Skip to main content

Full text of "The North Carolina booklet : great events in North Carolina history"

See other formats

Digitized by tine Internet Arcinive 

in 2011 witii funding from 

LYRASIS members and Sloan Foundation 

From John White's Painting 

Vol. X JULY, 1910 No. 1 


floHTH CflHoiiipifl Booklet 

^^ Carolina! Carolina! Heaven'' s blessings attend her ! 
While we live we will cherish^ protect arid defe?id her.'^ 

Published by 



The object of the Booklet is to aid in developing and preserving North 
Oarolina History. The proceeds arising from its publication will be de- 
voted to patriotic purposes. Ediror. 


Mrs. Hubert Haywood. Miss Martha Helen Haywood. 

Mr. E. E. Moffitt. Dk. Richard Dillakd. 

Mrs. Spier Whitaker. Dr. Kemp P. Battle. 

Mr. R. D. W. Conkor. Mr. James Sprunt. 

Dr. D. H. Hill. Mr. Marshall DeLancey Haywood. 

Dr. E. W. Sikes. Chief Justice Walter Clark. 

Mr. W. J. Peele. Major W. A. Graham. 

Miss Mary Hilliard Hinton. 









Mrs. spier WHITAKER. 
Mrs. E. E. MOFFITT. 




Mrs. PAUL H. LEE. 








Mrs. JOHN E. RAY. 


Bloomsbury Chapter Mrs. Hubert Haywood, Regent. 

Penelope Barker Chapter Mrs. Patrick Matthew, Regent. 

Sir Walter Raleigh Chapter Mrs. Walker Waller Joynes, Regent. 

DeGraffenried Chapter Mrs. Charles Slover Hollister, Regent. 

Founder of the North Carolina Society and Regent 1896-1902: 

Mrs. spier WHITAKER. 

Regent 1902: 

Mrs. D. H. HILL, Sr.* 

Regent 1902-1906: 
Regent 1906-1910: 
Mrs. E. E. MOFFITT. 

•Died December 12, 1904. 


Vol. X JULY. 1910 No 1 

[After Homeward Bound.] 


Freed from the lingering chase, in devious ways 

Upon the swelling tides 

Swiftly the Lillian glides 
Through hostile shells and eager foemen past; 
The lynx-eyed pilot, gazing through the haze, 
His engines straining, "far hope dawns at last." 

Now falls in billows deep the welcome night 

Upon white sands below; 

While signal lamps aglow 
Seek out Fort Fisher's distant answering gleams, 
The blockade runner's keen, supreme delight, — 
Dear Dixie Land, the haven of our dreams! 

James Sprunt. 

The Confederate Steamer ^'Lillian," commanded by Cap- 
tain John ISFewland Maffitt, and laden with war material 
from Bermuda for Wilmington, in the early part of 1864, 
had been hard pressed all day by a swift Federal cruiser 
which Maffitt ultimately baffled by using coal dust in his fur- 
naces, raising a dense black smoke, under cover of which he 
closed his dampers and changed his course, while the cruiser 
continued to chase the trail of smoke. Maffitt then drove his 
vessel at full speed for 'New Inlet Bar and on the rising tide 
in the haze of the early evening ran a gauntlet of fire from 
fourteen blockaders while coursing down the beach towards 
Fort Fisher. A welcome darkness then enveloped the little 
fugitive. A signal officer called Fort Fisher's assistance by 
masked lights, and as the Fort responded, it also opened fire 
upon Maffitt's pursuers, and the goal was won. 



Descriptions never describe — or only to the extent tliat 
they correspond with visual experience already possessed. 
Could a man from the mountains who had never seen the 
ocean ever be told how it looked ? Would not the actual first 
sight of it come as a soft shock and a total surprise ? 

However well we may know the actions of the past, 
however well we may know the personal traits of historic 
personages, we gain an added knowledge, a clearer appre- 
ciation of men and events when we can look upon their 
features fixed in paint or marble ; when we can see the 
pageant of the past spread upon some great canvas. What 
we would know of Greece without her marbles would be 
vague and intangible. How many people have ever read 
Greek literature, Thucydides, ^schylus, Euripides, yet few 
golden oak tables, book-cases or mantlepieces lack their 
plaster casts of the Venus of Milos, or the winged Victory 
of Samothrace. 

The whole history of the Renaissance could be rewritten 
from the frescoes and paintings of the old Italian Masters — 
the gi'owth and supremacy of the Roman Catholic Church, 
the subtle intrusion of pagan ideas, the beginnings of modern 
culture. Masquerading as Madonnas and Saints, they are 
nevertheless the features and costumes of the men and women 
of the period — marvelously vivid records of the times. 

Holbein, Van Dyke, Reynolds have done the same thing 
for English history. What vivid searchlight spots on the 
English Reformation are Holbein's portraits, fat King 
"Harry," the shrewd, beautiful face of Anne Boleyn, War- 
ham, Archbishop of Canterbury, sour and inhuman with 
religious zeal ; Sir Thomas More, with utopia written on his 


benign features ; sickly little Edward Sixth, and that dear 
old English matron, with her mediaeval manners and intelli- 
gence, Lady Butts. 

It has been said that the whole period of Charles Second 
could be rewritten from Pepy's Diary were all else lost, but 
incompletely written were it not for the portraits by Sir 
Peter Lely and Sir Godfrey Kneller. One look at the por- 
trait of that shiftless, sensuous Monarch's features and we 
breathe the atmosphere of those degenerate times. 

We long to see ! a name is but a name, a face we never 
forget. Abstractions even we are compelled to visualize. In 
the Sargent room of the Boston Library is a fresco of the 
Trinity — three old men with long, gray whiskers, wrapt 
under one cloak. 

We think mainly with our eyes. 

One of the greatest educators of the times is the moving 
picture show. Its popularity illustrates the point and goes 
to prove this unconquerable desire to see. The possibilities 
of the motion picture are incalculable. Already many a 
famous picture has been arraigned, acted and photographed. 
Washington crossing the Delaware is a case in point. ISTorth 
Carolina history needs illustrating. Events abound, splen- 
did and inspiring, but they lie invisible, buried in old books 
and forgotten pamphlets, known only to a few enthusiasts. 
Painted history is irresistible, unavoidable, for once the eye 
rests upon it, the thing is done — it is hypodermic teaching. 

The pace has already been set, yet it remains a sporadic 
performance to this day, three hundred and twenty-five years 

The Prologue to the first act of ISTorth Carolina history 
has been wonderfully illustrated by John White in seventy- 
six water color drawings preserved in the Grenville Col- 
lection of the British Museum, purchased by the Trustees in 
March, 1866, of Mr. Henry Stevens at the instigation of Mr. 


Paiiizzi. When these paintings came to light, it dissipated 
the strong suspicion that DeBry had invented his illustra- 
tions. How these paintings first came to be made should 
be as interesting to JSTorth Carolinians as it is little known 
by them. The story of the French and Spanish occupation 
of Florida, the incident of their butchering each other in 
religious frenzy to the astonishment of the American Savages 
is not germain to our subject. Suffice it to say that Jaques 
Le Moyne, the painter and mathematician, survived the 
butchery, reached England and finally found shelter in the 
household of Sir Walter Raleigh, with his paintings of the 
Florida Indians, fruits, flowers and animals, together with 
his journal intact. 

Sir Walter, with his usual sagacity, realizing the immense 
importance of illustrating his long meditated projects of 
colonizing in America, sent with his first colony to Roanoke 
Island John White, who in all probability was a pupil of Le 
Moyne: for certainly in every respect Le Moyne was his 
model. In the manuscript department of the British Mu- 
seum is a volume of original drawings relating to Florida and 
Virginia (Sloan, No. 5270) manifestly a mixture of Le 
Moyne's and White's sketches. They are very valuable and 
show the intimate relation of master and pupil. 

John White came to Roanoke with the first colony under 
Lane and remained a year drawing the Indians, the fruits 
and animals from life, and in surveying and mapping the 
country with his friend, Thomas Hariot. 

Upon the return of the colony to England, some of the 
adventurers (London gentlemen no doubt, who did not find 
their Coca-Cola and Piedmont Cigarettes on sale at corner 
drug stores) cast aspersions and slanders abroad in certain 
influential quarters. So Harlot's book was put forth in hot 
haste to counteract the reports of those ignorant persons re- 
turned from Virginia, who "woulde seeme to knowe so much 


as no men more," and who "had little understanding, lesse 
discretion, and more tongue then was needful or requisite." 

The book professes to be only an epitome of what was to 
come, for near the end the author says : "This is all the 
fruits of our labours, that I have thought necessary to ad- 
vertise you of at present ;" and further on, "I have ^eady in 
a discourse by itself in manner of Chronicle according to the 
course of times, and when time shall be thought convenient, 
shall also be published." 

The Florida Journal of Laiidouniere was published in 
Paris in 1586, and dedicated to Sir Walter Raleigh. Fall- 
ing under the eye of the celebrated engraver of Frankfort, 
Theodore DeBry, he conceived the idea of issuing a luxurious 
edition of it illustrated with the exquisite paintings of J aques 
Le Moyne. DeBry went to London in 1587, to see Le Moyne 
and arrange with him the illustrations ; but Le Moyne, it 
seems, was contemplating some such scheme himself, and so 
DeBry failed in his mission. Lo Moyne died in 1588, and 
DeBry succeeded in buying a portion of the artist's work 
from his widow, together with his version of the French 
Florida Expeditions. While in London he fell in with the 
geographer Richard Hakluyt, who at that time was seeing 
his first folio collection of voyages of the English through the 

Seizing the psychological moment, Hakluyt introduced De- 
Bry to John White, Governor of Virginia, then in London. 
White had done for Raleigh's Colony in Virginia what Le 
Moyne had done for Laudonniere in Florida. The enthu- 
siastic Hakluyt impregnated DeBry with his hobby and in- 
duced him to abandon his plan of a separate publication and 
make a series of illustrated voyages, laying aside Le Moyne 
for the present and beginning with White. Le Moyne was 
dead, but White, Hariot and others were then in London to 
aid with eyewitness accounts and descriptions. Hakluyt 


suggested reprinting Hariot's "Virginia" just coming out in 
February, 1589, illustrated from the portfolio of White. He 
himself engaged to write descriptions of the plates, and his 
geogTaphical touches are easily recognized. Thus DeBry 
was induced to make Harlot's "Virginia" the first part of his 
celebrated "Peregrinations," with a dedication to Sir Walter 

Full of Hakluyt's ideas, DeBry returned to Frankfort and 
in an incredibly short time (in 1590) issued his famous book 
in four languages, Latin, French, German, and English. 

Thus we see that this book, the blending and interdepend- 
ence of several men and interests leads up to Thomas Harlot. 
It is necessary to refrain from giving title page, dedication, 
etc., to this fascinating folio, as it would extend this account 
to undue length. A fragment of the Latin Edition (the 
plates without Harlot's "Virginia") is in the State Library. 
As to the engraved plates taken in connection with the eight- 
een copies in color from White's original paintings in the 
Hall of History, they are of exceeding interest. 

Considering the state of art in England at the time, 
White's pictures are wonderful. Despite the inadequate 
technique, the crude drawing and color, nevertheless there 
shines out the truth of things actually seen. Discounting 
tb.e certain conventionalties of art, the translations and trans- 
positions it is necessary to make in art, in White's pictures 
of the Indians the aboriginal Savages are before us. That 
strange unbridged gulf that separates them from civilization 
is felt and wonderfully rendered. However poorly they are 
painted from the technical standpoint of to-day, they carry 
with them the conviction of reality, of things actually seen 
and rendered from life — easy to reconstruct with our present 

Out of the seventy-six paintings in the British Museum, 
only eighteen copies have found their way to jSTorth Carolina, 


fourteen figures of Indians, three of villages and one of fish. 
The J are in the Hall of History. Undoubtedly the State 
should own perfect copies of the entire collection. 

Theodore DeBry engraved twenty-three of the paintings 
for his book. With his academic training he has so Dutched 
the figures by fattening them up and perfecting the drawing 
that they have lost all trace of Indian characteristics. True 
he had never seen an Indian, but all the subtle suggestive- 
ne&s of White's paintings is" lost. With that unconquerable 
desire to see he has supplied us with reverse views of many 
of the figures like modern fashion plates. Also the figures 
are leversed from the exigencies of engraving. Some of his 
fat Dutch ladies, masquerading as Indian women are quite 
laughable, with rotund breasts and sugar-cured hams. 

Compare plate IV by DeBry with White's original draw- 
ing. The Indian woman of the drawing stands with folded 
ai'ms, a small deer-skin apron around her loins and lavishly 
tatooed. Although rather heavy, she is long of limb, stolid 
of countenance, with an abundant suggestiveness of savagery 
in her unblinking gaze. The figure is painted in water- 
color on a background of white paper. 

DeBry has engraved this plate showing also a reverse view, 
with her deer-skin apron tied in a coquettish knot behind, 
both views exhibiting a very rotund lady with tiny feet and 
smirking countenance. He has also added a landscape back- 
ground, filled with men spearing fish and poleing canoes. He 
has perfected his described landscape with here and there 
the addition of a few dock leaves, the nearest approach in 
his experience to tropical vegetation. In other j)lates he 
shows Indian gardens that seem to be laid oft' with the neat 
precision of a Dutch horticulturist. 

Plate VIII shows a greater liberty taken by DeBry than 
in any other, perhaps. A long-limbed, big-footed Indian 
woman stands with her weight equally on both feet, one hand 


resting in a necklace of shells, the other holding a large water 
gourd. An Indian child follows her with a doll dressed in 
Elizabethan costume. The child is particularly Indian in 
character. DeBrj shows us this lady fattened on Frankfur- 
ters, tipping herself archly, her weight on one foot, her beads 
very much finer, and with deep dimples in her elbows. The 
child is beyond all recognition, with fat, cherubimic limbs, 
curled hair, one arm held aloft with a rattle in the hand and 
the doll (an Elizabethan doll; DeBry had seen such dolls) 
the only thing in the picture better done than the original, 
held in the other hand. But, oh the feet! — nothing but 
angels that seldom perch could find them of any use. These 
two figures are placed much further apart than in White's 
picture, to satisfy DeBry's sense of balance and composition. 

The book has an ornamental title page with five Indian 
figures very skillfully adapted to a decorative design. 

Sir Walter Raleigh's coat of arms and the dedication to 
him by DeBry follow ; then Harlot's dedication and preface ; 
then his reprinted book, "Virginia." Follovdng this is an 
engraving of Adam and Eve tempted by the serpent, then 
"To the gentle reader." 

The plates begin with White's map of Virginia and the 
arrival of the English, twenty-three plates in all, followed 
by five pictures of aboriginal "Pictes," to show that the 
British descended (or ascended more properly) from ances- 
tors no less savage than the Indians. DeBry waives all 
claim to the authenticity of the five pictures by adding a 
preface to them in which he says : ^The painter of whom I 
have had the first of the Inhabitants of Virginia, gave me 
allso theese 5 figures following, fownd as he did assure me in 
a oolld English cronicle, the which I wold well sett to the 
ende of thees first Figures, for to showe how that the Inhabi- 
tants of the great Bretannie have bin in times past as sau- 
uage as those of Virginia." 


In White's report of his last visit to Roanoke Island, the 
colony vanished, the wreck and desolation of Fort Raleigh, 
he drops a word about his pictures that is interesting. 
"Presently Captain Cook and I went to the place, which was 
in the end of an old trench, made two years past by Captain 
Amidas, where we found five chests that had been carefully 
hidden by the planters, and of the same chests three were 
my own, and about the place many of my things spoiled and 
broken, and my books torn from the covers, the frames of 
some of my pictures and maps rotten and spoiled with rain, 
and my armour almost eaten through with rust." 

Oh ! that he had taken these pictures and maps back to 
England with him when he returned. Some more invaluable 
Caroliniana gone forever with Harlot's "Chronicle" that up 
to the present has remained unpublished, l^orth Carolina 
is allowing to remain unpublished and unpainted her glorious 
past and her great j)resent. The widespread knowledge of, 
say, Massachusetts history, is due primarily to her illustra- 
tors. What child does not absorb it from the pictures in 
school histories, from the paintings of all her leading events ? 

Our own history is illustrated almost entirely from pic- 
tures of monuments erected on famous spots, but the actions 
remain lifeless like the monuments commemorating them. 
Until some appreciation of the usefulness of art shall arise 
among us, our history will remain inanimate. Then and not 
till then can we enforce our claims to events that should be 
the pride of the nation at large, and are the glory of the old 
North State. 



How many men appear upon the stage of life, act well their 
parts, in many instances deserving the gratitude of coming 
generations, pass off the stage and are forgotten, what, 
though they have dethroned a tyrant, rescued a country from 
the heel of op^^ression, and saved to the jDcople and coming 
generations the blessings of civil and religious liberty, yet 
their names perish from the earth seemingly, and often cen- 
turies come and go before a grateful posterity attempts to do 
them honor. This thought comes to me when I think of 
the subject of this sketch. Colonel Francis Locke, of Tvowan, 
and the numerous heroes of that eventful period iu the life 
of this great country of ours. Their names and their illus- 
trious deeds of valor and heroism should not only live in 
bronze and marble, but in song and literature that coming 
generations may not fail to know how and whence came the 
blessings we enjoy, and knowing, render unto them that hom- 
age which is due from a grateful jDeople. The histories of 
our State, and those outside so far as I have seen, are so 
conflicting and contradictory, with perhaps one exception, 
Dr. Eumple's, as to the relationship of Colonel Francis Locke 
to General Matthew Locke and Fraucis Locke, Jr., Judge and 
United States Senator, and as their relationship was so close 
and their activity so constant and unceasing for the cause 
of American Independence — lived side by side and buried 
•side by side in old Thyatira Cemetery, hard by their broad 
plantations in Rowan County — I will state the facts as to 
their relationship, but first a word concerning the public 
services of General Matthew Locke. 

The first of this once large, influential, and patriotic family 
in Rowan County came from the north of Ireland to America 


in the 17th century and settled in Lancaster County, Penn. 
Tradition says the head of this family was Sir George Locke. 
He married Mrs. Richard Brandon, a lady of distinguished 
parentage. From Lancaster County, Penn., the three broth- 
ers, Matthew, Francis, George, and his sister Margaret, came 
to IS'orth Carolina and settled in Rowan County. The Lockes 
were of English descent and originally came from London. 
General Matthew Locke was born in the year 1730, and died 
in 1801, was an energetic, public-spirited, popular man, the 
determined foe of every form of oppression and fraud, and in 
1771 sympathized with the Regulators in many of their just 
complaints and grievances. He was elected a member of 
House of Assembly in 1769, 1771 and 1773 ; and of the Pro- 
vincial CongTess at Hillsboro, August, 1775, and of the same 
body at Halifax in 1776, which formed the first Constitution 
for North Carolina. From 1777 to 1792 he was continu- 
ously a member of the Legislature and served on the most! 
important committees. He was elected Brigadier General of 
State troops. In 1792 he was elected to the ITnited States 
CongTess and served continuously to 1799. He died Sep- 
tember 7, 1801. He married Mary (Margaret), daughter 
of Richard Brandon, a name distinguished in the annals of 
those troublous times for courageous devotion to the cause of 
liberty and independence, and left a family of thirteen chil- 
dren, eight sons and five daughters, and among their descend- 
ants have been some of the most distinguished people in this 
and other States. 

In his biographical sketch at Washington he states that 
four of his sons were in the Revolutionary army at one time. 
"It is said that in some emergency during the Revolution 
Colonel Francis Locke raised a strong company of minute 
men, composed mainly of Lockes and Brandons." One of 
General Locke's sons, Lieutenant George Locke, fell near 
Charlotte on September 25th, 1780, fighting for his country. 


''While the British were in camp at Charlotte Colonel Davie 
ordered Captain John Brandon, Major Joseph Graham and 
Lieutenant George Locke with twenty-five men to recon- 
noitre their camp. When they marched within fifty yards 
of the enemy's lines Captain Brandon proposed to advance 
and deliver a volley, which they did with great precision. 
Tarleton's troops gave chase and pursued the Americans ; 
Graham, Locke and others saw their capture was imminent 
and turned off from the main road. Graham fell with nine 
sabre wounds and three from lead and was left for dead, 
but marvelously survived. Lieutenant George Locke was 
literally cut to pieces in a most barbarous manner — two dead 
British were found near the spot where Lieutenant Locke 
was killed and Graham wounded. Captain Brandon owed 
his life to the fleetne&s of his horse. This testimony has 
come down from Colonel Alexander Work Brandon, a sol- 
dier in the War of 1812 and son of Colonel John Brandon." 
The other sons of General Matthew Locke moved to other 
■states. John, who married a daughter of General Griffith 
Rutherford, removed with him to Tennessee, where General 
Locke had large landed possessions. His daughters married 
in ISTorth Carolina, gentlemen noted in Revolutionary an- 
nals, and from them numerous descendants have adorned the 
history of our State. Strange as it may seem there is not a 
male descendant of the Locke or Brandon name in I^orth 
Carolina to-day, once the two largest families in Rowan 
County. The head-stone in Thyatira gTaveyard where Gen- 
eral Locke was buried contains the following inscription : 
''In memory of Matthew Locke, Esquire, died September 7, 
1801, aged seventy-one. A promoter of civilization, a legis- 
lator and a patriotic friend of his country. In his private 
character, a tender husband, and an affectionate parent, and 
an indulgent master, ever a friend to the poor, and attentive 
to his happiness in that state where we contemplate his exist- 
ence leaving memory to retain him here." 


Colonel Francis Locke, the subject of this sketch as before 
stated, was the brother of General Matthew Locke and son of 
Sir George Locke. He also married a Brandon, daughter 
of Mrs. Richard Brandon, Anna by name, and sister of 
General Matthew Locke's wife, and settled on an adjoining 
plantation with his brother, Matthew, about five miles west 
of Salisbury on Grants or Sills creek, near Thyatira church. 
Here these two distinguished brothers lived and died pro- 
prietors of large landed estates and of numerous slaves. 
Colonel Francis Locke left four sons and three daughters. 
Among them was first John, who was a Major in the Revo- 
lutionary War, died in 1833, aged eighty-two years. The 
second and most distinguished of his sons was Francis Locke, 
Jr. He was born in Rowan County in 1776, was prepared 
for college in the school of Reverend Dr. McCorkle at Thya- 
tira, who established the first iSTormal school in the United 
States, From thence he went to the University at Chapel 
Hill with his cousin Robert Locke, who graduated in the 
class of 1798. Francis Locke, Jr., studied law and achieved 
great eminence in his profession. He was appointed judge 
in 1803, which office he filled until 1814, when he resigned 
to accept his election to the United States Senate, This 
high office he shortly afterwards resigned never having taken 
his seat. 

Colonel Francis Locke was a man of distinguished bearing 
and address, and was early, 1766, made sheriff of Rowan 
County. He 'Succeeded Griffith Rutherford, afterwards Gen- 
eral Rutherford, in this office which, owing to the wealth and 
area of Rowan County must have been the most lucrative 
and responsible in the State, In this trying position, when 
many of the crown officers were extortionate and dishonest, 
the popularity of Francis Locke and Griffith Rutherford and 
the confidence placed in them by the people is evidence of the 
honesty and uprightness of their official career. He was 


among the first iDatriots to offer himself and his all to the cause 
of American Independence. At the April session of the Pro- 
vincial Congress in session at Halifax, 1776, he was appointed 
Colonel of the first regiment of Rowan. In IsTovember fol- 
lowing he was designated Colonel of the second batallion of 
volunteers when our State was going to the aid of South Caro- 
lina. In 1777-8, Colonel Locke was active in the cause of 
the Revolution, first organizing his companies, weeding out 
Tories, (it is said in one of his companies. Captain Johnson^s, 
the Tories were about to elect all the officers), sujDpressing 
their activities when they became threatening in this part of 
the State and the following year, 1779, was with General 
Rutherford in his campaigns in South Carolina and Georgia 
— ^was prevented from particij)ating in the battle of Bryar 
Creek, perhaps fortunately, and a few days later was engaged 
in the less strenuous duty of reviewing the errors of those 
who did, as a member of the court-martial requested by Gen- 
eral Ashe. 

The following year, 1780, gave to Colonel Locke the op- 
portunity to make his name revered and honored as long as 
bravery, courage, and patriotism is esteemed among men. 
Ramsour's mill was the greatest victory for the patriots, and 
the bloodiest battle in all the Revolution, and Colonel Francis 
Locke was the chief commander of this great battle. A de- 
scription of this battle will not be given here as it has been 
vividly described by General Joseph Graham in Wheeler's 
history, and lately by our present efficient Commissioner of 
AgTiculture, Major William A. Graham in The Xorth 
Carolina Booklet. A word, however, as to the importance 
of this battle and its influence upon the cause of our inde- 
pendence. The opening of the year 1780 found the cause of 
the patriots at its lowest ebb. General Ashe had been defeated 
at Bryar Creek, General Lincoln had failed to take Savan- 
nah, and Charleston had fallen into the hands of the British. 


Buford was defeated on the Waxhaw settlements, and the 
South was left destitute of any regular force to support the 
cause of the Revolution. There were no regular troops south 
of Pennsylvania to oppose the British, or keep the Tories in 
awe. The States of South Carolina and Georgia were under 
the yoke of British rule, and the hopes of the Revolution in 
the South, and largely in the whole country, rested upon the 
courage and bravery of the patriots of the then Young iSTorth 
State, and they were not in vain, and never have been when 
her 'SOUS have been put to the test, and to-day we love to think 
of her as the dear Old North State. On the lith of June, 
1780, General Rutherford having learned that the Tories 
were embodied in large numbers in Tryon and surrounding 
territory, directed Colonel Francis Locke, Major Wilson, 
Captains Falls, Brandon, and other officers to raise a suffi- 
cient force to defeat and disperse them. The Tories were 
emboldened by the accounts given them of the fall of Charles- 
ton and the success of the British generally in the South, 
and the early coming of Cornwallis to subjugate the State of 
Xorth Carolina by Lieutenant-Colonel Moore, their leader, 
who had come from the British army ; and by the 20th of June 
they were thirteen hundred strong at Ramsour's mill, and 
eager for battle. ISTo less eager were the four hundred 
patriots who had traveled all night of the 19th without a halt 
until within three quarters of a mile of Ramsour's where 
a council was held and Colonel Locke gave directions as to the 
plan of attack. About sunrise the morning of the 20th the 
cavalry which led the patriots made a furious onslaught on 
the Tories and were followed by the infantry. The battle 
raged furiously all along the line — sometimes against the 
patriots. Colonel Locke gave but few orders during the 
battle — his brave captains and fervent soldiers needed none. 
It was death or victory. One by one his brave captains fell 


until four lay dead upon the field and two others prostrate 
with wounds. At many places clubbing with their long rifles 
in a hand to hand encounter was the order of the hour. A 
grand charge of the cavalry on the flank of the Tories, led 
by Captain John Brandon and Major Joseph McDowell, sup- 
ported by the old guard of infantry directly under Colonel 
Locke, put the Tories to flight and from that hour Toryism 
was dead in the west. 

Abram Forney, who was in the battle told the writer's 
father that it lasted more than an hour and a half and that as 
many Tories were drowned in the mill pond in their rear, 
killed and wounded as were in the whole force of the patriots. 
Three months hence and only twenty miles away King's 
Mountain was to be fought. Think of a victory at liam- 
sour's and Ferguson at King's Mountain witJi two thousand 
more men flushed with victory. On the contrary this great 
rout of the Tories at Kamsour's completely conquered them 
in old Tryon and the country around it and the patriots be- 
came invincible. Major Graham in a sketch of the battle 
says : ''I do not think in killed and wounded in proportion 
to the number engaged the battle is equaled in the Revolution 
* * * The defeat and rout of three times their number is 
certainly worthy of note." 

"He that hath his quarrel just 
Is thrice armed." 

Colonel Locke showed his magnanimity as he saw three 
Tory captains dead on the field not far from each other. He 
had seen their valor in the struggle just ended and he said, 
"these men shall not be buried with the common soldier." 
He had them buried in the same grave on the crest of the hill, 
and a rude carving on a soapstone has marked their last rest- 
ing place for over a hundred years. This great battle with 
much truth may be said to have been the turning point in that 
great struggle for liberty and the heroic victors are scarcely 


mentioned in history, which neglect and ingratitude is said 
to have been occasioned bj the influence of the Tories and 
their descendants in this section, many of whom were in- 
fluential and well-to-do people. 

After this battle Colonel Locke and his brave men returned 
to their homes for a short rest and Ferguson's reported in- 
vasion of the State was the next call to arms. September, 
1780, General Davidson orders "Colonel Armstrong, Cleve- 
land and Locke to unite their forces against Ferguson and 
stop his progress." September 23d, 1780, Colonel Locke 
writes to General Sumner: "I have ordered all the militia 
in Eowan to join me at Sherrill's Ford, where I was ordered 
by General Davidson to take post, and send him all the in- 
telligence I could of the strength and movements of the 
enemy. I have now not more than sixty men in camp and 
from the first accounts of the enemy they are eight hundred, 
and some say fifteen hundred strong, lying at Burke Court 
and at Greenleafs. Lead we are in want of. Colonel Arm- 
strong was to have sent on a quantity. If you have any part 
of your army you could 'Spare to our assistance I think we 
could drive the enemy out of our State." 

But Colonel Locke was not destined to meet Ferguson. The 
"over the mountain" patriots were to swoop down upon him 
like the eagle upon its prey and destroy him forever. The 
movements of Colonel Locke and his men for the few months 
following were confined to his immediate section until the 
spring of 1781, when he began his preparations to join Gen- 
eral Greene in his campaign against Cornwallis, going into 
camp near Shallow Ford on the Yadkin, where the famous 
"contention" arose between the different Colonels of the regi- 
ments as to the seniority of their commission and their right 
to command. Here was patriotism placed above self and 
State, and General Pickens, of South Carolina, without any 
special claim or merit over these battle-scarred veterans was 


generously placed by them in supreme command. The in- 
fantry was placed under the command of Colonel Locke and 
Major Caruth, and with loyalty and supreme devotion the 
splendid soldier followed General Pickens in his short but 
brilliant campaign. Setting out immediately for Hillsboro 
with Colonel Locke in command of the infantry and Graham, 
of the cavalry, Cornwallis had scarcely pitched his tent be- 
fore Pickens' men were in sight of the town and preparing 
to attack him. After engaging in several dashing and bril- 
liant skirmishes and marching and countermarching in the 
following weeks with a view to re-enforcing General Greene 
and bringing Cornwallis to mortal combat, Colonel Locke's 
regiment joined General Greene at High Rock Ford on the 
Haw River, where their term of service ended on the 3d of 
March before the battle of Guilford on the 15th. Notwith- 
standing they remained some days afterward hoping to en- 
gage in a general battle and by General Greene's order re- 
luctantly marched in companies for Rowan, Mecklenburg, 
and Lincoln counties, where they were to hold themselves in 
readiness to hamper the progress of Cornwallis should he 
retreat in that direction. 

I will not further trace the military services of Colonel 
Locke other than stating that prior to the Declaration of 
Independence he buckled on his sword and struck for his 
country's freedom and obeyed every call of duty to the end ; 
never in all that gTeat struggle did he lead his faithful men 
to defeat, or turn his back to the foe. After the war closed 
and the independence of his country was recognized he re- 
turned to his home near Salisbury and spent the remainder 
of his days in the peaceful and dignified pursuits of the 
Southern planter, where subsequent to the 27th day of June, 
1796 (date of his will), he died and was interred in the old 
historic cemetery of Thyatira Church, in Rowan County, 
where he lies with many of his devoted comrades in an un- 


known grave. His distinguished son, Judge Locke, made 
provision in his will for suitable monuments to be erected to 
his father and mother out of his large estate, but it was sadly 
neglected by his unrelated executors and to-day this hero of 
the Revolution has no stone to mark his last resting place ; 
honored less than the three Tory captains whom he mag- 
nanimously and reverently buried on the crest of the hill 
at Ramsour's Mill and where the little soapstone slab over 
their graves is the only monument that marks this historic 

I sincerely trust that in the near future the Daughters of 
the Revolution, of ISTorth Carolina, whose tender memory 
of the sacrifices and deeds of heroism of their noble ancestors 
is so vitalizing and encouraging, will see to it that Ramsour's 
Mill is duly marked and that due honor be paid to the heroes 
who there fought and died for their country's freedom. 



