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Full text of "The North Carolina booklet : great events in North Carolina history"



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CDe north Carolina BooKlei 






GREAT EVENTS IN 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 




Virginid D^re, 



Major Gkaham Dates. 




PHICE 10 CENTS. j^ ^ ^ $1.00 THE YEAR. 



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CDe north Carolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 



The Booklets will be in the following order : 

1. Virginia Dare, 

Maj . Graham Daves. 

2. Colonial New Bern, 

Mrs. Sara Beaumont Kennedy. 

3. Liberty, Property and no Stamp Duty. 

Col. A. M. Waddell. 

4. Edenton Tea Party, 

Dr. Richard Dillard. 

5. Betsy Dowdy's Eide, 

Col. R. B. Creecy. 

6. The Hornets Nest, 

Hon. Heriot Clarkson. 

7. G-reen's Eetreat, 

Prof. D. H. Hill. 

8. Monsieur Le Marquis de LaFayette, 

Maj. E. J. Hale. 

9. An Admiral and His Daughter, 

Dr. K. P. Battle. 

10. Pettigrew's Charge, 

Capt.,S. A. Ashe. 

11. Keminiscences of a Blockade Kunner, 

Hon. James Sprunt. 

12. KuKlux, ■ -;,-. ^ 

Mrs. T. J. Jarvis. 

One Booklet a month will be issued by the North Carolina 
friociety of t^e Daughters of the I^cvolution, beginning 
May 10th, 1901. Price $1.00 a year. 

EDITORS 

Miss Martha Helen Haywood. Mrs. Hubert Haywood 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET. 



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VIRGINIA DARE. 




BY 

MAJOR GRAHAM DAVES. 



RALEIGH : 

CapiTai, Printing Company. 

1901. 



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Digitized by the Internet Arciiive 

in 2011 witii funding from 

LYRASIS members and Sloan Foundation 



http://www.archive.org/details/northcarolinaboo1901nort 



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VIRGINIA DARE. 



On the eastern shore of North Carolina, in the shallow 
sounds enclosed by long sand banks, which bound the coast, 
lies a little island twelve miles long and three miles broad. 

This is Roanoke — the scene of the first English settle- 
ment in this country, and the birth-place of Virginia Dare, 
the first English child born in America. 

How much of romance, and yet more of history — " a ro- 
mance of the real " — clusters around the sad story of this 
young girl ! Out of the unfortunate expeditions, of which 
she, in some sense, may be said to have been the first fruits, 
grew the schemes of colonization at Jamestown and at Ply- 
mouth a score of years later. The seed were sown at 
Roanoke, were fertilized by the sacrifice of the settlers 
there, but took enduring root first at Jamestown. 

Associated with the humble, and almost unknown colo- 
nists of Roanoke are the names : Elizabeth, the Virgin 
Queen; Raleigh, the freux chevalier^ soldier, statesman, 
poet, historian ; Sir Richard Grenville, sailor, soldier and 
martyr ; Sir Francis Drake, Admiral and circumnavigator 
of the Globe. Truly our little Virginia Dare was in goodly 
company. 

Of chroniclers, too, she, her companions and their acts, 
had no lack. 

There were Arthur Barlowe, who commanded a ship in 
the first expedition ; Lane, the governor of the first colo- 



nists; John White, governor of the second colonists, the 
grandfather of Virginia Dare, whom he was destined to 
seek in sorrow and never find. Their accounts, and those 
of others also, are full and their stories well told. They are 
still on record, and have been published by the Hakluyt 
Society. It is a noteworthy fact that the history of these 
colonies which came to naught, and of a locality now so 
little known, should be so fully recorded and preserved in 
every detail — much more so than that of other localities of 
far greater importance, now of much prominence, whose 
origin and early history are often obscure and uncertain — 
sometimes almost unknown. 

It was in a stirring era, too, in the history of the world, 
and one of romantic incident and adventure, that the little 
waif, Virginia Dare, first saw its light. The dreaded Span- 
ish Armada — foiled in part by Drake and Raleigh, so inti- 
mately connected with the colonists of Roanoke — was pre- 
paring for its descent tipon the coasts of Britain ; the ap- 
peals and groans of the Christian martyrs who twenty years 
before perished for their faith at the stake at Smithfield, 
Oxford and elsewhere, still echoed through the land ; Bacon 
and Shakespeare, all unconscious of their future fame, were 
in their lusty youth ; " The Paery Queen " was taking shape 
in the prolific brain of Spencer; Sir Philip Sidney was 
soon to die at Zutphen ; Frobisher had returned from his 
Arctic discoveries, and Drake from his voyage around the 
world ; the horrible butcheries of the Duke of Alva in the 
Low Countries, and the massacre of St. Bartholomew at 
Paris, had heightened religious enmity to the fiercest inten- 
sity, to which the good Prince of Orange was soon to for- 



feit his life, a murdered victim ; and the lovely Queen of 
Scots was ere long to lay her beautiful head upon the block 
in expiration of the plottings and sins of others, of whom 
she was the tool — ^perhaps the willing tool. 

The Anglo Saxon and the Spaniard were entering upon 
the long struggle for supremacy at sea and upon this conti- 
nent, which may be said to have been ended by ourselves 
but a short time ago, after more than three hundred years, 
by the expulsion of the latter from Cuba and the other West 
Indies. Surely little Virginia was born in troublous times, 
and her sad fate was not the least pathetic incident of that 
stormy period. 

There were two expeditions to Roanoke before the birth 
there in 1587 of Virginia Dare, some account of which may 
be of interest. The first was one of discovery and explora- 
tion only. It consisted of two small ships, the " Tyger " 
and the "Admirall," commanded by Captains Philip 
Amadas and Arthur Barlowe, to the latter of whom we owe 
the account of the voyage and of its results. He says to 
Sir Walter Raleigh : 

" The 27th of April, in the yere of our redemption 1584, 
we departed the West of England with two barkes well fur- 
nished with men and victuals. * * * i^^e joth of 
June we were fallen with the Islands of the West Indes. 
* * * The 2nd of July we found shole water, wher we 
smelt so sweet and so strong a smel, as if we had been in 
the midst of some delicate garden abounding with odorife- 
rous flowers, by which we were assured that the land could 
not be farre distant." 

* * * (( fiig ^^j-ji Qf jyiy ^e arrived upon the coast. 



which we supposed to be a continent, and we sayled along 
the same 120 miles before we could find any entrance, or 
river issuing into the sea. The first that appeared unto us 
we entered, and cast anker about three harquebuz-shot 
within the haven's mouth : and after thanks given to God 
for our safe arrivall thither, we manned our boats, and went 
to view the land next adjoyning and to take possession of 
the same in right of the Queene's most excellent Ma- 
jestic. * * * Wee came to an Island which they call 
Roanoke, distant seven leagues from the harbour by which 
we entered : and at the north end thereof was a village of 
nine houses, built of Cedar and fortified round about with 
sharp trees." * * * We were entertained with all love 
and kindnesse, and with as much bountie as they could 
possibly devise. We found the people most gentle, loving 
and faithfull, voide of all guile and treason, and such as 
live after the manner of the golden age.'' 

A handsome tribute to our Hatteras Indians, who after- 
wards, probably, had not much cause to return the compli- 
ment. 

These Indians difltered in no way from the other na- 
tives of America except that they had a few iron imple- 
ments, and that among them were noticed children with 
auburn and chestnut colored hair. It was learned later 
that twenty-six years before this time, a ship manned by 
white men had been cast away at Secotan, and that some 
of the crew had been saved. After a time these men at- 
tempted to escape in a small boat, and were drowned. 
These were the only whites ever seen before the arrival of 
the English — but some six years after this time another 



vessel had been wrecked on this coast, and all the crew per- 
ished. From parts of this wreck driven ashore the natives 
had obtained nails, spikes and edged tools. But for this 
explanation, this presence of iron would have perplexed the 
archaeologist. The account of the natives, their kindness 
and hospitality, of their easy life, and of the abundance of 
fruit and grain, fish and game in these inland waters is 
familiar to us all. Like all natives, they longed to pur- 
chase the swords and knives of the white men, but above 
all, they desired to obtain the kettles and pans to use as 
shields in battle. The King's brother was most kind, re- 
paying the English liberally in melons and fruit, and each 
day he sent to the new-comers presents of "fat bucks," 
conies, hares and fish. 

They visited the Indian village on Roanoke. " When 
we came towards it," the record runs, " standing near unto 
the water's side the wife of Granganimeo the King's 
brother came running out to meet us very cheerfully and 
friendly — her husband was not then in the village. Some 
of her people she commanded to draw our boat on shore for 
the beating of the billow : others she commanded to carty 
us on their backs to dry ground ; and others to bring our 
oars to the house for fear of stealing. When we were come 
to the outer room, having five rooms to her house, she 
caused us to sit down by a great fire, and after took off our 
clothes and washed them, and dried them again, some of 
the women washed our feet in warm water, and she herself 
took great pains to see all things ordered in the best man- 
ner she could." 

The adventurers remained in that region about two 



months and made many explorations. In September they 
returned to England, taking with them two of the Indian 
Chiefs, Manteo, who ever remained the faithful friend of 
the English, and Wanchese. Their names are retained as 
the names of two villages on Roanoke Island to-day. Their 
arrival home, and the glowing accounts the adventurers 
gave of their discoveries, aroused the utmost interest. The 
new found country was called Virginia in honor of the 
" Virgin Queen," and the Atlantic coast of North America 
was divided into three regions, with boundaries very ill de- 
fined, claimed by France, England and Spain, and called 
Canada, Virginia and Florida. A large part of Virginia, 
which included Roanoke Island, was afterwards by the 
patent of Charles I to Sir Robert Heath in 1629, ^^^ ^Y 
the charters of Charles II in 1663 and 1665 to the " Lords 
Proprietors," set off as Carolina, so named from the Latin 
name, Carolus, of the two Kings. The name, therefore, 
Virginia, first applied to Roanoke Island and the parts ad- 
jacent, originated in what is now North Carolina, and if 
Virginia be, as she is often called, the " Mother of States," 
North Carolina may be said to be her own grandmother. 

The next year (1585) a large expedition, under command 
of Sir Richard Grenville, a cousin of Raleigh's, was fitted 
out. There were seven " ships " in the fleet — if the small 
crafts composing it can be so called, the largest of them be- 
ing of " seven score tunnes " burden — which carried 108 
men who were to be settled as a permanent colony on Roan- 
oke Island. The fleet sailed from Plymouth on the 9th of 
April, 1585, and on July 3d Wingina, the Indian Chief, was 
notified of its arrival at Roanoke. Manteo and Waochese 
returned with this fleet. 



On Aiigust 25th Sir Richard Grenville, " Our Generall, 
weyed anker, and set sails for England.'' On his return 
the colony was left in charge of " Master Ralph Lane," 
and with him was " Master Philip Amadas, Admiral of the 
Country," who had commanded one of the ships in the first 
expedition. The names of the colonists are all known, a 
list of which may be seen in Vol. I of Hawks' History of 
North Carolina. These colonists founded a village near 
the north end of the Island, and constructed a fort, princi- 
pally an earthwork, called by Lane " The new fort in Vir- 
ginia." The outlines, ditch and parapet of this fort are 
still perfectly distinct, and its angles and sally port are now 
marked with granite blocks. It is now, and has been for a 
long time, appropriately called " Fort Raleigh." 

Lane has left a most interesting account of the doings of 
his colonists during their stay on Roanoke Island, and of 
his own explorations. They remained there but one year, 
having become home-sick, discouraged and disheartened, 
and sailed in June, 1586, on the fleet of Sir Francis Drake 
for England, where they arrived on the 27th of July. They 
had scarcely gotten out of sight of the Island when a ship 
despatched by Raleigh, freighted with provisions and sup- 
plies of all kinds, arrived there, and, finding no one, went 
back to England. About a fortnight later Sir Richard 
Grenville arrived with three ships similarly equipped. 
Finding the Island abandoned, " yet unwilling to lose the 
possession of the countrey," he " determined to leave some 
men behind to reteine it : whereupon he landed fifteen men 
in the Isle of Roanoke, furnished plentifully with all man- 
ner ©f provisions for two years, and so departed for Eng- 
land." 



10 

Nothing daunted by the failure — a very costly one — of 
this first attempt at colonization Sir Walter equipped an- 
other expedition in the year following, which, however, he 
intended to settle on the waters of the Chesapeake instead 
of at Roanoke. This expedition was entrusted to the guid- 
ance of John White, the grandfather of Virginia Dare, who 
we will let tell his own story : 

" In the yeere of our Lord, 1587, Sir Walter Raleigh in- 
tending to persevere in the planting of his Countrey of Vir- 
ginia, prepared a newe Colonic of 150 men to be sent 
thither, under the charge of John White, whom he ap- 
pointed Governour, and also appointed unto him twelve 
Assistants, unto whom he gave a Charter, and incorporated 
them by the name of Governour and Assistants of the Citie 
of Raleigh in Virginia. Our Fleete being in number three 
saile, the Admirall a shippe of 120 Tunnes, a Flieboat and 
a Pinnesse, departed the 26 of April from Portsmouth. * 
* * * About the 16 of July we fel with the maine of 
Virginia, and bare along the coast, where in the night, had 
not Captaine Stafford bene carefuU, we had all bene casta- 
way upon the breach called the Caps of Feare. The 22 of 
July we arrived at Hatorask : the Governour went aboard 
the pinesse with forty of his best men, intending to pass 
up to Roanok forthwith, hoping there to finde those fifteene 
men which Sir Richard Grenville had left there the yeere 
before. * * * The same night at sunne-set he went 
aland, and the next day walked to the North ends of the 
Island, where Master Ralfe Lane had his forte, with sundry 
dwellings made by his men about it the yeere before, where 
we hoped to find some signes of our fifteene men. We 



11 

found the forte rased downe, but all the houses standing 
unhurt, saving that the neather roomes of them, and also of 
the forte, were overgrowen with melons, and Deere within 
them feeding : so wee returned to our company, without 
hope of ever seeing any of the fifteene men living." The 
fifteen men, as was afterwards learned, had been massacred 
by the Indians. 

The colonists having landed upon the Island went ac- 
tively to work to rebuild Fort Raleigh and to make homes 
for themselves. They consisted of ninety-one men, seven- 
teen women and nine children, the names of all of whom 
are preserved. In the former colony there had been neither 
women nor children and they gave to this one a character 
of stability and permanence that had been lacking in the 
first. From a similarity of their names with those of the 
men, it would appear that at least ten of the women were 
married, and for a like reason that six of the children were 
with their parents. 

Shortly after the arrival of the settlers there occurred 
two events, or perhaps more properly three, of interest and 
importance not merely to the little community, but in their 
relation to the history of this country. These events are 
thus related in Hakluyt's Voyages, Vol. Ill : 

" The 13 of August our Savage Manteo was christened 
in Roanoke, and called Lord thereof and of Dasamongue- 
peuk, in reward of his faithfull service. The 18, Elenor, 
daughter to the Governour, and wife to Ananias Dare, one 
of the Assistants, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoke, 
and the same was christened there the Sunday following, 
and because this child was the first Christian bom in Vir- 
ginia, she was named Virginia." 



12 

These baptisms were, so far as is known to this writer, 
the first celebrations of record of a Christian Sacrament 
within the territory of the thirteen original United States. 
The baptism of Manteo, and his being made Lord of 
Roanoke were by order of Sir Walter Raleigh, and the lat- 
ter, it is believed, is the only instance of the conferring of 
a title of nobility upon a native American. By the Indians 
" Elenor Dare," the first mother of the white race known 
to them, is said to have been called, in their figurative and 
descriptive way, " The White Doe," and her baby, the little 
Virginia, the first white infant they had ever seen, " The 
White Fawn ; " and there is a pretty tradition that " after 
her death her spirit assumed that form — an elfin Fawn, 
which, clad in immortal beauty, would at times be seen 
haunting like a tender memory, the place of her birth, or 
gazing wistfully over the sea, as with pathetic yearning, for 
the far-away mother land. Another tradition is that in that 
sweet form she was slain by her lover, a young Indian 
Chief, who had been told that if he shot her from ambush 
with a certain enchanted arrow it would restore her to him 
in human form. 

Soon after the birth of Virginia, her grandfather. Gov. 
White, returned to England to obtain supplies for the colo- 
nists : 

" The 22 of August the whole company came to the Gov- 
ernour, and with one voice requested him to return himselfe 
into England, for the obtaining of supplies and other neces- 
saries for them ; but he refused it, and alleaged many suf- 
ficient causes why he would not. * * * ^^ (-jie j^gt^ 
through their extreame intreating constrayned to return, he 
departed from Roanoke the 27 of August." 



13 

On the 1 6th of October he arrived on the Irish coast, and 
coming to England straightway made efforts to carry succor 
to his people, but never again did he look upon the faces 
of his daughter, or his grand-daughter, or of any of their 
companions. England was in the midst of her bitter con- 
test with Spain and the Invincible Armada, and had sore 
need at home for every man and ship. There was neither 
time nor means to be devoted to an obscure little company 
thousands of leagues away in an unknown land beyond the 
stormy Atlantic. Three years elapsed before White re- 
turned to Roanoke, and when he came he found it deserted, 
and the settlers gone — whither ? No one was left to tell 
and their fate was enshrouded, and will ever remain, in 
mystery pathetic. The dead past will not give up its dead. 
Let White himself tell the sad story : 

" The 20 of March the three shippes, the Hopewell, the 
John Evangelist, and the little John, put to sea from Ply- 
mouth. * * * * 'phe 15 of August we came to an 
anker at Hatorask, and saw a great smoke rise in the lie 
Roanoke neere the place where I left our Colony in the 
yeere 1587. * * * * The next morning our two boats 
went ashore and we saw another great smoke ; but when 
we came to it we found no man nor signe that any had 
been there lately." 

When White left Roanoke to return to England for sup- 
plies, it had been agreed that in case the colonists left the 
island in his absence they should leave some sign to indi- 
cate whither they had gone, and if their leaving was under 
duress, or in distress, the sign of the cross should also be 
afl&xed, thus -f . 



14 

White continues : "The 17 of August our boats were 
prepared againe to go up to Roanoke. * * * * Tow- 
ard the North ende of the Island we espied the light of a 
great fire thorow the woods : When we came right over 
against it, we sounded with a trumpet a Call, and after- 
wards many familiar English tunes and Songs, and called 
to them friendly ; but we had no answere ; we therefore 
landed and coming to the fire we found the grasse and sun- 
dry rotten trees burning about the place. * * * * j^g 
we entered up the sandy banke, upon a tree in the very 
browe thereof were curiously carved these faire Romane 
letters, C. R. O : which letters we knew to signifie the 
place where I should find the planters seated, according to 
a secret taken agreed upon betweene them and me, at my 
last departure from them, which was that they should not 
faile to write or carve on the trees, or postes of the dores, 
the name of the place where they should be seated ; and if 
they should be distressed, that then they should carve over 
the letters a Crosse in this forme + , but we found no such 
sign of distresse. We found the houses taken downe and 
the place strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great 
trees, with cortynes and flankers very Fortlike, and one of 
the chief trees at the right side of the entrance had the 
barke taken off, and five foot from the ground, in fayre 
Capitall letters, was graven CROATOAN, without any 
crosse or sign of distresse." 

The colonists had evidently gone to Croatan, as we now 
have the word, the home of Manteo, the friendly Chief, the 
banks and islands of our coast, extending from Hatteras to 
Beaufort harbor ; but none of them was ever seen of white 



15 

men again. They " died and made no sign ; " though it is 
believed by many, and with considerable reason, that their 
descendants may still be found among the Croatan, or, more 
properly, Hatteras, Indians of Robeson county. White 
does not explain satisfactorily why he did not seek his 
daughter at Croatan, which was not very far away. He says : 

" The season was so unfit, and weather so foule, that we 
were constrayed of force to forsake that coast, having not 
scene any of our planters, with losse of one of our ship- 
boats, and seven of our chiefest men. * * * * 'pjjg 
24 of October we came in safetie, God be thanked, to an 
anker at Plymouth. * * * Thus committing the re- 
liefe of my discomfortable company, the planters in Vir- 
ginia, to the merciful help of the Almighty, whom I most 
humbly beseech to helpe and comfort them, according to 
His most holy will and their good desire, I take my leave." 

Raleigh himself had never visited our shores, where in 
failure and disaster had ended all his efforts at settlement 
in this land, and where his unfortunate colonists passed 
from the domain of history into the domain of the unknown. 

And little Virginia Dare, what of her ? Did she die in 
infancy, and does her dust, mingled with the soil of her 
birth-place, blossom there into flowers that blush unseen? 
Did her little feet join in the wandering of the settlers from 
Roanoke to Croatan? Did she grow to womanhood in 
their second home, and did her life end in tragedy amid the 
darkness which enshrouds the fate of the Colony ? From 
the deep abysm of the past comes no answer. Yet a faint 
echo, a possible trace of the lost White Fawn, comes to us 
which may have reference to her, and with it the record 
closes forever : 



16 

Ir his first volume of " The History of Travaile," Wm. 
Strachey, Secretary of the Jamestown Colony, writing in 
1 612 of events that occurred in Virginia in 1608-10, says : 

" At Peccarecemmek and Ochanahoen, by the relation of 
Machamps, the people have howses built with stone walles, 
and one story above another, so taught them by those Eng- 
lish who escaped the slaughter at Roanoke, at what tyme 
this our Colony under the conduct of Captain Newport 
landed within the Chesapeake Bay, where the people breed 
up tame turkies about their howses and take apes in the 
mountains, and where, at Ritanoe, the Weroance Eyanoco 
preserved seven of the English alive, fo-wer men, two boys 
and one young mayde^ who escaped the massacre, and fled 
up the river Chanoke." (Chowan.) 

This " young mayde ' may well have been Virginia Dare, 
who, at the time mentioned, would have been about twenty- 
one years of age. The extract is of interest, also, as show- 
ing that the existence, and even the location, of certain of 
Raleigh's colonists were well known to the Jamestown set- 
tlers. Indeed both John Smith and Strachey make men- 
tion of scattered parties of those colonists several times, and 
the Virginia Company writes of some of them as "yet 
alive, within fifty miles of our fort, * * * * as is 
testified by two of our colony sent out to search them, who, 
(though denied by the savages speech with them) found 
crosses * * * and assured Testimonies of Christians 
newly cut in the barks of trees." Here the veil of mystery 
falls around the White Fawn and her companions probably 
never to be raised. 



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<^Z ^--^^fff^u Jk^ 



r 



CDe nortb Carolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 





Colonial Um Bern. 



-BY- 



Mbs. Sara Beaumont Kennedy. 




PRWE 10 CENTS. ^ ^ ^ $1.00 THE YEAR. 



?;!*w"rpiw^^w 



Cbe nortb Carolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 



The Booklets will be in the following order : 

1. Virginia Dare, 

Maj, Graham Daves. 

2. Colonial New Bern, 

Mrs. Sara Beaumont Kennedy. 

3. Liberty, Property and no Stamp Duty. 

Col. A. M. Waddell. 

4. Edenton Tea Party, 

Dr. Richard Dillard. 

5. Betsy Dowdy's Eide, 

Col. R. B. Creecy. 

6. The Hornets Nest, 

Hon. Heriot Clarkson. 

7. Green's Eetreat, 

Prof. D. H. Hill. 

8. Monsieur Le Marquis de LaFayette, 

Maj. E. J. Hale. 

9. An Admiral and His Daughter, 

Dr. K. P. B^ttj[e. /^ JA / 

10. Pettigrew's Charge, ^ttU irk- pK^ <^ (yi-C> "^^<>AA- 

Capt. S. A. Ashe. ,^ ^y^ JCcij^ 

11. Eeminiscences of a Blockade Eunner, \(}f>^ , r ; 

Hon. James Sprunt. ' • * ' ' 

12. Ku Klux, 

Mrs. T. J. Jarvis. 

One Booklet a month will be issued by the North Carolina 
Society of t\)e Daughters of the Revolution, beginning 
May 10th, 1901. Price $1.00 a year. 

editors. i 

Miss Martha Helen Haywood, Mrs. Hubert Haywood, " 

raleiqh, n. c. 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET. 



Vol. I. JUNB 10, 1901. NO. 2. 



COLONIAL NEW BERN. 



BT 

MRS. SABA BEAUMONT KENNEDY. 



RALEIGH: 

Capitai, Printing Company. 

1901. 



"Carolina! Carolina! I)caoen'$ blessings attend ber: 
mi)ile we live we will cberisb, protect and defend ber." 



PREFACE. 



THE COLONY OF PALATINATES WHO, WITH THE SWISS, 
SETTLED IN NEW BERN, NORTH CAROLINA. 

In that lovely and picturesque portion of Germany, situ- 
ated on both sides of the river Rhine, lay the country for- 
merly known to history as " The Palatinate." Its inhabi- 
tants were Protestants, and in the Thirty Year's war of 
religion between the Romanists and Protestants, Heidelberg, 
the principal city of the Palatinates, was laid a heap of 
smoldering ruins by the Spanish under Tilley, and its Uni- 
versity was plundered of its great library which was pre- 
sented by the conquerers to Pope Gregory XV. 

Later on, the French, under Louis XIV., laid v/aste this 
country. A distinguished writer says : " The ravages of 
Ivouis XIV., in the beautiful valley of the Rhine, were more 
fierce and cruel than even Mohametons could have had the 
heart to perpetrate. Private dwellings were demolished, 
fields laid waste, cities razed to the ground. Brt three days 
of grace were allowed to the wretched inhabitants to flee 
their country. And soon the roads were blackened by in- 
numerable multitudes of men, women and children flying 
from their homes in the dead of winter, often feeble, naked 
and starving, leaving their marks in bloody foot-prints on 
the snow. Many died of cold and hunger, but enough sur- 
vived to fill the streets of the cities of Europe with lean and 
squalid beggars who had once been thriving merchants and 
farmers." 

"England, ever the refuge of the oppressed, opened her arms 
to the people. Twelve thousand sought shelter there. Many 
of them, with the aid of " Good Queen Anne," were enabled 
afterwards to form homes for themselves in America. 
Among these were those Palatinates who accompained De 
Graffenried's colony of Swiss and founded New Bern." 

[See Bernheim, page 43. — Editors.] 



COLONIAL NEW BERN. 

A long point of land bounded north and south by a strip 
of shining river. And on this land a virgin forest draped 
in long gray moss ; here and there a tangle of vines, a rain- 
bow blending of parti-colored blossoms, with brilliant gros- 
beaks and red-winged blackbirds darting like living flow- 
ers through the golden sunshine leaving a trail of song be- 
hind, or whip-poor-wills and chuckwill-widows calling 
wistfully to each other through the lonesome darkness. 
And out beyond the apex of the tongue of land the two 
rivers, blended into one wide current, flowing ceaslessly to 
the distant waiting sea. This was the Dream-world be- 
tween the Neuse and the Trent, in the Carolina country, 
where one day civilization was to join hands with nature. 

And while the birds sang and the flowers bloomed here, 
in the old world across the ocean war's crimson banners 
shadowed the Swiss hills and the fair German valley of the 
Neckar, until hundreds of these persecuted people began to 
dream — dimly at first, then with pathetic eagerness — of 
peace and safety in some distant land where religious 
thought was free and where the tyrants heel pressed not so 
heavily. The Swiss, moved by this hope, sent a brave and 
intelligent man, Michell by name, to seek them a new nest- 
ing place in America, and awaited his return with longing. 
But the Germans turned their eyes toward England where 
Queen Anne, because of what they had suffered for Protest- 
antism, was willing to give them shelter. Thither they 
went, hundreds of them, but they did not take deep root in 



English soil, and were readily persuaded to try their for- 
tunes with the Swiss emigrants who were preparing to go 
to the new world. The man who laid this plan before 
them was Christopher de Graffenreid, a nobleman of Switz- 
land, who was at the court of Queen Anne, making prepa- 
rations for the transportation of the Swiss colony which he 
was to head. The Germans had become rather a problem 
to Queen Anne who listened with favor to his proposition 
to take some six hundred of them in conjunction with his 
own party. Contracts were drawn up, and Mitchell hav- 
ing reported favorably on a site between the Carolina rivers, 
the combined company sailed away into the west, following 
always the sunset banners that seemed ever to wave from 
the ramparts of a new stronghold of liberty. Who may 
tell how many romances were consummated as the young 
people of the company sat in the shadow of the sails or 
lingered in the moonlight on the decks of those slow-sail- 
ing vessels ? And yet again who will ever be able to count 
the bitter tears wept in secret for some lost love left behind 
in the land of tyranny ; for in selecting those who were to 
go with him, De Graffenreid chose only sound and 
healthy persons of both sexes. And so the lad by the 
mast, with his head on his arm, and the girl in the stern 
looking back to the dim horizon line were thinking, per- 
chance, of a pale faced maid or a cripple youth who had 
been rejected in the general selection. 

" I will go back for her when I have made a home for 
her here in this new country," the lad kept saying to him- 
self. 

" I shall die out here in this loneliness, and never see 



him again," the girl said over and over to her heart, with 
the hopelessness of helpless womanhood. 

After a long voyage the vessels came to the haven which 
they sought ; and after some hardships and delays the colo- 
nists reached that tongue of land lying in dreamful beauty 
between the two rivers, and the soft December days of 1709 
were filled with the sound of a white man's axe as the 
primeval forest made way for civilization. 

The town founded thus was called by De Graffenreid, 
New Bern, after the Swiss capital in the far-away heart of 
the Alps. 

In the De Graffenreid purchase there were ten thousand 
acres for which he and Michell paid " to the lords Proprie- 
tors ten pound purchase money for every thousand acres, 
and five shillings yearly as a quit rent to each thousand 
acres." And on his part De Graffenreid agreed to set off "by 
metes and bounds 250 acres of land for each of the one hun- 
dred and twenty German families, and to supply them with 
certain cattle, implements of agriculture and other neces- 
saries of life in a wild country." Reimbursement was to 
be made to him for these by the farmers the second year 
after the founding of the colony. 

Things seemed to have gone well with the New Bern 
colony during the first year. Other settlers, chiefly English, 
bought land among them, and there was a decided step for- 
ward in prosperity. But all the while the Indians were 
watching them jealously ; and in September of the second 
year there fell that dread massacre that was so near to 
blighting the colony of Carolina. In the New Bern dis- 
trict more than a hundred people died by Indian tortures. 



Among them, perhaps, perished the girl whose heart still 
wearied for her lame lover whose infirmity had separated 
them. 

When the blow fell De Grafifenreid and his surveyor, 
Lawson, were on an exploring expedition up the Neuse, 
and were captured. Lawson was tortured and finally put 
to death, but De Graffenreid was spared because of the 
superstitious fear with which the savages regarded the coat 
of arms, blazoned on a golden star, which he wore about 
his neck. The Indians took it for some kingly symbol, 
and feared to harm him further. And so they made terms 
with him exceedingly favorable to themselves, and sent 
him again to New Bern. The words of De Graffenreid's 
own journal bring this terrible adventure most strongly 
home to us : 

" One day when the weather was fine and there was good 
appearance that it would last, Surveyor-General Lawson 
proposed to me to go up Neuse River, hinting that there 
were plenty of wild grapes there, which we could gather 
for replenishing ourselves. We could see likewise whether 
the river Neuse could be navigated in its higher course, 
and could visit besides, the upper country. I had long 
been anxious to find how far it is from here to the mount- 
ains. I accordingly resolved to take the trip, being assur- 
ed that no savages lived on that branch of the river. But 
to feel safer we took two Indians to guide, which we knew 
well, with two negroes to row. So we went peacefully on 
our way. We had already gone a good two days journey 
and were near the village of Coram when we met Indians 
armed as for hunting, and we had hardly turned backwards 



when sucli a number came out from the bushes and they 
overtook us so suddenly that it was impossible to defend 
ourselves. They accordingly took us prisoners and led us 
away. Such a rare capture made them proud ; indeed they 
took me for the Governor of the Province himself, and we 
were compelled to run with them all night across thickets 
and swamps, until we came to Catechna or Hencocks-towne, 
where the king called Hencock was sitting in State. 

" The king stood up, approaching us and speaking to us 
very civilly, and they discussed at last whether we were to 
be burned as criminals or not. They concluded negatively, 
inasmuch as we had not been heard as yet, and at midday 
the king himself brought us to eat a kind of bread called 
' dumplings ' and venison. 

" In the evening there came a great many Indians. The 
' Assembly of the Great,' as they called it, (consisting of 
forty elders sitting on the ground around a fire, as is their 
custom), took place at ten o'clock in a beautiful open space. 
There was in the circle a place set apart with two mats for 
us, a mark of great deference and honor. We therefore sat 
upon them, and on our left side, our speaker, the Indian 
who had come with us. The speaker of the assembly 
made a long speech, and it was ordered thai the youngest 
of the assembly should represent the Indian Nation, the 
king putting the questions. We were examined very 
strictly concerning our intention, and why we had come 
hither. Also they complained very much of the conduct 
of English colonists, and particularly Mr. Lawson, charg- 
ing him with being too severe, and that he was the man 
who had sold their lands. 



" After having discussed at length, they concluded that 
we should be liberated, and the following day was appoint- 
ed for our return home. The next morning we were again 
examined, but one Cor Tom being present, the king of 
Cor village, he reproached Mr. Lawson for something, and 
they began to quarrel with great violence, which spoilt things 
entirely, though I made every effort to get Lawson to quit 
quarrelling. I did not succeed. All at once three or four 
Indians fell upon us in a furious manner. They took us 
violently by the arms and forced us to set upon the ground 
before the whole of them there collected. No mats were 
spread for us. They took our hats and periwigs and threw 
them into the fire, and a council of war being held we were 
immediately sentenced to death. On the day following we 
were taken to the place of execution. Before us a large 
fire was kindled. Whilst some acted the part of conjurors 
others made a ring around us which they strewed with 
flowers. Behind us lay my innocent negro, and in this 
miserable situation we remained that day and the subse- 
quent night. I was wholly resolved to die, and accordingly 
offered up fervent prayers during the whole day and night, 
and called to mind as I could remember them, even the 
least sins. I tried and recalled all what I had read in Holy 
Scripture — in short I prepared myself the best I could to a 
good and salutary death. I found in the meanwhile a 
great consolation in considering the miracles which our 
Lord Jesus had made, and I addressed forthwith my ardent 
prayers to my Divine Saviour, not doubting that He would 
grant them, and perhaps change these savage hearts — harder 
than rocks — so that they would pardon me, — what indeed 
happened by God's miraculous Providence. 



10 

" On the morning of the next day on which we were to 
die, a great multitude was collected to see the execution. 
Thus began our Long Tragedy which I would like to tell, 
if it were not too long and dreadful — but — since I begun, I 
will go on. In the centre of that great place, we were 
seated on the ground, the Surveyor-General and myself, 
bound and undressed with bare heads, and in the front of 
us a great fire ; near it was the conjuror or High Priest, (an 
old grizzled Indian — the priests are generally magicians 
and can even conjure up the devil), a little further was an 
Indian savage standing. He did not move from the spot, 
with the knife in one hand and an axe in the other. It 
was apparently the executioner. Around us sat the chiefs 
in two rows ; behind them were the common people, up- 
wards of three hundred in number — men, women and child- 
ren — with faces painted red, white and black, who were 
jumping and dancing like so many devils, and cutting a 
variety of infernal capers. Behind us stood armed Indians 
as guards, who stimulated the dancers by stamping with 
their feet and firing their guns. Yes indeed, never 
was the devil represented with a more frightful appearance 
than these savages presented as they danced around the 
fire. I uncovered my soul to my Saviour Christ Jesus and 
my thoughts were wholly employed with death. 

" At length, however, I recollected myself and turning 
to the council of chiefs, made a short discourse, assuring 
them that the great Queen of England would avenge my 
death. I further stated whatever I thought fit, besides to 
induce them to some mitigation. After I had done speak- 
ing, I remarked that one of the notables, (who was a rela- 



11 

tion of King Taylor from whom I bought the land where 
New Bern now stands), that, that notable spoke earnestly, 
apparently in my favor, as it came out. Then it was 
forthwith resolved to send a few members to their neigh- 
bor, a certain King Tom Blunt of the Tuscaroras. The 
result was, as will be seen, that I was to live and that poor 
Surveyor-General Lawson was to be executed. Thus God 
in His mercy heard my prayers. I spent that whole night 
in great anguish awaiting my fate, in continuous prayers 
and sighs. Meanwhile I also examined my poor negro, 
exhorting him the best way I knew — and he gave me more 
satisfaction than I expected — but I left Surveyor-General 
L , to offer his own prayers as being a man of understand- 
ing and not over religious. 

" Towards 3 or 4 in the morning the delegates came back 
from their mission and brought an answer, but very secretly. 
One or two of them came to unbind me ; not knowing what 
this meant, I submitted to the will of the Almighty, rose 
and followed him as a poor lamb to the slaughter. Alas ! 
I was much astonished when the Indians whispered in my 
ear that I had nothing to fear, but that I^awson would die, 
what affected me much. 

"They also liberated my negro, but I never saw hirn 
since. I was forbidden to speak the least word to Mr. Law- 
son. He took accordingly leave of me, and told me to say 
farewell, in his name, to his friends. Alas ! It grieved me 
much to leave him thus. I tried to show my compassion 
by a few signs. 

" Some time after the man who had spoken in my favor, 
led me to his cabin where I was to be kept quiet awaiting 



12 

further orders. In the meantime they executed the unfor- 
tunate Lawson. As to his death, I know nothing. Some 
said he was hung, some said he was burnt. The Indians 
kept that execution very secret. May God have mercy on 
his soul, 

" The next day the notables came to tell me of their de- 
sign to make war in North Carolina. They advised me 
that no harm would come to Chattooka * (the old name of 
New Bern) but that the people of the colony ought to go 
into the town or they could not answer for the evil that 
could happen — good words enough — but how was I to let 
the people know, since none would take a message for me. 
A few days later the savages came back with their booty. 
Alas ! what a sight for me to see — men, women and child- 
ren prisoners. The very Indian with whom I lodged, hap- 
pened to bring with him the boy of one of my tenants, and 
much clothing and furniture which I well knew. 

" Alas ! what was my apprehension that my whole col- 
ony was ruined, especially when I had privately questioned 
the boy. He cried bitterly, and told me how this same In- 
dian had savagely killed his father, mother and brother, 
yes, his whole family. * * I had to remain six weeks a 
prisoner in this hateful place, Catechna — I was once much 
perplexed. All men had gone to that plundering expedi- 
tion, the women, some to gather wild cherries, others to dig 
some kind of roots called "potatoes," which are yellow, 
very good and dainty. On that day I was all alone by my- 
self in that village. * * j accordingly said my prayers 

* The Chattawka Indians from whom New Berne was bought were in alliance 
with the Tuscaroras, and removed with them after this Indian war to New York, car- 
rying with them their name now so famous in educational circles. 



13 

and then examined the fro and con as to whether I should 
take flight or not, and found at last, it was best to stay. 
Experience showed that I made a wise choice. * * The 
barbarous expedition being ended, on the Sunday following 
their great Indian festival, having concluded a treaty of 
peace with these people, they brought me a horse. Two 
notables escorted me to Cor village, gave me a piece of In- 
dian bread and then left me. Thus have I escaped from 
the cruel hands of this barbarous nation, the Tuscaroras. 
Thence I had to foot it homeward. Quite lame, shivering 
with cold, nearly dead — my legs so stiff and swollen that I 
could not walk a step, but supported myself on two sticks, 
at last I arrived at my small home in New Bern. 

" When my good people saw me coming from afar, tanned 
like an Indian, but on the other hand considered my blue 
jerkin and my figure — they knew not what to think — the 
men even took up their arms — but when I came nearer quite 
lame, walking with two sticks, they knew by my look that 
I was not a savage. When I saw them so puzzled I began 
to speak with them from afar. They hollowed to the others 
to come, that it was their Lord returned whom they thought 
to be dead. And so all came in crowds, men, women and 
children, shouting and crying out, part of them weeping, 
others struck dumb, with surprise. Thus I was at last at 
home, and in my private room, gave ardent thanks to the 
Good God for my miraculous and gracious rescue." 

For a while De Graffenreid remained with the colony, 
pushing it to success by his strict adherence to the terms of 
neutrality in the constant quarrels between the English and 
the Indians. But his terrible experience during his cap- 



14 

tivity at the time of the massacre haunted his memory, 
until he wished no longer to make his home beside such 
barbarous neighbors ; and finally he sold his vast interests 
to a wealthy and influential gentleman named Thomas Pol- 
lock, for eight hundred pounds, and returned to his Swiss 
mountains, preferring, no doubt, to risk the evils of tyran- 
nical and religious persecution rather than the tortures of 
the fagot and the scalping-knife. Tradition has tried, in a 
vague way, to associate a romance with his stay in America ; 
but there seems to be no ground for this. He was most 
probably married when he came here, for it is stated that 
some of his descendants remained in this country ; and he 
would have no children old enough for such a step had he 
not been already a married man when Queen Anne sold 
him his landed rights. 

When he was gone there was much regret, but the town 
which he had founded did not languish under the new 
regime. Houses were built, streets were laid off and fields 
were cleared. Emigration continued to pour in ; prosperity 
came with favorable seasons and fine crops ; the rift in the 
forest widened as the population increased ; the broad, 
shady streets of the town soon stretched from river to river ; 
warehouses were opened, ships from many ports anchored 
in the harbor of the two rivers ; and so trade and commerce 
joined hands with agriculture to lift the little town to 
wealth and importance. And so it was that toward the 
middle of the century we find the royal governors making 
it their capital, convening here their legislatures and council 
sessions. The preacher and school-master followed the 
wharves and warehouses, bringing in their wake the refine- 



15 

ments of education ; and finally fashion came to give her 
finishing touches to a community that had picked up the 
golden apples in the race for success, and yet had come first 
to the goal. 

The royal governors of the province, with their splendid 
personal surroundings, their mal-administrations, their un- 
just taxations, came and went upon the scene like the 
figures of an ever changing kaleidoscope. It was perhaps 
not until the days of Governor Try on — " the Great Wolf of 
North Carolina " — that New Bern reached its zenith of 
social brilliance. Tryon was a soldier by taste and train- 
ing, but his charming wife and her beautiful sister, Esther 
Wake, a noted toast and belle, had all the social desires of 
admired and petted women ; and with them to direct mat- 
ters the Governor's receptions took on the semblance of 
court functions. Perhaps it was their ambition that fanned 
the flame of Tryon' s wish for a suitable government resi- 
dence in New Bern. The people at large were in a ferment 
of dissatisfaction against the administration of public affairs, 
and were already groaning under a burden of taxation that 
sapped their private incomes and left them discontented, 
and rebellious. In many ways this spirit was manifested, 
those who strove to adjust matters and do away with the 
existing evils being called " Regulators." It was these men 
who, a few months later, struck on the field of Alamance 
the prelude to that national march of freedom which began 
at Lexington and ended at Yorktown. 

But despite this public disquiet and his own personal 
unpopularity, Tryon, spurred on by his wife and sister-in- 
law, set himself to gather money for the erection of a palace 



16 

that would eclipse anything in the colonies. His procla- 
mation of the repeal of the odious Stamp Act, which had 
been a fire-brand in each of the thirteen colonies, so pleased 
the people that when the legislature assembled shortly 
after, the members were ready to listen favorably to any 
plea the governor might make. Tryon recognized the 
spirit of conciliation ; and Lady Tryon and beautiful Esther 
Wake, with fine dinners and pretty blandishments of flat- 
tery, so wrought upon the members that they voted a lib- 
eral appropriation for the building of the long wished-for 
palace. This appropriation was afterwards increased by 
the council, and still further added to by Tryon who di- 
verted certain public moneys into this channel. 

To a pioneer people with small wealth, except among a 
favored few, the taxes levied to raise this money was a hard- 
ship not easy to bear. But the haughty governor cared 
little for this, and his agents ground the money out of the 
people, and the palace rose majestically in the white moon 
shine and the sifting sunlight beside the Trent and New 
Bern town. A minute description of this palace is not nec- 
essary to this article. Suffice it to say that it consisted of 
three buildings, the center one holding the council halls 
and apartments of state, the two wings, which were con- 
nected with the main building by curved, covered colonades, 
being the domestic and residence portions. The main build- 
ing was two stories high, with a flat roof on which was a 
promenade and an aquarium. The material was brick, the 
chimney breasts and cornices being of white marble exqui- 
sitely carved. It was pronounced the finest structure in 
British North America. The architect was a Moor by the 



17 

name of Hawks whom Tryon induced to come to New 
Bern for this especial work ; the material was all imported 
from Europe. Here for a time the Royal governors dwelt, 
and here was focused the wit and wealth, the beauty, and 
the fashion of the whole colony. But after the going of 
Martin, the last ruler to hold authority in Carolina under 
the king's seal, the history of the palace changed. For a 
time it remained closed ; but after the Revolution the au- 
thorities allowed it to be used as a school, the academy hav- 
ing been burned. Of this school the Rev. Thomas Irwin, 
one of the most unique characters of his time and place, 
was principal. In the cellar directly under the council 
chambers, was stored a quantity of wood and hay. Here 
there came one day a negro woman hunting eggs. The 
pine torch she carried set fire to the hay and the whole pile 
of Tryon's palace, except one of the wings, was burned. So 
passed away in flame and smoke what would have been for 
long generations a land-mark for history, a Mecca for the 
antiquarian. The wing which was saved has served many 
purposes since it fell from its high estate, being at one time 
a warehouse, at another a dwelling, and yet again a stable 
where General Washington's horse was stalled when he 
visited New Bern in 1791. Later it was repaired and used 
by the Episcopal Church as a parish school and chapel. It 
is the property of the Daves family, long prominent resi- 
dents of the community. 

About the palace must always cluster romantic memories 
and legends. For the upper classes its opening marked 
the golden days of the colonial period. Throughout the 
country there might be the rumblings of the gathering 



18 

political storm, but in the palace where fetes and levees 
and music and dancing, dainty dames, with powdered 
heads and rustling brocade, greeted their brilliantly clad 
cavaliers in the reel or minuet ; there were feasting and 
wine drinking in the garlanded banquet rooms ; jesting and 
dancing in the wide halls, and at the curtained windows 
and in the starlight on the promenade upon the roof there 
were whisperings of lovers, and down-cast eyes and blush- 
ing cheeks and — mayhap — stolen kisses. And all of life 
seemed a-shine with jewels and set to a strain of minuet 
music. Here, on this narrow strip of land where, less than 
fifty years before, the only human trespasser was the half 
nude Indian hunter, the arts of civilization met in a brill- 
liant focus. Gallants in silk and velvet sighed on bended 
knee for beauty's cast-off ribbon as a love favor, or fought 
fierce duels with their rivals for a rose or a glove ; for 
swords hung loose in their scabbards in those days of peri- 
wig and powder, and " trifles light as air " moved men to 
blows. Nor was the merry-making confined to the palace. 
In the houses of the wealthier merchants and planters there 
was an open-handed hospitality that has never been relin- 
quished by their descendants. In some of these houses the 
furnishings and table service were plain and unostenta- 
tious; in others, sumptuous — fine upholstering and massive 
silver plate, heirlooms from former days of grandeur in Eng- 
land. Here and there was a lady who took her airing in a 
coach driven by liveried servants, but the large majority 
went to the palace levees in " chairs " borne by footmen. 
Constant intercourse with the mother country kept the 
" quality folk " in touch with English fashions, so that 



19 

Tryon's " drawing rooms " were mimic reproductions of 
those of St. James. 

The character of the population had changed materially 
since the Pollock purchase. New Bern had long ago ceas- 
ed to be a Swiss and German settlement. Some of these 
first comers had, indeed, become substantial citizens, but 
many more had faded out before the in-coming of the En- 
glish. One who writes with seeming authority has this to 
say about the Swiss : 

" While in New Bern I frequently saw the Ipocks who 
lived in the vicinity. They were an obscure class of peo- 
ple, resembling Gypsies in appearance. I was at the time 
not aware that the Ipocks belonged to the Swiss nobility who 
came over with the founders of New Bern. I have since 
been informed that such is the fact — the original name be. 
ing Ebach in Switzerland." The strange character known 
throughout the community as "Mother Ipock" or the "Witch 
of the Neuse," was of these people. She was a protege of 
the palace at the same time that it had another striking 
personality — Colonel Ferguson, nephew to Martin, the 
last of the royal governors. A lady's man, a fop ; Ferguson 
was the champion rifle shot of the world, and one of the 
most brilliant cavalry officers who wore the red during the 
Revolution. He fell at King's Mountain where the tide of 
war was turned in America's favor. 

Such was colonial New Bern, the child of romance, the 
abiding place of the spirits of adventure and chivalry. She 
gave to the State some of her most distinguished builders 
and defenders. Many of the names known in the annals 
of the nation were first household words in New Bern, 



20 

graven on her door plates, and later on the marble slabs 
under the moss-draped elms in that portion of her domain 
called " God's Acre." 

Here are still to be found some of the mementoes and 
landmarks of those dead and gone colonial days. Here is 
still that un burned wing of Tryon's palace which links us 
to the past ; here is Pollock Street, perpetuating the name 
of him who took up De Graffenreid's burden of colony 
building. Here, too are some of the dwellings erected by 
the men of that lost time — the Gaston home, the Nash place 
the Hughes and Ellis houses, the Pollock and Burgwyn 
homesteads, and others that have withstood the ravages of 
time and the assaults of war. The scene of many stiring 
events since those days of periwig and brocades. New 
Bern's chief glory must ever be the white stone of history 
she set up in the flowery wilderness in these past but un- 
forgotten days of colonial splendor. 



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A picture convincing in its actuality of Eevolutionary days in 
the Carolinas. When the tide of war ran high in the South and 
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Tory wit rang as sharp and keen as the good blade Richard 
Clevering, torn between love and patriotism, drew for hearth 
and home. 

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Printed first in Everybodys Magazine. 



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1. Virginia Dare, 

Maj. Graham Daves. 

2. Colonial New Bern, 

Mrs. Sara Beaumont Kennedy. 

3. Liberty, Property and no Stamp Duty. 

Col. A. M. Waddell. 

4. Edenton Tea Party, 

Dr. Richard Dillard. 

5. Betsy Dowdy's Eide, 

Col. R. B. Creecy. 

6. The Hornets Nest, 

Hon. Heriot Clarkson. 

7. Green's Ketreat, 

Prof. D. H. Hill. 

8. Monsieur Le Marquis de LaFayette, 

Maj. E. J. Hale. 

9. An Admiral and His Daughter, 

Dr. K. P. Battle. 

10. Pettigrew's Charge, 

Capt. S. A. Ashe. 

11. Keminiscences of a Blockade Kunner, 

Hon. James Sprunt. 

12. Ku Klux, 

Mrs. T. J. Jarvis, 

One Booklet a month will be issued by the North Carolina 
Society of tbe Daughters of the Revolution, beginning 
May 10th, 1901. Price $1.00 a year. 

EDITORS. 

Miss Martha Helen Haywood, Mrs. Hubert Haywood, 
raleigh, n. c. 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET. 



VOJL. I, JXJXiY 10, 1901. No. 3. 



THE STAMP ACT ON THE 
CAPE FEAR. 



BX 

COIi. A. M. WADDELiIi. 



RALEIGH : 

Capitai, Printing Company. 

1901. 



''Carolina! Carolina: l^eaoen's b1e$$ins$ amnd ber! 
mbile we live we will cberisft, protect and defend ber." 



THE STAMP ACT ON THE CAPE FEAR 



Substituting the word " wrongs " for the word " crimes," 
Madame Roland's dying exclamation, " Oh ! Liberty how 
many crimes are committed in thy name ! " may well be ap- 
plied to history. Perhaps history lies in attributing to her 
the exclamation. Who knows ? There are ten thousand 
" facts '' of history that have been disputed or denied with 
great plausibility. Napoleon said that history is a lie, and 
he was right well informed. Any one who really knows 
the truth about the history of the people of North Carolina 
will be ready to concur with the great Corsican, when he 
reads the standard histories of the United States, so far as 
the treatment of North Carolina and North Carolinians is 
concerned, from Colonial days down to the close of the war 
of i86i-'65. 

In the first edition of his work Bancroft paid a magni- 
ficent tribute to the liberty-loving spirit of the people of 
North Carolina as displayed in Colonial days, but in the 
edition published during the war for Southern independence, 
called by the victorious Northern people " The Rebellion," 
the tribute was eliminated, and no longer appears in that 
standard work. The contribution of money and troops by 
North Carolina during the campaign of 1754 — which was 
the first time in our Colonial history that troops were raised 
by a Colony to serve outside of its borders in the common 
defence of all — and in the campaigns of 1755 and 1758 — 



in the latter of which her soldiers were the advanced guard, 
and one of them by his gallantry in capturing an Indian 
and securing information for which a reward had been of- 
fered, but which he never received, assured and hastened 
the capture of Fort DuQuesne, and the conduct of her troops 
in the American Revolution, have all been ignored or mis- 
represented by the writers of American history. The same 
story might be continued to include the aforesaid " rebel- 
lion," but we will let that pass for the present, and take up 
an older theme. 

The celebrated Stamp Act which was passed by the 
British Parliament March 22, 1765,^ and the repeal of which 
occurred just one year afterwards, was one of the most po- 
tent causes of the Revolution of 1776, which resulted in 
the establishment of the Government of the United States 
of America. One year previous to the passage of this Act — 
namely in 1764 — the Parliament of Great Britain had, for 
the first time, undertaken to appropriate the property of 
American subjects to the purpose of increasing the revenues 
of the Crown by imposing a duty on sugar, coffee, wine, 
and other articles of foreign growth imported into the Col- 
onies. Finding that there was still a deficit in the reve- 
nues, after the imposition of these duties on foreign im- 
ports, and in pursuance of a previously declared purpose, 
they passed the Stamp Act in 1765. This Act, containing 
fifty-five sections, provided an elaborate system of stamp 
duties for the Colonies, and all offences against its provi- 
sions were made cognizable in the Courts of Admiralty in 
which there were no juries, "so that," as Bancroft says, 
" the Americans were not only to be taxed by the British 



Parliament, but to have the taxes collected arbitrarily, 
under the decree of British Judges, without any trial by 
jury." The bill of 1764 had met with no opposition in 
Parliament, but the Stamp Act was opposed there and de- 
bated for some time. In the Colonies it was almost uni- 
versally denounced as unconstitutional, unjust, and ruinous 
to the Americans, because it clogged business, by imposing 
a heavy tax on every kind of paper-writing used in ordinary 
transactions, as well as in Court proceedings, and taxed the 
privilege of publishing, advertising in, or reading newspa- 
pers, pamphlets, and other publications. This Stamp tax 
was in addition to the impost duties on sugar, coffee and all 
luxuries, which went to the Crown, and was entirely out- 
side of the taxes imposed by the Colonial Legislatures for 
local government. The people of the Colonies were poor 
and harassed by all sorts of trials and dangers, and they 
justly regarded this enormous burden of taxation, imposed 
by a parliament in which they had no representation, as a 
cruel wrong, and, as Washington called it, "a direful attack 
upon their liberties," and therefore it roused the people of 
the Colonies as no act of Parliament had ever done before, 
and united them in a determination to resist the enforce- 
ment of it. 

What did the people of North Carolina do about it ? If 
you seek information on that question from the histories of 
the United States you will be disappointed. It is not in 
them — but the facts were published in official papers at the 
time, and are supported by tradition in such a way as to 
make any mistake about them impossible. I can very well 
understand that the carelessness and indifference of our peo- 



pie about their own achievements has caused them to be 
doubted or denied, but why historians should persistently 
refuse to give credit to North Carolina people for what they 
have done in every war from Colonial days down to the 
close of the war for Southern independence in 1865, I con- 
fess I do not understand. It has been the fashion for over 
a hundred years to sneer at them, and this, too, in the face 
of a record which is, in many respects, absolutely unpa- 
ralleled. 

Now let us begin with the resistance to the Stamp Act 
in 1765. I assert, with absolute confidence in the correct- 
ness of the assertion, that, although the people of the other 
Colonies were as resolute in their determination to resist 
the act, and although they exhibited their feeling by half- 
masting flags, burning effigies, forming processions and 
forcing stamp-masters to resign, yet in one colony only did 
they, openly, in large numbers, and with arms in their 
hands, resist an armed force — a twenty gun sloop of war — 
in an attempt to land the stamps, and this two weeks after 
they had compelled a stamp-master to resign his office. I 
This was at Brunswick on the Cape Fear River, sixteen | 
miles below Wilmington, on the 28th of November, 1765, ; 
when the sloop of war Diligence arrived with the stamps — /' 
the stamp-master, William Houston, having been compelled \ 
to resign on the i6th. As early as the 3d of May in that 
year, the Assembly of the Province had met, but as soon as 
Governor Tryon discovered its temper by inquiring of the 
Speaker, John Ashe, what they would do about the Stamp 
Act — to which Ashe replied that " it would be resisted to 
blood and death" — Tryon, on the i8th of May, prorogued 



(adjourned) the Assembly to meet at Newbern November 
30th, but finding before that time that, instead of abating, 
the spirit of the people was growing more intense, he again 
prorogued the Assembly until March 12th of the next year. 
This proroguing of the Assembly on the i8th of May and 
again on the 25th of October, 1765, prevented North Caro- 
lina from sending delegates to what is known as the Stamp 
Act Congress, (as such delegates had to be elected by the 
Assembly) ; and the fact that there were no delegates to 
that Congress from North Carolina was charged as a want 
of courage and patriotism, by certain persons who have un- 
dertaken to write history, without knowing the facts. 
Tryon's trick to keep the Assembly from sending delegates, 
however, was vain, for the people in Wilmington, under 
the leadership of Col. Hugh Waddell, assembled and passed 
resolutions denouncing the Stamp Act, and expressing a 
determination to resist it, and this was done openly under 
the very nose of the governor. 

This was in the summer of 1765 and the armed resistance 
to the landing of the stamps occurred on the following 28th 
of November. On that day the sloop of war Diligence, ac- 
companied by the sloop of war Viper, arrived at Brunswick 
with the stamps on board, but her arrival having been an- 
ticipated for some time, an armed force from Brunswick 
and New Hanover counties (the former county having been 
established in 1764 out of the territory of the latter) were 
on the ground ready to resist the landing of the stamps. 
This force was under the command of Col. Hugh Waddell 
and Col. John Ashe, Speaker of the Assembly. 

The Royal Governor, Tryon, who was himself a soldier, 



holding the commission of Lt. Col. of the Queen's Guards, 
was greatly scandalized and indignant at such defiance of 
authority, but Capt. Phipps of the Diligence seems to have 
taken matters very philosophically and left the governor to 
do the fretting, a process which he had been undergoing 
ever since the i6th when the stamp-master, Houston, had 
been " compelled in the Court House in Wilmington in the 
presence of the Mayor and some Aldermen to resign his of- 
fice," as Tryon wrote to Conway, Secretary of State. The 
Mayor referred to was Moses John de Rosset, but the names 
of the Aldermen who were present are not known. 

