 127, 189
P
2IO
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
Vasconcellos da Cunha, Francisco
de, 167-170, 174, 179, 189
Veanga (Paiva Manso, 244), a prince
of Kongo. Rev. Tho. Lewis sug-
gests Nkanga, E. of S. Salvador, 6.3
S., 14.6 E.
Vellez, Joao Castanhosa, 147
Velloria, Joao de, 149, 153, 155
Verbela, a river, perhaps the same as
Barbela (Duarte Lopez).
Viera, Antonio, 113
Vieira, Antonio, a negro, 1 1 9
Vieira, Joao Fernandez de, 173, 179,
183-185, 189
Vilhegas, Diogo de. See Antonio
de Denis.
Voss, Isaac, his work on the Nile, xv
Vumba (Va-umba, "at or near Um-
ba,") a river that runs to the Zaire
(Lopez), called Vamba ( Cavazzi) =
the Hamba (C. and I). Mechow
(Abh. G. F. E., 1882, p. 486)
mentions a large river Humba to
the E. of the Kwangu ; a river
Wamba joins the lower Kwangu ;
another Vamba joins the lower
Zaire, and leads up to Porto Rico.
(Vasconcellos,^/., 1882, 734); and
there is a river Umba or Viimba in
E. Africa. ( Vumba = to make pots,
in Kongo). Vamba is perhaps
another name for the Kwangu.
Vunda, district of Kongo (Paiva
Manso, 104) ; but Vunda means
"to rest," and there are many of
these mid day halting-places of the
old slave gangs, the villages where
they passed the night being called
Vemadia, i.e., Ave Maria (Tho.
Lewis). A village Vunda, on the
Kongo, 5.2 S., 13.7 E.
Walkenaer, quoted, 19, 22
Wamba, river. See Vumba.
Wembo, or Wandu, district 7.5 S.,
15.0 E., 123, 126. See Ouuanda.
Welwitsch, quoted, 16, 17
West India Company, Dutch, 170
Wheat (maize), 7, 1 1
Wilson, Rev. Leighton, quoted, 134
Witchcraft, 61
Women, first European, at Luandu,
T55
Wouters, a Belgian capuchin, 132
Ybare. See Ibare.
Yumba, country, 3.3 S., 10.7 E. 53,
82
Zaire, (Nzari, orNzadi). See Kongo.
Zariambala, (Nzari Ambala of Zuc-
chelli, probably the Mamballa R.
of Turkey, which is the main chan-
nel of the Kongo in 12.9 E.
Zebra, and zebra tails, 33, 63
Zenze (Nzenza), river bank, Nzanza,
table land, said to be the proper
name of the river M'bengu, and
also the name of several districts.
Zenze angumbe. See Nzenza.
Zerri (Chera), N. of Mboma, 5.8 S.,
13.1 E.
Zimba, the first Jaga, 152 ; the Zimba
are identical with the Maravi in
^East Africa, 150
Zimbo* soldiers of a Jaga (Cavazzi,
183)-
Zoca, an inland town, S. of Mbata
(D. Lopez). '
Zolo (Nzolo), a village on road from
S. Salvador to Mbata, 6.0 S.,
15.1 E.
Zombo, (Mosombi), the tribe in-
habiting Mbata, 5.8 S., 15.5 E.
Zongo, of Cavazzi, Mosongo of
Rebello de Aragoa; our Songo,
ii. o S., 17.5 E.
Zucchelli, Antonio, 132, 184, 186
LONDON :
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REV. GEORGE PERCY BADGER. Issued for 1870.
46— The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.
Vol. 2. Issued for 1871.
46 -The Canarian,
Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in the year 1402,
by Messire Jean de Bethencourt, Kt. Composed by Pierre Bontier and Jean
le Verrier. Translated and Edited by R. H. MAJOR.
Issued for 1871.
47— Reports on the Discovery of Peru.
Translated and Edited by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B.
Issued for 1872.
48— Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas.
Translated and Edited by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.
Issued for 1872.
49— Travels to Tana and Persia,
By Josafa Uarbaro and Ambrogio Contarini ; Edited by LORD STANLKY of
Alderley. With Narratives of other Italian Travels in Persia. Translated and
Edited by CHARLES GREY. Issued for 1873.