After nearly a year of earnest endeavor on the part of the 
members of the Sir Walter Raleigh Chapter, Daughters of 
the Revolution, their efforts and purposes were happily 
crowned with success by the erection on June 11, at Hall's 
Creek Church, near Nixonton, !North Carolina, of a Memo- 
rial Tablet commemorative of the spot on which was held 
the ''First Albemarle Assembly, February 6, 1665." 

In pursuance of the avowed ideals of the Daughters as set 
forth in their constitution, "To perpetuate the patriotic spirit 
of the men and women who achieved American Independ- 
ence," the erection of this tablet was undertaken and success- 
fully carried to completion. 

The local Chapter, a mere handful of patriotic women, 
felt considerably handicapped in this comparatively novel 
undertaking on account of their limited financial resources, 
which would have been embarrassing, but for the cordial as- 
assistance of the citizens of this community. 

The tablet stands close to the roadside, almost opposite 
Hall's Creek Church approximately, as near as can be ascer- 
tained, on the identical spot on which stood our sturdy for- 
bears when they first enacted laws along the English lines 
for the 251'eservation of freedom and liberty in this, the 
present State of l^orth Carolina. 

To Miss Catherine F. S. Albertson, Vice-Regent of the 
jSTorth Carolina Society and former Regent and Organizer of 
this Chapter, is attributable the inception of the idea to erect 
a suitable marker on this site and to her devoted and en- 
thusiastic efforts the accomplishment of the project is 
largely due. 


For the dedicatory exercises the Chapter was fortunate to 
secure as orator of the occasion the Hon. Francis D. Wins- 
ton, of Windsor, a patriot whose extensive research in North 
Carolina history, intimate knowledge thereof and high edu- 
cational attainments seemed to fit him particularly to offi- 
ciate at this event. 

After an informal luncheon at the hospitable home of the 
Misses Albertson, West Church street, at which were present 
Judge Winston, Windsor, iST. C. ; Mrs. W. D. Pruden ; Mrs. 
Eugene Marriner, of the Penelope Barker Chapter Daugh- 
ters of the Revolution of Edenton, ISTorth Carolina ; Pev. Dr. 
Drane, Chaplain of the Sons of the Pevolution, Edenton, 
North Carolina ; Rev. C. F. Smith, pastor Christ Episcopal 
Church ; Captain E. R. Outlaw and Miss Outlaw ; Miss 
Sophie E. Martin ; Professor Sheep, Superintendent of Pub- 
lic Instruction ; Hon. I. M. Meekins, Assistant District At- 
torney Eastern District, ISTorth Carolina, all of this city; 
Misses Virginia Flora, Catherine Jones, Rose Smith, Ma- 
hala Meekins, members of the local chapter Junior Daughters 
and the members of this chapter, a start was made at 1 p. m. 
for the scene of the unveiling, under the most discouraging 
circumstances of lowering skies, frequent showers and muddy 

However, upon arriving at Hall's Creek Church, the 
spirits of the Elizabeth City delegation were quickly revived 
by the evidences of cordial appreciation and sincere sym- 
pathy exhibited on the part of the citizens, men, women and 
children of the surrounding community, who showed much 
interest in the object of our visit, introduced us to their 
church, which had been prettily decorated, and extended us 
every courtesy. Owing to the weather conditions it was de- 
cided to make a change in the program and to unveil the 
tablet prior to the other exercises. The stone had been 
previously draped with the North Carolina colors and a 


I^ational Ensign, to both of which were attached streamers 
of the buff and blue, held bj four charter members of the 
Junior Chapter, Misses Meekins, Jones, Flora, and Smith, 
who, upon the conclusion of a brief address by the Rev. 
C. F. Smith, drew aside the colors, revealing the Memorial 
Stone in its simple though significant proportions, bearing 
the inscription, "Here was held the First Albemarle Assembly 
Feb. 6, 1665. Erected by the Sir Walter Raleigh Chapter, 
Daughters of the Revolution, June 11, 1910." 

Immediately afterwards the audience passed into the 
church. Rev. R. B. Drane offered the opening prayer and in 
the absence of the pastor. Rev. J. M. Jackson, who had con- 
sented to be present and bid us welcome, this latter office was 
most fittingly discharged by Mr. H. E. Stokely, of N'ixonton. 
The program was then carried out as follows : 

State Anthem Old North State. 

Introduction of Speaker Rev. C. F. Smith. 

Address Judge F. D. Winston. 

Hymn My Country, 'Tis of Thee. 

Benediction Kev. R. B. Drane, Chaplain Sons of the Revolution. 

The scholarly address of Judge Winston was not only ap- 
plicable to this particular occasion, but shed light on his- 
torical associations dear to the heart of the ISTorth Caro- 
linian. It would be lacking in appreciation were the Daugh- 
ters to record this happy event without expressing further 
their sincere thanks to the Rev. C. F. Smith for his hearty 
sympathy and invaluable services as chairman on the occa- 
sion. Upon the conclusion of the exercises the several par- 
ticipants dispersed to their respective homes, impressed with 
the profitable nature of the proceedings and grateful to 
those who made it a success. One of the most noticeable fea- 
tures of the whole function was the evident impression it 
made upon the citizens of this immediate vicinity and the 
great interest all of them took in the exercises. This, as 


being directly in line of the intent of the Society, was most 

Later, at a meeting of the local Chapter, on Monday, 
June 13, resolutions of thanks were adopted to the citizens of 
Kixonton for their cordial sympathy and co-operation, and to 
Judge Winston for his timely and appropriate address, both 
of which were spread on the minutes of this Chapter. 


( Former Lieutenant Governor of North Carolina.) 

Madame President — Ladies and Fellow Citizens: 

Tor more than three centuries the spread of the English- 
speaking ]3eople, over the waste places of earth, has been 
not only the most striking feature of the world's history, but 
also the event of all others, most far-reaching in its effects 
and its importance. 

The tongue which Lord Bacon feared to use in his writ- 
ings, lest they should remain forever unknown to all but 
the inhabitants of a relatively unimportant insular kingdom, 
is now the sj)eech of two continents. 

The common law which Lord Coke jealously upheld in 
the lower half of a single European Island, is now the law 
of the land throughout the vast regions of Australia and of 
America to the north of the Rio Grande. 

The names of the plays that Shakespeare wrote are house- 
hold words in the mouths of mighty nations, whose wide 
domains were to him more unreal than the realm of Prester 

Over half the descendants of their fellow countrymen of 
that day now dwell in lands, which, when these Englishmen 
were born, held not a single inhabitant. The race which, 
when they were in their prime, was hemmed in between the 
l^orth and the Irish Seas, to-day holds sway over the world, 
whose endless coasts are washed by the waters of the three 
great oceans. 

There have been many other races that at one time or 
another had their great periods of race expansion, as dis- 


tinguished from mere conquest, but there has never been 
another whose expansion has been either so broad or so 

Contemporary with the philosopher, with the judge, with 
the playwright, was the diplomat, the soldier, the discoverer. 
Sir Walter Kaleigh. 

It is fitting that this good company should meet under the 
authority of his name to mark the spot, not far remote from 
the sands upon which his keels first touched, where the ear- 
liest effort at representative government was inaugurated in 
our State. 

We are fortunate indeed in having with us the Penelope 
Barker Chapter, for that name also recalls another scene in 
our life hardly less worthy of note than our discovery ; for 
the discovery is in vain unless the subsequent deeds of the 
planted colony are in keeping with the ideals of the original 

The presence of our visitors reminds me that Thomas 
Barker, the husband of the Penelope Barker, after whom 
their Chapter is named, was for many years the leading 
citizen and lawyer of Bertie County. He was born in Lon- 
don, was college bred, and read law in the Inner Temple. 
He was a man of large affairs. In 1748 he was appointed 
one of the first Code Commissioners of i^orth Carolina. He 
lived on his plantation near what is now St. Johns in Hert- 
ford County, then the county seat of Bertie County. 

In 1742, the seat of government of Bertie County was 
moved to near Windsor, and it became inconvenient to the 
great lawyer to search records and attend courts. He there- 
fore sought a wider field for his talents and located at Eden- 
ton, where he afterwards married Penelope Ellsbeck, who 
presided over the Edenton Tea Party. 

And here I wish to call attention to the claim made by 
the descendants of Thomas Barker, that the oil painting in 


Edenton, a copy of which appears in Dr. Richard Dillard's 
most interesting "Edenton Tea Party" article, is not the 
image of Penelope Barker, bnt is the picture of her step 
daughter, Betsy Barker. Dr. Edward Williams Pugh, of 
Windsor, himself a kinsman of the descendants of Thomas 
Barker, a man of wide genealogical research and splendid 
and discriminating literary taste, and a writer of note, re- 
ceived from the late John Buxton Willams, a great grand- 
son of Thomas Barker, the statement that the painting is the 
likeness of his grandmother, Betsy Barker, who married 
Colonel William Tunstall, of Bertie County. 

It will be recalled that Thomas Barker in his will was 
particular to prevent any of his property falling into the 
hands of Colonel Tunstall, and his gifts to Mrs. Tunstall 
were very cautiously guarded to prevent that occurrence. 

Dr. Pugh also has in his possession a coj)y — protograph — 
of the painting which was sent to him by Mrs. Clement C. 
Clay, of Huntsville, Alabama. On the back of the picture 
is endorsed in Mrs. Clay's handwriting, ''Betsy Barker, 
painted in 1760." 

Mrs. Clay was the great-great-granddaughter of Thomas 
Barker and of course the great-granddaughter of Betsy 

Betsy Barker was a daughter of Thomas Barker and his 
wife, Ferebee (Savage) Pugh, the widow of Francis Pugh, 
of Bertie County. Mr. John Buxton Williams informed 
Dr. Pugh that the painting was the work of Princeley, the 
celebrated English artist. 

In tracing the development of a country there are two 
periods that engage the attention of the historian ; the period 
of discovery and the period of colonization. 

The period of discovery passes away with the record of 
its occurrence. From the period of colonization we esti- 
mate and sum up results. 


The people who laid the foundations of colonization in this 
new world were nearly all refugees, exiles, wanderers, pil- 
grims. They were urged across the ocean by a common im- 
23ulse ; and that impulse was the desire to escape some form 
of oppression in the old world. Sometimes it was the op- 
pression of the state. Sometimes it was the oppression of 
society. Sometimes it was the oppression of the church. 

In the wake of the emigTant ship there was always tyranny. 
Men loved freedom; to find it they braved the perils of the 
deep, traversed the solitary forests of Maine, built log huts 
on the shores of 'New England ; entered the Hudson, explored 
the Jerseys ; found shelter in the Chesapeake ; met starvation 
and death on the banks of the James ; were buffeted by 
storms around the capes of the Carolinas ; bravely dared 
Hatteras to disapj^ear in mystery ; built towns by the estuaries 
of mighty rivers ; made roads through pine forests, and car- 
ried the dwellings of men to the very margin of the fever- 
haunted swamps of the South. It is all one story, the story 
of the human race seeking for liberty. 

The first planting of the English race in America was on 
ISTorth Carolina soil. Raleigh's Colony came for that pur- 
pose. Others had come before but not to plant a race. The 
ISTorseman had come across frozen seas with the daring and 
endurance of demigods. They sought only adventure. The 
Spaniard had come, but only for love of gold. Cr)rtez had 
conquered ]\rexico and Pizarro, Peru. The Spanish flag- 
waved and the Spanish Cross glistened on the peaks of the 
Andes and the shores of the Pacific, but nowhere in the new 
world, until Paleigh sent his colony to this State, was heard 
the cry of an infant child of pure Caucasian blood, pro- 
claiming the birth of the white race on the Western Hemis- 
phere. The Spaniard came with sword and cannon, with 
cross and crucifix, to conquer and to plunder. Soldiers and 
sailors, priests and friars, adventurers and plunderers, pi- 


rates of the sea and robbers of the land, forsaking wives, 
children and homes, they sought in the new world new fields 
for lust, avarice and conquest. They left their women be- 
hind, and took to wife the savage women of America. Behold 
the result to-day in the hybrid races of Mexico, and of Cen- 
tral America ! Spanish fathers, Indian mothers, hybrid 
children, homes of lust and of tyranny ! Immeasurable in- 
equalities between father, mother and children ! 

Raleigh knew better. Scholar, soldier, orator, statesman, 
jjhilosopher, he knew that the English race, with its splendid 
civilization, could be transplanted to America only by trans- 
planting the English home. He knew that civilization every- 
where is built upon the home, and that every home is what 
the mother makes it. He filled his ships with women as well 
as men ; he sent out colonies, not pirates ; he planted in 
America not English forts but the English race. The Gov- 
ernor of his colony set the example of taking his wife and 
family, among them a grown daughter, Eleanor, a young 
wife and expectant mother. Here was life in all its gentle- 
ness and fullness ! What need for guns and cannon ! When 
the infant cry of Virginia Dare was heard on Roanoke 
Island, it sounded around the world and called across the 
seas all of the millions who have since come to build the 
American nation. It was a new cry, in a new world, a 
mightier sound than the clash of sword or the roar of cannon; 
a sweeter call than the vesper bell of hooded priest with his 
vows of celibacy. 

That baby cry sounded the death knell of Spanish power 
in the universe, and the final overthrow everywhere of king- 
craft, priest-craft, lust-craft. It told anew the old story of 
life, how every life not only of the individual human being, 
but also of races, of nations, of civilizations, must begin with 
and be dependent on a little child, a little child born in law- 
ful wedlock, a pledge of holy love between man and woman. 


equally matched and equally sharing the joys and responsi- 
bilities of life. This was the lesson of Raleigh's colonies, a 
chapter of which we read to-day ; the lesson the Spaniard 
never heard in all his heroic efforts to conquer and possess 
the new world. In Spanish conquest and colonization, no 
part was played by women and children; it was a jungle 
struggle for the mastery between human animals. In 
English conquest and colonization women and children went 
hand and hand with men. Wherever the English race has 
gone, to Roanoke Island, to Lucknow, to Gettysburg, a little 
child has led them ; led them in affection, in memory, in in- 
spiration to deeds of daring and fortitude. 

Among all the little children of our race none stands out 
more pathetic, more dramatic, more significant of mighty 
events, than the child of Raleigh's colony, the first Anglo- 
Saxon born in America, little Virginia Dare, native of Xorth 

Upon our soil she received the rite of Christian baptism, 
without which basis the colonization of America would have 

I commend to your enterprising Chapter the placing of a 
picture of her christening in our nation's capital, with mother 
and babe and minister of God as the central figure, and 
around them grouped the little colony, standing on shore ; to 
the east the deep blue ocean stretching far away, on its ever 
restless bosom an endless procession of ships, bringing races 
and nations from the old world to new life, liberty and free- 
dom ; to the west endless multitudes of Anglo-Saxons, peo- 
pling the continent and making indeed a new world ; and 
underneath this inscription : 

"And a little child shall lead them." 

Many incidents have marked the growth of Raleigh's ideas 
into our present civilization, either one of which would be 
proper and profitable for our study at this hour. I leave 
them to abler hands. 


Yoli render your State a rich service in placing this tab- 
let. It will commemorate, not only the first assembling of 
the people of North Carolina for law-making, bnt it will also 
mark their first coming to the State. They had been here 
but a few years when that first assembly was held here. I 
shall not enter into controversy with those who have sought 
special reasons for the settlement of jSTorth Carolina. The 
early settlers here have been on the one hand described as 
lawless and fugitives from justice, idle and thriftless and 
simply adventurous and migTatory; on the other hand they 
have been held up as the victims of religious persecution, flee- 
ing hither for conscience sake. 

The real situation and facts do not bear out either theory, 
but both decidedly convince us that the first iSTorth Carolina 
settlers came at the instance of the agents of the Lords Pro- 
prietors to take up the valuable lands they then had for 

You will recall that it was a gradual movement — so nat- 
ural that the particulars are not recorded in the local annals 
of the time. The truth is that a few active spirits, perhaps 
more adventurous than their neighbors, resolved to make new 
homes in a more attractive locality, delightful climate, mag- 
nificent bottom lands, and bountiful products. 

It was no great company that came from iSTansemond 
thi-ough the wilderness and brought their supplies and imple- 
ments for house building by water from some convenient 
point in Virginia. 

They came not as conqiterors, writing their names in blood 
on the scroll of fame, nor yet were they exiles from the habi- 
tations of mankind for conscience sake. It was a time of pro- 
found peace in Virginia, when the freemen still governed 
themselves, chose their own officers, made their own laws. 

It was not oppression that drove these first settlers into 
the wilderness. It was a clergyman of the church of Eug- 


land in Virginia, Roger Green, who was given the first grant 
of land in 1653 to be located on the Roanoke River in what 
is now Bertie County, as a reward for inducing settlements 
to be made. 

These first settlers were not discontented with the Demo- 
cratic-Republican institutions under which they were living. 
They were not fleeing from the ills of life, nor plunging into 
the primeval forest to escape the tyranny of their fellow-men. 
They were bold, enterprising, hardy Virginians, nurtured 
in freedom's ways, who w^ere wooed to this summer land by 
the advantages of its situation. The movement involved no 
great change. It was merely a removal of a few miles be- 
yond the outlying districts of ISTansemond with water com- 
munication to the marts of trade on the Chesapeake. ISTor 
did they come without the sanction of the Indians, who were 
to be their neighbors in these new plantations. They came 
in peace and were received as friends by the native inhabi- 
tants, who surrounded them. Lawless men would have made 
no such peaceful approach. Discontented men would not 
have been so friendly. Beggars and fugitives from justice 
could not have brought the means of buying homes and could 
not have bought them. 

Some act of dishonesty, of double dealing, of attempted 
fraud inevitably follows the advent of the criminal, the vi- 
cious, the tramp, l^either history, nor tradition gives us 
any stain upon the characters of those founders of our State. 
When they had wrongs to be redressed they petitioned those 
in authority. The vicious would have had no such inclina- 
tion ; he would have righted his own grievances. Those flee- 
ing from persecution would not have petitioned those of like 
life and aims and purposes with those from whom they had 
fled. They would have borne in silence the new wrong as a 
cherished privilege of again sufl'ering for conscience sake. 
Within six years, at most, of their coming we find them in 


lawful assemblage asking the Lords Proprietors for a re- 
dress of wrongs. Well authenticated tradition tells us that 
the meeting was on this spot. 

^'Tn Grandfather Tales," the late Colonel Richard Ben- 
bury Creecy tells of a ride to this spot with General Duncan 
McDonald of Edenton: "Towards evening we crossed Hall's 
Creek bridge in Pasquotank County, a mile from the Heckle- 
field farm, at Kixonton. On rising the hill at Hall's Creek 
the General stojjped his horse and said to us, 'The first Gen- 
eral Assembly of North Carolina met under that tree,' at the 
same time pointing to a large oak tree on the left-hand side 
of the road, that towered above the oaks that surrounded it." 

As this meeting was in the month of January and the 
house of a neighbor and well wisher of the movement was 
near at hand, and as the matter involved careful considera- 
tion, doubtless so much of the tradition as places the meet- 
ing under the oak may well be ascribed to the romantic. 

Had these people come to ISTorth Carolina for any other 
cause than that of better location, no doubt some mention of 
those causes would have been contained in the action taken, 
either as a protest against repetition, or as an evidence of 
their final escape from them and of their real joy in their 
new home with every form of freedom. 

Two propositions were presented. The first was that they 
be granted the same quit rents as were paid in Virginia. The 
second was that they be permitted to pay the rents in kind, 
and not be compelled to pay in money. 

Thomas Woodward, the Surveyor-general and a member 
of the Council when government was set up in Albemarle 
County, on June 2d, 1665, wrote to the Lords Proprietors, 
saying: "The people will not remove from Virginia upon 
harder conditions than they can live there, it being land 
only that they came for." 

He also mentions that he has been "many years endeavor- 


ing and encouraging the people to seat Albemarle and that 
those that live upon a place are best able to judge of the 
place, therefore, the petition of the General Assembly that 
was here convened will deserve your Honors' serious con- 

That these people were not malcontents, lawless, complain- 
ers, irresponsible, is evidenced finally both by the reasonable 
requests they made and by the ready response received to 
their reasonable demands, for on the first day of May, 1668, 
the Lords Proprietors delivered to ''Our trusty and well be- 
loved Samuel Stephens, Esquire, Governor of our county of 
Albemarle, and of the Isles and 'Islets within ten leagues 
thereof; and to our trusty and well beloved counselors and 
assistants to our said Governor, the Great deed," in which 
the quit rents were reduced to the Virginia basis and might 
be paid in kind. 

I have assumed that your program would otherwise pro- 
vide for giving on this occasion such local historical matter as 
would give the State its first real view of this historic spot. 

You will pardon another reference to the character of the 
men who settled our State. As a child it made my blood 
hot with indignation to read that they were indifferent citi- 
zens. There is no better way of judging a people than by 
a study of the laws they enact. Let us for a moment study 
our ancestors in the light of legislation. 

We are not able to say definitely when the people of the 
colony here in representative assembly first submitted laws 
to the Lords Proprietors for their ratification. We at least 
know that it was soon after government was first organized 
here, for within ten years we find that on -Tanuary 20, 1669, 
the Lords Proprietors ratified nine separate acts previously 
submitted by the Grand General Assembly of Albemarle, in 
IvTorth Carolina. These acts were again ratified and passed 
at an Assembly held October 15th, 1715, at the house of 


Captain Richard Sanderson on Little River in Perquimans 
County. Mr. Francis jSTixon, after whom this locality is 
named transmitted the laws to the Proprietors. 

As we would expect much of these acts is devoted to the 
subject of encouraging immigration and settlement. 

As an encouragement to persons to come into the county 
they stay the hand of the court and bill collector for five 
years during which time, ''Noe jDerson transporting them- 
selves into this county shall be lyable to be sued for any debt 
contracted or cause of action given without the county and 
that noe person living in this county shall on any pretence 
whatsoever receive any letter of Attorney, Bill or account, to 
recover any debt within the time above mentioned of a debtor 
living here without the said debtor freely consent to it." 

And for this reason mainly the statement is made that 
our early settlers were thieves, rogues and vagabonds. It is 
enough to say in reply that Dukes, Earls, Lords and men of 
eminence on the Board of Lords Proprietors ratified this act 
twice and gave it their sanction. It happens, however, that 
ISTorth Carolina was neither the pioneer, nor alone in this 
kind of legislation. Twice her sister state, Virginia, in 
1642. and in 1663 re-enacted such a law, and in 1683 and 
1696 South Carolina passed similar acts. 

You will find similar provisions in the earliest regulations 
in every effort at colonization. Georgia was founded in oppo- 
sition to the known law of England — imprisonment for debt. 

And to further encourage "the transporting of persons and 
their families into this county to plant and here seat them- 
selves, they shall be exempted from paying levies for one 
whole year after their arrival. Provided always there be 
noe emergent charge which the Vice-Pallatine, Council and 
Assembly shall judge extraordinary." 

And to prevent speculation in lands, and to encourage 
actual and bona fide settlers, it was provided that "noe person 


or persons whatsoever shall make sale of their right or rights 
to land until he hath binn two complete years at least an in- 
habitant in the county." 

The adventurous, the land grabber, met with small favor 
and they passed an act iDreventing the taking up of more than 
640 acres in any, one dividend. And to more readily secure 
permanence of settlement an act was passed requiring all 
persons who had made small clearings and quit them, to re- 
pair to the land within six months, and actually use and oc- 
cupy them. In default of this the Governor and Council 
were to take possession, rent them out and collect the rents, 
and out of them first to pay the party abandoning the land 
for any imj)rovements put upon them. The free hooter does 
no such act of justice and equity. 

For their own security and for promoting and maintaining 
their friendly relations with the Indians, an act limited the 
number and character of people who could trade and truck 
with these natives. The lawless would have considered the 
Indian a proper subject of pillage. They also provided for 
paying the Governor and his Council reasonable compensa- 
tion and expenses and placed the burden upon those most 
able to bear it, as a part of the court costs. 

The marriage law passed at this session has also been the 
subject of bitter reproach, although it simply authorized 
civil officers to celebrate the rites of matrimony. The law, 
it was said tended directly to gToss immorality and vice. 
Experience has proven otherwise ; it made marriage easy, 
but not divorce. The Virginia law required the marriage 
rites to be solemnized by a clergyman of the church of Eng- 
land, but as there were no clergymen of any sort in Albe- 
marle, the present law was a necessity, bearing in mind at 
least St. Paul's wise injunction that ''it is better to marry 
than to burn." 

It is divorce, not matrimonv, that tends to licentiousness. 


It was marriage, not divorce that this law made easy. At 
this distance of time we can confirm the wisdom of the act 
by pointing to a pure and holy family status that obtains in 
North Carolina, not surpassed by any in the civilized world. 

Permit one more reference to an act which shows that 
whatever our first settlers were, we their descendants now 
are. They were against trusts and combines. Hear them : 

"Whereas divers adventurers have transported com- 
modyties into this country which hath binn engrossed by 
some particular persons to retail again at unreasonable rates 
to the Inhabitants of this county to prevent which incon- 
venience for the future. It is enacted and be it enacted by 
the Pallatine and Proprietors by and with the advice and 
consent of this present Grand Assembly and the authority 
thereof that any person whatsoever within this county shall 
after the publication hereof presume to engross any quantity 
of goods from any adventurer to sell and retail again at un- 
reasonable rates to the inhabitants shall forfeit for every such 
offence tenn thousand pounds of tobacco, the one halfe to the 
informer, the other halfe to the use of the Lords Proprietors." 

And to those who deny the right of our law-making power 
to change the burden of proof and make a presumption of 
guilt arise on certain academic facts let me commend the 
rule of evidence laid down. "And it is hereby further de- 
clared and enacted by the authority aforesaid that any j^er- 
son or persons that shall buy goods of any adventurer and 
retail the same, except he cann in tenn days produce to the 
vallew of said goods so purchased of his own proper Tobacco 
or Estate according to the bargain in kind, he shall be deemed 
an IngTocer and proceed against as in this act for that case 
is provided." 

No, fellow-citizens, those men were the genesis of the 
present day North Carolina. Measure them by any of the 
standards that have obtained in estimating colonists, and we 


are content. They were the first to firmly ask a redress of 
wrongs. They were the first to declare for freedom. They 
pursued with valor and ability every known method of men 
determined to establish an enduring government. Their de- 
scendants to-day are the purest Anglo-Saxons on the globe. 
The highest ideal of personal, mercantile and professional 
conduct still obtains among them. Now, as then, their legis- 
lation is responsive to the needs of the people. The source 
of this stream must have been pure. 



On October 19, 1909, the one hnndred and twenty-eighth 
anniversary of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis to Oeneral 
George Washington at Yorktown, Virginia, that historic 
town was the scene of a memorable celebration, conducted 
under the joint auspices of the Descendants of Signers and 
the Yorkto^vn Historical Society of the United States. 

The Yorktown of to-day is a village of about one hundred 
and twenty-five inhabitants, "a relic of antiquity as well as a 
monument to American patriotism," as it has been called. 

A large crowd was present on the occasion above men- 
tioned than has been in Yorktown since 1881, when the 
monument which overlooks the village and its picturesque 
surroundings was unveiled — erected in honor of the famous 
surrender on the centennial of that event. The message con- 
veying the news of the surrender from Yorktown to Phila- 
delphia, then the seat of Grovernment, took four days to go. 
To-day it might be sent the length and breadth of the United 
States in less than four minutes. 

Situated on a hill overlooking the York River, a broad 
winding stream of blue water, this historic village is a 
beautiful and picturesque spot. Uusually this stream is as 
barren of boats as the hillsides are of houses, but on this 19th 
of October, 1909, a flotilla of torpedo boats attached to the 
Maryland I^aval Reserves rode at anchor on its bosom, ap- 
pearing in. gala decorations in honor of the occasion. 

The lone dock at the foot of the hill swarmed with soldiers 
— five companies of artillery sent over from Fort Monroe to 
help in the celebration. These marched through the town, 


colors flying and bands playing, while a procession of citizens 
led by a number of mounted horsemen and horsewomen with 
the Fort Monroe band and a j)arade of the school children 
of York County and town, made the streets lively. Lunch 
followed this demonstration, and at two o'clock the speakers' 
stand, erected in front of the historic old Nelson Mansion, 
was occupied by the orators of the day and members of the 
two patriotic societies. 

Earlier in the day these societies had held business meet- 
ings in the ISTelson house and elsewhere. 

JSTow the school children gathered on the seats arranged for 
them, the military bands were also seated while banners 
representing the thirteen original States floated over the 
heads of the young singers. The children, with the band 
accompanying, sang "America" and other patriotic songs, at 
intervals, while the crowd of citizens of York County and 
elsewhere, stood patiently around listening to the speeches 
and the music. 

A call to order by Dr. Henry Morris, of Philadelphia, 
President of the Descendants of Signers, was followed by 
an invocation by Rev. Donald C. MacLeod, of Washington, 
D. C. 

An address by Dr. Morris was heard with marked interest 
and attention, and one by the Chairman, Hon. James G. 
Riddick, Mayor of j^orfolk, Virginia, was also much appre- 

After music by the children and the band. Colonel Oswald 
Tilghman, of Easton, Maryland, read the correspondence be- 
tween General Washington and Lord Cornwallis concerning 
the surrender ; also the articles of capitulation, and the offi- 
cial message from General Washington to the Continental 
Congress at Philadelphia, which was carried on horseback 
by Lieutenant-Colonel Tench Tilghman, the ancestor of the 
speaker. Colonel Oswald Tilghman, who gave an interesting 


Music, singing by the children with accompaniment by 
the band, was followed by an impressive address by Hon. 
J. Hampton Moore, M.C., of Philadelphia, President of 
the Atlantic Deeper Waterways Association. 

The exercises concluded with a benediction by Kev. George 
Washing-ton Dame, S.T.D., Chaj)lain of the Descendants of 

Succeeding these exercises the pleasure was enjoyed by 
the members of the two societies of making each other's 
acquaintance, and also of meeting members of the jSTelson 
family^ of whom many were present. The historic kelson 
Mansion is preserved and used as a museum for relics and 
other interesting material contributed by members of the 
family and others. 

The Yorktown Historical Society decorated us with their 
badges for this memorable occasion. 

Only want of time ^^I'evented our closer examination of 
all the interesting places and things to be seen at Yorktown, 
and we left with the resolve to go again, if possible. 



The dramatic incidents in the proceeding of Mecklenburg 
County in May, 1775, were those in which Colonel Tom Polk 
was the chief actor. "Tom Polk has raised a pretty spirit 
in the back country/' wrote the rebellious Sam Johnston to 
our Delegates in the Continental Congress ; "He has gone 
farther than I would have chose to have gone," etc. Yes ; 
certainly, it was Tom Polk, and well-known throughout the 
Province. The figure of the energetic Colonel, 'Stirring up 
the people, and inciting them to rebellion, and, when all was 
ripe for action, calling for the election of two delegates from 
each of his militia districts, prepared to assert Independence 
and to ordain a rebel government, stands out boldly in the 
picture of that day, and challenges our admiration. In the 
scene, he is the central figure and around him cluster his 
lieutenants as he moves forward in the role of the rebel 
chieftain of his people. But in full sympathy with him are 
his patriot associates, among them being the scholarly 
Brevard who develops the system of government to supplant 
the cast-off British, and prepares the resolves to be ratified 
by popular action. At length the plan is evolved, the pre- 
liminaries arranged, the election held ; the delegates meet, 
the Resolves are adopted. Independence is decreed, the old 
government is overthrown and a new one ordained ; and the , 
inhabitants with enthusiasm assent and ratify the action! 
As the occasion was great — so it was a great crowd that sent 
up a mighty shout when Tom Polk proclaimed Independence 
from the court-house door— for one-half of all the county 
were there, and their huzzas made the welkin ring, and hats 
were thrown hish in the air. 