Tryon did not write a word to the British authorities 
about all this business until the 26th of December, 1765, 
when he began his first letter to Hon. Seymour Conway, 
Secretary of State, by saying, "It is with concern I ac- 
/ quaint you that the obstructions to the Stamp Act passed 
. last session of Parliament has been as general in this Pro- 
' vince as in any Colony on the Continent," and goes on to 
say that " the first intelligence of the general alarm which 
was spread against the Stamp Act in this Colony was in 
October last at a time I lay extremely ill of the fevers of 
this country which with repeated relapses I have expe- 
rienced these five months. '' It was in this letter that he 
said, " Near fifty of the above gentlemen (the merchants of 
New Hanover and Brunswick counties) waited on me to 
dinner, when I urged to them the expediency of permitting 
the circulation of the stamps ; " and in the same letter he 
gave an account of the incident at the Court House in Wil- 
mington when Houston was compelled to take the oath not 
to distribute the stamps, and added that some merchants of 



Wilmington had been " as assiduous in obstructing the re- 
ception of the stamps as any of the inhabitants." 
His letter, in full, is as follows : 

"Brunswick, 26th December, 1765. 
" The Right Hon' hie H^y Seymour Conway: 

" In obedience to His Majesty's commands communicated 
to me by the honor of your letter of the 12th of July last, 
it is with concern I acquaint you that the obstruction to the 
Stamp Act passed last session of Parliament has been as 
general in this province as in any Colony on the continent, 
tho' their irregular proceedings have been attended with no 
mischief, or are by any means formidable. I am much of 
the opinion that whatever measures are prescribed and en- 
forced his Majesty's authority to the more formidable Colo- 
nies to the Northward will meet with a ready acquiescence 
in the Southern provinces, without the necessity of any 
military force. The first intelligence of the general alarm 
which was spread against the Stamp Act in this Colony 
was in October last, at a time I lay extremely ill of the fe- 
vers of this country, which with repeated relapses I have 
experienced these five months past. I was very impatient 
to seize the first opportunity to communicate my sentiments 
to the merchants of New Hanover and Brunswick counties, 
who are the persons that carry on the commerce of the Cape 
Fear River (and where I imagined the stamps would ar- 
rive) on the then situation of public affairs. On the i8th 
November near fifty of the above gentlemen waited on me 
to dinner when I urged to them the expediency of permit- 
ting the circulation of the stamps, but as my health at that 



10 

time would not allow me to write down my speech I must 
beg to refer you, sir, to the enclosed Carolina Gazette of 
the 27th November in which you will find nearly the sub- 
stance of what I declared and proposed to the above gentle- 
men. Their answer and my reply are inclosed. Two days 
before the above meeting, Mr. Houston, the distributor of 
the stamps, was compelled in the Court House in Wilming- 
ton, and in the presence of the Mayor and some Aldermen 
to resign his office. The stamps arrived the 28th of No- 
vember last in his Majesty's Sloop, the Diligence, Capt. 
Phipps commander, but as there was no Distributor or 
other officer of the stamps in this country after Mr. Hous- 
ton's resignation the stamps still remain on board the said 
ship. No vessels have been cleared out since the first of 
November from this river or from any other in this pro- 
vince that I have received intelligence of. Some merchants 
from Wilmington applied to me for certificates for their 
ships, specifying that no stamps were to be had, which I 
declined granting, referring them to the officers of his Ma- 
jesty's Customs. They have been as assiduous in obstruct- 
ing the reception of the stamps as any of the inhabitants. 
" No business is transacted in the Courts of Judicature, 
tho' the Courts have been regularly opened and all civil 
government is now at a stand. This stagnation of all 
public business and commerce under the low circumstances 
of the inhabitants must be attended with fatal consequences 
to this colony, if it subsists but for a few months longer. 
There is little or no specie circulating in the maritime 
counties of this province, and what is in circulation in the 
back counties is so very inconsiderable that the Attorney- 



11 

General assures me that the stamp duties on the instru- 
ments used in the five Superior Courts of this province 
would in one year require all the specie in the country ; the 
business which is likewise transacted in the twenty-nine 
inferior, or County Courts, the many instruments which 
pass through the Sheriff's hands and other civil officers ; 
those in the Land Office, and many other instruments used 
in transaction of public business were the reasons which in- 
duced me to believe the operation of all its parts impracti- 
cable, and which likewise prompted me to make my propo- 
sals for the ease and convenience of the people, and to en- 
deavor to reconcile them to this Act of Parliament. 

" On the 2oth of last month I opened and proclaimed my 
commission at Wilmington, when I consulted his Majesty's 
Council if any measures could be proposed to induce the 
people to receive the stamps. They were unanimously of 
opinion that nothing further could be done than what I 
have already offered. 

" I have his Majesty's writs for a new election of As- 
sembly, but shall not meet them till next April at New- 
bern. I am, sir, etc., 

" Wm. Tryon." 

The fact of the formidable display of force on the 28th 
November, 1765, which prevented the landing of the 
stamps was carefully suppressed by Tryon. He did not 
wish to let the home government know how far matters 
had gone. He did not wish them to be shocked by the 
statement that these colonists had not only prevented the 
landing of the stamps, but had seized a boat of the Dili- 



12 

gence, and, after leaving a guard at Brunswick, had marched 
to Wilmington with it where they were greeted by a tri- 
umphel procession and a general illumination of the town. 
But matters were growing worse and so rapidly that he was 
compelled to report them. 

Early in February, 1766, and while the men of war, Di- 
ligence and Viper, were still lying at their anchorage at 
Brunswick, two vessels, the Dobbs and the Patience, ar- 
rived, the one from St. Christophers and the other from 
Philadelphia. Their clearance papers were not stamped, 
as required by the Stamp Act, and thereupon Capt. Lobb, 
of the Viper, seized them. The captains of the vessels pro- 
tested that they could not get stamps at the ports from 
which they came, and showed certificates of the fact, but 
this availed nothing and the vessels were held. As soon 
as this became known the excitement among the people 
over the circumstances was intense, and they assembled 
with arms to the number of about six hundred, and chose 
Col. Hugh Waddell as their commander. Of their subse- 
quent proceedings Tryon gives some account in his letter 
of February 25th to the Secretary of State, but he sup- 
presses some of the facts, as he had previously done about 
the resistance to the landing of the stamps. 

This letter of February 25th is as follows : 

" The Right Honorable Henry Seymour Conway^ Esq., 
One of His Majesty'' s Principal Secretaries of State: 

"Brunswick, the 25th February, 1766. 
" Sir : — As I wish to give you as particular a relation for 
his Majesty's information as I possibly can of an illegal as- 



13 

sembly of men in arms, assembled at Brunswick on the 
19th inst., I have collected all the letter correspondence 
that has come to my knowledge, previous to the 19th inst., 
during the time the men remained in arms, as well as after 
they dispersed. 

" In this letter I shall chiefly confine myself to the nar- 
rations of the actions and conduct of the body assembled, 
desiring leave to refer you to the letters as they occur in 
point of order and time. 

" The seizures Capt. Lobb made of the Dobbs and Pa- 
tience sloops, (as by his letter to the collector for taking 
the papers and the Attorney General's opinion thereon) was 
an affair I did not interfere with. In the first instance I 
never was applied to, and in the second, I thought it rested 
with Capt. Lobb. 

"On the i6th, in the evening, Mr. Dry, the Collector, 
waited on me with a letter he received dated from Wil- 
mington the 15th of February, 1766, and at the same time 
informed me he had sent the subscribers word he should 
wait on them the next day. I strongly recommended him 
to put the papers belonging to the Patience Sloop on board 
the Viper (those of the Dobbs had some time before been 
given to the owners on his delivering security for them) as 
I apprehended, I said, those very subscribers would compel 
him to give them up. His answer was, " They might take 
them from him but he would never give them up without 
Capt. Lobb's order." The weather on the 17th prevented 
Mr. Dry from going to Wilmington till the next day. 

" The next intelligence I received was in the dusk on the 
evening of the 19th soon after 6 o'clock by letter delivered 



14 

me by Mr. George Moore and Mr. Cornelius Harnett bear- 
ing date the 19th and signed "John Ashe, Thomas Lloyd, 
Alexander Lillington." My letter of the same night di- 
rected " To the Commanding Officer either of the Viper or 
Diligence Sloops of War " will explain the opinion I enter- 
tained of the offer made of a guard of gentlemen, and my 
declaration to the detachment I found surrounding my 
house. This letter my servant about three in the morning 
put on board the Diligence who lay moored opposite to my 
house at the distance of four or five hundred yards, and re- 
turned to me again in a short space of time with Capt. 
Phipp's letter in answer. Soon after I had put up the 
lights required. Capt. Phipps came himself on shore to 
me, the guards having quitted the posts they had taken 
round the house, and on the beach. With a most generous 
warmth and zeal Capt. Phipps offered me every service his 
ship or himself could afford. I assured him the services I 
wished to receive from his Majesty's sloops consisted wholly 
in the protection of the Fort. That as Capt. Dalrymple 
had but five men in garrison to defend eight eighteen 
pounders, eight nine pounders, and twenty-three swivel 
guns all mounted and fit for service together with a consid- 
erable quantity of amunition, I wrote an order to Capt. 
Dalrymple " to obey all orders he might receive from the 
Commanding Officer either of the Viper or Diligence sloops 
of war," and desired Capt. Phipps would send it to the Fort. 
I made it so general because Capt. Phipps told me neither 
of the sloops had a pilot then on board, and that it was un- 
certain which ship could get down to the Fort, distant four 
leagues from where the ships then lay o£f Brunswick ; Capt. 



15 

Phipps after a stay on shore of about ten minutes returned 
on board the Diligence. 

"On the aoth, about 12 o'clock at noon, Capt. Lobb sent 
to desire I would meet him on board the Diligence, which 
request I immediately complied with and at the same time 
the Collector, Mr. Dry, came on board. There were then 
present the Captains Ivobb and Phipps, Mr. McGwire, Vice 
Judge of the Admiralty, the Collector and myself. Capt. 
Lobb told me he had a committee from the inhabitants in 
arms on board his ship, that they demanded the possession 
of the sloops he had seized and that he was to give them 
his ansmer in the afternoon. Mr. Dry, the Collector, in- 
formed me that his desk was broken open on the 19th in 
the evening and the unstampt papers belonging to the Pa- 
tience and Ruby sloops forcibly taken from him. He said 
he knew most of the persons that came into his house at 
that time, but he did not see who broke open the desk and 
took out the papers. Capt. Lobb seemed not satisfied with 
the legality of the seizure of the Ruby sloop (seized subse- 
quent to the papers that were sent to the Attorney General 
for his opinion, on the Dobbs and Patience) and declared 
he would return her to the master or owner ; but that he 
would insist on the papers belonging to the Patience being 
returned, which were taken from the Collector's desk, and 
that he would not give up the Sloop Patience. I approved 
of these resolutions and desired that he would not in the 
conduct of this affair consider my family, myself or my 
property, that I was greatly solicitous for the honor of gov- 
ernment and his Majesty's interest in the present exigency, 
and particularly recommended to him the protection of Fort 



16 

Johnston. I then returned on shore. In the evening Capt. 
Phipps waited on me from on board the Viper, and ac- 
quainted me that all was settled ; that Capt. Lobb had given 
his consent for the owners to take possession of the Sloops 
Ruby and Patience, as the copy of Capt. Lobb's orders for 
that purpose will declare. 

" This report was not consistent with the determinations 
I concluded Capt. Lobb left the Diligence in, when I met 
him according to his appointment but a few hours before. 

" To be regular in point of time I must now speak of 
some further conduct of the inhabitants in arms, who were 
continually coming into Brunswick from different counties. 
This same evening of the 20th inst. Mr. Pennington, his 
Majesty's Comptroller, came to let me know there had been 
a search after him, and as he guessed they wanted him to 
do some act that would be inconsistent with the duty of his 
office, he came to acquaint me with this enquiry and search. 
I told him I had a bed at his service, and desired he would 
remain with me. The next morning, the 2 ist, about eight 
o'clock, I saw Mr. Pennington going from my house with 
Col. James Moore. I called him back, and as Col. Moore 
returned with him I desired to know if he had any business 
with Mr. Pennington. He said the gentlemen assembled 
wanted to speak with him. I desired Col. Moore would 
inform the gentleman, Mr. Pennington, his Majesty's Comp- 
troller, I had occasion to employ on dispatches for his Ma- 
jesty's service, therefore could not part with him. Col. 
Moore then went away and in five minutes afterwards I 
found the avenues to my house again shut up by different 
parties of armed men. 



17 

Soon after the foltowing note was sent and the answer 
annexed returned : 

" Sir : — The gentlemen assembled for the redress of 
grievances desirous of seeing Mr. Pennington to speak with 
him sent Col. Moore to desire his attendance, and under- 
stand that he was stayed by your Excellency, they therefore 
request that your Excellency will be pleased to let him at- 
tend, otherwise it will not be in the power of the Directors 
appointed, to prevent the ill consequences that may attend 
a refusal. They don't intend the least injury to Mr. Pen- 
nington." 

Friday, the 2ist February, 1766. 

To his Excellency. 

THE ANSWER. 

'* Mr. Pennington being employed by his Excellency on 
dispatches for his Majesty's service, any gentleman that 
may have business with him may see him at the Governor's 
House." 

3ist February, 1766. 

It was about 10 o'clock when I observed a body of men 
in arms, from four to five hundred move towards the house. 
A detachment of sixty men came down the avenue, and the 
main body drew up in front, in sight, and within three 
hundred yards of the house. Mr. Harnett, a representative 
in the Assembly for Wilmington, came at the head of the 
detachment, and sent a message to speak with Mr. Pen- 
nington. When he came into the house he told Mr. Pen- 
nington the gentlemen wanted him. I answered, Mr. Pen- 



18 

nington came into my house for refuge, lie was a Crown 
Officer, and as such I would give him all the protection my 
roof, and the dignity of the character I held in this province 
could afford him. Mr. Harnett hoped I would let it go, as 
the people were determined to take him out of the house if 
he should be longer detained ; an insult he said they wished 
to avoid offering to me. An insult, I replied, that would 
not tend to any great consequence, after they had already 
offered every insult they could offer, by investing my house, 
and making me in effect a prisoner before any grievance, 
or oppression, had been first represented to me. Mr. Pen- 
nington grew very uneasy, said he would choose to go to 
the gentlemen ; I again repeated my offers to protection, if 
he chose to stay. He declared, and desired I would remem- 
ber, that whatever oaths might be imposed on him, he 
should consider them as acts of compulsion and not of free 
will ; and further added that he would rather resign his of- 
fice than do any act contrary to his duty. If that was his 
determination, I told him, he had better resign before he 
left me. Mr. Harnett interposed, with saying he hoped he 
would not do that. I enforced the recommendation for res- 
ignation. He consented, paper was brought, and his resig- 
nation executed and received. I then said, Mr. Penning- 
ton, now sir, you may go ; Mr. Harnett went out with him ; 
the detachment retired to the town. Mr. Pennington af- 
terwards informed me, they got him in the midst of them 
when Mr. Ward, master of the Patience, asked him to enter 
ter his sloop. Mr. Pennington assured him he could not, 
as he had resigned his office. He was afterwards obliged 
to take an oath that he would never issue any stamped pa- 



19 

pers in this province. The above oath, the Collector in- 
formed me, he was obliged to take, as were all the clerks of 
the County Courts, and other public ofi&cers. The inhabi- 
tants, having redressed after the manner described their 
grievances complained of, left the town of Brunswick about 
I o'clock on the 21st. In the evening I went on board the 
Viper and acquainted Capt. I/obb I apprehended the condi- 
tions he had determined to abide by when I left the Dili- 
gence, were different to the concession he had made to the 
committee appointed for the redress of grievances ; that I 
left the Diligence in the full persuasion he was to demand 
a restitution of the papers or clearances of the Patience 
sloop, and not to give up the possession of that vessel ; that 
I found he had given up the sloop Patience, and himself 
not in possession of the papers. He answered, ''As to the 
papers, he had attested copies of them, and as to the sloop, 
he had done no more than what he had offered before this 
disturbance happened at Brunswick." I could not help 
owning I thought the detaining the Patience became a 
point that concerned the honor of government, and that I 
found my situation very unpleasant, as most of the people 
by going up to Wilmington in the sloops would remain 
satisfied and report thro' the province, they had obtained 
every point they come to redress, while at the same time I 
had the mortification to be informed his Majesty's ordnance 
at Fort Johnston was spiked. This is the substance of what 
passed on board the Viper. On the 2 2d Capt. Phipps ac- 
companied me to Fort Johnston, where I found Capt. Dal- 
rymple sick in bed, two men only in garrison, and all the 
cannon that were mounted, spiked with nails. I gave or- 



20 

ders for the nails to be immediately drilled out, which he 
executed without prejudice to the pieces. I returned to 
Brunswick in the evening, and the next morning sent my 
letter bearing date the 23d to Capt. Lobb to desire his rea- 
sons for spiking the cannon, etc. He returned his reasons 
for this conduct by letter the 24th inst. 

" Capt. Lobb's complaint relative to the provisions for 
his Majesty's sloops being stopped at Wilmington with the 
contractor's certificates of the manner of this restraint and 
my letter to the Mayor of Wilmington to require his assist- 
ance in furnishing the provision demanded, will be fully, I 
hope, understood by that correspondence. 

" By the best accounts I have received the number of 
this insurrection amounted to 580 men in arms, and upward 
of 100 unarmed. The Mayor and Corporation of Wilming- 
ton and most all of the gentlemen and planters of the coun- 
ties of Brunswick, New Hanover, Duplin and Bladen, with 
some masters of vessels, composed this corps. I am in- 
formed and believe the majority of this association were 
either compelled into this service or were ignorant what 
their grievances were. I except the principals. I have 
enclosed a copy of the association formed to oppose the 
Stamp Act. 

" Thus, Sir, I have endeavored to lay before you the first 
springs of this disturbance as well as the particular conduct 
of the parties concerned in it ; and I have done this as much 
as I possibly could without prejudice, or passion, favor or 
affection. I should be extremely glad if you, sir, could 
honor me with his Majesty's commands in the present exi- 
gency of affairs in this colony, and in the mean time will 



21 

study to conduct myself with the assistance of his Majesty's 
Council in such manner as will best secure the safety and 
honor of government and the peace of the inhabitants of 
this province. 

" I am, sir, with all possible respect and esteem, 

"Wm. Tryon." 

These occurrences took place between the 19th and 21st 
of February, 1766, and on the 19th Col. Waddell, leaving 
Col. Moore and the others at Brunswick with about 200 
men, took the remainder of the force (estimated by Capt. 
Lobb in his report to Tryon to be from 300 to 400) and 
marched to Fort Johnston (now Southport) to take posses- 
sion of it. He found on his arrival, however, that the guns 
had all been spiked qy Lieut. Calder of the Diligence, who 
had gone down in a boat for the purpose. I think this 
Lieut. Calder was the same person who afterwards became 
Admiral Sir Robert Calder, and who served with Nelson. 

While this was going on at and below Brunswick the 
people up at Wilmington were equally vigilant. They 
seized a boat which the contractor for supplies for the men 
of war had sent after provisions, and put the crew in jail, 
and stopped every person going to Brunswick. The crew 
of the war vessels had only one day's rations of bread, and 
Wilmington was the only source of supply. Their prompt 
and determined action forced Tryon and the commanders 
of the men of war to terms, and the vessels which they 
seized were released. 

These are the facts in regard to the resistance to the 
Stamp Act on the Cape Fear, and they constitute over- 



22 

whelming evidence of the courage, intelligence, and free 
spirit of the people. Until the discovery of Tryon's letter- 
book in London in 1848, they rested largely on tradition, 
but some of the sons and daughters of the men who did 
these things lived up to less than fifty years ago, and were 
thoroughly conversant with the facts. 

For a long time before the contemporaneous records were 
brought to light there were various versions of the story, 
although in regard to the main facts they agreed. One of 
these versions confused these events with the " tea parties '' 
at Edenton and Boston, which occurred several years after- 
wards, and even the historians of the State (Martin, Jones, 
Wheeler, etc.,) got the dates and the facts all wrong in many 
instances. 

The action of the people at Brunswick and Wilmington 
was not the result of a sudden impulse, but the culmination 
of a deliberate plan of resistance, which had been carefully 
considered and determined upon by local subjects of the 
Crown, who had no thought at that time of independence, 
but were asserting their rights under the British Constitu- 
tion. They did so openly, and without the slightest desire 
to avoid responsibility, or to conceal their movements, and 
in doing so they vindicated their claim to the title of " Sons 
of I/iberty," which was given to them. 

That no monument has ever been erected to commem- 
orate their heroism is a standing reproach to our people. 



..mbat Do Vou Know. 

ABOUT YOUR STATE 
AND HER HISTORY? 



^ tJt ^M 



DON'T YET KNOW 

That it will be to your interest to read up and study her glorious 
past, for her future depends in a large degree upon you and yours. 



^ ^ ^^ 

YOU SHALL KNOW ! 

MOOEE'S LIBRARY HISTORY OF NORTH CARO- 
LINA, in two volumes, 1,000 pages of the choicest history, hand- 
somely bound, elegant paper and beautiful type. Distinctly a 
North Carolina Book. Edited, printed and bound by North 
Carolinians. 

No teacher can afford to be without it. 

No library complete unless it has it. Former price $5 for 
the two volumes. 

REDUCED TO $3.00. 

fi^»Send to C. C. McDONALD, Publisher, Raleigh, N. C, 
and get a set. 



l/i^' 



t-^ 



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Cbe north Carolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 





the Bistork tca-P^rt^ of edenton, 

October 25th, 1774. 
Richard DiiiLARD, M. D. 





PRICE 10 CENTS. ^ ^ ^ $1.00 THE YEAR. 



V 



Entered at the PostoflBce at Raleigh, N. C, as second-class matter— June 24, 1901. 



Cbe nortb Carolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 



The Booklets will be in the following order : 

1. Virginia Dare, 

Maj. Graham Daves. 

2. Colonial New Bern, 

Mrs. Sara Beaumont Kennedy. 

3. Liberty, Property and no Stamp Duty. 

Col. A. M. Waddell 

4. Edenton Tea Party, 

Dr. Richard Dillard. 

5. Betsy Dowdy's Kide, 

Col. R. B. Creecy. 

6. The Hornets Nest, 

Hon. Heriot Clarkson. 

7. Green's Eetreat, 

Prof. D. H. Hill. 

8. Monsieur Le Marquis de LaFayette, 

Maj. E. J. Hale. 

9. An Admiral and His Daughter, 

Dr. K. p. Battle. 

10. Pettigrew's Charge, 

Capt. S. A. Ashe. 

11. Reminiscences of a Blockade Runner, 

Hon. James Sprunt. 

12. Ku Klux, 

Mrs. T. J. Jarvis. 

One Booklet a month will be issued by the North Carolina 
Society of tbe Daughters of the F^evolution, beginning 
May 10th, 1901. Price $1.00 a year. 

EDITORS. 

Miss Martha Helen Haywood, Mrs. Hubert Haywood, 
raleigh, n. c. 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET, 



Vol. I. AUGUST 10, 1901. NO. 4. 



tb^ Bistork tea-Part^ of €de!iton, 

October 25tb, 1774. 



BT 

RICHABD DILIiAHD, M. D. 



"National Recollection is the Foundation of National Character,' 
Edward Everett, 



RAI^EIGH : 

Capitai, Printing Company. 

1901. 






ft ^ 




/77^ 






PROEM. 



The religious votaries of the Maldivean Isles, at certain 
times, commit to the mercy of the wind and waves little 
boats laden with rich hued flowers, delicate perfumes, and 
sweet-scented woods of their native isles, hoping to receive 
in return rich rewards for the sacrifice ; though I have no 
flowers of rhetoric to offer, no measured lines, no burning 
incense from the Muses' shrine, 'tis thus I consign this bit 
of native history rudderless to the tide, trusting some 
friendly wave may bear it safely on : Hoping also like Ruth 
in the fields of Boaz, to glean, and bind together a few 
handfuls, which other and abler reapers have carelessly, or 
on purpose let fall. 






THE HISTORIC TEA-PARTY OF EDENTON, 
OCTOBER 25, J 774 



There is in Afghanistan, according to Eastern tradition, 
a miraculous history plant, which records upon its broad 
luxurious leaves whatever happens each day in its imme- 
diate vicinity ; there are no inaccuracies and misstatements 
of the press, no partiality or partizan writers, no incongruity 
of conflicting records, but like the polished waters around 
which it flourishes, it faithfully mirrors the environing ob- 
jects. Unfortunately in this country there is no such gift 
by Nature, no historic Genii, but there is, I believe, a 
movement on foot to condense, preserve, and separate true 
and legitimate history from the ordinary records of the 
press. The ancients were especially particular that their 
records should be exact, even the works of the historian 
lyivy, barely escaped annihilation at the hands of the infa- 
mous Caligula, for their alleged historical inaccuracies. As 
history is but the story of the past, then posterity demands 
a truthful and unbiased narration of facts ; " Truth comes 
to us from the past, as gold is washed down from the moun- 
tains of Sierra Nevada, in minute but precious particles, 
and intermixed with infinite alloy, the debris of centuries." 
It is sufl&cient for us to preserve facts as they happen, the 
succeeding generations will give them their proper coloring. 

Tacitus, appreciating the value of history to mankind, 
wrote, nearly twenty centuries ago, that its chief object was 



" to rescue virtuous actions from the oblivion, to which the 
want of records would consign them." 

Even in this practical, speculative age there seems to be 
a tendency all over our country to exhume from oblivion 
the events and traditions of our past. This growing rever- 
ence for American history is an evidence of increasing na- 
tional intelligence, pride and dignity. Unfortunately for 
North Carolina, many of her most beautiful traditions have 
beeii^^ allowed to pass unnoticed, and her glorious deeds re- 
garded as mere ephemera to perish with the actors. The 
establishment of a chair of history at the State University, 
and the organization of the historical society will do much 
to develop and preserve our vast and valuable historic ma- 
terial. We must confess, and with mortification and 
chagrin, that in order to study any subject connected with 
State history intelligently, we have been obliged in the past 
to refer not only to the historical societies of other States, 
but even to the libraries of Europe. 

It is the object of this paper to bring into light an excep- 
tionally interesting and patriotic incident in North Caro- 
lina, hitherto only casually noticed by one State historian. 
A stranger coming to Edenton twenty-five years ago was 
shown an old-fashioned, long wooden house fronting di- 
rectly on the beautiful court-house green ; this historic 
house has since yielded to the ruthless hand of modern 
vandalism. It was the residence of Mrs. Elizabeth King, 
and under its roof fifty-one patriotic ladies. * (and not fifty- 
four as stated erroneously by Wheeler) met October 25, 



* As the population was sparce, it is very probable that fifty-one names comprised 
most of the ladies living in and around Sdenton then. 








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I774> ^^^d passed resolutions commending the action of the 
provincial congress. They also declared they would not 
conform "to that Pernicious Custom of Drinking Tea, or 
that the aforesaid Ladys would not promote ye wear of any 
inanufacture from England " until the tax was repealed. 
Wheeler, in alluding to this incident and to the stormy 
days closely preceeding the Revolution, in his second 
volume says : "The patriotism of the men was even ex- 
ceeded by that of the women. By some strange freak of 
circumstance, many years ago, there was found at Gibraltar 
a beautiful picture done in skillful style, enameled on glass, 
of a ' meeting of the ladies of Edenton destroying the tea, 
(their favorite beverage) when it was taxed by the English 
parliament. This picture was procured by some of the offi- 
cers of our navy, and was sent to Edenton, where I saw it 
in 1830." 

This is not only erroneous, but Mr. Wheeler has also 
misquoted the reference to the meeting in the American 
Archives, and there has been considerable other misinfor- 
mation afloat regarding it, all of which I shall endeavor to 
set aright. The following is the correct notice copied di- 
rectly from the American Archives, and occupies just 
twelve lines : " Association Signed by Ladies of Edenton, 
North Carolina, October 25, 1774. As we cannot be indif- 
ferent on any occasion that appears to affect the peace and 
happiness of our country ; and it has been thought neces- 
sary for the publick good to enter into several particular 
resolves, by meeting of Members of Deputies from the 
whole province, it is a duty that we owe not only to our 
near and dear relations and connections, but to ourselves, 



who are essentially interested in their welfare, to do every- 
thing as far as lies in our power to testify our sincere ad- 
herence to the same, and we do therefore accordingly sub- 
scribe this paper, as a witness of our fixed intention, and 
solemn determination to do so.' Signed by fifty-one la- 
dies." * 

Women have always been potent factors in all great 
moral and political reformations. The drafting of such 
resolutions, so directly antagonistic to royal authority re- 
quired a calmer, far more enviable courage than that de- 
veloped by the fanatic heroism of the crusades, or the fe- 
verish bravery of martial music. The tax upon tea was a 
direct insult to their household gods ; it poisoned every cup 
of their tea, it affected every hearthstone in the province. 
In looking back upon our past it should be a matter of 
pride to know, that such women helped to form the preface 
of our history, characters which should be held up to our 
jAildren as worthy of emulation. 

" These are the deeds which should not pass away, 
And names that must not wither, though the earth 
Forgets her empires with a just decay." 

The account of this tea-party found its way into the 
London papers of that day, and the effect it had there may 
be noted in the following old letter, strongly tinctured with 
sarcasm. It was written by Arthur Iredell of London to 
his brother James Iredell, a distinguished patriot of this 
place, who married Miss Hannah Johnson, a sister of one 
of the signers of the noted document. 



* American Archives fourth series, vol. i, 891. 



" London Queen Square," January 31, 1775. 

Dear Brother : I see by the newspaper the Edenton ladies have sig- 
nalized themselves by their protest against tea drinking. The name of 
Johnston I see among others ; are any of my sister's relations patriotic 
heroines ? Is there a female congress at Edenton too ? I hope not, for 
we Englishmen are afraid of the male congress, but if the ladies, -who 
have ever since the Amazonian era been esteemed the most formidable 
enemies; if they, I say, should attack us, the most fatal consequences is 
to be dreaded. So dexterous in the handling of a dart, each wound they 
give is mortal ; whilst we, so unhapily formed by nature, the more we 
strive to conquer them, the more we are conquered. The Edenton ladies, 
conscious, I suppose, of this superiority on their side, by a former experi- 
ence, are willing, 1 imagine, to crush us into atoms by their omnipotency; 
the only security on our side to prevent the impending ruin, that I can 
preceive, is the probability that there are but few places in America which 
possess so much female artillery as Edenton. 

Pray let me know all the particulars when you favor me with a letter. 
Your most affectionate friend and brother, 

ARTHUR IREDELI/. * 

The society of Edenton at this period was charming in 
its refinement and culture ; it was at one time the colonial 
capital, and social rival of Williamsburg, Virginia. Eden- 
ton then had five hundred inhabitants. Its galaxy of dis- 
tinguished patriots, both men and women, would shine 
resplendent in any country or in any age. The tea-party 
then, as now, was one of the most fashionable modes of en- 
tertaining. The English were essentially a tea-drinking 
nation, and consequently tea became the almost universal 
drink of the colonies. Dr. Johnson declared that " with 
tea he amused the evening, with tea solaced the midnight, 
and with tea welcomed the morning." Coffee was not in- 
troduced in Europe until much later, the first cup having 
been drunk by Louis XIV. of France at a cost of twenty- 



* I,ife and correspondence of James Iredell, vol. i, page 230. 



nine dollars per pound. The principal variety of tea used 
by tiie colonies was the Bohea, or black tea, and came from 
India. It was of the purest quality, the art of sophistica- 
tion and adulteration being unknown at that day. The 
feeling of ease and comfort inspired by an elegant cup of 
tea, as well as the exhiliration of the mental faculties which 
it produces, made it a necessary assistant to break the stiff- 
ness of those old-fashioned parties. It contains an active 
principle thine, which, taken in considerable quantity, pro- 
duces a species of intoxication. Foreigners who visit 
China, where tea is served upon almost every occasion, be- 
come frequently tea-drunk. The method of preparing tea 
by our ancestors were essentially that of the wealthy class 
in China. The tea was brought upon the table in decorat- 
ed china tea-caddies, some of which are still in existence, 
along with an urn of boiling water. The tea-leaves were 
then placed in the cup of every guest, the cup filled with 
hot water, and the saucer inverted over it for a few min- 
utes to retain the aroma. The tea-pot was only used then 
by the rather bourgeoisie. Social life was never more en- 
joyed than then, there was an abandon and freedom of 
manner, united with an open-hearted hospitality, of which 
we know nothing at this day, when social restrictions re- 
strict also social pleasures. 

Col. Edward Buncombe but crystallized, and formulated 
the almost universal feeling of this section, when he in- 
scribed, in unmistakable lines upon his front gate the 
euphoneous distich. 

" Welcome all 
To Buncombe Hall.* 

♦Buncombe Hall stood in Washington Co., and was the seat of a generous hospital- 
ity; The mantel from its banquet hall is now in the Courthouse at AsheviUe the county 
seat of Buncombe. 



There were quiltings, and cotillion parties, and tea- 
parties without number, the gentlemen would often go 
great distances on horseback, with their sweethearts riding 
behind them, and attend these gatherings. If the night 
was cold, blazing fires of lightwood crackled to receive 
them, and huge bowls of spicy apple-toddy mellowed to 
enliven and cheer, later in the evening tea would invaria- 
bly be served, which no one would be so unfashionable as 
to refuse. An old lady informed me that her grandmother 
had a medical friend, who would always drink fourteen 
cups of tea. 

Under its influence conversation enlivened, and wit 
sparkled. After tea the ladies would gossip, and spin, and 
reel, while the gentlemen would retire to discuss the politi- 
cal issues of the day, the policy of Lord North in regard to 
the American colonies, or the unjust tax which was about 
to be placed upon tea, or perhaps one would read aloud a 
recent speech by Mr. Pitt, from an English newspaper, 
which he had been so fortunate to obtain from some in- 
coming ship; All along this would be punctuated by puffs 
of tobacco smoke from their long-stemmed pipes. They 
were as notional about their tobacco as they were about 
their tea, the method of preparing and using the weed, was 
to cure it in the sun, cut it upon a maple log, keep it in a 
lilly pot, which was a jar of white earth, and to light the 
pipe with a splinter of juniper, or with a coal of fire, in a 
pair of silver tongs made for that purpose. 

The incidents connected with this particular tea-party 
are especially interesting, as they come to us through the 
blue mist of a century. We can easily imagine how they 



10 

sat around in their low-necked, short-waisted gowns, and 
after they had gossiped sufficiently, " it was resolved that 
those who could spin, ought to be employed in that way, 
and those who could not should reel. When the time ar- 
rived for drinking tea, Bohea, and Hyperion were provided, 
and every one of the ladies judiciously rejected the poison- 
ous Bohea, and unanimously and to their very great honor, 
preferred the balsamic Hyperion," which was nothing 
more than dried leaves of the raspberry vine, a drink, in 
the writer's opinion, more vile even than the much vaunt- 
ed Yeopon. 

The picture of this patriotic party, incorrectly alluded to 
by Wheeler, has a strange and unique history, and I give 
it as I have received it from the lady into whose possession 
the picture has fallen. Lieutenant William T. Muse, a 
United States naval officer, who became conspicuous during 
the civil war, and whose mother was a Miss Blount, of 
Edenton, while on a cruise in the Mediterranean, stopped 
at Port Mahon on the island of Minorca, and accidently saw 
hanging in a barber's shop there a picture, representing the 
Edenton tea-party of 1774. It was purchased and brought 
by him to Edenton in 1830. I have this date from an old 
Bible bearing the date of his return from the cruise. It 
was first placed on exhibition in the court-house, and the 
representation of the characters was so distinct that many 
of the ladies were easily recognized. It then found a rest- 
ing place in the old tailor shop of Joseph Manning, ancestor 
of Chief Justice Manning, of Louisiana, and finally in a 
cracked condition, was intrusted to the care of a lady. 
During the confusion of refugeeing incident to the civil 
war, it was broken in three pieces. 



11 

It is a painting upon glass, twelve by fourteen inches. 
Upon one of the pieces is the declaration set forth by the 
ladies, that they would drink no tea, nor wear any stuffs 
of British manufacture. Upon another is the picture of 
the lady, who presided upon that occasion. She is seated 
at a table with a pen in her hand, her maid Amelia stand- 
ing behind her chair. This maid lived for many years after 
this incident, and is still remembered by some of the oldest 
citizens. By a singular coincidence her grand-daughter is 
still living upon the very same lot where the tea-party was 
held. Upon the third fragment of this picture in plain 
letters is written, "The Town of Edenton." It is not 
known how the picture of this party was obtained, or how 
it found its way to Port Mahon, or even into the barber 
shop. The printer's name in the corner of the picture is 
said to have been the same one, who printed the celebrated 
letters of Junius in the reign of George III. 

Pictures have immortalized many events in history, and 
it is very probable that but for this one, the pleasing little 
incident would have been lost or forgotten. The defense 
of Champigny, by the "Garde Mobile," could never have 
been so immortalized in prose or rhyme, as by the brush of 
Edouard Detaille. The Confederate etchings by Dr. A. J. 
Volck, spoke volumes and were so severe, that he was con- 
fined in Fort McHenry prison, and the political cartoons by 
John Tanniel of the London Punch produced a profound 
sensation. " Porte Crayon,'' (General Strother), in his in- 
teresting article on Edenton and the surroundings, written 
for Harper's Magazine in 1857, says, " It is to be regretted 
that Porte Crayon did not get a sight of this painting, that 



12 

the world might have heard more of it, and that the patri- 
otism of the Ladies of Edenton might have been blazoned 
beside that of the men of Boston, who have figured in so 
many bad woodcuts." None of the names of the fifty-one 
ladies present at this pj,rty have been preserved in history, 
but I have succeeded in rescuing five of them from the local 
traditions. Mrs. Penelope Barker, whose picture appears 
here, was the president of this party. She was no advocate 
of celibacy, having been married first to a Mr. Hodgson, 
then to a Mr. Craven, and lastly to Mr. Barker, whom she 
survived. 

At a casual glance one might easily mistake her portrait 
for that of Lady Washington. She was one of those lofty, 
intrepid, high-born women peculiarly fitted by nature to 
lead ; fear formed no part of her composition. Her face 
bears the expression of sternness without harshness, which 
a cheap novelist would describe as hauteur. She was a 
brilliant conversationalist, and a society leader of her day. 

Mr. Thomas Barker,* her husband, was a gifted lawyer 
and had for his pupil at one time the distinguished Gov- 
ernor, Samuel Johnston. The attachment of Gov. John- 
ston for Mr. Barker was so great, that in after years he had 
him and his most illustrious wife interred in his private 
graveyard on his beautiful estate Hayes, X where a mossy 
slab marks their last resting place. Mr. Barker was de- 
tained for some time in London during the Revolution, and 



* A portrait of Thomas Barker by Sir Joshua Reynolds, graces the Hayes library. 
There is also a fine portrait of him, probably by Sully, in the Cupola house. 

t Haji-es, the lovely seat of Gov. Johnston, is the most interesting place in North 
Carolina. Its library of artistic octagonal design, and unique appointments, together 
with its 500 vols, of rare books, old manuscripts, busts, and portraits of distinguished 
men, still stands unsullied by time, and without a parallel. 




FROM AN Oil, PAINTING OF THE ORIGINAL FRAGMENTS, PRESENTED THE VIR- 
GINIA DARE MEMORIAI, ASSOCIATION BY THE AUTHOR, AND NOW 
IN THE STATE LIBRARY AT RALEIGH, N. C. 



13 

while there his wife was called upon to show some of that 
pluck, and courage she had evinced at the tea-party. Be- 
ing informed by a servant that some British soldiers were 
taking her carriage horses from her stables, she snatched 
her husband's sword from the wall, went out and with a 
single blow severed the reins in the officer's hands, and 
drove her horses back into the stables. The British officer 
declared, that for such exhibition of bravery, she should be 
allowed to keep her horses, and she was never afterwards 
molested. Mrs. Barker's residence stood upon the site now 
occupied by the Woodard Hotel. 

Mrs. Sarah Valentine was also one of the signers, her 
portrait is still in the possession of her descendants, | and 
her house is still standing on lower end of Main St. Mrs. 
Elizabeth King was another signer, and it was at her house 
as before mentioned, that the party was held. She was 
the wife of Thomas King, a prominent merchant of the 
town. The Miss Johnston referred to in the Iredell letter 
was undoubtedly Miss Isabella, a sister of Governor John- 
ston. She was engaged to Joseph Hewes, a signer of the 
Declaration of Independence from North Carolina and died 
just before her marriage was consummated. Hewes, who 
was a man of great wealth and refinement, soon followed 
her broken-hearted to the grave. 

Mrs. Winifred Wiggins Hoskins, was another signer, 
and lived in the country near Edenton, she was the wife 
of Richard Hoskins, a fearless and zealous patriot : join- 
ing the American army at the first sound to arms, he ser- 
ved with signal bravery and courage until its close. Dur- 

*The Bockover family of Norfolk, Va., are among her descendants. 



14 

ing "his absence, his wife managed the entire farming inter- 
est with prudence and profit. When they were married, 
they came down the Roanoke river in an open boat, cross- 
ed the Albemarle sound, and landed at Edenton. He then 
took his bride behind his own horse, to his farm called 
Paradise* by a bridle path, there being no public roads in 
that direction then. Her wedding dress was spun and 
woven from flax grown upon her fathers farm in Halifax 
county. So delicate and smooth was the warp, that when 
she was preparing it for the loom, she passed the entire 
chain through her gold ring. The art of household pro- 
duction probably reached its greatest perfection about this 
time. All connection with the mother country was sever- 
ed, and the colonists thrown upon their own resources. It 
was indispensable to every lady's education that she should 
know how to spin, sew and weave. The spider-like fine- 
ness of their yarns, the exquisite beauty of their needle- 
work, and the lacy fliminess of the woven fabrics which 
their nimble fingers wrought, are the envy and admiration 
of the present age. From the Napoleonic standpoint Mrs. 
Hoskins was the greatest of them all, having given eight 
sons, and eight daughters to her country |. I extract the 
following from the first volume (1877) of the Magazine of 
American History. 



*The fine pasturasre and great number of wild bees in that vicinity suggested the 
name. It literally flowed with milk and honey, 

JThe Hoskins family and collateral branches are still prominent in the State. The 
venerable W. E. Bead, a descendant of this family, possesses a priceless and unique 
relic, a gold breastpin of Turkish scimetar design upon which is engraved ''H de M. 
1574 [8i]." 

Henry de Montmorency was constable of France, and Grand Master Knights Tem- 
plar about that time. The figure 81 may represent the number of the Commandery, 



15 

* ' Revolutionary Caricature. I send a description of a caricature that 
may interest collectors. It is a mezzotint, fourteen by ten inches, entit- 
led A Society of Patriotic Ladies, at Edenton, in North Carolina. Lon- 
don. Printed for R. Sayer & J. Bennett, No. 53 in Fleet Street, as the 
Act directs 25 March, 1775, Plate V. A group of fifteen figures are 
around or near a table in a room. A female at the table with a gavel is 
evidently a man, probably meant for Lord North. A lady, standing, is 
writing on a large circular, which can be read. ' We the Ladys of Eden- 
ton do hereby solemnly engage not to conform to that Pernicious Custom 
of Drinking tea, or that we the aforesaid Ladys will not promote ye 
wear of any manufacture from England, until such time that all Acts 
which tend to enslave this our Native Country shall be repealed.' The 
other figures are not close around the table, and are emptying tea-caddies 
or looking on. A child and dog are under the table. Compare Bran- 
croft's United States, Vol. VII., p. 282. J. B. C. 

It will be remembered that Lord North, referred to in 
the description, was prime micister of England at that time 
and the Stamp Act, which included a great many articles, 
had Ipeen relieved upon everything except tea ; this made 
hin/ especially odious to the ladies of the Colonies. The 
dissolute, and impecunious King was cartooned at this 
time as a hopeless pauper, thrusting both hands down to 
the bottom of his empty pockets, in seach of his last 
guinea. The taxation of the Colonies became a necessity, 
which grew out of his extravagances. A writer in allud- 
ing, to the activity and zeal of the women of the Revolu- 
tion says, " In the lives of those high-mettled dames of the 
olden time, the daughters, wives, and mothers of men, the 



or it may have been a Knight's personal badge, 81 is also the square of a square, from- 
ed from the original degree of Masonry, of which. 9 was the square. 

The history of this relic is veiled in mystery, and is not known whether it w^as pre- 
sented to a member of his family for valuable services, or whether it descended by in- 
termarriage with some of the Montmorencys. The fact however that the Hoskins 
Arms was augmented with a sword would seem to strengthen the former supposition. 



16 

earnest inquirer miglit find much to elucidate that befogged 
question of the present day, what are the rights of women ? " 
And now my task is ended, let history distill in her 
great alembic whatever is valuable from these pages for 
posterity. 

" The torch shall be extinguished which hath lit 
My midnight lamp, and what is writ is writ." 

A portion of this article appeared in the Magazine of American History, Aagast, 
1892. 

Edenton^ North Carolina^ Nov. 2^th^ i8g8. 



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ancestors, all lines displayed, at one time. The best, newest, 

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Cbe nortb Zm\\u Booklet 



t^i^^^^^ifew^/fii)- 



GREAT EVENTS IN 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 





Betsy Dowdy's J^ide, 



BY 

Col. R. B. Creecy. 




V 



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GREAT EVENTS IN NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 



The Booklets will be in the following order : 

1. Virginia Dare, 

Maj. Graham Daves. 

2. Colonial New Bern, 

Mrs. Sara Beaumont Kennedy. 

3. Liberty, Property and no Stamp Duty. 

Col. A. M. Waddell. 

4. Edenton Tea Party, 

Dr. Richard Dillard. 

5. Betsy Dowdy's Eide, 

Col. R. B. Creecy. 

6. The Hornets Nest, 

Hon. Heriot Clarkson. 

7. Green's Retreat, 

Prof. D. H. Hill. 

8. Monsieur Le Marquis de LaFayette, 

Maj. E. J. Hale. 

9. An Admiral and His Daughter, 

Dr. K. P. Battle. 

10. Pettigrew's Charge, 

Capt. S. A. Ashe. 

11. Reminiscences of a Blockade Runner, 

Hon. James Sprunt. 

12. Ku Klux, 

Mrs. T. J. Jarvis. 

One Booklet a month will be issued by the North Carolina 
Society of t\)e Daughters of the Revolution, beginning 
May 10th, 1901, Price $1.00 a year. 

EDITORS. 

Miss Martha Helen Haywood, Mrs. Hubert Haywood, 
raleigh, n. c. 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET. 



Vol. I. SEPTEMBER 10, 1901. Ko. 6. 



The Legend of Betsy Dowdy 



AN HISTORICAL TRADITION OF THE BATTLE OF 
GREAT BRIDGE. 



BT 

Coi.. B. B. CBEECT. 



RAI^EIGH : 

Capitai, Printing Company. 

1901. 



'€ard1iiui! Carolina! I^caocn's blessings attend ben 
OlMIe we live we will cherish, protect ana defend her." 



THE LEGEND OF BETSEY DOWDY. 



AN HISTORICAL TRADITION OF THE BATTLE OF GREAT 

BRIDGE. 

The winter of 1775 was a dark and gloomy time for the 
Revolutionary Patriots of Eastern Carolina. Governor 
Tryon had left his " Palace " in New Bern secretly and hur- 
riedly, had taken refuge on board the armed " Cruizer " 
and was stationed at the mouth of the Cape Fear River, is- 
suing orders, fortifying the Tory feeling in the Colony, and 
inciting the slaves to servile insurrection. Lord Dunmore 
had been driven from Williamsburg, Va., by popular indig- 
nation, had gone down to Norfolk, Va., and intrenched him- 
self there. From this position he was annoying the adja- 
cent sections of Virginia by hostile raids, and was expected 
to make incursions into the adjacent sections of North Caro- 
lina. The death of John Harvey, of Perquimans county, in 
June, 1775, had cast a gloom over the Colony, and espe- 
cially over the northern counties, where his patriotism and 
manly virtues were best known. But the fires of liberty 
were kept burning. 

Dunmore, with a few regulars, who had accompanied 
him in his flight from Williamsburg, Va., had ravaged Suf- 
folk and some other places, and was preparing to extend 
his ravages to the Albemarle section of Carolina. Our 
leading men were on the alert, and couriers were keeping 
them in close touch. John Harvey, of Perquimans, had 



joined his fathers across the great divide, but his mantle 
had fallen upon his kinsman and connection by marriage, 
General William Skinner, of Yoepim Creek, Perquim- 
ans county, North Carolina, and he was watching 
every movement of Dunmore. Colonel Isaac Gregory, of 
Camden, was hurrying with a small militia force to join 
our Colonel Robert Howe, and met the enemy at Great 
Bridge in Virginia. Thomas Benbury, of Chowan county, 
then Speaker in the lower house of the General Assembly, 
had left his luxurious home at " Benbury Hall " that over- 
looked Albemarle Sound, and was hurrying to join the 
troops under Howe with commissary stores. Excitement 
ran high, and the expected invasion of the Albemarle coun- 
ties, and the probable collision at Great Bridge, where Dun- 
more was intrenched, was the universal subject of conver- 
sation. Howe was pushing by forced marches to the aid of 
Virginia with some regulars, and the Hertford county 
militia, under Colonel Wynns of that county. Public ex- 
pectation was on tiptoe. 

Joe Dowdy and old man Sammy Jarvis lived on the 
" Banks " opposite Knotts Island. They were near neigh- 
bors and intimate friends. Early in December, 1775, Jarvis 
went over to the " Main " to hear news of Colonel Howe's 
movements toward Great Bridge. When he returned home, 
late in the evening, he was greatly excited. He was im- 
pressed with the dangerous situation of the dwellers by the 
sea. He was constantly saying, "Dunmore and them 
blamed Britishers will come down the coast from Norfolk 
and steal all our Banks pony stock, and burn our houses, 
ding 'em." After a short rest and a hasty bite of supper. 



old man Jarvis went over to Dowdy's to tell him the news. 
Dowdy was a wrecker for the money that was in it, and 
a fisher for the food that was in it. He had grown rich by 
wrecking. He was always watching the sea. He was a 
devout man, always prayed for the safety of the poor sailor, 
who was exposed to the perils of the deep, and always 
closed with a silent supplication that if there should be a 
wreck, it might be on the Currituck beach. He had pros- 
pered in the business of a wrecker, had saved many lives, 
and much wreckage and money. His visible store of chat- 
tels was beef cattle and banker ponies. He herded them 
by the hundred. Sammy Jarvis came in without cere- 
mony, and was cordially received. " Well, Uncle Sammy," 
said Dowdy, " what are the news ; tell us all." " Well, Jo- 
seph," said Jarvis, " things is fogerty, Gregory, Colonel 
Isaac is hurrying up his Camden milish to join Howe, and 
Thomas Benbury, of Chowan, is pushing on his wagons of 
commissaries. If they don't reach Great Bridge in time to 
bear a hand in the fight, they'll hurry on to Norfolk and 
drive Dunmore out of the old town. But if Dunmore beats 
our folks at Great Bridge, then our goose is cooked, and 
our property all gone, all the gold and goods saved in our 
hard life work, and all our cattle and marsh ponies." " You 
don't tell me so," said Dowdy. " Yes, it's so, just as sure 
as " old * Tom." The only thing can save us is General 
William Skinner, of Perquimans, and the militia, and he 
is too far away. We can't get word to him in time." As 
Jarvis said these words slowly and with emphasis, Betsy 
Dowdy, Joe Dowdy's young and pretty daughter, who was 

* Thomas Benbury, of Chowan county. 



present with the family, said : " Uncle Sammy, do you say 
the Britishers will come and steal away all of our ponies ?" 
"Yes," said he. "And my black Bess, too?" "Yes," he 
answered. She replied : " I'd knock 'em in the head with 
a conch shell first." Betsy soon left the room. She went 
to the herding pen, and " Black Bess " was not there. She 
went to the marsh and called aloud : " Bess ! Bessie ! Black 
Beauty." The pretty pony heard the old familiar voice? 
and came to the call. Betsy took her by her silken mane, 
led her to the shelter, went into the house, brought out a 
blanket and also a small pouch of coin. She placed the 
blanket on the round back of the pony, sprang into the soft 
seat, and galloped over the hills and far away on her peril- 
ous journey. Down the beach she went, " Black Bess " 
doing her accustomed work. She reached the point oppo- 
site Church's Island, dashed into the shallow ford of Curri- 
tuck Sound, and reached the shore of the Island. On they 
sped, " Black Bess " gaining new impulse from every kind 
and gentle word of her rider. 

" Bessie, pretty Bess, my black, sleek, beauty, the British 
thieves shan't have you. We are going after General Wil- 
liam Skinner and his milish ! ! They'll beat me off of you.' ' 
She almost sang to the docile pony as they went on their 
journey. Through the divide, on through Camden, the 
twinkling stars her only light, over Lamb's old ferry, into 
Pasquotank, by the " narrows " (now Elizabeth City), to 
Hartsford's ford, up the Highlands of Perquimans, on to 
Yoepim Creek, and General William Skinner's hospitable 
home was reached. The morning sun was gilding the tree 
tops when she entered the gate. She was hospitably wel- 



corned, and when she briefly told the story of coming, cor- 
dial kindness followed. 

The General's daughters, the toast of the Albemarle, 
Dolly, Penelope, and Lavinia, made her at home. General 
Skinner listened to her tale of danger, and promised assist- 
ance. Mid-day came and with it Betsy's kind farewell. 
Filial duty bade her, and she hied her home. As she 
neared her sea girt shore the notes of Victory were in the 
air. 

" They are beaten, beaten, the British are beaten at Great 
Bridge.'' The reports materialized as she went. The 
battle of Great Bridge had been fought and won. 

Howe had assumed command of the Virginia and Caro- 
lina troops upon his arrival and was in hot pursuit of Dun- 
more towards Norfolk, where, after a short resistance, Nor- 
folk was evacuated by the British Troops, who sought re- 
fuge on board their ships, where, after a few cannon shots 
into the town, they departed for parts unknown. 

Then and long after by bivouac and campfire and in pa- 
triotic homes was told the story of Betsy Dowdy's Ride. 






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U t^T 



r 



Che north Carolma Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN , 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 





the Hornet's llest. 



-BY- 



HoN. Hekiot Cla^^kson 




'^ 



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Entered at the PostoflSce at Raleigh, N. C, as second-class matter — June 24, 1901. 



Cbe nortb Carolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 



The Booklets will be in the following order : 

1. Virginia Dare, 

Maj. Graham Daves. 

2. Colonial New Bern, 

Mrs. Sara Beaumont Kennedy. 

3. Liberty, Property and no Stamp Duty. 

Col. A. M. Waddell. 

4. Edenton Tea Party, 

Dr. Richard Dillard. 

5. Betsy Dowdy's Ride, 

Col. R. B. Creecy. 

6. The Hornets Nest, 

Hon. Heriot Clarkson. 

7. Green's Retreat, 

Prof. D. H. HiU. 

8. Monsieur Le Marquis de LaFayette, 

Maj. E. J. Hale. 

9. An Admiral and His Daughter, 

Dr. K. P. Battle. 

10. Pettigrew's Charge, 

Capt. S. A. Ashe. 

11. Reminiscences of a Blockade Runner, 

Hon. James Sprunt. 

12. Ku Klux, 

Mrs. T. J. Jarvis. 

One Booklet a month will be issued by the North Carolina 
Society of tJ)C Daughters of the Revolution, beginning 
May 10th, 1901. Price |1.00 a year. 

EDITORS. 

Mi88 Martha Helen Haywood, Mrs. Hubert Haywood, 

RALEIQH, N. C. 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET. 



Voi. I. OCTOBER 10, 1901. No. 6. 



The HORNET'S Nest. 



BY 

Hon. HBKIOT CL.AKKSON. 



RALEIGH : 

Capitai, Printing Company. 

1901. 



"Carolina! e;arolina! I^eaven's blmins$ amnd ber: 
mbile we lice we will cberisb, protect and defend ber." 



THE HORNETS' NEST. 

Mr. Gladstone has truthfully said : " Rely upon it, that 
the man who does not worthily estimate his own dead 
forefathers, will himself do very little to add credit or do 
honor to his country. " 

That truth applies with equal force to communities and 
nations. The chronicler should be exact, so that we can 
eschew that which is evil and do the thing that is good. 

" All these things happened unto them for examples. ' ' 
People of every land who loved liberty and who believed 
that every man should serve his conscience made America 
their destination. Two great systems oppressed all Europe. 
Feudalism of State and Church. 

Wickliffe about the middle of the fourteenth century 
translated the Bible into English — this was the beacon 
light in a dark age. " He opened the book of stone and 
the water flowed out. " This Was the beginning of the ref- 
ormation which rapidly spread in England and elsewhere, 
which was planted in England under Henry VIII and firm- 
ly rooted by Elizabeth. The defeat of the Spanish Arma- 
da forever fixed it in England. It was established through 
Martin Luther in Germany. The Reformed Church and 
State in England united, and the transition was easier, al- 
though not without courage and martyrdom. 

The storm-center was in Scotland and France, homes of 
the Covenanter and the Huguenot. A little man — and 
feeble of body when he became the leader of freedom of 



conscience — was John Knox at tlie age of forty. He was 
of all Scotchmen most beloved by the Covenanter. For 
two years he served the French as a galley-slave for his con- 
victions. "No free assembly, " said he, "no free gospel. " 
Mary Queen of Scotts, the most beautiful woman of her 
day, with all of her wonderful charms and attractive ways, 
could not swerve him from his purpose. She asked him : 
" Think you that subjects, having power, may resist their 
princes?" Knox replied: "If their princes exceed the 
bounds, madam, and do against that for which they should 
be obeyed, it is no doubt but that they may be resisted." 
The divine right of kings and queens in the answer is de- 
nied, and the divine right of conscience asserted. These 
ideas were engrafted in the creed of the Covenanter. In 
the trials that came to Scotland, thousands of sturdy, heroic 
men and women were compelled to leave their native land. 
They scattered through America. From the Scotch settle- 
ment in the North of Ireland they came — the Scotch-Irish. 
Some of them drifted to the Carolinas, and with the shrewd 
qualities of the Scotch, they settled in the fertile and beau- 
tiful Piedmont region of the Carolinas. The strongest set- 
tlement was in the county of Mecklenburg. One instance 
of persecution in Scotland is sufl&cient. In the cemetery at 
Stirling is a beautiful sculpture which is greatly admired. 
Two figures representing the " Virgin Martyrs " with an 
angel figure in the background all enclosed in glass. The 
story is partly told by Macaulay in his history of England. 
On the nth day of May 1685, during the persecuting 
reign of James II, Margaret MacLachlan and Agnes Wilson, 
the latter only eighteen years of age, were tied to stakes at 



low water in tiie Bay of Wigton and drowned by the rising 
of the Solway tide. The following inscription is on the 
marble with several emblematic designs : — 

MARGARET 
" virgin Martyr of the ocean wave with her like minded sister," Agnes. 

" Love many waters cannot quench — God saves 

His chaste, impearled one in Covenant true 
O' Scotia's daughters ! earnest scan the page 

And prize this flower of grace, blood bought for you." 

We turn to France and Geneva — Calvin is the center fig- 
ure. The general massacre of Protestants on St. Bartholo- 
mew's Day shocked all Europe — this was in 1572. France 
was drenched in blood, but the Protestants never yielded. 
After eight religious wars covering a period of about thirty 
years, King Henry, of Navarre on April 13th, 1598, signed 
the famous Edict of Nantes, by which the rights of the 
Protestants were established, and they were allowed free- 
dom of religion. Louis XIV nearly a century after, on Oc- 
tober 23rd 1685, revoked it. The Protestants were fear- 
fully persecuted. Their marriages were declared null — 
children deprived of inheritance — preachers indiscriminate- 
ly put to death. France lost by this time more than one 
million of her most active, enterprising and industrious cit- 
izens. About two million continued to adhere to the Prot- 
estant religion. Can any nation point to such heroic ad- 
herence to principle? The fight has continued to the 
present time and has been recently revived by the law known 
as the " Law of Association Bill. '' These Huguenots, like 
the Covenanters, left home and native land, scattered 
throughout America, and large numbers settled in the East- 
ern part of the Carolinas. This was early in the eighteenth 



century, and they then and there planted the principles of civ- 
il liberty. About the same time and later the Scotch and 
Scotch-Irish (Scotch from Ulster in the North of Ireland) 
were settling Western Carolina along the Piedmont region. 
Alexander Craighead thundered from his pulpit at Sugar 
Creek Presbyterian Church. This Church is four miles 
North of Charlotte, the Church has been rebuilt several 
times. He was well versed in the history of his Church. 
" No free assembly, no free gospel, " equal rights to the 
Protestants of all denominations. He believed in the rule 
of the people in Church and State. From those fathers of 
freedom of conscience, Knox, Buchanan, Boston, Erskine 
and others, he no doubt drew inspiration. Craighead is 
buried in Sugar Creek Church graveyard. In the ceme- 
tery, (Blmwood) in Charlotte is a monument erected to his 
memory, and on it these words : " Advocate of American 
Independence from 1743 " "Inspirerof the Mecklenburg 
Declaration. " The Presbyterian Clergy one year after his 
death (1767) were for the first time in North Carolina al- 
lowed to perform the marriage ceremony. Who can tell 
if this was not through his influence ? Nine years later we 
find that the May Convention of 1775, held in Charlotte, is 
composed of members of Sugar Creek Church (the parent 
Church) and the other five Presbyterian Churches in Meck- 
lenburg county and one in Iredell, (then Rowan). The 
Chairman of that Convention was naturally elected from 
the congregation of Sugar Creek Church, the present 
Church. He was Abraham Alexander, and is buried in 
old Sugar Creek Church graveyard. 

Of the persons chosen to meet in the May assembly, one 



was a Presbyterian minister named Hezekiah James Balch, 
and there were seven elders, and other members of the 
Presbyterian Church — in all twenty-seven. While the Cov- 
enanters were meeting in Piedmont Carolina the Hugue- 
nots and their allies were doing the same in Eastern Caroli- 
nas, when the proposition went forth for a general conven- 
tion of all the States to confer together for mutual protec- 
tion against the unjust taxes imposed by Great Brittain 
without representation, South Carolina was among the first 
to respond and appointed delegates. In defiance of the re- 
monstrance and menaces of Lieutenant Governor Bull, a 
provincial Congress of delegates, chosen by the people, met 
in Charleston on the nth of January 1775. It approved the 
proceedings of the General Congress. It went further ; it 
selected a committee to see that the recommendations were 
complied with. On such a committee strong men were 
needed — men of courage — a revolution was at hand — no 
weaklings were wanted. Christopher Gadsden was made 
chairman — the Samuel Adams of South Carolina. The 
following are some of the gentlemen of Huguenot descent 
we find on the committee, names familiar in South Caro- 
lina: — Isaac Huger, Maurice Simons, Thomas Legere and 
others. All had but one end in view, the principles of the 
various phases of Protestantism — the Puritans, the Cove- 
nanters and the Huguenots — their opinions are so im- 
pressed upon the constitutions of every State in the Union 
and upon the Constitution of the United States that we 
cannot but admit that in a large measure the whole super- 
structure of our laws are built upon religious freedom as- 
serted by the Puritans, Covenanters and Huguenots. Free- 



dom of conscience in matters of belief — freedom of action 
according to faith — freedom to choose teachers and rulers 
in Church and State. 