50-Voyages of the Zeni
To the Northern Seas in the Fourteenth Century. Translated and Edited
by R. H. MAJOR. Issued for 1873.
51 -The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55,
Among the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by ALBERT TooTAL,
Esq., and annotated by SIR RICHARD F. BURTON.
Issued for 1874.
52 -The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan.
Translated from the Accounts of Pigafetta and other contemporary writers.
Edited by LORD STANLEY of Alderley.
Issued for 1874.
53— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774,
and Edited by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, F.R.S.L. Vol. i.
Issued for 1875.
54 The Three Voyages of William Barents to the North-East.
Second Edition of Gcrrit de Veer's Work. Edited by Lieut. KUOI.I
BEYNKN, of the Royal Dutch Navy.
Issued for 1876.
55— The Commentaries ot the Great Afonso Dalboquerque.
Vol. 2. Issued for 1875.
56— The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster.
With Abstracts of Journals of Voyages preserved in the India Office, and the
Voyage of Captain John Knight to seek the N.W. Passage. Edited by
U.MS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.
Issued for 1877.
57- The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Km..
Voyage into the South Sea in 1593, with the Voyaj^r - <>( his grand-
father William, his father Sir |nhn, and his I-OUMII William lla--
Second Edition (sec No. i). Edited by CLKMKMS K. MAKKIIAM.
I .U.S. / for 1877.
8
68 -The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger,
From his capture at the battle of Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and return
to Europe in 1427. Translated by Commander J. BUCHAN TELFER, R.N.;
with Notes by Professor B. BRUUN. Issued for 1878.
59— The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator.
Edited by Captain ALBERT H. MARKHAM, R.N. Issued for 1878.
The Map of the World, A.D. 1600.
Called by Shakspere " The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies."
To illustrate the Voyages of John Davis. Issued for 1878.
60-61 -The Natural and Moral History of the Indies.
By Father Joseph de Acosta. Reprinted from the English Translated Edition
of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B.,
F.R.S. Two Vols. Issued for 1879.
Map of Peru.
To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 61. Issued for 1879.
62— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque.
Vol. 3. Issued for 1880.
63-The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622.
Edited by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1880.
64— Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia
During the years 1520-1527. By Father Francisco Alvarez. Translated and
Edited by LORD STANLEY of Alderley. Issued for 1881.
65— The History of the Bermudas or Somer Islands.
Attributed to Captain Nathaniel Butler. Edited by General Sir J. HENRY
LEFROY, R.A., K.C.M.G. Issued for 1881.
66-67— The Diary of Richard Cocks,
Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615-1622. Edited by
EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON. Two Vols.
Issued for 1882.
68— The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru.
By Pedro de Cieza de Leon. Translated and Edited by CLEMENTS R.
MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1883.
69— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque.
Vol. 4. Issued for 1883.
70-71— The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies.
From the Old English Translation of 1 598. The First Book, containing his
Description of the East. Edited by A. C. BURNELL, Ph.D., C.I.E., and
P. A. TIELF, of Utrecht. Issued for 1884.
72-73— Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia,
By Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen, with some account of the first
Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the
Caspian Sea. Edited by E. DELMAR MORGAN, and C. H. COOTE.
Issued for 1885.
74- The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.,
Afterwards Sir William Hedges, during his Agency in Bengal ; as well as on
his Voyage out and Return Overland (1681-1687). Transcribed for the Press,
with Introductory Notes, etc., by R. BARLOW, and Illustrated by copious
Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc., by Col. Sir H. YULE, K. C.S.I.,
R.E., C.B., LL.D. Vol. I, The Diary. Issued for 1886.
75-The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.
Vol. 2. Sir H. Yule's Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc.
Issued for 1886.
76-77— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard to the East Indies,
The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated into English from the
Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited by ALBERT GRAY, assisted by
H. C. P. BELL. Vol. i. Vol. 2, Part I.
Issued for 1887.
78-The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.
Vol. 3. Sir H. Yule's Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc.
Issued for 1888.
79— Tractatus de Globis, et eorum usu.
A Treatise descriptive of the Globes constructed by Emery Molyneux, and
Published in 1592. By Robert Hues. Edited by CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM,
C.H., F.R.S. To which is appended,
Sailing Directions for the Circumnavigation of England,
And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibraltar. From a Fifteenth Century
MS. Edited by JAMES GAIRDNER ; with a Glossary by E. DELMAR
MORGAN. Issued for 1888.
80— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard to the East Indies, etc.
Vol. 2, Part II. Issued for 1889.
81 -The Conquest of La Plata, 1535-1555.
I. — Voyage of Ulrich Schmidt to the Rivers La Plata and Paraguai. II.—
The Commentaries of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca. Edited by DON Luis
L. DOMINGUEZ. Issued for 1889.
82-83— The Voyage of Francois Leguat
To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Edited by
Captain PASFIELD OLIVER. Two Vols.
Issued for 1890.
84-85 -The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India.
From the Old English Translation of 1664, by G. Havers. Edited by
EDWARD GREY. Two Vols. Issued for 1891.
86— The Journal of Christopher Columbus
During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the Voyages
of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real. Translated and Edited by CLEMENTS
K. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S. Issued for 1892.
87— Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant.
I. _The Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1 599-1600. II. — Extracts from the
of Dr. John Covel, 1670-1679. With some Account of the Levant
Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by J. THEODORE BENT, P.S.A.,
I . K.G.S. ' Issued for 1892.
88-89-The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe and Captain Thomas James
In Search of a N.-W, I'.^sage, 1631-32; with Narratives of Earlier N.-W.
Voyages. Edited by MILLER CHRISTY, F.L.S. Two Vols.
Issued for 1893.
90— The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci
And other Documents relating to his Career. I and Editr 1 by
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM. Issued for 1894.
B
10
91— The Voyage of Pedro Sarmiento to the Strait of Magellan, 1579-80.
Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Introduction, by
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.
Issued for 1894.
92-93-94— The History and Description of Africa,
And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. The Travels of Leo Africanus
the Moor, from the English translation of John Pory (1600). Edited by
ROBERT BROWN, M.A., Ph.D. Three Vols.
Issued for 1895.
95— The Discovery and Conquest of Guinea.
Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Translated and Edited by C. RA.YMOND
' BEAZLEY, M.A., and EDGAR PRESTAGE, B.A. Vol. i.
Issued for 1896.
96-97— Danish Arctic Expeditions.
Book i. The Danish Expeditions to Greenland, 1605-07; with James Hall's
Voyage in 1612. Edited by C. C. A. GosCH. Issued for 1896.
Book 2. Jens Munk's Voyage to Hudson's Bay in 1619-20. Edited by
C. C. A. GOSCH. Issued for 1897.
98— The Topographia Christiana of Cosmas Indicopleustes.
Translated and Edited by J. W. McCRiNDLE, M.A., M.R.A.S.
Issued for 1897.
99— The First Voyage of Vaseo da Gama.
Translated from the Portuguese, with an Introduction and Notes, by E. G.
RAVENSTEIN. Issued for 1898.
100— The Discovery and Conquest of Guinea.
Wri'ten by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Translated and Edited by C.
RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A., and EDGAR PRESTAGE, B.A. Vol. 2.
Is sued for 1898.
SECOND SERIES.
1-2— The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul,
1615-19.
Edited from Contemporary Records by WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A.
Issued for 1899.
3— The Voyage of Sir Robert Dudley to the West Indies and Guiana in 1594.
Edited by GEO. F. WARNER, M.A., F.S.A., Assistant Keeper of
Manuscripts, British Museum. Issued for 1899.
4— The Journeys of William of Rubruck and John of Pian de Carpine
To Tartary in the I3th century. Translated and Edited by the Hon. W. W.
ROCKHILL. Issued for 1900.
5— The Voyage of Captain John Saris to Japan in 1613.
Edited by H. E. SIR ERNEST M. SATOW, K.C.M.G.
Issued for 1900.
6— The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Essex.
Edited by E. G. RAVENSTEIN. hsuedfor 1900.
I I
OTHER WORKS UNDERTAKEN BY EDITORS.
The Principal! Navigations of the English Nation. By RICHARD HAKLUYT.
From the edition of 1598-1600. To be issued in about ten volumes.
The Voyage of Alvaro de Mendafia to the Solomon Islands in 1568. Edited
by the LORD AMHERST OF HACKNEY and BASIL H. THOMSON.
Raleigh's Empire of Guiana. Second Edition (see No. 3). Edited, with
tes, etc., by EYEKARD F. IM THURN, C.B., C.M.G.