And so the design was accomplished, and Colonel Polk's 
rebellion took form and shape, and a government by the 
people was ordained, Avhich marked an advance far beyond 
the action of any other community. 

In view of these known facts, is it not remarkable that 
in the account of the proceedings in Mecklenburg County, 
commonly accepted as a contemporaneous narrative of these 
proceedings, the name of Colonel Thomas Polk does not ap- 
pear ? jSTor does that of Dr. Brevard appear ; nor is there 
any mention made in that narrative of the great public meet- 
ing, or of the ratification by the inhabitants of the action 
of the delegation. Is it not remarkable that in that narrative 
of these jDroceedings there is nothing said about ''Independ- 
ence being proclaimed" ? Surely these omissions remind 
one of "the play of Hamlet, with Hamlet left out." It is 
Tom Polk's rebellion with no mention of Tom Polk ! 

This first account, properly called the Alexander narrative, 
was published in the Raleigh Register in 1819. It was 
found in the papers of John McKnitt Alexander, who died 
in 1817; and his son, Dr. Joseph Alexander furnished it 
for publication. In it, the writer of it stated that Colonel 
Adam Alexander was colonel of the county and called the 
election ; that Colonel Abram Alexander presided over the 
meeting, and that John McKnitt Alexander was clerk of the 
meeting. There was no mention of either Polk or Brevard. 
But the author of the narrative did not say that it was the 
original document prepared in 1775 ; nor did he say that it 
was even a copy of the original. On the contrary, he ap- 
pended to it a certificate that the original was burnt in April, 
1800, and that later during that year, he prepared this 
manuscript which therefore "might not literally correspond 
with the burnt original" — as it was written from memory. 
There was no mention in it of Colonel Polk's name ; nor of 
Dr. Brevard's name ; nor of any meeting of the inhabitants 


and their ratification of the plan to establish a people's gov- 
ernment founded on the will of the people. 

How then has it happened that our literature has been en- 
riched by some very eloquent descriptions of that remark- 
able scene — when the rebel Tom Polk proclaimed Independ- 
ence ? As portrayed by our historical writers we see Colonel 
Polk's stalwart form on the high steps of the famous court- 
house — surrounded by a great concourse of hardy men, eager, 
excited, enthusiastic. We hear him read the resolves. We 
hear him proclaim Independence — we hear the shouts and 
huzzas of a thousand throats and witness a scene of remark- 
able enthusiasm — a scene for the brush of the painter, for 
the pen of the artist. But that dramatic episode — that great 
ending of the tense action of the leaders — that final accom- 
plishment of their high purpose to start the l)all of Independ- 
ence — finds no mention in Colonel Alexander's narrative of 
these great and memorable proceedings. Certainly it is singu- 
lar that what is commonly considered to be an account of the 
Mecklenburg Declaration omits the name of the chief actor, 
and also omits the important fact that the people endorsed, 
accepted, confirmed, ratified the proposed Independent gov- 
ernment by a manifestation of their enthusiastic approval ! 

Among the many curious circumstances in our literature, 
this is indeed one of the most curious ! 

But notwithstanding these omissions in the Alexander nar- 
rative, it is now firmly fixed in our literature that Colonel 
Polk was the rebel chieftain, the patriot leader, and that he 
called the election, and, in one of the most dramatic scenes 
ever enacted, proclaimed Independence. 

In view of these circumstances it is interesting to observe 
the changes which have taken place in the accepted version 
of these historical proceedings. 

Immediately following the first publication of the Alex- 
ander narrative — 1819 — Colonel William Polk, then resid- 


ing in Ealeigh, wrote to old men in Mecklenburg to get their 
statements about these memorable events. In a general way 
they confirmed the statement that in May, 1775, Mecklen- 
burg declared Indej)endence. Some said that Colonel Polk 
was colonel of the county and called the election — and not 
Abram Alexander. Also they gave an account of the great 
meeting, at which Colonel Polk proclaimed Independence 
and of the popular ratification. 

Judge Murphey was gathering material for a history of 
the State, and at his invitation Colonel William Polk pre- 
pared a narrative of the proceedings in Mecklenburg, in 
which he incorporated the Alexander narrative, published in 
1819, altered, however, to make it conform to the statements 
of the other witnesses — that it was Colonel Polk who called 
the election ; and also making reference to the gi-eat and en- 
thusiastic ratification meeting. 

Judge Murphey, who was an accomplished writer, dressed 
up Colonel Polk's narrative, slightly changing the language 
here and there, and introducing expressions of his own. 
And so it came about that in 1821 the historical version was 
modified making it conform in some details to the statements 
of the witnesses made in 1820. Eight years later, in 1829, 
Judge Martin published in his history of the State a docu- 
ment that followed closely the narrative prepared by Colonel 
Polk and dressed up by Judge Murphey. The fundamental 
basis of all was the Alexander narrative, but the Martin docu- 
ment differed from that in some particulars, and was copied 
from the Polk and Murphey narratives. 

In 1830 other witnesses likewise made statements ; and in 
1833 the Legislative Committee published "The State 
Pamphlet." In this there was a reproduction of the Alex- 
ander narrative as published in 1819, modified by some 
verbal changes made Dr. Joseph Alexander, who held the 
manuscript papers of his father. And particularly is it 


noted that in this publication, it is said that Colonel Polk 
called the election — not Adam Alexander as was stated in 
the narrative published in 1819. But the Legislative Com- 
mittee did not stop there. They brought forward in the 
"State Pamphlet" all the testimony given by the witnesses 
in 1820 and 1830. And as the Legislative Committee cor- 
rected the "original proceedings" published in 1819, our 
historical writers have made further corrections and have 
interwoven into the account of the proceedings such facts 
and circumstances as the evidence of the witnesses warrants. 
Thus despite the fact that the Alexander narrative does not 
mention Colonel Polk's name at all, and that the account 
given in Martin's history does not mention that Colonel Polk 
proclaimed Independence — our historical writers brushing 
aside these accounts, give him all credit for both, and it is 
now firmly established that the proceedings in Mecklenburg 
were in truth and indeed Colonel Tom Polk's rebellion and 
that he was the leading actor in it. 


*DuLUTH, MmNESOTA, April 23d, 1910. 
Captaist S. a. Ashe^ 

Ealeigh, ^. C. 

Dear Sir : — I was interested in your brief sketch of 
George Durant, which appeared in the current April num- 
ber of jSTokth Carolina Booklet. 

At page 215 you say that George Durant was married in 
^Northumberland County, Virginia, by Reverend David Lind- 
say; "but whether Parson Lindsay was of the Church of 
England or not is now unknown." 

If Durant were a Quaker and married by a "priest," he 
would have been "disowned" by the meeting of Friends to 
which he belonged. The Reverend David Lindsay was a 
"priest" within the meaning of the term as used by the 
Quakers, being an Episcopal clergyman of the original Wi- 
comico Church of j^orthumberland Countv, Virginia. The 
first Reverend David Lindsay, Minister of Leith, suburb 
of Edinburgh, Scotland, was Bishop of Ross. He was the 
son of Alexander Lindsay, of Edzell Castle, who was the son 
of David Lindsay, eighth Earl of Crawford. Reverend 
David Lindsay, Bishop of Ross, was chaplain for King James 
I of England and VI of Scotland. He accompanied King 
James on his matrimonial voyage to Denmark and performed 
the marriage ceremony. Bishop Lindsay baptized King 
Charles I and his brother, Prince Llenry. He was succeeded 
by his son-in-law, Archbishop Spottswood, the King's Pri- 
mate, and in the ministry at Leith he died in 1613. 

* This letter from a subscriber of The North Carolina Booklet relates to the 
article in the April issue by Captain S. A. Ashe, and is of such value it is given here in 
full — Editor. 


The Bishop of Eoss left two children, a son and a daughter. 
The son was Sir Hierome (or Jerome) Lindsay. Upon the 
marriage of the latter with his cousin he became Sir Hierome 
Lindsay of the Mount and was appointed Lord Lion King at 
Arms, he being the foitrth and last of the Lindsays to hold 
this office. The daughter of the Bishop of Ross married 
Archbishop Spottswood, the historian and divine. She was 
the grandmother of Governor Alexander Spottswood, of Vir- 
ginia, ancestor of General Robert E. Lee, the kelsons, etc. 

The following record of the bapti-sm of David Ljaidsay, 
first son of Sir Hierome (Jerome) Lyndsay, will be found 
in the South Leith Church records at the Register House, 
Edinburgh, Scotland : 

'''Jerome (or Hierome) Lyndsay and Margaret Colville, 
their infant, baptized David, 2d January, 1603. 

"Witness — 1, David Lyndsay, of Edzell, Kt. ; 2, George 
Ramsay, of Dalhousie ; 3, Mr. David Lyndsay." (See ''Lives 
of the Lindsays" by Lord Lindsay, published in London, 
1849 and again in 1857; "The Lindsays of America" by 
Margaret Lindsay; Virginia Magazine of History and Bi- 
ography and Baltimore Sun, 1906.) 

On the plantation of Mrs. W. F. Basye, of Cherry Point, 
jSTorthumberland County, Virginia, there is a burial place 
where the remains of the Reverend David Lindsay were laid 
to rest. A tombstone was raised to his memory bearing the 
following inscription : 

"Here Lyeth Interred Ye Body of That Holy and Reverant 
Devine, Mr. David Lyndsay, Late Minister of Wicomico 
Church, Who Was Born in ye Kingdom of Scotland, First 
and Lawfull Sonne of ye Rt. Honorable Sir Hierome Lynd- 
say, Knt. of Ye Mount, Lord Liu King at Armes, Who De- 
parted This Life in the 64th Year of His Age the 3d Aprill. 
Anno Dom. 1667." 


A copy has been preserved in the family for several gen- 

In 1702 his grandson, Captain Thomas Opie, was buried 
in the same grave. At a later date, because the former stone 
was beginning to crumble, the following inscription was 
carved on the slab which bore the name of Captain Opie: 

"Here Lyeth the body of Mr. David Lyndsy, Doctor of 
Divinity, who departed this life the 3d day of April, 1667."- 

In 1906, a part of the stone first mentioned was dis- 
covered beneath the surface of the earth near the grave of 
the Reverend David Lindsay and upon being freed from soil 
was photograjDhed disclosing much of the inscription first 
above quoted, and the family coat of arms. 

The facts last stated can be verified by Mr. W. F. Basye, 
of Cherry Point, Northumberland County, Virginia, by 
Wm. S. Cralle, Clerk of Court and Notary Public, by Mr. 
A. B. Garner, Justice of the Peace for said county, and by 
Mr. W. Dade Hempstone, Clerk of the Circuit Court of 
Loudon County, Virginia, who saw and examined the older 

The will of the Peverend David Lindsay was dated 2d 
April, 1667, and was proved and recorded in JSTorthumber- 
land County, 8th of April, 1667. In it he refers to himself 
as follows : 

"I, David Lindsay, Minister of God's word in Virginia." 

It is quite clear from the antecedents of the Reverend 
David Lindsay and the inscription on his tombstone above 
quoted that he was an Episcopal clergyman and it is not im- 
probable that George Durant was a member of the same 
church. It is extremely improbable that George Durant was 
a Quaker at the time of his marriage. 

It would perhaps be difiilcult to say from what family 
our George Durant descended, but in 1627, the Reverend 
George Durant was incumbent of Blockley in Shropshire, 


England, and Reverend Robert Durant, of Haglej, in 1706 ; 
the latter was succeeded in the rectory of Hagley in 1732 
by the Reverend Josiah Durant and he, in 1764:, by the 
Reverend John Durant. 

In 1765, General George Durant, M.P., of Clent, in Shrop- 
shire, purchased Tong Castle in said county. His son, 
George Durant, of Tong Castle, was born in 1776. 

The pedigree of the Durants was entered at the Visita- 
tion of Hants, England, in 1634, but terminates with Thomas 
Durant, 7 Edward III (1334). A pedigree of the same 
family was entered at the Visitation of Rutland in 1618. 
(The Heraldry of Worcestershire.) 

In the eighth year of Henry VI (1430), one, John Du- 
rant, was Lord of the Manor of Barcheston in Warwickshire, 
England. He was succeeded by Thomas Durant and the lat- 
ter by William Durant. The son of the latter, Henry Du- 
rant, disposed of the property by deed, 14th September, 23 
Henry VII, (1508), Dugdale's "Warwickshire," first edi- 
tion, pp. 455-6. 

I trust that the foregoing notes may be of some assistance 
in solving the much-mooted question whether George Du- 
rant was or was not a Quaker. 

It is to be regretted that there is not in each State of our 
country a society such as that publishing the William Salt 
Collections in Staffordshire, England. Every shred of in- 
formation should be secured and preserved now for the future 
historians who will bitterly censure us for our neglect and 
loss of most precious materials. 

Magazines of the character of the New England Histori- 
cal and Genealogical Register, the Virginia Magazine of 
History and Biography and the William and Mary Quar- 
terly, are of great value in this direction. Your State is 
rich in materials but I fear they are not being cared for 
properly. The suspension of the North Carolina Register 
was a public calamity. 

Sincerely yours, Wm. B. Phelps. 


Concerning the Patriotic Society 

"Daughters of the Revolution" 

The General Society was founded October 11, 1890, — and organized 
August 20, 1891, — under the name of "Daughters of the American 
Revolution" ; was incorporated under the laws of the State of New York 
as an organization national in its work and purpose. Some of the mem- 
bers of this organization becoming dissatisfied with the terms of en- 
trance, withdrew from it and, in 1891, formed under the slightly differ- 
ing name "Daughters of the Revolution," eligibility to which from the 
moment of its existence has been lineal descent from an ancestor who 
rendered patriotic service during the War of Independence. 

'' ^e North Carolina Society '' 

a subdivision of the General Society, was organized in October, 1896, 
and has continued to promote the purposes of its institution and to 
observe the Constitution and By-Laws* 

Membership and Qualifications 

Any woman shall be eligible who is above the age of eighteen years, 
of good character, and a lineal descendant of an ancestor who ( 1 ) was 
a signer of the Declaration of Independence, a member of the Conti- 
nental Congress, Legislature or General Court, of any of the Colonies 
or States; or (2) rendered civil, military or naval service under the 
authority of any of the thirteen Colonies, or of the Continental Con^ 
gress; or (3) by service rendered during the War of the Revolution 
became liable to the penalty of treason against the government of Great 
Britain: Provided, that such ancestor always remained loyal to the 
cause of American Independence. 

The chief work of the North Carolina Society for the past eight years 
has been the publication of the "North Carolina Booklet," a quarterly 
publication on great events in North Carolina history — Colonial and 
Revolutionary. $1.00 per year. It will continue to extend its work and 
to spread the knowledge of its History and Biography in other States. 

This Society has its headquarters in Raleigh, N. C, Room 411, Caro- 
lina Trust Company Building, 232 Fayetteville Street. 

Vol. X OCTOBER, 1910 No. 2 


floRTH CflROIilNfl BoOKliET 

'^Carolina! Carolina! Heave^i' s blessings attend her ! 
While we live tve will cherish^ protect a7id defend her^ 

Published by 



The object of the Booklet is to aid in developing and preserving North 
Carolina History. The proceeds arising from its publication will be de- 
voted to patriotic purposes. Editor. 


Mrs. Hubert Haywood. Miss Martha Helen Haywood. 

Mr. E. E. Moffitt. Dr. Richard Dillard. 

Mrs. Spier Whitakee. Dr. Kemp P. Battle. 

Mr. R. D. W. Connor. Mr. James Sprunt. 

Dr. D. H. Hill. Mb. Marshall DeLancey Haywood. 

Dr. E. W. Sikes. Chief Justice Walter Clark. 

Mb, W. J. Peele. Major W. A. Graham. 

Miss Mary Hilliard Hinton. 






vice-regent : 


honorary REGENTS: 

Mrs. E. E. MOFFITT. 




Mrs. PAUL H. LEE. 


Mrs. frank SHERWOOD. 






Mrs. JOHN E. RAY. 


Bloomsbury Chapter Mrs. Hubert Haywood, Regent. 

Penelope Barker Chapter ]Mrs. Patrick Matthew, Regent. 

Sir Walter Raleigh Chapter Mrs. Walker Waller Joynes, Regent. 

DeGraffenried Chapter Mrs. Charles Slover Hollister, Regent. 

Founder of the North Carolina Society and Regent 1896-1902; 

Mrs. spier WHITAKER. 

Regent 1902: 

Mrs. D. H. HILL, Sr.* 

Regent 1902-1906: 


Regent 1906-1910: 

Mrs. E. E. MOFFITT. 

•Died December 12, 1904. 


Vol. X OCTOBER, 1910 No 2 



Eakly History of the People of Orange County. 

In its genesis, Orange County, like the earth, was without 
form and void. Created by an act of the Assembly in 1752, 
its outlines were so indefinite, that no man might know where 
they were, and for the next two or three years the Assembly 
was engaged in fixing or moving these lines, after all, to have 
the whole matter disallowed in England. 

The original act (23 S. R., 383) made the county bound- 
ary commence "in the Virginia line at a point where Hyco 
Creek was nearest to it, thence directly to the Bent of the 
Eno river below the Occanechas, near to the plantation where 
John Williams now dwelleth," thus leaving what is now Hills- 
boro in Granville County. The line then ran down the south 
banks of the Eno and l^euse rivers to the mouth of Horse 
Creek, thence in a direct line to the intersection of Earl Gran- 
ville's southern boundary with the Cape Fear River, 35° 34' ; 
thence along said boundary to the Anson County line (half 
way between the Cape Fear and Yadkin rivers, 23 S. E., 
343) ; thence northwesterly along the Anson line. The next 
year, 1753, the east boundary of the county was moved fur- 
ther east by running a direct line from the Virginia line 25 
miles west of Harrisburg, the county seat of Granville, to the 
Neuse Eiver. (23 S. R., 390-1.) At the same session, the 
west boundary of Orange was made more definite by the crea- 
tion of Rowan County, and making its east boundary a direct 
line from Earl Granville's line, where the Anson line crossed 


it, to the Virginia boundary. (23 S. R., 390.) Thus the orig- 
inal county of Orange contained parts of what are now Wake, 
Randolph, Guilford, and Rockingham counties, and the whole 
of what are now Durham, Person, Caswell, Alamance, Chat- 
ham, and Orange counties. The acts of the x\ssembly estab- 
lishing the county of Orange (and others) were disallowed 
in England and repealed by proclamation as well as by act of 
Assembly (5 C. R., 1111, and 23 S. R., 446-7). They were, 
however, re-established in 1756. (23 S. R., 470-1.) In 
1761 the east line of the county was straightened by begin- 
ning at the southwest corner of Granville and running thence 
a due south course to Johnston or Cumberland County, which- 
ever line it may first intersect. (23 S. R., 547-8.) In 1771, 
Guilford (east line 25 miles west of Hillsboro 23 S. R., 
823) ; Chatham (north line 16 miles due south of Hillsboro 
Idem, 827); and Wake (23 S. R., 819) were established. 
In 1777, all that part of Orange lying north of a point just 
12 miles north of Hillsboro was erected into a county and 
called Caswell. (24 S. R., 24.) Even after all this prun- 
ing Orange remained still a large county, 28 miles north and 
south by 45 east and west. It is with this territory and its 
inhabitants that this sketch is principally to deal. 

During all this period of doubt and confusion as to the cor- 
porate existence of the county, the County Court continued to 
meet and administer justice between man and man. The 
first court, Laurence Bankman, Andrew Mitchell, James 
Dickey, Mark Morgan, John Patterson, John Pittman, Mar- 
madnke Kimbrough, and Joseph Tate, justices presiding, 
Alexander Mebane, sheriff, and Richard Caswell, clerk, met 
at the house of John Gray, on Eno, in June, 1752. The 
court-house was first located on the north bank of Haw River 
at Piney Ford, within fifteen miles of the west boundary of 
the county. Finding, however, that this was too far to the 
west, the court fixed its meeting place at the house of James 


Watson, situated just east of where the j)reseiit court-house 
stands in the town of Hillsboro. The Assembly, in 1754, 
reciting that the court-house had been located too far to the 
west, directed that it, with prison and stocks, should be located 
on, or near, where the western path crosses the Eno River on 
a piece of land on which James Watson then lived. (Martin 
Private Laws, 18.) This was the beginning of Hillsboro. 
In 1766 the Assembly required that the courts of the county, 
the offices of county officials and the election of representa- 
tives and vestrymen should always be held there. {Idem, 47.) 
In 1768 the Province was divided into six judicial districts, 
and of these was the Hillsboro district, composed of Granville 
and Orange counties, with the court to be held at Hillsboro 
on the 22d of March and September of each year. 

The subject of the disagreement between the government 
in England and the Colonial Assembly in the creation and 
enfranchisement of the new counties is treated fully in Ashe, 
284-8, and I need not elaborate it here. Suffice it to say, 
that the British Government insisted that the enfranchise- 
ment of counties and boroughs was one of the prerogatives 
of the King, and could not be assumed by the Colonial Assem- 
bly. That body finally yielded, and Orange County was 
enfranchised, with the right to send two members to the x\s- 
sembly, in 1760. William Churton and Thomas Lloyd ^vere 
the iirst representatives, and they appeared in March, 1761. 
William Churton, one of Earl Granville's surveyors, and the 
founder of Salisbury and Hillsboro, was Register of Deeds in 
Orange County. He afterwards returned to the eastern part 
of the province and, I believe, died there. Thomas Lloyd 
was a Welshman, and a man of culture and ability, who had 
recently settled on a place called the Meadows, nine or ten 
miles south of the county seat. Up to the Revolutionary 
War he was the most prominent man in the county. He died 
early in 1792, and to the present day has many descendants 
in Orange and elsewhere, Lloyds, Hogans, Osbornes, etc., 


including Mr. Stevenson, Vice-President during Mr. Cleve- 
land's second administration. 

The physical features of Orange County constituted it one 
of the most beautiful sections of l^orth Carolina. Watered 
abundantly in its west by the Ilavr and its tributaries, in its 
iiorth, center and east, by Eno, Little and Flat rivers, and 
their tributaries, and in its south, by ^ew Hope Creek and 
its tributaries, it was an ideal range for the early settlers' 
horses and cattle and hogs. Speaking generally, it was a 
country of high hills and narrow valleys, with here and there 
gray, gravelly ridges, or elevated plateaus with much inter- 
mixture of sand with clay. The valley's were always fertile. 
The hillsides and tops and sandy uplands were only moder- 
ately so, while the gTavelly ridges were generally poor and 
non-productive. Throughout all this territory, except on the 
poorer ridges, the forest growth was magnificent, with the 
oaks predominating. The soil seemed peculiarly adapted to 
the flourishing growth of all the hard wood, deciduous trees. 
Oaks four feet in diameter at their base were not uncom- 
mon, and occasional specimens six feet in diameter were 
found. Along the streams these oaks and hickories, birches, 
beeches, poplars and sycamores towered high, and the elm 
and the maple attained unusual size and unusual magnifi- 
cence of foliage. There are remains of these forests to-day, 
which testify to their pristine grandeur. I have not seen 
anywhere finer specimens of the white oak, the beech, the 
cedar, and the maple, than we now have in Tlillsboro. The 
large leaved elm, with fair opportunity the most perfect of 
shade trees, with its 100 feet spread of foliage, has, alas, been 
destroyed, in the past ten years, by an insect or blight. In 
the Dark Walk, too, on the south bank of the Eno, are stately 
oaks, hickories and poplars, which with their long, straight 
stems and crowns of foliage, lift themselves high in the air. 
On New Hope Creek in southeast Orange are acres and acres 


of original forest growth, which if visited would prove a 
revelation to the city dweller. Astonishly straight, smooth 
boles of white oak, hickory or poplar, crowded together, ele- 
vate their fronds high in search of sunlight, the billows of 
their foliage making dense shade below. Nowhere else can 
one obtain so clear a conception of the immense toil that con- 
fronted the early settlers when they came to make a home in 
this wilderness. It involved more than a contact with nature. 
It was a wrestling with it, as Jacob wrestled with the Angel 
of the Lord, and would not let Him go until the blessing had 
been bestowed. 

All this territory was a paradise for the hunter and trapper, 
abounding in bear, deer, beaver, wild turkey and all the 
smaller varieties of game. It was the habitat and hunting 
grounds of the Haw, the Enoee and the Occoneechee Indians. 
The latter tribe's principal village was located just south of 
the Occoneechee Mountains. Quite a pretty tradition is 
told as coming from that tribe. As it concerns a locality with 
which this sketch is to deal, I give it for what it is worth. 
It may be entitled ''The Maiden and the Birds, or, How the 
Eedbird Obtained His Coat, and the Wood Thrush His 
Song." The Occoneechees were really a sept or clan of the 
Cherokees, and not a distinct tribe. They were never war- 
like, relying when too hard pressed by the Tuscaroras on the 
east and the Catawbas on the west, more on the protection of 
their powerful kinsmen, the Cherokees, than on their own 
prowess. They cultivated the soil much more extensively than 
did the other Indians of the period, and their dwellings were 
more comfortable and their towns better situated. Hospi- 
tality to the stranger was a tenet of their religion, and they 
welcomed all who came in peace with open hands. Their 
women were famed for beauty, and their men, though some- 
what contemned for their un warlike spirit, were noted hunt- 
ers. Long anterior to the coming of the white man, there 


was a village of these people just south of the Occoneechee 
Mountains. In that village was a maiden celebrated in all 
the land for her modest and gentle beauty. Her name was 
ITlalee, or the Wood Thrush^ and she was a daughter of the 
chief. From her childhood she seemed to have an almost 
miraculous control over all birds. She knew all their habits, 
could imitate all their notes and never went abroad without 
being attended by them. Instead of fearing her, they were 
all emulous to attract her attention and fought for the privi- 
lege of being first stroked or petted by her. Especially was 
this true of a brown-backed, graj^-breasted, bird, of the same 
size and shape as our cardinal grosbeak, or red bird. This 
maiden had many suitors, but cared for none of them. Her 
father had, however, contracted her to Oneluskee, a young 
warrior of her own tribe. She did not object to this, be- 
cause she liked him. She did, though, want further time 
before assuming her duties as wife. The marriage, then, 
was postponed for a year, and meantime she was to be free 
to go and come as she chose. 

About a mile from the village w^as a spring, beautifully 
located and said to have healing qualities. Here was the 
favorite resort of this wood nymph of the Occoneechees. 
There she would sit for hours attended only by the birds 
that, at her call, came from all the neighboring trees and 

A day in May, as she was seated near the spring, young 
Kanandagea, of the Tuscaroras, on his first warpath against 
the Catawbas, came suddenly upon her. ISTow this young- 
Indian Apollo was as famous for manly beauty among the 
Tuscaroras, as ITlalee for the softer beauty of women among 
the Occoneechees, and the two tribes were at peace. The 
young girl was not then alarmed at his advent, but welcomed 
him with graceful courtesy, and the two talked long. It was 
a repetition of the old story, one in which man is never so 


savage, or so civilized, that be maj^ not be an actor in it. 
The young v^arrior vv^asbed tbe war paint from bis face, and 
instead of outlying about a Catawba village for a scalp, be 
outlay about tbe Occoneecbee town for love. At tbis spring 
tbey met day by day, and tbe birds became almost as fear- 
less of bim as of Ulalee. One day tbey were sitting tbere^ 
be whispering into her ear some pleasing story, which she an- 
swered by a bright glance of her dark eye and low, rippling, 
musical laughter, when Oneluskee came upon them. With 
one glance be knew all, but he greeted them with calm, 
stately courtesy and passed on. For the first time the young 
girl realized the danger of her situation. She loved the 
Tuscarora, but was contracted to Oneluskee, and unfaithful- 
ness to that contract, according to tbe laws of her tribe, was 
death. Kanandagea urged her to fly with him at once, but 
she was unwilling to leave her tribe and her home, which she 
loved, without bidding them, at least, a silent adieu. She 
would meet him at the spring tbe following day, and then 
his people should be her people, and bis God her God. When 
she returned to tbe village she met Oneluskee. He made no 
allusion to what had occurred, but treated her with bis usual 
deferential tenderness. Everything about her, her tribe, 
her home, her family, tbe woods and tbe birds, had become 
so much a part of the very being of this artless child of 
nature that it was bard for her to give them up even for love, 
but tbe next clay she was at the spring an hour before the 
appointed time. Oneluskee followed her there, and she 
greeted bim with a quiet smile as he took bis seat by her 
side. She was glad that he bad come, for she believed him 
to be magTiaminous and generous and her true friend, and 
she wished to tell him that she loved the Tuscarora and was 
to be his bride. He beard her story to tbe end without in- 
terruption, then be made no protestations of bis own love, 
did not urge her to give up the Tuscarora. Instead be told 


her that, according to their customs, she was already his 
lawful wife; that he had given her respite for a year that 
she might better fit herself to become such ; that she had been 
unfaithful to him, and therefore she must die. She looked 
appealingly into his face, but could see no relenting there, 
so, without a word, bowed her head as he plunged his knife 
into her heart. He left her there, and her heart's blood, 
mingling with the little spring stream, discolored it. The 
birds, frightened away by Oneluskee, returned as he de- 
parted, and instead of singing their sweetest songs, uttered 
their harshest cries of alarm as they fluttered about the dead 
girl, except the bird with a brown back and a gTey breast. 
He bathed and slashed in the discolored water, while his 
mate put her feet and bill in it, and sprinkled a little on her 
breast and on the tips of her wings. That is why the red 
bird is red now and his mate is not. 

An hour after, the Tuscarora came for his bride and found 
her bleeding corpse. He took it in his arms, carried it to the 
village, and demanded justice upon the murderer. Onelus- 
kee, before the elders, confessed the deed, and justified it 
from their immemorial customs. They sustained the de- 
fense, but admitted the right of the Tuscarora to single 
combat. They fought in the presence of the whole tribe, a 
duel long remembered in tradition, and the Tuscarora con- 
quered. At his request he was adopted into the tribe. Ever 
after, attended by the birds she had loved, he lived a hermit 
life in the forest where she had roamed. A huge, time- 
scarred oak once stood within a few hundred yards of this 
spring. It was blown down in a gTeat September storm 
some years ago. There, it is said, was his wigwam, and 
there, after living to a great age, he died and was buried. 
And to the present day his spirit and her spirit haunt this 
spring, and all through the woods, in spring and summer, 
one may hear the wood thrush calling Hlalee-e-e. 


1 do not \'oueli for the historical verity of this tradition, 
but it is, perhaps, well to preserve it. 

The hunter and trapper were the first white invaders of 
this wilderness. Then came, that ever moving advance 
guard of civilization, the pioneer, with his pack horse, his 
cooking utensils, his weapons, a little salt and his wife and 
children. A small clearing was made in the forest, a log 
hut built and corn planted. The abundant game would sup- 
pi}^ his family with meat, the corn patch with bread. One 
of the earliest of these pioneers was an Englishman, named 
Alleman, who settled on a creek in what is now Alamance 
County, and, the writer believes, gave his name to that 
creek, and hence to the county itself. Then the tide of 
settlers commenced to flow this way, until the county became 
dotted here and there with little communities, only to be 
found by following trails which they had blazed through the 
forest. All north of 35 degrees 34 minutes being Earl 
Granville's grant, his surveyors followed hard upon the foot- 
steps of the pioneers. 