The laws of entail and primogeniture were struck down; 
feudalism in State swept away ; every man allowed to wor- 
ship God according to the dictate of his own conscience ; 
feudalism of Church wiped out. The time was ripe — who 
cares about the dates, May 20th or May 31st, or both? It 
was a citizenship that had come down from independent 
ancestry. The Stamp Act — exhorbitant fees by public of- 
ficials — the restrictions on the clergy other than those of 
the Established Church — the antipathy of some to the 
English Government — the dislike to the government on 
account of the fact that the king had disallowed the char- 
ter to the Presbyterian College, (Queen Museum) situated 
in Charlotte, which had been granted by the North Caroli- 
na legislature — taxation without representation. All these 
wrongs were keenly felt, and the people were restless and 
discontented. At the instance of Col. Thomas Polk (a great 
uncle of President James K. Polk, who was born in Meck- 
lenburg) the Commander of the malitia, two delegates from 
each company were called together at Charlotte as a repre- 
sentative committee. It is said that they were notified to 
meet on May 1 9th. The men selected were : the Reverend 
Hezekiah J. Balch, John McKnitt Alexander, Col. Thomas 
Polk, Hezekiah Alexander, John Phifer, Ephriam Brevard, 
Adam Alexander, James Harris, Charles Alexander, Wil- 
liam Kennon, Zacheus Wilson, Sr., John Ford, Waight- 
still Avery, Richard Barry, Benjamin Patton, Henry Downs, 
Matthew McClure, Ezra Alexander, Neil Morrison, Wil- 



Ham Graliam, Robert Irwin, Jolin Query, John Flanniken, 
David Reese, Abraham Alexander, Richard Harris, Sr., 
John Davidson. These men met in the court house, which 
was then standing on what is now known as " Independent 
Square. " The court house was packed to hear the pro- 
ceedings. The wisest and best men had been selected. 
The meeting was organized by Abraham Alexander being 
called to the chair, and John McKnitt Alexander being se- 
lected as Secretary. Fiery speeches were made. A speech 
was being made on the burdens that had been borne by 
the people. The unjust taxes that had to be paid, the re- 
strictions put on the nonconformist, and the speaker ex- 
pressed the belief that the only hope of redress was Inde- 
pendence. The test had come. An old man, one of the 
oldest in the Convention, arose — " How can we declare 
ourselves free and independent?" said he. " Have we not 
sworn allegiance to King George ?' ' A middle-aged man 
arose — he was cool and deliberate — he turned to the win- 
dow and looked out — " See that beautiful oak yonder, with 
the leaves on it, " said he, "suppose you swear to do a 
thing as long as those leaves are on the tree, and the leaves 
fall off, are you bound by your oath ?" The court house 
shook with applause. The tide was turning. The King 
ought to be resisted as they were taught, if he " exceed his 
bounds and do against that for which he should be obeyed." 
Men were seen to gather at the large windows in the court 
house looking Southward, ( now South Tryon Street ) a 
horseman is seen rapidly approaching. He passes Queen's 
Museum—" I^iberty Hall "—the Faneuil Hall of North 
Carolina — he approaches the court house, he dismounts, 



10 

several gather around him, lie tells them hurridly of the 
news brought to Charleston, that innocent blood had been 
spilt at Lexington. In that day the people of Mecklenburg 
were closely allied with Charleston, as it was the principle 
place where the people of Mecklenburg and the upcoun- 
try traded. The young horsman was required to tell the 
Convention of the news brought from Boston. The tale 
was told of how their Massachusetts brethren had been 
slain. The warm Southern hearts were moved at the 
wrongs. The oaths were forgotten. General Joseph Gra- 
ham wrote some years after that the man who in the Con- 
vention called attention to the oath, although a strong pa- 
triot, was for years after looked upon with suspicion. A 
committee was appointed to prepare resolutions declaring 
themselves free and independent. The Convention is said 
to have met on May 19th and adjourned to May 30th. The 
following resolutions were adopted : 

" I. That whosoever, directly or indirectly, abets, or in 
any way, form or manner, countenances the invasion of 
our rights, as attempted by the Parliment of Great Brit- 
ain, is an enemy of his country, to America and the rights 
of men. " 

" Resolved 2. That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg 
county, do hereby dissolve the political bands which have 
connected us with the mother country, and absolve our- 
selves from all allegiance to the British crown, abjure all 
political connection with a nation that has wantonly tram- 
pled on our rights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the 
innocent blood of Americans at I^exington. '' 

'■''Resolved S' That we do hereby declare ourselves a free 



11 

and independent people, that we are and of right ought to 
be, a sovereign and self-governing people under the power 
of God and the General Congress ; to the maintenance of 
which independence, we solemnly pledge to each other, 
our mutual co-operation, our lives, our fortunes and our 
most sacred honor. " 

'* Resolved ^. That we do hereby ordain and adopt as 
rules of conduct, all and each of our former laws, and the 
crown of Great Britain cannot be considered hereafter as 
holding any rights, privileges or immunities among us. " 

" Resolved 5. That all officers, both civil and military, 
in this county, be entitled to exercise the same powers and 
authorities as heretofore ; that every member of this delega- 
tion shall henceforth be a civil officer and exercise the pow- 
ers of a Justice of the Peace, issue process, hear and deter- 
mine controversies according to law, preserve peace, union 
and harmony in the county, and use every exertion to spread 
the love of liberty and of country, until a more general 
and better organized system of government be established. '' 

" Resolved 6. That a copy of these resolutions be trans- 
mitted by express to the President of the Continental Con- 
gress, assembled in Philadelphia, to be laid before that 
body. " 

These resolutions were unanimously adopted and sub- 
scribed by the delegates. ( A spurious copy of the original 
declaration a few years ago was gotten up in Charlotte with 
forged signatures on it, for the purpose of sale. The orig- 
inal was destroyed by fire. ) Captain James Jack was en- 
gaged to deliver the resolutions to the President of Con- 
gress ; and also the delegates in Congress from North Car- 



12 

olina. The resolutions were read aloud to the people in 
Charlotte and proclaimed amidst shouts and huzzas. Capt. 
Jack, on his way to Philadelphia, stopped over in Salisbury, 
and court being in session, Mr. Kennon a lawyer, and one 
of the signers, read the resolutions aloud in open court to a 
large assemblage, and they were approved by all present 
except two lawyers, who afterwards were made to suffer se- 
verely for their disapproval. The Colonial Governor Mar- 
tin writes this to the Secretary of State in England : 

State Paper Office, London, \ Bancrofts' Collection, 
America and West, I Vol. 204. j i775, 153, 

Fort Johnston, North Carolina, 

30th June, 1775. 
" The minutes of a council held at this place the other 
day, will make the impotence of government here as appa- 
rent to your Lordship as anything I can set before you, the 
Board having been afraid to take a becoming part, I firmly 
believe, from apprehensions of personal injury and insult. 

The situation in which I find myself at present is in- 
deed, my Lord, most despicable and mortifying. * * * 
I live, alas ! ingloriously, only to deplore it. * * * * 
The resolves of the Committee of Mecklenburg, which your 
Lordship will find in the enclosed newspaper, surpass all 
the horrid and treasonable publications that the inflamatory 
spirit of the Continent have yet produced : and your Lord- 
ship may depend, its authors and abettors will not escape, 
when my hands are sufficiently strengthened, to attempt 
the recovery of the lost authority of the government. A 



13 

copy of these resolutions were sent off, I am informed by 
express to the Congress at Philadelphia, as soon as they 
were passed in the Committee. " 

The fierce storm of war then began; but fortunately for 
the Carolinas two decisive battles gave them comparative 
quiet for several years. The battle of Moore's Creek in 
North Carolina fought Feb. 26th, 1776, and the battle of 
Fort Sullivan in South Carolina, fought June 28th, 1776. 
During these stormy times the women were not lacking in 
their devotion to the cause of liberty. A cold winter day in 
the early part of February 1776, the young ladies of Meck- 
lenburg county gathered at " Liberty Hall " and took 
strenuous means to ensure the success of the patriots. The 
South Carolina and American General Gazette, published 
at the time the following concerning their proceedings : 

" The young ladies of the best families of Mecklenburg 
county, North Carolina, have entered into a voluntary as- 
sociation that they will not receive the addresses of any 
young gentlemen of that place, except the brave volunteers 
who served in the expedition to South Carolina, and assis- 
ted in subduing the Scovalite (Tory) insurgents, the ladies 
being of opinion, that such persons as stay loitering at 
home, when the important calls of the country demand 
their military services abroad, must certainly be destitute 
of that nobleness of sentiment, that brave manly spirit 
that would qualify them to be the defenders and guardians 
of the fair sex. The ladies of the adjoining county, Row- 
an, have desired the plan of a similar association to be 
drawn up and prepared for signature. " 

Time rolls on — news is brought to the up country that 



14 

Charleston has fallen. For nearly three months ill-fed, ill- 
clad and undisciplined militiamen under General Lincoln 
had baffled twelve thousand of the best disciplined troops 
of Great Britain. This was May 12th, 1780. An instance 
took place that saved Francis Marion from capture. He 
was staying at a house in Trade street, and his host de- 
termined that all his guests should drink his wine freely, 
he locked the door to prevent their departure. Marion 
would not submit to this act of social tyranny and leaped 
from a second story window to the ground. His ankle was 
broken and he was taken to his home some distance from 
the city, and thus was spared to his country. Many per- 
sons from the Western part of the Carolinas were in the 
city and surrendered. Among them Dr. Ephriam Brevard, 
one of the signers, who was a surgeon in the Continental 
army, and who broken by disease, when set at liberty, re- 
turned home to die in Mecklenburg. His grave is un- 
known. The Eastern part of South Carolina was abso- 
lutely in the power of the British. The interior must now 
be subdued. Sir Henry Clinton immediately after the sur- 
render of Charleston sent Lord Cornwallis towards the 
frontier of North Carolina. Cornwallis heard that Colonel 
Buford with four hundred Continentals, who had started to 
the relief of Charleston, had left Camden and was retreat- 
ing leisurely towards Charlotte. He sent a detachment un- 
der Tarleton of nearly twice Buford's in number to over- 
take him. Tarleton marched in fifty-four hours one hun- 
dred and five miles and came upon Buford on the Waxhaw 
by surprise. Buford sent a flag of truce, and it is related 
that while negotiations were pending and flags of confer- 



15 

ence were passing, Tarleton's cavaly fell upon the unsus- 
pecting Continentals and gave them no quarter. This ter- 
rible cruelty spread consternation over that region, women 
and children took refuge in more distant settlements. The 
widowed mother of President Andrew Jackson left her 
home with her two sons, Robert and Andrew, and took 
refuge in Mecklenburg. They stayed with the widow of 
Rev. J. M. Wilson and widow Alexander, (mother of Su- 
sannah Alexander,) near Charlotte. This cruel treatment 
made an abiding impression on young Jackson who was 
then only thirteen years old. Who can tell if his early 
recollection did not in after life give him nerve and cour- 
age to endure and to conquer at New Orleans the foe of 
his youth ? He and his brother Robert immediately entered 
the army under General Sumter. They were both made 
prisoners. The indomitable courage in the after man ap- 
peared in the boy, when ordered to clean the muddy boots 
of an English officer, he refused and received for this a 
sword-cut. His mother and two of her sons perished du- 
ring the revolution. His mother died just after leaving 
Charleston, where she had been to visit friends and rela- 
tives who were there in prison. He alone of the family 
survived. The blood of Buford's men stirred the hearts of 
the patriots in Western Carolina. General Rutherford 
raised fifteen hundred men whom he brought together at 
Charlotte, this force was sufficient to discourage Tarleton. 
On June 2 2d the Loyalist under a Colonel Moore were de- 
feated at Ramseur's Mill by Colonel lyocke, who had a de- 
tachment of Rutherford's force. General Sumter at this 
critical period, with a force of North and South Carolini- 



16 

ans, returned to his State, and on July lath defeated Col- 
onel Furgerson and Capt. Houck at Williamson's planta- 
tion in the Western part of the State. His success brought 
many recruits to him and he was again successful at Hang- 
ing Rock. Many partisan bands now hurried to join Gates 
who had taken charge of the Southern army and was mov- 
ing towards Camden where he was sent to meet Lord Raw- 
don and Lord Cornwallis; but alas ! it was a fearful meet- 
ing for the Continentals. Gates was defeated, the brave 
DeKalb was left with eleven wounds on him and soon died. 
General Rutherford was compelled to surrender. This was 
August 1 6th. General Gates hastened to Charlotte and 
reached there — eighty miles away, the same day of the bat- 
tle. On his way he was informed of Sumter's splendid 
victory taking Fort Carey on the Wateree. When Sumter 
heard of Gates' defeat he commenced retreating up the 
South side of the Wateree river. He was pursued by 
Tarleton with his wonderful celerity, who overtook and 
surprised Sumter at Fishing Creek. It is said that Gener- 
al Sumter escaped in his night clothes. Sumter came to 
Charlotte a day or two afterwards. He never forgave 
Tarleton for having caught him napping, and Nov. 20th 
following engaged him in battle at Black Stock Hill with 
such severe results that one-third of Tarleton's privates en- 
gaged were killed. Sumter was fortunate in having the 
mountain country of the Carolinas to draw upon for assis- 
tance. In his command were such men as Colonel Wil- 
liam Hill, ancestor of General D. H. Hill. It now looked 
like the Carolinas were subdued. Lord Cornwallis com- 
menced his march towards Charlotte to establish his head- 



17 

quarters. Behind him he left the unyielding Huguenots, 
in front were the Scotch-Irish Covenanters. Both were 
equal to the emergency. Johnson in his Traditions and Re- 
miniscences of the Revolution, says : 

" Among the most efficient of Marion's men were his 
neighbors and friends of Huguenot descent, the Horry's, 
Simons, Ravenels, Cordes', DuBos, etc. We think of 
Cornwallis at Dunbar. " Let God arise, and let His ene- 
mies be scattered ." Nelson at Trafalgar displaying the 
signal — " England expects every man to do his duty. " 
Wellington at Waterloo as he shouted to his troops : " Boys, 
can retreat be thought of ? Think of old England." Na- 
poleon at the battle of the Pyramids — "forty centuries 
look down upon you. " To inspire the youth of our land, 
let us remember Washington at Valley Forge and Marion 
at Snow Island. Hope had died in the hearts of almost 
every Southern patriot. Marion kindled once more the 
spark. Who has not heard of the instance ? the captured 
English officer taken to Snow Island in the swamps, the 
rendezvous of Marion and his men, Marion inviting him 
to dine with him, and handing the officer cold water and 
sweet potatoes for dinner. He asked Marion if that was 
what he and his men lived on. Marion told him it was. 
The Englishman said : "I can no longer fight 
against such brave men and patriots. " When he was ex- 
changed he returned to England, never more to fight 
against the Americans. Adversity shows the character of 
a people. Many of the rich and cowardly sought protec- 
tion from Cornwallis to save their property from confisca- 
tion and for other sinister motives, but those who loved 



18 

freedom and served their conscience sprung by leaps and 
bounds to the front. No sooner had Cornwallis started to- 
wards Charlotte, thinking all behind was safe, than Marion 
and his men made the patriots' hearts glad with their mar- 
velous exploits. Colonel Henry Lee, (father of the Confed- 
erate chieftain) who served with Marion, says of him : — 
" small in statue, hard in visage, healthy, abstemious and 
taciturn, enthusiastically wedded to the cause of liberty, he 
deeply deplored the condition of his beloved country. The 
common weal was his sole object ; nothing selfish, nothing 
mercenary soiled his ermine character. Fertile in stratagem, 
he struck unperceivtd; and, retiring to those hidden re- 
treats selected by himself in the morasses of the Pee Dee 
and Black rivers, he placed his corps not only out of the 
reach of his foe, but often out of the discovery of his friends. 
A rigid disciplinarian, he reduced to practice the justice of 
his heart ; and during the difficult course of warfare through 
which he passed, calumny itself never charged him with 
violating the rights of persons, property or humanity, never 
avoiding danger, he never rashly sought it ; and acting for 
all around him as he did for himself, he risked the lives of 
his troops only when it was necessary. Neither elated with 
prosperity, nor depressed by adversity, he preserved an 
equanimity which won the admiration of friends and exac- 
ted the respect of his enemies. " Can higher tribute be 
paid to any man ? Such was the hero who with McDow- 
ell, Morgan, Davidson, Lee, Sumter, Pickens and others 
did so much to redeem the South. We here take leave of 
these patriots' examples to the youth of all ages. 

The battle of Camden was fought August i6th 1780. 



19 

Major William Richardson Davie's corps had suffered se- 
verely with Sumter at Hanging Rock, South Carolina, and 
he had been escorting to Charlotte the wounded to the hos- 
pital which he had previously established. After perform- 
ing this service Davie hastened to the general rendezvous 
of General Gates, Rugely's Mill. He arrived on the 15th, 
after Gates had moved, and after marching all night, met 
our flying troops. General Huger informed him of the fate 
of the Americans. Major Davie at once did all in his pow- 
er to relieve the situation. He had served with Sumter, 
and, as has been mentioned, Sumter was defeated at Fish- 
ing Creek by Tarleton a few days after the battle of Cam- 
den, so the burdens of defending this section were shifted 
to Davie. Bravely did he bear them. In 1 780, he had ob- 
tained license to practice law, but seeing the need of his 
country, he again took up arms. He was now twenty-four 
years old. He had been wounded near Charleston the year 
before. The State being too poor he sold the little prop- 
erty he had and raised the funds to equip the troops under 
him. Such was the man who now returned to defend 
Charlotte. He had been a student at " Queen's Museum. " 
He had heard the eloquent words of Dr. Alexander, Mc- 
Whorter, the President of Queen's Museum on June 3d, 
when he had addressed the troops under General Ruther- 
ford. (One of Dr. McWhorter's sisters, Jane, married John 
Brevard, and another, Agnes, married Alexander Osborne.) 
Davie determined that Charlotte should not be taken with- 
out resistence. This was September 5th. He had been 
recently made Colonel. Cornwallis was slowly approach- 
ing. Davie went forward with his small force to harrass 



20 

his foraging parties. He was accompanied by Maj. George 
Davidson. They took post at Providence, on the Char- 
lotte road. On the evening of September the 20th they 
decamped and determined to strike a blow at the Loyalist 
encamped at the plantation of Captain James Wahab (whose 
name was later changed to Walkup) in the Southwestern 
part of Union county, then Mecklenburg. Many of his 
troops were from that section. Early next morning they 
gained unperceived the camp of the Loyalist. The house 
and yard were almost surrounded by a splendid corn-field. 
He detached Major Davidson through the corn-field and he 
himself took the lane leading to the house. The enemy 
were completely surprised and fled, sixty were killed and 
wounded, ninety-six horses were taken, and one hundred 
and twenty stands of arms. The British drums in contig- 
uous quarters then beat to arms. Captain Wahab, the own- 
er of the farm, spent a few minutes halt in rapt converse 
with his wife and children, who ran out as soon as the fir- 
ing ceased, to embrace their protector. Bitter followed 
those sweet moments. The British troops, reaching the 
house, the commander yielded to diabolical fury and or- 
dered it burnt. Wahab saw his home that sheltered his 
wife and little children, wrapped in flames, and he unable 
to relieve them. Davie made good his retreat and returned 
to Providence, having marched sixty miles in twenty-four 
hours. Generals Sumner and Davidson arrived the even- 
ing of his return. They had about one thousand men and 
Davie less than two hundred. Four days after the affair 
at Wahab's, Cornwallis put his army in motion, taking the 
Steel Creek road to Charlotte. This being announced to 



21 

General Sumner he retired, leaving Colonel Davie who 
was strengthened by Major Joseph Graham. Major Gra- 
ham, like Colonel Davie, had been a student at " Queen's 
Museum. " He had been in Charlotte when the Declaration 
of Independence on May 20th 1775, was formerly and pub- 
licly made. He was deeply impressed with the impor- 
tance of the struggle, and no man acted a braver part. 

At midnight, September 25th, 1780, this little band of 
heroes reached Charlotte. Next day the battle of Char- 
lotte took place. I give the account as narrated by Colo- 
nel Davie : " Charlotte, situated on a rising ground, con- 
tains about twenty houses, built on two streets which cross 
each other at right angles, at the intersection of which 
stands the court house (Independence Square.) The left of 
the town, as the enemy advanced, was an open common 
on the woods which reached up to the gardens of the vil- 
lage. With this small force, viz : one hundred and fifty 
cavalry and mounted infantry and fourteen volunteers un- 
der Major Graham, Davie determined to give his L^ordship 
a foretaste of what he might expect in North Carolina. 
For the purpose he dismounted one company, and posted 
it under the court house, where the men were covered 
breast-high by a stone wall. Two other companies were 
advanced about eighty yards, and posted behind some 
houses and in gardens on each side of the street. While 
this disposition was making, the Legion (Tarleton's) was 
forming at the distance of three hundred yards, with a 
front to fill the (South Tryon) street, and the light infantry 
on their flanks. On sounding the charge, the cavalry ad- 
vanced at full gallop within sixty yards of the court house, 



22 

where they received the American fire, and retreated with 
great precipitation. As the infantry continued to advance, 
notwithstanding the fire of our advanced companies, who 
were too few to keep them in check, it became necessary 
to withdraw them from the cross street, and form them in 
line with the troops under the court house. The flanks 
were still engaged with the infantry, but the center was 
directed to reserve their fire for the cavalry, who rallied on 
their former ground and returned to the charge. 

They were again well received by the militia, and gal- 
loped off in great confusion, in the presence of the whole 
British army. As the British infantry were now beginning 
to turn Colonel Davie's right flank, these companies were 
drawn off in good order, successively covering each other, 
and formed at the end of the street about one hundred 
yards from the court house, under a galling fire from the 
British light infantry, who had advanced under the cover 
of the houses and gardens. The British cavalry again ap- 
peared, charging by the court house, but upon receiving a 
fire, which had been reserved for them, they again scam- 
pered off. Lord Cornwallis in his vexation at the repeated 
miscarriage of his cavalry openly abused their cowardice. 
The Legion, reinforced by the infantry pressed forward on 
our flanks, and the ground was no longer tenable by this 
handful of brave men. A retreat was then ordered on the 
Salisbury road, and the enemy followed, with great cau- 
tion and respect, for some miles, when they ventured to 
charge the rear guards. The guards were of course put to 
flightj but on receiving the fire of a single company, they 
retreated. Our loss consisted of Lieutenant Locke, and 
four privates killed, and Major Graham and five privates 
wounded. The British stated their loss at twelve non- 



23 

commissioned officers and privates killed, and Major Hang- 
er, Captains Campbell and McDonald, and thirty privates 
wounded. In the engagement Major Graham received 
nine wounds, six with the sabre and three with lead. He 
was mercifully spared to his country. This brave youth, 
only twenty-one years of age, as soon as he recovered from 
his wounds returned to the army. Cornwallis' stay in 
Mecklenburg was a stormy one. He had a large army 
which had to be fed. The Mecklenburg men were deter- 
mined. Colonel Polk had a mill ( old Bissell mill ) about 
two miles Southwest of Charlotte, the British pickets were 
attacked there. On October 5d a foraging party of about 
four hundred under Major Doyle went towards the fertile 
region of Long Creek. While plundering Mcln tyre's farm, 
about seven miles North of Charlotte, twelve men under 
Captain James Thompson attacked and actually drove the 
British raiders from the farm. The British loss was so se- 
vere that the survivers upon reaching Charlotte declared 
" every bush along the road concealed a rebel. " Lieuten- 
ant George Graham was one of this brave party. He was 
a brother of Joseph Graham, and was a strong, courageous 
man. He is buried in the old Presbyterian cemetery in 
Charlotte. He was active during Lord Cornwallis' stay in 
Charlotte attacking his foraging parties. On October 7th 
Major Ferguson was defeated at Kings's Mountain and 
slain. He was one of Cornwallis' most trusted officers. 
Upon Cornwallis hearing of the defeat Charlotte was im- 
mediately evacuated. This was on the evening of October 
14th. We read in Tarleton's campaigns this about Meck- 
lenburg : — 

" It was evident and it has been frequently mentioned 
to the King's officers, that the counties of Mecklenburg and 
Rowan were more hostile than any others in America. " 
We read this about Charlotte : 

" The town and environs abounded with inveterate en- 



24 

emies, '' when later the suggestion was made to go by Char- 
lotte, he says : — " The route by Charlotte town through the 
most hostile quarter of the province on many accounts not 
advisable. " Cornwallis later on his way North did not go 
by Charlotte, but went North of Charlotte and crossed at 
Crown's Ford. In a letter to Colonel Balfour, of the Brit- 
ish army, Cornwallis says : " Charlotte is an agreeable vil- 
lage, but in a d d rebellious country. " When Cornwal- 
lis retired from Charlotte, he halted upon Robert Wilson's 
plantation, and himself and staff quartered at the house of 
the patriot. The Wilsons were all staunch Scotch-Irish, 
and sturdy Republicans. The wife of Robert Wilson, (a 
brother of Zacheus, a signer,) had " seven sons in the rebel 
army," and also her husband. Mrs. Wilson was very cour- 
teous, and Cornwallis endeavored to win her to the Royal 
cause by flattering words. Her reply deserves to be in- 
scribed upon brass and marble : "I have seven sons who 
are now, or have been, bearing arms ; indeed, my seventh 
son, Zacheus, who is only fifteen years old, I yesterday as- 
sisted to get ready to go and join his brothers in Sumpter's 
army. Now, sooner than see one of my family turn back 
from the glorious enterprise, I would take those boys, 
(pointing to three or four small sons) and with them would 
myself enlist under Sumter's standard and show my hus- 
band and sons how to fight ; and if necessary, how to die 
for their country. " Ah, General, said the cruel Tarleton, 
" I think you've got into a Hornet's Nesty Cornwallis' re- 
ply was : " Never mind, when we get to Camden, I'll take 
good care that old Robin Wilson never gets back again. " 
On the spot where Queen's Museum once stood is the 
county court house. In front is a handsome monument 
erected to the signers of the Mecklenburg Independence. 
On one side are the names of the signers. On the other side 
facing South Tryon street is a Hornet's Nest, and on it are 
these words : " I^et us alone. " 



THE NORTH CAROLINA 

St^te Uortnal and Industrial College. 

LITERARY COMMERCIAL 
CLASSICAL INDUSTRIAL 
SCIENTIFIC PEDDAGOGICAL 
MUSICAL. 

Annual expenses including books |100 to $140; for non-residents of the 
State |160. Faculty of 33 members. 

Correspondence invited from those desiring competent teachers and 
stenographers. 

For Catalogue and other information address 

Presideot CH6?RLES D. MclVER. 

GrceQsboro, N. C, 

Cbe medallion Genealogical Register. 

A simple and perfect method of recording an indefinite number of 

ancestors, all lines displayed, at one time. The best, newest, 

cheapest and simplest device for tracing lineage. 60 cts. 



Pbotodrapbs of iDe Dales of tbe Edenton tea Party* 

Copied from the historic picture in State Library. 25 cts. 



Uoltcre Bust of General Robert 6. Cee. 

10x12 inches. 75 cents and $1.00. 



The above articles can be had by applying to the editors of 
N. C. Booklet. 



<!^'^^ t--- C^ 



: in/ 



ZU Dotlb Carolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 





Greene's J\etre^t 



BY 

D. H. HiLl.. 




PRICE 10 CENTS. ^ ^ ^ $1.00 THE YEAR. 

Entered at the Postoffice at Raleigh, N. C, as second-class matter— June 24, 1901. 



tU nortb Carolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 



The Booklets will be in the following order : 

1. Virginia Dare, 

Maj . Graham Daves. 

2. Colonial New Bern, 

Mrs. Sara Beaumont Kennedy. 

3. Liberty, Property and no Stamp Duty. 

Col. A. M. Waddell. 

4. Edenton Tea Party, 

Dr. Richard Dillard. 

5. Betsy Dowdy's Eide, 

Col. R. B. Creecy. 

6. The Hornets Nest, 

Hon. Heriot Clarkson. 

7. Green's Retreat, 

Prof. D. H. Hill. 

8. Monsieur Le Marquis de LaFayette, 

Maj. E. J. Hale. 

9. An Admiral and His Daughter, 

Dr. K. P. Battle, 

10. Pettigrew's Charge, 

Capt. S. A. Ashe. 

11. Reminiscences of a Blockade Runner, 

Hon. James Sprunt. 

12. Ku Klux, 

Mrs. T. J. Jarvis. 

One Booklet a month will be issued by the North Carolina 
Society of t^e Daughters of the I^evolution, beginning 
May 10th, 1901. Price $1.00 a year. 

EDITORS. 

Miss Martha Helen Haywood, Mrs. Hubert Haywood, 
raleigh, n. c. 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET. 



Vol.. I. NOVEMBER, 10, 1901. No. 7. 



GREENE'S Retreat. 



BT 

D. H. HILIi. 



RALEIGH : 

Capitai, Printing Company. 

1901. 




NATHANAEL GREENE 



''Carolina! Carolina! Beaven's blessings amnd ber! 
mbile m live we will cberisb, protect and defend ber." 



GREENE'S RETREAT. 

"The retreat of Gen. Greene and the pursuit of Lord Cornwallis 
are worthy to be placed among the most remarkable events of the 
American war; they would have done honor to the most cele- 
brated captains of that, or any former epoch." — Botta. 

Not even the Valley Forge days brought more gloom to 
the American revolutionists than did the summer of 1780 
and the following winter. Almost every adventure, wheth- 
er of arms or of statecraft went awry. The British were 
making a supreme efFort to dismember the colonies by the 
conquest of the Southern states. They thought, says 
Holmes, that " important advantages might be expected 
from shifting the war to the rich Southern colonies, which 
chiefly upheld the financial credit of the Confederacy in 
Europe, and through which the Americans received most 
of their military and other supplies. " 

To effect this end, the English commander had, since 
December 1778, been concentrating troops in that section. 
Taking Georgia as a starting point, his purpose was to 
sweep northward in a march of subjugation. Georgia was 
overcome and occupied, and in 1780 South and North Car- 
olina became objectives. 

Washington, in order to meet the new invasion, was 
forced to divide his army and send his Southern regulars to 
defend their homes. Most of these, after a terrible winter 
march from New Jersey, went to reinforce Lincoln at 
Charleston. The Northern army, thus reduced in 
number, was compelled to remain inactive. Moreover, 



small as it was, there was no money to support it, 
and hunger and indignation added to supineness drove 
the men to mutiny. Congress seemed powerless and re- 
sourceless. The continental currency was expiring. En- 
listment was ceasing. Treachery was added by Arnold's 
shameless act of perfidy. Even Washington, on whom all 
hopes stayed, became so despondent that he wrote Mr. Ma- 
son, " Unless there is a material change both in our civil 
and our military policy, it will be in vain to contend much 
longer. " Lafayette, buoyant and optimistic, refrains from 
writing to his government, declaring, " pride has stopped 
my pen. '' The only alleviation to the general gloom in 
the North was the coming of the French force under Roch- 
ambeau. 

In the South disaster followed disaster. On the 12 th of 
May, Lincoln surrendered Charleston, and nearly all the 
continental, or regular soldiers of the South, thereby be- 
came prisoners. On the 29th of the same month, Buford's 
Virginia continental regiment that had failed to get 
to Charleston to aid in the siege, was hacked to 
pieces at Waxhaws by Tarleton. Congress, hoping to 
help matters, now detailed Gen. Gates, Saratoga's hero, to 
command all the troops in the Southern department. This 
included the Maryland division of two thousand men and 
the Delaware regiment both of which Gen. Washington had 
already generously detached to go South under Gen. DeKalb. 
But Gates marched to Camden, S. C, only to be appalingly 
defeated by Earl Cornwallis. Only two days later, at Fish- 
ing Creek, Tarleton defeated Sumter, apparently the last 
hope of South Carolina. 



The only gloom-dispelling exploits were Col. Locke's de- 
feat of the Tories at Ramseur's Mill, the signal victory of 
the allied colonels over "Fierce Ferguson" at King*s 
Mountain, and Sumter's retaliation on Tarleton at Black- 
stock. 

Following the reverses in South Carolina, and the appa- 
rent subjugation of that State, came Cornwallis's determina- 
tion to invade and subdue North Carolina. This further 
movement in the development of the original plan of the 
campaign was expected to bring a third state into vassal- 
age. If the British could conquer North Carolina as they 
had done Georgia and South Carolina, then Cornwallis 
with his army could join Arnold in Virginia, crush that 
colony, and the two armies then unite with the Northern 
army in offensive operations against Washington. The 
British had been led to believe that North Carolina was 
full of royal adherents. But the reckless resistance of Da- 
vie and Graham to lyord Cornwallis's entering Charlotte, 
the untiring cutting down of all his detached parties, and 
the fact stated by Rawdon, that " not a single man attempt- 
ed to improve the favorable mofaaent to join us," convinced 
his lordship not only that the " assurances of attachment 
from our poor distressed friends in North Carolina '' were 
only assurances, but that he was, as he profanely expressed 

it, " in a d d rebellious country. " His colleague. Gen. 

Leslie, was meeting with the same sort of reception from 
at least a part of the inhabitants of Eastern North Caro- 
lina, for he writes disconsolately, " I am sorry to observe 
that the women don't smile on us. " However the defeat 
of Ferguson forced Cornwallis to retire from North Caro- 



Una and to order lycslie to join him in South Carolina. Thus 
reinforced by two thousand men, he made ready for a sec- 
ond invasion of North Carolina. 

The State was ill prepared to withstand his fierce com- 
ing. With its usual unselfishness, the province had, to aid 
the common cause, almost stripped itself of defenders. How 
freely it had aided imperiled districts is shown by a letter 
from Charles Pinckney : " They have been so willing and 
ready on all occasions to afford us all the assistance in their 
power that I shall ever love a North Carolinian, and join 
with General Moultrie in confessing that they have been 
the salvation of this country." All her Continental Troops, 
after long service with Washington, had, during the severe 
winter of '79 and '80, marched every step of the way from 
New Jersey to South Carolina to aid beleaguered Charles- 
ton. There together with a thousand of her militia, they 
had been surrendered by Lincoln. Between three and four 
hundred of her militia, with their ranking officer. General 
Rutherford, had been captured in Gates's untimely defeat at 
Camden. Many of her officers and better trained militia, 
who had served in other States, were broken down in health 
or " fettered by paroles. " 

Hence, in the emergency created by the coming of Corn- 
wallis, the State had almost entirely to rely on levies of raw 
militia. 

The militiaman of Western North Carolina was unique 
in his way. Regarded by his government, in the words of 
Governor Graham, as a "self-supporting institution, " he 
went forth to service generally without thought of drawing 
uniform, rations, arms or pay. A piece of white paper 



pinned to his hunting cap was his uniform ; a wallet of 
parched flour or a sack of meal was his commissariat ; a tin- 
cup, a frying-pan and a pair of saddle-bags, his only im- 
pedimenta ; his domestic rifle — a Deckard or a Kutter, and 
sometimes a sword made in his own black-smith shop, con- 
stituted his martial weapons ; a horse capable of "long sub- 
sisting on nature's bounty " was his means of rapid mobili- 
zation or hasty " change of base " ; a sense of manly duty 
performed, his quarter's pay. Indeed, his sense of propriety 
would have been rudely shocked by any suggestion of re- 
ward for serving his endangered country. He had mental 
characteristics that made both for and against good soldier- 
ship. An expert rider and an unerring shot, he was yet 
disdainful of the discipline that must mechanize a man in- 
to a soldier or convert a mob into an army. Patient under 
hardship, inured to constant activity, unmoved in reverses, 
he was however so tenacious of personal freedom as to be 
jealous of the authority of officers chosen by his own suf- 
frage. Of little worth when commanded by untried offi- 
cers, he was, when led by men of daring whose success had 
won his confidence, a dauntless and persistent fighter. 

To this militia the State appealed after Gates's defeat and 
on the second approach of Cornwallis. This appeal was in 
some cases even anticipated ; for a letter to Washington 
says : " Upon this defeat the yeomanry of North Carolina 
turned out unsolicited. " Governor Burke, in a letter to 
John Adams declares : " The people, under all the distress- 
es inseparable from an unprovided soldiery flew to arms 
with the greatest alacrity." In fact, the militia seemed at 
last to be catching the spirit of the indomitable Davie, who 



on meeting the fleeing Gates responded to that officer's 
" Flee or Tarleton will be upon you, " " We are accustomed 
to Tarleton and do not fear him." 

To command this militia, " the remnants of the regu- 
lars " and Lee's Legion detached from Washington and or- 
dered South, Congress now sent an officer whose very " com- 
ing was worth a thousand men." 

Great soldiers are often made of queer stuiBE : a Narses out 
of a household slave ; a Stilicho out of a Vandal's boy ; a 
Cromwell out of a country squire ; a Vauban out of a priest's 
protege. But none ever came from a more unexpected 
quarter than did Nathanael Greene, now sent to supersede 
Gates ; for not only was he a man of thirty-two years, ut- 
terly unlettered in the art of war, before he had ever touched 
a musket, but he was bred in the bosom of sectaries whose 
fundamental tenet is the eschewing of all violence, and his 
own father was a straight-laced Quaker minister, a zealous 
preacher of the doctrine of passivity. So great however were 
Greene's powers of acquisition that, although raised behind 
the plow and beside the anvil, he became one of the most pol- 
ished gentlemen of the army and so distinguished was his 
natural ability that in the rough school of the camp he be- 
came, according to the statements of his opponents, '' a sol- 
dier as dangerous as Washington. " 

Gen. Greene arrived at Charlotte to take his new com- 
mand on the 2d of December, 1780. Even his imperturb- 
able spirit sank somewhat when he found, as he wrote to 
Washington, " only the shadow of an army." There were 
but two thousand troops in all — over half militia. " Only 
eight hundred," Gates reported, " are properly clothed or 



equipped," Col. Lee writes : "Theoiily covering of the 
Virginians is an old shirt and trousers* * the whole [army] is 
without shoes ; our provisions are from hand to mouth. If 
we leave here I know not on what we will employ our teeth." 
Gen. Greene wrote to Gen. Washington : " Nothing can be 
more wretched and distressing than the condition of the 
troops starving with cold and hunger, without tents and 
without camp equipage. Those of the Virginia lyine are lit- 
erally naked and a great part totally unfit for any duty. * * 
A tattered remnant of some garment, clumsily stuck to- 
gether with the thorns of the locust tree forms the sole cov- 
ering of hundreds. We have three hundred men without 
arms and more than one thousand are so naked that they 
can be put on duty only in case of desperate necessity." 

There were more serious difficulties even than lack of 
clothing and lack of arms. The Regulars were utterly dis- 
pirited by frequent defeats and by want of confidence in 
their leaders. "The shoals of militia,'' as Bancroft styles 
them, were accustomed to go. and come at pleasure — " one 
day " growls Davie, " in camp ; another day gone to secure 
their property." They were called out for only sixty or 
ninety days, and as their times were constantly expiring, 
the number of available men was a variant. To enforce 
proper discipline without alienating the good will of these 
independent soldiers was a serious problem in tact and 
judgment. Greene accomplished its solution by forbear- 
ance at first, whereby he won the sympathy of the thought- 
ful among the militia ; by shooting a deserter at last, where- 
by he frightened into obedience all foolish recalcitrants. 

The same prudence and foresight were shown in all his 



10 

acts. He had written Gen. Washington : " I will recover 
the country or die in the attempt," and every energy was 
bent to that end. He thoroughly re-organized his little ar- 
my. William R. Davie, one of those sunshiny forces, like 
Sidney, whose gracious personality wins heart and brain 
obedience, not mere hand service, was reluctantly induced 
to become Commissary-General. Col. Edward Carrington, 
a trained organizer and tireless worker, was appointed Quar- 
ter-Master General. Indeed Greene had the power that all 
men of executive genius have, the power to so read charac- 
ter as to select the fittest agents and then to leave them un- 
trammeled to do their work. " No General in the war," 
comments Prof. Daves, " was surrounded by a more bril- 
liant group of officers. Smallwood, Williams and Howard, 
of Maryland ; Sumner, Eaton and Davie, of North Caroli- 
na ; Morgan, Lee, Washington, Pickens, Sumter, Huger, 
Marion, Kirkwood, Carrington — what a list in the rolls of 
honor ! And many a simple lyieutenant or Captain, as Du- 
val, of Maryland, or Forbis, of North Carolina, was well 
worthy to be ranked with these illustrious leaders. " 

Nothing better illustrates Greene's thoroughness than 
his study of the topography of the country in which he op- 
erated. Seeing the State intersected by rivers, he hal each 
with its tributaries carefully mapped. Carrington mapped 
the Dan ; Stevens the Yadkin; and Kosciusko, his chief-en- 
gineer, the Catawba. So completely did Greene master 
these maps that when in Morgan's retreat, the question of 
fords came up, Gen. Davidson exclaimed in surprise and 
admiration, " Greene never before saw the Catawba, but he 
knows more about it than those who have been raised on 



11 

its banks." This knowledge subsequently savedh is army. 

Opposed to Greene's " shadow of an army " was a well 
equipped corps of seasoned soldiers, commanded by trained 
officers in whose mastery of their art the men had so much 
reliance that they looked upon their foes with contempt, 
and went into battle with no other thought than that of 
victory. Lord Cornwallis, its leader, had worked his way 
from ensign to commander. Capable, cold-blooded, indif- 
ferent to suffering, too fastidiously delicate to imbrue 
his own hands in the innocent blood of non-combat- 
ants and captives, yet too callous to stay the hand of the 
ruthless and bloody-minded, he was an opponent worthy 
of any man's steel. Upon the projection of his entry into 
North Carolina, Sir Henry Clinton, his Commander-in- 
Chief, had written him, "As your move is important, it 
must not be stinted, I will give you all you wish of every 
sort." Hence his army moved with comforts unknown to 
the Americans. 

Greene, as soon as the state of his little army permitted 
movement, established himself in a comfortable camp on 
the Pee Dee river. The object of this move from Charlotte 
was to find in a less exhausted country, a suitable camp 
for drill and discipline. Before he left Charlotte, he de^ 
tached Gen. Morgan to take post south of the Catawba. 
Morgan was instructed " to give protection to that part of 
the country and to spirit up the people, to annoy the ene- 
my in that quarter and to collect forage and provision out 
of their way. " With three hundred and twenty regulars of 
the Maryland line, two hundred Virginia militia and sixty 
of Col. Washington's dragoons, Morgan, who is justly called 



12 

the ablest commander of light troops of his ti<ae, set out 
for his new station. He was speedily joined by about three 
hundred North Carolina militia, collected by Gen. W. L. 
Davidson and Major Joseph McDowell, and by some South 
Carolina and Georgia militia under Gen. Pickens and Col. 
McCall. To protect as much territory as possible, Morgan 
pitched camp on the Pacolet river. 

The relative position of the two armies is shown by a 
capital V with its right prong elongated. Greene was at the 
right apex of the letter, fifty-five miles west from Charlotte 
and a hundred from Morgan, who was at the left apex. Corn- 
wallis was at the base of the V, and about forty-five miles 
from Morgan and eighty from Greene. 

Cornwallis rejoiced to hear of the division of the Ameri- 
can army. He at once determined on the following plan : 
Tarleton was to be set on Morgan, an easy prey, he thought ; 
Leslie was to threaten Greene by a march up the river ; he 
himself was to march between his two lieutenants, and in 
the neighborhood of Charlotte to receive into outspread 
arms the fugitives from Tarleton's ruthless sword. 

In pursuance of this plan, Tarleton moved out hot-footed 
" to destroy Morgan's corps or push it before him to King's 
Mountain. " Cornwallis moved north, but never advanced 
beyond Turkey Creek. 

Morgan soon learned of Tarleton's rapid coming and fell 
back to Cowpens. There, contrary to the advice of his best 
officers, he drew up line of battle to await Tarleton's onset. 
On the 17th of January 1781, Tarleton rushed in his pre- 
cipitate way upon this grimly waiting foe whose sledge- 
hammer blows the British of the North had learned to 



13 

dread. In less than an hour and a half Tarleton's army 
" was scattered and slain," and he himself scampering in 
mad haste from the stricken field. 

This battle at Cowpens is memorable for five things : 
first, that Tarleton, usually clear-headed and brilliant, if 
hasty, should have so soon forgotten his experience at 
Blackstock ; second, the confidence that a born leader like 
Morgan can inspire ; " I am accustomed to beat my foes, " 
was his self-assured declaration in a speech to the militia 
on the day of battle, " and if you stand by me and give me 
two fires at killing distance, I will beat them to-day;" third, 
the cool stand of the raw militia as its marskmen, in accord- 
ance with Morgan's orders, "picked o£E the epaulette 
men " — another illustration of what untrained volunteers 
can do when led by fighters like Pickens and directed by 
veteran tacticians like Morgan; fourth, the heroism of 
Col. Howard and his Maryland Line, and of Col. Washing- 
' ton and his horse; fifth, for the sweeping demolition of 
the British detachment. Of a thousand men taken into ac- 
tion, only about two hundred returned to Cornwallis. In 
addition to the unusually large number killed and wounded, 
527 prisoners were taken. Two field pieces, several hun- 
dred muskets, thirty-five supply wagons and one hundred 
horses fell into the hands of the victors. 

The effects of this battle are best stated in the words of 
the British historian Stedman : " Had Lord Cornwallis had 
with him at Guilford Court House the troops lost by Col. 
Tarleton at the Cowpens, it is not extravagant to suppose 
that the American colonies might have been re-united to 
the empire of Great Britain." The victory at Cowpens led 



14 

to Cornwallis's chase of Greene, and that chase led to the 
surrender at Yorktown. 

Morgan's next thought was to secure his prisoners and 
sorely-needed munitions of war, and effect a junction with 
Greene before Cornwallis, who was only twenty-five miles 
away, could demolish his little force and re-capture the 
prisoners. Hence, even before his cavalry returned from 
pursuing Tarleton's fugitives, he paroled the captured offi- 
cers and marched for the fords of the Catawba. Thus the re- 
treat that was to continue for twenty-eight weary days and 
nights, and that was to be the admiration of two continents 
was begun. 

Stung to unwonted celerity by this startling disaster to 
his favorite officer, Cornwallis, after impatiently waiting 
two days for Leslie to unite, took up from Fisher's Creek 
the pursuit of Morgan. " He was determined," says Lee, 
*' on unceasing efforts to destroy Morgan and recover his 
captured troops ; to keep separate the two divisions of 
Greene's army, and should he fail in these attempts, to 
bring Greene to action before he could reach Virginia." — 
thus was the pursuit joined. 

As army set out to follow army, neither realized the 
grievous suffering it was to undergo in that desolate win- 
ter march of two hundred and thirty miles ; neither antic- 
ipated the hunger, fatigue, rain, icy rivers, sleepless nights 
that were before them. Prof. Daves thinks : 

" On no page of military history can be found greater 
skill of leadership or more admirable examples of heroic 
endurance on the part of troops. Cornwallis was in hot 
pursuit with four thousand well equipped veterans, while 
Greene could muster but two thousand men, deprived al- 



15 

most of the necessaries of life. The roads were few and 
wretched ; the country traversed by great rivers ; the season 
cold and wet, and yet in this march of four weeks, in the 
depth of winter, the men half-naked, marking their steps 
with blood which flowed from their bare feet ; pinched 
with hunger, without tents, without money, destitute of 
blankets, drenched with perpetual rain, often wading waist- 
deep through rapid streams — not one man deserted ! " 

Greene's bearing was most admirable during these trying 
days. His personal example of participation in every hard- 
ship, of dangers sought rather than avoided, of thoughtful 
and restless activity of mind and body, of consideration of 
every detail of routes, march, supplies, camps, was an in- 
spiration to his followers. Only once did his dauntless 
mettle quail, and then his spirits were revived by the pa- 
triotism of a woman. Johnson thus gives the story : On 
his arrival at Salisbury after his long cross country ride. 
Dr. Reid asked whether he were alone. " Yes, alone, fa- 
tigued, hungry, penniless," answered Greene. Mrs. Steele 
heard the despondent remark, and brought him two bags of 
specie, saying nobly : " Take these, for you will want 
them, and I can do without them." 

If Cornwallis had been as prompt and persistent in pur- 
suit at the beginning of the great retreat as he was at its 
close, Morgan and Greene could hardly have escaped either 
destruction or battle against great odds. But his delay of 
two days for Leslie to unite gave Morgan an opportunity 
that he joyously utilized. He sent Col. Washington with 
the militia to escort the prisoners on the Gilberttown road 
while he with the rest of his force, moved on the lower 
Flint Hill road. Both bands marched incessantly to get the 



16 

Catawba river between them and the British. Should a 
winter rain make that river impassable, their doom was 
sealed. Col. Washington with the prisoners, crossed safely 
at Island ford. After getting his prisoners over the river. 
Col. Washington and his cavalry turned South to rejoin 
Morgan, who had reached and crossed Sherrill's ford on 
the 23d of January. Gen. Pickens then conducted the pris- 
oners on toward Virginia. Morgan on being informed of 
Cornwall is' s tardy movements and his stop at Ramseur's 
Mill remained on the East bank of the river to rest his men. 

On the 25th Greene learned by courier of Morgan's sig- 
nal victory. Realizing the dangers threatening Morgan, 
he made speedy preparations for his second in command, 
Gen. Huger, to move the whole army up the Yadkin 
and be ready to form a junction with Morgan, near 
Salisbury. Greene himself " with only a guide, an aid, and 
a sergeant's guard of cavalry struck across the country to 
join Morgan and aid him in his arduous operations." He 
traveled the hundred miles intervening in three days, reach- 
ing Sherrill's Ford on the 30th. In a twenty minute con- 
ference the two veterans planned their future operations, 
and each rode off: Morgan to overtake his men who were 
retiring under Howard over the Salisbury road ; Greene to 
arrange for the safe withdrawal of the neighborhood mili- 
tia who were to oppose the British crossing. 

Meantime Cornwallis, leaving Turkey Creek on the 19th, 
had reached Ramseur's Mill on the 25th of January. Had 
he moved on a direct instead of a circuitous route, he could 
have marched this distance in two days instead of six, and 
could most probably have struck Morgan a blow before he 



17 

crossed the river. Ramseur's is only twenty-five miles 
from the Catawba; hence, after a six days' march, Cornwal* 
lis was exactly the same distance from the Americans that 
he was on the day of battle. At Ramseur's, the British 
commander resolved to facilitate his march by destroying 
all his heavy stores. He destroyed all wagons except those 
loaded with hospital stores, salt and ammunition and four 
empty ones for the sick or wounded. This destruction of 
supplies so far from his base, in a hostile country, subse- 
quently proved well-nigh fatal to his army. Either two 
days were required for this destruction or, as Schenck says, 
" some fatuity overshadowed his reason;" for, as already 
seen, the Americans used that time to get their prisoners 
safely away and to give their army a needed rest. It has of- 
ten been stated that the Americans were saved from the 
pursuing British by the swelling of the Catawba just after 
their passage. This is an error. Graham, who was pres- 
ent, says : " It was fordable from the week before until two 
days after this time." 

At last, on the 28th, Cornwallis with a force stated by 
Sir Henry Clinton to be "considerably above three thou- 
sand, exclusive of cavalry and militia," moved towards Beat- 
tie's Ford. Henceforth his army was to move with most 
soldier-like precision and swiftness. On the 31st, the very 
day that Morgan took up his march for Salisbury, Corn- 
wallis approached the Catawba. Feinting at Beattie's 
Ford with his main force, he sent Gen. O'Hara's division 
to force a crossing at Cowan's Ford, four miles below. 
There the intrepid Gen. Wm. I^ee Davidson had arrayed a 
small body of local militia to retard the passage over the riv- 



18 

er. The object of this one-sided fight was, if possible, to 
delay the British long enough for the coveted union be- 
tween Morgan and Huger to be effected. 

At daybreak on the ist of February, O'Hara'smen forced 
the passage, killed Gen. Davidson, a wise and gallant offi- 
cer, and scattered his militia. Davidson's men however, 
made a stubborn stand, and slew Col. Hall, of the leading 
regiment, and thirty of his men. The rest of the day was 
consumed in getting all the British troops across at Beat- 
tie's and at Cowan's Ford and in dispersion of militia. 

On the 2d, over miry roads, the British resumed pursuit 
of Morgan. The ever active militia of Mecklenburg and 
Rowan collected behind the Redcoats and followed sullenly 
in their rear, ready to strike hard whenever their foes made 
a small measure of success possible. To expedite the pur- 
suit, Cornwallis placed all the cavalry under Gen. O'Ha- 
ra's orders, and mounting some infantry to accompany the 
cavalry, directed O'Hara to press on ahead of the march- 
ing columns and bring Morgan to bay. However, the 
horrible state of the roads and the day and night's lead ob- 
tained by the Americans enabled them to reach Trading 
Ford on the Yadkin, seven miles from Salisbury, just be- 
fore the stream became impassable on the 3d. The cavalry 
forded the rapidly rising stream at midnight, and at dawn 
the infantry was ferried over in boats collected for miles up 
and down the river. O'Hara in fierce following arrived on 
the river bank in time to capture a few stuck-in-the-mud 
wagons that one hundred and fifty militia still on the west 
bank of the river, made him pay for with a dozen lives. 



19 

His disappointment found expression in a harmless can- 
nonade across the rushing waters. 

Gen. Greene, who had remained in much peril behind 
Morgan to be of service to the militia, was disappointed in 
getting many immediately together, and after a lonely ride 
reached Salisbury during the night of the 2d. On the 3rd 
he overtook Morgan and crossed the Yadkin with him. 
Prior to this he had sent orders to Huger to bear to the 
right and effect the desired junction at Guilford Court 
House. 

This second escape of the Americans was a bitter disap- 
pointment to Cornwallis, but he did not allow it to slacken 
the sinews of his pursuit. It necessitated the giving up of 
his hopes of defeating Morgan before he could unite with 
Huger, but he at once recurred to his other alternative — 
the cutting off of Greene's united army from the fords of 
the Dan. He says : " The river had now become impassa- 
ble, and I determined to march to the upper fords and with 
great expedition get between them and Greene — in hopes 
that he would not escape me without a blow.'' He rea- 
soned that as the high water would prevent Greene from 
crossing the lower Dan, the Americans would have to make 
a trial of the upper fords. Hence, if he could first reach 
these fords, Greene being intercepted, must fight on British 
terms. Accordingly, although he recognized fully the dan- 
ger of getting daily farther away from his supply base, he 
resolutely decided to dash ahead with every man and beast 
strained to utmost marching capacity. The prize was tan- 
talizingly near and tantalizingly great. To secure it he 
turned up the Yadkin, crossed at Shallow Ford on the 6th, 



and marched direct for the upper Dan, keeping Greene on 
his right. 

But his lordship had far underestimated the forethought 
and resourcefulness of the American commander. Before 
Cornwallis had made a day's march, Greene had divined his 
plans and was preparing to contravene them. After resting 
his army from the 3d to the afternoon of the 4th of Feb., 
he set forward for Guilford Court House, where he expect- 
ed Huger. To appear to be falling into the trap set by 
Cornwallis, he bore to the north until he reached the site 
of the present town of Salem. At that secluded Moravian 
settlement, founded in faith, built upon industry, justice 
and equality, destitute of all defence except that " it had 
raised the symbol of the triumphant Lamb," Greene halted 
for his scouts to bring in accurate information as to his en- 
emy's movements. Finding that Cornwallis was follow- 
ing, he turned almost due east and marched to Guilford 
Court House. There the two divisions of his army were 
safely united. On the day of their union the British army 
was at Salem — twenty-five miles away. Thus after a con- 
tinuous pursuit of twenty-two days, the British were again 
no closer to their adversaries than on the day of Cowpens. 
The Americans had so far outbattled them, outmarched 
them and outgeneraled them. 

Although Gen. Greene had already been maturing ways 
and means for crossing the Dan, he knew how depressed in 
spirit and how harassed in body the patriots of North Car- 
olina would be if he entirely left the State, and he 
had not been without hope of giving Cornwallis battle on 
the union of Morgan and Huger. Before he reached Guil- 



21 

ford he sent out orders for a concentration of local militia 
at that point, and after his arrival he went so far as to se- 
lect favorable ground for a passage at arms. Nothing can 
better show the soldierly skill of Greene than the fact that 
he forced Cornwallis, a month later, to fight on the very 
ground selected upon this February survey. However, as 
the camp at Hillsboro had no reinforcements to send, and 
as so few militia responded to his summons, Gen. Greene 
felt impelled to avoid the risk of a battle. A council of 
war unanimously confirming him in this opinion, prepara- 
tions were at once made to continue the retreat. 

All realized that the last stage of the great retreat had 
now been reached. All equally realized that this was to be 
the hardest of all, for hitherto only Morgan's light divis- 
ion had been endangered ; now the united army was, while 
yet too weak to fight, to be the quarry chased. A third 
time the objective was to be the passage of an uncertain 
river. A third time the same commanders were strateget- 
ically pitted against each other. A third time, over winter- 
washed roads, with shoeless feet frozen and bleeding, with 
bodies, only in too many cases, fluttering with rags, the 
liberty-loving privates of America were for four days and 
nights to measure endurance and fortitude with well- 
equipped Britons. 

A decision to continue the retreat having been reached, 
several further questions arose. Where should a crossing be 
attempted? How should it be made? What steps should 
be taken to cover the crossing ? Upon Col. Carrington's 
presentation of facts obtained from his survey of the river 
and of routes, Irwin's Ferry, seventy miles from Guilford 



22 

Court House was selected as the place. This selection set- 
tled the manner, for there the crossing could be only by 
ferry, and Carrington and Smith went forward at once to 
collect boats. To secure the march and to protect the pas- 
sage, Greene embodied a light corps. Col. Lee, who was a 
prominent officer in this corps, says : " Gen. Greene formed 
a light corps consisting of some of his best infantry under 
Lieutenant-Col. Howard, of Washington's cavalry, the le- 
gion of Lee, and a few militia riflemen, making in all sev- 
en hundred. These troops were to take post between the 
retreating and the advancing army, to seize every opportu- 
nity of striking in detail, and to retard the enemy by vigi- 
lance and judicious positions; while Greene, with the main 
body hastened toward the Dan, the boundary of his present 
toils and dangers." 

The command of this body was offered to Gen. Morgan, 
but that officer had become so enfeebled by rheumatism 
that he was forced to decline it. Col. Otho Williams, of 
Maryland, was then put in command, and nobly did he 
measure up to all the requirements of that difficult position. 

Leaving Col. Williams to front the enemy and mask 
the movement, Greene on the loth put his army in motion 
for Irwin's Ferry, seventy miles distant, and in a well-or- 
dered march of seventeen miles a day continued to press for 
the river. This division of the army escaped in a measure 
the forced marches, the nerve-wearing apprehension and 
rear-guard fighting that fell to the lot of Williams's light 
troops. But as the men were without shoes and without 
tents and proper clothing, and as the weather was very 



23 

cold, the roads miry and washed, the march was one of 
great discomfort. 

After Greene had fully disappeared, Williams rather os- 
tentatiously moved out on a road that intercepted the Brit- 
ish line of march, there saucily placed himself in Cornwal- 
lis's front, and marched to the left, as though making for 
the upper Dan. 

This light corps was composed of the choice soldiers of 
Greene's army, both in military quality and equipment. 
Not a man in it but was elated at being deemed worthy of 
such important, if arduous service ; not a man but was bent 
on showing that his mettle was equal to the call made upon 
it. Each, with the American soldier's intelligent appreci- 
ation of public events, knew that the salvation of Greene's 
army and the fate of the Southern Colonies depended upon 
the ability of his little corps to mislead and delay the Brit- 
ish army. And, while every one was impressed with the 
conviction that it might become necessary for him to throw 
himself recklessly and unsupportedly against the British to 
secure time by his death for Greene's passage, each was re- 
solved, if the necessity came, to do so with the utmost 
cheerfulness. So in spite of the facts that they began the 
da>s' march at three o'clock in the morning in order to get 
far enough ahead of their enemies to cook breakfast, the 
only meal eaten during the day; that they marched con- 
tinuously until dark; that after the days' journey one-half 
of them were on patrol or picket duty every night; that 
they got only six hours of sleep out of every forty- eight 
hours, that what little sleep they got was on wet ground 
and without blankets or tents — in spite of all these things, 



24 

there is abundant testimony that through the four days 
and nights of the march there was not only no grumbling nor 
discontent, but that the men were happy and proud of the 
responsibility put upon them. Thus constituted then were 
the troops who now by a cross road marched into the road 
ahead of Cornwallis. 