The Voyages of Cadamosto, the Venetian, along the West Coast of Africa, in
the years 1455 and 1456. Translated from the earliest Italian text of
1507, and Edited by H. YULE OLDHAM, M.A., F.R.G.S.
Dr. John Fryers New Account of East India and Persia*(i698). Edited by
ARTHUR T. PRINGLE.
The Expedition of Hernan Cortes to Honduras in 1525-26. Second Edition
(see No. 40), with added matter. Translated and Edited by A. P.
MAUDSLAY.
The Letters of Pielro Delia Valle from Persia, &c. Translated and Edited by
MAJOR M. NATHAN, C.M.G. , R.E.
The Journey of Pedro Teixeira from India to Italy by land, 1604-05 ; with his
Chronicle of the Kings of Ormus. Translated and Edited by W. 1 .
SINCLAIR, late I/C.S.
The Travels of Peter Mundy in India, 1628-34. Edited from an unpublished
MS. by COLONEL R. C. TEMPLE, C.I.E.
Thomas Herbert's Description of the Persian Monarchy. Edited by Major
P. MOLESWORTH 8l
The Voyage of Robert Harcourt to Guiana in 1609-10. Edited by G. F.
WARNER, M.A., F.S.A.
The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia in 1541, as narrated l>y Castanhnso
and Bermudez. Edited by R. S. WHITK\VAY, late 1.
12
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VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society, shall receive
twenty-five copies of such works respectively.
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Baldwin, A., Esq., M.P., Wildeu House, near Stourport.
Ball, John B., Esq., Ashburton Cottage, Putney Heath, S.W.
Barclay, Hugh G.t Esq., Colney Hall, Norwich.
Basset, M. Rene, Correspondant de 1'Institut de France, Directeur dc 1'Ecole
superieure des lettres d'Alger, L'Agha 77, rue Michelet, Alger-Mustapha.
Baxter, James Phinuey, Esq., 61, Deering-street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A.
Beaumont, Rear-Admiral L. A., 3, Sloane-gardeus, S.W.
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Brown, Arthur W. W., Esq., 37, Evelyn Mansions, Carlisle-place, Victoria-
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Inner Temple, Hon. Society of the (J. E. L. Pickering, Esq., Librarian).
James, Arthur C., Esq., 92, Park-avenue, New York, U.S.A.
James, Walter B., Esq., M.D., 17, West 54th-street, New York.
John Carter Brown Library, Providence, per Messrs. Ellis and Elvey, 29, New
Bond Street, W.
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, U.S.A., per Mr. E. G. Allen. [S.W.
Johnson, General Sir Allen B., K.C.B., 60, Lexham-gardens, Cromwell-road,
Johnson, Rev. S. J., F.R.A.S., Melplash Vicarage, Bridport.
Kearton, G. J. Malcolm, Esq., F.R.G.S., 28, Fenchurch Street, B.C.
Keltic, J. Scott, Esq., LL.D., 1, Savile-row, W.
Kelvin, The Rt. Hon. Lord, F.R.S., LL.D., 15, Eaton-place, S.W.
Key, John J., Esq., Colorado Springs, Colorado, U.S.A.
Kinder, C. W., Esq., C.M.G., Tongshan, North China.
King's Inns Library, Henrietta-street, Dublin.
Kimberley Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran and Co., Strand.
Kitching, J., Esq., Oaklands, Kingston Hill, S.W.
Klincksieck, M., per Mr. Wohlleben, 45, Gt. Russell- street, W.C. (3 Cflj>w*).
Langtou, J. J. P., Esq., B.A., 802, Spruce Street, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A.
Larchmont Yacht Club, Larchmont, N.Y., U.S.A. (F. D. Shaw, Esq.,
Chairman of Library Committee).
Leechman, C. B., Esq., 10, Earl's-court-gardens, S.W.
Leeds Library, Commercial- street, Leeds.
Lehigh University, U.S.A.
Leipzig, Library of the University of, per Herr 0. Harrassowitz, Leipzig
(Messrs. W. Wesley and Son).
Levy, Judah, Esq., 17, Greville-place, N.W.
Liverpool Free Public Library.
Liverpool Geographical Society (Capt. D. Phillips, R.N., Secretary), 14,
Hargreaves-buildings, Chapel-street, Liverpool.