Pioneers began to locate in Orange as early as 1740, but 
the great army of settlers began its inflow in 1750 and con- 
tinued until 1770. Of these the more numerous were the 
Scotch-Irish, Quakers, Grermans and Welsh from Pennsyl- 
vania, and the English from Virginia and the eastern coun- 
ties of the province. As to the Scotch-Irish I take the 
liberty of reproducing what I wrote three years ago : 

The Scotch-Irish. 

"Bufl^alo,^ Alamance," Hawflelds,^ Eno,* Little River," and 
I^ew Hope'^ were the principal Scottish-Irish settlements of 
Orange County in the period extending from 1755 to 1770. 
Buffalo and Alamance are now in Guilford County, while 
Hawfields is in Alamance, l^ew Hope is an offshoot from 

■Organizpd In 1756; M762; 31755: M755; 51761: «by 1765. F. N. 


Hawfields, and Little liiver from Eno. There were two or 
three smaller settlements in the territory then known as 
Orange, notably, one on Hyco Creek^ and one on Country 
Line Creek, both in what is now Caswell County. The Eno 
settlement was, however, more distinctively a Scotch-Irish 
community than any of these. The predominating element 
in the population of the territory bordering on the Virginia 
line was settlers from Virginia. The Llyco and Country 
Line communities to a great degree, and the Alamance and 
Buffalo communities to some extent, were in the very midst 
of these Virginia-English. With Eno it was otherwise. 
That was made up almost exclusively of Scotch-Irish settlers 
from Pennsylvania. That community, then, furnishes the 
best examjDie of the Scotch-Irish community in Orange 

"The Eno Eiver has its source in a spring near the north- 
west corner of the present county of Orange. It flows in a 
general southerly direction until it reaches the Occoneechee 
Mountains. These deflect it to the east. The distance from 
its source in a direct line to the mountains is less than fifteen 
miles, yet there we find it a tiny trickling rill, while here it 
is a rapid-flowing stream, forty feet wide by three or four 
deep. Ixumeroiis brooks, or brooklets, or spring branches 
have discharged their waters into it since it began its jour- 
ney to the sea and have made of it a small river. This shows 
how well the section through which it flows is watered. It is 
a country of hills and valleys, too. In 1750 huge forests 
spread in billows across the tops of these hills and down 
their sides and over the valleys. Along the creeks and 
larger brooks were to be found rich bottom-lands, needing but 
to be cleared and planted to yield abundant harvests. 

"This section, too, was exempt from Indian raids. The 
only tribes remaining in the limits of the province of Korth 

^'Organized as " Middle Hyco" in 1755. I am indebted to D. I. Craig, D.D., for these 
dates. F. N. 


Carolina at this period (1750-55) who were at all formid- 
able were the Cherokees and Catawbas. The latter tribe was 
fast disappearing, from disease and contact with the whites, 
and the Cherokees were formidable only to the scattered set- 
tlements outlying towards their own hunting-gTOunds. So 
safety, fertility, convenience and a mild and healthy climate 
all invited the adventurous Scotch-Irish of Pennsylvania to 
this section. 

"'It is probable that one or two families had already settled 
there as early as 1745, but the migTation was at its flood-tide 
from 1750 to 1775. These immigTants were by no means 
pioneers, blazing the way for permanent settlers to come after 
them, but they were citizens of one province moving to 
another to improve their condition. They had already ac- 
cumulated some property, owned lands and horses, cattle and 
sheep. They came from Lancaster, Chester, York, Berks, 
or Bucks Counties, Pennsylvania. 

^'Let us take one family as a sample and follow them in 
their migration. The winter of 1750-51 had been severe in 
Berks. A killing frost had come unexpectedly early and 
had seriously damaged the crops of Mr. T. His oldest child 
had sickened and died with pneumonia, and his wife had 
been desperately ill. He had heard of the success of some of 
his neighbors in the beautiful and fertile Valley of Virginia, 
but the bloody-minded Shawnees were on the warpath and 
were threatening the outlying settlements. Some of his ac- 
quaintances in Bucks County, however, had pressed on fur- 
ther south to the province of ISTorth Carolina, had settled on 
the Eno River and had sent back glowing accouu.ts of the 
climate and of the country. He determined to go himself 
and spy out the land with a view of moving his family to a 
less hostile climate. In the late fall or early winter he sets 
out on horseback for this distant land of promise. Bearing 
to the west that he miaht strike the streams and rivers 


where thej are fordable, he passes across Maryland and 
through the Scotch-Irish settlements in the Valley of Vir- 
ginia, and, after the laj)se of about thirty days, enters North 
Carolina, into what is now Caswell County. He pauses for 
a while, perhaps, with the scattered Scotch-Irish on Hyco 
Creek, but finally rides on to the Eno River. 

''He is pleased with the country, selects his future home, 
sends for William Churton, one of Earl Granville's survey- 
ors, and has it surveyed. After this is done he pays Chur- 
ton his fees for the survey and also three shillings sterling,* 
consideration money for the deed which Churton is to pro- 
cure for him from Francis Corbin, one of Earl Granville's 
agents, and have ready for him on his return with his family 
from Pennsylvania. Then, with the aid of the neighbors, 
he builds a log cabin on a suitable site, and, with the same 
aid, clears and fences a small parcel of land near it. The 
spring advancing, he plants corn in this little clearing, and, 
leaving it to care for itself, he returns to Pennsylvania for 
his family. There he sells all property which he can not 
carry with him to ISTorth Carolina, purchases three or four 
strong, sturdy horses, if he does not already own them, or, 
perhaps two yoke of oxen and a heavy, unwieldy but commo- 
dious wagon. In this are to be carried the household goods, 
and in it the wife and younger children are to sleep. A 
milch cow or two are to be tethered to its axle, and perhaps 
a small flock of sheep are to be driven by the larger children 
behind it. When all is in readiness for their departure there 
is a public meeting held in the school-house of the district, 
for the people are unwilling that they should leave without 
some testimonial of their regard. A paper drawn up by the 
school-master is adopted and delivered, signied, to the emi- 
gi-ants. This I copy from the yellow and time-stained origi- 
nal. It is preserved in the family as a precious heirloom : 

*In addition an annual quit rent of three shillings sterling. 


" 'To all persons ivhoni these shall concern — Greeting : 
Whereas, T, T, and Ann, his wife, the bearers hereof, are de- 
termined, God willing, to remove with their family in order 
to settle in some parts of his Majesty's new settlements, and 
as divers of us have been well acquainted with them from 
their early youth, we do certify you that they are of a sober, 
honest, peaceable and good behaviour and are about to de- 
part in the good esteem of the neighborhood and acquaint- 
ances in general. Therefore, as such we commend them to 
the favorable reception of those among whom it may be their 
lot to sojourn and settle, heartily wishing their prosperity 
and welfare on all accounts. 

'' 'In testimony whereof, we, their friends and neighbors, 
inhabitants of the township of Heidelberg and places adja- 
cent in the county of Berks, in the Province of Pennsylvania. 
have hereunto set our hands, the 14th day of May, Anno 
Domini 1752.' Then the signatures follow. 

"^They commenced their long and tedious journey soon 
after this paper was given them. All along the way Sunday 
was to them a Sabbath of rest, and probably of praise and 
thanksgiving. During the week-days they made on an aver- 
age ten miles a day, so they would arrive at their new home 
about the first of August. As they would pass through the 
settlements in Maryland and Virginia, they would be met 
with words of cheer, and there they could replenish their 
supplies of food. When, wearied and footsore, they arrived 
at the end of their long journey, the neighbors flocked to wel- 
come them and to aid them in establishing their new home. 
That home was established about eight miles north of the 
present town of Hillsboro, and is still in the possession of 
some of the descendants of the original owners, 

"This family is a type of the Pennsylvania Scotch-Irish 
settlers. Many others came in the ensuing five years, quite 
often several families joining in the migration, and Eno 


soon became one of the most thickly settled sections of Orange 
County. By 1755 they had built a log school-house and 
church, seven miles north of Hillsboro. At this church, or 
rather school-house, for it was never dedicated as a church. 
Rev. Hugh McAden preached as he journeyed through the 
country in 1755. In the same year there was a regular Pres- 
byterian Church organized there, and soon after a frame 
building was erected, the log house continuing to be used as a 
school-house. The church organization exists to the present 
day, being now 160 years old, but in the spring of 1895 a 
forest fire destroyed the old church building, and the new one 
was erected at the village of Cedar Grove, some miles off. 
At the old site, however, there is a very large and well-filled 
graveyard, in which four generations of Scotch-Irish have 
been buried. 

''The church and the school-house have always been, and 
always will be, the mainstay of this admirable race. They 
realized, as few other races of luen have realized it, that the 
church without the school-house was a fosterer of supersti- 
tion, while the school-house without the church was a pro- 
moter of irreligion and infidelity. So, close by their 
churches they built their school-houses, and over the doors 
of both they inscribed in living letters, 'The Lord He is 
God.' This, it seems to me, is the key to their character 
and the secret of their greatness. 

"The criminal records of Orange County, from its organi- 
zation to the present day, show that there was less immor- 
ality and crime among the Scotch-Irish than among any other 
class of people within its bounds. At all periods of its his- 
tory they have been most valuable citizens. But this is not 
all. Their sons have gone out into many other States, carry- 
ing with them the respect for law, morality and religion 
which characterized them at home. Many of them have at- 
tained distinction in the various walks of life, and all of them 
have been useful men and women." 


Hawfields, or Haw Old Fields as it was at first called, had 
certain unique characteristics, which make it worthy of a 
more extended notice. Here had been the home of the 
Saxapahaw Indians. These Indians, like nearly all the 
tribes in central jSTorth Carolina, were less nomads and more 
agriculturists than the northern and western tribes. These 
old fields had been cleared by them and cultivated by them. 
Thirty thousand acres of these lands were patented by Ed- 
ward Mosely. From him they passed to Governor Burring- 
ton, and from him to Samuel Strudwick in the manner set 
out in ''Hillsboro, Colonial and Revolutionary," page 95 
et seq. As early as July 20, 1731, Colonel Byrd wrote to 
Governor Burrington of them (3 C. R., 194), '^'But no place 
has so great a character for fertility and beauty of situation 
as the Haw Old Fields." The Scotchman had lost none of 
his cannyness from his temporary abode in the Emerald Isle, 
or his pausing for a few years in the colony of Pennsylvania. 
When he came south, then, he generally selected the best 
lands in the section wherein he located. Hawfields early 
attracted his attention. The Mebanes and others located 
there certainly as early as 1745, and possibly earlier. The 
activity of the northern and western Indians, in the period 
commencing in 1750 and ending at Braddock's defeat in 
1755 not only vastly increased the migration from Pennsyl- 
vania, but also from the Valley of Virginia, to North Caro- 
lina. It was during this period that the Hawfields and the 
region about it was settled. When Mr. Strudwick arrived 
in this country, October, 1764, he found much of the land 
obtained by him from Burrington already occupied. He 
immediately set up his claim, with the result that titles were 
so unsettled in the Hawfields, that many of the inhabitants, 
such as the Craigs, Blackwoods, Freelands, etc., removed to 
'New Hope. 

The Hawfields were on the east side of Haw River. The 


Quakers and Germans, however, settled on its west side, the 
Quakers on Cane Creek and the Germans, in the region of 
Stinking Quarter, and Alamance Creeks. The Quakers had 
erected their meeting house on Cane Creek as early as Octo- 
ber, 1751, there being thirty families in the settlement. 
(Eecords of Cane Creek Meeting at Graham, IST. C.) The 
Quakers, however, were not confined to this locality. There 
was a settlement of them north of Hillsboro, and there was 
a number of families in the town and east of it. The Ger- 
man settlement, or Dutch, as it was universally called by 
others of the county, was not large, and it was segregated by 
its langTiage and the habits of the people themselves. They 
took little or no interest in public affairs, had their own 
preachers, who preached to them in the German language, 
and their own church, which was situated on the neck of land 
between Stinking Quarter and Alamance Creeks. 

Further west on Sandy Creek, the home of Herman Hus- 
band, Baptists from Virginia, under Shubael Stearns, organ- 
ized a church and erected a meeting house in 1755. (5 
C. R., 1167.) "These new comers found the inhabitants 
about their colony gi'ossly ignorant of the essential principles 
of the Christian religion. They knew something of the form 
of godliness but nothing of its power. They thought that 
religion consisted only in the practice of its outward forms, 
they knew nothing of conviction and conversion, and to be 
able to ascertain the time and place of this wonderful miracle 
was to them equally wonderful. The new preachers' style of 
preaching was to them also very novel. They had acquired 
a very warm and pathetic address, accompanied by strong 
gestures and a regular tone of voice. Being often deeply 
affected themselves when preaching, corresponding affections 
were felt by their hearers, which was frequently expressed 
by tears, trembling, screams and exclamations of grief and 
joy." ''Very remarkable things," said Morgan Edwards in 


1775, "may be said of this church. It began with 16 souls, 
and in a short time increased to 606, spreading its branches 
to Deep River and Abbott's Creek, which branches are gone 
to other provinces, and most of the members of this church 
have followed them; insomuch that in 17 years, it is reduced 
from 606 to 14 souls." It is interesting to note that these 
early Baptists administered the following rites : Baptism, 
the Lord's Supper (once a week), Love Feasts, Laying on of 
Hands, Washing Feet, Anointing the Sick, Right Lland of 
Fellowship, Kiss of Charity and Devoting Children. The 
latter rite was thus performed : "As soon as circumstances 
would permit, after the birth of the child, the mother car- 
ried it to the meeting, when the minister either took it in 
his arms or laid his hands on it, and thanked God for His 
mercy, and invoked a blessing on the child, at which time 
it received its name. This rite, which by many was satiri- 
cally called a dry christening, prevailed not only in the Sandy 
Creek Association, but in many parts of Virginia." (5 C. 
R., 1172.) 

The Welsh settled in Orange, south of Ilillsboro and be- 
tween that town and the Chatham County line. The num- 
ber of these was small, but they were unusually intelligent, 
and have still many descendants. 

The English, however, constituted a majority of the set- 
tlers in 1755. Communities composed almost wholly of 
them could be found along the Virginia line and in the east- 
ern part of the county, besides individual families nearly 
everywhere. There were 950 taxable white polls in the 
county in 1755, and 50 negTO polls, indicating a population 
of about 5,000. The negTO slaves were the property of the 
English. (5 C. R., 575.) It is interesting to note that at 
the same period Granville, settled almost wholly by the 
English, had 779 white polls and 426 black polls. So though 
the population of Granville exceeded that of Orange by 1,000, 


that excess, and more, was entirely negro. Again, Granville 
had 734 militia out of her 779 white polls, while Orange had 
only 490 militia out of her 950 polls, thus indicating a large 
proportion of non-combatants, Quakers and others, in the lat- 
ter county. {Idem.) It was, too, then, as it has always 
been, a country of small farmers. Of course social condi- 
tions were exceeding!}^ primitive and crude, and, if we are to 
believe some of the itinerant Church of England missionaries 
who visited this people, in some sections, rough and rude. 
Especially was this true of the English population. The 
Scotch-Irish and Quakers have been at all periods of their 
history strictly upright, honest and moral. 

With the organization of the county seat in 1754, its 
growth and change of name to Childsburg in 1759, and its 
continued gTowth and second legally authorized change of 
name to Ilillsboro in 1766, and Governor Tryon's patronage, 
there was collected a body of men of sufficient culture and 
intelligence to make them distinctively the most influential 
class in the county — merchants, attorneys and county offi- 
cials. The governing body of the county, however, that 
which not only administered justice between man and man, 
but managed its finances and controlled its internal aflFairs, 
was the County Court, and that was composed of justices 
selected from all sections of the county. So well did this 
system suit the genius of our people that it continued in 
force, with very little or no modification, until after the 
Civil War, when aliens, usurping the government, abolished 
it in 1868. The representatives in the Assembly were 
elected, too, by the freeholders, and land was so cheap and 
abundant that nearly every one was a freeholder. There is 
no period of our history in which the rights of the individual 
as opposed to community rights were so much respected and 
so vigorously defended, as in our colonial period. This was 
as much the result of the colonists' British antecedents and 


British training- as of the distance of settlement from set- 
tlement — a distance that prevented the mutual dependence 
of man upon man, out of which the community right springs. 
In the large view of it, then, the people of Orange embodied 
in themselves as advanced a democracy as could be found 
anywhere at that time. 

In the decade, 1755 to 1765, the county tilled rapidly. In 
the latter year there were 3,324 white polls and 649 negro 
polls, indicating a population of about 18,000. (7 C.R., 289.) 
A year later white polls were 3,573, an increase of 249, and 
black polls were 729, an increase of 80, indicating a popula- 
tion of over 21,000. (Ibid., 539.) Perhaps the most im- 
portant event that occurred in the county in 1765 was the 
location of Dr. David Caldwell there as pastor of Buifalo and 
Alamance churches, and of Bev. Henry Patillo as pastor of 
Hawfields, Eno, Little River and Kew Hope churches. All 
these churches had been before visited by Mr. Patillo and the 
Rev. Hugh McAden, and perhaps others, as missionaries ; 
but no Presbyterian minister had been located in the county 
before 1765. The coming of David Caldwell and Henry 
Patillo then meant much more than a series of sermons at 
certain set and stated times. It meant the erection of school- 
houses where they had not been before, and the training of 
the youth of the country in all that would render them useful 
men and women. It meant the selection by the people them- 
selves of a competent leader and adviser in all the higher and 
better things of life. Says Dr. Charles Lee Raper : "When 
these minister-teachers came to the hills of Korth Carolina 
they found only a few people, and these scattered far and 
wide ; they found a very primitive stage of life — pioneers 
in a very wilderness ; they found a people possessed of great 
igTiorance, but with native good sense and vigor; they found 
a vast amount of the forces of nature to contend with and to 
conquer and a primitive people to develop into a higher life. 
And these Scotch-Irish minister-teachers were an energetic 


body, a bard of heroic missionaries. * * * These bright, 
vigorous and independent men brought with them ideas 
which have exercised the profoundest influence upon all the 
phases of our life and thought — upon our religion, our poli- 
tics, our industry and our education. Their churches and 
schools soon became the centers of ideas — the places of their 
nourishment and their spreading * * * the fountains of in- 
tellectual vigor for a great portion of our own ancestors. * * * 
The Scotch-Irish Presbyterian minister-teacher deserves at 
the hands of the historian and at the hands of our people a 
thousand times more consideration and veneration than we 
have ever thought to pay him. * * * He possessed the abil- 
ity to appreciate intelligence and culture as none other of our 
colonial ancestors did ; he keenly appreciated the exceedingly 
great and permanent value of education, for the individual 
and the community alike. He gave his very life — its ideals, 
its energy, its enthusiasm — to the teaching of his fellow-men ; 
his school was ever a shining and brilliant light. He stood 
out, and always, for the light of classical thought and cul- 
ture, and proclaimed the power of knowledge, of character 
and refinement, in the midst of ignorance and crudeness." 

Three years later, in 1768, Rev. Hugh McAden took 
charge of the churches in what is now Caswell County, and 
for thirteen years labored within their bounds both as teacher 
and preacher. 

In the Act changing the name of Childsburg to Hillsboro, 
j^ovember, 1766, the Directors of the town were authorized 
to sell certain lots, excepting, however, among others, a lot 
or lots which they may or shall reserve for a church, a school- 
house and a burying gTound. The lot that had been, prob- 
ably, already reserved, was lot 98 in the plan of the town, 
situated at the corner of Tryon and Churton streets. The 
building of St. Matthew's church was commenced soon after 
the enactment of this law, immediately on the corner of these 
streets. I wish to emphasize this fact, because it is said 


by some, to the present day, that by some hocus-pocus the 
Presbyterians got possession of old St. Mathew's and con- 
verted it to their own use. Indeed it is constantly said that 
the Convention of 1788 met in the Presbyterian Church in 
Hillsboro, and engravings of that church as such meeting 
place have been printed in books. As a matter of fact, the 
Presbyterian Church is not even on the site of old St. Mat- 
thew's, was erected long after the Convention of 1788, and 
no political meeting, convention or other has ever been held 
in it. Old St. Matthew's was of wood, the Presbyterian 
Church is of brick. Old St. Matthew's stood immediately 
on the corner, with its front entrance and tower to the south, 
while the Presbyterian Church stands 100 feet west of the 
corner and facing west. There was no Presbyterian church 
organization in Hillsboro until 1816, and the present church 
building was erected after that time, with the consent of 
the town authorities who owned the lot on which it is sit- 
uated, it being the lot reserved, as above stated, for a church, 
a school-house and a graveyard. 

Rev. George Meiklejohn came to Hillsboro to minister in 
charge of St. Matthew's Parish in 1767. He, also, was a 
school master and established an academy in Hillsboro. He 
was something of a Dominie Sampson in appearance, but was 
far from being so impractical, and is said to have been, 
though somewhat stern and harsh, a good teacher of the 

There were other schools and teachers in the county, out- 
side of Hillsboro and these Presbyterian communities, but it 
is impossible to ascertain with any certainty how many there 
were, and where located. Rednap Howell, of Regulator 
fame, was a peripatetic schoolmaster, and William Few, in his 
Autobiography, an extract from which T give below, tells of 
one in his own experience. The Quakers on Cane Creek 
certainly had a school of their own, and it is quite probable 
that there were others in the more thickly settled communi- 


ties, supported by the better class of farmers. William Few 
gives so graphic a picture of the times in his Autobiography 
{Magazine of Arnerican History, November, 1881, pages 
343 et seq.) that I feel justified in extracting the following 
from it. William Few was a younger brother of James Few, 
also of Regulator fame, and himself, later attained great 
prominence in the State of Greorgia, and, after removing to 
'New York, also in that State : 

"I was born in Maryland, in the county of Baltimore, on 
the 8th day of June, 1748. My father was a farmer, and 
having lost the greater jjart of two or three crops by frost, 
determined that he would seek for a country more favorable 
to agriculture, and, having conferred with his neighbors on 
the subject, two of them agreed to accompany him in search 
of a more fertile country and a milder climate. Having pre- 
pared for their jonrney, they set out southwardly, and, after 
traveling about three hundred miles, found themselves near 
the middle of the province of jSTorth Carolina. There they 
halted in order to explore the country, and being pleased 
with the soil and climate, purchased lands on the banks of 
the Eno River in the county of Orange (about six miles east 
of Hillsboro). These lands were in their natural state. 
]S[ot a tree had been cut. The country was thinly inhabited, 
and the state of society was in the first stage of civilization. 
My father employed a man to build a house on his lands, and 
returned to remove his family. After selling his lands in 
Maryland and such of his goods and chattels as were not 
movable, the remainder was placed in a wagon drawn by 
four horses and in a cart drawn by two. In the Autumn of 
1758 he set out for l^orth Carolina with all his family and 
property. There a new scene opened to us. We found a 
mild and healthy climate and fertile lands, but our estab- 
lishment was in the woods and our first emj^loyment was to 
cut down the timber and prepare the land for cultivation. 
My father had taken with him only four servants, who were 


set to work, and every exertion was made to prepare for the 
ensuing crop. Then it was that I commenced the occupation 
of farmer. An axe was put into my hands, and I was in- 
troduced to a hickory tree about twelve or fifteen inches in 
diameter, and was ordered to cut it down and to cut oft" its 
branches. There was novelty in the business with which I 
was at first pleased and I cheerfully began the operation, 
but soon found myself extremely fatigued. My hands blis- 
tered, and the business progressed very slowly ; I thought my 
situation most deplorable, but I dared not to resist the order 
I had received to cut down the tree. I was obliged to pro- 
ceed, and found that practice every day made the labor more 
agreeable, and I was gradually instructed in the arts of agri- 
culture ; for that was all I had to learn. In that country at 
that time there were no schools, no churches or parsons, or 
doctors or lawyers ; no stores, groceries or taverns, nor do I 
recollect during the first two years any officer, ecclesiastical, 
civil or military, except a justice of the peace, a constable 
and two or three itinerant preachers. The justice took cog- 
nizance of their controversies to a small amount, and per- 
formed the sacerdotal functions of uniting by matrimony. 
There were no poor laws nor paupers. Of the necessities of 
life there was great plenty, but no luxuries. These people 
had few wants, and fewer temptations to vice than those 
who lived in more refined society, though ignorant. They 
were more virtuous and more happy. In the year 1760 a 
schoolmaster appeared and offered his services to teach the 
children of the neighborhood for twenty shillings each per 
year. He was employed, and about thirty scholars were 
collected and placed under his tuition. In that number I 
was enrolled. This was the second school I had been put to. 
When about six or seven years of age, I was sent to a country 
school of the lowest grade. The teacher was an ill-natured, 
arbitrary man, who punished with rigor, and enforced his 


precepts with terror. The man was to me the most dreadful 
of all mankind. I detested the man, the school and the books, 
and spent six or eight months at that school in terror and 
anxiety, with very little benefit. I was now more fortunate. 
This schoolmaster was a man of mild and amiable disposi- 
tion. He governed his little school with judgment and pro- 
priety, wisely distinguishing the obedient, timid child from 
the obstinate and contumacious ; judiciously applying the 
rod when necessary. He possessed the art of making his 
pupils fear, love and esteem him. At this school I spent one 
of the most happy years of my life. I had the highest re- 
spect for my preceptor, and delighted in his society and in- 
struction, and learned with facility. With him I finished 
my education, the whole expense of which did not exceed 
five dollars. In that simple state of society money was but 
little known; the schoolmaster was the welcome guest of his 
pupil, fed at the bountiful table and clothed from the do- 
mestic loom. 

"In 1764 my father purchased a farm and removed his 
family near to Plillsboro, which was the metropolis of the 
county, where the courts were held and all the public busi- 
ness was done. It was a small village, which contained 
thirty or forty inhabitants, with two or three small stores and 
two or three ordinary taverns, but it was an improving vil- 
lage. Several Scotch merchants were soon after induced to 
establish stores that contained a good assortment of European 
merchandise, which changed the state of things for the bet- 
ter. A church, court-house and jail were built, but th6re 
was no parson or physician. Two or three attorneys opened 
their offices and found employment. Superior and Inferior 
Courts of Justice were established, and a fair field was 
opened for the lawyers. It was to me the highest gratifica- 
tion to attend the courts and hear their pleadings, and my 
ambition was excited to acquire the knowledge and ascend- 


ancj they seemed to possess ; but I had no other way or means 
of learning but by attending the courts and hearing the prin- 
ciples of law discussed and settled, until I had prevailed on 
a lawyer to lend me Jacobs' Law Dictionary, which I con- 
sidered the gTeatest favor he could confer. I read the book 
attentively, but not with much benefit, for I was not suffi- 
ciently acquainted with the law terms to make much prog- 
ress ; notwithstanding it was believed that I had acquired 
some law knowledge, for my neighbors sometimes applied to 
me for my opinion on their matters of controversy, which 
was flattering to my vanity, and stimulated me to greater 
exertions. In that countr}^ at that time there was great 
scarcity of books. My father's whole library consisted of a 
folio Bible, Tillotson's Sermons, Barclay's Apology and a 
few other religious books, which I read over and over, for I 
was fond of every book I could get. About this time my 
father purchased Dyche's Dictionary and a set of the Spec- 
tators, with which T was greatly delighted, although I found 
the Spectators were wrote in a style diiferent from those 
books I had been accustomed to, and contained many words 
I did not perfectly understand, which often made it neces- 
sary to apply to the dictionary for a definition. In this 
way I soon acquired a knowledge of these books and read 
them with additional pleasure and much improvement. 

"About the year 1767 my father bought a farm seven miles 
distant, which was placed under my care, and it required my 
whole attention. It became my duty every Monday morning 
to go to the farm and remain until Saturday, and I was 
employed at the plow. It was my practice ever}'^ Monday 
to take with me a book which I read at leisure hours, and 
took it with me to the fields, and when fatigued I retired to 
a shade and read. By those means labor became pleasant 
and agreeable, while the mind was amused and the under- 
standing improved. Here I enjoyed the greatest part of one 


year in iininteiTupted peace and tranquillitj. I had only 
two objects in view: reading to acquire knowledge, and the 
cultivation of the soil, which alternately exercised my cor- 
poral and mental faculties. I now experienced that the 
proper and equal exercise of body and mind insures the great- 
est portion of human hajDpiness. I was successful in mj 
labor ; the season was favorable and I raised a good crop." 

This is, no doubt, an accurate account of William Few's 
life in Orange County as boy and youth. His father, 
though, belonged to the better class of farmers, had more 
means and a better education than the average settler. He 
had been a Quaker, but had severed his relations with his 
Meeting by marrying out of the connection in Maryland, and 
though known as a Quaker in his new home, he was not one 
in good standing, for that reason. 

At this period there was no industrial life of the people, 
except that depicted by Few. Agriculture was their only 
calling, to which both men and boys were devoted, while the 
women and girls looked after household affairs, spun and 
wove the wool, or cotton, out of which their own clothing 
and that of the men was made. While no doubt there were 
artisans in Hillsboro, carpenters and blacksmiths, weavers 
and hatters, out in the sparsely settled country districts 
nearly every one was his own carjienter and his own black- 
smith. Every eligible stream in the county had somewhere 
along its course a grist mill, some of them two or more, while 
in a few instances a sa^\miill was connected with it. A little 
later, about 1769, brick were made in and about Hillsboro, 
but they were used only for chimneys, even then. Out of 
the town chimneys continued to be built of stone, with a pen 
of sticks on top daubed with clay.* The coming of the 
Scotch merchants to Hillsboro, of which Few speaks, William 
Johnston. James Thackston and Ralph ]\Iacnair, was a 

*At this time there were two fulling mills on Deep River . 


double convenience to the inhabitants of the county. They 
could get from them necessary supplies of salt, or powder 
or lead or agricultural implements for themselves and the 
equally necessary articles of needles, cards, etc., for their 
wives and daughters, by the exchange of their products, or 
peltries, for them, when otherwise they would have no mar- 
ket, or at best a very distant one, for these products. They 
could get from them, too, many other articles, not so essen- 
tial, but adding very much to their comfort and to that of 
their families. These merchants kept wagons almost con- 
stantly running from Hillsboro to Cross Creek or j^ew Bern, 
taking down loads of the country's products and bringing 
back loads of goods for their stores. 

The amusements of the people were the usual rough sports 
of the frontier. As I have said elsewhere: "To it (the 
county seat) come the merchant, the lawyer, the tavern- 
keeper, the artisan and the court officials, adventurers all, in 
the perennial pursuit of gain. Rude in its beginnings, the 
town is, however, the emporium for the trade, and the head- 
quarters for the politics, the news and the fashions of all 
the country about it, and to it gTeat crowds come at the 
quarterly courts for a holiday — a holidaj^ that partakes of the 
strenuous character of the people themselves. The best shot 
of one community pits himself against the best shot of 
another ; the cock of the walk of Haw River must try con- 
clusions with him of Little, or Flat, River, while the friends 
of each look on, restrained from indulging in a free fight 
themselves only by their interest in the main event ; and so 
on, wrestler with wrestler, runner with runner, race-horse 
with race-horse and game cock with game cock — a strong, 
free people as yet but half civilized, unconsciously preparing 
itself for a great career. IMeantime the stock of drinkables 
at the various taverns is growing smaller and smaller, and 
the self-important Justices are sitting in the court-house try- 


ing minor offenses or settling minor disputes between man 
and man, and puzzled occasionally by some astute lawyer, 
referring, in hope of enlightenment but in a helpless way, to 
jSTelson's Justice, Gary's Abridgement of the Statutes, Swin- 
born on Wills, Grodolphin's Orphans' Legacy, Jacobs' Law 
Dictionary, or Wood's Institutes — books required by law to 
be upon the court table." These people had, too, their 
neighborhood amusements — house-raisings, corn-shuckings, 
shooting-matches, at which there was much drinking of 
strong drink, and the two first of which were followed (out 
of Quaker, Baptist and Presbyterian communities) by rus- 
tic dancing with the music furnished by a neighborhood 
fiddler. This was one side of the people's life ; but there is 
another which I wish to treat somewhat fully, so will put it 
under a heading to itself, in which I will use freely what 
I have heretofore written. 