The British commander seeing both horse and foot ahead 
of him, and seeing apparently a movement to cover Dix's 
Ferry, naturally concluded that the entire American army 
was before him. Consequently, after halting for an hour 
or two for his extended marching lines to close up on 
O'Hara's light troops in front, he did just what Williams de- 
sired — followed his command and left Greene an unmoles- 
ted march. Cornwallis at first followed on a parallel road 
to the left of the one upon which Williams was traveling — 
Greene using a parallel one to the right. But on the wide 
plantations the two armies were frequently in rifle range of 
each other. At first approximation the fiery spirits on each 
side blazed up, and skirmishes were of almost hourly oc- 
currence. But, as they soon realized, the sacrifice of a few 
heroic souls in this way was fruitless, and the practice was 
discontinued. Then followed a rare sight. Through the 
peaceful solitudes of the winter roads, two armies each bent 
on the ultimate destruction of the other marched hour after 
hour with no more apparent animosity than though they 
were fol!owing the same flag and engaged upon the same 
mission. 

So thoroughly did Williams's movements deceive Corn- 
wallis, and so cleverly did his patrols keep royalist messen- 
gers from reaching his lordship, that it was not until the 



25 

evening of the 12th or the morning of the 13th that Corn- 
wallis received the mortifying intelligence that Greene was 
on the Irwin's Ferry road, and that he had been chasing 
only a detachment. Determining that his prey should 
nevertheless not escape him, Cornwallis wheeled sharply to 
the right, and with every nerve and muscle strained to the 
cracking point made straight for Greene's rear. 

About the same time that the British discovered their 
error and tried to rectify it, Williams received the joyful 
tidings that the American army was nearing the ferry. His 
task thus being accomplished, he too turned to the right 
and came into the Irwin's Ferry road just ahead of the 
hastening British. 

Immediately preceding and during the turn for the new 
road, Lee's Legion, the rear-guard of Williams's force, and 
O'Hara's front had one or two sharp clashes. Lee howev- 
er, drew his men well in. "Only," says he in his narative, 
" when a defile or water-course crossed our route did the en- 
emy exhibit any indication to cut oflE our rear, in which 
essays, being always disappointed, their useless efforts 
were gradually discontinued." Stakes were now too high 
to play any but trump cards. 

On the night of the 13th, the Americans, still doggedly 
pressed even after dark by their desperate adversaries, were 
dismayed to see camp-fires brightly burning just before 
them. "Surel5'^," they cried out, "that must be our com- 
mander's army with camp pitched and with men utterly 
unprepared for the onset of the British." The determina- 
tion that followed was so noble that it must be told in the 
words of one of the little band : "Our dauntless corps was 



26 

convinced that the crisis had now arrived when its self- 
sacrifice could alone give a chance of escape to the main 
body. With one voice was announced the noble resolution 
to turn on the foe, and by dint of desperate courage, so to 
cripple him as to force a discontinuance of pursuit." But 
happily Greene's camp fires of the night before had been 
mistaken for his camp of that night. 

On this night the light corps was allowed a rest of only 
from nine o'clock until midnight. They were then aroused 
by the advance of the enemy who was resolved to rest nei- 
ther night nor day until Greene was destroyed. All day 
over deep roads incrusted with frost, pursuer and pursued 
tramped painfully, but continuously. At noon a courier 
set the wearied Americans into a frenzy of delight by bring- 
ing word that Greene's army was safely across the Dan. Not 
in vain had they suffered and marched as an army is sel- 
dom called upon to suffer and march. "One more effort," 
shouted their officers, " and we too will have shaken off 
our foes." With a quickened step that the British could not 
rival the men swung onward. So much distance did they 
gain that at three o'clock, Col. Williams felt safe in leav- 
ing only Lee's Legion in front of the enemy. He took the 
nearest road for Boyd's Ferry, only fourteen miles away, 
where Carrington awaited him with boats. Later in the 
day Lee withdrew his infantry from the Irwin's Ferry road, 
and then at dark his cavalry, leaving fires burning, turned 
also into the Boyd's Ferry road. All were safely ferried 
over before ten o'clock, and " in the camp of Greene joy 
beamed in every face." 

An impassable river lay between them and their baffled 



27 

be, who now without supplies lay in the dead of winter in 
m enemy's country, with "an ever increasing militia 
iwarming in his rear." The hazard had been the safety of 
:he South, and they had won. Thus ended on the 14th of 
February, a pursuit that will always remain a monument 
:o both American and British pluck and endurance. Per- 
laps no commander but a British one would have thus cut 
oose from his base, cast prudence to the wind and followed 
recklessly for two hundred and thirty miles an enemy that 
le felt impelled to destroy : perhaps no opponents except 
l^mericans could have endured the pitiless hardships of the 
pursuit and successfully thwarted its object. 

That Greene and his officers conducted every operation 
mth. consummate ability is testified to by friend and foe. 
' Your retreat before Cornwallis is highly applauded by all 
ranks," wrote Washington. "Every measure of 'the Ameri- 
cans during their march from the Catawba to Virginia" com- 
aaents Tarleton, "was judiciously designed and vigorously 
executed." Lord Germain wrote almost admiringly, " the 
rebels conduct their enterprises in Carolina with more spirit 
and skill than they have shown in any other part of America." 



De medallion Genealogical Register. 

A simple and perfect method of recording an indefinite number of 

ancestors, all lines displayed, at one time. The best, newest, 

cheapest and simplest device for tracing lineage. 50 cts. 



Pbotograpbs of tDe Eaaics of m Eacnton tea Party. 

Copied from the historic picture in State Library. 25 cts. 



Uoltere Bust of General Robert €. £ee. 

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The above articles can be had by applying to the editors of 
N. C. Booklet. 



f \ 

Cbe nortb Carolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN ; ; 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 





Monsieur Lc Marquis Dc La Faycllc. 



-BY- 



MAJ. E. J. HAIiE. 




v 



Pfi/CE 10 CENTS. ^ ^ ^ $1.00 THE YEAR. 



Entered at the Postoffice at Raleigh, N. C, as second-class matter— June 24, 1901. 



Cbe north Carolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 



The Booklets will be in the following order : 

1. Virginia Dare, 

Maj. Graham Daves. 

2. Colonial New Bern, 

Mrs. Sara Beaumont Kennedy. 

3. Liberty, Property and no Stamp Duty. 

Col. A. M. Waddell. 

4. Edenton Tea Party, 

Dr. Richard Dillard. 

5. Betsy Dowdy's Eide, 

Col. R. B. Creecy 

6. The Hornets Nest, 

Hon. Heriot Clarkson. 

7. Green's Eetreat, 

Prof. D. H. Hill. 

8. Monsieur Le Marquis de LaFayette, 

Maj. E. J. Hale. 

9. An Admiral and His Daughter, 

Dr. K. P. Battle. 

10. Pettigrew's Charge, 

Capt. S. A. Ashe. 

11. Eeminiscences of a Blockade Eunner, 

Mr. James Sprunt. 

12. Ku Klux, 

Mrs. T. J. Jarvis. 

One Booklet a month will be issued by the North Carolina 
Society of tbe Daughters of the F^evolution, beginning 
May 10th, 1901. Price $1.00 a year. 

EDITORS. 

Misa Martha Helen Haywood, Mrs. Hubert Haywood, 

RALEIQH, N. O. 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET. 



Vol.. I. DECEMBER, 10, 1901. No. 8. 



Monsieur Lc Marquis Dc La Faycllc. 



BX 

MA J. E. J. HALE. 



RAI^BIGH : 

Capitai, Printing Company, 

1901. 



"€aroliiui! €(iroliiuii fitwtn's blc^ings amna her: 
mbllc m live we will cherish, protect and defend her." 



I 

I 



MONSIEUR LE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 



It has been said that France had for centuries been pre- 
Daring for the Revolution ; yet the world's picture of that 
yreat tragedy contains but a few figures, and the shifting 
icenes are comprised within but a limited period. It is so 
vith other gpreat events, and we deduce the corollary that 
he origin of them, generally, is difficult to trace, and that 
nany minds and many circumstances are concerned in the 
east of them. But public opinion does not go amiss in its 
udgment of their main features, and it is that judgment 
vhich history ascertains and records. In this view history is 
lot a lie, though it err so often in its details. Thus Wash. 
ngton comes down to us as contemporary history made 
lim, the overshadowing domestic factor in the success of 
:he American Revolution ; and La Fayette, mere boy as he 
vas when he espoused our cause, as the embodiment, if not 
he creator, of that foreign movement in our behalf with- 
)ut which Washington's efEorts would have been in vain. 

While the fame of both these heroes is the common herit- 
ige of all the States, that of La Fayette appeals with especial 
'orce to women and to North Carolinians. He was a mas- 
:er of those elegancies of manner which distinguished the 
;lass from which he sprung, and which are so pleasing to 
:he opposite sex ; he performed, as we shall see, a memor- 
ible act of homage to a woman ; and, under even more try- 
ng circumstances, he was the object of a devotion at the 
iands of his wife tha^was worthy of the best days of Roman 



matronhood. At the same time, it happens that one of our 
chief commercial towns, shortly afterwards an alternate 
capital of North Carolina, was the first of the numerous 
communities throughout the Union to be named in his 
honor, and that he duly recognized the fact in his tour of 
America years afterwardso So it comes about that the 
North Carolina Society of the Daughters of the Revolution 
have very great reason indeed for cherishing the memory 
of Monsieur I^e Marquis de lya Fayette, French Patrician, 
American Patriot, and Patron of a historic Carolinian town. 

Marie Jean Paui, Roch Yves Gii^bert Motier, Mar- 
quis DE La Fayette, was born at the chateau of Chavag- 
niac in Auvergne, France, on the 6th of September, 
1757. He was left an orphan, with a princely fortune and 
a great title, at the age of thirteen. When but sixteen he 
married a daughter of the Due d'Ayen, afterwards Due 
de Noailles, of that great family of Noailles which has sup- 
plied so many ol the most famous soldiers and diplomatists 
of France, and which reached also the highest eminence there 
in the church and in science. He chose to follow the soldier's 
career of his father, who had fallen at Minden, entered the 
Guards, and was nineteen years old and a captain of dra- 
goons when the American colonies declared their independ- 
ence. His memoirs contain the averment that " at the first 
news of this quarrel, my heart was enrolled in it. " 

La Fayette was of that Aauie noblesse of France whose 
members were, for the most part, opposed to the American 
cause, regarding its adherents as rebels against their King. 
It is said that on hearing the Declaration of Independence 
read, he was completely convinced of the justice of the col- 



onists' cause, and he determined to give them all the assist- 
ance in his power. The Count de Broglie, companion in 
arms of his father, and other nobles exerted themselves to 
dissuade the young enthusiast from his purpose, but with- 
out avail. On the 7th of December, 1776, but five months 
after the Declaration, I^a Fayette concluded an arrange- 
ment with the American agent in Paris, Silas Deane, of 
Connecticut, who had been sent abroad to solicit aid, by 
which he was to enter the American service as major-gen- 
eral. At this moment the news cf the series of grave dis- 
asters to the American arms which marked the closing 
months of 1776 reached Europe. These were the defeat 
of Sullivan and Stirling on Long Island on the 27th of 
August ; the evacuation of New York early in September ; 
the retreat after the battle of White Plains on October 28th ; 
the surrender of Fort Washington with three thousand 
men on the 17th of November ; the abandonment by Wash- 
ington of his headquarters at Fort L<ee in New Jersey, and 
his retreat across New Jersey into Pennsylvania, pursued 
by the British, his army reduced to but three thousand men. 
Indeed, according to the news, his army seemed on the 
point of destruction, desertions were constantly occurring,, 
and the prospect was so gloomy that many friends of the 
cause in America itself shrunk from further recognition of 
it. Again L<a Fayette's friends urged the abandonment of 
his purpose. Franklin, and Arthur Lee, Deane's new col- 
leagues, who arrived the day after La Fayette's contract was 
signed, felt it their duty to withhold any further encourage- 
ment of his plans, and the King himself, to whose ears news 
of his purpose had come, forbade his leaving. Instead of 



yielding to the dissuasion of his friends or listening to the 
royal command, our hero purchased a ship on his own 
account and invited such of his friends as were willing to 
share his fortunes to accompany him. At the instance of 
the British ambassador to France, orders were issued to 
seize his ship then fitting out at Bordeaux, and I^a Fayette 
himself was arrested. But the ship had been sent to a 
neighboring Spanish port before the orders for her seizure 
could be executed, and La Fayette escaped from his guards 
in disguise. It was May, 1777, when he joined his ship, 
and, with eleven chosen companions, he set sail for America. 
Though pursued by two British cruisers which had been 
sent to intercept him, he reached Philadelphia in July of 
that year and presented himself to the Congress of the Rev- 
olution sitting there. It turned out that Mr. Deane's con- 
tracts abroad had been so numerous and for officers of such 
high rank that Congress was unable to ratify them without 
injustice to others who had won promotion by service in 
the field. Especially did it seem so in the case of this youth 
with a contract for a major-general's commission, and the 
reception accorded him by Congress took him aback. He 
soon appreciated the situation, however, and addressed a 
note to the president of Congress asking permission to serve 
in the army as a volunteer and without pay. His offer was 
" so different from those made by other foreigners, " says 
Mr. Bigelow in his biography, it had been " attended by 
such substantial sacrifices " and " promised such substantial 
indirect advantages," that Congress passed a resolution 
(J^ly 3ij '^777t) "that his services be accepted, and that, 
in consideration of his zeal, illustrious family, and con- 



nexions, " he have the rank and commission of major-gen- 
eral of the United States. The next day Washington in- 
vited him to become one of his military family, which he 
gladly accepted, and the association thus begun ripened 
into the friendship which bound the two together during 
their lives. 

Congress, it would seem, meant that his appointment 
should be merely honorary, but the battle of the Brandy- 
wine, which occurred on the nth of September, two 
months after his arrival, gave him the opportunity to dis- 
tinguish himself in the field, which he hastened to avail 
himself of. He received a bullet in his leg without being 
disabled ; was commended by Washington for displaying the 
possession of " a large share of bravery and military ardour " 
and other good qualities ; and, upon Washington's recom- 
mendation, was given a command equal to his ratik. What 
an extraordinary attainment for a youth of twenty ! 

The further military career of La Fayette in the Revolu- 
tion is familiar history — his brave conduct at Monmouth 
(June a8, 1778), which elicited from C,>ngres*> a fc>rmal re- 
cognition of his services, and his retreat from Barren Hill, 
which was described as "masterly;" his opperations in com- 
mand in Virginia from July, 1779, to October 1781, inclu- 
ding his efforts to capture the traitor x^rnold in the former 
year; his borrowing money from Baltimore bankers on his 
personal responsibility in order to relieve the necessity of 
his troops ; and his participation with Washington in the 
capture of Cornwallis and his army at Yorktown, October 
19th, 1781, where, by an agreeable coincidence, his wife's 
cousin and brother-in-law, the brilliant Louis, Vicomte 



Noailles, concluded the capitulation with the British com- 
mander. This versatile gentleman, by the way, afterwards 
became a successful banker in Philadelphia, but later ac- 
cepted a command against the English in San Domingo, 
under Rochambeau, where he made a brilliant defence of 
the mole St. Nicholas, of which we have recently heard so 
much in connection with our late operations against Spain. 

From his arrival in this country in July, 1777, until the 
surrender at Yorktown, La Fayette's military service was 
continuous, with the exception of six months, (January to 
July, 1779), when he was sent on a mission to the French 
Court, which was so successful that Congress voted him a 
complimentary resolution. Immediately upon the termin- 
ation of the campaign which destroyed the British hopes, 
at Yorktown, La Fayette sought and obtained leave to re- 
turn to France, where it was supposed he might be useful 
in negotiations for a general peace. He was appointed by 
the French Government chief of staff of a combined French 
and Spanish expedition against the British West Indies, 
which was nearly ready to set sail when the preliminary 
treaties of peace, on November 30, 1782, bet wen Britain, 
France, Holland and the United States, put an end to the 
war. To La Fayette was accorded the privilege of first 
communicating this intelligence to Congress. Upon his 
return from America, crowned with all the laurels it was 
able to bestow, he was notified by the French Minister of 
War that he should have the same rank under his King 
which he held in the United States, and that his commis- 
sion should date from the surrender at Yorktown. 

With the exception of a visit to the United States in 



1784, where he remained for five months, the guest of the 
nation, he did not appear again in public life until 1787, 
when he took his seat in the Assembly of Notables. He was 
thenceforward a conspicuous figure in the history of France, 
On the nth of July, 1789, he presented to the National 
assembly a Declaration of Rights {Declaration des droits 
de Phomme) modelled on Jefferson's declaration of 1776. 
The King had become but a shadow, and LaFayette, des- 
tined soon to see his own land in revolution, was placed in 
command of the newly organized national guard, which 
numbered over three millions of men. For the succeeding 
three years his history is the history of France. He is de- 
scribed by his biographer, whom we have before quoted 
(Mr. Bigelow), as almost the only one in that cycle of hor- 
rors, the French Revolution, who did not lose his reason 
or his humanity. He was endowed with unparalleled re- 
sponsibility and subjected to inconceivable perils amid a 
frenzied people "who had come to regard order and hu- 
manity as phases of treason." Yet his voice was ever for 
order — for that "liberty restrained by law'' which he had 
so signally helped Washington to establish in America, but 
for which his own countrymen were so ill prepared. In 
his role as mediator between the lingering monarchy and 
the fierce advocates of equality. La Fayette performed at 
this time an act which none less gifted than he with cour- 
age, calmness of mind, resourcefulness in emergencies, and 
the supreme graces of a courtier, could have successfully 
accomplished. 

The suggestion of a royal veto, even though limited, 
which was included in the scheme that the conservatives 



10 

of the national assembly proposed for their Constitutional 
monarchy, aroused vehement disturbances. These were 
increased ten fold by the "amazing folly of Versailles," 
where the court goaded the hungry populace of Paris to 
madness by a great banquet given on the 3d of October, 
1789, to the soldiers quartered there, amid royalist songs 
and ladies' smiles. The degraded inhabitants of the Faux- 
bourgs assembled and armed themselves, determined to go 
to Versailles, the greater part for vengeance on the royal 
family, the others with the purpose of forcing the King to 
restore the royal residence to Paris. Over a hundred thou- 
sand ferocious men and women thronged the road to Ver- 
sailles; the National Guard clamored to accompany them; 
LaFayette opposed their inclination, until, on the afternoon 
of the 5th of October, it became evident that his duty re- 
quired him to go to what had become the post of danger. 
He arrived at Versailles at ten o'clock at night, after hav- 
ing been on horseback from before daylight in the morn- 
ing, and having made incredible exertions to control the 
multitude and calm the soldiers. Between two and three 
o'clock, the Queen and the royal family went to bed. La- 
Fayette, too, slept after the fatigues of the fearful day. At 
half past four a portion of the populace made their way 
into the palace by an obscure and secret passage. It is said 
that the form of the infamous Duke of Orleans was repeat- 
edly recognized on the staircase, pointing the assassins the 
way to the Queen's chamber. They easily found it. Two 
of her guards were cut down in an instant ; and she made 
her escape almost bare of clothing. La Fayette was aroused, 
and, rushing in with the national troops, protected the 



11 

Swiss guards and saved the royal family. Day dawned on 
these fearful scenes. As soon as it was light the same fu- 
rious multitude filled the vast space known as the court of 
marble. They demanded that the King go to Paris ; and 
they called for the Queen, who had but just escaped from 
their daggers, to come out upon the balcony. The King 
consented to go, but La Fayette was afraid to trust the 
Queen in the midst of the bloodthirsty multitude. He 
is described as going to her with respectful hesitation, and 
asking her if it were her purpose to accompany the King 
to Paris. "Yes," she replied, "although I am aware of the 
danger." "Are you positively determined?" asked La-Fay- 
ette. "Yes sir," replied the Queen. "Condescend then," 
said La Fayette, "to go out upon the balcony, and suffer me 
to attend you." " Without the King? " she replied, hesita- 
ting — " have you observed the threats? " " Yes, madam, I 
have ; but dare to trust me." He led her out upon the bal- 
cony. The tumult rendered it impossible that his voice 
should be heard, and it was necessary that he appeal to 
the eye. Turning to the Queen, and with that dignity 
and marvelous grace which distinguished him, he simply 
kissed her hand before the vast multitude. An instant of 
silent astonishment greeted the act, but immediately it was 
interpreted, and the air was rent with cries of "Long live 
the Queen! Long live the General !' ' from the same fickle 
and cruel populace that two hours before had sought her 
life. 

When the Constitution was proclaimed on the 14th of 
July, 1790, La Fayette felt that his life work was complete 
— ^hc had at last secured for his country "liberty with or- 



12 

der" — and he resigned his command and retired to private 
life. At the outbreak of the war with Austria, at the close 
of 1791J he was summoned from his retirement and placed 
in command of one of the three armies sent in the field 
against that country and her allies. On the 12th of June 
1792, so rapidly had the factions drifted apart, he publicly 
denounced the Jackobin Club, and called upon the assembly 
to suppress them. Thenceforth he became the object of 
their rage. On the 8th day of August a motion was made 
to have him arrested, and tried as an enemy of his country. 
The motion was defeated by 446 votes against 224; but two 
days afterwards the palace was stormed, and the King, and 
his Queen, whom La Fayette had saved by his courtier's 
ruse, the beautiful but hated Austri m, Marie Antoinette, 
were sent to the prison from which they passed to the guil- 
lotine. 

With the destruction of the Constitution and the govern- 
ment, along with the monarchy, we are told that La Fay- 
ette felt that his occupation as the priest of liberty, human- 
ity, and order was gone. He would have marched to Paris 
to defend the Constitution, but his troops sympathized with 
the sentiments which triumphed in the seizure of the mon- 
arch, the head of the government. He was himself soon 
forced to take refuge in neutral territory, where, however, 
he was seized by the Austrians and held as a prisoner of 
state for five years, first at Wessel on the Rhine, and after- 
wards in dungeons at Magdeburg, both in Prussian terri- 
tory, where he was exposed to disgraceful indignities. But 
the Prussians became unwilling to bear the odium of such 
unlawful and disgraceful treatment of a prisoner of war, 



13 

and transferred him to the Austrians, who secretly con- 
fined him in the dark and damp dungeons of the citadel 
of Olmutz, in Moravia. The almost unbearable barbarities 
to which La Fayette was here subjected are supposed to 
have been due to the circumstance that, as leader of the 
early part of the French Revolution, he was held to have 
brought on those events which led to the overthrow of the 
Monarchy, and the death of Marie Antoinette, who was an 
Austrian. The nature of the treatment to which he was 
subjected may be inferred from the circumstance that he 
was oflficially informed that his situation was one which 
would naturally lead him to suicide. At the same time 
his estates in France were confiscated, his wife cast into 
prison, and Fayettismey as adherence to the Constitution was 
called, was punished with death. His name was effaced 
from the reports sent by his keepers to their government, 
he was designated only by a number, and the world knew 
not but that he had ceased to live. His friends, however, 
all over Europe, were watching every opportunity to ob- 
tain some intelligence which should, at least, render his ex- 
istence certain. The story of the eventual and most inge- 
nious discovery of the place of his confinement by Dr. 
Erick BoUman, a Hanoverian, a protege of Madame de 
Stael ; of Bollman's temporary rescue in 1794 of La Fay- 
ette, by the assistance of a young American, Francis K. 
Huger, of Charleston, then travelling in Austria; of the re- 
capture of La Fayette and the capture of his rescuers; of his 
more rigorous confinement than ever, and their detention 
im prison, chained to a dungeon fioor for eight months; of 
the hastening of Madame dc La Fayette, now apprised <rf 



14 

lier husband's existence and of the place of his confinement, 
to join him in prison; of her sending her son for safety to 
the care of Gen. Washington, and of her taking with her 
into the prison her two young daughters; of her sinking un- 
der the complicated sufferings and privations of her loath- 
some imprisonment; of her asking permission of the Aus- 
trian government to be allowed to spend a week in Vienna 
in order to breathe pure air for that space of time and to 
obtain medical assistance; of the reply that she might leave 
her husband upon condition that she should never return 
to him; of her immediate answer that she would refuse to 
avail of the offer upon those conditions; and of her there- 
upon signing her consent and determination "to share his 
captivity in all its details" — this story, romantic as any ev- 
er told in fiction, and interesting beyond measure, would 
fill many more pages than this booklet affords. We may 
content ourselves with reproducing the letter of Madame 
de La Fayette to the commandant of the citadel, which is 
as follows: 

"The Commandant of Olmutz informed me yesterday that 
in answer to my request of being allowed to go for eight 
days to Vienna, for the purpose of consulting the faculty, 
his Imperial Majesty signified that on no consideration 
whatever, I am permitted to visit that capital; and that he 
will consent to my quitting this prison only on condition 
of never entering it more. I have the honor to reiterate 
the answer which I made to the Commandant. To solicit 
the assistance which the state of my health requires is a 
duty which I owed my family and my friends; but they are 
sensible that it is not possible for me to purchase it at the 



15 

price at which it is offered. I cannot forget, that while we 
are both on the point of perishing; me, by the tyrrany of 
Robespierre; M. de Lafayette, by the moral and physical 
sufferings of his captivity; that I was not allowed to obtain 
any account of him, or to inform him that his children and 
myself were yet in existence: and nothing shall tempt me 
to expose myself a second time to the horrors of such a 
separation. Whatever then may be the state of my health 
or the inconvenience which may result to myself and my 
daughters from this habitation, we will all three avail our- 
selves with gratitude of the goodness of his Imperial Maj- 
isty, who permits us to share this captivity in all its de- 
tails. " 

Madame De La Fayette never afterwards made an effort 
to leave her husband. In reference to this episode, Madame 
de Stael has observed that, " antiquity offers nothing more 
admirable, than the conduct of General La Fayette, his 
wife and his daught* rs, in the prison of Olmutz." 

Strenuous efforts were made by our government to secure 
the release of the noble prisoner ; Washington addressed a 
letter, written by his own hand, to the Emperor of Austria 
interceding in his behalf ; and it is understood that at the 
negotiation of peace with Austria it was stipulated that the 
prisoners at Olmutz should be released. The Austrian 
government attempted to compel La Fayette to receive his 
freedom on conditions prescribed to him ; but this he re- 
fused, notwithstanding the dreadful alternative of a contin- 
uation of his sufferings, declaring that he would never 
accept his liberation in any way that should compromise 
his rights and duties, either as a Frenchman, or as an 



16 

American citizen. He was, with his family, released at last, 
on the 25th of August, 1797 ; his wife and his daughters 
having been confined twenty-two months, and he himself 
five years. After two years spent in Holstein, he returned 
to France and established himself and his family at La 
Grange, a fine old castle about forty miles from Paris. Here 
his faithful wife, who had never recovered from the effects 
of her imprisonment, died in December, 1807. 

Upon La Fayette's return to France in 1799, he rejected 
the overtures of Napoleon, who offered him the tempting 
place of Senator, with its emoluments, and he preserved his 
consistency by voting against the life consulate and the 
imperial title which Napoleon sought and obtained. He 
lived in retirement for many years at La Grange, though 
called from it to become Vice-President of the Assembly 
txnder Louis XVIII, before the battle of Waterloo. 

In 1824, on the invitation of Congress, La Fayette visited 
the United States. He was received with every demon- 
stration of affection, and overwhelmed with popular ap- 
plause, in his travels through the country. Congress voted 
him, as part payment of the debt due him by the country, 
the sum of two hundred thousand dollars and a township 
<rf land. 

On the 27th of February (Sunday), 1825, La Fayette, 
entered North Carolina. Volume VIII of the Fayetteville 
Observer ( Jul}'^, 1824, ^o J^ly? 1825), which includes the 
issues of that paper duiing the period of his visit, contains 
elaborate accounts of his reception, from which the follow- 
ing extracts are taken or condensed. 

General LaFayette was met at Northampton Court 



17 

House by Chief Justice Taylor, Colonel William Polk ( a 
revolutionary officer of distinction ), General Daniel, Gen- 
eral Williams, and Major Stanly. The Chief Justice ad- 
dressed him as follows : 

" General La Fayette : We are sent by the Governor to 
offer you a warm and afEectionate reception in the State of 
North Carolina. Associated as your name is with that of 
the beloved father of our country, not less in the dark and 
dismal nights of the Revolution, than in the periods of its 
glory, we cannot but greatly rejoice at your arrival among 
us, that you may receive the grateful salutations of a free 
people, some of whom have witnessed your generous exer- 
tions in their cause, and all of whom have been accustomed 
to connect your name with whatever is just and elevated 
in sentiment, or praiseworthy and beneficent in conduct. 

" Consistently devoted as your life has been to the cause 
of rational liberty, and liberal institutions in two hemis- 
pheres, it must be a source of the purest gratification to you 
to survey in this, that fabric of political freedom which ha^ 
grown up and flourished under the practical operation of 
principles, for which you have made so many sacrifices ; to 
witness the powerful effects of a just government in ex- 
panding the moral energies of man, and laying deep the 
foundations of his happiness. 

"We rejoice, General, that after an interval of nearly 
half a century, you see the sons of those in whose cause 
you fought and bled, in the tranquil enjoyments of all those 
blessings, deeply sensible of their value, and firmly resolved 
to transmit them unimpaired to their children ; and al- 
though in your long extensive tour through our country, 



18 

you will, of course, see different degrees of improvement, 
and find some of our sister States more happily situated to 
give you a reception suited to the universal estimate of 
your worth, yet amid the thousands who hail your arrival, 
there are none to whom it affords higher satisfaction than 
to our fellow-citizens, nor can a mind like yours view with 
indifference the improvements made in the State, since 
your former journey through it to join our army in the 
most hopeless crisis of the struggle. You will now see 
smiling villages and cultivated fields, and an industrious 
population, where before an almost trackless forest over- 
spread the country. You will see a nation of farmers, un- 
obtrusively cherishing the domestic virtues, practicing that 
of hospitality in its primitive puiity, and gratefully feeling 
that a more fit occasion for its exercise never can occur 
than in welcomeing to their hearts and firesides the last 
surviving General of the Revolution, their venerable and 
beloved fellow-citizen. La Fayette. " 

To the Chief Justice's welcome, General La Fayette is 
represented as making a brief reply, but " pithy and full of 
sentiment. " His meeting with Colonel Polk was most 
affecting. He was also received " with much warmth of 
affection " at Halifax. 

He arrived at Raleigh on Wednesday, March 2d. He 
was received by Captain Rufl&n's Company of Blues, and 
the Mecklenburg troop of cavalry. On reaching the Gov- 
ernor's House, he was thus addressed by Governor Burton : 

" General, — In the name of the people of North Carolina, 
unanimously expressed through their legitimate organ, the 
Legislature, I bid you welcome to our Capitol. At the 



19 






same time be assured of the deep and giatef ul sense enter- 
tained by the people of this State, of the value and im- 
portance of your services, in obtaining the independance 
they now enjoy. Hailed as your arrival has been by the 
plaudits of a nation, and cheered at every turn in your 
progress through the interior, by the enthusiastic efiEorts of 
genius, I am but too sensible of my own inability to add 
anything new or to do justice to the feelings of those whom 
I have the honor to represent on the present occasion. 

" For you who have ever been animated and swayed by 
the enlarged and manly principles of rational freedom — 
whose sacrifices have been beyond all calculation, may I be 
permitted to say our hearts are filled with respect and ven- 
eration ; and although, from the local situation of our State, 
you cannot be received and entertained with the magnifi- 
cent display of wealth, which is the result of successful 
commerce, yet will Nortb Carolina yield to none of her sis- 
ter States, in admiration of your devotion to the cause of 
liberty, in gratitude for your distinguished services, ren- 
dered our common country, and lasting esteem for your , 
personal worth. " — -'''^ 

To which General La Fayette replied : 

" On the first moment of my return to the blessed shores 
of America, I anticipated the pleasure to revisit this State 
and here to witness the prosperous result of that independ- 
ence and self government, the cry for which had been 
heard from North Carolina long before it was re-echoed in 
a Continental Congress. This fond desire could not but 
have been enhanced by the very kind invitations, and tes- 
timonies of affection and esteem, I had the happiness to 



20 

receive from the Representatives of the people, in their 
Legislative and executive Branches. While I regret not 
to have had it in my power to tender in person, my ac^ 
knowledgments to both houses of the General Assembly, I 
eagerly seize the present opportunity, to express at this 
seat of government, the high sense I have of my obligations 
to them, to your Excellency, to the State Committee, and 
to offer a tribute of my respectful, lively gratitude to the 
people of North Carolina, whom I would have been happy 
now to visit in several most interesting parts of the State ; 
but whose affectionate welcome, wherever I could meet 
them, has left on my heart a lively and indellible impres- 
sion. " 

The General was then conducted to the Capitol, where, 
in front of the statue of Washington,* he was addressed by 
Colonel William Polk, in behalf of the citizens of Raleigh, 
to which he made an appropriate answer. He then viewed 
the statue of Washington, was introduced to the students of 
the University, who had come to Raleigh for the purpose 
of paying their respects to him, and was reconducted to the 
"Government House," where suitable apartments had 
been fitted up for his accommodation. At 5 o'clock he 
attended a dinner, and, in the evening, a ball, given by the 
citizens. The following toast was drunk at the dinner : 

"General LaFayette — Our illustrious guest. The elo- 
quence of gratitude is silence. " 

General La Fayette rose, after this toast had been drunk, 



^his was the marble statue of Washington, by Canova, in the rotunda 
of the Capitol, Houdon's bronze statue not then having been erected. 



21 

expressed his thanks to the company for their kindness, 
and, in conclusion, proposed the following : -, 

r " The State of North Carolina, its Metropolis, and thiE*.^ 
aoth May, 1775, when a generous people called for inde-| 
pendence and freedom, of which may they more and more, 
forever, cherish the principles, and enjoy the blessings. " 

On Thursday morning, he received the visit of the citi- 
zens generally, and, in the afternoon, took his departure 
for Fayetteville, escorted by Colonel Polk's Cavalry. 

On Friday afternoon, March 4th, at 5 o'clock, LaFayette 
entered Fayetteville. He was accompanied by his son and 
secretary ; the Governor of the State ; General William Wil- 
liams, of Warren ; Colonel J. G. A. Williamson, of Person, 
who had been appointed by the Governor to escort him 
through the State, and Judge Taylor, of Raleigh, in behalf 
of the citizens of that place. 

" He was escorted from Raleigh, " says the Fayetteville 
Observer, "by Colonel Polk's fine troop of Cavalry from 
Mecklenburg ; was met at the house of Robert Campbell, 
Esq., ten miles from town, by the Fayetteville troop of Flying 
Artillery, commanded by Colonel Townes, and at Claren- 
don Bridge by the Magistrate of Police and the Commis- 
sioners of the town who were there to receive and welcome 
him, and by Major Strange's* Independent Company, Cap- 
tain Ha wley's Eagle Artillery, and Captain Birdsall's I^ight 
Artillery. This ceremony over, the corps of Artillery, with 
the Mecklenburg Troop on the right, the whole under 
command of Colonel Ayer, of the corps of Artillery, formed 



*Robert Strange, afterwards Judge and U. S. Senator. 



22 

the escort to the Town House, " to which they proceeded 
" amidst the discharge of artilery. " " A spacious stage " 
had been erected " in front of the Town House, the troops 
formed lines on each side of the street, and the carriages, 
containing the Qeneral and suite, passed between them to 
the east door of the House. Here alighting from his car- 
riage, with the gentlemen accompanying him, he was met 
by Judge Toomer, who, in behalf of the Committee and 
citizens of Fayetteville, welcomed him in the following 
words, "pronounced in the forcible manner for which the 
Judge is so remakable:" 

" General La Fayette : The Congress of the United 
States, expressing the will of ten millions of people, invited 
you to our shores, as ' The Guest of the Nation. ' Your 
arrival was hailed as an era in the annals of our country. 
Wherever you were seen, you were greeted with acclama- 
tions. The 15th of August, in each returning year, will 
be celebrated as a day of jubilee, by the sons of freedom. 
Already has American genius consecrated your fame. His- 
tory has recorded the incidents of your eventful life ; 
oratory has portrayed your character, and poetry has sung 
your praise. 

"The Governor of North Carolina, anticipating the 
wishes of his constituents, invited you to our State. The 
invitation was echoed from the mountains to the coast. 

"My fellow-citizens, the inhabitants of Fayetteville, have 
also, solicited the honor of a visit. In their behalf, and as 
their organ, I bid you welcome to our homes. Forty-three 
years ago, our fathers named this town to commemorate 
your achievements and to express their gratitude. We 



23 

receive you with joy and exultation, at our family altars, 
and request your participation in our domestic comforts. 
We are plain republicans, and cannot greet you with the 
pomp common on such occasions. Instead of pageantry we 
offer 3^ou cordiality. We have no splendid arches, gilded 
spires, or gorgeous palaces to present you, but we tender 
the hospitality of our homes, and the grateful homage of 
devoted hearts. 

" Ingratitude is no longer the reproach of republics. The 
free men of America, when asked for their jewels, rejecting 
classic example, point not to their sons, but to the surviv- 
ing heroes of the Revolution. 

" You, Sir, have been the steadfast friend of liberty, in 
every period of your life. In youth, you fought the battles 
of freedom ; in age, you advocated the rights of man. You 
embarked your life and fortune on the tempestuous sea of 
American liberty, when clouds and darkness portended the 
most fatal disasters. Neither the admonitions of prudence, 
the precepts of wisdom, nor the frowns of power could 
restrain you. Our Commissioners at the Court of Ver- 
sailles frankly represented to you the gloomy aspect of our 
affairs, at that crisis, and advised you not to link your for- 
tune with ours, in the struggle for independence. Your 
Sovereign, also, interdicted your participation in the con- 
test. Notwithstanding all these adverse circumstances, at 
the age of 19, such was the ardour of your devotion, you 
left wealth and beauty, family and friends, influence and 
distinction, and all the fascinations of the most polished 
Court, to encounter the perils of the deep, and to brave the 
dangers of the tented field. Your embarkation quickly 



24 

sounded the tocsin of alarm, and the fleets of France and 
Great Britain were ordered to pursue and arrest you ; but, 
protected by the genius of Liberty, you escaped the eager- 
ness of pursuit. Your ardent devotion to this sacred cause, 
and your youthful enthusiasm, 'touched a nerve which 
vibrated to the centre of Europe. ' 

" The Southern States of the Union, Sir, have strong 
claims to your affection. North Carolina is the birth-place- 
of American Independence. At Charlotte, in this State, 
independence was first conceived, and first declared. Al- 
though History may not have recorded this fact, yet wit- 
nesses still live to attest it ; and we now have before us, 
in the patriotic troop of Mecklenburg Cavalry, the sons of 
those heroes who made the bold declaration, that we were, 
and should be free and independent. South Carolina was 
the place of your first landing in America ; Virginia was 
the theatre of your youthful glory. Forty-eight years have 
elapsed since you passed through this state, to join the army 
of the Revolution. You disinterestedly lavished your treas- 
ure, and shed your blood, in the hallowed contests, and, by 
the influence of your high example, you consecrated the 
principles for which our ancestors contended. The heights 
of Brandy wine witnessed your valour and your sufferings ; 
and on the plains of Yorktown you obtained a wreath of 
laurel, which encircles your brow with unfading verdure. 
Never, never can we forget the youthful stranger who, in 
the darkest hour of adversity, so generously flew to our 
succor, and so gallantly fought the battles of freedom. 

" The names of Washington, La Fayette and Hamilton, 
will ever be dear to American patriotism ; and let it be 



25 

remembered that Washington and Hamilton fought for 
country and for home, La Fayette for liberty alone. 

" Your ardent devotion to the rights of man, was sealed 
with your blood in America, and attested by your suffer- 
ings in Europe. Your love of liberty exposed you to the 
persecution of tyranny, and you were cast into the dungeon 
of Olmutz; but incarceration could not extinguish the 
sacred flame which fired your bosom. An American youth 
of chivalrous feelings, aided in an attempt to rescue you 
from imprisonment ; the attempt was abortive. Oppression 
riveted her chains, and rendered your confinement more 
oppressive. Amid all the vicissitudes of your fortune, it is 
gratifying to us to recollect, that your sufferings always 
excited the sympathy, and, on this occasion, induced the 
mediation of your friend and compatriot, the illustrious 
Washington. 

"Nature has lavished her choicest gifts on my native State. 
We have a salubrious climate, fertile soil, and numerous 
riveis susceptible of the highest improvement. I fear. Sir, 
your anticipations may not have been realized. We have 
neglected to improve our advantages; we have relied too 
much on the bounty of the Parent of every good. But the 
spirit of internal improvement is, at length, awakened; 
North Carolina may look forward with pride and pleasure 
to her destiny. We place our confidence in the liberality 
and exertions of succeeding legislatures. Colleges will be 
endowed; the arts and sciences will be patronized; roads 
will be made; rivers will be opened; our resources will be 
annually developed, and Fayetteville at some future day, 
may be worthy of the distinguished name it bears. You 



26 

have just left, in the capital of our State, the statue of 
Washington, the master piece of Canova. Would that you 
could have visited the University of North Carolina. These, 
Sir, are monuments of an enlightened liberality, in which 
we indulge a generous pride. 

"The darkness of error is vanishing before the light of 
truth. The doctrines of divine right and passive obedi- 
ence are viewed as relics of ancient barbarism. Our politi- 
cal institutions are founded on the sovereignty of the peo- 
ple, from whom all power is derived; and here the jargon of 
legitimacy is not understood. We recognize no Holy 
Alliance, save that of religion and virtue, liberty and sci- 
ence. The sun of freedom is extending the sphere of his 
genial influence; South America is 'regenerated and disen- 
thralled;' the thrones of Europe are supported by bayonets 
and must totter to their fall; and the genius of our country 
is ready to hail the spirit of 'universal emancipation.' 

"Sir, in behalf of my townsmen I welcome you to our 
homes." 

To which the General replied, as follows : 

"Sir, at every step of my progress through the United 
States, I am called to enjoy the emotions arising from pa- 
triotic feelings and endearing recollections, from the sight 
of the improvements I witness, and from the afltectionate 
welcomes I have the happiness to receive. Those senti- 
ments, sir, are particularly excited when upon entering the 
interesting and prosperous town which has done me the 
honor to adopt my name, I can at once admire its actual 
progress and anticipate its future destinies; convinced as I 
am that the generous and enlightened people of North Car- 



27 

olina will continue all assistance to improve the natural ad- 
vantages of Fayetteville and make it more and more useful 
to the State. 

"Your kind allusions to past times, your flattering com- 
mendation of my personal services in our common cause, 
your rememberance of my peculiar state and connexions, 
and particularly of my obligations to my gallant Carolinian 
deliverer, call for my most grateful thanks. The spirit of 
independence early evinced by the fathers of the young 
friends who so kindly accompany me, is highly honorable 
to that part of the Union. I cordially join in your wishes 
for the universal emancipation of mankind; and beg you, 
my dear sir, and the citizens of Fayetteville, to accept the 
tribute of my deep and lively gratitude for your so very 
honourable and gratifying reception." 

Upon the conclusion of the General's response, which 
was received by the multitude with enthusiasm, he was 
"conducted to the State Banking House, the residence of 
Duncan Mac Rae, Esq., which had been politely tendered 
by him for the General's use." Presently the distinguished 
guest appeared on the balcony, and was "saluted by the mil- 
itary," after which he dined in company with "the Gov- 
ernor, the several committees, and some of the oldest citi- 
zens of the town." About 9 o'clock he made his appear- 
ance in the ball room of "the new L<a Fayette hotel," (one 
of the finest hostelries in the South), where several hundred 
ladies and gentlemen were assembled, to whom he was pre- 
sented, taking "each affectionately by the hand." I^aFay- 
ette retired from the ball room at 11 o'clock, but the danc- 
ing continued until 3. The next day he reviewed the four 



28 

uniformed companies of the town and the Mecklenburg troop 
and expressed high satisfaction with their military appear- 
ance, lyater he received a large number of ladies and gentle- 
men who called upon him; and subsequently he paid a visit 
to the Masonic lyodge, where he was addressed by Major 
Strange and made response and partook of refreshments. 
At 3 o'clock, "the General being under the necessity of de- 
parting in the afternoon," about a hundred and fifty gen- 
tlemen sat down to dinner with him at the La Fayette ho- 
tel. "Judge Toomer presided, assisted by Major Strange. 
On the right of the President sat General La Fayette, and 
on the left, Governor Burton." Some of the toasts given 
from the chair were as follows : 

"The memory of Washington — He was the friend of La- 
Fayette." 

"The nation's Guest. — The only surviving Major Gen- 
eral of the Revolution." 

When the latter toast had been drunk. General La Fay- 
ette arose, expressed his thanks for the welcome he had 
met with from the citizens of Fayetteville, and proposed 
the following toast : 

"Fayetteville. — May it receive all the encouragements, 
and obtain all the prosperity which are anticipated by the 
fond and grateful wishes of its affectionate and respectful 
namesake." 

At 5 o'clock the company rose from the table, and Gen. 
La Fayette took his departure for Cheraw on his way to Cam- 
den, which place he was under engagement to visit on the fol- 
lowing Tuesday for the purpose of laying the corner stone of 



29 

a monument to General De Kalb, who fell in the battle there 
on the 1 6th of August, 1780. He was accompanied from Fay- 
etteville by General Williams, Colonel Williamson, Judge 
Taylor and Major Stanly; a committee from Cheraw; a 
number of citizens of Fayetteville, and the Fayetteville 
troop of cavalry. 

During his stay in Fayetteville the General was called 
upon by Mr. Isham Blake, a citizen of the town, who had 
been one of his body guard at Yorktown, and who was 
warmly received by him. The venerable Robert C. Bel- 
den, Esq., in his "Reminiscences of Fayetteville" (Fayette- 
ville Observer, September 28, 1893), describes La Fayette, 
on the occasion of his visit, as being "somewhat above me- 
dium stature, broad shouldered and quite corpulent," and 
his son, George Washington I^a Fayette, as "a fine speci- 
men of a man, well proportioned, graceful in carriage and 
of easy manners." Many stories are told of the incidents 
of this eventful visit. Two are worth recording. The aged 
courtier, as the ladies were presented, saluted each one, 
young and old, with a kiss. When a veteran of the Rev- 
olution was presented, he would enquire "are you mar- 
ried?" "Yes, General," one would say, and the gallant re- 
sponse was, "Happy man!" Another would reply, "No, Gen- 
eral," and "lyucky dog!" would be the Frenchman's con- 
soling comment. 



Upon his return to France, lya Fayette, now an old man, 
passed a comparatively uneventful life at his countiy estate^ 
La Grange. During the Revolution of 1830, he again took 



30 

command of the National Guard. But his life was near 
spent, and he died in Paris in 1834, not long after deliver- 
ing a speech on political refugees. His death occurred on 
the 20th of May, a day hallowed by the promulgation of 
the first Declaration of Independence on American soil — 
a historical fact some time much disputed, but which, as 
the reader will have seen, La Fayette did not hesitate to 
recognize, and with warm words, in his speeches at Ral- 
eigh and Fayetteville, in 1825. 



The career of this remarkable man has been briefly 
sketched in these pages in connection with those local in- 
cidents which touch us of North Carolina more nearly. 
The biographer who has been several times quoted here re- 
marks that few men have owed more of their success and 
usefulness in the world to their family rank than La Fay- 
ette, though still fewer have abused it less. Yet it must 
be added that the youth who, whatever his advantages of 
birth and fortune, could have attained so great a place as he 
on the lofty stage of the American Revolution, when such 
veteran soldiers of noble rank as Steuben, De Kalb, Pulas- 
ki, D'Estaing and Rochambeau were also actors upon it, 
must have been of heroic stature. Nor is this view in any 
degree lessened, but quite the contrary, by consideration of 
his marvelous and long sustained influence upon the peo- 
ple and fortunes of his native land. Of his moral side Mr. 
Bigelow says: "He had what JefEerson called a 'canine ap 
petite' for popularity and fame, but in him the appetite 
only seemed to make him more anxious to merit the fame 



31 



which he enjoyed. He was brave even to rashness; his life 
was one of constant personal peril, and yet he never shrank 
from any danger or responsibility if he saw the way open 
to spare life or suffering, to protect the defenceless, to sus- 
., tain the law and preserve order." 

C^-^i-ttA, ^ ^a,Cit^ A<r>^ ^OuiL/-/^ JP^^.ej>C Cc-^tJoCOi. 

cUc b^^/K^y^ ^^**>*.. ^€eu^ ^j^^t^ ^H^ ./Xi a/^Z/l 



De ntedallion Genealogical Register. 

i simple and perfect metliod of recording an indefinite number of 

ancestors, all lines displayed, at one time. The best, newest, 

cheapest and simplest device for tracing lineage. 50 cts. 



Pbotograpbs of tbe Daies of tbe eaenton tea Party. 

Copied from the historic picture in State Library. 25 cts. 



Uoltere Bust of General Robert E. Cee. 

10 X 12 inches. 75 cents and $1.00. 



The above articles can be had by applying to the editors of 
!f. C. Booklet. 



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tbe nortb earolina Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 




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}m 



31 north Carolina Haoal dero 
and Bis Daughter. 



-BY- 



Dr. K. p. Battle. 




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Entered at the Postoffice at Raleigh, N. C, as second-class matter — ^June 24, 1901. 



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GREAT EVENTS IN NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 



The Booklets will be in the following order : 

1. Virginia Dare, 

Maj. Graham Daves. 

2. Colonial New Bern, 

Mrs. Sara Beaumont Kennedy. 

3. Liberty, Property and no Stamp Duty. 

Col. A. M. Waddell. 

4. Edenton Tea Party, 

Dr. Richard Dillard. 

5. Betsy Dowdy's Eide, 

Col. R. B. Creecy. 

6. The Hornets Nest, 

Hon. Heriot Clarkson. 

7. Green's Ketreat, 

Prof. D. H. Hill. 

8. Monsieur Le Marquis de LaFayette, 

Maj. E. J. Hale. 

9. An Admiral and His Daughter, , 

Dr. K. P. Battle. 

10. Pettigrew's Charge, 

Capt. S. A. Ashe. 

11. Eeminiscences of a Blockade Eunner, 

Mr. James Sprunt. 

12. Ku Klux, 

Mrs. T. J. Jarvis. 

One Booklet a month will be issued by the North Carolina 
Society of tbe Daughters of the Revolution, beginning 
May 10th, 1901. Price $1.00 a year. 

EDITORS. 

Miss Martha Helen Haywood, Mrs. Hubert Haywood, 
raleigh, n. o. 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET. 



VOJL. I. JANUARY, 10, 190JDL- No. 9. 



Jl north Carolina Daval B^^o 
and J5/S Daughter. 

CAPTAIN JOHNSTON BLAKEIjY. 



BT 

DR. K. P. BATTIiE. 



RALEIGH : 

Capitai, Printing Company, 

1902. 



WMU we II w we win iWHln, protect a«« fiefeiMl frer," 



A NORTH CAROLINA NAVAL HERO AND HIS 
DAUGHTER, 



CAPTAIN JOHNSTON BLAKELY. 

Johnston Blakely, cut oS in the midst of a glorious ca- 
reer, by a mysterious fate, in the flower of his manhood and 
of his reputation, was one of those' heroes of the seas in our 
war of 1812, whose character and deeds demonstrated to the 
world that a new nation of present strength and future po- 
tency had taken its place among the foremost of the civil- 
ized peoples of the earth. 

He was born in October 1781. His birth-place, Seaforth, 
County Down, Ireland, and his first name, that of a great 
family of South Scotland and North England, suggest that 
he belonged to the Scotch-Irish race which has been con- 
spicuous in the old world and the new for intelligence, 
pluck and all manly virtues. His father, John Blakely, em- 
igrated to America at the close of the war of the Revolu- 
tion, in the fall of 1783. His mother, with an infant son, 
died on the voyage, or soon after landing at Charleston, 
South Carolina. The father within a year removed to 
Wilmington with his two-year old boy. Here he was cor- 
dially received by a countryman, who was a descendant of 
the eminent Jeremy Taylor, Edward Jones, afterwards So- 
licitor General of North Carolina. A warm-hearted, gen- 
erous man, Jones met his countryman at the wharf, and 
welcomed him to his home, carrying the motherless boy in 
his own arms. 



John Blakely engaged in merchandise and, being suc- 
cessful, invested his gains in buildings in Wilmington. He 
sent young Johnston to a widely patronized school at Flat- 
bush, on Long Island, New York, where he was prepared 
to enter the University of North Carolina. Before his ma- 
triculation the father died, in 1796, leaving Edward Jones 
executor of his will and guardian of his son, duties per- 
formed with conspicuous faithfulness. In fact the guar- 
dian and his excellent wife, born Mary Curtis Mallett, were 
second parents to the boy, took him as an inmate of 
their family, and treated him so kindly and cordially that 
their Chatham county home, Rock Rest, was likewise a 
home to him. Intimacy with this accomplished couple 
and their equally accomplished children, among whom 
were Mrs. Dr. Wm. Hooper, Mrs. Wm. H. Hardin, Mrs. 
Abram Rencher, and the late very able Dr. Johnston 
Blakely Jones, of Chapel Hill and Charlotte, N. C, had a 
marked effect in moulding his character. 

Young Blakely entered the University in 1797 and was 
distinguished in all his studies, the chief of which were 
mathematics and its applications to navigation, surveying 
and the like. He refused to join in the riots and disorders 
so prevalent while he was a student that the Principal Pro- 
fessor, Gillespie, was forced to resign, yet lost no populari- 
ty with his fellows. In the Philanthropic Society, of which 
he was a member, he was elected to every office, from the 
Presidency down, and was placed on all the important com- 
mittees. Ivike his father he was of a genial, agreeable 
temperament, and the only exception I find to his uniform 
faithfulness to duty, was laughing three times while the 



Society was in session. For these offences, which certainly 
were not of a very serious nature, the future autocrat of the 
quarter deck was mulcted a grand total of fifteen cents. 
He was punctual in debating, ou one occasion winning as a 
leader the question, "Is luxury always the cause of the 
downfall of nations?." the Society voting in his favor, the 
negative. He lamented in after life the paucity of good 
books in the University and Society libraries, and feelingly 
spoke of the injury he received in reading Paine's Age of 
Reason. 

While Blakely was an exemplary student he was im- 
movable in standing to his rights. Professors in his day 
and long afterwards in enforcing discipline felt it their du- 
ty to invade the rooms of students and question them rig- 
idly in regard to their participation in disturbances. Once 
Presiding Professor Caldwell entered the room of Blakely, 
and when he denied any knowledge of the disorders then 
raging, questioned the veracity of his statement. This was 
resented with such heat as to provoke the Professor into 
threatening to throw him out of the window. With a man- 
ner, firm but respectful, the answer was, "I beg sir, you will 
not attempt it, as it will necessitate my putting you out." 
As Caldwell was never known to be intimidated when he 
deemed himself in the right, the presumption is that 
he recognized the impropriety of his language. Certainly 
he did not pursue the matter further. Ten years after- 
wards, during his last furlough from his active duties on 
the sea, having become from experience fully aware of the 
evil of want of respect by an inferior to his superior officer, 
the naval lieutenant asked the pardon of Dr. Caldwell for 



his rudeness, which was freely granted, and cordial friend- 
ship thenceforward existed between the two. 

Blakely's career as a student was cut short by the burn- 
ing of his uninsured buildings in Wilmington, the rents of 
which were his income. His guardian urged him to ac- 
cept a loan, to be repaid only when convenient, and thus 
continue his education. This he declined, left the Univer- 
sity in the fall of 1799 and the next year joined the United 
States navy, as midshipman, owing his appointment doubt- 
less to the influence of his guardian, then very influential. 
His acceptance was dated March 5th, 1800, and two months 
thereafter he was ordered to the frigate, the President, the 
flagship of Commodore Richard Dale, in the Mediterrane- 
an. This gallant old seaman, who as Lieutenant on the 
Bonhomme Richard, and a favorite of Paul Jones, had 
helped gain the desperate battle with the Serapis, then 
about to engage in the Tripolitan war, was an excellent in- 
structor of aspiring youths. 

Two years afterwards Blakely was assigned to the John 
Adams under the able command of Capt. John Rodgers, 
who was likewise fighting against Tripoli. He was after- 
wards in the brig Congress under the same commander, and 
then under Commodore Decatur. Returning from the 
Mediterranean on the President, he was in 1805 attached 
to the Hornet, which was used mainly as a transport, un- 
der Lieutenant S. Evans. His next service was in the Ar- 
gus in 1806 along the Atlantic coast, under Captain Jacob 
Jones, an experienced ofiicer, afterwards to become famous. 
On the loth of February, 1807, he received his Lieuten- 
ant's commission. He was then for two years in service at 



the Navy Yard at Norfolk, and then was attached success- 
ively to the Essex and John Adams. On March 4th, 181 1, 
he was placed in command of the small but lucky vessel, 
the Enterprise, and so well acquitted himself that on July 
24th, 1813, he was commissioned a Master Commandant. 

The foregoing statement shows that Blakely had the 
best practical instruction in seamanship under able and 
distinguished officers, in times of peace enforcing the block- 
ade declared by Congpress, together with a short war with 
the insolent Tripoli. He acquired thoroughly the knowl- 
edge how to handle a vessel in the calms and storms of the 
Atlantic and the Mediterranean. He learned the potency 
of strict discipline and rapid and accurate firing. 

Mrs. Charlotte Hardin, a daughter of Col. Jones, from 
her own recollection and that of her mother, has left a des- 
cription of the person of Blakely, which enables us to look 
on him with the eyes of our mind. "His face was handsome 
and kindly; his eyes black and sparkling, his teeth, when 
displayed by his frequent winning smiles, of exceeding 
whiteness. His hair was coal black in youth, but even at 
the age of twenty-six turning rapidly gray. His person 
was small but strong and active, and his motions easy and 
graceful. He was grave and gentlemanly in his deport- 
ment, but at the same time cheerful and easy when at home; 
among strangers rather reserved." Considerate of and po- 
lite to old and young, equals and inferiors, he had the re- 
spect and affection of all. When a boy he often preferred 
the study of books and conversation with his adopted mo- 
ther to the sports of those of his own age. There is no tra- 
dition to show that he ever indulged in gambling and 



drinking and other vices and practices so fashionable among 
students and naval ojB&cers, in fact among all classes, in his 
day. On the contrary, it is known that he spent his time 
on sea and on shore in diligent study and preparation for the 
duties of his calling, and the instrucdon and rigid discip- 
line of the men under his charge. His reputation as a 
skilled oflficer gained by the manner in which, as Lieuten- 
ant, he handled the petty cruisers engaged in enforcing the 
Embargo and Non-intercourse segulation?, marked him as 
an expert, fit to be entrusted with vessels of war on inde- 
pendent cruises. 

Before war was declared however, he became thoroughly 
dissatisfied with the disposition of the government to sub- 
mit to any grievance and insult rather than resort to hos- 
tilities. Nothing brt the hope of a firmer stand and the 
triumph of the war party prevented his throve ing up his 
commission in disgust. When it was resolved to fight, 
such had been the want of preparation, that against one 
thousand and sixty vessels, over eight hundred effective, 
which sailed the British flag, the United States had only 
seventeen effective cruisers, of which nine were of a class 
less than frigates. And yet the skill and bravery of their 
officers and men gained victories which filled Americans 
with newborn enthusiasm, intensified their patriotism and 
taught England that the young nation of the West must 
thenceforth be treated as an equ il. 

Among these commanders none had a greater combina- 
tion of daring, prudence and skill than Johnston Blakely. It 
has been mentioned that he commanded the fourteen-gun 
brig, the Enterprise. Before sailing, many mouths were 



spent in superintending alterations in the vessel, supplying 
its armament and drilling and disciplining his men. Af- 
ter sailing he was vigilant and efficient in cruising along 
the Atlantic coast in search of British privateers. On Au- 
gust 2oth, 1813, he reported the capture of the privateer 
schooner, the Fly, and on the Sdme day was promoted to 
the command of the new Wasp, then being built at Ports- 
mouth, N. H., to replace a first vessel of the same name, 
which had gallantly under Captain Jacob Jones, captured 
the Frolic, and then herself been taken by a line-of-battle 
ship. Sixteen days after he left the Enterprise, his suc- 
cessor, Captain Burrows, captured the Boxer, a victory 
largely due to the excellent crew trained by Blakely. 

The building and equipment of the Wasp and the drill- 
ing the crew required Blakey's residence on land until she 
was thoroughly sea-worthy. This required several months. 
While engaged in this work of preparation he found time 
to marry in Boston, Jane Ann Hooper, (one authority has 
this name Hoope) daughter of a former merchant of New 
York, who had been a friend and correspondent of his fa- 
ther while residing in Wilmington. 