Loch, Right Hon. Lord, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., 23, Lowndes-square, S.W.
Loescher, Messrs. J., & Co., Via del Corso, 307, Rome, per Messrs. Sampson
Low.
Logan, Daniel, Esq., Solicitor- General, Penang, Straits Settlements.
Logan, William, Esq., per Messrs. Grindlay & Co., 54, Parliament-street.
London Institution, Finsbury-circus.
London Library, 12, St. James's-square.
Long Island Historical Society, Brooklyn, U.S.A.
Lowrey, Joseph, Esq., The Hermitage, Loughton.
Lubetsky, S. A. S. le Prince Droutskoy, 89, Rue Miromesnil, Paris.
Lucas, C. P., Esq., C.B., Colonial Office, S.W.
Lucas, F. W., Esq., 21, Surrey-street, Victoria Embankment, W.C.
Luyster, S. B., Esq., c/o Messrs. Denham& Co., 109, Southampton-row, W.C.
Lydenberg, H. M. , Esq., Lenox Library, Fifth Avenue, New York.
Lyttelton-Annesley, Lieut. -Gen. A., Templemere, Wey bridge.
17
Macmillan & Bowes, Messrs., Cambridge, per Messrs. Foster, Fore-street.
Macqueen, John, Esq., St. Mary's, Harpendeu,
Macrae, C. C., Esq., 93, Onslow-gardens, S.W.
Manchester Public Free Libraries.
Manierre, George, Esq., 184, La Salle-street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
Margesson, Lieut. W. H. D., R.N., Findon Place, Worthing.
Markham, Vice- Admiral Albert H., F.R.G.S., 65, Linden-gardens, W.
Murkham, Sir Clements, K.C.B., F.R.S., 21, Eccleston-square, S.W.
Marquand, Henry, Esq., 160, Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
Martelli, E. W., Esq., 4, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
Massachusetts Historical Society, 30, Tremout-street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.,
per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Massie, Capt. R. H., R.A.
Mathers, E. P., Esq., Glenalmond, Foxgrove-road, Beckeuham.
Maudslay, A. P., Esq., 32, Montpelier-square, Knightsbridge, S.W.
McClymont, Jas. R., Esq., 201, Macquarie-street, Hobart Town, Tasmania.
Mecredy, Jaa., Esq., M.A., B.L., F.R.G.S., Wynberg, Stradbrook, Blackrock,
Dublin Co.
Melbourne, Public Library of, per Messrs. Melville, Mullen & Slade, 12,
Ludgate-square, E.G.
Meyjes, A. C., Esq., 42, Cannon -street, B.C.
Michell, Lewis W., Esq., Standard Bank of South Africa, Cape Town.
Michigan, University of, per Messrs. H. Sotheran & Co., 140, Strand, W.C.
Milwaukee Public Library, Wisconsin, per Mr. G. E. Stechert.
Minneapolis Athenaeum, U.S.A., per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, W.C.
Mitchell Library, 21, Miller-street, Glasgow.
Mitchell, Alfred, Esq., per Messrs. Tiffany, 221, Regent-street, W.
Mitchell, Win., Esq., c/o Union Bank of Scotland, Holburn Branch, Aberdeen.
Monson, The Rt. Hon. Lord, C.V.O., Clarence House, St. James's, S.W.
Morgan, E. Delmar, Esq., 15, Roland-gardens, South Kensington, S.W.
Morris, H. C. L., Esq., M.D., Gothic Cottage, Bognor, Sussex.
Morris, Mowbray, Esq., 59A, Brook- street, Grosvenor square, W.
Morrison, G. E., Esq., M.D., F.R.G.S., Times Correspondent, Peking.
Moxon, A. E., Esq., c o Mrs. Gough, The Lodge, Sculdern, near Banbury.
Mukhopadhyay, The Hon. Dr. Asutosh, M.A., LL.D.,etc.,etc., 77, Russa-road
North, Bhowanipore, Calcutta.
Munich Royal Library, per Messrs. Asher & Co.
Nathan, Major, C.M.G., R.E., 11, Pembridge-square, W.
Naval and Military Club, 94, Piccadilly, W.
Netherlands, Geographical Society of the, per Mr. Nutt, 57, Long Acre.
Newberry Library, The, Chicago, U.S.A., per Messrs. Stevens & Brown.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Scientific Institute.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Public Library.