The Regulator disturbance beautifully illustrates the 
effect of agitation against real grievances, but grievances 
which can be best redressed under forms of the law, upon an 
ignorant, headstrong, lawless populace. 

Solon likened the people to the sea and their orators and 
counselors to the winds, for the sea would be calm and quiet 
if the winds did not trouble it. The illustration is none the 
less happy because it may be turned and viewed from another 
side. There would be stagnation and death in the sea were 
it not troubled by the winds. So there would be the tor- 
pidity of slavery among the people, could they not be aroused 
to action by their orators. Eternal vigilance is indeed the 
price of liberty, and the abiding place of that liberty is in 
the hearts of the people. So much so, that a people fit to be 
free has been, and always will be, free. Continuing the il- 
lustration however, as there are great tidal movements in the 


ocean, independent of winds or weather, so here and there in 
history are great popular uprisings not induced by the ap- 
peals of orators. They are caused by oppressive or disor- 
derly government, and come not from a desire to attack, but 
from an impatience of suffering, as the Duke of Sully, one 
of the wisest of statesmen, said centuries ago. The French 
Revolution and the recent stir in Russia are instances. In 
a representative government, whether a constitutional mon- 
archy or a republic, they have never occurred, and, from the 
nature of things can never occur. The people of our own 
country have never been aroused to determined action unless 
first stirred by their orators and organized by their leaders. 
A free people, conscious of their freedom, are inapt to see 
and, when seen, not prone to avenge by violence a minor 
infringement of their collective rights, sensitive though they 
are to any attack upon an individual right. It is the prov- 
ince of orators and agitators, those sentinels upon the watch 
towers of liberty, to warn the people of any approach of dan- 
ger. This can be most effectively done, among a people vola- 
tive or impulsive or ignorant or half educated, by a broad 
and misleading definition of their rights, an exaggerated and 
highly colored statement of their wrongs, and by vehement 
invectives against their alleged foes. In other words, such 
a people suffers from a species of political myopia, and 
things and persons and events must be magnified that they 
may see the better. Made thus to believe that they are op- 
pressed, they, naturally inert, are aroused to action, not from 
an impatience of suffering but from a desire to attack. This 
was the method of Herman Husband, the agitator and organ- 
izer, of Rednap Howell, the orator and bard, and of James 
Hunter, the spokesman of the Regulators. It is not a new 
method. It is as old as freedom itself, and we see it ex- 
emplified in every presidential election to the present. Only 
the omnipresence of the law and its restraints and the greater 


sensitiveness of the people to these restraints prevent each 
hard-fought campaign from becoming a series of bloody riots, 
if not a civil war. The absence of these restraints, or their 
ineifectiveness, made the Regulator movement culminate in 
the Hillsboro riot and the battle of Alamance. And herein, 
too, is found the soundest basis for that complete and perfect 
education of all the people, which is the dream of the most 
advanced statesmen of the day. The State may take a small 
portion of the property of A to assist in the education of B's 
children by way of tribute for the protection of the rest of 
A's property. This universal education will not only make 
the people more sensitive to any encroachment on their rights, 
but it will make them more intelligent and more self- 
controlled in pursuit of remedies for such encroachment. In 
other words, they will cease to be facile instruments in the 
hands of demagogs and selfseekers. 

In pojDular movements, such as the Regulator movement, 
it is the office of the agitator and orator to stimulate action, 
and of the leader to organize, guide and control the strength 
of the people so that it may become effective in action. In 
this sense the Regulators had no leader. Herman Husband, 
the ablest of them, was a great agitator and an excellent 
organizer, but there he stopped short. He lacked the bold 
determination and dauntless courage required of a leader of 
the people in such a crisis. Rednap Howell, the orator and 
bard of the movement, was an active, energetic and shrewd 
agitator, but there he stopped short. He had neither the 
ability of an organizer, nor the courage of a leader. James 
Hunter was intelligent, honest and intrepid, but in the rare 
qualities necessary to manage and control bodies of unruly 
men, he was wholly deficient. 

That the people had just cause of complaint against the 
officials is true beyond doubt. A loosely drawn and am- 
biguous fee bill gave opportunity for each man to put his own 


constructiou upon it ; and, as human nature was the same 
then, in general features, as it is now, the officials construed 
it liberally in their own favor and the agitators construed it 
strictly against them. Of course calculations made upon 
such a totally different basis resulted in a conflict which 
could not be reconciled. (8 C. E., pages 312, 322 and 388, 
and 23 S. R., 275 et seq.) If the act was ambiguous, it is 
manifest that the remedy therefor Avas to be found in an 
amendment by Assembly itself. If, however, the officers 
were using the ambiguity of the act as a cover for extortion, 
the remedy was by indictment in the courts. The Regulators 
went about securing this remedy, at first, in a perfectly legal 
way, and, if this method of securing redress had been pur- 
sued consistently, the evils would have been removed without 
the shedding of a drop of blood. These were their rules of 
conduct at first : 

1st. Let us be careful to keep sober, nor to do nothing 
rashly, but to act with deliberation. 

2d. Let us do nothing against the known, established laws 
of our land, that we appear not as a faction, endeavoring to 
subvert the laws and overturn the system of government; 
but let us take care to appear what we really are, free sub- 
jects by birth, endeavoring to recover our best native rights 
of reducing the malpractices of the officers of our courts 
down to the standard of law. 

If then, in their subsequent career, they were not careful 
to keep sober and to do nothing rashly ; if they disregarded 
the established laws of the land, they are convicted out of 
their own mouths of being factionists and subverters of the 
laws. Let us see how this was. Husband says that the 
organization of 1766 went to pieces, but was revived and 
made more efficient and strong the latter part of 1767. Some 
one informed them at that time, or the early part of 1768, 
that taxes were being paid to retire an issue of paper money 


after that object had already been accomplished. Soon after, 
too, they were informed that £15,000 had been appropriated 
for the erection of a Governor's House at New Bern. So to 
the Regulators it was made to appear that they were being- 
robbed not only by their local officials, but by Governor Tryon 
himself. They determined to pay no taxes : ''We are obliged 
to seek redress by denying paying any more taxes, until we 
have a full settlement for what is past, and have a true regu- 
lation with our officers." ISTow this was an attempt to apply 
a remedy to existing evils by violence and force, by illegal 
means, and Husband knew this very well, for he excuses him- 
self and others by saying that they protested against and 
never agreed to this plan. He says also, "That not one-third 
man on the west side of Haw River had yet concerned them- 
selves, yet they were afterwards forced to join as one man in 
defense of their lives.'' (See Husband's Book in Wheeler, 
pages 307 et seq.) 

The determination not to pay any taxes at all was per- 
sisted in until the latter part of 1768. It is perfectly mani- 
fest that this was not a justifiable means to remedy the evil 
complained of. If the sheriff, when he comes to collect taxes, 
had to convince every citizen that every item was legal, every 
item legitimate, else no taxes should be paid, and if he at- 
tempted to levy, he should be beaten, if not killed with im- 
punity, then anarchy necessarily ensues. Government itself, 
if it permitted this, would abdicate its functions to a mob. 
It could be a state no longer. It was tried in the Whiskey 
Rebellion in Pennsylvania, and General Harry Lee, under 
President Washington's orders, crushed that. Shay tried 
it in Massachusetts, and General Lincoln crushed that re- 
bellion. So this second movement of the Regulators, being 
a combination between two or more to do an illegal act, was 
in law, a criminal conspiracy. Now it was on this gTound 
that Husband was acquitted on his trial at the September 



Term, 1768, while William Butler and others were convicted. 
There was proof that he had been a prime mover in the first 
plan, but this was legal, while on the other hand there was 
none that he had encouraged the second and illegal plan. 
The others had, and they were convicted, while he was ac- 
quitted. What, then, was the consequence of the refusal to 
pay taxes ? The sheriff of the county, Tyree Harris, had 
charged against him all the general and county taxes that had 
been listed, amounting to 10 shillings and 8 pence per poll, 
proclamation money, or stated in another way, legally about 
$1.75, but for purposes of trade, about $1.40. His account 
could not be credited with any sum that he failed to collect, 
unless allowed by the County Court for the county, or by the 
Assembly, for the ])roviuce at large. So there he stood be- 
tween two fires : the law compelling him to collect this amount 
and the Regulators threatening him with castigation or death 
if he attempted to do so. (7 C. E., 491, 772, 798-9.) 

The amounts specifically objected to by the Regulators 
were 3 shillings for the retirement of outstanding paper 
money and 8 pence for Tryon's palace. Those who insist 
on canonizing these factionists as patriots invariably forget 
that no power short of the Assembly could remit this three 
shillings, and that the representatives of the people, includ- 
ing the Regulators, had expressly authorized the erection of 
the palace and the levy of the eight pence. In other words, 
they forget that the government was representative and that 
the Assembly held the public purse in its hands, and held it 
as firmly as ever did a reformed Parliament, or does now 
the State Legislature. In no aspect of the case could either 
of these taxes have been illegal, though both may have been 
unjust. ISTor was there any inequality in the poll tax sys- 
tem between the east and west. All slaves above 12 years 
of age and under 50, male and female, were taxed at the 
same rate as the whites, while the white males, only, be- 


tween 18 and 50 were taxed. The polls, white and black, in 
Mecklenburg, Rowan, Orange, Granville, Bute, Johnston, 
Cumberland and Anson were, in 1767, 18,102, while in the 
rest of the province they were 32,942. (7 C. R., 539.) 
This poll tax was the only tax the people were compelled to 
pay, and it was in no sense oppressive, either in amount or 
in its method of collection. Whether an ad valorem, prop- 
erty taxation would not have been better is outside of the 

It is true that the currency of the province was inade- 
quate for the business of the province, and this was peculiarly 
hard upon those in the back parts of the country. But that 
is a condition common to all new settlements away from mar- 
kets and navigable streams, with these markets only to be 
reached by a long land carriage over almost impassable roads. 

All these conditions, however, were but fuel to the agita- 
tors' flame, and the people, banded together in an illegal com- 
bination, were made to hate lawj'ers, public officials and mer- 
chants with an intense and bitter hatred, and taxes were to 
them a cruel imposition and tax collectors agents of a tyran- 
nical power. Taxes, even now, in the twentieth century, 
are regarded as a necessary evil, and perhaps a majority of 
the people of the whole country are tax dodgers in some form. 
It is certain, then, that those who, in the eighteenth century 
were scattered, here and there, in lonely settlements through- 
out the backwoods of jSTorth Carolina, not needing the pro- 
tection of the government and caring nothing for its benefits,, 
paid out with grudging hand the hard-earned pittance that 
the government wrung from them. 

In April, 1768, Tyree Harris, pressed by the law on one 
hand and by the Regulators on the other, seized a horse of 
one of them while he was in the town of Hillsboro. The 
man disappeared, but soon returned with a band of a hun- 
dred horsemen. The sheriff was seized and tied to a tree. 


the horse rescued, the citizens of the town were terrorized 
and insulted, Fanning's house was fired into and the horse- 
men vanished. Sheriff Harris^ in making this levy, was 
strictly within the law, which was the same then that it was 
after the Kevolution. (Compare 7 C. E., 487, with Potter's 
Eev., 498.) If any taxpayer failed to attend at the time 
and place fixed for the payment of taxes, the sheriff might 
distrain at any time thereafter for the taxes. So the sheriff 
was doing a legal act in a legal way, while the Regulators 
were carrying into effect their illegal combination by doing 
an illegal act. Suppose such an outrage as this should be 
perpetrated in N^orth Carolina to-day, what would be done ? 
Governor Kitchin would be bound by his oath to call out the 
State Guard, if the power of the count}' should prove insuffi- 
cient, that such flagrant contemners of the law might be 
brought to justice. 

A warrant was sworn out against Herman Husband and 
William Butler on May 1st. They were arrested and 
brought to Hillsboro, the intention being to commit Husband 
to the i^ew Bern or Wilmington jail, but this was frustrated 
by the collecting of a mob for their rescue, and both prisoners 
were admitted to bail. (7 C. R., 742 et seq.). The mob 
dispersed on May 3d, after being assured by Isaac Edwards, 
Secretary to the Governor, that if they should petition Gov- 
ernor Try on he would do all he could to remedy their wrongs. 
Tryon reiterated these promises in his letter of June 20th, 
in answer to their petition presented by James Hunter and 
Rednap Howell, but impaired the effect of this, among the 
Regulators, by demanding that they conform to the law, quit 
their illegal association and pay their taxes. {Id., 792.) 
He, with his Council, was in Hillsboro, during August of 
that year, and then the Regulators handed him a letter. In 
answer he assured them that the officers should be prosecuted 
in the proper forum, the courts, and that their purpose to peti- 


tion the Assembly met with his hearty approval, and that he 
would continue to do all he could to have their grievances 
remedied according to law, but warns them of the conse- 
quences of their illegal acts. Meantime they had refused to 
pay any taxes, and had sent Tyree Harris and Ransom 
Southerland back to town very thoroughly convinced that it 
was dangerous to distrain for them. [Id., 698.) Mean- 
time thousand-tougued rumor was busy throughout the sec- 
tion. Tryon was to bring the Indians down upon their set- 
tlements. At the coming court their leaders were to be 
tried and executed while the officers were to go scot free. 
The Regulators, then, while professing full and hearty alle- 
giance to King George and perfect satisfaction with their 
form of government, must maintain their organization aud 
be ever ready at an instant's warning to run together and 
protect themselves. {Id., 810.) Tryon thought that they 
intended to rescue Husband and others at the coming court. 
He demanded that twelve of their leaders should execute a 
bond in the sum of £1,000, conditioned that no rescue should 
be attempted. At the same time he informed them that 
this was done to save the heavy expense of calling out the 
militia to defend the court. They replied that there was to 
be no rescue and refused to give the bond. The militia was 
called out, and the event justified the prevision of the Gov- 
ernor, for on the morning of the first day of court about 
1,000 RegTilators were encamped about a half mile north of 
Hillsboro. (Id., 819.) Governor Tryon's course, in this 
regard, was endorsed by the best people of the west as well 
as of the east. The army was composed largely of Mecklen- 
burg and Rowan Presbyterians. Rev. Henry Patillo, al- 
ways an ardent patriot, on Sunday, September 25th, preached 
a sermon before them, for which he was thanked in general 
orders. (Id., 835.) ]^or was he alone among the preach- 
ers in condemning the Regulators and approving the Govern- 


or's course. (See address to the Governor, and letter to 
their congi'egations bj^ the Eev. Hugh McAden, James Cress 
well and David Caldwell. Idem, 813 e^ seq.) It was at this 
court, thus protected, that Herman Husband was acquitted 
and William Butler, Samuel Deviney and John Philip Hartso 
were convicted of a rout and rescue. The convicts were sen- 
tenced to imprisonment and a fine, but the imprisonment 
was immediately remitted by the Governor and they were 
given six months within which to pay the fine. {Id., 885.) 
On October 3d they, with all other Regulators, with the ex- 
ception of thirteen named, were pardoned of all offenses 
before that date. {Id., 850.) It must be remembered that, 
at this time, the law was exceedingly technical. Three sepa- 
rate bills were at this court sent against nine other Regula- 
tors, and were quashed by the court for an in-egularity in the 
return of the grand jury. We can imagine the eloquent in- 
dignation of some writers had these been bills against officers. 
Indeed to the present day they lash themselves into indigna- 
tion over William Butler's fine and imprisonment and Fan- 
ning's penny and costs, when the record shows that such was 
not the judgment in Fanning's case {Id., 844; 8 Id., 27, 33 
and 323), and that William Butler and the others were never 
imprisoned after their conviction and paid not a cent of their 
fines (7 Id., 850), and that, indeed, on September 9th, 1760, 
the slate was wiped clean — all Regulator offenders, without 
exception, were pardoned. (8 Idem., 67.) 

Now I will examine briefly, and at the risk of being 
tedious, what was done in the Assembly to remedy the griev- 
ances of the people. At the session of jSTovember, 1766, 
Governor Try on recommended that a better class of sheriffs 
be secured by increasing the fees of the office, and that the 
treasurer's accounts be overhauled and better provision be 
made for the keeping of his books. (7 Idem, 294.) This 
the Assembly did, and also gave relief to debtors when exe- 


cutions were levied on land. {Id., ^33.) At the session of 
Kovember, 1767, the Governor recommended further legis- 
lation in regard to the office of sheriff, and stricter regula- 
tions for the security of the public funds. {Id., 551.) The 
House immediately appointed a committee on Public Ac- 
counts, with Cornelius Harnett, Chairman, and Thomas Per- 
son, Wiley Jones and Edmund Fanning among its members. 
{Id., 571.) Joseph Hewes was added to this committee, and 
it was continued to the end of the next session. {Id., 662.) 
At this session they legislated in regard to both sheriffs and 
the treasurer, and provided a method for appointing jurors. 
At the l^ovember session, 1768, the Governor again pledges 
himself to do all he could to remedy the grievances of the 
people, and in regard to the state of the public funds, he 
said : "It is not the labor of one session, but of many, to bring 
the public accounts into proper order" ; and then he urged 
the Assembly to be persistent in the attempt. {Id., 862.) 
Many bills were introduced in answer to the demands of the 
people, but some failed because the state of the public ac- 
counts had not yet been ascertained, others for reasons that 
do not appear, and still others because contrary to the Gover- 
nor's instructions. The scarcity of a circulating medium 
was the evil which seemed most to require a remedy ; but the 
Assembly was not willing to emit paper money without mak- 
ing it legal tender for all debts, and this could not be done, 
because prohibited in England. They did, however, direct 
sheriffs how to levy executions and how to dispose of the 
property taken thereunder. {Id., 977.) This Assembly 
was dissolved and a new one elected in 1769. In this Her- 
man Husband and John Prior, both Eegulators, were the 
representatives from Orange. When it convened in October, 
Husband was placed upon the Committee on Public Ac- 
counts. (8 Id., 111.) It should be noted that pages 303 
and 304, in this volume, should be where pages 106 and 107 
are, and vice versa. 


Grovernor Trjon's health had been very bad since the fall 
of 1768. He lost his only son soon afterward. (Haywood's 
Tryon, 203.) His health continued bad during 1769. He 
was anxious to return to England or to be transferred to 
Is^ew York. (8 C. E., 54, 169, 191 and 212.) In the sum- 
mer of 1769 he visited Williamsburg and there obtained from 
the Virginia treasurer, Mr. jSTicholas, a system of keeping- 
accounts, which, he thought, would prove a complete check 
upon treasurers and sheriffs. This he urged the Assembly 
of 1769 to adopt. {Id., 94.) They, however, instead, re- 
solved against taxation by Parliament and the removal of 
those charged with treason to England for trial and in favor 
of the right of petition. Tryon, then in a pet, which he 
afterwards explained was caused by his illness, dissolved that 
Assembly. (Id., 169.) Before the dissolution, though, it 
adopted other good resolutions against those resisting offi- 
cers and against officers who took illegal fees. {Id., 139.) 

The election for the new Assembly was held on March 
12th, 1770, and Herman Husband and John Prior were 
again returned from Orange. The Assembly was to have 
met in ISTew Bern in May, but on account of the heat of the 
summer and the unhealthfulness of the season it was pro- 
rogued to meet on jSTovember 30th. I have thus gone care- 
fully over the Acts of the Assembly from the beginning of 
the Regulator agitation to the period immediately preceding 
the Hillsboro riot, it seems from this, that Governor Tryon, 
far from being deaf to the demands of the people, was doing 
what he could to meet them. (8 C. E., 140.) In the mat- 
ter of stating the accounts of the public officers, Mr. Burg-wiu, 
the best accountant in the province, worked three years before 
he completed his work. That he had undertaken this work 
was perfectly well known to the Regulators, for Husband 
was a member of the xVssembly at the time. {Id., 139.) 
The neffleet of the xissemblv to make the fee bill more definite 


and to divide the county of Orange into three counties sooner, 
is to be condemned. Bills to this effect were introduced 
two years before they became laws, but those were the two 
years in which conditions were most acute, and thus de- 
manded prompt action. Legislative reform, however^ is no- 
toriously of slow gTowth, so slow indeed that two years is 
generally a very short period in which to perfect one, and 
there are very great practical difficulties in the way of re- 
vising a general fee bill. 

Having stated thus what the Assembly did in answer to 
the jDeople's demands, it remains to consider what the courts 
did in determining whether the officers had been guilty of 
extortion or not. We have already reviewed the proceed- 
ings of the Hillsboro Superior Court in September, 1768, 
At the ensuing term, March, 1769, nothing was done against 
the rioters at all. Husband said that bills of indictment 
were sent against the clerk, Francis ISTash, but were ignored, 
the grand jury having been packed. That body taken from 
Orange and Granville counties, in ability and standing, 
seems certainly an average one. So far as can now be ascer- 
tained, no one seems ever to have been an officer, so there is 
no reason apparent why they should favor officers. At the 
following September term both juries were composed of ex- 
cellent citizens, including at least two Regulators. {Id., 
97.) At the Salisbury court, immediately preceding this, 
indictments had been sent against the Clerk of Rowan 
County, John Frohock. These also had been ignored. Ac- 
cording to the Regulators this grand jury, too, had been 
packed. {Id., 68.) At the March Term, 1770, of the 
Hillsboro court, an action, James Hunter v. Edmund Fan- 
ning, was tried, with the verdict in favor of the defendant, 
and Husband's lawyers, at the Sejitember Term, 1768, ob- 
tained judgments against him for the fees earned at that 
term. His plea, duress, was found against him. Execu- 


tion was afterwards issued upon James Milner's judgment 
for fifty pounds and levied upon Husband's land, but the 
sale thereunder was stopped by a mob. There is nothing in 
the constitution of the jury at this term to indicate that it 
was made of those who sympathized with the officers, and 
Regulators were of its number. {Id., 184.) 

Jurors for the Superior Court were appointed by the 
County Courts of the counties within the district, and the 
County Courts were composed of all the justices in the 
county. This method of appointing jurors remained prac- 
tically unchanged until 1806. (Compare 23 S. R., page 
704, et seq., with Potter's Rev., 395 and 1055.) Under such 
a system it is possible to exclude all those obnoxious to the 
court itself, but it is not possible to select a jury with a view 
to packing it for a particular case. That presupposes collu- 
sion between the various County Courts of the district, as 
well as positive corruption in all these courts. Xow they 
were composed of the best and most substantial men in the 
counties, appointed upon recommendation of the members of 
the Assembly, and John Lowe, Richard Cheek and Joal) 
Brooks, all Regulators, were Justices in Orange. (Id., 149.) 
So we can put aside as incredible the assertion of the Regu 
lators that the jurors at the Salisbury and Hillsboro Supe- 
rior Courts for 1769 and 1770, were corrupt. Some, no 
doubt were prejudiced against, and some in favor of, the 
RegTilators, just as jurors would be now in the midst of any 
public excitement, but the indifferent and impartial members 
of the jury would be, in some instances, at least, the balance 
of power. 

Xow as to the Judges who presided over these courts. The 
Chief Justice, Howard, seems to have had more of the confi- 
dence of the Regulators than either of the others, Henderson 
and Moore. He was a good lawyer, of mild disposition and 
inclined to mercy — not at all a tvrant, thousch something of 


a courtier. Henderson had great natural ability. He was 
a self-made man and, largely, a self-taught man. Of the 
people originally, he was the architect of his own fortunes, 
and there is nothing, so far as known, to cast any shadow 
upon his personal integrity. Maurice Moore, an aristocrat 
by birth, was politically a democrat. He was a man of cul- 
ture and of strong character, though unquestionably an in- 
triguer. There may have been, of course, individual mis- 
carriages of justice in this court, just as there are in our 
courts now, but that the court was partial to officers, so as to 
make it its business to see that they were not convicted, is 
wholl}' disproven. All the established facts show this to be 
false and there is nothing to the contrary excej)t the wild 
assertions of the Regulators, that is of one of the parties to a 
bitter controversy in the midst of a controversy, and that, too, 
without having adequate means of knowledge. Their charges 
against the court and juries may be utterly disregarded as 
not having any sufficient basis of probability. But smart- 
ing under their defeats, and as they conceived them, their 
wrongs, they came in force to the September, 1770, Superior 
C'Ourt to see that their sympathizers were placed upon the 
juries and they, themselves, should have justice administered 
to them. Their conception of justice, however, was that all 
the cases in which they were interested should be decided in 
their favor. The scenes at the riot which ensued are familiar 
to all readers, and I have not space to repeat the descri])tion. 
There was no immediate cause for it. i>rot a single Regula- 
tor had ever been punished for his illegal acts. There were 
no indictments pending in the court at that time against any 
of them. About one thousand of them in Orange and about 
seven hundred in Rowan were standing obdurate in their 
refusal to pay taxes, but no indictments had been found 
against them for this, and for their former offenses they had 
all been pardoned. There were suits pending against some 



of the officers, with individual Regulators as plaintiffs, who 
were endeavoring to recover fees that they claimed were ex- 
torted from them. Besides, they wished to force indict- 
ments against these officers. When it is remembered, then, 
that they already had the two members of the Assembly, it 
must be apparent to the most prejudiced mind that this out- 
break was wholly personal, directed solely against the lawyers 
and officials.* 

After the Hillsboro riot, Alamance or submission was the 
only alternative. When, then Governor Tryon marched west 
at the head of his little army, he was coming not as a tyrant 
to oppress, but as a ruler to suppress and punish defiant 
criminals. In this he acted as any executive officer of any 
State, however free, must have done under similar circum- 
stances. The attack at Hillsboro was not upon the existing 
state, but upon government in any form. Even the most 
primitive peoples respect their judges and do not profane 
their courts. It is there that earthly power doth show likest 
God's, and man's intuitive recognition of this truth is itself 
testimony to His divine origin. When, excited by passion, 
he attacks his courts, he is then attempting to uproot the 
very fundamentals of societ}". The men who followed Trj^on. 
afterwards, with one exception, the Whig leaders of the State, 
knew that so long as the mob spirit was abroad in the land 
any government was impossible. Their primary object in 
going then was to save government itself, and not its form, 
so they were as much patriots at Alamance as they after- 
wards were at Moore's Creek or Guilford Court House. 

After these disturbances and their tragic ending many 
people removed from the county. More than half of its ter- 
ritory, too, was erected into new counties. I can find no- 
where any data upon which to make any estimate of the 
population of the dismembered county of Orange. During 

*It must be noted, too, that Fanning had held no office in the county since Octobrer, 


the year 1772, Governor Martin, who had succeeded Tryon, 
transferred to New York, visited Orange and the Regulator 
settlements in Guilford, spending the month of August in 
Hillsboro. James Hunter gives such a naive account of this 
visit in a letter to William Butler, November 6th, 1772, 
(Morehead's James Hunter, pages 44 and 45), that I repro- 
duce what he has to say : 

"Things have taken a mighty turn in our unfortunate 
country. This summer our new Governor has been up with us 
and given us every satisfaction we could expect, * * * and 
I think our officers hate him as bad as we hated Tryon, only 
they don't speak so free. He has turned Colonel McGee out 
of commission for making complaint against outlawed men, 
and he has turned out every officer that any complaint has 
been supported against. In short, I think he has determined 
to purge the country of them. We petitioned him as soon 
as he came, and when he received our petition, he came up 
among us and sent for all the outlawed men to meet him at 
William Fields ; told us it was out of his power to pardon 
at that time because he had submitted it to the King, and the 
King's instructions was to leave it to the Governor, Council 
and Assembly to pardon whom they saAV fit. But assured us 
he had given strict orders no man should be hurt or meddled 
with on that account, which made us wish for you all back 
again. Though some are of the opinion Harman will not be 
pardoned, I am of a different mind. * '^ * He came to see 
us the second time and advised for fear of ill-designing fel- 
lows, to go to Hillsboro and enter into recognizance till the 
Assembly met, which eleven of us did. He bemoaned our 
case and regretted that the indemnifying act had put it out 
of his power to give us full relief. Our enemies would, I 
believe, be glad to see you three pardoned, for some of them 
have gotten severely whipped about your being kept away, 
and I think the country is as much master now as ever. * * * 


Morriss Moore and Abiier jSTash have been up to see me, to 
try to get me in favor again, and promised to do all they 
could for you." 

It is evident from this letter that both the Governor, Mar- 
tin, and the Whig leaders of the east had begun to realize 
that there was to be a contest between them, and each party 
was anxious to conciliate the Regulators. The Whigs could 
not afford to have at their back secret foes while they faced 
their open enemy in front, while Martin, looking about him 
for supporters in the coming contest and finding the Regu- 
lators already bitter foes of the leading Whigs, determined 
to attach them to his own service. It is believed that part 
of Maurice Moore's intrigue with these factionists was his 
publication of the Atticus letter, for, Ransom Southerland, 
who then lived in Guilford and was cognizant of the visit of 
Moore and Nash to James Hunter, thought I^Tash was the 
author of this letter, because he was with Moore on this trip 
into the Regulator settlements, and the letter was never cred- 
ited to any one except these two, so far as is known. This 
courting of the Regulators by both sides continued until 1776, 
when the war was flagrant, with the advantage decidedly on 
Governor Martin's side. The name Regulator in 1776 had 
lost its old meaning and meant then a loyalist, or as they 
were afterwards called, a Tory. In that year the Cane 
Creek Quakers entered upon the minutes of their meeting 
that certain of the inhabitants of the province had approached 
them to ascertain how they were affected towards the colonists 
in the approaching struggle between them and the mother 
country, and that they had answered that the tenets of their 
faith required that they should remain neutral. A few 
pages afterwards they note that the Regulators had ap- 
proached them with the same object, and they returned to 
them the same reply that they had returned to the inhabi- 
tants of the province. (Minutes at Graham.) Thus we 


see how completely the Regulators had become identified with 
the Loyalists in the minds of the people. In fact all the 
Loyalists in Orange County at that period, probably one- 
third of the population, with a few individual exceptions, 
had been Regulators. It is a perfectly safe conclusion, then, 
that had it not been for the Regulator troubles, Orange 
County when war was flagrant Avould have presented a united 
front to the enemy. Apologists say, in explanation of their 
jjosition, that they felt bound by the stringent oath that Gov- 
ernor Tryon had imposed upon them. Every one who 
knows human nature and the springs of human action, knows 
how prone men are to substitute a fair-seeming and high- 
sounding motive for the real one, when they are called upon 
for an explanation of their acts. In this, so seductive is the 
temjDtation, they quite frequently deceive themselves. The 
truth is, that no large body of men in all history was ever 
restrained from re\'olution by any oath of allegiance that 
they had taken, as Edmund Burke, with his luminous com- 
mon sense and glowing reason, shows in one of his great 
speeches in defense of the American colonists. Xo, the rea- 
son why the Regulators were Tories is found in the fact 
that their ancient enemies, the lawyers and ofiicials, were 
Whigs, and Governor Martin and his emissaries made most 
effective use of this personal element in the situation. 

The center of the Whig influence was, from the beginning, 
in Ilillsboro. There under the leadership of Francis j^ash, 
Thomas Hart, William Johnston and others, a Safety Com- 
mittee was organized in late 1774 or early 1775. Unfor- 
tunately the record of its proceedings has been lost. We 
know only that, in 1776, John Hogan was its chairman 
and James Hogg, its secretary. As early as 1773 an in- 
dependent company had been formed at Hillsboro, with a 
former sergeant in the British army as its drill master. 
After the departure of Edmund Fanning for l^ew York in 


1771, Francis jSTash had been appointed colonel of the 
.county, and he seems to have entered actively and efficiently 
into the discharge of the duties of that office. From the 
standpoint of military equipment and effectiveness this 
militia no doubt was almost a farce. Martin, writing to 
the Earl of Hillsboro in 1772, said (9 C. K., 349) : "In 
the course of my journey through the interior country, I 
received the militia of the three counties of Guilford, Or- 
ange and Chatham. Considered in a military light nothing- 
can be imagined more contemptible in all respects but num- 
bers, than those assemblages of people in arms. They were 
truly such a burlesque representation of soldiers, such a 
mockery of my beloved profession of arms as did not fail 
to excite in me some silent, indignant and painful emo- 
tions." These indignant and painful emotions, they con- 
tinued to excite in the breast of that susceptible man for the 
next ten years, reaching an acute stage in 1781, when in 
company with Lord Cornwallis and his army, harassed by 
them after the battle of Guilford Courthouse, he retreated 
across the State. 