Captain Blakely set sail on May ist, 1814. He had a 
crew of 173, officers, men and boys included, most of 
them acquainted with the sea in fishing voyages and tra- 
ding with the West Indies, and some having smelt gun- 
powder in encounters with privateers, and pirates, Spanish, 
Frenchmen, British or Malays. They were all cool-headed 
and resourceful New Englanders. Roosevelt truly says in 
Ms "Naval War of 181 2" that "during the whole war no 
vessel was ever better manned and commanded than this 



10 

daring and resolute cruiser." In a letter to the Secretary 
of War, written at sea May ist, 1814, Blakely says of his 
vessel, "From the speed of this ship since leaving port I en- 
tertain most favorable presages of her future performances." 
The prediction was justified. 

His cruising area was near the western entrance of the 
English Channel in the track of English commerce. On 
July 28th he encountered the brig-sloop, Reindeer, com- 
manded by one of the most gallant seamen England had. 
Captain William Manners, a scion of the Ducal house of 
Rutland. The Reindeer was able to fire her shifting 12 
pound carronade five times at the distance of sixty yards 
before the Wasp could bring a gun to bear, an ordeal which 
her sailors bore for nine minutes without flinching. When 
Blakely put his vessel in proper position for returning the 
fire, in nineteen minutes her adversary was cut to pieces. 
Captain Manners, after a grape-shot had passed through 
both thighs, gave the order to board and sprang to lead his 
men in person. A ball through the brain brought him 
down, the efiEort was repulsed and the Americans swarmed 
over the Englishman's bulwarks. After a fierce fight the 
Captain's clerk, the highest officer left, surrendered the brig. 
Of her crew of 118, 33 were slain and 34 wounded. The 
Wasp lost II killed and 15 wounded. 
Cooper says "It is difficult to say which vessel behaved 
the best in this short but gallant combat. The officers and 
people of the Wasp displayed the utmost steadiness, a cool 
activity, and an admirable discipline. * * Througout the 
whole affair, the ship was conspicuous for the qualities 
that most denote a perfect man-of-war, and the results of 



11 

her efforts were in proportion." "On the other hand the 
attack of the Reindeer has usually been considered the 
most creditable to the enemy of any that occurred in this 
war." Roosevelt is equally emphatic. "I doubt if the war 
produced two better single-ship commanders than Captain 
Blakely and Captain Manners, and equal degree of praise 
attaches to both crews." 

On the day after the victory the prize was found to be so 
damaged that it was necessary to burn her, the crew being 
carefully removed. 

Blakely in his official report, while saying nothing in 
praise of himself, pays this tribute to his officers and crew, 
" The cool and patient conduct of every officer and man, 
while exposed to the fire of the shifting gun of the enemy, 
and without an opportunity of returning it, could only be 
equalled by the animation and ardor exhibited when actually 
engaged, or by the promptitude and firmness with which 
every attempt of the enemy to board was met and success- 
fully repelled." 

The victorious Captain took his battered ship to L'Orient 
in France, and having thoroughly repaired her and filled 
out his crew, sailed again on August 27th. Within three 
days two prizes were taken, and he then cut out from a con- 
voy, protected by a 74 line-of-battleship, a very valuable 
transport laden with cannon and military supplies. On 
the same day he attacked the British sloop, Avon, of 18 
guns and captured her after a furious fight of thirty-one 
minutes. A second brig of the enemy coming up, the 
Wasp was again cleared for action, but the vessel, the Gas- 
tiliam, although showing her willingness to engage, was 



12 

obliged to rescue the people of the Avon, which began to 
sink. Seeing other enemy ships of vastly superior force 
approaching Blakely sailed away. As Cooper says of this 
day's work, "The steady, officerlike way in which the 
Avon was destroyed, and the coolness with which he pre- 
pared to engage the Castilian within ten minutes after his 
first antagonist had struck, are the best enconiums on this 
officer's character and spirit, as well as on the school in 
which he had been trained." 

The Wasp next steered to the South- West and cap- 
tured, besides one or two prizes, the brig Atlanta, eight 
guns, which was sent to Savannah, with his oldest mid- 
shipman, Geisinger, as prize-master. She next spoke the 
Swedish brig, Adonis, on October 9th, in lat. 18° 35 N. and 
long. 30° TO W. Finding on board as passengers I/ieut. 
McKnight and Mr. Lyman, a Masters mate, both captured 
by the British with the Essex and exchanged, they were 
induced to throw in their lot with the ship of their own 
flag. 

This is the last authentic intelligence of the victorious 
Wasp and of her gallant commander and crew. Their fate 
is one of the dark mysteries of the devouring ocean. Va- 
rious rumors and conjectures are extant in regard to it. 
One is that an English frigate, much crippled, reported at 
Cadiz that in a severe fight with a large American at night, 
the latter suddenly disappeared ; another that the Wasp 
was wrecked on the African coast and that her crew were 
prisoners among the Arabs ; a third that she reached the 
coast of South Carolina and on the 21st of November was 
attacked by an English frigate of superior strength, beat 



13 

off her adversary but was herself sunk. The English records 
do not sustain the first of these stories and there is no evi- 
dence at all of the second. With regard to the third it is 
certain that an engagement between two vessels occurred 
at the time designated off the South Carolina coast, but 
the Raleigh Register of that date states that it had been 
ascertained that it was between a British brig and an 
American privateer. Dr. Wm. Johnson in the N. C. Uni- 
versity Magazine of February 1854, contends that one of 
the combatants was the Wasp, but it is generally thought 
that the noble ship went down in a tornado, or by the acci- 
dental explosion of her magazine, or other casuality, always 
threatening those who go down to the seas. 

The foregoing sketch of a worthy life amply corrobo- 
rates the judgment of Fenimore Cooper, that " this gentle- 
man enjoyed a high reputation in the service, which his 
short career as a commander fully justified. There is little 
doubt, had he survived, that Capt. Blakely would have 
risen to the highest consideration in his profession. As it 
was, few officers have left better names behind them." This 
high praise was won in a life of thirty-three years. 

While the fate of her father was still in doubt, when her 
mother was listening anxiously for reports brought by 
homeward bound cruisers and privateers of tidings of the 
gallant Wasp and her crew, in January, 1815, the little 
daughter of the lost hero was born, and named Maria 
Udney* Probably no child in all America was the centre 
of so much interest and sympathy as she. Nor did this 



*I have endeavored in vain to find the origin of this singular name. 



14 

sympathy evaporate in empty words and fruitless tears. 
The representatives of the people of North Carolina, in 
those days economical to the verge of parsimony, not from 
personal stinginess, but because they were as a rule Jeff- 
ersonian Democrats and believed that governments should 
not engage in any work except protection of life, liberty 
and property, departed from their rule and resolved that 
she should be the ward of the State. 

The General Assembly of North Carolina, and the United 
States Congress, both voted swords to Blakely as soon as 
the tidings of the capture of the Reindeer was officially 
reported. Two years afterwards on motion of Senator 
Archibald D. Murphey, the General Assembly unanimously 
passed a resolution requesting the Governor to forward to 
Mrs. Blakely the sword, and to express to her the deep 
interest which the legislature would always take in her 
happiness and welfare. It was further resolved that Cap- 
tain Blakely's child be educated at the expense of the State, 
and that his wife be requested to draw on the Treasurer of 
the State for the required sums. Six hundred dollars per 
annum was agreed on as a reasonable sum and it was regu- 
larly paid until 1829 iiiclusive. No reason is given for the 
withdrawal but it was probably because the mother married 
a second time, and became a resident and probably a citizen 
of a Danish island. 

Mrs. Blakely in addition to this annuity, and as guardian 
of her child, received for the share of her husband in the 
prize money for his captures, $7,500, and also his share of the 
Atlanta. Besides, there was paid to her, $900 his uncol- 
lected pay. 



15 

There is a good portrait of Captain Blakely belonging 
to the Philanthropic Society of the University of North 
Carolina. There was once a miniature of his daughter but 
it has been lost, and I cannot find anyone who remembers 
seeing her. Tradition has it that she was rather petite, 
with black eyes and hair, very pretty, pleasing and viva- 
cious. 

In the course of time Mrs. Blakely married Dr. Abbott, 
of Christiansted, the capital of the island of St. Croix, in 
the West Indies, belonging to Denmark. Her daughter 
accompanied and resided with her until 1841. Then she 
was woed and won by a member of the Danish nobility. 
On the Marriage Register of St. John's Episcopal Church 
of the island, is the following entry: 

"May 19, 1841, Barron Joseph von Bretton (M. D.) and 
Maria Udney Blakely, both of this jurisdiction, by license." 

The union was of short duration. On the Burial Regis- 
ter of the same Church is the following. 

" March 2nd, 1842. The body of Maria Udney Von 

Bretton. Aged Parish C. [Church] yard. Childbirth." 

The blank should have been filled with " twenty seven." 
The child did not live and the blood of the famous sea 
captain became extinct. 



• \ 

S. T. MORGAN, Pres. F. WHIHLE, 1st VIce-Pres. E. B. ADDISON, 2nd Vice-Pres. 
S. W. TRAVERS, Treas. S. D. CRENSHAW, Sec. E. THOS. ORGAIN, Auditor. 

Uirdtnia^Cdrolma 

Cbetnlcal Company 

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Cbe north £aroirna Booklet 



GREAT EVENTS IN 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 





C^ks of the C^pe Tear Blockade. 



BY 

James Sprunt. 

FOBMEBI.X PT7B8BR OF THB CONFBDBBATB 




V. 



PRICE 10 CENTS. ^ ^ ^ $1.00 THE YEAR. 



:^tered at the Postoffice at Raleigh, N. C, as second-class matter — June 24, 1901. 



the north Carolina Booklet 



Should a suflQcient number of subscriptions be renewed to 
warrant the publication of the N. C. Booklet, it will be issued 
monthly, as heretofore, for another year, beginning May 10th, 
1903. The following being the proposed list of subjects: 

1. Ku-Klux — Continued. 

2. A Eeprint from Lawson. 

3. Indian Massacre and Tuscarora War. 

4. Old Charleston on the Cape Fear. 

5. Our Pirates. 

6. The Revolutionary Congress of North Carolina. 

7. Whigs and Tories. 

8. The Battle of Guilford Court House. 

9. Historic Homes in N. C, — The Groves, and others. 

10. Raleigh and the old town of Bloomsburg. 

11. Moravian Settlement in North Carolina. 

12. The Story of the Albemarle. 

Parties desiring to subscribe will please send at once, their 
address with the subscription price $1. for the year, to " The N. 
0. Booklet Co., P. 0. Box 125, Raleigh, N. C." 

If for any reason the Booklet should not be issued, each sub- 
scriber's money will be returned. 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET. 



Vol. I. FBBRUABT 10, 1903. No. 10. 



Dies of tbe €apef earBlocRdde* 



JAMBS SPRUNT, 

FOKMEELY PUESEE OF THE CONFEDEBATE STEAMBE 
"lilLIAN." 



RAIvKIGH : 

CapiTai, Printing Company. 

1902. 



''Carolina! Carolina! 1)eaoen'$ bk$$itts$ amna ben 
WliWt wi live m will cbcrisb, protect and defend ber.' 




Blockade Eun^ner " Col. Lamb." 



PREFACE. 

From early youth I have loved the Cape Fear River, the ships and the 
sailors which it bears upon its bosom. As a schoolboy I delighted to 
wander along the wharves and watch the strangers from foreign lands, 
whose uncouth cries and unknown tongues inspired me with a longing 
for the sea, and for the countries far away whence they had come ; in 
later years I heard the stories of the old time Cape Fear gentlemen, and 
treasured these memories of our brave and generous people ; and now, 
as I watch from my window the white sails glistening in the morning 
light, or as, when the evening shadows deepen, I gaze upon the wide 
expanse resplendent with the glory of the stars, I try to catch the van- 
ishing lines of its history as the current sweeps along with its message to 
the sea. 

But now the oft told tales of ante-bellum times a^e seldom ^heard. 
John Hampden Hill, George Davis, John S. James, A. J. deRosset, James 
G. Burr, and other treasurers of Cape Fear annals, have crossed over the 
river, and there are none to take their places. It is of more recent times 
that I write : of an epoch in our history stained with the best blood of 
Cape Fear gentlemen ; of war and pestilence and famine ; of indomi- 
table courage and heroic fortitude ; of privations and suffering ; and of 
a strange traflSc through a beleaguered city, which supplied the sinews of 
war long after the resources of the South had been exhausted ; a traffic 
which will be unique in our history because the conditions which sus- 
tained it can never again occur. 

As I close these gages and look westward across the river, the bright 
light falls on the yellowish green of the pasture land ; and above its 
ceaseless current loom the Brunswick pines fringing the sky line with a 
sombre hue. The old time planter with his retinue of slaves is gone. 
The wharves where the swift blockade runners were moored are rotting 
away, and thick vines cover the ruins of the old Confederate Cotton 
Press : but the harbour and the river are the same as when Yeamans 
came with the first settlers, or as when Flora MacDonald sailed past the 
town to the restful haven of Cross Creek ; and the Dram Tree still stands 
to warn the outgoing mariner that his voyage has begun, and to welcome 
the incoming storm-tossed sailor to the quiet harbour beyond. 

JAMES SPRUNT. 
Wihningtony N. C. February, loth, igo2. 



THE BLOCKADE. 

On the nineteentli of April, 1861, President I,incoln de- 
clared by proclamation, a Military and Commercial Block- 
ade of our Southern ports, which was supplemented by the 
proclamation of the twenty-seventh of May, to embrace 
the whole Atlantic Coast from the capes of Virginia to the 
mouth of the Rio Grande. This was technically a " Con- 
structive," or " Paper," Blockade, inasmuch as the Declara- 
tion of the Great Powers assembled in Congress at Paris in 
1856 removed all uncertainty as to the principles upon 
which the adjudication of prize claims must proceed, by 
declaring that " Blockades, in order to be binding, must be 
effective ; that is to say, must be maintained by a force 
sufficient really to prevent access to the enemy's coast." 

It was obviously impossible at that time for the Federal 
Government to enforce a blockade of the Southern Coast, 
measuring 3,549 miles and containing 189 harbors, besides 
almost innumerable inlets and sounds through which 
small craft might easily elude the four United States war- 
ships then available for service, the remaining 38 ships of 
war in commission being on distant stations. 

Measures were, therefore, taken by the Navy Depart- 
ment to close the entrance of the most important Southern 
ports, notably those of Charleston and Savannah, by sink- 
ing vessels loaded with stone across the main channels or 
bars. Preparations were also made on a more extensive 
plan to destroy the natural roadsteads of other Southern 



ports and harbours along the coast by the same means; but, al- 
though twenty-five vessels were sunk in the smaller inlets, 
it does not appear that this novel method of blockade was 
generally adopted. 

In the meantime, urgent orders had been sent recalling 
from foreign stations every available ship of war ; and by 
December of the same year the Secretary of the Navy had 
purchased and armed 264 ships which, with their 2,557 
guns and 22,000 men, rendered the "Paper Blockade" 
comparatively effective. A sorry looking fleet it was as 
compared with our modern navies : ships, barks, schooners, 
sloops, tugs, passenger boats, — anything that would carry a 
gun, from the hoary type of Noah's Ark to the double-end 
ferry boat still conspicious in New York waters. 

"The Blockading Fleet,'' says Judge Advocate Cowley, 
"was divided into two squadrons ; the Atlantic Blockading 
Squadron of 22 vessels carrying 296 guns and 3,300 men, 
and the Gulf Blockading Squadron of 21 vessels carrying 
283 guns and 3,500 men." This force was constantly in- 
creased as the two hundred specially designed ships of war 
were built by the Navy Department. The Squadron reached 
its highest degree of efficiency during the fourth year of the 
war by the acquisition of many prizes which were quickly 
converted into light draft cruisers and which rendered ef- 
fective naval service, frequently under their original names. 

THE BLOCKADERS. 

The first blockader placed upon the Cape Fear Station 
was one bearing the misnomer " Daylight," which appear- 
ed July 20, 1 86 1. Others soon followed, until the number 



of the blockaders off New Inlet and the main bar of Cape 
Fear River was increased to about thirty or more ; these 
formed a cordon every night in the shape of a crescent, the 
horns of which were so close in shore that it was almost 
impossible for a small boat to pass without discovery. 
Armed picket barges also patrolled the bars and some- 
times crept close in upon the forts. For a year or more the 
fleet was largely kept upon the blockading stations ; then 
a second cordon was placed across the track of the block- 
ade runners near the ports of Nassau and the Bermudas, 
the cruisers of which sometimes violated the international 
distance restriction of one league — three geographical miles 
— from neutral land. At last a third cordon was drawn on the 
edge of the Gulf Stream, by which the hunted and harassed 
blockade runner often became an easy prey in the early 
morning, after a hard night's run in the darkness during 
which no lights were visible to friend or foe ; even the 
binnacle lamp being carefully screened, leaving only a 
small peep hole by which the ship was steered. 

THE CRUISERS. 

Some of the later cruisers were faster than the blockade 
runners, and were more dreaded than the blockading squa- 
dron ; not only because of their greater speed, but chiefly 
because of the proximity of their consorts which kept them 
almost in sight, often to the discomfiture of their unhappy 
quarry, headed off and opposed in every direction. The 
prospective division of big prize money running into mil- 
lions of dollars was, of course, the most exciting feature of 
the service on the Federal side. Occasionally there was 



comparatively trifling compensation, but greater enjoyment, 
in the capture of some small fry of blockade runners, con- 
sisting of pilot boats or large yawls laden with two or three 
bales of cotton and a crew of three or four youths, which 
sometimes came to grief in a most humiliating way. These 
small craft, upon one of which the writer was at sea for 
two weeks, were too frail for the risk of the longer voyages, 
and were usually projected from the small inlets, or sounds, 
farther south, which gave them a short run of about a 
hundred miles to the outer Bahama Keys, through whose 
dangerous waters they would warily make their way to 
Nassau. A boat of this description sailed over a Florida 
bar on a dark night under a favorable wind ; but, failing to 
get out of sight of land before morning dawned, was over- 
hauled at sunrise by a blockader and ordered to come 
alongside, where, with their own hands, these miniature 
blockade runners were obliged to hook on the falls of the 
Yankee's davits, by which they were ignominiously hoisted 
— boat, cargo and crew, to the captor's deck. 

The desertion of negro slaves from tide water plantations 
and their subsequent rescue as "Intelligent Contrabands" 
by the coasting cruisers formed an occasional incident in 
the records of their official logs ; but it is a noteworthy 
fact, deserving honorable mention, that comparatively few 
of the trusted negroes upon whom the soldiers in the Con- 
federate Army relied for the protection and support of their 
families at home were thus found wanting. A pathetic 
and fatal instance is recalled in the case of a misguided 
negro family which put o£E from the shore in the darkness, 
hoping they would be picked up by a chance gunboat in 



the morning. They were hailed by a cruiser at daylight, 
but in attempting to board her their frail boat was swamped, 
and the father alone rescued ; the mother and children 
perished in the sea. 

PORTS OF REFUGE, 

The natural advantages of Wilmington at the time of 
which we write made it an ideal port for blockade runners, 
there being two entrances to the river ; New Inlet on the 
north, and the Western, or main bar on the south of Cape 
Fear. "This cape," said Mr. George Davis, "is the south- 
ernmost point of Smith's Island, a naked, bleak elbow 
of sand, jutting far out into the ocean. Immediately in its 
front are the Frying Pan Shoals, pushing out still farther 
twenty miles to sea. Together they stand for warning and 
for woe; and together they catch the long, majestic roll of the 
Atlantic, as it sweeps through a thousand miles of gran- 
deur and power from the Arctic towards the Gulf. It is the 
play-ground of billows and tempests, the kingdom of silence 
and awe, disturbed by no sound save the sea-gull's shriek 
and the breaker's roar. Its whole aspect is suggestive, not 
of repose and beauty, but of desolation and terror. Imagina- 
tion cannot adorn it ; romance cannot hallow it ; local pride 
cannot soften it ; there it stands today, bleak and threat- 
ening and pitiless as it stood three hundred years ago when 
Grenville and White came near unto death upon its sands ; 
and there it will stand bleak and threatening and pitiless 
until the earth and sea shall give up their dead. And as 
its nature, so its name, is now, always has been, and always 
will be, the ' Cape of Fear.' " 



10 

The slope of our beach for many miles is very gradual to 
deep water. The soundings along the coast are regular, 
and the floor of the ocean is remarkably even. A steamer 
hard pressed by the enemy could run along the outer edge 
of the breakers without great risk of grounding ; the pur- 
suer, being usually of deeper draft, was obliged to keep fur- 
ther o£E shore. The Confederate Steamer Lilian, of which I 
was then Purser, was chased for nearly a hundred miles from 
Cape Lookout by the U. S. Steamer Shenandoah, which 
sailed a parallel course within half a mile of her and forced 
the Lilian at times into the breakers. This was probably 
the narrowest escape ever made by a blockade runner in a 
chase. The Shenandoah began firing her broadside guns 
at three o'clock, p. m., her gunners and commanding offi- 
cers of the batteries being distinctly visible to the Lilian's 
crew. 

A heavy sea was running which deflected the aim of the 
man-of-war, and which alone saved the Lilian from des- 
truction. A furious bombardment by the Shenandoah, 
aggravated by the display of the Lilian's Confederate flag, 
was continued until nightfall, when, by a clever ruse, the 
Lilian, guided by the flash of her pursuer's guns, stopped 
for a few minutes ; then, putting her helm hard over, ran 
across the wake of the war-ship straight out to sea, and, on 
the following morning, passed the fleet off Fort Fisher in 
such a crippled condition that several weeks were spent in 
Wilmington for repairs. 

This principal seaport of North Carolina had become 
also the most important in the Southern Confederacy. Prior 
to the beginning of hostilities it had sustained a large traf- 



11 

fie in naval stores and lumber, and now it was to be for a 
time the chief cotton port of America. Before the war, its 
miles of tidy wharves had been lined, often three deep, 
with white-winged sailing vessels from near and far : there 
being only two steamers, the North Carolina and the Park- 
ersburg, forerunners of the steam era which was to revo- 
lutionize commerce throughout the world. 

A startling change in the aspect of the port was now 
apparent. The sailing vessels, even to the tiny corn crack- 
ers from Hyde County, had vanished : likewise, the two 
New York steamers. The long line of wharves was occu- 
pied by a fleet of nondescript craft the like of which had 
never been seen in North Carolina waters. A cotton com- 
press on the western side of the river near the Market 
Street ferry was running night and day, to supply these 
steamers with cargoes for Nassau and Bermuda, while 
other new comers were busily discharging their anomalous 
cargoes of life-preserving and death-dealing supplies for the 
new Confederacy. 

The good old town was sadly marred by the plagues of 
war and pestilence and famine ; four hundred and forty- 
seven of a population reduced by flight to five thousand, 
had been carried off by the epidemic of yellow fever brought 
from Nassau by the steamer Kate ; and hundreds more of 
the younger generation, who gave up their lives in the 
Confederate cause, had been brought to their final resting 
place in Oakdale Cemetery. Suspension of the civil law, 
neglect of sanitary precautions, the removal of nearly all 
the famine stricken women and children to safer places in 
the interior, and the coming of speculators and adventur- 



12 

ers to the auction sales of the blockade runners' merchan- 
dise, as well as of lawless and depraved characters attracted 
by the camps and shipping, had quite changed the aspect 
of the whole community. The military post, including all 
the river and harbour defences, was under the command of 
Major General W. H. C. Whiting, a distinguished West 
Point engineer of great ability, well known and honoured in 
Wilmington, where he married and resided. He fell, mor- 
tally wounded, in the last Fort Fisher fight, and died a pris- 
oner of war in a Northern hospital. His remains were 
brought home, and now rest in Oakdale beside those of his 
most estimable wife who recently followed him. 

The distress of Wilmington during the yellow fever epi- 
demic was described as follows by the late Doctor Thomas 
F. Wood in his biographical sketch of one of the heroes of 
that fearful scourge. Doctor James H. Dickson, who died 
at his post of duty. 

" The mouth of September, 1862, was one of great calam- 
ity to Wilmington. The alarming forebodings of the visi- 
tation of yellow fever in a pestilential form had ripened into 
a certainty. Depleted of her young and active men, there 
was only a military garrison in occupation, and when the 
presence of fever was announced the soldiers were removed 
to a safer locality. The country people, taking a panic at 
the news of the presence of the fever, no longer sent in their 
supplies. The town was deserted, its silence broken only 
by the occasional pedestrian bound on errands of mercy to 
the sick, or the rumbling of the rude funeral cart. The 
blockade was being maintained with increased rigor. The 
only newspaper then published was ' The Wilmington 



13 

Journal, ' a daily under the editorship of James Fulton, and 
its issues were maintained under the greatest difficulties, 
owing to the scarcity of paper and to sickness among the 
printers. All eyes were turned anxiously toward the phy- 
sicians and these in authority, for help. To all the resident 
physicians, the disease was a new one; not one in the num- 
; ber had ever seen a case of yellow fever, and among them 
were men of large experience. The municipal authorities 
recognized their helplessness; the town was neglected, for it 
had been overcrowded with soldiers and visitors since the 
early days of the spring of 1861. The black pall of smoke 
from the burning tar barrels added solemnity to the deadly 
silence of the streets; designed to purify the air and miti- 
gate the pestilence, it seemed more like fuliginous clouds 
of ominous portent, a somber emblem of mourning. Panic, 
distress, mute despair, want, had fallen upon a population 
then strained to its utmost, with the bleeding columns of 
its regiments dyeing the hills of Maryland with their blood, 
until the whole air was filled with the wail of the widow and 
orphan, and the dead could no longer be honored with the 
j^ last tribute of respect. 

'The Wilmington Journal ' of September 29th, 1862, 
gave all its available editorial space to chronicle, for the 
first time, the character of the epidemic, and in a few brief 
words to notice the death of some of the more prominent 
citizens. One paragraph in the simple editorial notice ran 
■ as follows : 'Dr. James H. Dickson, a physician of the 
highest character and standing, died heie on Sunday morn- 
ing of yellow fever. Dr. Dickson's death is a great loss to 
the profession and to the community. ' Close by, in an- 
il '7"-'- 



14 

other column, from the pen of the acting Adjutant, Lieu- 
tenant VanBokkelen, of the 3d N. C. Infantry, numbering 
so many gallant souls of the young men of Wilmington, 
was the list of the killed and wounded from the bloody 
field of Sharpsburg. 

" Distressed and bereaved by this new weight of sorrow, 
Wilmington sat in the mournful habiliments of widow- 
hood, striving, amidst the immensity of the struggle, to 
make her courageous voice heard above all the din of war, 
to nerve the brave hearts who stood as a girdle of steel 
about beleaguered Richmond. 

" James Fulton, the well known editor of the ' Journal, ' 
the wary politican and cautious editor, striving to keep the 
worst from the world, lest the enemy might use it to our 
disadvantage, often ruthlessly suppressed from his limited 
space such matters as in these days of historical research 
might be of the greatest service. There were two predom- 
inant topics which eclipsed all the impending sorrow and 
distress: first, foreign intervention, for the purpose of 
bringing about an honorable peace; second, warnings to the 
State government of the inadequacy of the defense of Wil- 
mington harbour against the enemy. The former topic was 
discussed with unvarying pleasure. The horizon of the fu- 
ture was aglow with the rosy dreams of mandates from the 
British and French governments which would bring inde- 
pendence to the Confederacy and peace and quietness to the 
numerous homes, from the sea to the mountains, where sor- 
row and death had hung like a pall. It is not strange, 
therefore, that the few publications that had survived the 
scarcity of printing material should have contained so lit- 



15 

tie biographical matter. Comrades dropped on the right 
and on the left, but the ranks were closed up, the hurried 
tear wiped away, and the line pushed steadily forward. The 
distinguished physician, or general, or jurist, as well as the 
humble private, got his passing notice in the meagre let- 
ters which a chance correspondent sent to one of the few 
newspapers, and in a short time he was forgotten in the 
fresh calamity of the day.'' 

RESCUE OF MADAME DEROSSET. 

We found at the ship-yard in Wilmington, while the " Ivil- 
ian was undergoing repairs, the noted blockade runner Lynx, 
commanded by one of the most daring spirits in the service, 
Capt. Reed. This officer has been described in a Northern 
magazine as a pirate, but he was one of the mildest man- 
nered of gentlemen, a capital seaman, and apparently en- 
tirely devoid of fear. He had previously commanded the 
Gibraltar, formerly the first Confederate cruiser Sumter; 
and he brought through the blockade in this ship to Wil- 
mington the two enormous guns which attracted so much 
attention at that time. One of them exploded, through a 
fault in loading; the other was used for the defense of 
Charleston, and rendered effective service. 

A thrilling incident occurred in the destruction of the 
Lynx, a few weeks after we left her at Wilmington, which 
nearly terminated the life of a brave and charming little 
lady, the wife of Mr. Louis H. deRosset, and of her infant 
child, who were passengers for Nassau. At half past seven 
o'clock on the evening of September 26, 1864, the Lynx at- 
tempted to run the blockade at New Inlet^ but was imme- 



16 

dlately discovered in the Swash Channel by the Federal 
cruiser Niphon, which fired several broadsides into her at 
short range, nearly every shot striking her hull and seri- 
ously disabling her. Notwithstanding this, Captain Reed 
continued his efforts to escape, and for a short time was 
slipping away from his pursuer; but he was again intercep- 
ted by two federal men-of-war, the Howquah and the Gov- 
ernor Buckingham. Mrs. deRosset describing the scene a 
lew days afterwards, said : 

"Immediately the sky was illuminated with rockets; 
broadside upon broadside, volley upon volley, was poured 
upon us. The Captain put me in the wheel house for safe- 
ty. I had scarcely taken my seat when a ball passed three 
inches above my head, wounding the man at the wheel 
next to me; a large piece of the wheel house knocked me vi- 
olently on the head. I flew to the cabin, took my baby in 
my arms, and immediately another ball passed through the 
cabin. We came so near one of the enemy's boats that they 
fired a round of musketry, and demanded surrender. We 
passed them like lightning; our vessel commenced sinking! 
Bight shots went through and through below the water line. 
I stayed in the cabin until I could no longer keep baby out 
of the water. " 

The Howquah then engaged the Lynx at close quarters, 
and her batteries tore away a large part of the paddle boxes 
and bridge deck. The Buckingham, also attacked the plucky 
blockade runner at so short a range that her commander 
fired all the charges from his revolver at Captain Reed and 
his pilot on the bridge. The continual flashing of the guns 
brightly illuminated the chase and, escape being impossi- 



17 

ble, Captain Reed, much concerned for the safety of his 
passengers, headed his sinking ship for the beach. In the 
meantime Fort Fisher was firing upon his pursuers with 
deadly effect, killing and wounding five men on the How- 
quah and disabling one of the guns. The sea was very 
rough that night, and the treacherous breakers with their 
deafening roar afforded little hope of landing a woman and 
a baby through the surf; nevertheless, it was the only al- 
ternative, and right bravely did the heroine meet it. Through 
the breakers the Lynx was driven to her destruction, the 
shock as her keel struck the bottom sending her crew 
headlong to the deck. Boats were lowered with great diffi- 
culty, the sea dashing over the bulwarks and drenching the 
sailors to the point of strangulation. Madame deRosset, 
with the utmost coolness, watched her chance while the 
boat lurched and pounded against the stranded ship, and 
jumped gracefully to her place; the baby, wrapped in a 
blanket was tossed from the deck to her mother ten feet be- 
low, and then the fight for a landing began ; while the 
whole crew, forgetful of their own danger, and inspired 
with courage by the brave lady's example, joined in three 
hearty cheers as she disappeared in the darkness towards 
the shore. Under the later glare of the burning ship, 
which was set on fire when abandoned, a safe landing was 
effected, but with great suffering; soaking wet, without 
food or drink, they remained on the beach until a message 
could reach Colonel Lamb at Fort Fisher, five miles dis- 
tant, whence an ambulance was sent to carry the passen- 
gers twenty miles up to Wilmington. The baby blockade 
runner, Gabrielle, survived this perilous adventure, also an 



18 

exciting run through the fleet in the Confederate steamer 
Owl; and she is now the devoted wife of Colonel Alfred 
Moore Waddell, Mayor of Wilmington. 

WAR PRICES. 

The prices of food and clothing had advanced in propor- 
tion to the depreciation of Confederate money ; the plainest 
necessities were almost unobtainable. — $50 for a ham, $500 
for a barrel of flour, $500 for a pair of boots, $600 for a suit 
of clothes, $1,500 for an overcoat, and $100 a pound for 
coffee or tea, were readily paid as the fortunes of the Con- 
federacy waned. Coffee was perhaps the greatest luxury, 
and was seldom used ; substitutes of beans, potatoes and 
rye, with "long sweetening," — sorghum, having been gener- 
ally adopted. AVithin a mile or two of our temporary home 
in the country there lived two unattractive spinsters of 
mature age, one of whom, in the other's absence, was asked 
by an old reprobate of some means in the neighborhood to 
marry him, a preposterous proposal which she indignantly 
rejected. Upon the return of the absent sister, however, 
she was made to feel that she had thrown away the golden 
opportunity of a life time; for, " Why, " said the sister, 
" didn't you know he has a bag of coffee in his house ?'' 

Another true incident will also serve to illustrate the 
comic side of the great crisis. Our evening meal consisted 
of milk, rye coffee, youpon tea, honey, and one wheaten bis- 
cuit each, with well prepared corn muffins and hominy ad 
libitum. These biscuits, however, were valued beyond 
price, and the right of each individual to them, as well as 
the plate upon which they rested, was closely guarded by 



19 

the younger members of the family. One evening there 
appeared just before supper an itinerant preacher, who was 
made welcome to the best we had. Addressing himself with 
vigor to the tempting plate of biscuits, and ignoring the 
despised muffins, which were politely pressed upon him by 
our dismayed youngsters at his side, he actually devoured 
the entire dozen with apparent ease and great relish. Upon 
being informed at the hour of retiring that it would be in- 
convenient to serve his breakfast at daylight, when he de- 
sired to depart, he said, to our amazement, that, rather than 
disturb us in the early morning, he would take his break- 
fast then and there before going to bed. 

INTERMEDIATE PORTS* 

The chief intermediate neutral ports of refuge for the 
blockade runners from Wilmington were Nassau, upon the 
island of New Providence in the Bahamas, and St. George's 
and Hamilton, in the Bermudas. These towns were of 
small note before the civil war began, but they became of 
great commercial importance as the traffic through the 
blockade increased. The distance from Cape Fear to Nas- 
sau, almost due south, is 570 miles, and to Bermuda, near- 
ly due east, is 674 miles. The run to Nassau by a fast 
ship was 48 to 55 hours, and to Bermuda about 72 hours. 

The inhabitants of Nassau had, with few exceptions, 
gained a precarious and questionable livelihood by wreck- 
ing, which in many instances was little short of piracy. 
Nature is so bountiful in the West Indies that the worth- 
less, indolent negroes who largely composed the population 
subsisted daily upon fish and yams and tropical fruits, in 



20 

great variety, at the cost of an hour's work. Left to them- 
selves, they had relapsed into semi-barbarism, which may 
be said of the West Indies negroes of Congo origin in gen- 
eral. The American blacks, especialy those of the South 
in their state of slavery, were infinitely superior, and their 
characteristics were kindly and peaceable, quite the reverse 
of those with whom we had to deal in Nassau. The influx 
of speculators and adventurers, and good business men as 
well, from all parts of the world soon gave to Nassau, and 
also to Bermuda (whose population comprised a much better 
class of natives), a heterogeneous and motley aspect some- 
times quite picturesque. The cost of respectable living be- 
came so exorbitant that the British government was asked 
for a larger allowance by the oflScers of the regiment quar- 
tered at Nassau, and also by the commander at the Bermu- 
das. The enormous profits made by successful blockade 
runners quite turned their heads; and swaggering sailors 
with their pockets full of gold were as reckless in spending 
it upon their dissolute associates, as many of the officers 
and ship owners were in the indulgence of their more ex- 
pensive tastes for wine and gambling at the Royal Victoria 
Hotel. 

HNANCIAL ESTIMATES, 

I have not been able to obtain an approximate estimate 
of the value of supplies brought by blockade runners into 
the Confederacy during the four years' war, nor the amount 
of the losses by ship owners who failed to make a success- 
ful voyage through the Federal fleet. I have, however, 
carefully computed the actual sum realized by the United 



21 

States government from public sales of prizes, recorded by 
Admiral Porter in his " Naval History of the Civil War," 
which aggregates $21,759,595.05; to which may be reason- 
ably added $10,000,000.00 for prizes of my knowledge not 
included in this report, and $10,000,000.00 more for valua- 
ble ships and cargoes stranded or destroyed by design or 
accident while attempting to escape from the blockading 
squadron. This total of $42,000,000.00 represents only a 
part, perhaps one- half, of the capital invested. Many suc- 
cessful steamers ran up their profits into millions. A steam- 
er carrying 1,000 bales of cotton sometimes realized a profit 
of a quarter million dollars on the inward and outward run, 
within two weeks. Cotton could be purchased in the Con- 
federacy for 3 cents per pound gold, and sold in England at 
the equivalent of 45 cents to $1 a pound, and the profits on 
some classes of goods brought into the Confederacy were in 
the same proportion. It is probably within the bounds of 
truth to say that the blockade running traffic during the 
§1*' war, including the cost of the ships, amounted to about one 
hundred and fifty-millions of dollars, gold standard. 

THE FAMINE STRICKEN CONFEDERACY. 

A pathetic feature of the traffic in the last year of the 
war was the falling ofiF in the demand for blockade goods 
in the South at a time when they were most needed by the 
people, and when they were most difficult to obtain, even 
by the employment of the latest designed blockade runners, 
the construction of which cost twice as much as that of the 
previous type. The sad truth is, the Confederates were no 
longer able to buy even the commonest necessities of life. 



22 

and four-fifths of the women and children at home, as well 
as the soldiers in the field, were on the verge of starvation. 
Also, the demands of the Confederate Government for a 
larger proportion of the cargo space at reduced rates of 
freight had a depressing effect upon traffic; and many of 
the successful traders withdrew their ships, which, other- 
wise, would have had to face the hazard of almost certain 
capture or destruction. Mr. Tom Taylor, a conspicuous and 
celebrated leader in blockade running, who controlled a 
fleet of steamers, said that the Commissary General of the 
Confederacy in Richmond divulged to him early in the last 
year of the war that Gen. Ivce's army had rations for only 
thirty days, and that there were no means of replenishing 
the commissariat unless Mr. Taylor could proceed to Nassau 
and bring relief within three weeks. Mr. Taylor had then 
in Wilmington his steamer Banshee, whose captain he tele- 
graphed to prepare for sea and await his arrival. After an 
exciting and lengthy journey of three days and nights from 
Richmond to Wilmington by way of Danville, the Weldon 
road connection having been cut ofiF, Mr. Taylor embarked 
upon the steamer Banshee on a most exciting and danger- 
ous run to Nassau, aud brought back a ship-load of provis- 
ions, which he landed in Wilmington within eighteen days 
after his departure from Richmond. It is an established fact, 
stated by both Southern and Northern authorities, that the 
Banshee saved the Army of Northern Virginia from starva- 
tion. Mr. Taylor graphically describes this run as follows: 
" In the interim between our leaving Wilmington and 
our return. Porter's fleet had made an unsuccessful attack 
upon Fort Fisher, and this Federal commander was just 



23 

then, at the time of our appearance upon the scene, conclud- 
ing his attack and re-embarking his beaten troops. When 
morning broke and we were near the fort, we counted sixty- 
four vessels that we had passed through. After being 
heavily fired into at daybreak by several gunboats (the fort 
being unable to protect us as usual, owing to nearly all of 
its guns having been put out of action in the attack of two 
days previous), it was an exciting moment as we crossed 
the bar in safety, cheered by the garrison, some two thou- 
sand strong, who knew that we had provisions on board 
for the relief of their comrades in Virginia. 

" I shall never forget that trip. We sailed from Nassau 
at dusk on the evening before Christmas day, but were on- 
ly just outside the harbor when our steam-pipe split and we 
had to return. As it was hopeless, on account of the moon, 
to make the attempt unless we could get away next day, I 
was in despair, and thought it was all up with my enter- 
prise. After long trying in vain to find some one to un- 
dertake the necessary repairs, owing to its being Christmas 
day, I found at last a Yankee, who said: 'Well, sir, it's only 
a question of price. ' I said, ' Name yours, ' and he replied, 
'Well, I guess $400 for three clamps would be fair.' I said, 
•All right, if finished by six o'clock.' He set to work, 
and we made all arrangements to start. Shortly after six 
the work was finished, but the black pilot then declared he 
couldn't take her out until the tide turned, there being no 
room to turn her in the harbour. As it was a question of 
hours, I said, ' Back her out. ' He grinned and said, ' Per- 
haps do plenty damage.' ' Never mind; ' said I, ' try it '; 
and we did, with the result that we came plump into the 



24 

man-of-war lying at the entrance of the harbour (ofl&cers all 
on deck ready to go down to their Christmas dinner), and 
ground along her side, smashing two of her boats in, but 
doing ourselves little damage. 'Good-bye,' I shouted; 'A 
merry Christmas ! Send the bill in for the boats.' Away 
we went clear, and fortunate it was we did so, as we only ar- 
rived off Wilmington just in time to run through Porter's 
fleet before daybreak on the 28th of December. 

" The trip out was equally exciting, for I had as pass- 
engers General Randolph, ex-Secretary of State for War, 
who was going to Europe invalided, and his wife. I did 
not want to take them, as the Banshee had practically no 
accommodation whatever, particularly for ladies. However, 
she had such a good character for safety, that they pleaded 
hard to be taken, and I at last consented, though I did not 
like at all the responsibility of having a lady on board. 
I was determined, however, to make Mrs. Randolph as safe 
as possible, so I told the stevedore to keep a square space 
between the cotton bales on deck, into which she could re- 
tire in case the firing became hot. And hot it did become. 
Running down with a strong ebb tide through the Smith's 
Island inlet channel, we suddenly found a gunboat in the 
middle of the channel on the bar. It was too late to stop, 
so we put at her, almost grazing her sides and receiving her 
broadside point blank. Mrs. Randolph had retired to her 
place of safety, but she told me afterwards that, alarmed as 
she was, she could not help laughing, when, after she 
had been there only an instant, my colored servant, who 
had evidently fixed upon the place as appearing to be most 
safe, jumped right on top of her, his teeth chattering 



through fear. How we laughed the next morning, ajid 
how poor Sam got chaffed! But he afterwards became quite 
a cool hand; and when we were running in, in daylight, in 
the Will-o' -the- Wisp and the shot were coming thick, 
Sam appeared on the bridge with his usual 'Coffee, Sar! * 
" After we had got rid of our friend on the bar, we were 
heavily peppered by her consorts outside, from whom we 
received no damage; but we fell in with very bad weather, 
and the ship was under water most of the time. Right 
glad I was to land my passengers, who were half dead 
through sea-sickness, exposure and fatigue." 

DEFENSES. 

The defenses of Oak Island, commanding the main bar 
of the Cape Fear river, were composed of Fort Caswell and 
Fort Campbell — the latter a large earth work situated about 
one mile down the beach from Fort Caswell — Battery Shaw, 
» and some smaller earthworks. With reference to the prin- 
cipal fortification I have received the following official par- 
ticulars from the Secretary of War : 

" Fort Caswell, at the mouth of the Cape Fear river, 
North Carolina, was commenced in the year 1826, the first 
appropriation for its construction being under act of Con- 
gress approved March 2nd, 1825. It was reported as about 
completed by Captain Alexander J. Swift, United States 
Engineers, Oct. 20th, 1838, at a total cost of 1473,402. From 
1838 to 1857, for preservation of site, repairs &c., at Fort 
Caswell, and some repairs at Fort Johnston, the sum of 
$69,422.09 was expended, making a total to 1857 of $543,- 



26 

844- 09' I^ ^^^ named Fort Caswell by War Department 
Order, No. 33 of April i8th, 1833. 

" Fort Caswell was an enclosed pentagonal work, with a 
loop-holed scarp wall, flanked by caponieres; it was con- 
structed for an armament of 61 channel-bearing guns, 
mounted en-barbette, and a few small guns for land de- 
fense. Capacious defensive barracks, called a citadel, oc- 
cupied a large part of the parade. " 

It is a remarkable fact that, notwithstanding its exposed 
position to the Federal fleet, no general engagement oc- 
curred at Caswell during the four years' war. The fort 
was of great service, however, in defending the main bar 
and the garrison at Smithville, although the fighting was 
confined to an occasional artillery duel with the United 
States blockading fleet. 

During the past three years the ruins of Fort Caswell 
have disappeared; and the General Government has erected 
on Oak Island, under the old name — in honor of the first 
governor of North Carolina — one of the strongest forts on 
the Atlantic coast, armed with far reaching disappearing 
batteries and equipped with the most approved appliances 
of modern warfare. 

The New Inlet, which was more frequently used by the 
blockade runners, was protected for four years by Fort Fisher 
a splendid creation of its gallant defender. Colonel Lamb, 
and which was styled by Federal engineers " The Malakoff 
of the South." 

The plans of Fort Fisher were Colonel Lamb's; and as 
the work progressed they were approved by Generals 
French, Raines, Longstreet, Beauregard and Whiting, who 



27 

were among the best engineers of West Point. It was built 
solely for the purpose of resisting the fire of a large fleet, 
and it withstood uninjured, as to armament, two of the 
fiercest bombardments in history. The land face of the 
works was 682 yards long, and the sea face was 1,898 yards 
long. The position commanded the last gateway between 
the Confederate States and the outside world. Its capture, 
with the resulting loss of all the Cape Fear river defenses 
and Wilmington, the most important entrepot of the Con- 
federacy, effectually ended blockade running. Gen. I^ee, 
recognizing the importance of Wilmington, sent word to 
Colonel Lamb that Fort Fisher must be held, or he could 
not subsist his army. The following description of the 
land face and sea face of Fort Fisher is given in Colonel 
Lamb's own words : 

" At the land face of Fort Fisher the peninsula was 
about half a mile wide. This face commenced about one 
hundred feet from the river with a half bastion, and ex- 
tended with a heavy curtain to a full bastion on the ocean 
side, where it joined the sea face. The work was built to 
withstand the heaviest artillery fire. There was no moat 
with scarp and counterscarp, so essential for defence against 
storming parties, the shifting sands rendering its construc- 
tion impossible with the material available. 

" The outer slope was twenty feet high and was sodded 
with marsh grass which grew luxuriantly. The parapet 
was not less than twenty-five feet thick, with an inclina- 
tion of only one foot. The revetment was five feet nine 
inches high from the floor of the gun chambers, and these 
were some twelve feet or more from the interior plane. The 



28 

guns were all mounted in barbette on Columbiad carriages, 
there being no casemated gun in the fort. Between the 
gun chambers, containing one or two guns each, there were 
twenty heavy guns on the land face; there were heavy trav- 
erses exceeding in size any known to engineers, to protect 
from an enfilading fire. They extended out some twelve 
feet or more in height above the parapet, running back 
thirty feet or more. The gun chambers were reached from 
the rear by steps. In each traverse was an alternate mag- 
azine, or bomb-proof, the latter ventilated by an air cham- 
ber. The passage ways penetrated traverses in the interior 
of the work, forming additional bomb-proofs for the reliefs 
for the guns. 

" As a defence against infantry there was a system of sub- 
terra torpedoes extending across the peninsula, five to six 
hundred feet from the land face, and so disconnected that 
the explosion of one would not affect the others; inside the 
torpedoes, about fifty feet from the berme of the work, ex- 
tending from river bank to sea shore, was a heavy palisade 
of sharpened logs nine feet high, pierced for musketry, and 
so laid out as to have an enfilading fire on the center, 
where there was a redoubt guarding a sally port, from 
which two napoleons were run as occasion required. At the 
river end of the palisade was a deep and muddy slough, 
across which was a bridge, the entrance of the river road 
into the port; commanding this bridge was a napoleon gun. 
There were three mortars in the rear of the land face. 

THE SEA FACE OF FORT FISHER. 

"The sea face for one hundred yards from the northwest 
bastion was of the same massive character as the land 



29 

face. A crescent battery intended for four guns joined tliis. 
But it was converted into a hospital bomb-proof. In the 
rear a heavy curtain was thrown up to protect the cham- 
bers from fragments of shells. From the bomb-proof a se- 
ries of batteries extended for three-quarters of a mile along 
the sea, connected by an infantry curtain. These batteries 
had heavy traverses, but were not more than ten or twelve 
feet high to the top of the parapets, and were built for ric- 
ochet firing. On the line was a bomb-proof electric bat- 
tery connected with a system of submarine torpedoes. Far- 
ther along, where the channel ran close to the beach, in- 
side the bar, a mound battery sixty feet high was erected, 
with two heavy guns which had a plunging fire on the 
channel; this was connected with the battery north of it by 
a light curtain. Following the line of the works it was 
over one mile from the mound to the northeast bastion at 
fne angle of the sea and land faces, and upon this line 24 
heavy guns were mounted. From the mound for nearly one 
mile to the end of the point, was a level sand plain scarcely 
three feet above high tide, and much of it was submerged 
during gales. At the point was battery Buchanan, four 
guns in the shape of an ellipse commanding the inlet, its 
two eleven-inch guns covering the approach by land. An 
advanced redoubt with a 24-pounder was added after the 
attack by the forces on Christmas, 1864. A wharf for 
large steamers was in close proximity to these works. Bat- 
tery Buchanan was a citadel to whigh an overpowered gar- 
rison might retreat and, with proper transportion, be safely 
carried off at night, and to which reinforcements could be 
sent under the cover of darkness. " 



THE CONFEDERATE NAVY. 

If the Fedeial Government was unprepared for naval 
warfare at the beginning of the civil strife, the Confeder- 
acy was even less prepared, for it could not claim the own- 
ership of a single ship. In a conversation shortly after the 
war, our distinguished naval officer, Captain John New- 
land Maffitt, said : 

"The Northern navy contributed materially to the success- 
ful issue of the war. The grand mistake of the South was 
neglecting her navy. All our army movements out West 
were baffled by the armed Federal steamers which swarmed 
on Western waters, and which our government had provi- 
ded nothing to meet. Before the capture of New Orleans, 
the South ought to have had a navy strong enough to pre- 
vent the capture of that city and hold firmly the Mississippi 
and its tributaries. This would have prevented many disas- 
trous battles; it would have made Sherman's march through 
the country impossible, and I^ee would have been master 
of his lines. The errors of our government were numer- 
ous, but the neglect of the navy proved irremediable and 
fatal. 

" Nobody here, " he continued, " would believe at first 
that a great war was before us. South Carolina seceded 
first, and improvised a navy consisting of two small tug 
boats! North Carolina followed suit, and armed a tug and a 
small passenger boat! Georgia, Alabama and Louisiana put 
in commission a handful of frail river boats that you could 
have knocked to pieces with a pistol shot. That was our na- 
vy! Then came Congress and voted money to pay officers like 
myself, who had resigned from the Federal navy, but no- 



31 

thing to build or arm any ships for us to command. Of 
course, it woke up by and by, and ordered vessels to be 
built here, there and everywhere, but it was too late." 

*' And yet, ' ' said the Captain, with a momentary kind- 
ling of the eye, as the thought of other days came back to 
him, " The Confederate navy, minute though it was, won 
a place for itself in history. To the Confederates the credit 
belongs of testing in battle the invulnerability of iron- 
clads, and of revolutionizing the navies of the world. The 
Merrimac did this; and, though we had but a handful of 
light cruisers, while the ocean swarmed with armed Feder- 
al vessels, we defied the Federal navy and swept Northern 
commerce from the seas. " 

Colonel Scharf, in his admirable " History of the Con- 
federate States Navy " says: " In many respects the most in- 
tei!£Sting chapter of the history of the Confederate navy is 
that of the building and operation of the ships-of-war which 
drove the merchant flag of the United States from the 
oceans and almost extirpated their carrying trade. But 
the limitations of space of this volume forbid more than 
a brief review of the subject. The function of commerce- 
destroyers is now so well admitted as an attribute of war 
between recognized belligerents by all the nations of the 
world, that no apology is necessary for the manner in 
which the South conducted hostilities upon the high seas 
against her enemy; and, while the Federal officials and or- 
gans styled the cruisers 'pirates' and their command- 
ers 'buccaneers,' such stigmatization has long since been 
swept away, along with other rubbish of the War between 
the States, and their legal status fully and honorably es- 



32 

tablished. We have not the space for quotations from 
Prof. Soley, Prof. BoUes and other writers upon this point; 
but what they have said may be summed up in the state- 
ment that the government and agents of the Confederacy 
transgressed no principle of right in this matter, and that 
if the United States were at war to-day, they would strike 
at the commerce of an enemy in as nearly the same man- 
ner as circumstances would permit. The justification of 
the Confederate authorities is not in the slightest degree 
afiEected by the fact that the Geneva Tribunal directed 
Great Britain to pay the Federal government ^15,500,000 
in satisfaction for ships destroyed by cruisers constructed 
in British ports. 

" Eleven Confederate cruisers figured in the * Alabama 
Claims' settlement between the United States and Great 
Britain. They were the Alabama, Shenandoah, Florida, 
Tallahassee, Georgia, Chickamauga, Nashville, Retribu- 
tion, Sumter, Sallie and Boston. The actual losses inflic- 
ted by the Alabama, $6,547,609, were only $60,000 great- 
er than those charged to the Shenandoah. The sum to- 
tal of the claims filed against the eleven cruisers for ships 
and cargoes was $17,900,633, all but about $4,000,000 be- 
ing caused by the Alabama and Shenandoah. The tribunal 
decided that Great Britain was in no way responsible for 
the losses inflicted by any cruisers but the Alabama, Flori- 
da and Shenandoah. It disallowed all the claims of the 
United States for indirect or consequential losses, which 
included the approximate extinction of American com- 
merce by the capture of ships or their transfer to foreign 
flags. What this amounted to is shown in the 'Case of the 



33 

United States' presented to the tribunal. In this it is sta- 
ted that while in i860 two-thirds of the commerce of New 
York was carried on in American bottoms, in 1863 three- 
fourths was carried on in foreign bottoms. The trans- 
fer of American vessels to the British flag to avoid capture 
is stated thus: In 1861, vessels 126, tonnage 71,673; in 1862, 
vessels 135, tonnage 64,578; in 1863,, vessels 348, tonnage 
252,579; in 1864, vessels, 106, tonnage 92,052. Command- 
ers of the Confederate cruisers have avowed that the de- 
struction of private property and diversion of legitimate 
commerce in the performance of their duty was painful in 
the extreme to them; but in their wars the United States 
had always practiced this mode of harassing an enemy, 
and had, indeed, been the most conspicuous exemplars of it 
tkat the world ever saw. " 

Since the foregoing was written by Colonel Scharf in 
1887 there has been a growing aversion on the part of the 
principal commercial Powers to privateering. A recent 
press association dispatch from Washington says: 

" The report from Brussels that former President Kru- 
ger is being urged to notify the Powers that unless they in- 
tervene in the South African contest he will commission pri- 
vateers, is not treated seriously here. It is well understood, 
as one outcome of the war with Spain, that the United 
States government will never again, except in the most ex- 
traordinary emergency, issue letters of marque; and the 
same reasons that impel the government to this course 
would undoubtedly operate to prevent our government 
from recognizing any such warrants issued by any other 
nation, even were that nation in full standing. 



34 

" In the case of the Spanish war, both the belligerents 
by agreement refrained from issuing commissions to priva- 
teers, and it now has been many years since the flag of any 
respectable nation has flown over such craft. " 

About the beginning of the year 1862, the Confederate 
States Government began the construction of an iron clad 
ram, named North Carolina, on the west side of Cape Fear 
river at the ship yard of the late B. W. Beery ; the draw- 
ings and specifications of the vessel having been made by 
Captain John L. Porter, Chief Naval Constructor of the 
Confederate States Navy, with headquarters at Portsmouth, 
Virginia. 

The armament of the North Carolina consisted of one 10- 
inch pivot gun in the bow and six broadside guns of about 
8-inch calibre. The timbers of the vessel were heavy pine 
and hard wood covered with railroad iron, giving the ram, 
when launched, the appearance of a turtle in the water. 

The North Carolina was subsequently anchored for a 
long time off Smithville, now Southport, as a guard vessel 
commanding the entrance to the river at the main bar, un- 
til she was gradually destroyed by the toredo, or sea-worm, 
and sank at her moorings, where I believe she still remains. 

The Raleigh, a vessel of like construction, was built la- 
ter at the wharf near the foot of Church street; and after 
being launched was completed at Cassidey's ship-yard. 

Her construction and armament were similar to that of 
the North Carolina, but she was covered with heavy iron 
plates of two thicknesses running fore and aft and athwart 
ship. 



35 

I am indebted to a distinguished ex-Confederate officer 
for the following particulars of an expedition from Wil- 
mington against the Federal blockading fleet o£E New Inlet 
Bar, in which the Raleigh took a conspicuous part; and 
which, contrary to the hopes and expectations of our peo- 
ple, not only proved to be a dismal failure, but resulted in 
the loss of the Raleigh, which broke her back while trying 
to re-enter the river and sank in the middle of the narrow 
channel, proving afterwards a troublesome obstruction to 
the blockade runners at New Inlet. 

The Star of the Confederacy was waning in the spring 
0^1864, a depreciated currenc)' and the scant supply of 
provisions and clothing had sent prices almost beyond the 
reach of people of moderate means. In Richmond, meal 
was ^10 per bushel; butter, $5 per pound; sugar, $12 per 
pound; bacon, hog round, $4 per pound; brogan shoes, $25 
per pair; felt hats, $150; cotton cloth, $30 per yard : and it 
was a saying in the Capital of the Confederacy, that the 
money had to be carried in the market basket and the mar- 
keting brought home in the pocket book. 

Early in May the condition of the commissariat had 
been alarming; but a few days' rations were left for lyce's 
army, and only the timely arrival of the blockade runner 
Banshee with provisions saved the troops from suffering. 

Wilmington was the only port left to the blockade run- 
ners, and the blockade of the mouths of the Cape Fear had 
become dangerously stringent. Some twenty steamers 
guarded the two inlets, besides two outer lines of fast cruis- 
ers between this city and the friendly ports of Nassau and 
the Bermudas. On dark nights, armed launches were sent 



36 

into the bar to report outgoing steamers by firing rockets 
in the direction taken by them. The ceaseless vigilance 
of the forts could scarcely make an exit for friendly ves- 
sels even comparatively free from danger. An hour after 
dark, Fort Fisher, having trailed its sea-face guns upon the 
bar, would ricochet its Columbiad shot and shell upon that 
point, so as to frighten off the launches; and then the 
blockade runners would venture out and take their chances 
of running the gauntlet of the blockading fleet. 

In this emergency, Commodore Lynch, commanding the 
Confederate fleet in the Cape Fear river, determined to raise 
the blockade off New Inlet, the favorite entrance of the 
blockade runners. 

The iron-clad ram Raleigh, already described, Lieuten- 
ant J. Pembroke Jones, commanding, and two small wood- 
en gun-boats, Yadkin and Equator, were chosen for the 
purpose. 

Our late townsman. Captain E. W. Manning, chief en- 
gineer of the station, and the late engineer Smith, C. S. N., 
of Fayetteville, were in charge of the machinery of the 
Raleigh. On the afternoon of May 6, 1864, the Commo- 
dore visited Fort Fisher, to take a reconnoissance, and ob- 
tain, as far as practicable, the co-operation of the fort. Sev- 
en vessels were at the anchorage at sundown; the Tuscaro- 
ra, Britannia, Nansemond, Howquah, Mount Vernon, Kan- 
sas and Niphon. He arranged a distinguishing signal for 
his vessels — a red light above a white one, so that they 
would not be fired upon by the fort. 

Fort Fisher had its sea-face guns manned after dark by 
experienced artillerists, and about eight o'clock the range 



37 

lights were set at the Mound and the Confederate flotilla 
put to sea. The commander of the fort, Colonel William 
Lamb, with some of his ofl&cers, repaired to the ramparts 
opposite the bar and awaited the result. 

Within thirty minutes after the vessels had disappeared 
from the vision of the anxious garrison, a few shots were 
heard from seaward, and some Coston blue lights were seen 
in the offing; then all was dark as Erebus and silent as the 
grave. 

Speculation was rife among the Confederates who manned 
the guns. Had the foe been dispersed or destroyed ? Why 
were no rockets sent up to announce a victory, to cheer the 
thousand hearts which beat with anxious hope within Fort 
Fisher? 

A long night of waiting was spent without any sign save 
the occasional twinkle of a distant light at sea. The gun- 
ners were relieved at midnight, but all continued dark and 
silent. 

At last day dawned, the breakers on the bar became vis- 
ible, the Raleigh and her consorts appeared; and then out- 
side of them, at long range, the enemy's fleet. Shots were 
exchanged after daylight between the combatants; one of 
the Federal vessels fired rapidly at the Raleigh, approach- 
ing as she fired, but, receiving a shot from the iron-clad 
through her smoke-stack, withdrew to a safer distance. 