New London Public Library, Conn., U.S.A.
New York Athletic Club, Central Park, South, New York (John C. Gulick,
Esq., chairman of Library Committee).
New York Public Library, per Messrs. Stevens & Brown.
New York State Library, per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, Carey-st., W.C.
New York Yacht Club (Library Committee), 67, Madison-avenue, New York
City, U.S.A.
New Zealand, Agent-General for, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co.
Nicholson, Sir Charles, lart., D.C.L., The Grange, Totteridge, Herts.
Nijhoff, M., j>er Mr. D. Nutt, 57, Long Acre, W.C.
)i«kiold, Baron, 11, Tradgardsgatan, Stockholm.
ii Adams Public Library, Massachusetts, U.S.A. [Station.
Northbrook, The Right Hon. the Earl of, G.C.S.I., Stratton, Micheldever
mU-rl.ind, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., c/o J. C. Hodgson, Esq.,
Alnwick Castle.
18
O'Byrne, P. Justin, Esq., "British-Indian Commerce, "21, St.Helen's-place,E.C.
Oliver, Captain S. P., Findon, near Worthing.
Oliver, Commander T. W., R.N., 16, De Parys-avenue, Bedford.
Omaha Public Library, Nebraska, U.S.A.
Ommanney, Admiral Sir Erasmus, C.B., F.R.S.,29,Connaught-sq., Hyde Park.
Oriental Club, Hanover-square, W.
Parish, Frank, Esq., 5, Gloucester Square, Hyde Park, W.
Parlett, H. G., Esq., British Legation, Tokio, Japan.
Payne, E. J., Esq., 2, Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
Peabody Institute, Baltimore, U.S., per Mr. E. G. Allen.
Peckover, Alexander, Esq., Bank House, Wisbech.
Peech, W. H., Esq., St. Stephen's Club, Westminster.
Peek, Sir Cuthbert E., Bart., 22, Belgrave-square, S.W.
Peixoto, Dr. J. Rodrigues, 8, Rue Almte. Comandare*, Rio de Janeiro.
Pequot Library, Southport, Conn., U.S.A.
Petheriek, E. A., Esq., 85, Hopton-road, Streatham, S.W.
Philadelphia Free Library, U.S.A., per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, W.C.
Philadelphia, Library Company of, U.S.A., per Mr. E. G. Allen.
Poor, F. B., Esq., 160, Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
Poor, Henry W., Esq., per Messrs. Denham & Co., 109, Southampton-
row, W.C.
Portico Library, Manchester.
Pringle, Arthur T., Esq., c/o Messrs. G. W. Wheatley &Co., 10, Queen-st., E.G.
Plymouth Proprietary Library, Cornwall Street, Plymouth. (J. Brooking-
Rowe, Esq., Hon. Sec.)
Quaritch, Mr. B., 15, Piccadilly, W. (12 copies').
Rabbits, W. Thos., Esq., 6, Cadogan Gardens, S.W.
Raffles Library, Singapore, per Messrs. Jones & Evans, Queen-street, E.G.
Ravenstein, E. G., Esq.. 2, York Mansions, Battersea Park, S.W.
Reform Club, Pall-mall!
Reggio, Andr6 C., Esq., c/o Messrs. Baring Bros. & Co., 8, Bishopsgate-street
Within, B.C.
Rhodes, Josiah, Esq., The Elms, Lytham, Lancashire.
Richards, Admiral Sir F. W., G.C.B., 13, Great Russell Mansions, W.C.
Riggs, E. F., Esq., 1311, Mass. Avenue, Washington, U.S.
Riugwalt, John S., Jun., Esq., Mt. Vernon, Knox County, Ohio, U.S.A.
Rittenhouse Club, 1811, Walnut-street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
Rockhill, H.E. the Hon. W. W., Department of State, Washington.
Rodd, Sir Rennell, C.B., K.C.M.G.,c/o Foreign Office, Downiug-street, S.W.
Rohrscheid and Ebbecke, Herrn, Strauss'sche Buchhandlung, Bonn.
Rose, C. D., Esq., 10, Austin Friars, B.C.
Rosenheim, H., Esq., 62, Fitzjohn's Avenue, N.W.
Royal Artillery Institute, Woolwich.
Royal Colonial Institute, Northumberland Avenue, W.C.