At the beginning of the war, the settlements in the county 
containing the pleasantest homes and the best cultivated 
farms, were those in which the Whig sentiment was strong- 
est — Hawfields, Eno, Little River, Flat River, and New 
Hope. There was an occasional Loyalist family among 
them, at that time, and some neutrals, men who from timid- 
ity or constitutional conservatism, had not made up their 
minds, yet these communities constituted the fighting 
strength of the county during the whole war. In one of 
these settlements was a Tory family, which to the present 
day, shows the eft'ect of the isolation and repression of that 
period, in their silent, almost stern, self-sufficiency. 

The first general meeting of delegates from the province 
at large that occurred in Orange County was the Provincial 


Congress, which convened at Hillsboro, August 20, 17Y5. 
On that day, which was Sunday, a majority of the counties 
and towns not appearing, the Congress was adjourned until 
the next day. Then all the counties, 35, and all the towns, 
9, were represented by 184 delegates. Probably never since 
in the history of ISTorth Carolina has a public body included 
in its membership so nearly all the prominent men of the 
State, as did this Congress. Its place of meeting was St. 
Matthew's Church, which never having been consecrated ac- 
cording to the ritual of the Episcopal Church, could be used 
for such purposes without desecration. Hillsboro at this 
time contained within its limits about seventy or eighty 
houses and three or four hundred inhabitants, while there 
were many farm houses in its immediate vicinity. Thomas 
Burke resided two miles northeast of the town, James Hogg 
just east of it and Ralph Macnair still further east on prop- 
erty formerly belonging to the Fews and now the Kirkland 
place. The well-to-do citizens had negro slaves and attend- 
ants; food supplies, including game, were abundant, and 
hospitality was a law of the period. It had then two tav- 
erns, one of which was described by Judge Iredell in 1778, 
as most elegant. Notwithstanding all this, it must have 
taxed the little town very heavily to entertain suitably fully 
two hundred visitors. Samuel Johnston, writing of this en- 
tertainment in a letter of August 22d, said: ''The dele- 
gates are all in good health, and we are tolerably well pro- 
vided with accommodations from the hospitality and oblig- 
ing dispositions of the inhabitants of this town." After the 
organization of the Congress on the morning of the 21st, 
Rev. George Meiklejohn, upon request, attended and per- 
formed divine services. If the High Church, Tory, Par- 
son had the courage of his convictions and a sense of humor, 
no doubt, he incorporated in his prayers the petition, "From 
all sedition, privy conspiracy and rebellion, good Lord de- 


liver us." The Representatives of the county in this Con- 
gress were Thomas Burke, John Kinchen, Thomas Hart, 
John Atkinson and John Williams. Three companies of 
minute men w^ere required to be raised within the county, 
of the battalion to be raised within the district of Hillsboro, 
and James Thackston was appointed colonel. A regiment 
of militia was also required to be raised within the county, 
with John Hogan, colonel ; John Butler, lieutenant colonel ; 
William Moore, first major, and Nathaniel Rochester, sec- 
ond major. Of these, John Butler became much the most 
useful officer. In 1777 he was made brigadier-general of 
the militia. For twenty years he had the confidence of the 
people to a great degree. He, however, had no special apti- 
tude for military affairs, and his failure to accomplish re- 
sults in two or three instances has with some occasioned a 
doubt of his personal courage, and with all a lack of faith 
in his military capacity. The affair at Lindley's Mill, when 
Governor Burke would have been rescued had General But- 
ler's stanchness equaled his activity in raising the militia 
for the pursuit of McN"eill and Fanning, impaired his repu- 
tation as an officer materially. His residence was at Mt. 
Pleasant, an elevation near Haw river, about 16 miles west 
of Hillsboro. In his civil employments, and they were 
many, he was a very valuable and useful citizen. He was 
a moderator of the fury of, and an intermediary between, 
the contending factions in the Regulator troubles. He was 
one of the first and most outspoken patriots, and he made 
and kept his whole immediate section a Whig stronghold 
throughout the war. He was constantly employed in the 
public service, and seemed to respond to any demand upon 
his time and energies with the utmost cheerfulness and 
alacrity. He was, too, peculiarly efficient in inducing the 
militia of the county to embody for a special emergency. 
John Hogan was an active patriot, son-in-law of Thomas 


Lloyd, and Senator from the county in 1779. Nathaniel 
Rochester was a merchant at Hillsboro, was made clerk of 
the county court in 1778, and at the end of the war removed 
to Maryland and still later to New York, where he was one 
of the founders of, and gave his name to, the city of Roch- 

The militia of the State was composed of all the effective 
men between the ages of sixteen and fifty. A brigade 
was comjjosed of all the regiments within a judicial dis- 
trict, of which there were then six in the State. Counties, 
according to their size and population, had one or more 
regiments within their limits, and every regiment was divided 
into companies of fifty rank and file, at least, with two ser- 
geants, two corporals, one drummer and one fifer. The com- 
panies were divided into four divisions, which were to draw 
lots for the first, second, third and fourth term to go on 
service, and were numbered accordingly. The accoutre- 
ments of individual militiaman were a good gun, shot bag. 
a powder horn and a cutlass or tomahawk. (24 S. R., 1.) 
In 1776 Orange was divided into two regiments, with John 
Cutler colonel of the Southern regiment, and James Saun- 
ders of the Northern. (10 C. R., 532.) 

Besides innumerable skirmishes with the Tories in its 
own borders the Orange County militia participated in 
nearly all the important movements in the State and in 
South Carolina from Stono to Guilford Court House. After 
the surrender at Yorktown they were engaged solely in run- 
ning doAvn and capturing Tories, and in resisting the raids 
of the notorious partizan, David Fanning. The wise system 
under which the militia was called into active service, that 
is by turns in which only one-fourth of the working force 
of the people was diverted to military purposes at a time, 
enabled them after the disastrous drought of 1772, to make 
abundant harvests each year. This was the reason why 


Hillsboro was made a concentration camp in 1779 and 1780 
before and after Camden. This concentration of troops in 
their midst bronght its own penalty to the people. There 
were many ontrages committed npon them by these ill-dis- 
ciplined troops in the way of illegal impressments and seiz- 
ures. See Hillsboro, Colonial and Revolutionary, pages 75 
and 76, for a description of these. After all the drafts 
thus made upon their patience by their own soldiery the 
people were to sulfer still more from the coming of the enemy 
in February, 1781. The line of Cornwallis's retreat from 
the Dan was first southeast through Caswell, then almost due 
east, not far from what is now the Person county line, then 
southwest to Hillsboro. He entered that town February 
20th, and made his headquarters there for six days. By the 
irony of fate he erected the King's standard in front of the 
court-house on February 22d, and the friends of Britain, 
most of them only nominally so, flocked into town to propi- 
tiate Cornwallis and his soldiers, and to see what was to be 
seen. A certain fearful looking for the judgment to come 
made nearly all of them content themselves with this and 
refuse to commit themselves further. Cornwallis soon 
found his position untenable. Greene had recrossed the 
Dan, Pickens had advanced from the west, and the British 
foragers were continually being harassed and cut off by 
parties of the Light Horse. Tarleton had failed in form- 
ing a junction with Colonel Pyle and his loyalists, and the 
latter's command had been cut to pieces by General Harry 
Lee at the famous Hacking Match. Besides the country 
about Hillsboro had been exhausted of supplies. Stedman, 
Cornwallis's Commissary, found some salt beef and pork 
and hogs in the town, upon which the army subsisted for a 
while, hut he could get few cattle and those only by his cat- 
tle drivers going long distances. He was forced then to im- 
press and kill the work oxen of the loyalists, and to make 


a house to house visit in the town and to take from the in- 
habitants stores provided for their own sustenance, ''many of 
whom," said he, "were greatly distressed by this measure." 
Lord Cornwallis was thus forced to depart from Hillsboro 
on the 25th. His route was the same as that taken by Try on 
in 1771, and his next position was on the banks of the 
Great Alamance. 

The Revolutionary War in the destruction of life and 
l^roperty seems very small when compared with modern wars, 
but its stupendous results give it a dignity and interest 
which no other contest, so small, has. I have not space to 
enter more fully into the share that the people of Orange 
had in it. At its end the population of jSTorth Carolina was 
at least 30 per cent greater than in 1770. See Century of 
Population Growth (recently published by the Federal Gov- 
ernment), page 10. Probably in Orange County the in- 
crease was even greater. This came almost wholly from the 
excess of births over deaths, notwithstanding the destruc- 
tion of life in the war, l^or is this all, the people came 
from the contest stronger, more energetic, more purposeful 
than when they entered it. Industrially, they were more 
efficient, while intellectually they were brighter and more 
resourceful. The period of their ancient prosperity ex- 
tended from the end of the war to about 1795 or 1796, 
when Tennessee and Kentucky seemed to be attracting many 
of its most valuable citizens, while the period of its greatest 
depression extended from 1830 to 1840. 

I shall conclude this sketch of the early history of the 
people of Orange with some account of an institution, about 
which little is known. 

Even when the war was in jDrogress and its outcome was 
necessarily doubtful to the most sanguine the minds of the 
Founders of the State were busily engaged upon schemes to 
advance the educational interests of the people of the State. 


Amoug others was the incorporation in January, 1779, of 
Science Hall, an academy to be located at Hillsboro. (24 
S. E., 250-1.) ''Whereas," says the prelude to the act, "the 
proper education of youth in this State is highly necessary, 
and would answer the most valuable and beneficial purposes 
to this State and the good people thereof ; and. Whereas, the 
neighborhood of Hillsborough from the healthfulness of its 
situation and the great plenty of provisions with which it 
abounds, is a fit and proper place to erect a seminary; and, 
Whereas, a number of gentlemen have, in order to promote 
and encourage such a valuable and beneficial establishment 
as the erecting of a seminary at the place, aforesaid, sub- 
scribed very considerable sums, which together with such 
sums as may be subscribed, will be sufficient to answer all 
the expense attending the same, therefore, be it enacted, 
etc." William Hooper, Alexander Martin, John Kinchen. 
Thomas Burke, Thomas Hart, l^athaniel Rochester, James 
Hogg and William Johnston, Esq., and Rev. Mr. Frazier 
were appointed trustees. Notwithstanding the subscrip- 
tions which were probably not collected, nothing of any mo- 
ment seems to have been done in pursuance of the act, until 
November, 1782, when another subscription was started. 
It seems that commissioners under the confiscation acts 
were about to sell certain lands in the neighborhood, the 
property of the Loyalist, Andrew Mitchell, and the object 
of the subscription was to provide funds for the Trustees to 
invest in this land and hold for the benefit of the Academy. 
This scheme seems not to have been effective, so the subscrip- 
tions were renewed a year later. The list was headed by 
Alexander Martin with 30 pounds. Others subscribing £30 
were John Penn, Thomas Burke, William Courtney, Wil- 
liam Hooper and James Thackston. The other subscriptions. 
67 in number, ran from the £1 of Richard Gott, through 
the £25 of John Hay and Richard Dobbs Spaight, to the 


£40 of James Hogg and Joseph Hawkins, the grand total 
being £770 and 15 shillings. All of these subscriptions 
were payable on or before May 1, 1787. The following 
year, 1781, the charter of the Academy was amended. By 
section 6 of the amendatory act, old St. Matthew's Church 
was converted into a free church and academy. (24 S. R., 
fi05-7) : "By and wuth the consent of all persons having 
any right, title or interest in the church erected in the town 
of Hillsborough (already far gone to decay) such persons 
being of the Episcopal persuasion, and as such claiming an 
interest in the said church, such consent being first obtained 
by notice in writing promulgated in the most public part 
of the county, calling on such persons to object, if any ob- 
jection they have upon such notice given, and no reasonable 
objection made, the said building with the ground upon 
which it stands shall be held and deemed to be invested in 
the said commissioners, for the uses and purposes following, 
to-wit : That the said church shall be, with as much econ- 
omy and expedition as possible, put in decent repair ; and so 
put in repair, shall on every Sunday in every year be open 
to the ministers of every sect and persuasion being Chris- 
tians, there to inculcate the truths of their holy religion : 
Provided always, that every dispute relative to a preference 
to said church in officiating there by ministers of different, 
or the same, sects shall be determined by the said commis- 
sioners ; and in any dispute between an Episcopalian and 
ministers of any other persuasion as to a preference to the 
pulpit, the former, circumstances being otherwise equal, shall 
be preferred, as the church was founded for the Episcopal 
persuasion, and to them by the constitution properly apper- 
tains." The surviving trustees or commissioners as they 
were called in the act of 1784, appointed in the act of 1779, 
were given authority to fill vacancies on account of death or 
removal. These survivors, James Hogg, William Hooper 
and William Johnston, met at the house of Mr. Hooper in 


the latter part of the year 1784 and organized by the elec- 
tion of Mr. Hogg as Chairman, and Alfred Moore and Jesse 
Benton were elected trustees to fill vacancies caused by the 
death of Governor Burke and the removal of Thomas Hart. 
Mr. Benton was elected secretary and treasurer. The re- 
pairs upon the church, including securing the steeple, cost 
£120 and seem to have been completed by May, 1785. 
Solomon Pinto and Benjamin Perkins, graduates of the Col- 
lege of Xew Haven, were the first teachers, and among the 
first scholars were Thomas and William Hooper, A. De- 
Rossett, Richard Quince, Roger Hall, Charles Blount and 
Gavin Alves. The latter part of 1786, Benjamin Perkins, 
having an opportunity to imjirove his fortunes, removed else- 
where, and in the attempt to secure a suitable successor for 
him, Mr. Hooper wrote the following letter to Dr. John 
Witherspoon, of Princeton: 

Edenton, Xov. 7, 1786. 
Reverend Sir : 

Availing myself of the acquaintance with which you hon- 
oured me during the time we spent together formerly in 
Congress, and well aware of the very friendly disposition 
you entertain to every institution for the encouragement of 
literature, I take the liberty to call your attention to the 
Infant Academy of Hillsborough, in the State of North 

This Academy more than twelve months past was begun, 
and has hitherto been supported under the auspices, and by 
the private subscription, of several private gentlemen. Its 
progress has been equal to their utmost expectations and 
they are led to hope that the advantage which the State at 
large must soon derive from it will make it an object worthy 
the patronage and support of our Legislature. The tuition 
has been hitherto conducted by two young geutlemen of the 
Colle2:e of New Haven, one of whom has latelv left us in 


the pursuit of more active employment. It has been his 
proper business to teach mathematics in the various branches, 
English grammatically, natural and experimental Philoso- 
phy and GeograjDhy. The gentleman who continues with 
us teaches the Greek and Latin Classics. Upon this vacancy 
having taken place, the Trustees have empowered me to em- 
ploy some gentleman to fill the place, and I now beg leave 
to commit this charge, in the most unreserved manner, to 
you after premising only that it would be agreeable to us 
that he should have passed that time of life which might 
lead him to idleness, levity or dissipation. I have in general 
terms described what was the line of his predecessor. There 
are other parts of academical instruction which will readily 
suggest themselves to you, and which we wish he might pos- 
sess, a knowledge of the French language would make him 
an important acquisition to us. His salary will be one hun- 
dred pounds sterling per annum. He must find his own 
drink, meat, washing and lodging, which will cost him about 
twenty-five pounds, this currency, yearly. Hillsboro, where 
this Academy is situated, is in the western part of the State, 
about 110 miles from the Seacoast, and from a residence of 
several years in it, I believe it to be as healthy as any part 
of this continent. The Trustees of this xVeademy are Al- 
fred Moore, Attorney-General of the State ; Alexander Mar- 
tin, late Governor ; General John Butler, James Hogg, Esq. 
(whom you know) ; James Iredell, Esq., Jesse Benton and 
myself, and are all resident in Hillsboro, or near it, except Mr. 
Iredell. I would advise that the gentlemen whom you make 
choice of should be in Hillsboro some time in January next, 
as the school vacation will begin in the middle of December 
and end in the month of January. Should the gentleman 
take a water passage and land in Edenton, ISTew Bern or 
Wilmington, he may easily transport himself from eitlier 
of these to Hillsboro, by making his purpose known to Mr. 
Iredell or Mr. Samuel Johnston at Edenton, your son at 


jS^ew Bern, or John Huske, Esq., at Wilmington. I have 
the subject of this letter devotedly at heart and beg leave 
most earnestly to press it upon your attention. In expecta- 
tion of hearing from you by the earliest occasion, I am, 
Reverend Sir, 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 
Dr. Witkerspuoii. Will. Hooper. 

There was considerable delay in securing the proper man 
on account of the difficulty of getting one to fill the speci- 
fications, and then after this difficulty was surmounted and 
one was selected and agreed to come, his salary was raised at 
Trenton, where he was, and he at the last moment declined 
the offer. At last, in February, 1787, Dr. Witherspoon se- 
cured a satisfactory young man and he was forwarded, via 
iSTew York, care of Messrs. William Blount and Benjamin 
Hawkins, Members of Congress, to Judge Iredell at Eden- 
ton. Judge Iredell, upon the young man's arrival at the 
latter place, sent him on to Hillsboro, bearing the following 
letter to Mr. Hooper : 

Edenton, March 17, 1787. 
My Dear Sir: 

I congratulate you on the acquisition of the young gen- 
tleman to the Academy, who will deliver you this letter. 
Plis name is Squires, and besides the recommendations the 
inclosed letters give of him, he appears to me upon an ac- 
quaintance of a fortnight, during which I have seen him for 
the greatest part of every day, a very deserving young man — 
studious to a degree and though a little pedantic, as most 
young collegians are, lively and agreeable in his disposition, 
with (if I mistake not) a very excellent heart. I hope you 
will consider it a strong proof of my fidelity to the Hills- 
boro Academy that I have not attempted to intercept him. 
I am sure my whole family as well as myself will part with 


him with great regret. It has given me extreme concern 
that he could not be despatched earlier, but this country, 
which never abounded in good horses, seems now worse off 
than ever. Would to God I could have supplied him clear 
of exj)ense, I should have been most happy in doing it. I 
have advanced him $15, two-thirds in hard money to pay 
for his ]Dassage, and £15 in paper. The double chair is 
hired at 3 shillings for the journey. Mr. Macnair furnishes 
him with a horse as high as Mr. John Johnston's, in which 
neighborhood Mr. Johnston thinks he can get another. I 
could not hire one for him either here or at Ryans. The 
inclosed letters of Witherspoon and the Delegates I only re- 
ceived yesterday and have not answered." 

The remainder of the letter does not concern the School. 

The new teacher, who was burdened with the not very 
eujihonious name of Zadoc Squires, remained with the Acad- 
emy until his death late in 1789. The routine of the day's 
work was fixed by the Trustees. From April 1st to No- 
vember 1st in each and every year, o]3en at 7 A. M., study 
until 9, recess for an hour, study from 10 to 12 :30 P. M., 
recess until 3 P. M., study until 5 P. M. The rate of tui- 
tion was £3, 6 shillings and 8 pence at the beginning, the 
same in the middle, and the same at the end, of the term. 
Though the Trustees when they first took charge of the 
church had it repaired at a cost of £20, in 1786 they found 
it necessary to have the steeple taken down. It was at this 
time that the clock, which had been in the steeple of the 
church was removed to the cupola of the market house. 

Besides the fees from students and private subscriptions 
the Academy had occasional gifts, which showed the inter- 
est of the public in it. William Johnston, who died in 
1785, bequeathed it £100 in his will, and Jesse Benton, who 
had come in contact with that firebrand. Colonel William 
Shepperd, very much to his injury, devoted the damages he 


recovered in an action for the assault, £50, to the same good 
uses. It is quite probable, too, that both before and after 
his father's death Thomas Hart Benton attended this school. 
I have been unable to ascertain when it ceased to exist. 
It is probable that it did not long survive the death of Mr. 
Hooper in 1790 and that of Mr. Benton in 1791. 

Having thus been dealing with the past, permit me for a 
moment, in conclusion, to say something of the present. If 
in this taking of stock we shall find that the past was more 
honest, more patriotic, more public-spirited than the present 
we shall know that there is something wrong at the core of 
our being. The present of a virile people is always better 
than its past. The people of iSTorth Carolina have nothing 
to fear from a comparison of their present with their past., 
great though that past is in some particulars. The public 
life of the State is freer from graft and from self-seeking, 
and is more singly directed towards securing the welfare of 
the people at large than it was in the Revolutionary or post- 
Revolutionary periods. Our public men, now, are as patri- 
otic and wise as they were then, but, with a wider vision, 
they are much more sympathetic with the higher and nobler 
aspirations of the masses. To them equal opportunity for 
all is not a barren theory, but an ever-living, burning truth 
— an eternal principle that inspires all their acts. They are 
also cleaner, more sober, more moral, more honest, in their 
private life. And what a wonderful improvement there has 
been in the private life of the peo|)le themselves ! Then, 
whole communities living in drunkenness and immorality 
and debauchery ; now, the same comniuuities, sitting clothed 
and in their right minds, regarding the future with calm and 
confident hope for themselves and their children, a church 
here and a schoolhouse yonder, and both open to them and 
to all of them, without money and without price. jSTo, 
North Carolina has nothing to fear from a comparison of 
its present with its past. 


Concerning^ the Patriotic Society 

''Daughters of the Revolution** 

The General Society was founded October 11, 1890, — and organized 
August 20, 1891, — under the name of "Daughters of the American 
Revolution"; was incorporated under the laws of the State of New York 
as an organization national in its work and purpose. Some of the mem- 
bers of this organization becoming dissatisfied with the terms of en- 
trance, withdrew from it and, in 1891, formed under the slightly differ- 
ing name "Daughters of the Revolution," eligibility to which from the 
moment of its existence has been lineal descent from an ancestor who 
rendered patriotic service during the War of Independence. 

'* ^e North Carolina Society " 

a subdivision of the General Society, was organized in October, 1896, 
and has continued to promote the purposes of its institution and to 
observe the Constitution and By-Laws. 

Membership and Qualifications 

Any woman shall be eligible who is above the age of eighteen years, 
of good character, and a lineal descendant of an ancestor who ( 1 ) was 
a signer of the Declaration of Independence, a member of the Conti- 
nental Congress, Legislature or General Court, of any of the Colonies 
or States; or (2) rendered civil, military or naval service under the 
authority of any of the thirteen Colonies, or of the Continental Con- 
gress; or (3) by service rendered during the War of the Revolution 
became liable to the penalty of treason against the government of Great 
Britain: Provided, that such ancestor always remained loyal to the 
cause of American Independence. 

The chief work of the North Carolina Society for the past eight years 
has been the publication of the "North Carolina Booklet," a quarterly 
publication on great events in North Carolina history — Colonial and 
Revolutionary. $1.00 per year. It will continue to extend its work and 
to spread the knowledge of its History and Biography in other States. 

This Society has its headquarters in Raleigh, N. C, Room 411, Caro- 
lina Trust Company Building, 232 Fayetteville Street. 

Vol. X JANUARY, 1911 No. 3 

15 he 

floRTH GflRoiiiNfl Booklet 

*^ Carolina! Carolina! Heaven'' s blessings attend her ! 
While we live we will cherish, protect and defend her.'''' 

Published by 



The object of the Booklet is to aid in developing and preserving North 
Carolina History. The proceeds arising from its publication will be de- 
voted to patriotic purposes. Editor. 


Mrs. Hubert Haywood. Miss Martha Helen Haywood. 

Mr. E. E. Moffitt. Dr. Richard Dillard. 

Mrs. Spier Whitaker. Dr. Kemp P. Battle. 

Mr. R. D. W. Conkor. Mr. James Sprunt. 

Dr. D. H. Hill. Mr. Marshall DeLancey Haywood. 

Dr. E. W. Sikes. Chief Justice Walter Clark. 

Mr. VV. J. Peele. Major W. A. Graham. 

editor : 
Miss Mary Hilliard Hinton. 


regent : 


vice-regent : 


honorary REGENTS: 

Mrs. spier WHITAKER. 
Mrs. E. E. MOFFITT. 




Mrs. PAUL H. LEE. 








Mrs. JOHN E. RAY. 


Bloomsbury Chapter Mrs. Hubert Haywood, Regent. 

Penelope Barker Chapter Mrs. Patrick Matthew, Regent. 

Sir Walter Raleigh Chapter Mrs. Walker Waller -Joynes, Regent. 

DeGraffenried Chapter Mrs. Charles Slover Hollister, Regent. 

Founder of the North Carolina Society and Regent 1896-1902: 

Regent 1002: 

Mrs. D. H. HILL, Sr.* 

Regent 1902-1906: 


Regent 1906-1910: 

Mrs. E. E. MOFFITT. 

'Died December 12, 1904. 


Vol. X JANUARY. 1911 No. 3 



Geologists tell us that running through North Carolina is 
an ancient coast line, stretching from Northeast to Southwest 
and nearly parallel with the present Atlantic coast. West of 
this line is the hill country, gradually rising in elevation till 
we reach the mountains. Beginning at the Catawba River, 
this ancient coast line runs north of Cheraw and Bennetts- 
ville in South Carolina, east of Laurinburg, north of Maxton, 
east of Red Springs, west of Hope Mills and Fayetteville, 
crosses the Cape Fear River at Averasboro and trends in a 
northeast direction to the Virginia State line. 

In the remote past there was a time when the ocean cov- 
ered all that part of North Carolina east of this line, when 
the waves beat upon Haymount at Fayetteville and great 
whales sported in the shallow ocean. The survey of the Cape 
Fear and Yadkin Valley Railroad developed the fact that the 
roadbed at Fayetteville and Hope Mills was about 176 feet 
above sea level. 

That this ocean bed was once elevated and again depressed 
is abundantly proven by the buried forests on Rockfish Creek, 
and in Pender County at Rocky Point, and by a brick build- 
ing found buried under many feet of stratified earth at 
Cronly, in Brunswick County. We once saw a human skele- 
ton exhumed at Hope Mills at a depth of sixteen feet be- 
neath stratified earth. 

The elevation of the land was not sudden, as the lowlands 


and second lands on the Cape Fear evidently mark great 
pauses in the elevation. 

Along the beach of this ancient coast line runs vs'hat is 
known as the Lowrie Eoad. This road in the early settle- 
ment of this country was only a great Indian trail, which 
became the great route of travel towards the Southwest. This 
road was straightened in 1817 by General Bernard, who was 
employed by the United States to superintend the mail routes 
through North and South Carolina. The location of this 
road along the beach of this ancient coast line would indi- 
cate its great antiquity. 

John Lederer, a German traveler in the employment of 
Governor Berkeley, of Virginia, after traveling across the 
western portion of our State and visiting the Saura Indians 
in South Carolina, on his return evidently traveled the Lowrie 
Road on his return to Virginia through the "pine barrens" 
of our State. 

The Cherokee Indians, embracing numerous tribes, had 
their principal seats in the mountains, and various tribes, 
acknowledging their supremacy, occupied the eastern part 
of our State as hunting grounds, and in some instances made 
permanent settlements. These Indians had many roads lead- 
ing from the mountains to the Atlantic coast. One of these 
roads extended from the mountains through the present coun- 
ties of Buncombe, Lincoln, Mecklenburg, Union, Anson 
and Robeson, and uniting with the Great Lowrie Road at 
or near Fayetteville, and from its junction extending to- 
wards ''Roanoke," the region adjacent to Pamlico Sound. 
Another great road led from the mountains and united with 
the Lowrie at Fayetteville, and now known as the Yadkin 

Commencing with the Saura Indians, and extending along 
this ancient trail leading to "Roanoke," there were the 
Cheraws, Chickoras, Mellattaws, Croatans and Tuscaroras. 


All the tribes along this line, so far as we can ascertain, ac- 
knowledged the supremacy of the Cherokee nation, with the 
exception of the Tuscaroras. The Mellattaws had also a 
great trail leading from the mountains towards the South- 
east, coming down through the present county of Randolph, 
where a branch road led towards the Roanoke River and 
another passed through Moore, Cumberland and Robeson 
counties, crossing the Lowrie trail near the present town of 
Maxton, and reaching the coast near Lockwoods Folly in 
Brunswick County. This Mellattaw tribe emigrated to the 
Southwest and gave our army serious trouble about the time 
of the Fort Mims massacre. (Vide Pickett's His. of Ala.) 
From the earliest settlement in Robeson County the Croa- 
tans have occupied a large territory, principally along the 
Lumber River. They are evidently of Indian origin, possess 
Indian traits, and claim that their ancestors were originally 
Cherokees, who dwelt in Eastern Carolina, or, as they ex- 
press it, in "Roanoke, in Virginia." It was first supposed 
that they lived on Roanoke Island, but later developments 
show that the region they call Roanoke embraces all the ter- 
ritory adjacent to Pamlico Sound. It is worthy of note that 
the chronicles of the tribe call the sound Pamteeco, with the 
accent on the penult syllable. These people were known in 
the 16th and 17th centuries as Croatans from their occupa- 
tion of Croatan Island, now a part of Carteret County, and 
were so designated in the act of the North Carolina General 
Assembly in 1885. When first known to the early white 
settlers in this region they spoke English, and in many in- 
stances had English family names identical with those of the 
"lost colony" of Roanoke. They have in common use many 
English words which are now obsolete in English-speaking 
countries, but which were used in the days of Chaucer. In 
addressing a stranger they use the old Saxon word, Mon. 
They speak of houses as housen and use mension for measure- 


ment. They are familiar with the story of Virginia Dare, 
and they strenuously claim that the name was pronounced 
Darr • others claim that it was pronounced Dorr, and still 
others pronounce it Durr. The muster roll of a company 
from this tribe in the War of 1812 shows the name as Dorr. 
The Durrs of Lincoln County are claimed as descendants 
of Virginia Dare. The chroniclers who keep the traditions 
of the tribe speak of themselves as "Melungeans." This 
singular name is supposed to have been given them by the 
Swiss-French, who settled in the region adjacent to them, 
and as they were a mixed race they were called Melange, and 
the descendants of the Melange were called Melange-ans, and 
the change from Melange-an to Melungean would be easy. 

The tribe in Eobeson, according to the census of 1890, 
numbered 3,640. The census of 1910 will probably show 
an increased number. 

The act of Assembly in 1885 gave this tribe separate 
schools and a separate school census, and in 1887 a Normal 
School for the education of teachers of their race was granted 
them, and this school, located at Pembroke, in Robeson 
County, is in a flourishing condition. A great change has 
occurred among these people during the past twenty years. 
Better farms, with better houses and with many improve- 
ments in their mode of living, are visible in all parts of their 
territory. Almost universally they are landowners, cultivate 
small farms, raise cotton, tobacco and corn principally, and 
give evidence of great improvement over their former modes 
of living. All their traditions point to the region west of 
Pamlico as the residence of their ancestors. They are very 
reticent as to their past history when approached by strangers, 
and it is only after persistent inquiry that desired informa- 
tion is obtained. They have traditions leading the inquirer 
to infer that they once had Christian churches at several 
points along the great roads leading from "Roanoke" towards 


the Southwest. One of these churches, according to tradi- 
tion, was located near the Lowrie Road, near Rockfish Creek, 
in Cumberland County, An aged citizen of Cumberland 
remembered seeing the walls of this church, known as the 
"Indian Walls," from 1812 till 1837, when the material 
was used in building the basement of the Rockfish cotton 
factory. In 1865 the factory was burned by General Sher- 
man, but the present building was erected on the rock base- 
ment, which was not injured. The material used in building 
this church was red sandstone, but the quarry whence the 
material was obtained has never been discovered. 