Then the seven blockaders came closer to the Confeder- 
ate fleet, showing fight, and probably with the intention of 
trying to run the Raleigh down; but that vessel and her 
consorts headed for the fort and steamed slowly in, the en- 



38 

emy prudently keeping beyond the range of the guns of 
Fort Fisher. 

It was with great disappointment that the garrison saw 
the Raleigh, Yadkin and Equator come over the bar and 
under the guns of the fort, leaving the blockading squad- 
ron apparently unharmed. 

The Yadkin and Equator came safe into the river, but 
the Raleigh, after passing the mound and rounding Con- 
federate Point, grounded on the rip at the mouth of the riv- 
er. Efforts were made to lighten her and get her off, but 
the receding tide caused her to hog and break in two, on 
account of the heavy armor and, becoming a wreck, she sub- 
sequently sank and went to pieces. lyittle was saved from 
her, but the crew were not endangered, as the weather was 
calm. 

SMITHVILLE (SOUTHPORT.) 

The staid old village of Smithville, situated on the Cape 
Fear between Fort Fisher and Fort Caswell, but nearer the 
latter, was in those days the center of busy military life. It 
was named in 1792, in honour of its distinguished citizen, 
Governor Benjamin Smith, who had served in his youth as 
Aide-de-camp of Washington and who afterwards became one 
of the most noted philanthropists, patriots and statesmen of 
his time. The village had been previously called Fort John- 
stone, a fortification named for the Colonial Governor, Ga- 
briel Johnstone, having been erected there about the year 
1745 for the protection of the Cape Fear colony. 

By authority of the Legislature, the name was changed 
to Southport, and it is but justice to the people that this 



39 

apparent forgetfulness of their benefactor should be ex- 
plained. Shortly before this, a number of prospectors, 
claiming abundant means and influence, promised to build a 
road, to be known as the " South Atlantic and Northwestern 
Railroad, " in as direct a line as practicable from Smith- 
ville to Cincinnati; and suggested for the former a name 
more suitable for a commercial city. The towns folk were 
naturally filled with enthusiasm at the thought of the city 
which would arise at this terminus, and of the benefit to 
accrue to the whole State from the development of a deep 
water port. They more readily agreed to the change be- 
cause the University of North Carolina had built a monu- 
ment to Governor Smith in a building now used as a libra- 
ry, a more fitting tribute to his memory, they thought, than 
the name of an unimportant town. Now, after a lapse of 
fifteen years — the railroad having failed to materialize — 
they find themselves disappointed of all their hopes, and 
burdened with a meaningless name. 

PILOTS. 

This old military post with its obsolete guns was occu- 
pied by the N. C. State Troops at the beginning of the war, 
and was later strengthened by the Confederate engineers. 
Here was the headquarters of the Confederate General com- 
manding; and here were the houses and homes of about 60 
hardy pilots, whose humble sphere was suddenly exalted to 
one of dignity, — that of the most important and responsible 
ofl&cers of the swift blockade-running steamers, which 
braved the dangers of a hostile fleet and crept in every 
night under the cover of darkness. 



40 

The story of the wonderful nerve of these pilots in the 
time of the Federal blockade has never been fully written; 
because the survivors are modest men, and time has oblit- 
erated from their memories many incidents of this most ex- 
traordinary epoch of their lives. 

Amidst the impenetrable darkness, without lightship or 
beacon, the narrow and closely watched inlet was felt for 
with a deep-sea lead as a blind man feels his way along a 
familiar path; and often, when the enemy's fire was raking 
the wheel-house, the faithful pilot, with steady hand and 
iron nerve, would safely steer the little fugitive of the sea 
to her desired haven. It might be said of him, as it was 
told of the Nantucket skipper, that he could get his bear- 
ings on the darkest night by a taste of the deep-sea sound- 
ing lead. 

THE BLOCKADE RUNNERS. 

In the early stage of the war, blockade running was 
carried on in part by sailing vessels; for the blockade was 
not yet rigorous, and speed on the part of the venturesome 
had not become essential to success. The proclamation of 
the blockade had suspended legitimate commerce, and the 
owners of the cheap sailing craft which faced the extra 
hazard of war had, for a time, little to lose and much to 
gain in the venture. The inward cargoes were less valua- 
ble than those brought later by steam vessels, and they con- 
sisted of such necessary commodities as salt, sugar, molas- 
ses and other cheaper supplies. These cargoes were not then 
openly declared from neutral countries for a blockaded port, 
their ostensible destination being the markets of the North; 



41 

and when by chance an enterprising skipper suspiciously 
near the Carolina coast, was overhauled by a cruiser, he was 
always ready with a plausible story of adverse winds or 
false reckoning. For a time such cases were allowed to 
withdraw with a warning. In later months all suspicious 
craft detected in the act of approaching a blockaded port 
were seized in the name of the United States, and sent in 
ciiarge of a prize crew to a convenient Northern port for 
adjudication, which invariably resulted in their condemna- 
tion and sale. Attempts at re-capture were seldom made, 
precautions against such an event being always well taken; 
but there was an instance of rare heroism on the part of an 
obscure captain of a sailing vessel belonging to Charleston, 
which sent a thrill of emotion around the world wherever 
the story was told of the Emily St. Pierre and her brave 
commander. 

A HEROIC CAPTAIN RECAPTURES HIS SHIP. 

We learn from Chambers 'Journal that in November, 1861, 
the full-rig sailing ship Emily St. Pierre, William Wilson, 
master, sailed from Calcutta, India, for St. John, New Bruns- 
wick, with orders to call at Charleston, S. C, if that port 
was found open; but if it were blockaded, to proceed to the 
British port of St. John. The ship formerly hailed from 
Charleston, but when the war began was put under the 
British flag. Her nominal owners were Fraser, Trenholm 
& Co., Liverpool, who were also the agents of the Confed- 
erate Government. 

Upon approaching Charleston bar, twelve miles distant, 
on the morning of March 18, 1862, she was hailed by a 



42 

Federal cruiser, James Adger, and ordered to heave to; 
Captain Wilson, accordingly, hauled up his courses, backed 
his main yard, and lay to. He was immediately boarded 
by a naval lieutenant and a force of twenty marines, who 
demanded his papers. These showed an innocent cargo, 
2,000 bales of gunny bags, and her proper certificate of reg- 
istration as a British vessel. Captain Wilson demanded 
permission to proceed towards his destination, Charleston 
being evidently blockaded; this the naval oflEcer refused, and 
the two vessels proceeded to Charleston Roadstead, where 
at half past two Captain Wilson was ordered on board the 
flag ship of the blockading squadron, the Florida. Here 
he was kept for two hours in solitude and suspense; at the 
end of which Captain Goldsborough, the flag officer in- 
formed him that they had decided to seize the Emily St. 
Pierre, on the ground that the British certificate was not 
bona fide; that there were evidences that the ship was really 
of Charleston, and that the captain had not revealed his real 
intentions. Captain Wilson protested, but in vain; his crew 
was removed to the war ship, with the exception of the 
steward, named Matthew Montgomery, and the cook, a Ger- 
man named Louis Schelvin. The Emily St. Pierre was 
placed in charge of Lieutenant Stone of the United States 
Navy, a master's mate, an American engineer as passenger, 
and a prize crew of twelve men, with orders to proceed to 
Philadelphia for adjudication by the Admiralty Courts. 

Captain Wilson was permitted to go as passenger on the 
prize to Philadelphia. The moment that he stepped again 
on board his vessel, he formed the resolution to recapture 
her and take her home. He was bold enough to think 



43 

that it might be possible to recapture the ship, even against 
such odds. An unarmed man, aided by the questionable 
support of an Irish steward and a German cook, was prac- 
tically powerless against the fifteen of the crew. On the 
other hand, Captain Wilson was a brawny, big-framed 
Scotchman, (a native of Dunfrieshire), a thorough seaman, 
determined in resolve, cool and prompt in action. He 
called the steward and cook to him in his stateroom, and 
disclosed the wild project he had formed. Both manfully 
promised to stand by their chief. This was at half past four 
on the morning of the 3ist of March, the third day out 
from Charleston. Captain Wilson had already formed his 
plan of operations, and had prepared to a certain extent for 
carrying it out. With the promise of the cook and stew- 
ard secured, he lost no time; gave them no chance for their 
courage to evaporate, but proceeded at once, in the dark- 
ness and silence of the night, to carry out his desperate un- 
dertaking. He was prepared to lose his life or have his 
ship; this was the simple alternative. It was I<ieutenant 
Stone's watch on deck, and the master's mate was asleep 
in his berth. The Scotch Captain went into the berth, 
handed out the mate's sword and revolvers, clapped a gag 
made of a piece of wood and some marline between his teeth, 
seized his hands, which Montgomery, the steward, quickly 
ironed, and so left him secure. The lieutenant paced the 
deck, undisturbed by a sound. Quickly another stateroom 
was entered, where the American engineer lay asleep. He, 
also, was gagged and ironed, silently and without distur- 
bance. His revolvers and those already secured were given 
to 'the steward and the cook, who remained below in the 



44 

cabin. Captain Wilson went on deck. Lieutenant Stone 
was still pacing the deck, and the watch consisted of one 
man at the helm, one at the lookout on the forecastle, and 
three others who were about the ship. For ten minutes 
Captain Wilson walked up and down, remarking on the 
fair wind, and making believe that he had just turned out. 
The ship was off Cape Hatteras, midway of their journey 
between Charleston and Philadelphia, the most easterly 
projection of the land on that coast. The difiScult naviga- 
tion thereabouts, with the cross-currents and a tendency to 
fogs, afforded the two captains subject for talk. 

' Let her go free a bit. Captain Stone; you are too close to 
the Cape, I tell you, and I know.' 

' We have plenty of offing,' replied the lieutenant; and 
then to helmsman: ' How's her head ?' 

' North-east by east, sir,' came the reply. 

' Keep her so ; I tell you it is right,' said the lieutenant. 

'Well, of course, I'm not responsible now, but I'm an 
older sailor than you, Captain Stone, and I tell you, if you 
want to clear Cape Hatteras, another two points east will 
do no harm. Do but look at my chart; I left it open on 
the cabin table. And the coffee will be ready,' and Cap- 
tain Wilson led the way from the poop to the cabin, fol- 
lowed by the commander. 

"There was a passage about five yards long leading from 
the deck to the cabin, a door at either end. The Captain 
stopped at the first door, closing it, and picking from be- 
hind it an iron belaying -pin which he had placed there. 
The younger man went forward to the cabin, where the 
chart lay upon the table. ' Stone ! ' He turned at the sud- 



45 

den peremptory exclamation of his name. His arm upraised, 
the heavy iron bolt in his hand, in low but hard, eager, 
quick words, the captain said : ' My ship shall never go to 
Philadelphia! ' He did not strike, it was unnecessary. 
Montgomery had thrust the gag into the young lieutenant's 
mouth; he was bound hand and foot, bundled into a berth, 
and the door locked. Three out of fifteen were thus dis- 
posed of. There were still the watch on deck and the 
L watch below. Coming on deck from the cabin Captain 
^ Wilson called to the three men who were about, and point- 
ing to a heavy coil of rope in the lazaret, ordered them to 
get it up at once — Lieutenant Stone's orders. They jumped 
down without demur, suspecting nothing, as soon as the 
Captain shoved the hatch aside. They were no sooner in 
than he quickly replaced and fastened the hatch. The 
three were securely trapped, in full view of the helmsman, 
whose sailor's instinct kept him in his place at the wheel. 
' If you utter a sound or make a move,' said the Captain, 
showing a revolver, 'I'll blow your brains out; ' and then 
he called aft the lookout man, the last of the watch on 
deck. The man came aft. Would he help to navigate the 
ship to England ? No, he would not, he was an Ameri- 
can. Then, would he call the watch ? He would do that. 
And eagerly he did it, but the next moment he was laid 
low on deck and bundled unceremoniously into the lazaret 
with his three companions; the hatchway was replaced and 
secured. Captain Wilson standing on guard. Meanwhile 
the watch below had been called and were astir. When 
sailors tumble out they generally do so gradually and by 
, twos and threes. The first two that came aft were quickly 



46 

overpowered, one at a time, and bound. The third man 
drew his knife and dashed at the steward, who fired, wound- 
ing- him severely in the shoulder. It was the only shot 
that was fired. Finding that the cook and steward, and Cap. 
tain were all armed, the rest of the watch below quietly sur- 
rendered, and submitted to be locked in the round house, 
prisoners of the bold and resolute man, who, in the course 
of an hour had thus regained possession of his ship against 
overwhelming odds. For England ! Yes, homeward bound 
in an unseaworthy ship; for a ship that is undermanned is un- 
sea worthy to the last degree. It is worse than overloading. 
And here was our brave captain, three thousand miles from 
home, calmly altering the course the few points eastward 
he had recommended to the Lieutenant; homeward bound 
for England, his crew, a steward and a cook ! Neither 
could steer, nor hand, nor reef. Brave-hearted Matthew 
Montgomery, the Irish steward, honest Louis Schelvin, the 
German cook, now is the time to show what savour of sea- 
manship you have picked up amongst your pots and pans 
of the galley and the pantry! The first step was to wash 
and bandage the wounded shoulder of the man who was 
shot; the next, to put all the prisoners in the round house 
under lock and key. The Lieutenant was admitted to the 
captain's table under guard and on parole. The meal over, 
he was ushered into his stateroom and locked in. Once a 
day only — for the captain is captain and crew combined — 
bread and beef and water were passed to the prisoners in 
the round house; no more attention than was absolutely 
necessary could be spared to them. 

Homeward bound ! Captain Wilson had overcome his 



47 

captors: could he overcome the elements ? The glass was 
falling, the wind was rising, threatening a gale. The reef- 
tackles were passed to the capstan, so that one man's 
strength could haul them. Then the wheel was resigned 
to the Irish steward and the German cook, whilst the Cap- 
tain had to lie aloft and tie the reef-points; ever and anon 
casting a look behind and signalling to his faithful men 
how to move the wheel. Hours of hard work, fearful anx- 
iety, before all is made snug to meet the fury of the com- 
ing storm. ' All is right at last, ' thought the Captain, ' if 
everything holds.' Yes, if — . Everything did not hold. The 
tiller was carried away in the midst of the gale, and Capt. 
Wilson, brave heart as he was, felt the sadness of despair. 
He had been keeping watch day and night without inter- 
mission for many days, snatching an hour's sleep at inter- 
vals, torn with anxiety, wearied with work. It was but a 
passing faintness of the heart. The ship rolled and tossed, 
helmless, at the mercy of the sea. For twelve hours he 
wrought to rig up a jury- rudder, and at last, lifting up his 
heart in gratitude, for the second time he snatched his ship 
out of the hands of destruction; for the second time he 
could inform Lieutenant Stone that he was in command of 
his own ship. No longer was the ship buffeted at the 
mercy of the wild winds and the cruel Atlantic rollers, but 
her course was laid true and her head was straight — for 
England. For thirty days they sailed with westerly gales 
behind them. They made the land in safety, and the code 
signal was hoisted as they passed up the Channel. On the 
morning of the 2ist of 'April, exactly one month since her 
course was altered off Cape Hatteras, the Emily St. Pierre 



4« 

threaded the devious channels which lead into the broad 
estuary of the Mersey; the anchor fell with a plunge and an 
eager rattle of the leaping cable, and the ship rode stately 
on the rushing tide. Much was made of Captain Wilson 
during the next few weeks. All England rang with ap- 
plause of his brave exploit. Meetings were convened, pre- 
sentations were made, speeches were delivered, to an ex- 
tent that might have turned the head of a less simple and 
true-hearted man. Large sums of money were subscribed, 
of which plucky Matthew Montgomery and honest Lewis 
Schelvin, the cook, got their share. But probably the hap- 
piest and proudest moment of his life was when the Cap- 
tain stood on deck on the day of arrival — his wife by 
his side, and near her the owner of the ship, Charles K. 
Prioleau, of Fraser, Trenholm & Co., — whilst he narrated 
in simple words the story of his exploit. His big beard was 
torn and ragged, his eyes bloodshot with weariness and 
lack of sleep, his face haggard, weather-beaten and drawn; 
but he was a man of whom all Britain was proud — a man 
to inspire her with the faith that the race of heroes does 
not die. " 

THE KATE'S ADVENTURE. 

In the spring of the year 1862, the Confederate Govern- 
ment, desiring to arrange for the importation of supplies 
for the War Department, and finding the principal ports of 
the South Atlantic Coast so well guarded by the blocka- 
ders that the new undertaking of blockade running was 
then considered extra hazardous, decided to use the small- 
er inlets, which were less carefully watched by the enemy; 



49 

and dispatched the steamer Kate from Nassau with a car- 
go of ammunition to Smyrna, Fla., where an entrance was 
safely effected by that vessel, and the cargo immediately 
discharged and transported across the country to a place of 
safety. 

The Kate was commanded by Captain Thos. J. Lock- 
wood, of Smithville, on Cape Fear river, who was well 
known to our older pilots and seafaring people as a man of 
very superior skill and seamanship, and thoroughly famil- 
iar with the bars and inlets along the Southern coast. 

A second voyage by the Kate had been completed, and 
the cargo successfully discharged and transported, before 
the movement was made known to the blockading squad- 
ron; but while the Kate was waiting for the return of Cap- 
tain Lock wood from Charleston, whither he had proceeded 
to bring his family to the ship at Smyrna Inlet, a Federal 
man-of-war discovered her hiding place, which forced the 
chief officer cf the Kate to proceed to sea at once, leaving 
the Captain behind. The Federal cruiser landed a boat's 
crew, and burned the house of Mr. Sheldon, the pilot who 
had assisted in bringing the Kate to an anchorage, shortly 
after which. Captain Lockwood arrived with his family, to 
find that the ship had already departed. Mr. Sheldon, 
however, furnished him with an ordinary whale boat, which 
had escaped the scrutiny of the Federal man-of-war's men, 
and Captain Lockwood at once determined to undertake 
the voyage with his family in this frail craft, and overtake 
the Kate at Nassau. The boat was only i6 feet long, and 
not at all well found for such a perilous voyage. 

After a short delay, the Captain, his brave wife, their two 



50 

children and a hired boy, found themselves safe over the 
bar and headed for the Bahamas. The following account 
of this remarkable voyage was written by Mrs. Ivockwood, 
and has been kindly furnished by her brother, Mr. McDou- 
gal: 

" After the baggage was safe on board, I was carried in 
a man's arms through the surf and placed in the boat, and 
we started over the sea in our frail little craft. A few yards 
from shore we discovered that she was sinking, but turned 
back in time to reach the beach, to which I was again trans- 
ferred just as the boat went down. With some difficulty 
she was recovered, when it was found that the plug had 
come out of the bottom while drawing the boat over the 
beach. We soon found a remedy for this trouble, and pro- 
ceeded to cross the gulf. On the following morning, the 
•wind blew a gale. The waves dashed high over us all day, 
while the wind increased in fury. For fifteen hours we 
waited and prayed, thinking that every moment would be 
our last. About five o'clock in the evening, we discovered 
a reef, and steered along the rocks to find an opening, so 
that we might cross the line of breakers and get into calm 
water. Oakie told us to sit still and hold fast to the boat, 
as we must go over the rocks or sink. As each enormous 
wave came towards us it seemed to reach the sky and break 
over our frail craft, deluging us with water. For several 
moments in succession I would sit under these huge waves 
holding on with one hand and clasping my baby with the 
other. Breaker after breaker burst over us, and at the same 
time lifted the boat farther and farther on to the rocks, un- 
til at last we were plunged ahead into the smooth water of 



51 

the bay beyond. By some means, I cannot tell how, we 
reached one of the vessels lying at anchor, when they lifted 
ns all on board and carried us into the cabin. We could 
not walk for cold and cramp. On Sunday, the 23rd, the 
schooner upon which we had taken refuge sailed for Nas- 
sau, and on Monday we were landed on Blbow Cay, one of 
the Bahama Islands, the wind not being favorable for us to 
continue further that day. On the 25th, with a fair wind, 
we again proceeded towards Nassau, and arrived on Wed- 
nesday, after being three weeks on the journey from Charles- 
ton. " 

Mr. McDougal adds to this journal, that he was then 
chief engineer of the steamer Kate, of 500 tons, in the 
Gulf Stream, about 150 miles from where Captain Lock- 
wood was cruising in a little boat; and that the gale was so 
severe that this large vessel was obliged to lie to, and suf- 
fered considerable damage in consequence of the severity 
of the storm, and that it seems a miracle that a small boat 
like Captain Lockwood's should have lived through such a 
fearful gale. 

FAMOUS BLOCKADE RUNNERS* 

In the second stage of blockade running, when steam 
was at a premium, a number of walking-beam boats of ex- 
eellent speed, which had plied regularly between Southern 
ports and which had been laid up since the proclamation, 
were bought by Southern business men, who became prom- 
inent in blockade running; and, after the removal of pass- 
enger cabins and conspicuous top hamper, they were placed 
in this dangerous traffic. Of these may be mentioned the 



52 

steamer Kate, previously known as the Carolina, upon tbie 
line between Charleston and Palatka; the Gordon which was 
bnilt to run between Charleston and Savannah; also the Nina, 
Seabrook, Clinch, and Cecile, which had also plied on the 
same line. The Cecile, loaded in Nassau with a cargo of 
powder, rifles, and stores for General Albert Sidney John- 
ston's army at Shiloh, struck a sunken rock off the Florida 
coast, and went to the bottom in ten minutes. The officers 
and crew escaped. 

Two steamers which formerly ran between New Orleans 
and Galveston became prominent as Cape Fear blockade 
runners; the Atlantic, re^named the Elizabeth, and the 
Austin, which became the famous Confederate steamer Ella 
and Annie. In the early morning oi November 9th, 1863, 
the Ella and Annie, under command of Captain F. N. Bon- 
neau, of Charleston, was intercepted off New Inlet, near 
Masonboro Sound, by the United States steamer Niphon, 
which attempted to press her ashore. Several other cruis- 
ers preventing the escape of the Ella and Annie, Captain 
Bonneau at once resolved upon the desperate expedient of 
running the Niphon down. He accordingly ran his ship 
at reckless speed straight at the war vessel, and struck it 
with great force, carrying away the bowsprit and stem and 
wounding three of the men. The Niphon, by quick move- 
ment, avoided the full effect of the blow, and fired all her star- 
board guns into the Ella and Annie, wounding four of her 
men. As soon as the vessels came together the Niphon 
carried the Ella and Annie by boarding, and made her a 
prize. She afterwards became the United States flag ship 
Malvern. 



53 

The Governor Dudley, of the Wilmington and Charles- 
ton route before the completion of the Wilmington & Man- 
chester Railroad, which had been put on the summer run 
between Charleston and Havana prior to the war, made one 
or two sucessful voyages through the blockade to Nassau. 

A Nassau correspondent to the New York Times wrote 
on February 15th, 1862, that ''on Tuesday last, nth Feb., 
1862, the old steamer Governor Dudley arrived from 
Charleston with 400 bales of cotton. The captain, fearing 
the cotton would go North if sold here, refused to take any 
price for it. After taking out a British register and chang- 
ing her name to the Nellie, he left for Havana with a Nas- 
sau pilot on board to carry him across the (Bahama) Banks. 
He intends taking a return cargo to Charleston, and ex- 
pects to be back here in about a month with more cotton. 
The Nellie is an old boat, nearly used up both in hull and 
machinery. Her speed is not over 8 or 10 knots, with a full 
head of steam." The other boats formerly comprising 
the Wilmington and Charleston line were probably too 
old for blockade running service. The Wilmington was 
sold to run on the river and gulf of St. Laurence. The 
Gladiator went to Philadelphia, and the Vanderbilt, hav- 
ing been sold to New Orleans, foundered in the Gulf of 
Mexico while running the blockade. 

Another old friend, of the New York and Wilmington 
line, which was managed here by the late Edwin A. 
Keith, the North Carolina, rendered an important service to 
the Confederate Government by carrying through the 
blockade, as a passenger, the distinguished Captain James 
D. Bulloch, Naval Representative of the Confederacy in 



54 

Europe during the war between the States. On Feb. the 5th, 
1862, she completed the loading of a cargo of cotton, rosin 
and tobacco at Wilmington, under her new name, Annie 
Childs, and proceeded through the blockade by the main 
bar, arriving at Liverpool via Fayal, Madeira, and Queens- 
town, Ireland, early in March. Her supply of coal was 
quite exhausted when she sighted Queenstown, and she 
barely reached that port of call by burning part of her ros- 
in cargo with spare spars cut into short lengths. Captain 
Bulloch said that she was badly found for so long a voyage, 
but she weathered a heavy north-west gale, and proved her- 
self to be a fine sea boat. I am informed that she returned 
to other successful ventures in blockade running under the 
name of Victory. 

The fleet of runners was augmented by other old fash- 
ioned steamers, partly from Northern ports, bought by for- 
eigners and sent via neutral ports, where they went through 
the process of "whitewashing," a change of name, owner- 
ship, registry and flag. A much greater number, however, 
came from abroad; a few of these formerly having been fast 
mail boats, but the majority freighters on short routes in Eu- 
rope, bought at big prices for eage: speculators, who were 
tempted by the enormous profits of blockade running. 

A few of those of the better class became famous, as the 
North Carolina steamer Advance, before known as the 
Lord Clyde; the Confederate steamer, R. E. Lee, formerly 
the Giraffe; and the Lady Davis, previously the Cornubia. 
Some of the others were the Alice, Fannie, Brittania, Em- 
ma, Pet, Sirius, Orion, Antonica, Hansa, Calypso, Duoro, 
Thistle, Scotia, City of Petersburg, Old Dominion, Index, 



55 

Caledonia, Dolphin, Georgiana McCaw, Modern Greece, 
Ella, Hebe, Dee, Wave Queen, Granite City, Stonewall 
Jackson, Victory, Flora, Beauregard, Ruby, Margaret and 
Jessie, Eagle, Gertrude, Charleston, Banshee, Minna and 
Eugenie, which were more or less successful. 

The beach for miles north and south of Bald Head is 
marked still by the melancholy wrecks of swift and grace- 
ful steamers which had been employed in this perilous en- 
terprise. Some of the hundred vessels engaged in this 
traffic ran between Wilmington and the West Indies with 
the regularity of mail boats, and some, even of the slowest 
speed, — the Pet, for instance — eluding the vigilance of the 
Federal fleet, passed unscathed twenty, thirty and forty 
times, making millions for the fortunate owners. One lit- 
tle beauty, the Siren, a fast boat, numbered nearly fifty 
voyages. The success of these ships depended, of course, 
in a great measure upon the skill and coolness of their com- 
manders and pilots. It is noteworthy that those in charge 
of Confederate naval officers were, with one exception, nev- 
er taken; but many were captured, sunk or otherwise lost, 
through no fault of the brave fellows who commanded them. 
The Beauregard and the Venus lie stranded on Carolina 
Beach; the Modern Greece, near New Inlet; the Antonica, 
on Frying Pan Shoals; the Ella, on Bald Head; the Spunky 
and the Georgiana McCaw, on Caswell Beach; the Hebe and 
the Dee, between Wrightsville and Masonboro. Two oth- 
ers lie near lyockwood's Folly bar; and others, whose names 
are forgotten, are half buried in the sands, where they may 
remain for centuries to come. After a heavy storm on the 
coast, the summer residents on Carolina Beach and at Ma- 



56 

sonboro Sound have occasionally picked up along the shore 
some interesting relics of blockade times, which the heav- 
ing ocean has broken from the buried cargoes of the Beau- 
regard, Venus, Hebe and Dee. Tallow candles, Nassau 
bacon, soldiers' shoes, and other wreckage, comprise in part 
this flotsam yielded up by Neptune after nearly forty years' 
soaking in the sea. 

The Venus was commanded by a prominent officer of the 
Royal Navy on leave of absence. Captain Murray-Aynsley, 
known by blockade runners as Captain Murray. He is now 
an admiral in the British Navy on the retiied list. He 
was a great favourite with the prominent people, and es- 
pecially with Colonel I<amb, of Fort Fisher, whose descrip- 
tion of the veteran naval officer on the bridge of the Ve- 
nus, running through the Federal fleet in broad daylight, 
hotly pursued by the enemy, with coat sleeves rolled up to his 
arm pits, but cool and defiant, is well worth recording. 

The loss of the Georgiana McCaw is associated with a 
horrible crime — the murder of her pilot. When the ship 
was beached under the fire of the blockaders, Mr. Thomas 
Dyer did not go with the retreating crew who sought safety 
ashore; he seems to have been left behind in the rush. It 
was known that he had a large amount of money in gold 
on board, and was thought that he remained to secure it. 
A boat returned for him, but found his bloody corpse, in- 
stead. His skull was crushed as by a blow from behind; 
there was no money on his person. Another man was 
found on board, but unhurt, who professed ignorance of his 
fellow. This person was the watchman, and it is said he 
carried ashore a large amount of money. He was arrested 



57 

on suspicion, but there was no proof. He still lives on the 
river, but the cause of poor Dyer's death will probably nev- 
er be known until the Great Assize. 

Examples of dash and daring on the part of noted Cape 
Fear blockade runners in this phase of their history could 
be multiplied, if the limited scope of this paper would per- 
mit of their narration; instances so thrilling that they still 
stir one's blood to recall them after an interval of nearly 
forty years. I shall, therefore, select from memory and 
from published accounts of others, whom I remember as 
participants, only a few exploits of the second and third 
years of the war; and, finally, some illustrations of the clos- 
ing scenes, when only one venture in a dozen was success- 
ful, and when the multiplied arms of the new navy, like 
the deadly tentacles of the octopus, reached into every hid- 
ing place of these hunted fugitives of the sea, and gradu- 
ally brought to an end this wonderful epoch in our com- 
mercial history. 

A CLOSE CALL* 

The following interesting narrative, which is true in ail 
its details, was told to the writer by Mr. George C. Mc- 
Dougal, of Rosindale, N. C, who, by a clever expedient, kept 
out of Fort LaFayette, and made some forty voyages as chief 
engineer in the little steamer Siren before his former ship- 
mates were released : 

"The well known blockade-running steamer Margaret 
and Jessie left Nassau deeply laden for Wilmington, and 
made a good run acro.ss to the North Carolina coast. About 
1 3. GO meridian she was in the latitude of New Inlet, and she 



58 

ran on the western edge of the Gulf Stream until sundown, 
when she headed for the beach and made land to the north- 
ward of the blockading fleet of the Cape Fear. While track- 
ing down the beach, one of the cruisers sighted us, and sent 
up rockets, which made it necessary for us to run the re- 
mainder of the distance under fire from the whole line of the 
blockaders. Just as we got the lights in range at the Inlet 
and were about to head the ship over the bar, we distin- 
guished a gunboat anchored in the channel under cover of 
the wrecked steamer Arabian. We immediately put the 
ship about, and, with the whole fleet trailing after us, ran 
off shore. At daylight none of our followers were in sight, 
but away off shore to the southward we sighted the armed 
transport Fulton; and as we could not cross her bow, Capt. 
Robert Lockwood, who commanded our ship, hauled to the 
northward and eastward, unfortunately driving us across 
the bows of all the cruisers which had run off shore in 
chase. We had to run the fire of five of these war ships as 
we crossed their bows and dropped them astern. During 
all this time, the Fulton kept the weather gauge of us; and 
after a hard day's chase from New Inlet to Hatteras, we 
were at last compelled to surrender late in the afternoon; as 
the Fulton seemed determined to run us down, there being 
hardly a cable's length between us when we hove to and 
stopped the engines. Before doing this, however, we were 
careful to throw the mail bags, government dispatches and 
ship's papers into the furnace of the fire room, where they 
were quickly consumed. 

"While our ship's company was being transferred to the 
Fulton, the United States Steamer Keystone State and two 



59 

other cruisers came up, and sent several boats' crews aboard 
the Margaret and Jessie, who looted her of all the silver, 
cutlery, glassware, cabin furniture, table cloths and nap- 
kins — doubtless, everything they could carry off in their 
boats. The Fulton, having sent a prize crew on board, took 
us in tow for New York, where, immediately on our arri- 
val, we were confined in Ludlow street jail. Two days af- 
ter, the of&cers and crew of the blockade runner Ella and 
Annie were brought in, she having been captured off Wil- 
mington after a desperate resistance by her brave command- 
er, Captain Bonneau. During our incarceration we were 
visited frequently by Deputy United States Marshals, who 
tried to identify some of us, suspected of holding commis- 
sions in the Confederate service and of being regularly en- 
gaged in blockade running as distinguished from those less 
harmful members of the crew who would be only too glad to 
abandon further attempts on regaining their liberty. These 
officers were immediately assailed with questions from all 
quarters. 'What are you going to do with us here ?' 'Are 
you going to let us out ?' to which they would respond, 
*we cannot tell — the crew lists have been sent to Washing- 
ton for inspection ; you will have to wait until they are re- 
turned.' We were kept in this state of suspense for about 
three weeks, when a squad of Deputy Marshals came to the 
Jail and mustered the entire company. We soon ascertained 
that the crew lists had come from Washington, and that we 
were to go down to the Marshals' office, where the names 
of those who were to be released were to be called out, and 
the unfortunate ones remaining prepared for a long term 
of imprisonment at one of the well known, prison pens so 



60 

dreaded by those who afterwards realized all their horrors. 
We were, accordingly, marched down to the Marshals' 
headquarters in Burton's old theatre, on Chambers street, 
opposite the City Hall Park, where we were ordered to se- 
lect our baggage and prepare to be searched for contraband 
articles. Tlie entire office force of clerks ha(d been drawn 
from their desks by curiosity to the other end of the large 
room, where the inspection was going on; and while my 
baggage was being examined by an officer I asked him if 
he knew who were to be released; to which he replied that 
he did not know, but that the list of those who would be 
released could be found in a large book on that desk, point- 
ing with his finger to the other end of the room. When 
his inspection was completed I asked if I might go and 
read the names, to satisfy my curiosity. He said there 
could be no harm in doing so, and asked if I could read. I 
said. Yes, that I thought I could make out the names. 
Whereupon I walked with forced indifference to the desk, 
and found a big journal laid open upon it, containing the 
names of the men belonging to the Ella and Annie's crew 
who were to be discharged. This did not interest me; and 
looking further down I saw, also, the names of those of my 
own ship who were to be released, but from the top to the 
bottom there was no George C. McDougal. You may de- 
pend upon it, I felt very sad as Fort LaFayette loomed up 
in all its dreariness. My case was, indeed, hopeless. Look- 
ing furtively over my shoulder, I saw that the desk was so 
placed that my back shielded me from the eyes of the mar- 
shals at the moment, and also that the officers and clerks 
were very busy seeing what they could confiscate, each man 



61 

for himself, out of the baggage of the unfortunate prison- 
ers; and, feeling that no worse fate could overtake me, I 
slipped my hand cautiously along the desk, took up a pen, 
and imitating as closely as possible the character of the 
writing before me, inscribed my own name at the bottom 
of the list, and immediately returned to the crowd at the 
other end of the room. The Deputy asked me if I saw my 
name, to which I promptly responded, 'Yes.' *Then you are 
all right,' said he, 'and will be turned out to-night.' Short- 
ly afterwards, we were marched off to a neighboring place, 
to get our supper at the expense of Uncle Sam, after which 
the Chief Marshal and Judge Beebe appeared, and in due 
form separated those who were to be released from the un- 
fortunate ones remaining. I waited, with feelings that can 
be imagined better than they can be described, as the names 
were read; and at last my own name was called without the 
detection of my expedient, which was, doubtless, owing to 
the fact that the room was badly lighted and darkness had 
already set in. Promptly responding to my name, I at once 
passed out into the night, leaving my commander, Captain 
Robert Lock wood, the Wilmington pilot, Mr. Charles Craig, 
and Billy Willington, our engineer, and several others of the 
Margaret and Jessie who, together with Captain Frank 
Bonneau, his Wilmington pilot, and his chief engineer, Al- 
exander I^aurence, were sent to Fort I^aFayette, where 
they remained until about the end of the war. 

" It may be interesting in this connection to recall the in- 
cident that led to the capture of the Ella and Annie, through 
the same gunboat's being anchored in the channel. Instead 
of turning backward and running out to sea,«as we did, 



62 

Captain Bonneau kept on his course, ordering his engineer 
to throw his throttle wide open and leave the engine room 
immediately, his intention being to run down the gunboat 
and take the consequences. The two ships came together 
with a frightful crash, and as they swung around, side by 
side, the gunboat got out lashings, and her boarders swarmed 
upon the Ella and Annie, and, after a sharp resistance, suc- 
ceeded in taking possession of her. The Ella and Annie's 
crew was sent to New York, and the gunboat Nyphon, in 
a badly damaged condition, was sent to the Norfolk navy 
yard to be docked, as it was difficult to keep her afloat, ow- 
ing to the effects of the collision. On Colonel Lamb's be- 
ing asked subsequently to drive the gunboat out of the 
channel, he replied that it was impossible to do so, as she 
came in after dark and anchored under shelter of the wreck 
referred to and he could not get the range until the moon 
rose, when, of course, the gunboat steamed out to sea, the 
channel being no longer of any use to the blockade runners.'' 

A NOTED ENGINEER. 

John Niemyer, an old and trusted locomotive engineer 
on the Atlantic Coast Line had been reading the writer's 
tales of the blockade in the Southport Leader with much 
interest, having himself served as one of the engineers of 
that remarkable boat, the Siren, which ran between Wil- 
mington, Charleston and West Indies continuously for near- 
ly two years of the war, with the regularity of a mail boat 
in time of peace. I repeatedly asked him for a blockade 
runner's yarn; and he gave me the following true story of 



63 

a true man, which I shall put, as nearly as possible, in Mr. 
Niemyer's own words : 

" I see you have been writing some stories about George 
C. McDougal, who was chief of the Siren. Why, he ought 
to have been captain, as well^as chief engineer of that boat. 
He wasn't what you might call a scientific navigator, but 
he knew more about the ins and outs of blockade running, 
most likely, than any other man in the fleet. For years be- 
fore the Wilmington, Columbia and Augusta Railroad was 
built, he had served as chief engineer of the steamboats 
plying between Wilmington and Charleston; and he knew 
every landmark ashore, and every hump and hollow under 
the water up and down the coast, from Hatteras to St. Au- 
gustine. He could tell the position of the ship by the rev- 
olutions of the engine nearly as accurately as our navigat- 
ing officer with his sextant, chronometer and logarithms; 
and as for the bottom on a deep-sea lead, he was what you 
might call a specialist. 

" The little Siren was an enchantress, sure enough. She 
didn't sing any, because we had to keep her very quiet. She 
must have hypnotized the Yankees, however, as they were 
never able to touch her. She was at first commanded by 
an Englishman, who dreaded the coast as the devil does ho- 
ly water, and, when he fetched soundings, was always for 
running off again. On one occasion he made a bad land 
fall, and fearing he would get aground by following the 
beach, decided to run out to sea. The Boss, as we called 
McDougal, at once protested against such folly, which he 
said would surely lead to greater danger than if we contin- 
ued towards Wilmington; besides which, the ship was short 



64 

of coal, and could not possibly keep steam for more than 
twelve or fifteen hours longer. The captain, who was a 
deep-water navigator, refused to listen to him, however, 
and persisted in changing the course of the ship; where- 
upon McDougal quietly said that he felt it his duty under 
the circumstances to take the ship into his own hands, and 
that if the captain persisted in thus wilfully risking the 
property of the owners and endangering the lives of all on 
board, he must take the consequences, as the Siren was 
bound to go into Wilmington that night, and no where else. 
The captain insisted that McDougal's proposal was con- 
trary to all rules of navigation; but finding that his engi- 
neer was in earnest, and could easily command all the men 
on board, having their full confidence, he at last agreed, 
and, following the engineer's suggestions and having an ex- 
cellent pilot, succeeded in making the harbor in safety. 

*' Captain J. Pembroke Jones, who was a passenger on 
board, at once sent ashore for his brother, in command at 
Fort Caswell, and there was quite a jollification in the cabin 
that night. Our captain had a good deal to say about his 
skill in bringing the ship into port, but he utterly failed to 
mention the part that his plucky engineer had taken, and 
McDougal was not a man to boast of his own exploits. 

" But I started to tell you another story about the Si- 
ren and McDougal. We had successfully run the block- 
ade and arrived at Nassau, where we immediately discharged 
and re-loaded. Between one and two o'clock p. m., the Si- 
ren got under way, and crossing the bar at Nassau headed 
up the northeast channel, bound for Wilmington. She was 
commanded on this occasion by Captain R , a remark- 



65 

ably skillful navigator, but without any nerve in time of 
danger. It was his habit, whenever he got into a tight 
place, to leave the bridge and shut himself up in his cabin 
and trust to luck,-ivhich meant McDougal; for the latter 
generally took charge of the ship at once, and, with the as- 
sistance of a good man who was chief officer, always man- 
aged to get the boat out of difficulty, when R would 

again assume command. 

" On this occasion the weather was fair, and the sea as 
smooth as a pond. While we were tracking along Egg 
Island reef, which is a long, narrow shoal with shallow wa- 
ter inside, a Federal gunboat shot out from under the east- 
ern end of the reef and headed for us. This was clearly 
contrary to international law, being within the limit of 
British jurisdiction ; but it is a well known fact that the 
Federal blockading and cruising fleets had positive orders, 
after the second year of the war, to seize all suspicious ves- 
sels, no matter where found; and, if a foreign government 
set up a reasonable claim, to pay it without demur, the 
United States Government having determined that it was 
better to pay for such vessels than to permit them to reach 
the Confederacy. We knew as well as they did that we were 
within the dominion of a British province. We also knew 
that this would not deter the Yankees from picking us up, 
if there were no British men-of-war in sight; and there was 
nothing for us to do, under the circumstances, but 'bout 
ship and run back for Nassau, which, in our position, ap- 
peared to be an impossibility. The little Siren was han- 
dicapped by a heavy cargo, and the gunboat gained on us 
rapidly. As soon as it became evident that we could not 



66 

fetch Nassau, our pursuer opened fire upon us, under which 
our discomfited captain left the bridge, and took shelter in 
the cabin; and the first assistant engineer, Barbot, at once 
sung out to me, 'Niemyer, where' s the Boss?' 'In his 
room, asleep,' said I. ' Rout him out quickly, then, and 
tell him the Yankee is after us, is gaining rapidly, and has 
range of us, and the captain has left the deck.' I immedi- 
ately ran to the chief's room and repeated Barbot's order, 
but before I could finish it the Boss was out on deck in 
his stocking feet; he took a quick look over the stern at the 
gunboat, another over the port side at the rocky and treach- 
erous bottom which was clearly visible through the trans- 
parent water; then with half a dozen jumps, was on the 
bridge. I followed to see the outcome. He immediately 
hustled the Bahama pilot onto the paddle box with the or- 
der, 'Into the current immediately!' The pilot saw the 
danger of such a movement, which meant that the ship 
must run inside the reef and take the chances of getting 
out. He saw also that it was the only opportunity of es- 
cape, and he lost no time in following his instructions. The 
Boss then cried to Mr. Habnicht, our chief oflScer, who was 
a splendid seaman: 'Jump to the wheel, Mr. Habnicht. This 
is no child's play; we must make the most of it.' I then 
walked over to McDougal, and, touching him on the^ 
shoulder, pointed to a shell which was just bursting over us. 
He said, 'Don't bother about shells, but look to the water ; 
if we strike one of those rocks, it will tear the whole bot- 
out of the ship.' I did look, and seeing the ugly rocks un- 
der the clear green water over which we were rushing at 
full speed, thought no more about the shells, but of the oth- 



67 

er dangers surrounding us. When the gunboat saw us go 
in among the rocks, she fired a parting shot, and, having 
put about the ship, went back to the channel. I went be- 
low on duty, and soon got orders from the bridge, 'Stand by 
your engines'! and, at intervals, 'Slow down!' 'Stop!' 'Two 
turns back!' Then came the splash and rattle of the chain, 
and we were at anchor. 

" On returning to the deck I found that we were lying 
in the prettiest harbor I ever saw, which probably never 
before embraced a ship of half our size. Our chief officer 
immediately sent a man aloft with the best glass in the 
ship, with orders not to lose sight of the gunboat; then or- 
dered supper, with 'Be quick about it.' McDougal said to 
his first assistant, 'Barbot, get your fires in good trim, with 
plenty of coarse coal on the fire room plates. We have got 
to race for it to-night.' Shortly afterwards the mate went 
aloft to relieve the man in the cross-trees, and saw that the 
cruiser was playing off and on at the end of the reef, wait- 
ing to pick us up in the morning, well knowing that he 
had us in a trap. The Boss soon saw that our only chance 
lay in getting out of shoal water before darkness. The sun 
was in the meantime getting low. Orders were given to 
weigh anchor, and the ship proceeded very slowly towards 
the outlet, in order not to excite our pursuer's suspicions; 
the ships having each other's bearings, and each watching 
to see if the other moved. As soon as we got outside of 
the shoal we kept still again until the sun went down. In 
two hours the moon began to show above the horizon, and, 
to our great joy, we had our pursuer clearly defined under 
the moon's rays, while we were in comparative darkness. 



68 

Now orders were given for full speed across the channel to 
Abaco, and you may be sure that Barbot got all out of the 
engines that was possible. We had been warned the day 
before by a passing schooner that two cruisers were wait- 
ing near Abaco; so that we had one behind and two before 
us to shake off, before we could reach the western ocean. 
We soon sighted 'Hole in the wall' light, and made straight 
for deep water. Three hours afterwards we hauled up the 
ship off Elbow Key, and day broke without a sail in sight. 
We then eased down the engines and dropped into the 
homeward track for Wilmington. Our Captain in the 

MEANTIME HAD RESUMED CHARGE. 

" For some time before the war ended the Federals had 
blockaded both ends of the route. The United States Cor- 
vette Junietta anchored off the bar at Nassau, and was kept 
well informed as to the movement of Confederate steamers 
in port. The outlying gunboats would run down the 
channel in the night within a few miles of Nassau, and send 
a boat to the Corvette for news and instructions for cutting 
off blockade runners ready to leave; so that it was almost 
as difficult to get in and out of Nassau as it was to pass the 
coast Line blockade. 

'* The Siren differed from the other blockade runners 
in this respect : she never waited for more favourable con- 
ditions, but took them as they came. On one occasion she 
ran into Charleston at night, and the next morning disclosed 
six blockade runners lying loaded and anchored in the Ash- 
ley river. We dropped to the wharf, discharged our inward 
cargo, loaded the outward cargo of cotton, and went straight 
to Nassau; came back, and found the same six ships an- 



69 

chored in the same places. We made a second voyage, and 
on our return found them still lying there; a third voyage 
and there they remained, waiting for an opportunity to go 
out. On our fourth return voyage three of the long wait- 
ing blockade runners had slipped out, and on our fifth two 
more had gone. On our sixth and last voyage the remain- 
ing one, called the General Whiting, had finally departed. 
Thus the Siren made six round voyages, clearing for her 
owners over $1,000,000.00 in gold, while the General Whi- 
ting lay at anchor waiting for a chance to go out. The Si- 
ren's cargoes into the Confederacy were, of course, very 
valuable, and cannot be properly estimated. The outward 
cargo consisted of from 650 to 750 bales of cotton. This 
cotton cost the equivalent of six cents in coin, and sold in 
Nassau for 45 and 50 cents in coin; making a clean profit of 
$200 a bale, which multiplied by four thousand bales in the 
six voyages showed a gain during that time to the owners 
of $800,000 in gold." 

DISTINGUISHED COMMANDERS OF BLOCKADE 
RUNNERS* 

One of the most distinguished commanders of the block- 
ade-running steamers was Captain Roberts (so-called), of 
the twin-screw steamer Don, a quick, handy little boat, ad- 
mirably adapted to the trade. I had the pleasure of know- 
ing him personally through frequent intercourse with his 
signal officer, a fine fellow, named Selden, from Virginia; 
and we were both much impressed with the superior bear- 
ing and intelligence of this remarkable man, who after- 
wards became famous in the war between Russia and Tur- 



70 

key as Hobart Pasha, Admiral-in-Chief of the Turkish navy. 
" Captain Roberts" was the Honourable Augustus Charles 
Hobart Hampden (son of the Earl of Buckinghamshire), 
Post Captain in the Royal Navy, and for a time command- 
er of Queen Victoria's yacht Victoria and Albert. He had 
seen service in the war against Emperor Nicholas in 1854, 
under the great British Admiral Sir Charles Napier, when 
he commanded H. M. S. Driver; and, after the general or- 
der, "Lads, sharpen your cutlasses ! " boarded the Russian 
warships before Cronstadt, stormed the seven forts which 
guarded the entrance to that harbor, and sailed up the Ne- 
va even to St. Petersburg itself. In 1865, having made 
several runs into Wilmington during his absence from Eng- 
land on leave, he returned home; and, fretting under the dull 
routine of service ashore, accepted the command of the en- 
tire Turkish Navy at the outbreak of the war with his old 
antagonists, the Russians. He died in 1886 Admiral-in- 
Chief of the Turkish Navy, and was buried in the English 
cemetery at Scutari. The Daily Telegraph, of London, said 
of him: "Altogether, Augustus Charles Hobart was a re- 
markable man; bluff, bold, dashing and somewhat dogged. 
There was in his composition something of the mediaeval 
'condottiere,' and a good deal more of that Dugald Dalget- 
ty whom Scott drew. Gustavus Adolphus would have 
made much of Hobart; the great Czarina, Catherine II., 
would have appointed him Commander-in-Chief of her 
fleet, and covered him with honours, even as she did her 
Scotch Admiral Gleig, and that other yet more famous sea- 
dog, king of corsairs, Paul Jones. It would be unjust to 
sneer at Hobart as a mercenary. His was no more a hired 



71 

sword than were the blades of Schomberg and Berwick, of 
Maurice de Saxe and Eugene of Savoy. When there was 
fighting to be done, Hobart liked to be in it — that is all. 
Of the fearless, dashing, adventurous lEnglismen, ready to 
go anywhere and do anything, Hobart was a brilliant, rep- 
resentative type.'' 

The following incident is from his blockade sketches: 
" On my return to Wilmington I found that my vessel 
was ready for sea, so I took charge of her, and we went 
down the river. We had to undergo the same ordeal as be- 
fore in the way of being smoked and searched. This time 
there were no runaways discovered; but there was one on 
board, for all that, who made his appearance, almost 
squashed to death, after we had been twenty-four hours at 
sea. We then anchored under Fort Fisher, where we wait- 
ed until it was dark; after which, when the tide was high 
enough on the bar, we made a move, and were soon rush- 
ing out to sea at full speed. There was a considerable 
swell running, which we always considered a point in our 
favour. 

" By the way, writing 'swells' puts me in mind of a 
certain 'swell' I had on board as passenger on this occasion, 
who, while in Wilmington, had been talking very big about 
'hunting,' which, probably, he supposed I knew nothing 
about. He used to give us long narratives of his own ex- 
ploits in the hunting field, and expatiated on the excite- 
ment of flying over ditches and hedges, while, apparently, 
he looked upon blockade running and its petty risks with 
sublime contempt. Soon after we crossed the bar on our 
way out, a gentle breeze and swell began to lift the vessel 



72 

tip and down, and this motion he described as 'very like 
hunting.' Just after he had ventured this remark, a Yan- 
kee gun-boat favoured us with a broadside, and made a 
dash to cut us off. This part of the fun, however, my 
friend did not seem to think at all 'like hunting;' and after 
having strongly urged me to return to the anchorage un- 
der the protecting guns of the fort, he disappeared below, 
and never talked — to me, at least — about hunting again. 
" But to return to my story: — there was, as I said before, 
a considerable swell running outside; which was fcrtunate 
for us, as we almost ran into a gun-boat lying watching un- 
usually close to the bar. It would have been useless to 
turn round and endeavor to escape by going back; since, if 
we had done so, we should inevitably have been driven on 
to the beach, and either captured or destroyed. In such a 
predicament there was nothing for it but to make a dash 
past and take the gun-boat's fire and its consequences. I 
knew we had the legs of her, and, therefore, felt more at 
ease in thus running the gauntlet than I otherwise should 
have done; so on we went at full speed. She fired her broad- 
side at about fifty yards' distance, but the shot all passed 
over us, except one, that went through our funnel. The 
marines on board of her kept up a heavy fire of musketry 
as long as we were visible, but only slightly wounded one 
of our men. Rockets were then thrown up as signals to her 
consorts, two of which came down on us; but, luckily, made 
a bad guess at our position, and closed with us on our 
quarter, instead of our bow. They also opened fire, but did 
us no injury. At the moment there was no vessel in sight 
ahead; and, as we were going at a splendid pace, we soon 



73 

reduced our dangerous companions to three or four shadowy 
forms, struggling astern without a hope of catching us. 
The signaling and firing had, however, brought several 
other blockaders down to dispute our passage, and we found 
ourselves at one moment with a cruiser on each side within 
pistol shot of us; our position being that of the meat in a 
sandwich. So near were the cruisers, that they seemed 
afraid to fire, from the danger of hitting each other; and, 
thanks to our superior speed, we shot ahead and left them 
without their having fired a shot. 

" Considering the heavy swell running, there was the 
merest chance of their hitting us; in fact, to take a block- 
ade runner in the night, when there was a heavy swell or 
wind, if she did not choose to give in, was next to impos- 
sible. To run her down required the cruiser to have much 
superior speed, and was a dangerous game to play; for ves- 
sels have been known to go down themselves while at- 
tempting this feat. 

" Then, again, it must be borne in mind that the block- 
ade-runner had always full speed at command, her steam 
being at all times well up and every one on board on the 
lookout; whereas the man-of-war must be steaming with 
some degree of economy and ease, and her lookout men 
had not the excitement to keep them always on the qui 
vivr that we had. 

" I consider that the only chances the blockading squad- 
ron had of capturing a blockade-runner were the following, 
viz: in a fair chase in daylight, when superior speed would 
tell; or by chasing her on shore or driving her in so near 
the beach that her crew were driven to set fire to her and 



74 

make their escape — in which case a prize might be made, 
though perhaps of no great value; or by frightening a ves- 
sel with guns and rockets during the night into giving up. 
Some of the blockade-runners showed great pluck, and 
stood a lot of pitching into. About sixty-six vessels left 
England and New York to run the blockade during the 
four years' war, of which more than forty were destroyed 
by their own crews or captured; but most of them, before 
they came to grief, made several runs, and in so doing paid 
well for their owners. 

" I once left Bermuda in a blockade- runner shortly be- 
fore the end of the war, in company with four others, and 
ours was the only fortunate vessel of the lot. Of the other 
four, three were run ashore and destroyed by their own 
crews, and one was fairly run down at sea and captured. 

"I saw an extraordinarily plucky thing done on one oc- 
casion, which I cannot refrain from narrating. We had 
made a successful run through the blockade, and were ly- 
ing under Fort Fisher, when as daylight broke we heard 
heavy firing, and as it got lighter we saw a blockade-run- 
ner surrounded by the cruisers. Her case seemed hopeless; 
but on she came for the entrance, hunted like a rabbit by 
no end of vessels. The guns of the fort were at once 
manned, ready to protect her as soon as her pursuers should 
come within range. Every effort was made to cut her off 
from the entrance of the river, and how it was she was not 
sunk I cannot tell. As she came on we could see N — ,her 
commander, a well known successful blockade-runner, stand- 
ing on her paddle-box with his hat off, as if paying proper 
respect to the men-of-war. And now the fort opened fire at 



75 

the chasing cruisers, from whom the blockade-runner was 
crawling, being by this time well in shore. One vessel 
was evidently struck, as she dropped out of range very sud- 
denly. On came the Old J , one of the fastest boats in 

the trade, and anchored all right; two or three shots in her 
hull, but no hurt. Didn't we cheer her! The reason of 
her being in the position in which we saw her at daylight 
was, that she had run the time rather short, and daylight 
broke before she could get into the river; so that, instead of 
being there, she was in the very center of the blockade 

fleet. Many men would have given in, but old N was 

made of different stuflf. 

" It is not my intention to inflict on my readers any more 
anecdotes of my own doings in the Don; suffice it to say 
that I had the good luck to make six round trips in her, 
in and out of Wilmington, and that I gave her over to the 
chief officer and went home to England. On arriving at 
Southhampton, the first thing I saw in the Times was a 
paragraph headed, 'The Capture of the Don.' Poor little 
ciaft ! I learned afterwards how she was taken, and I know 
she died game. 

" The officer to whom I gave over charge was as fine a 
specimen of a seaman as well can be imagined, — plucky, 
cool, and determined; and, by the way, he was a bit of a 
medico, as well as a sailor; for, by his beneficial treatment 
of his patients, we had very few complaints of sickness on 
board. As our small dispensary was close to my cabin, I 
used to hear the conversations that took place between C- — 
and his patients. I will repeat one. 



76 

C. — 'Well, my man, what's the matter with you?' 
Patient. — 'Please, sir, I've got pains all over me.' 
C. — *Oh, all over you, are they ? That's bad !' 
Then, during the pause, it was evident something was 
being mixed up, and I could hear C — say: 'Here, take this, 
and come again in the evening.' (Exit patient). Then 
C—said to himself: 'I don't think he'll come again; he has 
got two drops of the croton. Skulking rascal, pains all 
over him, eh !' I never heard the voice of that patient again; 
in lact, after a short time we had no cases of sickness on 
board. C — explained to me that the only medicine he 
served out, as he called it, was croton oil; and that none of 
the crew came twice for treatment. 

" Never having run through the blockade as the com- 
mander of a vessel (though he was with me all the time 
and had as much to do with our luck as I had), he was nat- 
urally very anxious to get safely through. There can be I 
no doubt that the vessel had lost much of her speed, for she 
had been very hardly pushed on several occasions. This 
told sadly against her, as the result will show. On the third 
afternoon after leaving Nassau, she was in a good position 
for attempting the run when night came on. She was 
moving stealthily about, waiting for the evening, when 
suddenly, on the clearing up of the weather, which had 
been hitherto thick and hazy, she saw a cruiser unpleasant- 
ly near to her, which bore down under steam and sail; and 
it soon became probable that the poor little Don's twin 
screws would not save her this time, well and often as they 
had done so before. 

" The cruiser, a large full-rigged corvette, was coming up 



77 

hand over hand, carrying a strong breeze, and the days of 
the Don seemed numbered, when C — tried a ruse worthy of 
any of the heroes of naval history. 

" The wind, as I said, was very fresh, with a good deal 
of sea running. On came the cruiser, till the Don was al- 
most under her bows, and shortened sail in fine style. The 
moment the men were in the rigging, going aloft to furl 
sails, C — put his plan into execution. He turned his craft's 
head to the wind, and steamed deliberately past the cor- 
vette at not fifty yards' distance. The latter, with great 
way on, went nearly a quarter of a mile before she could 
turn. 

" I have it from good authority, that the order was not 
griven to the marines on the man-of-war's poop to fire at the 
plucky little craft who had so fairly out-manceuvred the 
cruiser, for out-manoeuvred she was, to all intents and pur- 
poses. The two or three guns that had been cast loose dur- 
ing the chase had been partly secured, and left so while 
the men had gone aloft to furl sails, so that not a shot was 
fired as the Don went past. Shortly after she had done so, 
however, the cruiser opened fire with her bow guns, but 
with the sea that was running this could do no harm, the 
guns being without any top weights. The Don easily 
dropped the corvette with her heavy spars astern, and was 
soon far ahead; so much so that when night came on the 
cruiser was shut out of sight in the darkness." 

IN QUARANTINE. 

In the steamer Lilian, already referred to, we had on one 
occasion safely eluded the blockading fleet at Cape Fear 



bar, and, after several narrow escapes from the squadron in 
the Gulf Stream, reached St. George's, Bermuda, on the 
morning of the fourth day, and at once discharged our car- 
go, hoping to get away in time for another run while we 
had a few hours of darkness. 

We had hardly received the half of our inward cargo of 
gunpowder and commissary supplies, when we were visited 
by the harbor physician, who alleged that we had a case of 
smallpox on board, and peremptorily ordered us to the 
quarantine ground, where he informed us that we must re- 
main for twenty-one days. The place was about two miles 
out of port, among some uninhabited rocks, which made 
the usual dreariness of a quarantine station more distress- 
ing. In vain our captain protested that he was mistaken, 
that the case to which he referred was a slight attack of 
malarial fever, combined with other symptoms which were 
not at all dangerous (which subsequently proved to be true). 
The doctor was unrelenting. If we did not proceed at once, he 
said, he would report us tcJ the Governor at Hamilton, who 
would send H. M. S. Spitfire, then on the station, to tow 
us out; and after we had served out quarantine, we would 
be arrested for resisting authority. Finding remonstrance 
of no avail, our captain agreed to get away as soon as pos- 
sible; but before we could make preparation a tug was sent 
alongside which towed us out, nolens volens^ and left us at 
anchor among the sea gulls, with only ten days' provisions 
for a three weeks' quarantine. 