Royal Engineers' Institute, Chatham.
Royal Geographical Society, 1, Savile-row, W. (copies presented).
Royal Scottish Geographical Society, Edinburgh (Jas. Burgess, Esq., LL.D.,
C. I.E., Librarian).
Royal Societies Club, St. James's-street, S.W.
Royal United Service Institution, Whitehall, S.W.
Runcirnan, Walter, Jr., Esq., 11, Windsor Terrace, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
Russell, Lady A., 2, Audley-square, W.
Ryley, J Horton, Esq \ Melrose, Woodwarde-road, Dulwich, S.E.
Ryley, Mrs. Florence, LL.A., /
19
St. Andrew's University.
St. Deiniol's Library, Hawarden (Rev. G. C. Joyce, Librarian).
St. John's, N. B., Canada, Free Public Library (J. R. Ruel, Esq., Chairman).
St. Louis Mercantile Library, per Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star-yard, W.C.
St. Martin's-in-the-Fields Free Public Library, 115, St Martin's-lane, W.C.
St. Petersburg University Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
St. Wladimir University, Kief, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co., 140, Strand.
Sanford, Chas. H., Esq., 102, Eaton Square, S.W.
San Francisco Public Library, per Mr. G. E. Stechert.
Satow, H. E. Sir E., K.C.M.G., British Legation, Peking.
Saunders, Howard, Esq., 7, Radnor-place, Gloucester-square. W.
SAXK COBITRG AND GOTHA, H.R.H. THE DUKE OF, Clarence House, St. James's.
Schwartz, J. L., Esq., P.O. Box 594. Pittsburg, Pa.
Sclater, Dr. W. L., South African Museum, Cape of Good Hope.
Seawanhaka Corinthian Yacht Club, 7, East 32nd-street, New York, U.S.A.
Seymour, Vice- Admiral Sir E. H., G.C.B., 9, Ovington-square, S.W.
Sheffield Free Public Libraries (Samuel Smith, Esq., Librarian).
Shields, Cuthbert, Esq., Corpus Christi College, Oxford.
Signet Library, Edinburgh (Thos. G. Law, Esq., Librarian).
Sihvr, S. W., Esq., 3, York-gate, Regent's Park, N.W.
Sinclair, Mrs., 3, Beaufort-street, Chelsea.
Smith, F. A., Esq., Thorncliff, Shoot-up-Hill, N.
Smithers, F.O., Esq., F.R.G.S., Dashwood House, 9, New Broad-street, E.C.
Sneddon, Geo. T., Esq., 8, Merry-street, Motherwell.
Societd Geografica Italiana, Rome.
Socu-te de Geographic, Paris, per Mr. J. Arnould, Royal Mint Refiuery, Royal
Mint-street, E.C.
Sotheran and Co., Messrs., 140, Strand, W.C.
South African Public Library, per Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 65, Cornhill,
E.C.
Springfield City Library Association, Mass., U.S.A.
Stairs, James W., Esq., c/o Messrs. Stairs, Son and Morrow, Halifax, Nova Scotia.
Stanley, Right Hon. Lord, of Alderley, 15, Grosvenor-gardens, S.W.
Stephens, Henry C., Esq., M.P., Chalderton, Salisbury.
Stevens, J.Tyler, Esq., Park-street, Lowell, Mass., U.S.A.
Stevens, Son, & Stiles, Messrs., 39, Great Russell-street, W.C.
Stockholm, Royal Library of, per Messrs. Sampson Low.
Stockton Public Library, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co., 140, Strand.
Strachey, Lady, 69, Lancaster-gate, Hyde-park, W.
Stri.le, Mrs. Arthur L., Bush Hall, Hatfield, Herts.
Stringer, G. A., Esq,, 248, Georgia-street, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A.
Stubbs, Captain Edward, R.N., 13, Greenfield-road, Stoueycroft, Liverpool.
Sydney Free Library, per Mr. Young J. Pentlaud, 38, West Smithfield, E.C.
Sykes, Major P. Molesworth, H.M.'s Consul at Kermau, Persia, vtdTehi .n.
Tangye, R. T. G., Esq., Coombe Regis, Kington-on-Thames.
Tate, G. P., Esq., c/o Messrs. W. Watson & Co., Karachi. India.
Taylor, Captain William R., 1, Daysbrook-ro.id. Stn-athum Hill, S.W.