Colonel Byrd describes the caravans that left the Roanoke 
region as consisting of 150 to 200 horses loaded with guns, 
ammunition, cloth, iron tomahawks and other merchandise 
to trade with the Indians to the Southwest in exchange for 
peltries of various kinds. Ministers of the gospel frequently 
attended these expeditions and preached at intervals along 
the route. 

One of these ministers was a Frenchman named De Riche- 
bourge ; and ex-Governor Swain, who investigated the tradi- 
tion concerning him, found that he died during one of these 
expeditions on the Catawba River, and that some of his 
descendants were then living in Buncombe County. 

During the past century large numbers of Croatans have 
emigrated to the Southwest. A colony, consisting of about 
forty families, attempted to settle in Indiana, but the laws 
of that State did not permit "free persons of color" to settle 
there, and many returned to Robeson County, while others 
joined a tribe of Indians near Lake Michigan. Descendants 
of these Indians often visit their relatives in Robeson. There 
is communication also with the Cherokees in the Indian 
Territory. We have found only three family names among 
this people that are Indian, all others being English and 


Along the Lowrie Eoad are many mounds, generally circu- 
lar and raised a few feet above the general surface. Several 
have been examined, and in every instance the skeletons are 
those of adults and the skulls are Caucasian in type. Stone 
hatchets and flint arrowj)oints are found in various places, 
but there is no evidence, by tradition or otherwise, that these 
Indians ever used them. Flint arrowpoints are found all 
over the American continent, in the British Isles, in the 
bone caverns of France and Germany, in Canada, in Italy 
and in China, similar to those found here. Clay pottery 
found here is of more recent date and was probably used 
by these Indians in former times. The Cherokees were an 
agricultural people, and it is certain that their clay pottery 
was ornamented by rolling ears of corn over the material 
when in a plastic state. 

The Croatans have given Hiram R. Revels to the United 
States Senate. John S. Leary graduated at Howard Uni- 
versity, and represented Cumberland County in the General 
Assembly, and for several years was Dean of the Law School 
at Shaw University at Raleigh. He was considered an able 
lawyer. Two natives of the Croatan tribe are now wealthy 
merchants in Florida, while another, who invested in mining 
property in ISTew Mexico, is reputed to be a millionaire. 

In matters of religion they are divided into Baptists, 
Methodists and Presbyterians. They have a sect among them 
known as the Indian Mission. They have about twenty 
churches, which are supplied by their own ministers. 

Up to the year 1835 the Croatans attended the schools with 
the whites, mustered in the militia and exercised the right 
of suffrage equally with white men, but to effect a political 
purpose it was contended that they were "free persons of 
color," and in Robeson County only they were disfranchised. 
They were not allowed to attend the schools, and in conse- 
quence hundreds of them grew to manhood and womanhood 


in perfect ignorance of books. In 1868 the public schools 
were opened, but thej preferred ignorance to association 
with the colored race. Since thej have had separate schools 
they have shown great interest in the education of their chil- 
dren. Thej retain many customs handed down from their 
English and Indian ancestors. In an old medical work, 
brought to America by someone of the early colonists, and 
still preserved, are found many singular remedies for various 
diseases, and these same remedies are used at this time by 
these people. They have the old English cross-bow, and old- 
fashioned handmills for grinding corn, which have evidently 
been used for many generations. 

In view of the great improvement of this tribe during the 
past twenty years we predict a bright future for the Croatans. 




Assistant Professor of Economics and Political Science in Trinity 


The Pre-Kailroad Era (1776-1835) 


Antecedents of State Aid (1776-1815) 

The development of both the internal and the foreign 
trade of ISTorth Carolina, and the growth of commercial 
centers within the State, were retarded in the years immedi- 
ately following the separation from England, as in the 
colonial period, by the peculiar topography of the State. Of 
its four principal rivers which do not flow through South 
Carolina — the Eoanoke, the Tar, the ISTeuse and the Cape 
Fear — only the last empties directly into the ocean. At this 
time the inlet at the mouth of the Cape Fear, although su- 
perior to Ocracoke Inlet, through which the maritime com- 
merce of the other three rivers had to pass, was greatly lim- 
ited in its usefulness by reason of the "flats" which obstructed 
navigation between Wilmington and the Atlantic. And the 
latter inlet was too shallow to admit any save the smaller 
sea-going vessels, while its location was most unfavorable 
to the trade of the northeastern part of the State. The other 
inlets worthy of consideration — Old Topsail^ at Beaufort, 
and Bogue — could only become important in connection with 
artificial waterways or with land routes.^ Moreover, the 
navigation of all the principal rivers being obstructed by the 
granite ledge which crosses the State almost parallel with 
the coast line, and about one hundred and fifty miles distant, 

'Cf. a. D. Murphy, Memoir on the Internal Improvements contemplated by the 
Legislature of North Carolina; and on the Resources and Finances of the State, 1819, 
pp. 21-30. 


the western part of the State was in a large measure cut off 
from all ports within and without North Carolina. 

It was evident, then, that the work of providing the neces- 
sary waterways in an efficient transportation system would 
be relatively expensive in any case, and to so relate the vari- 
ous trade routes as to confine the commerce of the State 
chiefly to home markets would be all the more costly. 

Whether a task involving the expenditure of such large 
sums of money was to be left wholly to unaided private enter- 
prise, or whether it would be undertaken by the State, either 
in co-operation with individuals and corporations or alone, 
was merely a question of expediency, there being no consti- 
tutional prohibition against the latter alternative.^ 

At first the State showed no disposition to make a radical 
departure from the policy which obtained before the Revo- 
lution. The colonial system of opening and repairing public 
roads, with only slight and unimportant modifications, was 
therefore retained.' Local overseers were appointed by the 
county courts of Pleas and Quarter Sessions, under whose 
direction the work in each locality was performed by the 
male citizens of certain ages ; and under the same super- 
vision was performed whatever work was undertaken for the 
purpose of keeping the rivers free from obstructions to navi- 
gation. All these were public highways. 

Recognition of the inadequacy of this colonial system of 
providing transportation soon led to the demand for improved 
facilities. Scarcely was the independence of the State 
achieved when Governor Martin, in his message to the Legis- 
lature, declared : ''The Trade and ISTavigation of this coun- 
try is of lasting consequence, and requires your immediate 
interposition and patronage. It is necessary our rivers be 
rendered more navigable, our roads opened and supported."^ 

'Poore, Charters and Constitutions, Pt. 2, p. 1409. 
2Laws, 1784, ch. 14 (State Records, Vol. XXIV, p. 674). 
'House Journal, Apr. 20, 1784 {Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 498). 


* * * Just what was meant by the general terms legis- 
lative "interposition and patronage" may be a subject of dis- 
pute. But whatever their meaning, in his next message the 
Governor again presented trade and navigation as "great 
objects of legislative attention,"^ while in his message of 
1791 is found what is perhaps a more explicit statement of 
his views. "The internal jSTavigation of the State," he said, 
"still requires Legislative assistance, our sister states are 
emulous with each other in opening their rivers and cutting 
canals, while attempts of this kind are but feebly aided 
among us. Though laws are passed for this purpose, they 
are not properly executed."" 

Although mention was made in this message of the need 
for competent superintendents, "with powers to draw forth 
the aid mentioned in the laws," it can scarcely be claimed 
that this was a reference to legislative appropriations.'^ The 
Governor's only unmistakable reference to public aid is found 
in his recommendation that criminals under capital con- 
demnation and whose particular cases merited clemency 
might, with qualified pardons, be made to labor at the work 

For a decade thereafter, with a single exception,* the 
subject received but little, if any, definite recognition in the 
Governors' messages. But in 1802 Governor Williams ^gain 
brought to the attention of the Legislature the need for better 
transportation, and this example was followed in nearly every 
message for the succeeding decade.^ It was in 1806, about 
the middle of this latter period of renewed discussion, that 
the first definite recommendation of direct State aid to the 
cause was made by the executive, in these words : "The 

iHouse Journal, Oct. 20, 1784, Ibid., p. 726. 

2House Journal, Dec. 6, 1791. 

'The "aid mentioned in the laws" was the donations of individuals. Infra., p. 126, 

«House Journal, Nov. 16, 1792. 

^Ibid., Nov. 18, 1802; Nov. 22, 1803; Nov. 24, 1804; Nov. 19, 1805; Nov. 19, 1806; Nov. 18, 
1807; Nov. 23, 1808; Nov. 22, 1809; Nov. 18, 1812. 


natural situation of the State being unfavorable to commerce, 
it is of the greatest importance that liberal provision should 
be made for the internal improvements, particularly for the 
establishment of good public roads, and the extension of our 
inland navigation. Nothing can be more congenial to the 
spirit of a republican government than the application of the 
resources derived from all to the benefit of all." ^ 

The frequency with which the need for more adequate 
transportation was called to the attention of the Legislature 
in this period shows clearly that the matter had become one 
of grave concern to many of the leading citizens of iSTorth 
Carolina. But that the State was unable at this time to 
make, in response to Governor Alexander's recommendation, 
any very considerable appropriations to internal improve- 
ment undertakings, without involving the public credit or 
increasing the taxes, can scarcely be questioned.' And 
whether the small amount which might have been so devoted 
would have been wisely expended, it would be useless here 
to surmise. The unwillingness of the Legislature to appro- 
priate any part of the State's revenue for such purposes is 
clearly enough shown by the fact that prior to 1815 the work 
of internal improvement was left wholly to private enter- 
prise.^ ISTevertheless the most liberal franchises were granted 

iGovernor Alexander's Message, House Journal, Nov. 19, 1806. 

2The total receipts of the Treasury in 1801 were £20,324, and in 1814 they were about 
two and a half times as larfic. — Comptroller's statement appended to Laws of 1802; 
Treasurer's Report, House Journal, Dec. 7, 1814. 

'Memoir, op. cit., p. 11. This statement is contradicted by C. C. Weaver, who has 
claimed that prior to 1815 the "State had given aid." — History of Internal Improvements 
in North Carolina previous to I860, p. 1. 

Cf. also, "The State * * * entered into co-partnership with individuals and with 
companies for the building of canals and the deepening of harbors, the improvement of 
public highways, and the advancement of public intercourse." — W. E. Dodd, Life of Na- 
thaniel Macon, p. .52. 

It is true that by an act of 1786 the Commissioners of Navigation and Pilotage of the 
Cape Fear River were authorized to prescribe fines for the violation of their regulations, 
which fines, when collected by the Commissioners, were to be expended on the improvement 
of the river. — Laws, 1786, ch. 50, see. 2 (State Records, Vol. XXIV, p. 8"1). And fines imposed 
for the failure to perform on this river the work required of those whose duty it was to re- 
move obstructions were similarly appropriated. — Laws, 1793, ch. 34, sec. 3. Somewhat 
similar fines were likewise appropriated in part to the improvement of the Neuse River. — • 
Laws, 1811, ch. 26. And by the act of 1812 incorporating the Neuse River Navigation 
Company the State reserved till Jan. 1, 1814, the privilege of subscribing one-fifth of the 
authorized capital of .$50,000.— Laws, ch. 89. 

No records available to the writer show whether any fines were collected under these 
laws. But the authorized subscription of stock, it is well known, was not made. 


to corporations, in an attempt thereby to make the construc- 
tion of toll roads and canals and the improvement of river 
navigation attractive fields for the investment of private 
capital ; and unstinted encouragement was extended to the 
numerous commissions appointed bj the Legislature, whose 
duty it was to solicit and receive donations from public- 
spirited citizens, these gifts to be expended in the develop- 
ment of public highways/ 

Just what were the results by 1815 of this early legisla- 
tion it is impossible to say. Only a few of the companies 
seem to have succeeded in raising the subscriptions necessary 
for their incorporation. Of these the ISTeuse River jSTaviga- 
tion Company, the Cape Fear liavigation Company, the Roa- 
noke Company, and the Clubfoot and Harlowe's Creek and the 
Dismal Swamp Canal companies — the purpose of the former 
being to connect Neuse River with the harbor at Beaufort, 
the latter to connect Pasquotank River in North Carolina 
with Elizabeth River in Virginia — were the most important. 
The Dismal Swamp Canal had been opened, and one-fourth 
of the work to be done on the Clubfoot and Harlowe's Creek 
Canal was said to have been completed," while the improve- 

iThere was an abundance of this private legislation. The construction of ten toll roads 
by individuals, in whom the property rights of the roads were vested for periods varying 
from twentv-five to ninetv-nine years, was authorized. — Laws, 1784, ch. 66; 1787, ch. 25; 
1792, ch. 46; 1794, ch. 77; 1804, ch. 4; 1807, ch. 28; 1809, ch. 34; 1812, ch. 27; 1813, chs. 21, 24. 

Similar provisions were made for the building of toll bridges. — Laws 1782, ch. 33; 1784, 
chs. 64, 65; 1810, ch. 38; 1812, ch. 26. 

Twelve canal companies were incorporated. — Laws, 1784, ch. 63; 1790, ch. 26; 1795, ch. 
23; 1798, ch. 20; 1798, ch. 40; 1804, chs. 34, 39; 1805, ch. 23: 1808, ch. 33; 1810, chs. 25, 29; 1813, 
ch. 28. Eight Commissioners were appointed to receive donations for the purpose of con- 
structing canals.— Laws, 1786, chs. 29, 70; 1792, ch. 27; 1800, ch. 31; 1810, chs. 29, 31; 1811, 
chs. 27, 29. 

Fifteen charters were issued to navigation companies. In whom the property rights 
of the navigation concerned was vested.— Laws, 1787, ch. 37; 1788, ch. 16; 1790. ch. 32; 1796, 
chs. 13, 21, 26, 34; 1800, ch. 29; 1801, ch. 99; 1804, ch. 40; 1805, ch. 22; 1806, ch. 24; 1807, ch. 25; 
1811, ch. 30. And a larger number of commissions were appointed for the purpose of im- 
proving the navigation of rivers. In some cases these were incorporated, but there was no 
vesting of property rights.— Laws, 1784. chs. 37, 38, 39, 42; 1788, ch. 22; 1791, ch. 40; 1794, 
ch. 94; 1796, ch 41; 1800, ch. 32; 1803, ch. 81; 1804, ch. 38; 1806, ch. 22; 1807, cha. 26, 31; 1810, 
ch. 28; 1811, ch. 23; 1812, chs. 90, 91, 92. 

sRaleigh Star, May 19, 1815. 


ments made in the navigation of the Catawba River, v^^hat- 
ever these may have been, surpassed the achievements of any 
other company engaged in similar undertakings.^ 


Initiation of the Policy of State Aid (1815-1819) 

The year 1815 marks the beginning of the abandonment 
of the policy of merely granting charters and relying on 
unaided private enterprise for the development of transporta- 
tion. The principal reasons for this break with the past 
were: (1) The desire (a) to develop the resources of the 
State, and (b) to establish home markets ; and (2) the failure 
of unaided private enterprise to achieve satisfactory results. 

The joint select committee on inland navigation, in its 
report to the Legislature in 1815, said that to delay efficient 
provision for inland navigation was "to postpone that natural 
wealth, respectability and importance which follow only in 
the train of great internal improvements."" The committee 
estimated the number of persons emigrating from l^orth 
Carolina to the West during the preceding twenty-five years 
to be more than two hundred thousand, and a member of the 
committee was of the opinion four years later that half a 
million ISTorth Carolinians had gone "to people the Wilder- 
ness of the West."^ This notable emigration was attributed 
mainly to the lack of adequate transportation at home. "In 
this state of things," continued the committee, "our agri- 
culture is at a stand ; and * * * men are seeking the 

'Report of Committee on Inland Navigation, Senate Journal, Dec. 6, 1815. 


'Memoir, p. 5. These estimates cannot be verified. Not until 1850 did the census 
beeln to present statistics relative to interstate mie-ration. At this time thirty-one per 
cent of the free natives of North Carolina livin"- in the Uniti^d States were residents of other 
States. The corresponding percentages for Virginia and South Carolina were twenty-six 
and thirty-six respectively. — Report of the Superintendent of the Census, Dec. 1, 1852, 
p. 15. 


way to wealth through all the devious paths of speculation. 
* * * This perversion of things is gradually undermin- 
ing our morality." 

The exact nature and extent of the resources of the State 
were, of course, unknown, but North Carolina was not keep- 
ing pace with many other States in developing the resources 
known to be available. The evil was a growing one — the 
more the industries of the State suffered because of inade- 
quate transportation or for other reasons, the larger became 
the tide of emigrants, whose departure thinned the ranks of 
those left behind to overcome the depression. There was, 
very naturally, most anxiety concerning agricultural inter- 
ests. But mining and manufacturing were not wholly over- 
looked,^ and some even considered manufacturing of first 
importance — manufactures, being less bulky comparatively 
than the products of farms and mines, would, it was claimed, 
require less extensive transportation routes.^ 

The dependence of ISTorth Carolina so largely on Virginia 
and South Carolina, especially the former, for markets had 
long been a source of regret. The inevitable growth of com- 
mercial towns within the State, which would follow the 
proper development of transportation, was now presented 
as an important reason why the Legislature should begin at 
once to prosecute the work of internal improvement.^ This 
jealousy of rival markets in neighboring States was not new; 
it had been clearly exemplified in 1786, when the proposed 
charter of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company, having been 
authorized by the Legislature of Virginia, was first consid- 
ered by the Legislature of ISTorth Carolina. Governor Cas- 

'An interesting: attempt to take a census of North Carolina's manufactures was made 
in 1810. The results were recorded in a " Report of Manufactures within the State of North 
Carolina, according to the returns made to Beverly Daniel by the persons appointed to 
take the late census in the several counties." — "Raleigh Register, Feb. 14, 1811. The total 
value of the manufactures was given as $4,811,319, cloth being the most important product, 
valued at .?2,.5fll,S17. The output of whiskey and brandy was valued at S700,105, and the 
iron outout at '^1.50,000. 

'^Register, March 14, 1811. 

•Report of Committee on Inland Navigation. Op- cit. 


well told this body that its assent to the Virginia act would 
be advantageous to the sister State at the expense of J^orth 
Carolina/ Influenced, doubtless, by this suggestion, the 
Legislature refused its assent' ; and it was not until 1790, 
after repeated rejections of the proposed charter, that North 
Carolina co-operated with Virginia in authorizing the con- 
struction of the canal. ^ Nor was Caswell the only Governor 
in this period to lament the commercial dependence of North 
Carolina on neighboring States.* 

If private enterprise, however, had succeeded in accom- 
plishing the ends for which the companies were chartered, 
or had promised to succeed with reasonable promptness, there 
is little reason to think the State would have chosen to sup- 
plant it. But it did neither. And even had the prospect of 
immediate gain been sufficient to attract the necessary private 
capital into these undertakings, each enterprise would have 
been prosecuted with regard, primarily, to the interests of 
those furnishing the capital, and not with the purpose of so 
relating the separate routes to one another as to constitute 
an effective State system. 

Moreover, the restoration of peace after a war that had 
been costly to North Carolina, the lessening of party strife,^ 
the fact that the receipts of the public treasury had trebled 
since the beginning of the century,® and the example of other 
States which were supplementing private enterprise in vari- 
ous internal improvement undertakings^ — all these, it 
seemed, helped to make this a fitting time for the State to 
adopt the policy of aiding the work of its internal develop- 
ment, hitherto so feebly prosecuted. 

»House Journal, Nov. 20. 1786. 
2State Records, Vol. XVIII, p. VIII. 
'Laws, 1790, oh. 26. 
<House Journal, Nov. 18, 1802. 

'A. D. Murphey, Report on Education, 1817 (C. L. Coon, Documentary History of 
Education in North Carolina prior to 1840, Vol. I, p. 12.3). Cf. Memoir, p. 6. 

'Comptroller's Statement, 1802; Treasurer's Report, House Journal, Nov. 29, 1815. 
'Memoir, p. 11. 


While the forces favoring a direct participation by the 
State in the efforts to provide more adequate transportation 
were quietly increasing in potency, the newspapers of the 
period voiced no demand on the part of the people for a 
change in policy; nor was there any unusual emphasis on 
transportation in Governor Miller's message in 1815 — he 
merely repeated the time-worn appeal/ To some leaders in 
the Legislature, however, the time seemed ripe for the State 
to come to the rescue. The most active and untiring advo- 
vate of the proposed policy was Archibald D. Murphey, 
Senator from Orange. Very early in the session, on Mur- 
phey's motion, the Senate resolved, "that it is expedient to 
provide more efficiently for the inland navigation of this 
State," and that the resolution be referred to a joint select 
committee,' the House concurring.^ In the report of this com- 
mittee, of which Murphey was chairman, was embodied a 
plan which contemplated the incorporating of companies, 
with unlimited franchises, for the purpose of improving 
the navigation of the principal rivers, the tolls to be re- 
stricted so as to yield no more than fifteen per cent on the 
capital invested ; the State was to subscribe one-third of the 
capital stock of each company ; and a board of commissioners 
should superintend the work of the companies, employ civil 
engineers, direct surveys and make annual reports to the 
Legislature.* This report, together with a resolution "that 
it is expedient to provide by law for carrying into effect the 
plan proposed," was adopted by the Senate and sent to the 
House, where after a lengthy discussion it was rejected by 
a vote of 52 to 73.' 

Although the temper of the House, as shown in its rejec- 
tion of the report, was not favorable to a comprehensive 

iHou=e Journal, 1815, d. 5. 

2.Tournal, Nov. 22, 1815. 

s.Toiirnal, Nov. 27, 1815. 

^Senate Journal, Dec 6, 1815, Cf. Memoir, p. 12. 

'Journal, Dec. 12, 1815. 


policy of State aid, the friends of the proposed plan were 
not ready to abandon it wholly. Almost immediately, again 
on Murphey's motion, the Senate proposed the appointment 
of commissioners who should have surveys made, at the 
State's expense, of the Tar, the Neuse and the Yadkin rivers,^ 
for the purpose of ascertaining what part of each might be 
made navigable, and also a survey of a canal route between 
the Yadkin and the Cape Fear rivers." This resolution met 
little opposition in the House. ^ 

The friends of the new policy proceeded next to secure 
amendments to the charters of the Roanoke and the Cape 
Fear Navigation Companies and pledges therewith of State 
subscriptions of stock. The Senate bill concerning the 
former company provided for an increase in the authorized 
capital from $100,000, as allowed by the charter of 1812,* 
to $300,000, one-third of which was to be subscribed by the 
State. The House at first rejected bodily the provision for 
the State subscription but later agreed to a subscription 
of one-fourth the number of shares originally proposed, or 
one-twelfth of the whole.^ 

The Senate bill, which was intended to authorize an in- 
crease in the capital of the Deep and Haw Eiver ISTavigation 
Company from $8,000' to $100,000, one-fourth of which 
was to be subscribed by the State, and to change the name 
to the Cape Fear Navigation Company, met no less opposi- 
tion in the House than had been encountered by the bill con- 
cerning the Roanoke Navigation Company, and it became a 
law providing for a State subscription of only $15,000.'^ 

'Murphey includes also the Roanoke, the Cape Fear and the Catawba rivers. — Memorlt 
p. 13. 

2.Tournal, Dec. 16, 1815. 

a.Tournal, Dec. 19. 1815. 

<Laws, 181'', ch. 88. 

B.Totirnal. Dec. 19, 1815; Laws, 1815, ch. 13., 1796, ch. 21. 

THoiise Journal, Dec. 19, 20, 1815; Senate Journal, Dec. 20, 1815; Laws, 1815, ch. 14. 
The section authorizing the State subscription was omitted by mistake from the printed 
laws of this session. — Senate Journal, Dec. 9, 1816. 


Bj its rejection of the committee report the House had 
defeated the proposition for a general and systematic prose- 
cution of the work of internal improvement under the direc- 
tion of a State Board of Commissioners. But in the resolu- 
tion authorizing surveys the committee secured perhaps all 
its plan had contemplated in this regard. Only two com- 
panies, however, were given the benefit of the proposed State 
subscriptions of stocky and the number of shares that might 
be subscribed was, in each case, much less than that originally 
proposed. Nevertheless, the Legislature of 1815 had made 
a beginning, and the advocates of State aid were encouraged, 
although their hardest work was in the future. 

The report of the committee on inland navigation re- 
peated, in 1816, the recommendation that a permanent super- 
visory board be appointed,^ but nothing came of it at this 
session. State subscriptions of stock, however, to the amount 
of $65,000, in four other river navigation companies and 
one canal company, were authorized' ; and the resolutions 
directing surveys at the State's expense were continued in 
force, only the surveys of the Tar and the Neuse rivers 
having been completed.^ 

When the Legislature reassembled in 1817 Governor Miller 
approved the policy of State aid,* but the Treasurer, in his 
annual report, gave an unfavorable account of the works 
already undertaken.^ Nevertheless, the committee on in- 
ternal improvement finding, it was claimed, ''that the mere 
adoption of efficient measures by the Legislature for internal 
improvement (had) given to the lands of the State an addi- 
tional value of more than $10,000,000," declared that every 
reason existed for proceeding with the work. "But the work 
will never proceed regularly," it continued, "until the State 

iSenate Journal, Dec. 9. 1816. 

JLaws, 181R, chs. IR, 23, 25, 35, 36. 

'Senate .Journal, Dec. 9 ISKi; House Journal, Dec. 24, 1816. Cf. Memoir, p. 13. 

'House Journal, Nov. 18, 1817. 

mid., Dec. 2, 1817. 


shall adopt a regular system of execution. The basis of this 
system must be a suitable fund and the application of this 
fund by a permanent board of commissioners." The com- 
mittee therefore recommended the creation of a fund to con- 
sist of the State's stock in the Bank of jSTew Bern and the 
Cape Fear Bank,^ and in the several navigation companies, 
the proceeds of which should be applied by a board of com- 
missioners to the work of internal improvement.^ Where- 
upon, a bill embodying the provisions of this recommenda- 
tion was introduced in the Senate. It passed two readings, 
but was defeated in the House by a close vote.^ 

In the following summer the committee in charge of the 
surveys, although unsuccessful in its efforts to engage the 
services of a civil engineer, having "secured the best talents 
possible," proceeded with the duties assigTied it and reported 
the results to the Legislature at its next session.* The en- 
couraging reports of several surveyors and the eagerness of 
the companies to proceed with the work made it all the more 
imperative, it was thought, that a special fund for the de- 
velopment of transportation be established. A renewal of the 
efforts to secure the establishment of such a fund followed, 
a bill for this purpose being introduced in the Senate by 
Murphey, of the committee on internal improvement.^ It, 
as did the similar bill of 1817, passed the second reading 
by a small majority,^ but was lost in the House.'^ Besides 
the authorizing of State subscriptions of stock in two canal 
companies, amounting to $7,500,* no gains were made in the 
Legislature of 1818 for the policy of systematic State aid. 

'The State owned 1,250 shares in each bank, of a total par value of $250,000. 
^Senate Journal, Dec. 5, 1817. 

mid.. Dec. 5, 12, 1817; House Journal, Dec. 12, 1817. 
^Senate Journal, Nov. 28, 1818; Ibid., p. 119. 
ilbid., Dec. 3, 1818. 
tibid.. Dec. 17, 1818. 

'Journal, Dec. 24, 1818. The details of this bill are unknown. It is not found in the 
files of "rejected bills." 
«Lawa, 1818, chs. 41, 50. 


In the spring of 1819, after fruitless efforts to engage a 
civil engineer in this country, the commission in charge of 
the surveys, directed by the Legislature, employed Hamilton 
Fulton, an Englishman. In obedience to the instructions of 
this committee, Fulton and his assistant examined the princi- 
pal rivers of the State and the works then in progress thereon. 
A detailed report of these observations was made to the com- 
mission, in which Fulton expressed the belief that efficient 
inland navigation could be obtained at comparatively small 
cost.^ And it was now that the new policy began to be advo- 
cated by the press of the State. ^ 

In the fall of this year, 1819, the committee on internal 
improvement again recommended the creation of a special 
fund and the appointment of a supervisory board.^ 

The bill embodying the provisions recommended in the 
committee report had, as was to be expected, a fairly safe 
majority in its favor in the Senate* ; and at last the House, 
too, fell in line and the bill passed, but with amendments 
materially reducing the size of the proposed fund.^ 

This act provided that the proceeds of the sale of the State 
lands recently purchased from the Cherokee Indians should 
constitute the fund. A board, consisting of the Governor of 
the State and six other members elected annually by the 
Legislature, was authorized to employ an engineer and sur- 
veyors, the engineer to exercise general supervision of the 
public works. The board was charged also with the duty of 
making such disposition of the fund as the Legislature might 
from time to time direct, and annual reports of its operations 
were to be made to the Legislature.® 

The fund thus provided was merely a prospective one ; the 

'"Report of the Commission appo nted to have Sundry Surveys made," Dec. 1, 1819. 

•^Register, Oct. 1, 1819. 

'Senate Journal, Dec. 1, 1819; House Journal, Dec. 2, 1819. 

^Senate Journal, Dec. 21, 1819. 

'House Journal, Dec. 20, 22, 1819. 

•Laws, 1819, ch. 2. 



lands to be sold contained about one million acres, although 
no accurate survey of them had been made, and their definite 
boundaries had not been established.^ The act prescribing 
the mode of surveying and selling these lands fixed a mini- 
mum price of four, three and two dollars per acre, according 
to quality.' Even had this fund promised to be large — and 
it did not — no part of it v^as immediately available. 

It may safely be assumed that the measure of success at- 
tained by the friends of State aid in the Legislature of 1819 
was very largely due to the appearance of Murphey's Me- 
moir in ISTovember of this year. Besides reviewing the in- 
ternal improvement undertakings thitherto contemplated by 
the Legislature, the author presented a number of statistical 
tables designed to prove the ability of the State at that time 
to contribute liberally to the development of transportation. 
Altogether, the Memoir is the most significant contribution 
to the literature of our period in this field. 

All that had been accomplished so far came as a result of 
compromise at every point. As a reward for their efforts 
the friends of the new movement could claim, at the close 
of the four years' struggle for a comprehensive policy of 
State aid, the creation of a small prospective fund and the 
appointment of a permanent board for its management. And 
State subscriptions to the stock of navigation and canal com- 
panies, amounting to $112,500, had been authorized. Was 
this inadequate provision ? Was it the outcome of unwise 
counsel that would have involved the State more deeply in 
expensive undertakings which were perchance, after all, the 
peculiar and rightful province of private capital ? These 
questions may be best answered in the light of developments 
yet to be studied. 

'These lands had been purchased In 1817, and title was to pass to the State by Jan. 1, 
1821.— Memoir, p. 75. 
2Law3, 1819, ch. 10. 



Eakly Execution of the Policy of State Aid (1815- 


It was found desirable, for administrative purposes, when 
the initiation of the policy of State aid was being effected, 
to make the charters of the several companies in which the 
State was to become a shareholder as nearly uniform as pos- 
sible. Consequently, the charters of the principal companies 
that had been granted prior to 1815 were amended. The 
Eoanoke Navigation Company's charter of 1812,^ as modified 
in 1815," became a model after which other charters were 
patterned.^ The earlier act vested forever in the company 
the property right in the works, exempted them from tax- 
ation, and fixed maximum tolls to be charged on goods car- 
ried through any of the company's works. The act of 1815 
provided that the tolls should be so regulated from time to 
time as to prevent a larger annual return than fifteen per 
cent on the capital invested, and authorized the State Treas- 
urer to vote on behalf of the State in meetings of the stock- 
holders. The limitations now placed on the earnings of the 
company and the State's interest as a stockholder necessi- 
tated a more complete supervision of the company's ac- 
counts. It was required, therefore, that annual reports of the 
receipts and expenditures be made to the Secretary of State. 