Being ex-officio the ship's doctor, I began at once to 
physic the unfortunate sailor who had unwittingly brought 
us into this trouble; and, although my knowledge of the 



79 

pharmacopoeia did not go beyond cathartic pills and qui- 
nine, I soon had him on his feet, to join all hands for in- 
spection by the quarantine oflScer, who came off to wind- 
ward of us every day, and at a respectable distance bawled 
out his category of questions which were required by law. 

We were daily warned that if any of our officers or 
crew were found on shore or on board any vessels in the 
harbor, the full extent of the law would be meted out to 
them, and we were given to understand that twenty-one 
days' quarantine was a mere bagatelle compared with the 
punishment which would follow any attempt to evade these 
restrictions. Notwithstanding this, we came to a unani- 
mous decision at the end of three days, that we would pre- 
fer the risk of capture at sea to such a life in comparative 
security; and it was accordingly resolved by the captain 
that, if any of us were plucky enough to take his gig and a 
boat's crew to St. George's and secure from a shipwright on 
shore some castings required by the chief engineer, we 
would proceed towards Wilmington without further prepa- 
ration, and without the formality required by law. 

Being comparatively indifferent as to the result, albeit 
somewhat confident of success, I at once volunteered. Our 
captain consented to my proposal, and, amid a good deal of 
chaffing from several Confederate officers who were with 
us as passengers, I started with our second engineer and 
five trustworthy men for shore. 

We were careful to start shortly after the visit of the 
health physician, so that our absence would not be noticed 
when all hands were turned out; and, as we approached the 
harbor, I was gratified to observe that we were entirely un- 



80 

noticed. We landed about half a mile below town, and, 
leaving the men with the boat, which I ordered them to 
keep concealed, I proceeded with the engineer to dispatch 
our business, which delayed us several hours. 

At last we were ready to return, and, finding our men un- 
molested, we proceeded down the harbor towards the ship 
Storm King, which had recently left the China trade to 
carry C. S. Government cotton from the Bermuda rendez- 
vous to Liverpool. Passing under her quarter, we were 
excitedly hailed by her captain, to whom I was well known 
personally, with the intelligence that a quarantine boat had 
just left our ship, and that we were probably discovered, as 
its course had been suddenly changed for us while we were 
pulling down the bay. 

Thinking to elude the pursuer, if such it proved to be, I 
steered for the rocks along shore, the men giving way at 
the oars with a will; but we soon saw that we were closely 
watched and that the fears of our friends were fully real- 
ized, for the well known yellow flag was borne by a boat 
now clearly in pursuit of us. Finding escape cut off, we 
at once returned to the Storm King and entreated the cap- 
tain to secrete us on board, and, if the health officer boarded 
him, to profess ignorance of us altogether. This the good 
fellow agreed to do; and, my men having been set to work 
as if they were part of the crew, I was, with the engineer, 
at once secreted and locked in one of the many state rooms 
then vacant. 

We had hardly settled ourselves in the berths, determined 
that if the worst came we would cover our heads and draw 
the curtains, when we heard the measured sound of oars 



81 

approaching the gangway near the room in which we were 
hiding, and a moment later the hail, "Storm King, ahoy! " 
"Aye, aye, sir, what do you want ?" 

" You have on board a boat's crew from the steamer lyil- 
ian, in quarantine, who have left contrary to law; I de- 
mand their surrender." 

" But I protest Doctor, there are no such people on my 
ship." 

" What a consummate liar old McDonald is !" groaned 
the engineer, sweltering under two pairs of blankets. 

"Aha!" exclaimed the health officer at this moment, 
" we have here the captain's gig alongside, and here is the 
name Lilian on the stern. How is this ?" 

" Oh !" replied the imperturbable McDonald, "we picked 
her up adrift this morning — I am glad to know the owner." 

" A very unlikely story, Captain, and we shall have to 
search," quoth the doctor; and then we heard several per- 
sons ascending the ladder; followed by further expostula- 
tions on the part of our friend the captain, evidently of no 
avail, for the party immediately entered the saloon and 
proceeded with their search. Door after door was opened 
and shut, and, as they gradually approached our hiding 
place, I looked up at Sandy McKinnon, the Scotch engi- 
neer, who presented a most ludicrous and woeful sight, the 
perspiration streaming down his fat cheeks. 

With anxious hearts we waited for the worst, and at last 
it came. A heavy hand wrenched our door knob, and an 
impatient voice demanded that the door be unlocked. The 
steward protested that the room was vacant and that the 
key was lost, which only seemed to increase the officer's 



82 

determination to enter. High words ensued; the captain, 
with a heartiness which excited our admiration, but in- 
creased our fears, poured a volley of abuse upon the un- 
lucky doctor, who was apparently discharging his duty, and 
at times I fancied that they almost came to blows. This 
was at last quelled by a peremptory demand that the ship's 
carpenter be sent for to force the door. The steward at this 
juncture produced the key, which he averred had just been 
found in another lock; and, while he fumbled at our door, I 
thought I heard the sound of suppressed laughter on the 
outside, but dismissed the idea as absurd. 

A moment after the door opened, and, before our aston- 
ished vision, were ranged our good friends and shipmates. 
Major Hone, of Savannah, Captain L,eo Vogel, of St. Au- 
gustine, Sergeant Gregory, of Crowels, and Eugene Maffitt, 
who, with Captain McDonald and several of his friends, 
were fairly shrieking with laughter at our sorry plight. We 
had been completely sold. The whole scheme was planned 
on board our own ship immediately after our departure; 
and Captain McDonald was privy to the arrangement, which 
he so successfully carried out. 

The voices which, in our fright, we supposed came from 
Her Majesty's officers were feigned by our own people, 
who made the most of the joke at our expense. The trick 
was too good to keep; and, when the good doctor came next 
day to discharge us from quarantine, all traces of sickness 
having disappeared, no one enjoyed the fun more than he, 
although he said it might have resulted seriously enough. 
Having received the remainder of our cargo, we proceeded 
to sea; and, when about five miles from land, we sighted a 



83 

rakish war steamer, which proved to be the Confederate 
Corvette Florida, to which we delivered important dis- 
patches by an order from Major Norman Walker, the Con- 
federate Agent in Bermuda. 

CAPTAIN WILKINSON- 

One of the most intelligent and successfnl commanders 
in the blockade-running fleet was Captain John Wilkinson, 
who entered the U. S. Navy as a midshipman in 1837, and, 
after an honourable and distinguished career, tendered his 
services to the Confederacy upon the secession of his native 
State, Virginia. 

Having received a commission in the C. S. Navy, he 
served in various responsible positions, until ordered upon 
special service in command of the C. S. Steamer R. E. lyce. 

In his interesting book entitled " Narrative of a Block- 
ade Runner," with reference to the citizens of Virginia who 
resigned their commissions in the old service, he says : 

" They were compelled to choose whether they would aid 
in subjugating their State, or in defending it against inva- 
sion ; for it was already evident that coercion would be 
used by the general government, and that war was inevita- 
ble. In reply to the accusation of perjury in breaking 
their oath of allegiance, since brought against the officers 
of the army and navy who resigned their commissions to 
render aid to the South, it need only be stated that, in their 
belief, the resignation of their commissions absolved them 
from any special obligation. They then occupied the same 
position towards the government as other classes of citizens. 
But this charge was never brought against them until the 



84 

war was ended. The resignation of their commissions was 
accepted when their purpose was well known. As to the 
charge of ingratitude, they reply, their respective States 
had contributed their full share towards the expenses of 
the general government, acting as their disbursing agent ; 
and, when these States withdrew from the Union, their citi- 
zens belonging to the two branches of the public service 
did not, and do not, consider themselves amenable to this 
charge for abandoning their official positions to cast their 
lot with their kindred and friends. But, yielding as they 
did to necessity, it was nevertheless a paioful act to separate 
themselves from companions with whom they had been 
long and intimately associated, and from the flag under 
which they had been proud to serve." 

With reference to his experience in blockade running at 
Wilmington, Captain Wilkinson continues : 

"The natural advantages of Wilmington for blockade 
running were very great, owing chiefly to the fact that 
there are two separate and distinct approaches to Cape 
Fear River ; i. e., either by ' New Inlet ' to the north of 
Smith's Island, or by the ' western bar ' to the south of it. 
This island is ten or eleven miles in length ; but the Fry- 
ing Pan Shoals extend ten or twelve miles further south, 
making the distance by sea between the two bars thirty 
miles or more, although the direct distance between them 
is only six or seven miles. From Smithville, a little vil- 
lage about equidistant from the two bars, both blockading 
fleets could be distinctly seen ; and the outward bound 
blockade runners could take their choice through which in- 
let to run the gauntlet. The inward bound blockade run- 



85 

ners, too, were guided by circumstances of wind and 
weather ; selecting that bar over which they would cross 
after they had passed the Gulf Stream, and shaping their 
course accordingly. The approaches to both bars were 
clear of danger, with the single exception of the ' Lump ' 
before mentioned ; and so regular are the soundings that 
the shore can be coasted for miles within a stone's throw 
of the breakers. 

" These facts explain why the United States fleets were 
unable wholly to stop blockade running. It was, indeed, 
impossible to do so : the result to the very close of tbe war 
proves this assertion ; for, in spite of the vigilance of the 
fleet, many blockade runners were afloat when Fort Fisher 
was captured. In fact, the passage through the fleet was 
little dreaded ; for, although the blockade runner might re- 
ceive a shot or two, she was rarely disabled; and, in proporiton 
to the increase of the fleet, the greater we knew would be 
the danger of its vessels' firing into each other. As the boys 
before the deluge used to say, they would be very apt to 
* miss the cow and kill the calf.' The chief danger was 
upon the open sea, many of the light cruisers having great 
speed. As soon as one of them discovered a blockade run- 
ner during daylight, she would attract other cruisers in the 
vicinity by sending up a dense column of smoke, visible for 
many miles in clear weather. A cordon of fast steamers 
stationed ten or fifteen miles apart, inside the Gulf Stream^ 
and in the course from Nassau and Bermuda to Wilmington 
and Charleston, would have been more effective in stopping 
blockade running than the whole United States Navy con- 
centrated off these ports. It was unaccountable to us why 



such a plan did not occur to good Mr. Welles, but it was 
not our business to suggest. I have no doubt, however, 
that the fraternity to which I then belonged would have 
unanimously voted thanks and a service of plate to the 
Honourable Secretary of the United States Navy for this 
oversight. 

" I say, inside the Gulf Stream ; because every experi- 
enced captain of a blockade runner made it a point to cross 
' the stream ' early enough in the afternoon, if possible, to 
establish the ship's position by chronometer, so as to escape 
the influence of that current upon his dead reckoning. The 
lead always gave indication of our distance from the land, 
but not, of course, of our position ; and the numerous salt 
works along the coast, where evaporation was produced by 
fire, and which were at work night and day, were visible 
long before the low coast could be seen. Occasionally, the 
whole inward voyage would be made under adverse condi- 
tions. Cloudy, thick weather and heavy gales would pre- 
vail so as to prevent any solar or lunar observations, and 
reduce the dead reckoning to mere guess-work. In these 
cases, the nautical knowledge and judgment of the captaia 
would be taxed to the utmost. The current of the Gulf 
Stream varies in velocity and, within certain limits, in di- 
rection ; and the stream itself, almost as well defined as a 
river within its banks under ordinary circumstances, is im- 
pelled by a strong gale towards the direction in which the 
wind is blowing, overflowing its banks, as it were. The 
counter current, too, inside of the Gulf Stream is much in- 
fluenced by the prevailing winds. 



87 

" Upon one occasion, while in command of the R. E. Lee, 
formerly the Clyde-bnilt iron steamer Giraffe, we had ex- 
perienced very heavy and thick weather, and had crossed 
the Stream and struck soundings about midday. The 
weather then clearing, so that we could obtain an altitude 
near meridian, we found ourselves at least forty miles 
north of our supposed position, and near the shoals which 
extend in a southerly direction off Cape Lookout. It 
would be more perilous to run out to sea than to continue 
on our course, for we had passed through the off-shore line 
of blockaders, and the sky had become perfectly clear. I 
determined to personate a transport bound to Beaufort, a 
port which was in possession of the United States forces 
and the coaling station of the fleet blockading Wilming- 
ton. The risk of detection was not very great, for many 
of the captured blockade runners were used as transports 
and dispatch- vessels. Shaping our course for Beaufort, 
and slowing down, as' if we were in no haste to get there, 
we passed several vessels, showing United States colors to 
them all. Just as we were crossing the ripple of shallow 
water off the ' tail ' of the shoals, we dipped our colors to a 
sloop-of-war which passed three or four miles to the south 
of us. The courtesy was promptly responded to ; but I 
have no doubt her captain thought me a lubberly and care- 
less seaman to shave the shoals so closely. We stopped 
the engines when no vessels were in sight ; and I was re- 
lieved from a heavy burden of anxiety as the sun sank be- 
low the horizon, and the course was shaped at full speed 
for Masonboro Inlet. 



88 

" The staid old town of Wilmington was turned * topsy- 
turvy' during the war. Here resorted the speculators 
from all parts of the South, to attend the weekly auctions 
of imported cargoes ; and the town was infested with 
rogues and desperadoes, who made a livelihood by robbery 
and murder. It was unsafe to venture into the suburbs at 
night, and even in daylight there were frequent conflicts in 
the public streets, between the crews of the steamers in 
port and the soldiers stationed in the town, in which knives 
and pistols would be freely used ; and not unfrequently a 
dead body with marks of violence upon it would rise to 
the surface of the water in one of the docks. The civil 
authorities were powerless to prevent crime. ' Inter arma 
silent leges ! ' The agents and employes of different block- 
ade tunning companies lived in magnificent style, paying 
a king's ransom (in Confederate money) for their house- 
hold expenses, and nearly monopolizing the supplies in the 
country market. Towards the end of the war, indeed, 
fresh provisions were almost beyond the reach of everyone. 
Our family servant, newly arrived from the country in Vir- 
ginia, would sometimes return from market with an empty 
basket, having flatly refused to pay what he called ' such 
nonsense prices' for a bit of fresh beef or a handful of 
vegetables. A quarter of lamb, at the time of which I now 
write, sold for $ioo ; a pound of tea for $500. Confederate 
money which in September, 1861, was nearly equal to spe- 
cie in value, had declined in September, 1862, to 225 ; in 
the same month in 1863 to 400 ; and before September, 
1864, to 2,000! 



89 

" Many of the permanent residents of the town had gone 
into the country, letting their houses at enormous prices ; 
those who were compelled to remain kept themselves much 
secluded, the ladies rarely being seen upon the more public 
streets. Many of the fast young officers belonging to the 
army would get an occasional leave to come to Wilming- 
ton ; and would live at free quarters on board the blockade 
runners, or at one of the numerous bachelor halls ashore. 

" The convalescent soldiers from the Virginia hospitals 
were sent by the route through Wilmington to their homes 
in the South. The ladies of the town were organized by 
Mrs. deR. into a society for the purpose of ministering 
to the wants of these poor sufferers ; the trains which car- 
ried them stopping an hour or two at the station, that their 
wounds might be dressed and food and medicine supplied 
to them. These self-sacrificing, heroic women patiently 
and faithfully performed the offices of hospital nurses. 

" Liberal contributions were made by companies and in- 
dividuals to this society ; and the long tables at the station 
were spread with delicacies for the sick, to be found no- 
where else in the Confederacy. The remains of the meals 
were carried by the ladies to a camp of mere boys — home 
guards — outside of the town. Some of these children were 
scarcely able to carry a musket, and were altogether un- 
able to endure the exposure and fatigue of field service ; 
and they suffered fearfully from measles and typhoid fever. 
General Grant used a strong figure of speech when he as- 
serted that ' the cradle and the grave were robbed, to re- 
cruit the Confederate armies.' The fact of a fearful drain 



90 

upon the population was not exaggerated. Both shared 
the hardships and dangers of war, with equal self devotion 
to the cause. It is true that a class of heartless speculators 
infested the country, who profited by the scarcity of all 
sorts of supplies ; but this fact makes the self sacrifice of 
the mass of the Southern people more conspicuous ; and no 
State made more liberal voluntary contributions to the 
armies, or furnished better soldiers, than North Carolina. 
* * On the opposite side of the river from Wilmington, on 
a low, marshy flat, were erected the steam cotton presses 
and there the blockade runners took in their cargoes. 
Sentries were posted on the wharves day and night, to pre- 
vent deserters from getting on board and stowing them- 
selves away ; and the additional precaution of fumigating 
the outward bound steamers at Smith vi lie was adopted ; 
but, in spite of this vigilance, many persons succeeded in 
getting a free passage abroad. These deserters, or 'stow- 
aways ' were in most instances sheltered by one or more of 
the crew ; in which event they kept their places of con- 
cealment until the steamer had arrived at her port of des- 
tination, when they would profit by the first opportunity to 
leave the vessel undiscovered. A small bribe would tempt 
the average blockade-running sailor to connive at this 
means of escape. The ' impecunious ' deserter fared more 
hardly, and would usually be forced by hunger and thirst 
to emerge from his hiding place while the steamer was on 
the outward voyage. A cruel device, employed by one of 
the captains, effectually put a stop, I believe, — certainly a 
check, — to this class of 'stowaways.' He turned three or 



91 

four of them adrift in the Gulf Stream, in an open boat, 
with a pair of oars, and a few days' allowance of bread and 
water." 

STEAMER ADVANCE. 

In the latter part of the year 1863, I embarked at Wil- 
mington on the North Carolina Steamer Advance, bound 
for St. George's, Bermuda, to join at that port another 
blockade runner to which I had been assigned to duty. 
The Advance was commanded by Captain Crossan, of the 
old navy, with Captain Wylie, a hearty, whole-souled 
Scotchman, as sailing master. The purser was Mr. Joseph 
H. Flanner, a well-known Wilmington merchant and agent 
of the State ; Captain George Morrison was chief engineer ; 
J. B. Smith, a lad of nineteen, three years older than my- 
self, was signal officer ; and George Snow, of Raleigh, was 
a fellow passenger, with a short furlough for a frolic 
through the blockade. We three lads were assigned quar- 
ters in the main sleeping-cabin below deck, which had 
been used for general passengers in the old country while 
the ship, as the Lord Clyde, sailed on her former peaceful 
voyages. 

It was my first separation from home ; and, as we pre- 
pared to turn in for the night by the light of a carefully 
screened lamp, I was deeply impressed by the moral cour- 
age of young Smith, who, in the presence of several on- 
lookers evidently careing nothing for these things, quietly 
got out his little Testament, read the evening lesson, 
and then upon his bended knees commended his soul 
and body to Him who has the confidence of those afar ofiE 



92 

Upon the sea. That simple act of worship, under circum- 
stances peculiarly trying to a young man, not only strength- 
ened me for my duty then, but made an impression for good 
which has never been effaced. 

This article, written by Mr. Smith, is copied from the 
"Guilford Collegian" of November, 1896 : 

"One beautiful afternoon in the summer of 1863 the 
steamship Advance, the famous blockade runner belonging 
to the State of North Carolina, with cargo of cloth, blan- 
kets, shoes, and other supplies for the North Carolina State 
troops in the Confederate Army, steamed out of the port of 
St. George's, Bermuda. Her graceful bow headed for the 
port of Wilmington, N. C, which was at that time closely 
guarded by a blockading squadron, composed of the fleetest 
gunboats in the Federal Navy, to prevent the very purpose 
we had in view — that of taking in supplies for the Confed- 
erate army. I was serving as signal officer on the ship, 
being a lad of nineteen years of age. 

" We had a smooth run of two days and three nights, al- 
ways keeping a sharp lookout for Federal cruisers, which 
were kept in these waters to intercept any vessel suspected 
of contraband traffic. Not being permitted to carry an 
armament of any kind, our safety depended upon our vigi- 
lance and the speed of our ship. To be on the safe side, 
we would avoid any vessel carrying steam, the smoke being 
visible before its rigging loomed in sight. 

" On the afternoon of the second day out, as usual, all 
hands were called up and told off by the first officer to 
their respective boats. It was the purpose of our captain, 
Thomas Crossan, if about to be captured to scuttle the ship, 



«3 

and by means of the ship's boats to endeavor to make our 
■way ashore. 

" "What a motley sight our crew presented ! With the 
exception of onr sailing master, our officers were Southern- 
ers, but the crew was composed of men of every nationality, 
adventurers attracted to this most dangerous service by the 
tempting offer of enormous bounties and wages paid in 
gold or silver. 

" On account of my youthfulness I was much petted by 
the officers, especially by the sailing master, who was a 
bluff, typical Scotchman. Heaven bless him ! Though by 
no means of exemplary habits himself, he watched over and 
guarded me against the temptations to which I was ex- 
posed as carefully as a father could have done. He always 
assigned me to his boat ; but Kit Morse, our Wilmington 
pilot, counted the most skillful pilot and surfman on our 
coast, would always whisper to me : ' Never mind, Smith, 
if ever we do have to take to the small boats, you just step 
in my boat, take a seat by Kit Morse, and if any boat can 
live through the surf, I will land you safe on North Caro- 
lina grit.' This always placed me in a quandary, in which 
obedience to orders and personal safety struggled for the 
mastery. 

" It was the intention of our captain to make the coast of 
North Carolina at some point about twenty-five miles above 
Fort Fisher, at New Inlet to the Cape Fear River, then to 
steam down the coast and run in about 3 a. m., which 
would be flood tide on the bar (our ship being so deeply 
laden we could not get over the bar except at high water). 
Owing to our having run off our course to dodge steamers, 



94 

we made Hatteras lighthouse about i a. m., and although 
we steamed down the coast under full head of steam, day- 
light found us some twenty-five miles above Fort Fisher, 
and brought to view the Federal blockading fleet of five 
vessels, stretching in a line abreast of Masonboro Sound, 
and standing off about three miles at sea. The closest 
scrutiny with the aid of our glasses failed to show any sign 
of life on their decks. But we knew they always kept up 
full head of steam. The captain called Mr. Morse, the 
pilot, Mr. Morrison, the chief engineer, and myself to him, 
and said : ' We have either to run off the coast with chance 
of a long chase from those fellows out there,' pointing to 
the Federal vessels, ' and try to get in to-night, or, under 
cover of the fog and smoke from the surf and salt works 
hanging over the coast line, try to slip by them.' Then, 
after a minute's pause, said, with a sparkle in his calm blue 
eyes, and with compressed lips, ' I am going to take the risk 
of running by them. Mr. Morrison, be ready to give her 
all steam possible. Smith, stand by to signal Colonel lyamb 
to man his guns to protect us. Pilot, take charge of 
the ship ; put her in, if possible ; if not, beach her.' 

" An extra hand was sent to the wheel, and as I, with my 
signal flag in hand, took my stand on the starboard side of 
the quarter deck, to the right of the pilot, he said, Smith, 
old boy, we are in for it.' We steamed on at a moderate 
speed, hugging the shore line as close as possible to keep 
under cover of mingled fog and smoke, which stretched 
like a veil along the coast. 

" Scanning intently the line of blockaders, I began to 
flatter myself we were unobserved until we were off Mason- 



95 

boro, and abreast of the line of blockaders, when up went 
a signal from the flagship of the squadron, and in a moment 
each vessel, having slipped her cable, was in motion under 
full steam. One steamed in shore to our rear, three came 
bearing obliquely on our port beam, and one, the Con- 
necticut, the fleetest of the squadron, steamed to head us 
off, and we saw that we were in a trap that had been set for 
us. ' Full speed ahead!' the pilot signalled the engineer, 
and the bonny ship bounded forward like a racer. ' Up 
with the colors!' spoke the captain, and the Southern Cross 
fluttered in the morning breeze from our flagstaff astern. 

" Intense excitement prevailed among the sailors and fire- 
men off duty as they gathered on the forward deck, on which, 
from our position, we had full view. Among them our 
chief cook, ' Frenchie ' who was wont to boast a cap car- 
ried off his head by a Russian bullet at Sebastapoi. 

" ' Smith, said the Pilot,' ' twenty miles to Fort Fisher. ' 
A puff of smoke, and a cannon ball from the Connecticut 
skipped the crest of the waves to the forward but short of 
our ship. I recognized it as a gentle hint to round to and 
surrender. The motley crowd on deck, supposing it to be 
the extent of the Connecticut's ability to coerce, gave vent 
to their feelings in a suppressed cheer. Alas, for the hopes 1 
the last spark of which was soon quenched. The Connec- 
ticut, our course not being changed, sent the next shot 
whistling between our smoke stacks, across the three-mile 
strip of land into the Cape Fear river, as I afterwards 
learned. ' Oh, good God ! ' said Frenchie, as he darted for 
shelter towards the forecastle, but was intercepted by a 
shot across our bows. 



96 

"The firing from the fleet had now become general, and 
amid the whistle of shot and bursting of shell all about us 
the pilot said with a smile: ' Smith, look at Frenchie 
dodging about like a partridge in a coop.' Just then the 
signal station highest up the beach hove in sight, and my 
time for action had arrived, which required me to become 
oblivious to the terrors menacing destruction and death; 
and, by waves of my signal flag spell out, letter by letter, 
this message to Colonel Lamb, commandant at Fort Fisher: 
'Colonel Lamb: Have guns manned to protect us. Signed 
Crossan, Captain Ad- Vance.' 

" No one can imagine how glad I was at the close of my 
message to catch the shore operator's reply of ' O. K.' My 
official responsibility being now ended, the peril that envi- 
roned us burst upon me with full force. Fifteen miles to 
Fort Fisher ! For fifteen miles to be subjected to such an 
ordeal, or to that of being dashed to pieces in that fearful surf 
which mingled its ominous warning with the reverberating 
roar of the pitiless cannon. I tried to read my destiny in 
the imperturbable countenance of my companion, a wave of 
whose hand could consign me to a Northern prison, or per- 
chance to a watery grave. As well seek to penetrate the 
secrets of the Sphinx as the thoughts of Kit Morse. Yet I 
knew he loved me, thought of my safety even with this 
great responsibility resting upon him; for once, as the frag- 
ments of shell were falling all about us, he pushed me un- 
der the lee of the sailing master's cabin, saying, ' Smith, 
that may keep a piece from striking you. ' How slow we 
seemed to be running ! People ashore likened our speed to 
that of a bird seeking safety by flight. Minutes to us seemed 



97 

hours, yet slowly, so slowly as scarcely to be perceptible, 
we were gradually forging ahead of all except the Connecti- 
cut, which was running in a straight line for the inlet, to cut 
us off, while we had to follow the curves of the shore. On 
sped the chase ! In the press for speed the Connecticut 
fired only from her starboard guns. 

" We had now reached the last curve of the shore which 
projected out seaward and would have to be turned before 
we could enter the inlet. This the pilot traced with his 
finger and said calmly : ' Smith, that will bring us in a 
hundred yards of the Connecticut. I wonder why lyamb 
doesn't fire.' 

"Bang ! went a gun from the shore battery, and a Whit- 
worth shell bored through the hull of the rear vessel, being 
in point blank range. Suddenly the vessel to the rear gave 
up the chase and steamed seaward. Not so with that 
dreaded Connecticut which seemed right across our bows, 
with our ship as a shield to protect her from the guns of 
the fort. 

" How fast we were approaching her ! Every motion of 
her gun crew became plainly visible, even that of the gun- 
ner, as he pulled the lanyard and sent that fearful missile of 
destruction aimed at our water line, but buried in a wave 
twenty feet short. 

" 'That got us,' said the brave pilot to me. Then, with 
a quick wave of his hand and a cheery voice of command, 
' Over, hard over!' The wheel rolled under the willing 
hands of the brave steersman; and, with the speed of a 
chased stag, and the grace of a swan, the bonnie craft 



98 

rounded the point, and entered the inlet. The guns of 
Fort Fisher belched flames of fire, and we were safe." 

IMPROVED SHIPS AND NOTABLE CAPTAINS. 

The last year of the war evolved a superior type of block- 
ade runners of great speed, many of which were com- 
manded by celebrated men of nerve and experience. Of 
these may be mentioned at random and from memory : the 
Lilian, Captain Maffitt ; the Little Hattie, Captain Lebby ; 
the Florie, named for Captain Maffitt's daughter ; the Ag- 
nes E. Fry, commanded by that noble but unfortunate na- 
val officer. Captain Joseph Fry; the Chicora, still running 
in Canadian waters ; the Let Her Rip, the Let Her Be ; al- 
so the fleet of three-funnel boats, one of which, the Condor, 
was commanded by the famous Admiral Hewitt, of the 
British navy, who won the Victoria Cross in the Crimea, 
and who was knighted by Queen Victoria for his distin- 
guished services as Ambassador to King John of Abyssinia. 
When this steamer was stranded off Fort Fisher, the cele- 
brated Confederate spy, Mrs. Rose Greenhow, who was a 
passenger, entreated Captain Hewitt to send her ashore 
through the breakers, fearing that she would suffer death if 
captured by the Federals. Captain Hewitt refused, saying 
he would protect her; she insisted; at last he consented, and 
she was drowned in the attempt. Her body was picked up 
on the beach the next day by Mr. Thomas Taylor. The 
Falcon was commanded for one voyage by Hobart Pasha ; 
the Flamingo, the Ptarmigan, and the Vulture were also 
of three-funnel type. 



99 

Another notable British officer who ran the blockade 
was the gallant Burgoyne, who was lost in the iron-clad 
Captain in the Bay of Biscay, which vessel he commanded 
on that unfortunate voyage. 

Captain Carter was a notable naval officer of the Confed- 
eracy, and he commanded the blockade runner Coquette. 

Captain Thomas lyockwood, a North Carolinian, was, 
perhaps, the most noted of the commercial class. His last 
command was the celebrated steamer Colonel Lamb, named 
for the defender of Fort Fisher. This was the largest, the 
finest, and the fastest of all the ships on either side dur- 
ing the war. She was a paddle steamer built of steel, 281 
feet long, 36 feet beam, and 15 feet depth of hold. Her ton- 
age was 1,788 tons. At the time she was built, 1864, she 
was the fastest vessel afloat, having attained on her trial a 
speed of 16^ knots, or about nineteen miles, an hour. 
Captain Lockwood made several successful runs in this 
fine ship, and escaped to England at the close of the war. 
The Colonel Lamb was sold to the Greek Government; and 
subsequently, under another name, was blown up while in 
the Mersey loaded with war supplies. Other fast boats 
were the Owl, Bat, Fox, Dream, Stag, Edith, Atalanta, Vir^ 
ginia, Charlotte, Banshee, and Night Hawk. 

Another merchant commander of distinction was Cap- 
tain Halpln, who was very skillful and successful, and who 
afterwards commanded the famous leviathan, Great East- 
em, while she was engaged in laying the Atlantic cable. 



100 

CAPTAIN MAFFITT. 

Among the devoted band of Ucited States Navy officers 
whose home and kindred were in the South at the outbreak 
of the war, and who resigned their commissions rather than 
aid in subjugating their native State, there was none braver 
or truer than our own Captain John N. Maffitt, who, yielding 
to necessity, severed the strong ties of a service under the 
old flag, in which he bad long distinguished himself; and 
not only relinquished a conspicuous position directly in the 
line of speedy promotion to the rank of Admiral, but sac- 
rificed at the same time his entire fortune, which was in- 
vested in the Notth, and which was confiscated shortly af- 
terwards by the Federal government. 

The story of the life and service of this modest hero has 
never been written. After the capture of the forts and the 
closing of the parts of Wilmington and Charleston in Jan- 
uary, 1865, Maffitt, in command of the steamer Owl, and 
unaware of the situation, ran into each port in quick suc- 
cession, escaping from the fleet in each exploit as by a mir- 
acle, although under a heav);^ and destructive fire. While 
running out of Charleston harbor when escape seemed im- 
possible. The entire manuscript of his history of the 
cruise of the Florida, which warship he had so long 
successfully commanded, was, by an unfortunate mis- 
understanding on the part of a subordinate, sent to 
the bottom of the sea, along with the Confederate 
mail and other valuable papers. Some years after, with 
the assistance of his accomplished wife, he prepared for 
publication a number of historical manuscripts, which are 
still preserved by his widow, in the hope that they may be 



101 

of pecuniary value to the survivors of the family. Captain 
Maffitt wrote, also, a story of naval life in the old service, 
entitled " Nautilus, " as well as a number of articles for the 
"Army and Navy Magazine,'' entitled "Reminiscences of 
the Confederate States Navy." His paper on the building 
of the ram Albemarle by Captain Cook, and the gallant of- 
ficer's subsequent attack upon the Federal fleet in Ply- 
mouth Sound, which is copied entire by Colonel Scharf in 
his " History of the Confederate Navy," has been pro- 
nounced one of the finest descriptions relative to the war be- 
tween the states. It was my privilege to be numbered among 
his personal friends from the time he honoured me, a lad of 
seventeen years, with his recommendation for the appoint- 
ment as purser of his own ship, the Confederate steamer 
Lilian, which appointment was confirmed just before he 
gave up the command to take charge of the Confederate 
ram Albemarle at Plymouth. This friendship was unbro- 
ken until the close of his eventful life, the sacrifices and 
services of which should ever be held in grateful remem- 
brance by our Southern people. 

When President Davis wrote for Mafiitt's war record for 
reference in his book, " Rise and Fall of the Confederate 
Government," the modest commander gave more promi- 
nence to Lieutenant Read's exploits than to his own. 
When, a few years ago, I had the honor of frequent inter- 
views with Mrs. Davis at Narragansett, Captain Maffitt 
was referred to repeatedly by that distinguished lady, who 
assured me that he was always held in high esteem by Mr. 
Davis and herself; and she pleasantly recalled some very 



102 

amusing stories of Maffitt's gallantry and fine humor 
which made him such a universal favourite. 

In a year after my appointment to the lyilian, I had the 
misfortune to be captured at sea, after an exciting chase of 
five hours, by the Federal cruisers Keystone State, Boston, 
Gettysburg, and two others unknown, in which our ship 
was disabled under a heavy fire by shot below the water 
line. I was held a prisoner on board the United States 
Steamer Keystone State, whose commander, Captain Cros- 
by, a regular in the old navy, treated me most courteously. 
Upon the invitation of the paymaster, I messed with the su- 
perior officers in the wardroom; where I heard frequent 
bitter allusions to Captain Semmes and to other prominent 
Confederates, but never a word of censure for the genial 
Maffitt, the mention of whose name would provoke a kind- 
ly and amused smile, as some of his pranks in the old times 
would be recalled by those who had not learned to regard 
him as a foe. 

The following passages taken from Admiral Porter's 
" Naval History of the Civil War," confirm the personal 
observations of the writer with reference to Maffitf s repu- 
tation in the old navy : 

" Maffitt was a different kind of man from Semmes. A 
thorough master of his profession, and possessed of all the 
qualities that make a favorite naval commander, he became 
a successful raider of the sea ; but he made no enemies 
among those officers who had once known him and who 
now missed his genial humor in their messes. He was a 
veritable rover, but was never inhuman to those whom the 
fortunes of war threw into his hands; and he made himself 



103 

as pleasant while emptying a ship of her cargo and then 
scuttling her, as Claude Duval when robbing a man of his 
purse, or borrowing his watch from his pocket." 

Porter describes in almost flattering terms Maflitt's supe- 
rior skill and daring in fitting out the Florida under most 
adverse conditions, and then, by way of explanation, says : 

"It may appear to the reader that we have exhibited 
more sympathy for Commander Maffitt and given him more 
credit than he deserved. It must be remembered that we 
are endeavoring to write a naval history of the war, 
and not a partisan work. This officer, it is true, had gone 
from under the flag we venerate, to fight against it ; but we 
know that it was a sore trial for him to leave the service 
to which he was attached, and that he believed he was doing 
his duty in following the fortunes of his State, and had the 
courage to follow his convictions. He did not leave the 
United States Navy with any bitterness, and, when the 
troubles were all over, he accepted the situation gracefully. 
What we are going to state of him shows that he was capa- 
ble of the greatest heroism, and that, though he was on the 
side of the enemy, his courage and skill were worthy of 
praise." 

He then recounts the wonderful story of MaflStt's peril- 
ous run through Commander Preble's fleet off Mobile in 
broad daylight, with a crew decimated by yellow fever, and 
he himself scarcely able to stand, owing to its prostrating 
effects : 

" The Florida approached rapidly, her smoke pipes vom- 
iting forth volumes of black smoke and a high pressure of 
steam escaping from her steam pipe. As she came within 



104 

hailiag distance, the Federal commander ordered her to 
heave to, but Maffitt still sped on, having sent all his men 
below, except the man at the wheel, and returned no reply- 
to the hail. Preble then fired a shot ahead of the Florida, 
still supposing her to be some saucy Englishman disposed 
to try what liberties he could take, though the absence of 
men on deck should have excited suspicion. He hesitated, 
however, and his hesitation lost him a prize and the honor 
of capturing one of the Confederate scourges of the ocean. 
Preble had his crew at quarters, however ; and, as soon as 
he saw that the stranger was passing him, he opened his 
broadside upon her, and the other two blockaders did the 
same. But the first shots were aimed too high, and the 
Florida sped on towards the bar, her feeble crew forgetting 
their sickness and heaping coal upon the furnace fires with 
all jx)ssible rapidity. Every man was working for his life, 
while the captain stood amid the storm of shot and shell 
perfectly unmoved, keenly watching the marks for enter- 
ing the port, and wondering to himself what his chances 
were for getting safely in. 

" During the whole war there was not a more exciting 
adventure than this escape of the Florida into Mobile Bay. 
The gallant manner in which it was conducted excited 
great admiration, even among the men who were responsi- 
ble for permitting it. We do not suppose that there ever 
was a case where a man, under all the attending circum- 
stances, displayed more eaiergy or more bravery. 

" And so the Florida was allowed to go on her way with- 
out molestation, and MafiStt was enabled to commence that 
career on the high seas which has made his name one of the 



105 

notable ones of the war. He lighted the seas wherever he 
passed along, and committed such havoc among American 
merchantmen, that, if possible, he was even more dreaded 
than Semmes. We have only to say that his being per- 
mitted to escape into Mobile Bay, and then to get out 
again, was the greatest example of blundering committed 
throughout the war. Every officer who knew Maffitt was 
certain that he would attempt to get out of Mobile, and we 
are forced to say that those who f>ern:iitted his escape are 
responsible for the terrible consequences of their want of 
yigilance and energy. 

" Preble's failure to sink the Florida — for nothing else 
would have stopped Maffitt^ — brought him into disgrace 
with the Navy department, although he proved in his re- 
port of the afiEair that every means at bis command had 
been used to intercept the bold Confederate ; and shortly 
afterwards the Secretary of the Navy, supported by a ma- 
jority of naval officers, recommended the dismissal of Com- 
modore Preble from the navy, which was carried into effect 
September 20, 1863. 

"Preble repeatedly demanded an investigation, which 
was refused; but he ultimately got his case before Congress, 
and was restored to the list February 21, 1864, with the 
grade of rear admiral. 

" At the close of the war Captain Maffitt was summoned 
by a court of inquiry, demanded by Preble, to testify as to 
the facts of his exploit in entering Mobile Bay, in which 
he said : 

" *I can vouch for his (Preble's) promptness and destructive 
energy on the occasion of my entering Mobile Bay. The su. 



106 

perior speed of the Florida alone saved her from destruction, 
though not from a frightful mauling. We were torn to 
pieces — one man's head taken off and eleven wounded ; 
boats, and standing and running-rigging shot away, also 
fore gaff. Four shells struck our hull, and had the one 
(nine inch) that grazed our boiler and entered the berth 
deck (killing one and wounding two) exploded, every 
man belouging to the steamer would have been killed ; as 
I had only the officeis on deck until about to cross the bar, 
when I made some sail, and one man was wounded in the 
rigging. We had about fourteen hundred shrapnel shots 
in our hull, and our masts were pitted like a case of small- 
pox. The damage done her was so great that we did not 
get to sea again for over three months.' '' 

DR, HOGE'S ADVENTURE. 

One of the interesting events connected with blockade 
running had to do with this great and good divine. 

There was, throughout the Confederacy, a deplorable 
lack of Bibles, and, in fact, of all religious literature. This 
was due to the scarcity of paper and of materials for print- 
ing and binding, all the industrial energies of the Confed- 
eracy being devoted to the great work of self-de- 
fense. Dr. William J. Hoge, the brother of Dr. Moses 
D. Hoge and father of Dr. Peyton H. Hoge, conceived the 
idea of laying this need before the Christians of Great 
Britain and asking for a ship-load of Bibles, tracts and 
other religious publications. He wrote to Dr. R. L. Dab- 
ney and Dr. M. D. Hoge of his plan. The latter hailed 
with delight the suggestion, but advised the going of a 



107 

personal representative as likely to prove more successful. 
He consulted the other ministers of Richmond, and mem- 
bers of the Confederate Cabinet, and they heartily approved 
of the plan. 

A swift steamer was soon to sail from Charleston, and 
Dr. William J. Hoge, after consenting to go, found it im- 
possible to prepare in time ; so Dr. M. D. Hoge, hastily 
securing the proper credentials, himself started on the jour- 
ney. 

He ran the blocka ie from Charleston on the Antonica, 
commanded by Captain L. M. Coxetter. Of this he wrote : 
" Our run through the blockading squadron was glorious. 
I was in one of the severest and bloodiest battles fought 
near Richmond ; but it was not more exciting than that 
midnight adventure, when, amid lowering clouds and 
dashes of rain, and just wind enough to get up sufficient 
commotion in the sea to drown the noise of our paddle- 
wheels, we dashed along, with lights all extinguished, and 
not even a cigar burning on the deck, until we were safely 
out and free from the Federal fleet." 

From Nassau he went to Havana on a small schooner, 
and from there on a British steamer to Southampton. 

His visit was a complete success. From Nassau more 
than 1,200 copies of the Holy Scriptures were obtained. 
"When he reached England, through the kind co-operation 
of the distinguished James M. Mason, he was introduced to 
Lord Shaftesbury. The latter secured a hearing before the 
British Foreign Bible Society. This society, though he 
desired to purchase, generously donated to this cause 10,000 
Bibles, 50,000 Testaments, and 250,000 copies of the Gos- 



108 

pels and Psalms. He also secured from the Tract Society 
a large gift of their publications. Of these books, going in on 
various blockade runners:, more than three-fourths reached 
the Confederacy in safety, and were a mighty blessing to^ 
the soldiers. 

His return was hastened by the sad news, found in a 
Northern papex, of the death of one of his children, he did 
not for some time know which. Hastening home, he sailed 
for Halifax, and from there to Bermuda. Thence he sailed 
on the blockade runner Advance, formerly the Lord Clyde. 
The accompanying description of his entrance into the 
Cape Fear we copy from Dr. Peyton H. Hoge's " Moses 
Drury Hoge : Life and Letters." 

" Sunday morning, October nth, was a day of cloudless 
beauty. Dr. Hoge came early on deck to find the Advance 
sailing merrily southward, with the Federal fleet in full 
view. Dr. Hoge became anxious. 

' What are you going to do, Captain ? ' 

'I am goirg to Wilminglon today.' 

' But, surely, you are not going to attempt it in broad 
daylight.' 

'Why not?' 

' Well, for one reason, the Confederate government can- 
not afford to lose this ship ; and, for another, there are some 
of us on board who do not wish to be captured, and I am 
one of them.' 

' Oh ! you will not be captured, and this ship will not 
be lost.' 

"Still they bore on ; but as yet there was no movement in 
the Federal fleet. It is probable that they were deceived 



109 

by the boldness of the steamer's approach, and took her for 
some transport or supply vessel. When she was nearly oppo- 
site the entrance, the helm was put hard to port, and all 
steam put on as she made the inlet. 

"The mask was now thrown oS, and three Federal vessels 
gave chase. She had a good start ; but, if they could not 
catch her by steam, perhaps they could with gunpowder, 
and soon the shells were shrieking through her rigging. 
Any moment might decide her fate, but still she sped on 
untouched. The situation was critical and— uncomfortable. 
But now the pursuing vessels came within range of the 
Confederate guns, and Fort Fisher opened fire. The pur- 
suit slackened, and the pursuers fell cfi. Almost the next 
instant the Advance was stuck fast on a shoal ; had it hap- 
pened a moment sooner, they would have been lost. The 
captain came to Dr. Hoge, and besought him to lead 
them in a tervice of thanksgivicg ; and on that Sab- 
bath morning, in sight of the baffled enemy and the 
protecting fort, passengers and crew assembled on deck 
and stood with bared heads beneath their own blue 
Southern skies, while he lifted his heart to God in thanks- 
giving and praise for their deliverance. Yet the danger was 
not quite over. If they did not get free by night, there was 
risk of their being boarded under cover of darkness. But 
with the rising tide they were afloat again in the early after- 
moon, and that night they slept in Wilmington." 

CLOSING SCENES. 

The closing scenes of blockade-running were described 
by Colonel Scharf in his "History of the Confederate States 
Navy," as follows : 



110 

" The military and naval expeditions against Wilming- 
ton in December, 1864, and January, 1865, resulted in the 
capture of the forts and the closing of the port. Eight 
vessels left the port of Nassau between the 12th and i6th 
of January, one of which took four one-hundred-pounder 
Armstrong guns; and at the time of their sailing there were 
over two and a half million pounds of bacon stored at Nas- 
sau awaiting transportation. The confidence reposed in 
the defense of Wilmington continued unabated on the part 
of the blockade-runners, and the Charlotte, the Blenheim, 
and the Stag, all British steamers, ran in after the fall of 
Fort Fisher, and were captured by the Federal cruisers in 
the river. The blockade-runner Owl, Captain John N. 
Maffitt, C. S. N., in command, succeeded in passing over 
the bar near Fort Caswell, and anchored at Smith ville on 
the night the forts were evacuated; and immediately re- 
turned to Bermuda, arriving on the 21st, and carrying the 
news of the fall of Fort Fisher and the end of blockade- 
running at Wilmington. Her arrival was timely, stopping 
the Maud Campbell, Old Dominion, Florence, Deer and 
Virginia. Most, if not all, of these steamers now turned 
their prows toward Charleston, the last harbor remaining 
accessible; and, though the fall of that city was impending, 
yet a cargo might be safely landed and transported along 
the interior line to the famishing armies of the Confeder- 
ate States. To that end Captain Wilkinson determined to 
make the effort; but it was the part of prudence to ascer- 
tain, positively, before sailing, that Charleston was still in 
our possession. This intelligence was brought by the Chi- 
cora, which arrived at Nassau on the 30th of January; and 



Ill 

on Februrary ist, the Owl, Carolina, Dream, Chicora and 
Chameleon sailed within a few hours of each other for 
Charleston. 

" The effort was a brave and gallant one, but was inef- 
fectual. The U. S. S. Vanderbilt intercepted the Chame- 
leon, and, after an exciting chase, was dodged by the fast 
sailing vessel under the cool seamanship of the gallant 
Wilkinson. Turning on the Vanderbilt, the Chameleon 
again attempted to reach Charleston; but having lost a day 
in escaping from the Vanderbilt, and, being retarded by un- 
favorable weather, she did not reach the coast near Charles- 
ton bar till the fifth night after leavin;^ Nassau. The 
blockading fleet, reinforced from that off Wilmington, now 
closed every practical entrance ; but it was not until after 
assurances from the pilot that entrance was impossible, 
that Captain Wilkinson 'turned away from the land, and our 
hearts sank within us, while conviction forced itself upon 
us that the cause for which so much blood had been shed, 
so many miseries bravely endured, and so many sacrifices 
cheerf ally made, was about to perish at last.' The Chicora, 
more fortunate than the Chameleon, ran into Charleston, 
but finding that city evacuated, ran out, despite the effect- 
iveness of the blockade, and reached Nassau on the 38th. 
The Fox, less fortunate, ran into Charleston in ignorance 
of its capture, and was seized by the Federal cruisers. 

" Captain John N. Maffitt, C. S. N., in the Owl, leit Ha- 
vana about the middle of March, within 'a quarter of an 
hour' after the U. S. S. Cherokee steamed out of the har- 
bour. Passing Morro Castle, the Owl hugged the coast to- 
wards the west, followed by the Cherokee, the chase con- 



112 

tinuing for an hour or more. The Owl had speed, and 
MaflStt had the seamanship to 'throw dust into the eyes' of 
his pursuer by changing her coal from hard to soft; thus 
clouding the air with dense black smoke, under cover of 
which the Owl turned on the Cherokee, and, steaming 
away to the stern of the cruiser, disappeared in the dark- 
ness of night and storm." 



THE END. . J 

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the Charge at Gettysburg. 



BY 

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Vol.. I. MARCH 10, 1902. NO. 11. 



BY 

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RALEIGH : 

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1902. 



''Carolina! Carolina: Ifcaven's blessings amnd bert 
Ufl)ik we live we will cberisb, protect and defend ber.' 



THE CHARGE AT GETTYSBURG. 



BY S. A. ASHE. 

The third day of the struggle between the contending ar- 
mies near Gettysburg opened clear and cloudless. The July 
sun beamed down on the battlefield of the previous day ma- 
jestically serene, throwing into bold relief the outlines of the 
picture. 

Standing on Cemetery Hill, a mile south of the little 
town of Gettysburg, one saw the range continue to the south- 
ward, now jutting out into the valley to the west and then 
receding in strong curves eastward, now falling with even 
slopes and then swelling again in graceful contour, but far- 
ther away breaking into precipitous promontories whose 
rocky knobs were veritable Round Tops and fitly associa- 
ted witk Devil's Dens. 

Almost parallel and about a mile away to the west could 
be traced the course of Seminary Ridge, gently rising from 
the intervening valley and still covered with the growth of 
original forest trees. Along the slope are fences inclosing 
fields with patches of wood here and there, and a little 
swale down the valley where it narrows as the ridge throws 
out a spur to the eastward. 

Coming from the town is the Bmmitsburg Pike, which 
after passing the summit of Cemetery Hill, swerves off 
along a lower and divergent ridge that trends across the 
valley. Overlooking the pike is a stone wall following 
along the upper slope of Cemetery Hill and conforming 



generally to the line of its crest, but, at a point some 600 
yards away where the hill grows bolder and juts well out 
into the valley, this wall makes a right angle and comes 
straight toward the pike, and then again follows the crest, 
which soon retreats and falls away, leaving a slight depres- 
sion embayed in the general outline. 

On this headland, that like a bastion front projects itself 
into the valley, stands a clump of trees which served to 
guide the right of the attacking column on that fateful 
day; and a quarter of a mile in front, but farther down the 
valley, stood the farm-house of Codori on a little knoll sur- 
rounded by a sparse grove. 

Beyond the Cemetery, to the north, the range bent sharp, 
ly to the right, forming a difl&cult eminence known as 
Gulp's Hill; and on the curve from Gulp's Hill west to the 
Gemetery and thence south to Round Top was massed the 
Federal army, some one hundred thousand strong; while on 
an exterior line of sister hills lay Lee's forces, with Ewell 
on the left in possession of a part of Gulp's Hill, and Long- 
street on the light toward Round Top, while A. P. Hill cov- 
ered the center, a total force of about sixty thousand troops. 

Dispositions had been made for an early morning attack 
on the 3d simultaneously by Ewell on the left and Long- 
street on the right; and with that view the artillery had been 
massed against the Federal center, Gol. Alexander, acting 
as Longstreet's Ghief of Artillery, having occupied, during 
the night, an advanced ridge that lay several hundred yards 
beyond Longstreet's front, and covered it with batteries. 

But Meade himself had not been inactive, and, at four 
o'clock in the morning, he unsettled this plan of attack by 



driving back Early, whose lodgment on Gulp's Hill was an 
essential part of Lee's proposed movement. Later in the 
morning, then, Lee determined on making that assault 
which has been so famous in history. 

The object of General Lee was to penetrate Meade's line 
in the depression on the south of Cemetery Hill, and, thus 
turning his position, move up and dispossess him. 

When the morning broke and the Federal forces beheld 
so great an armament as 140 pieces of artillery in position 
on the crest of Seminary Ridge, they knew that an assault 
was intended on some part of their line, and every prepara- 
tion was at once made to receive it. 

The batteries on Cemetery Hill were strengthened by 
new ones from the reserve, and soon eighty pieces of artil- 
lery were in readiness to respond to the expected cannon- 
ade, which was awaited with increasing solicitude as the 
morning wore on in ominous silence. 

In early morning Pickett's Division had arrived and two 
of his brigades, Kemper and Garnett, had been placed un- 
der cover of the advanced ridge which Colonel Alexander 
had seized the night before. Armistead's Brigade lay back, 
protected by the main ridge, in a line with Heth's Divis- 
ion, while the North Carolina Brigades of Scales and Lane 
were still farther in the rear. These were the troops selec- 
ted to make the assault; Pickett's Division, being fresh, and 
Heth's Division and Lane's and Scales' Brigades, although 
badly cut up on the first, not having been engaged on the 
second, and being troops of the highest reputation for con- 
stancy and endurance. 



In Heth's Division were Archer's Brigade, composed of 
two Alabama and three Tennessee regiments; Pettigrew's 
Brigade, which had present the nth, 26th, 47th and 52d 
North Carolina regiments; Davis' Brigade, constituted of 
three Mississippi and one North Carolina regiment, and 
Brokenborough's or Field's Brigade, which was composed 
entirely of Virginians. Pettigrew's Brigade was command- 
ed by Colonel Marshall, Gen. Pettigrew being in command 
of the division. 

lyane's Brigade was formed of the 7th, i8th, 28th, 33d 
and 37th North Carolina regiments, and in Scales's, then 
under Colonel Lowrance, were the 13th, i6th, 22d, 34th 
and 38th North Carolina regiments. These troops had 
suffered so severely on the first of July that many compa- 
nies were mere skeletons, and some regiments were officered 
by captains. 

Pickett's Division, composed entirely of Virginians, had 
just arrived, and was in excellent condition in all respects. 

The movement was in double column, the first line con- 
sisting of Kemper's and Garnett's Brigades on the right, 
with Heth's Division on the left; and for the second line 
Amistead in the rear of Pickett's other Brigades, and Scales' 
and Lane's Brigades of North Carolinians, under General 
Trimble, in the rear of Heth's Division. 

Wilcox's and Perry's Brigades were to move out on the 
extreme right and protect the column from any flanking 
forces, while R. H. Anderson's Division, covering the left, 
was to be in readiness to act as opportunity should permit. 
Preliminary to the movement, the artillery was to silence 



the enemy's guns and, as far as possible, demoralize their 
infantry before the attempt should be made to carry the 
works by storm. 

At one o'clock two guns were discharged by the Wash- 
ington Artillery as the signal for the cannonade to begin. 
Immediately the line of batteries opened with salvos of ar- 
tillery, evoking a quick reply from the enemy, and the en- 
gagement soon became one of the most terrific bombard- 
ments of the war. Its fury was inconceivable. "From ridge 
to ridge was kept up for near two hours a Titanic combat 
of artillery that caused the solid fabric of the hills to labor 
and shake, and filled the air with fire and smoke and the 
mad clamor of 200 guns." The exposed batteries were 
greatly damaged. Both men and horses suffered fearful de- 
struction. Caissons exploded, limbers were blown up and 
guns were crippled on every side. In particular was the 
Confederate fire, concentrated on the point of attack, very 
effective. But still the enemy's batteries were not silenced. 
The fire did not slacken, for as fast as the Federal batteries 
expended their ammunition, they were replaced by new 
ones from the reserve, and the fire continued without abate- 
ment until at length the Confederate ammunition began to 
run low. 

Colonel Alexander, to whom had been committed the du- 
ty of indicating the moment for beginning the charge, felt 
the awful responsibility of the dilemma that presented it- 
self and hurriedly communicated to Pickett that he should 
wait no longer, but should begin the movement at once, 
notwithstanding the terrific energy of the artillery that 
crowned the enemy's stronghold. But if the Confederate 



chests had been depleted, so at last had become those of 
their antagonists, and General Hunt, Meade's Chief of Ar- 
tillery, finding it unsafe to move up new supplies, and an- 
ticipating that the assault would be made on the center, 
conceived it well to husband his resources and ordered the 
fire to slacken, and so unexpectedly the embarrassing diffi- 
culty of the Confederate situation vanished. 

Immediately the order to advance was given along the 
whole line, and some twelve thousand veterans, with alac- 
rity and high elation, moved forward over the crests that 
had sheltered them, and passed down the slopes of Semina- 
ry Ridge, their bright guns gleaming in the noonday sun 
and their innumerable battle flags flying in the breeze, 
making as fine a pageant as was ever seen on any field of 
battle. They moved in quick time and with admirable 
precision, as if on some gala day parade. It was a glorious 
spectacle, evoking admiration from foe and friend alike, and 
being the theme of unstinted praise from every one who 
witnessed it. 

But hardly had the line reached the downward slope of 
that extensive valley when the Federal batteries were again 
unloosed and the carnival of death began. 

*' Though stormed at with shot and shell, it moved stea- 
dily on, and even when grape and canister and musket 
balls began to rain upon it, the gaps were quickly closed 
and the alignment preserved." 

The line of gray, a full mile in length, with its second 
line following at easy distance, marched indeed in fine 
style down that valley of death, reckless of peril and ani- 
mated with that soldiery zeal and confidence which had ev- 



er inspired the troops of Lee when moving in the immedi- 
ate presence of that trusted commander. 

From Garnett's advanced position down the valley the 
clump of trees which gave him direction bore far to the 
left, and soon reaching the ridge on which the Turnpike 
ran, he wheeled to the left and moved up toward Codori's 
house. As the line advanced there loomed up in the dis- 
tance the works it was to assault. 

Immediately in front of Archer's Brigade and Garnett's 
left lay the projecting stone wail standing out into the val- 
ley, held by Webb's Brigade and opposite the Confederate 
left was the retired wall sixty yards further off held by 
Hays' Division, with Smyth's Brigade toward the Ceme- 
tery and Sherrill's Brigade between that and Webb. South 
of the projection, Hall's and Harrow's Brigades continued 
the Federal line behind breastworks of rails covered with 
earth, and rifle-pits and shallow trenches in their front. 
Farther on were Stannard's and other brigades of Double- 
day's Division. On the crest of the hill, a few yards be- 
hind the line of works, was thickly massed the artillery. 
Skirmishers lay out several hundred yards in front in the 
clover and grass, while a first line of infantry held a strong 
fence along the pike in front of Hays and a low stone wall 
farther down the valley, and lay concealed in the grass in 
the intervening space. At the stone wall and breastworks 
was a second line in readiness to receive the attack, while 
behind the artillery, some thirty paces off was still another, 
occupying higher ground and protected by the backbone 
of the ridge; and farther off on the flanks were heavy mass- 
es of Infantry ready to be concentrated if need be. 



10 

As the Confederate line moved forward in constant sight, 
momentarily drawing nearer to the point of attack, all was 
expectation and anxiety along the Federal front. The hea- 
vy artillery fire of the Confederates had ceased and the de- 
moralization incident to it rapidly gave place to a feeling of 
reassurance and determination. While it had destroyed 
the two batteries in the rear of Webb, leaving only one 
piece that could be worked, the guns in rear of Hays's Di- 
vision were in better condition, and Howard's fresh battery 
had been brought up and posted on the slope of Cemetery 
Hill. And so it happened that while the troops on the 
Confederate right were fortunately not subjected to an ar- 
tillery fire from the front and were exposed only to an en- 
filading fire from the extreme left of the Federal line, it was 
far different with Pettigrew's command, the batteries in his 
front being well served, firing first solid shot, then shell and 
spherical case — and at last canister — doubled charged, as 
Pettigrew's line drew nearer. 

The movement of the Confederates was made in quick 
time over a clear field, beneath the burning rays of a fiery 
July sun, and was attended with considerable fatigue and 
exhaustion. But those veterans who had been trained to 
the vicissitudes of war well knew that at the final assault, 
dash and vigor would be necessary, and they therefore hus- 
banded their strength and moved forward steadily and res- 
olutely beneath the galling fire that was rapidly thinning 
their ranks. Speaking of the troops in front of Hays' Di- 
vision, General Bachelder says that when they had reached 
a position " half way across the plain they encountered a 
terrible artillery fire, but against which, as a man presses 



11 

against a blinding storm, they moved steadily on as if im- 
pelled by a will greater than their own — some mighty un- 
seen power which they could not resist. 

" Solid shot ploughed through their ranks, spherical case 
rattled in their midst and canister swept them by hundreds 
from the field, yet on they pressed unflinchingly. " 

It was an awful experience to pass nearly a mile across 
an open plain subjected to such a terrible fire, with no hope 
of protection and without power to resist. But each brave 
spirit in Pettigrew's command recognized the necessity of 
immolation if need be, and offered himself a willing sacri- 
fice; and so closing up the great gaps in its ranks, the line 
on the left continued to face the furious storm and silently 
moved on upon the deadly batteries. 