Temple, Lieut.-Col. R. C., C.I.E., per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Thin, Mr. Jas., 54, 65, South Bridge, Edinburgh, per Mr. Billings, 59, Old
Bailey, E.C.
Thomson, B. H., Esq., Governor's House, H.M.'s Prison, Northampton.
ilinoney, Stratford-on-Slnney, Co. Wii-kl..\v.
'jperM^Ca^ovelSo,,
l.ii.nuy, l'ri-t..ri:i. Ti msvaal, South Afrirn. ]'«•)• Mi-srs. Miidi.-.
]<••;, hOl-mmU, s.w.
Triu. 1. 1, A., }•:-.[.. Tin- Hulh Koad, Walton -on-Thames.
Trinilrr, II. \V . thbrook II. .u-.-. i:i-li.,|,- Walth.-.m. Hants.
\-T, ulivi-r Jones, Esq., M.niut V.TH..II, Cutvrhuui, Surrey.
20
Trinity College, Cambridge, c/o Messrs. Deighton, Bell & Co., per Sutton.
Triuity House, The Hon. Corporation of, Tower-hill, E.G.
Troop, W. H., Esq., c/o Messrs. Black Bros. & Co., Halifax, Nova Scotia.
Trotter, Coutts, Esq., Athenaeum Club, S.W,
Triibner, Herr Karl, Strasburg, per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Turnbull, Alex. H., Esq., 7, St. Helen's-place, Bishopsgate-street, E.G.
Union League Club, Broad-street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
Union Society, Oxford.
United States Congress, Library of, per Mr. E. G. Allen.
United States National Museum (Library of), per Messrs. W. Wesley & Son,
28, Essex-street, W.C.
United States Naval Academy, per Messrs. Stevens & Brown.
University of London, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co., 37, Piccadilly, W.
Upsala University Library, per C. J. Lundstrom, Upsala.
Van Raalte, Charles, Esq., Aldenham Abbey, Watford, Herts.
Vernon, R. V., Esq., Colonial Office, S.W.
Vienna Imperial Library, per Messrs. Asher & Co.
Vignaud, Henry, Esq., Ambassade des Etats Unis, 18, Avenue Kleber, Paris.
Warren, W. R., Esq., 81, Fulton-street, New York City, U.S.A.
Washington, Department of State, per Messrs. Stevens & Brown.
Washington, Library of Navy Department, per Messrs. Stevens & Brown.
Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A.
Watson, Commander, R.N.R., Ravella, Crosby, near Liverpool.
Webster, Sir Augustus, Bart., Guards' Club, 70, Pall-mall.
Weld, Rev. Geo. F., Hingham, Mass., U.S.A.
Westaway, Staff Engineer A.E.L., H.M.S. " Flora," S.E. Coast of America.
Westminster School (Rev. G. H. Nail, M.A., Librarian).
Wharton, Rear- Admiral SirW. J. L., K.C.B., Florys, Princes-road, Wimbledon
Park, S.W.
White, Dr. H., c/o W. T. White, Esq., New Hall, Lydd.
Whiteway, R. S. , Esq. , Brownscombe, Shottermill, Surrey.
Wildy, A.G., Esq., 14, Buckingham -street, W.C.
Williams, 0. W., Esq., Fort Stockton, Texas, U.S.A.
Wilmanns, F. M., Esq., 89, Oneida Street, Milwaukee, Wise., U.S.A.
Wilson, Edward S., Esq., Melton Grange, Brough, East Yorkshire.
Wisconsin State Historical Society, per Messrs. Sotheran & Co., 140, Strand.
Woodford, Chas. M., Esq., Tulagi, Solomon Islands.
Worcester, Massachusetts, Free Library, per Messrs. Kegan Paul.
Wright, John, Esq., 2, Challoner Terrace West, South Shields.
Wyndham, Geo., Esq., M.P., 35, Park Lane, W.
Yale College, U.S.A., per Mr. E. G. Allen.
Young, Alfales, Esq., Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A.
Young, Sir Allen, C.B., 18, Graf ton-street, W.
Young & Sons, Messrs. H,, 12, South Castle Street, Liverpool.
Zurich, Bibliotheque de la Ville, careo Messrs. Orell, Turli & Co., Zurich, per
Mr. D. Nutt.
G Hakluyt Society
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