At length, having made two-thirds of the distance, and 
being only three hundred yards away, Pickett's Division, 
with Garnett in front, Kemper on the right, but somewhat 
in rear, and Armistead a hundred yards behind, turned to- 
ward the point they were to assail. On Garnett's left was 
Archer's Brigade, under Colonel Fry, whose numbers had 
been largely reduced in the first day's fight — and which 
had moved directly forward as the brigade of direction. 
Close joined with it were Pettigrew's North Carolinians 
under Colonel Marshall, Pettigrew himself being in com- 
mand of the division; and father on were Davis' Mississip- 
pians and Brockenborough's Virginia Brigade, all well al- 
igned; while 150 yards behind Trimble led I<ane's and 
Scales' Brigades, the latter under Col. Lowrance, Scales 
having been severely wounded two days before. 



12 

Although the right had not suffered greatly during its 
shorter progress up the valley, and being somewhat protec- 
ted by favoring ridges, heavy loss had been inflicted on the 
center and on the left, which had been fearfully cut up du- 
ring its long and exposed march. But though sorely dis- 
tressed on front and flank, with ranks largely depleted, the 
left brigades maintained their original alignment and still 
pursued their onward course. 

As the attacking column, now much narrowed, moved 
lip the slope that formed a natural glacis to the enemy's 
works, the batteries opened still more rapidly with grape 
and canister, and the front line of the enemy that lay in 
advance, together with the second line at the stone wall, 
poured into the Confederate column volley after volley of 
musketry, sending out a perfect sheet of lead and iron — a 
storm of murderous fire. The ranks of the first Confeder- 
ate line, in the immediate front of Hays' artillery, were 
mowed down as grass by a scythe. The carnage was ter- 
rible. The piercing cries of the dying and wounded could 
be heard over the field amid the shrieks of shells and the 
roar of cannon. Trimble, in command of the two North 
Carolinia brigades, says of Heth's Division " that it seemed 
to sink into the earth under the tempest of fire poured into 
them. 

" We passed over the remnant of their line and immedi- 
ately some one close to my left sang out, ' Three cheers for 
the Old North State, ' when both brigades sent up a heavy 
shout. " It was the cry of brave men rushing into the jaws 
of death. 



13 

So furious was the fire, and so murderous, that it stag- 
gered the line — %hich "halted, returned the fire, and with 
a wild yell dashed on." The first line of the enemy, which 
lay one hundred yards in front, was thrown back against 
the wall, many btivg captured and hurried to the rear 
without guard. But yet the roar and din of the conflict 
continued, and though the smoke of battle obscured the 
front, the carnage went on as the columns drew closer and 
closer to the enemy's works. A front that had been origi- 
nally more than a mile in length had now been compressed 
into less than 800 yards and the concentrated fire of the en- 
emy's artillery, as well as musketry, from the flanks as well 
as from the front, told with fearful effect. 

As the line approached the enemy's works, Pettigrew, 
seeing Brockenborough's Virginia Brigade and Davis' Miss- 
issippians give way under the murderous fire that assailed 
them, hurried his Aid, Captain Shepherd, to rally them — 
but all of Capt. Shepherd's efforts were without avail. They 
had become separated some distance from Pettigrew's North 
Carolina brigade and lacked the support imparted by the 
immediate co-operation of other troops. They could not 
be rallied, but broke and fell back at the critical moment 
of the ordeal. It was then that Trimble ordered his North 
Carolina brigades to close up on the first column, and 
Lane, bearing to the left, with well aligned ranks and in 
handsome style, covered the position made vacant on the 
left by the broken brigades, while lyowrance led Scales* 
Brigade directly forward to unite with the front line, then 
one hundred yards in advance. 



14 

In this hasty movement of Lane's, however, because of 
a misunderstauding as to whether the guide was right or 
left, the 7th North Carolina and a part of the 33d, being 
on Lane's right, became separated from the larger part of 
the brigade, which continued its movement well to the left, 
leaving some space intervening between it and Pettigrew's 
Brigade. 

The position of the troops just before the final charge 
was: Pickett's line was in front of a part of the projecting 
wall, with Kemper's Brigade extending to the right of it, 
covering the front of the Federal brigades of Hall and Har- 
row. Archer's Brigade was in front of the rest of the pro- 
jection, and along with Pettigrew's North Carolina Brig- 
ade extended in front of the retired wall, with Scales' Brig- 
ade coming up in the rear, while Lane, with nearly four 
regiments, was some distance to the left. 

On the right, Pickett's Division had crossed the pike, 
while the line farther to the left had yet to pass it. 

As the troops in their progress reached the fences inclos- 
ing this road, the obstruction tended greatly to break up 
their alignment. Many were killed and wounded there 
and others sought protection from the fearful fire by lying 
in the road. The column advancing beyond the pike was 
considerably weakened, and especially was this the case on 
the center and left where the read ran close to the stone 
wall and was stoutly held by the front line of the enemy. 
Pickett's Division, however, crossing at a point nearly a 
quarter of a mile distant from the enemy's works, escaped 
the full effect of this damaging obstacle and maintained a 
more perfect organization. And in like manner the right 



15 

of the Confederate column had the good fortune of not be- 
ing subjected to a destructive artillery fire like that which 
mowed down the ranks of Pettigrew's command. 

Colonel Peyton, who came out of the fight in command 
of Garnett's Brigade, in his official report, speaks of having 
routed the advanced line of the Federal infantry one hun- 
dred yards in front of the stone wall, and says: 

" Up to this time we had suffered but little from the en- 
emy's batteries with the exception of one posted on the 
mountain aboul one mile to our right, which enfiladed 
nearly our entire line with fearful effect. Having routed 
the enemy here. Gen. Garnett ordered the brigade forward, 
which was promptly obeyed, leading and firing as they ad- 
vanced. From the point it had first routed the enemy the 
brigade moved rapidly forward toward the stone wall, un- 
der a galling fire, both from artillery and infantry, the ar- 
tillery using grape and canister. We were now within 
about seventy-five paces of the wall, unsupported on the 
right and left; General Kemper being some fifty or sixty 
yards behind and to the right, and General Armistead com- 
ing up in our rear. 

" Our line, much shattered, still kept up the advance 
until within about twenty paces of the wall, when for a mo- 
ment they recoiled under the terrible fire they poured into 
our ranks, both from their batteries and from their shelter- 
ed infantry. At this moment Gen. Kemper came up on 
the right and Gen. Armistead in the rear, when the three 
lines joining in concert rushed forward. His strongest and 
last line was instantly gained, the Confederate battle-flag 
waved over his defenses, and the fighting over the wall be- 



16 

came hand-to-hand and of the most desperate character, 
but more than half having already fallen, our line was 
found too weak to rout the enemy." General Pickett does 
not appear to have been present with the advancing column; 
and we have no official report from either Armistead's or 
Kemper's Brigades. The latter was on the extreme right, 
extending south of the stone wall, and in its advance suf- 
fered greatly from the flanking fire of the two Vermont reg- 
iments thrown out by General Stannard against it. A Fed- 
eral account says: " The Confederate line is almost up to 
the grove in front of Robinson's. It has reached the clump 
of scrub-oaks. It has drifted past the Vermont boys. They 
move upon the run up to the breastworks of rails, bearing 
Hancock's line to the top of the ridge — so po^^erful their 
momentum. 

" Men fire into each other's faces not five feet apart. 
There are bayonent thrusts, saber strokes, pistol shots, cool, 
deliberate movements on the part of some; hot, passionate, 
desperate efforts on the f.!art of others; hand-to-hand con- 
tests; recklessness of life, tenacity of purpose, fiery deter- 
mination, oaths, yells, curses, hurrahs, shoutings. The 
Confederates have swept by the Vermont regiments. 'Take 
them on the flanks,' says Stannard. The 13th and i6th 
Vermont swing out from their trench line. They move 
forward and pour a deadly volley into the backs of Kemp- 
er's troops. With a hurrah they rush on to drive home the 
bayonets. Other regiments close upon the foe. The Con- 
federate column has lost its power. The lines waver. * * 
Thousands of Confederates throw down their arms and give 
themselves up as prisoners." 



17 

Another Federal account of Kemper's attack says: 
" Up to the rifle-pits, across them, over the barricades — 
the momentum of the charge swept on. Our thin line 
could fight, but it had not weight enough to resist this mo- 
mentum. But they had penetrated to the fatal point. A 
storm of grape and canister tore its way from man to man 
and marked its way with corpses straight down the line. 

The line reeled back, disjointed already, in an instant in 
fragments. Our men were just behind the guns. They 
leaped forward in a disordered mass. But there was little 
need of fighting now. A regiment threw down its arms 
and with colors at its head rushed over and surrendered. 
All along the field detachments did the same. Over the 
field the escaped fragments of the charging line fell back — 
the battle there was over." 

Colonel Fry, who so gallantly led Archer's Brigade, says: 
" I heard Garnett give a command. Seeing my gesture of 
inquiry he called out ' I am dressing on you !' A few sec- 
onds later he fell dead. A moment later a shot through 
my thigh prostrated me. The smoke soon became so dense 
that I could see but little of what was going on before me. 
A moment later I heard General Pettigrew calling to rally 
them on the left. All of the five regimental colors of my 
command reached the line of the enemy's works and many 
of my men and officers were killed after passing over it. " 
X^olonel Shepherd, who succeeded Fry In command, said in 
his official report that " every flag in Archer's Brigade ex- 
cept one was captured at or within the works of the enemy." 

Scales' Brigade, closely following Archer's, dashed up to 
the projecting wall and planted their battle-flags upon the 



18 

enemy's breastworks. Pettigrew's and the left of Archer's 
had surged forward beyond the projecting wall, and had 
firmly established themselves along the retired portion of 
the wall, sixty yards beyond. Gen. Bachelder, who thor- 
oughly studied the field for days after the battle, than 
whom no one knew so well the details of that affair, says : 
" The left of the column continued to move on toward the 
second wall, threatening the right and rear of Gibbons' Di- 
vision, which held the advance line. General Webb, whose 
brigade on the right (in the projection), had hurried back 
to bring up his right reserve regiment from the second line. 
But before this could be accomplished the first line broke 
under the tremendous pressure which threatened its front 
and flank, and fell back upon the reserve. " Thus while 
Garnett was struggling for the possession of the stone wall 
on the Confederate right, and Kemper was engaged with 
Harrow and Hall still farther to the right, seeking to pen- 
etrate into the enemy's line and turn the left of the hill, the 
advance of Pettigrew's command fifty yards beyond the 
projecting wall, taking Webb's exposed brigade on the right 
flank, caused it to give back from the wall and yield that 
part of the projection to the regiments of Archer and Scales 
that pressed them in front. Capt. Mclntyre, Acting Adju- 
tant-General of Scales' Brigade, says : " My brigade, or a 
larger part of it, went inside of the enemy's works. " 

Capt. Guerrant, acting as Brigade Inspector, says that 
" Scales' Brigade entered the breastworks and remained in 
possession until driven out by the enemy advancing on their 
flanks. " Major Engelhard, the gallant Adjutant-General 
of the two brigades of Pender's Division, commanded by 



19 

Trimble, says : " The point at which the troops with me 
struck the enemy's works projected farthest to the front. 
I recollect well, my horse having been shot, I leaned my el- 
bow against one of the guns of the enemy to rest, while I 
watched with painful anxiety the fight upon Pickett's rights 
for upon its success depended the tenableness of our posi- 
tion. 

* ' Surrounding me were the soldiers of Pender's, Heth's 
and Pickett's Divisions, and it required ail the resources at 
my command to prevent their following en masse the re- 
treating enemy, and some did go so far that when we were 
compelled to withdraw, they were unable to reach our lines^ 
the enemy closing in from the right and left. We remained 
in quiet and undisturbed possession of the enemy's works, 
the men, flushed with victory eager to press forward. 

" But when the right of Pickett's Division was compelled 
by the overpowering attack upon its right flank to give way, 
there was nothing left for us to do but to surrender ourselves 
prisoners or withdraw in confusion before the converging 
lines of the enemy, those in our immediate front not hav- 
ing rallied." 

The retired wall in front of Pettigrew's North Carolina 
Brigade was higher and stronger than at the projection, and 
along it skirted a lane inclosed by a strong fence. 
' Hays's Division clung to the wall here with pertinacity,, 
and the second line, protected by the high crest of the ridge, 
commanded it completely, while Howard's fresh artillery on 
the slope of Cemetery Hill swept the front with an enfila- 
ding fire. But while it was impracticable for any troops to 
carry it by assault, the Confederate line much weakened by 



20 

the losses suffered in the march, silenced the batteries in 
their front and suppressed the infantry fire from the wall, 
and maintained the unequal contest there to the last. 

Pettigrew's North Carolinians reached the wall itself, 
sixty yards in advance of the Confederates at the projec- 
tion doing all that splendid valor and heroic endurance 
could do to dislodge the enemy; but their heroism was in 
vain. 

Colonel Jones, in command of Pettigrew's Brigade, says: 
" On we pushed, and were now right on the enemy's works, 
when we received a murderous fire upon our left flank. I 
looked to see where it came from, and lo ! we were com- 
pletely flanked upon our left not only by infantry but ar- 
tillery. One of the brigades had given way. The enemy 
had seized upon the gap and now poured a galling fire into 
our troops, forcing them to give way in succession to the 
right. The color -bearer of the 26th North Carolina was 
shot down while attempting to plant the flag on the wall." 
Gaston Broughton, commanding Co. D, 26th N. C, says : 
" We crossed the road and went to the enemy's works, where 
we continued firing until most of the regiment were capt- 
ured. The enemy closing in on us from our rear." Lieut. 
W. N. Snelling, Co. B, of the same regiment, says : " We 
went to an old road some ten steps from the rock fence be- 
hind which was the enemy." 

Major Haynes, of the i ith North Carolina : " I was 
about fifty yards, (I think nearer) of the wall when I was 
shot down. When shot we were in line going down toward 
the Cemetery wall. We were all cut down — no one but 
wounded left in my company save two." 



21 

Capt. J. J. Davis : " My company was next to the ex- 
treme left of the regiment, 47th N. C, and when not far 
from the enemy's works, say not more than one hundred 
yards, a sergeant of an adjoining regiment called my atten- 
tion to the fact that the troops to the left had given away. 
I looked and saw that at some distance to the left the troops 
had given way, but our supports were then advancing in 
admirable style. (lyane's Brigade.) Col. Graves, who was 
to the right of me, had kept the regiment well in hand and 
was urging the men on, and we advanced to the plank 
fence that run alongside the lane just under the stone wall.'' 
Here he and his regiment were afterwards captured. 

Col. B. F. Little, Captain of Co. E, 53d N. C: "I was 
shot down when about fifty yards of the enemy's works and 
the ground between where I lay and the works was thickly 
strewn with killed and wounded, some of them having fall- 
en immediately at the works. I do not think a single one 
of my men ever got back to the rear except those who were 
slightly wounded before they got to the place where I was 
wounded. And such was the case with the companies on 
either side of mine. When I was taken prisoner and 
borne to the rear I passed over their works and found some 
of my men killed and wounded immediately at the works." 

It is of Pettigrew's Brigade that Colonel Swallow writes 
as follows : " Pettigrew's Brigade now united with Arch- 
er's regiments which had not entered the fortifications and 
attacked the enemy with the most desperate determination. 
While the writer, (Col. Swallow) lay wounded with Gen. 
Smyth, of Hays's Division, at Gettysburg, that officer told 
him that Pettigrew's Brigade all along his front were with- 



22 

in thirty or forty feet of his line and fought with a deter- 
mination he had never seen equaled. " This encomium, so 
richly merited, is, however, to be shared by Lane's Brigade 
equally with Pettigrew's, for Smyth's front was the ex. 
treme left, where Lane fought as well as Pettigrew's Brig- 
ade. 

While such was the position of affairs on the right and 

center when the smoke of battle lifted somewhat, for the 
entire field was enveloped in dense smoke, Brocken- 
borough's Virginians and Davis' Mississippians not having 
rallied from the deadly discharge that had hurled them 
back, Lane's North Carolinians were alone on the left and 
bore the brunt of the conflict on that part of the field. In 
his report Lane says : "My command never moved forward 
more handsomely. The men reserved their fire in accor- 
dance with orders until within good range of the enemy, 
and then opened with telling effect, driving the cannon - 
ers from their pieces, completely silencing the guns in our 
immediate front and breaking the line of infantry on the 
crest of the hill. 

" We advanced to within a few yards of the stone wall, 
exposed all the while to a heavy raking artillery fire from 
the right. My left was here very much exposed, and a col- 
umn of infantry was thrown forward in that direction that 
enfiladed my entire line." 

This was a column of regiments that was thrown forward 
from Hays right, and, despite an enfilading artillery fire, 
Lane broke off a regiment from his left to face this threat- 
ened danger. 



23 

Capt. Lovell, Co. A, 28th N. C, I^ane's Brigade, says : 
" Some of my men were wounded and captured inside the 
works." 

Col. Norwood, of the 37th N. C, says that regiment, 
along with the brigade, advanced to within thirty yards of 
the enemy's works, where they encountered a plank fence. 
Several officers, myself among them, sprung over the fence, 
followed by the whole command so far as I know. The 
cannoneers then left their pieces. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Morriss, of the 33d N. C, says: 
" Pettigrew's and Archer's men reached the enemy's works 
a little in advance of us and succeeded in driving the en- 
emy from their works in their front, but were exposed to a 
flank fire both right and left. We drove the enemy from 
his position on the road and from behind the stone fence. 
The enemy having disappeared from our front, we became 
engaged with a flanking party on our left and were sur- 
rounded and captured. Six officers on the right of my re- 
giment were wounded in the enemy's works and cap- 
tured." 

The brave Major Jos. H. Saunders, of the 33d, says: 
" I went, by a subsequent measurement, to within sixty 
yards of the stone wall, where I was wounded. Just before 
I was shot I saw a Federal color-bearer just in front of the 
left wing of the regiment get up and run, waving his flag 
and followed by his regiment, so that there was nothing to 
keep our regiment from going right into the enemy's works. 
I was shot by the troops on our left flank. At the time I 
was acting as left guide to the line of battle, directing the 



24 

line of march more to the right so as to strike the enemy's 
works in a straighter line." 
,„ Rev. Dr. George W. Sanderlin, who was Captain of a 

I company of the 33d N. C, says : " We were subjected to a 

rapid artillery fire from our front as well as a deadly mus- 
ketry fire, and also an enfilading artillery fire from the left. 
My regiment (the 33d N. C.,) rested at the enemy's works, 
the artillerymen being driven away from their pieces and 
the infantry having been driven from their breastworks. 
For some five minutes all was comparatively quiet in our 
front, except a desultory firing here and there. We could 
hear the Federal officers just over the ridge trying to rally 
and reform their men. We noticed the situation on the 
extreme right of the line, and finally saw it driven o£E by 
the enemy. A column had been thrown out on the ene- 
my's right that flanked us. We being in danger of being 
cut off, were ordered back, Pickett's troops on our right 
having in the meantime been repulsed. Our organization 
was well preserved up to the time we retreated. I am ab- 
solutely confident that Lane's Brigade held its position at 
the enemy's works longer than any other command, and 
that we did not move towaid the rear until the rest of the 
line was in full retreat, the extreme right being well ad- 
vanced in the rear." 

The 7th N. C. and that part of the 33d which became 
separated from the rest of Lane's Brigade moved forward 
gallantly, drove the enemy from the stone wall, silenced 
the guns in their front, and lost officers and men at the 
stone wall, many being captured there. 



25 

In the brief minutes that had elapsed since the final rush 
on the enemy's works began the carnage had indeed 
been terrific. Garnett had fallen near the wall ; Kemper 
was desperately wounded at the wall ; Pettigrew had re- 
ceived a mortal blow ; Trimble was knocked hors du com- 
bat ; Fry, Marshall and Lowrance had fallen among the 
thousands of officers and men whose life-blood was ebbing 
on that bloody field. 

But if the Confederates had suffered fearfully, they had 
also inflicted heavy loss upon their opponents. " Hancock 
lay bleeding upon the ground ; Gibbon was being taken 
wounded from the field ; Webb had been hit ; Sherrill and 
Smyth both wounded, the former mortally. Stannard had 
received a painful wound, but his troops continued to pour 
volley after volley into Pickett's flanks." 

When the front line of Webb's Brigade gave way under 
the pressure of Pettigrew 's men on the flank, they had fal- 
len back, some to the cover of a clump of trees in the rear, 
and others to a stone wall that crossed the ridge. From 
these points they maintained a desultory firing upon the 
Confederates, who having possession of the wall now used 
it as a protection for themselves. The projection was prac- 
tically cleared, but, though Archer's and Scales' and Pick- 
ett's men held the angle next to Pettigrew, there was no 
general effort made to penetrate into the enemy's line. In 
the meantime regiment after regiment had hurried to cover 
the break in the Federal line until the men stood four 
deep, ready to hurl back the Confederates if they should 
seek to advance. Such was the condition of comparative 



26 

repose when Armistead's Brigade reached the wall in Gar- 
nett's rear. 

" Seeing his men were inclined to use it as a defense, as 
the front line were doing," he raised his hat upon his sword, 
and springing upon a broken place in the wall, called on 
his men to follow him. Nearly loo of the gallant 53d Va., 
led by Col. Martin and Maj. Timberlake, responded with 
alacrity and entered the works, " only four of whom ad- 
vanced with these officers to the crest, passing, as they ad- 
vanced, Gen. Webb, who was returning to his front line." 
Armistead there received his mortal blow, and forty-two of 
his men fell within the works as the enemy rushed forward 
to recover the position. It was the work of brief moments, 
for as the pressure on the Federal line had been sharp the 
recoil was quick and decisive. 

On the right Kemper had been driven back, and the 
battle having now ceased in front of Hall's and Harrow's 
Brigades, these were hurriedly advanced at the moment 
the force collected in the rear of Webb rushed forward, tak- 
ing Garnett and Armistead's troops in the flank as well as 
front, and entirely routing and dispersing them. 

As the right was hurled back and the fragments of 
Pickett's Division were hurrying to the rear, the battle be- 
gan to rage more furiously on the left. The artillery swept 
the front occupied by Pettigrew's command, and Hays's Di- 
vision renewed the contest with increased ardor. A Dela- 
ware regiment on Smyth's left sprang over the wall and 
penetrating the Confederate line opened a fire to the right 
and left and hurried the drama to its close. 



27 

The remnants of Pettigrew's and Archer's and Scales' 
Brigades, that could not escape, were taken prisoners by 
the victorious columns closing in on them from the rear, 
while most of lyane's Brigade, farther to the left, had the 
better fortune of avoiding a like fate by a speedy retreat ; 
but they were the last to relinquish their position in the 
immediate front of the enemy's works. As they withdrew 
they saw the field far down the valley dotted with squads 
of Pickett's broken regiments, while near were the frag- 
ments of the other commands in full retreat. Thus ended 
the events of these brief ten minutes — the gallant charge — 
the successful planting of the Confederate standards along 
the entire line of the Federal works — the comparative lull, 
save on the right, where Kemper made his fierce en- 
trance into the enemy's line, his speedy repulse — and the 
overwhelming rally of Hancock's forces, enveloping and 
dispersing Pickett's Division — the terrible onslaught on the 
left, and the dispersal of the last of that splendid body of 
13,000 picked troops that had essayed to do what was im- 
possible of accomplishment. Conspicuous gallantry had 
brought to the Confederate banner an accumulation of mar- 
tial honor, but on no field was ever more devotion shown, 
more heroism, more nerve, than on that day which has been 
Justly considered the turning point in the tide of Confed- 
erate achievement. 

It was indeed a field of honor as well as a field of blood, 
and the sister States of Virginia and North Carolina had 
equal cause to weave chaplets of laurel and of cypress. On 
their sons the heaviest blows fell, and to them is due the 
meed of highest praise. Archer's brave men doubtless suf- 



28 

fered heavily, but the chief loss was borne by the three 
North Carolina and the three Virginia brigades that parti- 
cipated in the assault upon the works. 

The losses of the latter are easy of ascertainment — for 
they were fresh and had been in no other conflict ; while 
the former, having suffered heavily on the first day and 
having lost most of their regimental and company 'oflScers, 
made at the time no special return of the loss in this now 
celebrated charge. 

I/ane carried in 1,300 and lost 600, nearly all killed and 
wounded. Pettigrew's Brigade was about 1,700 strong and 
lost 1,100, the greater part killed and wounded. Scales' 
Brigade suffered in like proportion. These three brigades 
doubtless lost in killed and wounded 1,500 men. 

The three Virginia brigades lost 224 killed, and 1,140 
wounded ; a total loss of 1,364. Tiiey had besides 1,499 
missing. While the North Carolina brigades did not have 
so many "captured'' as Pickett's Division they doubtless 
suffered a heavier loss in killed and wounded, although 
they took into the fight a smaller force, and their organiza- 
tion was much disturbed by the severe loss in regimental 
and company officers in the battle of the first. Bt;t despite 
this drawback, they exhibited a heroism, a constancy and 
an endurance unsurpassed upon that field where they ac- 
complished as much as any other troops, suffered greater 
losses penetrated the farthest and remained the longest. 
Indeed, it was to them a day of glory as of mournful disaster. 









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Cbe north Carolina Booklet 



'^^ GREAT EVENTS IN 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY. 




\ \ 



}^ 



Cbe Condttions that Cea 
to tbe Hu°Klux V\tm,., 



BY — 

MRS. T. J. JAKVIS. 




PRICE 10 CENTS. ^ ^ ^ $1.00 THE YEAR. 

Entered at the Fostoffice at Raleigta, N. C, as second-class matter— June 34, 1901. 



Cbe nortb Carolina DooKlet 



The Editors of the N. C. Booklet announce that should a suf- 
ficient number of subscriptions be receiyed to warrant the 
publication of the N. 0. Booklet, it will be issued monthly, as 
heretofore, for another year, beginning May 10th, 1902. The 
following being the proposed list of subjects: 

1. Ku-Klux — Continued. 

Mrs. T. J. Jarvis. 

2. A Eeprint from Lawson. 

3. Indian Massacre and Tuscarora War. 

Judge Walter Clark. 

4. Old Charleston on the Cape Fear. 

5. Our Pirates. 

Capt. S. A. Ashe. 

6. The Revolutionary Congress of North Carolina. 

7. Whigs and Tories. 

8. The Battle of Guilford Court House. 

Prof. D. H. Hill. 

9. Historic Homes in N. C, — The Groves, and others. 

10. Raleigh and the old town of Bloomsberry. 

Dr. K. P. Battle, Sr. 

11. Moravian Settlement in North Carolina. 

Rev. Dr. J. E. Clewell, 

12. The Story of the Albemarle. 

Major Graham Daves. 

Parties desiring to subscribe will please send at once, their 
address with the subscription price $1. for the year, to " The N. 
0. Booklet Co., P. 0. Box 125, Raleigh, N. C." 

If for any reason the Booklet should not be issued, each sub- 
scriber's money will be returned. 

Arrangements have been made to have this volume of the 
Booklet bound in library style for 50c. Those living at a dis- 
tance will please add 5 cents in stamps to cover cost of mailing. 
State in ordering whether black or red leather is preferred. 



NORTH CAROLINA BOOKLET. 



Vol. I. APKIL 10, 1902. No. 12. 



tU &nm\m$ tDai £ea to tu Rm-RIusj RJanSe 



BY- 
MRS. T. J. JAKVIS. 



RALEIGH : 

Capitai, Printing Company. 

1902, 



' Carolina s Carolina! l)eaven'$ blessings attend ben 
mbile we live we will cherish, protect and defend ber.' 



THE CONDITIONS THAT LED TO THE KU-KLUX 

KLANS. 

The fourth and fifth decades of the last century were 
scarcely less momentous, in their historical import, than 
was the first lustrum of the sixth. 

Titanic battles were fought on the hustings, and on the 
floor of the United States Senate, between Federalists and 
State Rights giants. Abolitionists, and Free Soilers, with 
the profound legal acumen of Justinian, and the eloquence 
of Cicero. Yet, when the wild plaudits of partizans and 
adherents had died on the air, no man could truthfully say 
on which banner victory had perched. 

But the mighty triumvirate, whose names are to live even 
when the English language, like that of Cicero, is known 
only through the classics, were but human after all ; and 
matter yielded in rapid succession, to the triumphs of mind. 

John Caldwell Calhoun, the champion of the South, the 
author of the doctrine of Nullification — the defendf^r of sla- 
very, as permitted by the laws of God and the provisions of 
the Constitution ; — for years a member of the lower House 
of Congress, — twice Vice-President of the United States, — 
member of the Senate, — the Preserver of Peace, when war 
with Great Britain was eminently threatening, pending the 
Oregon Claim ; the great Patriot, — the illustrious States- 
man — the man whose ability, integrity and worth were 
spoken of in the highest terms, even by his political oppo- 
nents, had dropped his mantle and " Fallen on Sleep" at 
Washington, on March 31st, 1850. 



Henry Clay, the matchless advocate, whose power with a 
jury has never been surpassed, — Statesman in the highest 
sense of the word, — four times Speaker of the House of 
Representatives, — member of the Senate, — three times a 
candidate for the Presidency, — member of the Cabinet, — 
Peace Commissioner abroad, — Courtier in the Salons of 
Madame DeStael, — Author of the Senate bill in 1850, which 
well might have averted the great battle on the slavery 
question — ^was the second to answer the imperative roll call 
of the ages, on the 26th day of July 1852. Death had no 
terrors for him, for he had " preferred to be right, rather than 
to be President. " And the day of his funeral was observed 
in New York, as in the States of his nativity and adoption. 

Just three months later, in October 1852, Daniel Web- 
ster, orator, statesman, jurist, patriot, the profoundest in- 
tellect ever eminating from a New England State, — Cabi- 
net officer, Senator, — twice within easy reach of the Presi- 
dency, — ^yet twice defrauded in the language of Edmund 
Burke "by the Calumnies of Malice, and the Judgments of 
Ignorance, '' had been followed to his six feet of earth at 
Marshfield, almost amid the hootings of the blood-thirsty 
rabble, whom the gods had made mad, because, as he had 
stated, " He could not subscribe to the code of the fanati- 
cal and factious Abolitionists of the North." 

Had these three men in the fifties, with their phenome- 
nal giant intelligences, been only as old as the century — 
who will deny but that justice and judgment might have 
clasped hands ; and a remedy been discovered ; by which, 
in the language of De Toqueville, " Emancipation might 
have been accomplished, as in Brazil ; and voluntarily 



adopted, without having wrung a tear, or a drop of blood 
from mankind !'' 

But the unfortunate zeal of millions of fanatics sowing 
dragons' teeth upon the grave of Webster, which were to 
lay his son Fletcher a victim by his side, was destined to 
bring forth a harvest of blood-thirstiness which could find 
its parallel only in France, in the early nineties of the pre- 
vious century. 

Wendell Phillips, William I<oyd Garrison and the hosts 
of Abolitionists, who followed in the wake of these men, 
were dead alike to reason and to mercy. " The Brother in 
Black " was to be set free at the cost of rivers of blood and 
the sacrifice of millions of lives of the " Brother in White. '' 
It mattered not that the Constitution had guaranteed the 
right of owners to their slaves, and that Webster had con- 
sequently declared, with unclouded legal vision, that " the 
principle of the restitution of the fugitive slave was not ob- 
jectionable, unless the Constitution is objectionable. " And 
Cheves, another illustrious statesman, had also maintained 
in vigorous language, that " the highest violatior of the 
Constitution is to employ the use of its forms to violate its 
spirit. " 

In vain was it urged, as a matter of law, that, at the 
time of the Declaration of Independence slavery was an ac- 
knowledged right of all the colonies ; and at the time of the 
adoption of the Constitution it was a leading feature of 
domestic institution in nearly all the States. Yet, it is as- 
tonishing to reflect, in the sober methods of ratiacination. 
of to-day, what trivial causes were lending an all potent in- 
fluence, in plunging a nation into a war which might have 



been avoided ; yet which was to be fought with a loss of 
nearly a million lives. Uncle Tom's Cabin — an intensely 
dramatical romance ; " but " in the language of the ablest 
editor and critic of any English journal of to-day — " A re- 
diculous Old Melodrama '' when viewed in the light of his- 
tory, had now appeared. This story furnished about as 
correct a portrayal of Southern life-conceding that its inci- 
dents were all true, as Brockway, of Syracuse notoriety, 
rendered infamous by the atrocious barbarities practiced on 
his helpless victims, if taken as an exponent of New York 
society generally, or as Mr. Squeers, of Dickins' fiction, if 
regarded as a universal type of London character. Yet this 
story fired the imagination of thousands of idle, unreason- 
ing, weak-nerved fanatics who had never wandered more 
than a score of miles from their own hearth-stones, and 
who had consequently never seen a slave or freedman of the 
colored race, in all the period of their narrow existence. 

Viewed from such a distance, slavery was the sin of sins, 
besides which slaughter, wholesale murder — call it what 
you will, paled into insignificance. The Dred Scott Decis- 
ion was to their minds the crowning act of infamy. The 
Chief Justice of the United States, the illustrious Taney, 
who delivered the opinion of the Court, six of the nine 
judges concurring with him, was villified and lampooned 
and even burnt in effigy as a judicial monster of the Je£E- 
ries type. In short, no language was strong enough, no 
epithets sufficiently defaming to give utterance to the pub- 
lic condemnation of as pure and upright and able a judge 
as ever sat upon the woolsack or wore the ermine. 

Since the war a prominent Northern jurist has said of 



Taney, " His opinions were distinguished by their clear, 
ness, learning, directness and firm grasp of the points dis- 
cussed ; and, when dealing with Constitutional subjects, for 
sound and weighty reasoning, thorough acquaintance with 
the political history of the country, and for the close bear- 
ing of all contained in it upon the great question under ex- 
amination. " One of the Associate Justices who sat upon 
the bench with him, declared that the Chief Justice pos- 
sessed a power of subtle analysis which exceeded that of 
any man he had ever known ; and again, we read, from an- 
other illustrious critic, that to question his integrity would 
beggar the resources of falsehood. Yet his decision, in 
stern conformity to the requirements of the Constitution, 
raised a howl of denunciation at the North, that hissed at 
reason, and could only be appeased when satiated with 
blood. As in later days the demented nihilist Guiteau took 
the life of President Garfield ; and later still, the conscience- 
less anarchist Czolgosc murdered the unsuspecting Presi- 
dent of the United States ; -so, from the national dementia 
of i860 there were rapidly rolling up " Elemental forces 
which imported a tremendous outbreak somewhere in 
American History. " Ever and anon the high points of 
tragedy in the drama of a nation's life " thrust into the fo- 
cal blaze of the world's attention some human insignifi- 
cance and forbid us to smile at him because of his tragic 
situation." Thus out of the same caldron of evil influences 
— from the same fiery furnace of monstrous ingredients out 
of which was forced James Guiteau and lycwis Czolgosc, 
there had emerged, a score of years in advance of either. 
(We quote from The Independent of recent date.) " At the 



psycological moment, an obscure tanner, who by one act 
provoked the nation into the settling of the rights and wrongs 
of a great question, though a continent was drenched in 
blood in the finishing of the argument. '' This crude devel- 
opment, "was a huge, hairy brute in whose breast burned 
the single spark of a celestial idea. He dreamed of liberat- 
ing the slaves of the South and leaped to the accomplish- 
ment of his purpose like a gorilla. '' Guiteau and Czolgosc 
murdered each, one innocent and unsuspecting individual, 
albeit the beloved head of a great nation. John Brown sprang 
like a gorilla at the throats of sleeping men, women and 
children ; and naught but the iron hand of law in the Old 
Dominion, swiftly falling, saved at that hour thousands of 
her citizens from indiscriminate massacre. 

If a " celestial idea " could be found in the mental and 
moral make up of John Brown, might not the same sort of 
analysis find a gleam of the same fire in the dark souls of 
Guiteau and Czolgosc? Nay, do not these three deserve 
the same deep grave of infamy — John Brown the deeper, 
in that his victims would have been many thousands for 
one ? A brilliant young Southern writer in an editorial 
which lies before me, truly says : " It is impossible to un- 
derstand the problems of the present, without tracing their 
conditions back into the past, " hence the necessity for sta- 
ting the reasonings and deductions thus advanced. 

The war was on. The crisis had now reached its climax. 
A war that made the world stand aghast at its colossal 
proportions — a war that has defied description for nearly 
half a century. Yet, for such an unequal struggle, the 
South was as armorless as David against Goliath. The 



feeling, however, that nations like individuals, when 
wronged or insulted, must sometimes battle for principles, 
even with a foreknowledge that material might will of- 
ten prevail in the settlement of human affairs, could 
not be set aside ; there could have been no other appeal. 
In the language of a gifted Southern historian, "The South 
had made, could have made, no preparation for the war. 
Without the organized machinery of an established, nation- 
al government, without a navy or the nucleus of an army, 
without even a seaman or soldier ; with limited mechanical 
and manufacturing facilities, with no accumulation of arms 
or ordnance, and with no existing means for making them; 
without revenue, without external commerce, without for- 
eign credit, without a recognized place in the family of na- 
tions, and confronted with the hostile prejadices of the 
world — it is not easy to conceive of a nation with fewer 
belligerent capabilities." 

Four years was a continent drenched in blood, and there 
was no more to be shed. The last armed opposition to be 
encountered overwhelming armed resistance, and the end 
had come, I^ee had surrendered at Appomatox Court House. 
The arbitrament was final. Men wept in stacking their 
rusty, almost powerless muskets. But " Cest le Desttn'^ 
they said, as did Napoleon in returning from Waterloo ; 
and from that hour to this the Union of the States has been 
recognized as indissoluble — whatever of disunion New Eng- 
land may have threatened in the early days, and whatever 
may have been the verbiage of California's plea for condi- 
tional admission into the Union; — ^victorious coercion set- 



10 

tied that vexed question, as did Romulus when his brother 
Remus sprang over the Roman wall. 

Yet these heroes of a hundred battles, those above the 
sod in faded or tattered garments, without a dollar and 
without hope for the cause they loved better than life was 
dead — returned with sorrow unspeakable to their desolate 
Southland. They felt with far juster reason than did Mary 
Tudor, concerning Calais, that after death " Appomatox 
Court House would be stamped upon the fleshly tablets 
of their hearts. " They kissed the pale furrowed brow of 
the wife they had left behind, as they murmured with a 
sob, " all is lost save honor, dear, and we must be one 
country again. '' The surrender then of "all save honor" 
was accepted. These men, pallid, starved; most of them 
broken in bone or muscle, by rifle ball or shell, had re- 
turned to build up their desolate homes, burned or laid 
waste by a ruthless foe ; and to struggle in person for the 
sustenance of wife and children. The homespun dress, the 
faded grey coat, with army buttons covered with cloth by 
order of some freedman's bureau minion, were silent badg- 
es of honor. These things were some of the penalties of 
defeat and must be borne in silence. 

But were they to have peace ? The discharge of cannon 
or the continuous rattle of musketry might no longer be 
heard in the land, where foe should meet foe in open armed 
combat. But what of the midnight dagger or single shot 
gun, fired into the family circle, from the darkness with- 
out, as the gunless, defenseless soldier, returned from the 
war with a -promise of feace^ sat by his fireside ? True, 
General Grant had been a generous foe — all brave soldiers 



11 

are ; but the power of tlie great conqueror had ended for 
the time with the sheathing of I^ee's sword and the stack- 
ing of the guns of his army. Yet there are forms of war, 
as they were fast learning, far more terrible than the tent- 
ed field or — " the red belching of the cannon's mouth. '' 

A swarm, nay an army, if such scum of earth could be 
collected on one field and falsely called an army, without 
insult to the man who wore the blue, had crawled down 
like vermine into Egypt, and were fattening upon man and 
beast in the South. There was no tribunal as of old, to 
which men could appeal. Vance, the great war governor, 
and ardent lover of his State, which he was no longer per- 
mitted to serve, was occupying a prisoner's cell in Wash- 
ington City, and W. W. Holden had been appointed Pro- 
visional Governor of the State. In the dreary summer of 
1865, President Johnson, to whom justice is rarely done in 
the South, and never in the North, had ordered an election 
to be held in North Carolina, for delegates to a State Con- 
vention, to frame a Constitution, and organize a State Gov- 
ernment in harmony with the new order of things, as well 
as to provide for the representation of the State m the Na- 
tional Congress. 

This Convention met in Ooctober of that year; and was 
composed, for the most part of men who had already been 
prominent in public life in North Carolina, and of others 
who were destined to become so. The Convention provided 
for an election to be held for Governor and members of the 
legislature. To fill the former position Jonathan Worth 
was duly elected; and a legislature composed of the best el- 
ement of the State was chosen. This legislature met in 



12 

December, when Worth was inaugurated, and all the ma- 
chinery of a full State government at once put in opera- 
tion. An able judiciary was also chosen, and Wm. A. 
Graham, the most illustrious of her many distinguished 
sons, was sent at the head of the North Carolina delegation 
to Washington to take the State back to her place in the 
Union, but alas ! the wild fanticism of the North, which 
had driven her from the Federal government was not suffi- 
ciently appeased, nor had the State and her people been 
sufficiently humiliated. Till that was done, there was no 
place for her around the old hearthstone. Her people must 
yet go through the "hell'' of Congressional reconstruction, 
and drink deep of its fiery broth, before her Senators and 
Representatives could be admitted to their seats. This leg- 
islature recognized the changed status of the negro, and 
enacted laws appropriate to his new condition, giving him 
such civil rights and duties as that condition justified. 
County, town and city governments were reorganized, 
courts were regularly held and presided over by able and 
just men ; the law was once more asserting itself and its 
invigorating influences were seen in the more hopeful de- 
meanor of all classes of people. Had this state of affairs 
been allowd to continue, the dark pages of the reconstruc- 
tion regime had never been written, and the the name of the 
Ku-Klux Klans would never have appeared in the pages of 
National or State history. But this was not to be. A prom- 
inent Northern politician had declared that the States which 
had been guilty of the crime of rebellion should be kept 
within the grasp of war for thirty years. The dark valley 
and shadow of death lay once more before the people of 



13 

North Carolina. The State was again to be put under mili- 
tary rule, and the conquerors were not only to plant their 
heels upon the necks of the men who had been overcome in 
war, but were urged to press with all the vigor of their con- 
qering power. President Johnson had asserted that the 
States never having been separated from the Union, had lost 
their Constitutional rights only while engaged in rebellion, 
and that on the laying down of arms and the renewal of alle- 
giance to the United States Government, they had resumed 
their ante-bellum attitude and condition and should at once 
be recognized as a part of the Union. This policy aroused 
a frenzy at the North, scarcely less savage than the aboli- 
tion craze, and it found fierce utterance in the Congress as- 
sembled at Washington. A controversy of intense partizan 
bitterness was at once inaugurated between the President 
and the legislative branches of the National Government. 
The former fought single handed with patriotism worthy 
of the cause. Legislative vindictiveness, however, prevailed 
over the veto of the President, and Congress immediately 
voted to impose restrictions and conditions on executive 
powers in relation to amnesty, the command of the army 
and the right of removal from oflSce. Congress still fur- 
ther vented its fury in the enactment of articles of impeach- 
^ ment against President Johnson. Fortunately the older, 
wiser heads in the Senate were not all of the hated type. 
The impeachment failed and Johnson remained President. 
The vindictive House of Representatives affirmed, with 
redoubled emphasis, that, by the act of secession, the States 
recently engaged in war, had forfeited all their rights un- 
der the Constitution; — and not having acknowledged their 



14 

rebellion until they were forced to do so at the point of the 
bayonet, they should be relegated to the condition of ter- 
ritorial possessions, to be governed by Congress till the lat- 
ter should deem them sufficiently humbled; and until new 
Constitutions should be framed and adopted by a vote of 
all the people, including the recently freed negro. Most 
of the seceding States were formed into military districts, 
subject to the will of a Major General, and to be ruled by 
tyros and neohytes in government; — the standard of loyalty 
being the color of the skin, or an acknowledged member- 
ship in the Union League. A sense of justice had caused 
General Garfield to protest in the strongest language against 
this measure in the United States Congress of which he was 
then a member. He declared that such a measure " laid 
its hands on the rebel governments taking the very breath 
of life out of them and putting the bayonet at the breast of 
every rebel in the South, leaving in the hands of Congress 
utterly and absolutely, the work of reconstruction." 

Such being the language of an uncompromising, honest 
Republican, was Peace even yet to be expected for the 
South ? Soulless demagogues might cry, " Peace, peace, 
but there was no peace." 

Disturbing elements were growing more and more prom- 
inent in the land; yet, lovers of their state, having a govern- 
or and officers of their own choosing, began, with the shad- 
ows of night still about them, to fancy for a brief space, 
that they could see indications of a coming dawn. True, 
their hearts were still bleeding for they had loved the 
cause for which they had sacrificed so much, yet they had 
seen it vanish like a dream, and had fully recognized that 



15 

it was not to be. They were asking now — these tempest 
tossed toilers on a ship wrecked strand, for calm, any calm, 
even "a calm despair." 

Were their hopes to be realized ? Were they to be left 
in peace, to toil upward again toward the autonomy, which 
the President had declared should be theirs, now that hos- 
tilities had ceased? Was the sovereignty of reason to 
assert itself in the sphere of morals, guiding the action of a 
ruling Congress ? Later on we shall see. In the mean- 
time, the Bx-confederate soldier set a seal upon his lips, 
hoping against hope. Novices in mechanics or trades of 
all description, these battle scared veterans, fresh from the 
Universities of North Carolina, Virginia, of Princeton, Yale, 
Harvard, Edinboro or Heidelburg, at the beginning of the 
war, were now setting an example to the world of patient 
endurance and toil perhaps without a paralell in the his- 
tory of nations. They had rebuilt their houses out of 
rough hewn timber ; for carpenter's tools like implements 
of husbandry were few and costly. The ever present 
"carpetbagger," to whom before the war the most insignif- 
cant sum of money would perhaps have seemed quite a 
fortune, had already thrown up shops at every cross roads, 
and were retailing calico at fifty cents a yard, and every 
other article of necessity at proportionally ruinous prices. 
" But needs must when the devil drives," and if purchases 
were to be made at all they were to be made here. White 
children went in tattered clothing shivering with cold. 
The Freedman's Bureau dispensed food and clothing to the 
"brother in black" with a lavish hand. The United 
States Government was defrauded of millions ; but revenge 



16 

was sweet ; and robbery and plunder were the prevailing 
idea of the post-bellum invader ; nor was the " Fool " on 
his " errand '' scarcely more to be tolerated. The latter 
might not be as numerous as the general beggar on horse- 
back, but they were here in large numbers, and here as 
they believed to stay. Among them, a briefless barister 
without purse, without prospects so far, saw his oppor- 
tunity and seized it. He stood not upon the order of his 
coming but came at once. This man, who was destined 
to sit upon the bench and pervert the law to the use of his 
party followers, was thereby to achieve fortune and fame 
not limited to a continent. The ''carpetbaggers" gen- 
erally were not so fortunate, yet did they — like the cru- 
saders of old — have untold perils by land and sea to en- 
dure. There were no continents to march across on weary 
feet, with powerfully armed hostile nations on every side, 
and, consequently no crusade of the medieval age was ever 
undertaken with half the enthusiasm now manifested by 
the threadbare colored shirt, hungry band who came down 
upon us. No Peter the Hermit was needed to promise 
exemption from sins in the world to come. The good 
things of this life were the material glories of which they 
were in quest. True, the South was a waste almost as the 
" Black Forest '' of William the Conqueror. It might be 
to the natives as impoverished as Canaan, to Jacob and his 
sons after years of famine ; but to these lean Harpies of the 
Virgilian type it was to be a veritable Egypt with the 
storehouses of Joseph and Pharoah from which to draw. 
The freed negro was the ultima thule of their desires, the 
great bonanza from which they were to acquire untold 



17 

wealth ; and tlie more ignorant they found these, the bet- 
ter were they pleased. The colored brother was the 
nation's ward, to be fed and clothed and kept in idleness, 
that devils workshop, with these Cyclops at the forge. 
Their agents could obtain and retail provisions from ex- 
haustless government stores, the negroes gladly spending 
such sums as were given them, or as they could earn from 
their new employees, by services joyfully rendered. The 
ignorant and impertinent colored woman was encouraged 
to flaunt her fine things in the face of the young mistress 
in rough homespun, while she hissed at, or otherwise de- 
rided the " poor white rebble trash." And still the mut- 
terings of a people goarded to madness, were all unheeded. 
The cry of the horse leech was still going by post and 
courier to Washington — " More ! more ! !" The negroes, 
as we have said, had at first blindly and implicity followed 
the directions of their new masters. But they were hence- 
forth not to be altogether tools, they were to be allies as 
well, in a carnival of crime and vengeance. The "carpet- 
bagger" and scallawag population still churned up their 
witches cauldrons. The prejudices of the negro were in- 
flamed and fostered. He suddenly found himself, like the 
Irish culprit, who, when acquitted solely by the powerful 
pleading of his attorney, sobbingly declared as he left the 
court room, that, " he had never known how grievously he 
had been injured until his lawyer had informed the Judge 
and Jury." Their crude self conceit was flattered until 
they were made to believe that only their former owners 
stood between them and social equality, the free gift of 
land, property, and high official distinction. Their arro- 



18 

gance and presumption became a species of howling frenzy. 
Women were insulted, men were threatened and shot down, 
houses were burned, propositions of marriage, or worse, 
were of frequent occurence. A notable instance came 
from a master's former coachman to that master's daughter ; 
and when resented with a club, the father was brained 
with an axe. Yet false representations, unquestioningly 
believed, were carried up to Washington, by political adver- 
saries, who were eager to make market of their oppor- 
tunity. Some northern school mistresses and masters, and 
an occasional pieacher of the gospel, who were receiving 
funds from their section of the country, for the ostensible 
purpose of educating and elevating the negroes, occupied 
their time, instead, in encouraging these ex-slaves to deeds 
of insolence and robbery. And when reprisals were made, 
although through the courts, such attempts at self protec- 
tion were reported as unwarranted oppression of the colored 
race. 

In 1868 a Convention assembled to frame another Con- 
stitution for North Carolina, in accordance with the new 
requirements of Congress. In this convention sat the 
stranger from New York and Ohio ; and by his side the 
newly enfranchised negro, who knew no more of the true 
definition of the word " constitution " than the " carpet- 
bagger " did about military tactics. This convention 
overthrew the existing system of state, county, and munici- 
pal government, and provided for an entirely new arrange- 
ment of things in North Carolina. Every office from Gov- 
ernor to Constable was to be immediately vacated and a 
new incumbent introduced. An election was ordered to be 



19 

held in April, for governor and other state officers, includ- 
ing judges and members of the legislature. At this elec- 
tion many thousands of our best citizens were denied the 
right of voting, while every negro, who by any stretch of 
the imagination could declare himself twenty-one years of 
age, was permitted to multiply himself as often as he had 
the time and inclination to do so. All election returns 
were to be sent for approval to General Canby, Military 
Governor of the District, whose official residence was at 
Charleston, S. C. The election continued for three days, 
during the month of April, the ex-confederate going to the 
poles in many places, through lines of hostile bayonets, 
with challenges innumerable, while the negro marched 
exultingly to deposit his ballot. One of these unscrupu- 
lous poll holders stated, years afterward, that he and oth- 
ers, to whom the ballot box was assigned for safe keeping, 
amused themselves at night by changing the ballots to suit 
their views as to how the election should go. After three 
days of so-called election, these ballot boxes were sent to 
Charleston to Gen. Canby ; whose prerogrative it was to 
count the votes and declare the result. Soon W. W. Hol- 
den was announced to be the successful candidate for Gov- 
ernor, and Chief Justice Pearson was at once telegraphed 
to administer the oath of office. Nothing of the old state 
government established, officered and supported by the 
white men of North Carolina was to remain. We publish 
as a part of the history of those times the following letter 
addressed to the incoming Governor. 



20 

State of North Carowna, 
Executive Department, Raleigh. 

June 39th 1868. 
Gov. W. W. Holden, 

Raleigh, N. C. 
Sir: 

Yesterday morning I was verbaly notified by C. J. Pear- 
son, that in obedience to a telegram from Gen. Canby, he 
would, to- day at 10 a. m., adminster to you the oath of 
office required, preliminary to your entering upon the dis- 
charge of the duties of civil governor of the state ; and 
that therefore you would demand possession of my office. 
I intimated to the Justice my opinion that such proceed- 
ing was premature, even under the Reconstruction Legis- 
lation oj Congress^ and that I should probably decline to 
surrender the office to you. 

At sundown yesterday evening, I received from Col. 
Williams, Commandant of the Military Post an extract 
from general orders No 120 of Gen. Canby, as follows : 

Hkadquarters 

Second Mii,ii*ary District, 

Chari,e;ston, S. C. 

June 30. 1868. 
General Orders No. 120 {Extract:) 

"To facilitate the organization of the new State government the follow- 
ing appointments are made: to be Gov. of North Carolina, W. W. Hol- 
den, Governor elect, Vice J. Worth removod. To be I^ieutenant Gover- 
nor of North Carolina, (to fill an original vacancy to take effect Jnly 1st, 
1868 on the meeting of General Assembly of North Carolina,) Todd R. 
Caldwell, Lt. Governor elect." 

I do not recognize the validity of the late election under 
which you and those co-operating with you claim to be in- 
vested with the civil government of the State. You have 



21 

)ur election save the certificate of a Major 
Fnited States Army. I regard all of you 
ntees of the military power of the United 
s deriving your powers from the consent 
m to govern. 

wever, that you are backed by military 
n I could not resist if I would, I do not 
iry to offer a futile opposition ; but vacate 
at the ceremony of actual eviction, offering 
sition than this my protest, 
lit to actual expulsion in order to bring be- 
le Court of the United Stotes, the question 
onality of the legislation under which you 
rightful governor of this State, if the -past 
'^■ribunal Jzirnished any hope of a speedy 

e office to you under what I deem military 
stopping, as the occasion would well jus- 
t upon the sigular coincidence that the pre- 
nment is surrendered as without legality, 
(/■n official sanction but three years ago de- 

ve the honor to be, etc. 

Jonathan X- Worth. 

The inaugural of Governor Holden duly followed amid 
the plaudits of the " truly loyal, " while the men who had 
been hoping for better things saw those hopes vanish into 
the darkest despair. Never was a more ill timed or injudi- 
cious address delivered to a people who were still writh- 
ing under a sense of cruel injustice. The ex-soldiers of a 
lost cause sat by with grim, stern faces. They had submit- 



f" 



'.■'.■^"V*., 



iTOk^ 



State of North 
V' Executive Departn 

Gov. W. W. HOLDEN, 

Raleigh, N. C. 
Sir: 

Yesterday morning I was verbaly notifiec 
son, that in obedience to a telegram from C 
would, to-day at lo a. m., adminster to yo 
office required, preliminary to your entering 
charge of the duties of civil governor of 1 
that therefore you would demand possessio 
I intimated to the Justice my opinion that 
ing was premature, eveti under the Reconsi 
lation of Congress^ and that I should prob 
surrender the office to you. 

At sundown yesterday evening, I rece 
Williams, Commandant of the Military P 
from general orders No 1 20 of Gen. Canby, 5 

Headquarters 

Second Mii,itary Distr] 
Charles'. 

General Orders No. 120 {Extract:) 

" To facilitate the organization of the new State gove.„„— .^ , 

ing appointments are made: to be Gov. of North Carolina, W. W. Hol- 
den, Governor elect, Vice J. Worth removod. To be Lieutenant Gover- 
nor of North Carolina, (to fill an original vacancy to take effect Jnly 1st, 
1868 on the meeting of General Assembly of North Carolina,) Todd R. 
Caldwell, Lt. Governor elect." 

I do not recognize the validity of the late election under 
which you and those co-operating with you claim to be in- 
vested with the civil government of the State. You have 



21 

no evidence of your election save the certificate of a Major 
General of the United States Army. I regard all of you 
as in effect appointees of the military power of the United 
States, and not as deriving your powers from the consent 
of those you claim to govern. 

Knowing, however, that you are backed by military 
force here, which I could not resist if I would, I do not 
deem it necessary to offer a futile opposition ; but vacate 
the office without the ceremony of actual eviction, offering 
no further opposition than this my protest. 

I would submit to actual expulsion in order to bring be- 
fore the Supreme Court of the United Stotes, the question 
of the constitutionality of the legislation under which you 
claim" to be the rightful governor of this State, if the -past 
action of that tribunal Jurnished any hope of a sf)eedy 
trial. 

I surrender the office to you under what I deem military 
duress ; without stopping, as the occasion would well jus- 
tify, to comment upon the sigular coincidence that the pre- 
sent State government is surrendered as without legality, 
to him whose own official sanction but three years ago de- 
clared it valid. 

I have the honor to be, etc. 

Jonathan %.,. Worth. 

The inaugural of Governor Holden duly followed amid 
the plaudits of the " truly loyal, " while the men who had 
been hoping for better things saw those hopes vanish into 
the darkest despair. Never was a more ill timed or injudi- 
cious address delivered to a people who wfere still writh- 
ing under a sense of cruel injustice. The ex-soldiers of a 
lost cause sat by with grim, stern faces. They had submit- 



ted as we have said to the inevitable; but they were hu- 
man and consequently not yet prepared to join " in thank- 
ing God that the great rebellion had been suppressed, and 
that the flag oi freedom once more floated above them. '' 
The statement that the sword would never have been drawn 
but for the criminal folly of the recently insurgent States" 
filled their breasts with angry resentment : For they knew 
the people of those States had been as conscientious in the 
belief of the rectitude of their motives as any that had ever 
led a people to action. They recognized the truth of Gov. 
Holden's statement that " the people of North Carolina are 
perverbial for their law-abiding disposition, " but were 
stung by these insults and outraged by the contradictions 
that were strangely intermingled in this remarkable doc- 
ument, from which in furtherance of the purposes of this 
article, we quote the following : 

'•It is not apprehended that disturbances will arise or 
that combinations will be formed to resist the laws, yet it 
is known that many hold the opinion that the reconstruc- 
tion laws of the United States are unconstitutional, and are 
therefore null and void; and it may be, that this may lead, 
if not to open resistance, to a forcible denial in some local- 
ities of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution of the 
States, formed and adopted in pursuance of said laws. It 
is also known that a disposition exists among an inconsid- 
erable portion of our population to oppress the poor whites 
and the colored race, on account of their political opinions.'' 

This they knew to be untrue, but was not the following 
an intimation of plans already formed by the Republican 
party now diametrically opposed to every effort of the de- 
mocracy? " The magistrates and the coroners will be sus- 



23 

tained by the whole fower of the State in the discharge of 
their duty, should resistance be offered. The Constitution 
provides that every male citizen shall be a voter, and that 
every voter with few exceptions shall be elligible to office. 
SufFerage has thus been bestowed upon all, the colored man 
has the same right with the white, to vote and hold office." 
Four millions of human beings who have once tasted the 
blessings of freedom will never surrener those blessings 
without a struggle. 

They would find powerful friends here and elsewhere in 
the country, when greater calamities and suffering than 
those endured by our people in the late rebellion, would 
come upon us, and the result though long delayed would 
not be doubtful. Liberty for all would again triumph, and 
those who had promoted such a " war of races " would dis- 
appear from the earth and their -possessions -would -pass 
from their children to the conquerors. The friends of re- 
construction will prevail hereafter, as heretofore, not only 
in the State but in the Nation. The Constitution must be 
administered by its friends and supporters ; the interests it 
guards are too precious to be committed to unfriendly 
hands. 

" Every office and every appointment under the State 
from the most inferior to the most exaulted, must be filled 
by the friends of reconstruction and of the new state con- 
stitution. So far as the Executive is concerned this pur- 
pose will be inflexibly maintained. These principles are 
dear to the friends of liberty, and of the government of the 
United States; and no opportunity shall be afforded to 
those who are opposed to them to occupy official positions 
or to have employments in which they might be tempted, 



24 

as they certainly are disposed, to divert distort or misapply 
them. The friends of the government must conduct the 
government in all its de-partments. There will be no so- 
cial proscription, no effort will be made to blacken the 
names of even unrepentant rebels^ as was the case with th :: 
Tories of the Revolution, but it -will be left to history to as 
sign to their proper places all the actors in the late trage- 
dy of rebellion. " 

If the definition of " history " in the lexicons be correct, 
then these ex-Confederate soldiers would have asked no 
other tribunal. But who was now to shape that history 
for them ? The mercenary and vicious interloper, the ne- 
gro or the yet more vicious deserter from his own ranks ? A 
conquering foe may sometimes grow wickedly exultant and 
ride rough shod over his helpless victim, but when a con- 
quered people turn upon each other to betray by slander, 
for selfish ends, what terms can properly stigmatize the in- 
famy? 

Here was the Governor of the State, who had in years 
past been a powerful leader of thought among those peo- 
ple, who had sought their esteem, enjoyed their confidence 
and owed much to their favor; who had agitated for disu- 
nion, and had, himself signed with eclat the ordinance of 
secession, now in the possession of great power to direct 
their futures, to compose their troubles, to allay their in- 
quietude, and lead them through the difficult paths of re- 
construction to peace, qui^t and repose. 

We shall see how signally he failed to rise to the height 
of the occasion and how, instead of a calm, a fierce social 
storm rendered his administration memorble in the annals 
of the people.