Early in 1820 the newly-created Board of Internal Im- 
provement assumed its duties, but not under the most favor- 
able conditions. As was to be expected, the fight between 
the friends and the opponents of the new policy was not 
abandoned with the achievement of partial success by the 
former in the years from 1815 to 1819. To achieve signifi- 
cant results under the new system, an increase of the internal 

'Laws, 1812, ch. 88. 
^Ibid., 1815, ch. 13. 
mid., chs. 14, 15, 23, 25, 35. 


improvement fund was manifestly imperative; but for a 
time no general recognition of this fact, save by men in pub- 
lic positions, seems to have found expression. The Board 
of Internal Improvement, in its second annual report, recom- 
mended, since the fund was inadequate and not forthcom- 
ing, and since taxes were unpopular, that the State borrow 
a sum not exceeding $500,000, assigning productive funds 
for the interest and providing a sinking fund.^ This recom- 
mendation only resulted in an act adding to the internal im- 
provement fund the dividends from the State's stock in the 
Bank of New Bern and the Cape Fear Bank.- The same 
recommendation in substance was repeated four years later,^ 
and a similar one in 1830,* while in 1833 the board recom- 
mended the borrowing of $6,000,000.^ The Governors, too, 
repeatedly commended the policy of State aid after it had 
been in operation some years," and even earlier the leading 
papers of the State gave it support, trying not only to en- 
courage and to create in the public mind sentiments likewise 
favorable to the system, but to influence the Legislature as 

In the literature of the period favorable to State aid to 
transportation, the "ISTumbers of Carlton," by Dr. Joseph 
Caldwell, rank next in importance to Murphey's Memoir.^ 

The attitude of a few leaders towards such a question of 
State policy is less significant, however, than the popular 
interest which it arouses. Beginning in the late twenties 
and continuing through the rest of the period under discus- 
sion, in various parts of the State the advocates of a system 
of internal improvement met in conventions in which dis- 

JReport of the Board, 1821, p. XXI. 

2Laws, 1821, ch. 6. 

'Report of the Board, 1825, p. 9. 

*lbid., 1830, p. 8. 

Hbi4., 1833, p. 17. 

'House Journal, Nov. 17, 1829; Nov. 22, 1831; Nov. 19, 1833; Nov. 18, 1834; Nov. 17, 1835. 

■'Register, Dec. 7, 1824; Dec 10, 1824; June 13, 1826; Jan. 13, 1831; June 24, 1834; May 
13, 1834; Deo. 9, 1834. Star, Feb. 21, 1833. Carolina Watchman, Ausj. 31, 1833. 

^A discussion of the "Numbers of Carlton" more properly belongs to a later chapter 
on railroads. 



tricts, varying in size from a small rural community to an 
area embracing three-fourths of the State, were represented. 
Almost always these conventions commended the policy of 
State aid, in their resolutions or in their "addresses to the 
people." In 1833 it was claimed that all the numerous local 
meetings and the State conventions of the year advocated 
the proposed "two-fifths, three-fifths principle," whereby the 
State was to own forty per cent of the stock in the various 
companies engaged in the development of transportation.^ 

The more significant of these meetings were held towards 
the close of the pre-railroad era. In 1828, at a meeting in 
Chatham of delegates from four of the central counties, an 
address was issued in which, after noting the comparative 
backwardness of I^orth Carolina in the provision for trans- 
portation, it was said: "To enter now the general market 
from our interior country, and cope with the prices, we must 
have railroads, or canals, or navigable rivers. * * * 
Cotton is now about the only article which bears transporta- 
tion. But it is much to be apprehended that even cotton will 
not long remain a source of profit in our present manner of 
conveyance."" In January of the following year, at Raleigh, 
was held a meeting of members of the Legislature and others, 
the chief result of which was the appointment of a central 
committee, and an auxiliary committee in each county of the 
State, whose duty it was to organize the forces favorable to 
systematic internal improvement.^ The next notable meeting 
was held also in Ealeigh, July 4, 1833, twenty counties, none 
west of Orange, being represented. In the address issued 
by this convention it was the declared purpose to arouse the 
people, for, it was claimed, the Legislature would aid if the 

'Legislative Documents, 1833, No. 23, p. 7. For reports of conventions advocating 
State aid see: Rpgister, .Tune ?3, 1829: Feb. 8, 1830: Sept. 9, 1830: Auf. 27, 1833; Sept. 3, 1833; 
S^nt. 10, 1833; Dec. 9, 1834. Also, Star. Dec. 16, 23, 1831; Carolina Watchman, Oct. 26, 1833; 
Western Carnlinian, Sept. 30, 1833; North Carolina Standard, July 17, 1834; Greensboro Patriot, 
Sept 25, 1833. 

^Xenodochv, Vol. IV. 

^Register, Jan. 13, 30, 1829. 


people demanded it/ In the following November delegates 
from forty-eight counties assembled in Raleigh, and with 
four dissenting delegations the convention adopted a memo- 
rial to the Legislature in which the construction, exclusively 
by the State, of four transportation lines, at an estimated 
cost of $5,000,000, was advocated.' 

The opposition to the policy of State aid also continued 
active throughout the period. But it found little expression 
in the newspapers. An open letter by "X," directed against 
schools and internal improvements, stands almost alone 
among such expressions of the conviction that the State 
should aid neither.^ But however few were the newspaper 
contributions directed against the policy, its opponents made 
effective opposition in the Legislature to the scheme, both as 
it was and as its friends hoped to make it. When the board 
had been in existence but a year the House would have abol- 
ished it and turned the fund into the general treasury, but, 
as earlier, the Senate gave loyal support to the new move- 
ment, defeating the bill to repeal the act of 1819 by a vote 
of 36 to 21.* In the debate on this bill in the Senate the 
burden of the argument produced by the opponents of the 
policy was that the works were too expensive, and that their 
beneficial results would accrue very largely to the people of 
Virginia and South Carolina.^ Similar efforts to repeal the 
act of 1819 creating the fund, and that of 1821 increasing it, 
were repeated and were similarly defeated, usually by the 
Senate.^ Although these acts were not repealed, no further 
increase of the fund was possible. As a direct result of the 
policy of the obstructionists the Board suffered a marked 

ilbid., July 30, 1833. 

'Ihid.. Apr. 29, 1834; .Star, Dec. 6, 13, 1833; Legislative Documents, 1833, No. 4. 
^Renister, Nov. 9, 1829. 
'Senate Journal, Dec. 8, 1820. 
'Register. Dec. 29, 1820; Jan. 5, 1821. 

•Senate Journal, Dec. 29, 1821; Dec. 21, 1822; Dec. 30, 1825; Jan. 1, 1828; House Journal, 
Dec. 22, 1824. 


change in its constituency, being reduced in 1824 to the 
Governor and three directors/ and in 1831 to the Governor, 
the State Treasurer and one elected member, who was to be 
known as the Superintendent of Public Works, and who 
alone was to receive pay for his services." Moreover, in 
1833, when the fund was low, even a proposition to appro- 
priate $1,500 for surveys of proposed railway routes was 
defeated.^ The committee to whom the memorial of the 
November convention had been referred, in its report thereon, 
and in introducing the bill just mentioned, gave expression 
to the disappointment felt by the friends of State aid and 
for which the Legislature was held responsible.* N^ever be- 
fore had the press of the State been so unanimous in its con- 
demnation of the Legislature as in 1834 for this failure to 
obey what seemed so clearly the will of the people. The 
Elizabeth City Star, the Edenton Gazette, the North Caro- 
lina Journal, the Wilmington Free Press, the Fayetteville 
Observer, the Oxford Examiner, the Raleigh Register, the 
Hillshoro Recorder, the Salisbury Journal, the Western 
Carolinian — all voiced a protest against the refusal of the 
Legislature to meet the expectations of the people.^ 

We have seen something of the forces that kept so limited 
the sources from which the internal improvement fund was 
derived. The receipts from the two sources — the sale of 
lands, and bank dividends — as shown in the following table, 
amounted in the years prior to 1835 to $184,747.47^, and 
at the close of this year about $45,000 was due the fund. 

>Laws, 1824, ch. 5. 

^Ibid., 1831, ch. 21. 

•House Journal, Jan. 8, 1834. 

♦Senate Journal, Dec. 24, 1833. 

^Register, Jan. 11, 1834; Feb. 4, 1834. 


Receipts of the Internal Improvement Fund, 1820-1835.1 

1820 $ 

1821 4,857.17 

1822 1,519.411^ 

1823 9,658.6514 

1824 25,614.03 

1825 32,483.99 

1826 15,657.47 

1827 25,916.2iy2 

1828 19,556.541/2 

1829 14,830.701/2 

1830 5,533.001/2 

1831 4,559.98 

1832 2,601.36 

1833 1,397.48 

1834 5,807.23 

1835 14,736.17 


An examination of the votes in both houses of the Legisla- 
ture on the more important bills and resolutions already men- 
tioned, in an effort to understand the reasons for such a 
determined and powerful opposition to State aid, reveals the 
fact that, in the main, the opposition to the policy was cen- 
tered in the eastern half of the State, while its chief support 
was given by the members from the west. The distribution 
of the votes for or against a few typical measures is repre- 
sented in the accompanying maps. 

'The annual reports of the Treasurer and of the Board of Internal Improvement are 
relied on for the statement of receipts by years. For the years 1824 and 1825, however, the 
two sources do not agree. In the receipts for each of these two years, ?18,.')80, which the 
Treasurer did not include but which the Board reported, is included in this table. 
















Several explanations for such a sectional division may be 
adduced. First of all, the need for transportation was more 
nearly supplied in the east than in the west by natural inland 
waterways. Too, overland wagon routes were more cheaply 
constructed and maintained in the comparatively level east 
than in the hilly or mountainous west. Doubtless, also, 
many citizens of the east were unwilling that their section 
should bear half or a larger share of the burden of under- 
takings, the chief benefits of which would accrue to their 
neighbors of the west. 

But such a motive was scarcely most responsible for the 
making of State aid a sectional issue. The system of repre- 
sentation in the Legislature, as fixed by the Constitution of 
1776, soon resulted in a disproportionate representation of 
the two sections. If an imaginary line be drawn north and 
south across the State just west of Wake, the section to the 
west of this line embraced, in 1815, twenty-four counties and 
two boroughs, that to the east thirty-eight counties and four 
boroughs. Since these political divisions, without regard to 
population, constituted the basis of representation, there was 
a large majority of eastern men in the Legislature.^ 

When the question of State aid to transportation came up 
in 1815, the opposition of the west to the existing basis of 
representation had already become active.^ And it was this 
system of representation that furnished the basis for the chief 
political issue in the State — the issue which overshadowed all 
others, and whose influence was manifest in the discussion of 
every question of general State policy — until the Constitu- 
tion was revised in 1835. That the bitter struggle of the 
two sections over the constitutional issue should find expres- 
sion in their division in a similar way on other issues, par- 
ticularly one involving general State policy, is not surprising. 

'Each county elected a senator and two representatives; each borough, a representative. 
'W. K. Bovd, The Antecedents of the North Carohna Convention of 1835, South At- 
lantic Quarterly, April, 1910. 


Perhaps, too, besides the broad sectional strife, the ina- 
bility to agree on any large undertaking because of local 
jealousy and rivalry did more than all else to hinder the 
growth of sentiment in favor of State aid.^ Again, towards 
the close of this period, the introduction in other States of 
the railroad, yet in the experimental stage, doubtless made 
men hesitate to involve the State in the expenditure of large 
sums of money either for the old forms of transportation 
which might be largely superseded by the new form, or for 
the new until it had been thoroughly tried elsewhere. 

Whatever the cause or causes of the meagerness of the 
State's expenditures for transportation in this period, the 
total amount expended amounted to only $291,576.10. The 
following tabular statement shows in some detail the objects 
to which the money was devoted: 

Engineering and incidentals^ $67,518.74 

On rivers: 

Shares of stock — 

Eoanoke Navigation Coinpany3 . . . $50,000.00 
Cape Fear Navigation Company*. . 40,000.00 

Yadkin Navigation Companys 25,000.00 

Tar Eiver Navigation CompanyS. . 1,200.00 
Neuse Eiver Navigation Company^ 1,800.00 
North Carolina Catawba Companys 2,400.00 


Direct appropriations — 

Broads $2,548.00 

Cape Feario 39,730.16 

Lumberii 427.20 



'See map VII, supra. 

^In the Report of the Board, 1833, p. 4 ff., the expenditures for Internal Improvement 
to dato are summarized. 

The expenditures for surveys of swamp lands, amounting to $3,832.44, are not included 

3Laws, 1815, ch. 13; 1823, ch. 17. 
*IbirJ., 1815, ch. 14; 1823, ch. 16. 
'■Ibid., 1816, ch. 35. 
'Ibid., ch. 23. 
mid., ch. 16. 
Vbid., ch. 25. 
'Ibid., IS-'O, oh. 38. 

lo/fiid., 1822, ch. 16; 1825, ch. 8; 1826, ch. 18; 1827, ch. 34; 1828, ch. 36. 
^^Ibid.. 1822, ch. 28. 


On Clubfoot and Harlowe's Creek Canal: 

Shares of stoeki $15,000.00 

Loan2 18,000.00 


On roads: 

Shares of stock — 

Buncombe Turnpike Companys .... $.5,000.00 
Plymouth Turnpike Company* 2,500.00 


Direct appropriations — 

Various highwayss $1(5,452.00 $16,452.00 

Loans — 

Commissioners of road Old Fort 

to Ashevillee 2,000.00 

Tennessee River Turnpike" 2,000.00 




Within the limits of this paper no attempt can be made to 
discuss in detail the separate expenditures summarized above, 
or the specific object to which each was applied. It may be 
remarked in passing that at the close of the pre-railroad era, 
of the several navigation companies in which the State had 
become interested as a stockholder only the Roanoke and the 
Cape Fear companies remained active. The former, with 
which Virginia also co-operated through the holding of shares, 
was engaged throughout the period in attempts to improve the 
navigation of the Roanoke River and its tributaries in both 
States; and in 1835, having begun in 1831 to pay small divi- 
dends, the company was fairly prosperous.* 

As early as 1819 the Cape Eear ISTavigation Company was 

ilbid., 1818, ch. 50; 1821, ch. 37; 1824, ch. 25. 

2/6iW., 1826, ch. 24; 1828, ch. 37. 

'Ibid., 1824, ch. 28. 

*Ibid., 1R23, ch. 20. 

6/birf., 1820, chs. .34, 37; 1821, ch. 22; 1822, ch. 35; 1823, chs. 25, 26; 1824, ch. 27; 1825, ch. 34; 
1826, ch. 25. 

*Ibid., 1829, ch. 14. 
■'Ibid., 1831, ch. 36. 

8The totsil stock subscribed was S412,000, of which North Carolina owned ?50,000, and 
Virginia, $80,000. The total expenditures to 1834 were $410,958.65, and the tolls for that 
year amounted to $4,301.65.— Report of the Board, 1834, p. 20. 


able to pay a 7^ per cent dividend/ and steamboats were 
ascending to Fayetteville." An inquiry into the affairs of 
the company by a legislative committee in 1832 revealed the 
fact that $42,761.76 had been expended on the river, and net 
tolls amounting to $28,846.74 had been collected. It was 
the opinion of the committee, however, that the money ex- 
pended had "not been judiciously and profitably applied.'" 
The aggregate of dividends paid by the company from 1819 
to 1833, inclusive, amounted to 45 per cent. 

The other navigation companies in which the State was a 
shareholder were short-lived. For several years prior to 
1830 the Board of Internal Improvements had received no 
reports from them, and little is known of the small amounts 
actually exj^ended on the several rivers.* 

The Clubfoot and Harlowe's Creek Canal Company, or- 
ganized under a charter of 1795,^ had begun operations within 
less than two years after the charter was issued.*^ In 1815, 
when the State was beginning to aid other companies, it had 
completed one-fourth of the work to be done ;^ but not until 
1827 did tolls begin to be collected, and these aggregated in 
the next six years only $2,722.05, and were dwindling each 
year, work on the canal having been suspended for lack of 
funds. ^ Of the two turnpike companies in which the State 
was a shareholder, only the Buncombe Turnpike Company 
made a conspicuous success of its undertaking. The road, 
from a point on the South Carolina line by way of Asheville 
to the Tennessee line, proved a profitable investment, and by 
1835 the company was paying an annual dividend of 11 per 

iReport of the Treasurer, House Journal, Nov. 23, 1819. 

^Memoir, p. 37. 

^Legislative Documents, 1832, No. 20. 

Report of the Board, 1830, p. 5. 

'Laws, 1795, ch. 23. 

'Ibid., 1797, ch. 10. 

\Slar, May 19, 1815. 

'Report of the Board, 1834, p. 7. 

*Ibid.. 1835. 


The most significant work undertaken by the State alone 
was the dredging of the Cape Fear River below Wilmington. 
At first the operations here, beginning in 1822, were attended 
with signal success, it was thought/ But in 1829, after 
much loss of money and time in attempting to use an un- 
wieldy dredging machine, the work on this part of the river 
was taken in charge by the Federal government." 

In its report of 1833, the Board of Internal Improvement 
declared that the money expended in procuring information 
concerning the topography of the State would prove profit- 
able or not according to the use to be made of the informa- 
tion thereafter. The expenditures on roads were regarded 
as clearly profitable, and the same was true of the sums ex- 
pended on the Roanoke and Cape Fear rivers ; while the in- 
vestment in the Clubfoot and Harlowe's Creek Canal was of 
doubtful expediency, and the money expended on the Yadkin, 
Tar, Catawba, Neuse and Broad rivers was regarded as a 
total loss. 

The causes which led to the failure to make more profit- 
able these investments by the State are to be found in the 
lack of skill and experience, which was responsible for many 
useless expenditures, and in the scattering of efforts in order 
to gratify local preferences and jealousies, resulting in many 
unfinished operations which a concentration of expenditures 
would have avoided. ''These and other circumstances con- 
tributed to disappoint expectations, perhaps too sanguine, 
and produced doubts of the success of any attempts at inter- 
nal improvement in our State. The Legislature, apparently 
unwilling to give up the long-cherished idea of improving 
the State and yet fearful to embark in any public work of 
magnitude (had) retained the Board and continued the fund 
for internal improvement, without providing the means or 

'Governor Holmes' messas^e, House Journal, Nov. 17, 1824. 
'Report of the Board, 1829, p. 3. 


directing the undertaking of any new work, or the more 
vigorous prosecution of any which had been already com- 
menced."^ Therefore, had aid been more liberally given to 
transportation, it may be questioned whether the whole would 
not have been spent in equally fruitful or unfruitful under- 
takings. But without an increase in the taxes, or a curtail- 
ment of the ordinary government expenses, there remained 
only the credit of the State to be relied on for means suffi- 
cient for the com25letion of any works of significance, for the 
Literary Fund had been encroached upon repeatedly in the 
twenties in order to meet the general expenses of the State 

Whatever the causes of the failures of the early internal 
improvement policy, with the beginning of the next period it 
took on new life. In the succeeding chapters will be 
found some account of the zeal and enthusiasm with which 
the newly empowered west advanced the policy it had so long 
championed, and which found its fullest development in the 
building of important railways. 

iReport of the Board, 1833, p. 7. 
^Report of the Treasurer, 1834, p. 10 ff. 




In his famous letter to Jolin Adams, July 9, 1819, repu- 
diating the "Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence," 
Thomas Jefferson paid his respects to the North Carolina 
delegates in the Continental Congress, declaring there was 
"not a greater Tory in Congress than Hooper ; that Hughes 
[sic] was very wavering, sometimes firm, sometimes feeble, 
according as the day was clear or cloudy" ; and that their 
line of conduct was very uncertain "until Penn came, who 
fixed Hughes [sic], and the vote of the State."^ When this 
letter was made public, "Jo Seawell Jones," as Dr. Alder- 
man says, "choking with rage, rushed to the rescue in his 
celebrated 'Defence of ISTorth Carolina' and with an uncom- 
mon mingling of invective, passion, partisanship, critical 
power and insight, effectually disposed of his great antago- 
nist."^ Jones, however, directed his defence to Hooper 
alone, and although he shows the statement in regard to him 
to be a libel, yet the accompanying assertion characterizing 
Hewes's position on independence has been accepted even in 
ITorth Carolina, and by Hewes's biographers, without dissent. 

Hewes's attitude toward independence, as depicted by Jef- 
ferson, is so entirely out of harmony with his whole course, 
throughout the Revolution, and with the attitude toward 
independence displayed in his official and personal corre- 
spondence, as at once to raise a question of the accuracy of 
Jefferson's memory. Let us then examine his statement 
critically, and ascertain, if possible, how much of truth there 

iWorks. Memorial Edition. XV, 206. 
2Life of William Hooper, p. 37. 


may be in it. We may dismiss at once any notion that he 
intentionally misrepresented Hewes. It would have been re- 
markable, indeed, if Jefferson, writing in a fit of anger forty- 
three years after the events he describes, should have been 
entirely accurate in his statement. Whether his memory 
was accurate as to the position of Joseph Hewes on the 
question of independence, is the subject of the present 

Hewes was elected a delegate to the Continental Congress 
in August, 1774, and served in that body until the summer 
of 1777. He was, accordingly, in Congress during the period 
in which sentiment for independence was developing in the 
colonies, took part in the debates on Richard Henry Lee's 
motion for independence in June, being for most of the time 
the only delegate present from Xorth Carolina, and signed 
the Declaration of Independence in July. 

His attitude toward the Revolution during the year 1775 
may be gathered from his letters written from Congress. In 
February of 1775, the two houses of Parliament presented 
an address to the king declaring the colonies in rebellion, 
and assuring his Majesty of their determination to support 
him in his efforts to suppress it; and the king returning his 
thanks for their loyal address, called for an increase of both 
the land and naval forces to be used in America. A few 
months later information reached the Americans that he 
was hiring Hessians for service against them ; and in Octo- 
ber came his proclamation declaring the colonists out of his 
protection. The effect of these measures on the develop- 
ment of sentiment for independence was marked. Writing, 
July 8, 1775, to Samuel Johnston, Hewes says: 

"If the Governor attempts to do anything he ought to be seized and 
sent out of the colony ; so should the judges ; the powers of government 
must soon be superseded and taken into the hands of the people. 
* * * I hope by your influence and example you will drive every 
principle of Toryism out of all parts of your province. I consider my- 


self now over head and ears in what the Ministry call rebellion. I feel 
no compunction for the part I have taken nor for the number of our 
enemies lately slain in the battle of Bunkers Hill. I wish to be in camp 
before Boston, though I fear I shall not be able to get there till next 

After the king's proclamation in October, Hewes declared : 

"We have but little expectation of a reconciliation. I can assure you 
from all the accounts we have yet received from England we have 
scarcely a dawn of hope that it will take place"* ; and he was of opinion 
that independence would certainly come soon "if the British Ministry 
pursue their diabolical schemes. "5 

These quotations reveal his attitude in 1775. During 
that year the policy of the colonies was to deprecate all dis- 
cussion of independence, but Hewes's letters show that, con- 
sciously or unconsciously, he was moving calmly, steadily 
and continuously toward that goal. The events during the 
first half of 1776 served only to confirm him in his senti- 
ments. There is no indication of wavering ; there is no evi- 
dence of a fair weather politician who shrank from the 
storm which he knew his course would bring. On Feb- 
ruary 11, 1776, he wrote as follows to his friend Johnston: 

"All accounts from England seem to agree that we shall have a dread- 
ful storm bursting on our hands through all America in the spring. We 
must not shrink from it; we ought not to show any symptoms of fear; 
the nearer it approaches and the greater the sound, the more fortitude 
and calm, steady firmness we ought to possess. If we mean to defend 
our liberties, our dearest rights and privileges against the power of 
Britain to the last extremity, we ought to bring ourselves to such a 
temper of mind as to stand unmoved at the bursting of an earthquake. 
Although the storm thickens I feel myself quite composed. I have fur- 
nished myself with a good musket and bayonet, and when I can no 
longer be useful in council I hope I shall be willing to take the field. 
I think I had rather fall there than be carried off by a lingering illness. 
In this I am pretty much of the same opinion of the French general 

'Colonial Records of North Carolina, X, p. 86. 

</6iW., p. 315. 

'Hazleton: The Declaration of Independence; Ita History, p. 31. 


who, confined a long time by sickness to his bed, on hearing the Duke 
of Brunswick was killed by a cannon ball, exclaimed: 'Great God! How 
unfortunate I am ! Brunswick was always a lucky fellow.' * * * 

"It is hinted in the papers that persons will be sent from England 
to negotiate with the colonies; many people do not believe it; those who 
do have but little expectation from it. They are to treat under the in- 
fluence of a mighty fleet and army. What are we to expect from the 
mouth of a cannon or the point of a bayonet? See Lord North's motion 
in the House of Commons the 20th of November. What have we to 
expect from Parliament? * * * 

"The only pamphlet [Paine's 'Common Sense'] that has been pub- 
lished here for a long time, I now send you; it is a curiosity; we have 
not put up any to go by the wagon, not knowing how you might relish 
independency. The author is not yet known; some say Doctor Franklin 
had a hand in it; he denies it."6 

On the 20tli of March he wrote to Johnston as follows : 

"The act of Parliament prohibiting all trade and commerce between 
Great Britain and the colonies has been lately brought here by a Mr. 
Temple from London. It makes all American property found on the 
sea liable to seizure and confiscation, and I fear it will make the breach 
between the two countries so wide as never more to be reconciled. 
* * * I see no prospect of a reconciliation. Nothing is left now but 
to fight it out. * * * Some among us urge strongly for independ- 
ency and eternal separation; others wish to wait a little longer and to 
have the opinion of their constituents on that subject. You must give 
us the sentiments of your Province when your Convention meets. "^ 

The Convention of iSTorth Carolina met in April, and on 
April 12th adopted a resolution authorizing the North Caro- 
lina delegates in the Continental Congress to vote for inde- 
pendence.^ A copy of this resolution was dispatched by an 
express the next day to Hewes, who alone represented North 

6Col. Rec, X, pp. 446-47. 

'State Records, XI, pp. 288-89. 

sThis resolution, after reciting the grievances which moved the Convention to its course, 
was as follows: 

" Resolved, That the delegates for this colony in the Continental Congress be impowered 
to concur with the delegates of the other colonies in declaring independency, and forming 
foreign alliances, reserving to this colony the sole and exclusive right of forming a Con- 
stitution and Laws for this colony, and of appointing delegates from time to time (under 
the direction of a general representation thereof) to meet the delegates of the other colonies 
for such purposes as shall be hereafter pointed out." Commenting on this resolution Ban- 
croft declares: " North Carolina was the first colony to vote explicit sanction to independ- 


Carolina at Philadelphia. In May, after he had received 
this resolution, Hewes wrote to James Iredell: 

"We appear to have everything we want. We resolve to raise regi- 
ments, resolve to make cannon, resolve to make and import muskets, 
powder and clothing, but it is a melancholy fact that near half our men, 
cannon, muskets, powder, clothes, etc., is to be found nowhere but on 
paper. We are not discouraged at this; if our situation was ten times 
worse I could not agree to give up our cause." 

And jet we are asked to believe that these are the words of 
a man who, on so momentous a question, knew not his own 
mind ; that they proceeded from a spirit feeble, wavering, 
and uncertain ; that they expressed the sentiment of a time- 
server and a trimmer ! 

But Penn, it is said, "fixed" Hewes, and the vote of the 
State on independence. When Jefferson wrote these words 
he was angry, and justly offended at being practically 
charged with plagiarism in the greatest act of his life, and 
he was chagrined that John Adams apparently believed him 
guilty. Moreover, he wrote from memory, forty-three years 
after the event under discussion. These circumstances were 
certainly not conducive to accurate historical statements ; 
and in another connection, while engaged in the preparation 
of his "Autobiography," writing calmly in his study from 
notes taken contemporaneously with the events described, 
Jefferson refutes his own assertion. Writing to a grandson 
of Samuel Adams, Jefferson enclosed "some extracts from 
a written document" on the subject of independence, 
"for the truth of which," he says, "I pledge myself to Heaven and 
Earth; having, while the question was under consideration before Con- 
gress, taken written notes, in my seat, of what was passing, and re- 
duced them to form on the final conclusion.''^ 

These notes were taken, June 8 and 10, 1776, during the 

debates on Eichard Henry Lee's motion for independency. 

"It appearing in the course of these debates," says Jefferson, on the 

authority of his notes, "that the colonies of New York, New Jersey, 

•Works. Memorial Ed., XV, pp. 195-6. 


Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina, were not yet 
matured for falling from the parent stem, but that they were fast ad- 
vancing to that state, it was thought most prudent to wait awhile for 
them, and to postpone the final decision to July lst."io 

North Carolina is here recorded as being favorable to 
independence, and yet Joseph Hewes was the only delegate 
present from that State, and had been the only one present 
since March. When, then, did Penn ''fix" Hewes and the 
vote of the State ? It must have been before he left Phila- 
delphia in March. But up to that time Congress had never 
taken a vote on the question of independence, but had care- 
fully avoided even the appearance of so doing. And Hewes, 
as shown by the letters quoted, was one of those ''among us" 
who in private "urged strongly for independence." 

Afterwards, in a letter to Madison, referring to certain 
statements that John Adams had made with regard tO' the 
debates on the subject, Jefferson said: 

"In some of the particulars, Mr. Adams' memory has led him into un- 
questionable error. At the age of eighty-eight, and forty-seven years 
after the transaction of independence, this is not wonderful. Nor 
should I, at the age of eighty, on the small advantage of that difference 
only, venture to oppose my memory to his, were it not supported by 
written notes taken by myself at the moment and on the spot."ii 

Taking issue with Adams' statement that the question 
had been long under consideration by Congress before July, 
1776, Jefferson appeals to history to say whether the state- 
ment was true, "or this dictum also of Mr. Adams be another 
slip of memory." ^^ 

It is therefore difficult to say just when John Penn "fixed" 
Hewes and the vote of the State, and the conviction grows 
upon one that the memory of the "Sage of Monticello," un- 
supported by his "written notes," is no more trustworthy 
than the memory of the "Colossus of Independence." 

i°76id., XV, pp. 196-7. 
"/bid., XV, p. 460. 
i2/6i(i., XV, p. 462. 


There are reasons, too, for believing that Adams suffered 
a "slip of memory" when, in reply to a question whether 
every member of Congress who signed the Declaration of 
Independence cordially approved of it, he wrote the follow- 
ing paragraph: 

"The measure had been upon the carpet for months, and obstinately 
opposed from day to day. Majorities were constantly against it. For 
many days the majority depended on Mr. Hewes, of North Carolina. 
While a member, one day, was speaking, and reading documents from 
all the colonies, to prove that the public opinion, the general sense of 
all, was in favor of the measure, when he came to North Carolina, he 
produced letters and public proceedings which demonstrated that the 
majority of that colony were in favor of it, Mr. Hewes, who had hith- 
erto constantly voted against it, started suddenly upright, and lifting 
up both his hands to heaven, as if he had been in a trance, cried out: 
'It is done, and I will abide by it.' I would give more for a perfect 
painting of the terror and horror upon the faces of the old majority^ 
at that critical moment, than for the best piece of Raphael. The ques- 
tion, however, was eluded by an immediate motion for adjourment."i3 

There are many interesting points about this account. 
"The measure," he says, "had been upon the carpet for 
months." Eichard Henry Lee made his motion, the "meas- 
ure" referred to, June 7 ; it was adopted July 1, less than 
one month later. Therefore it had not been "upon the carpet 
for months." It was "obstinately opposed from day to day," 
and "for many days" the majority depended on Hewes. But 
Jefferson says, on the strength of his contemporaneous notes, 
that the debate lasted only three days, June 8 and 10, and 
July 1 ; and shows that from the beginning Hewes was in 
favor of the measure. "Majorities," says Adams, "were con- 
stantly against it" ; Jefferson, however, mentions only one 
vote, the one taken on July 1, and the measure was then 
carried by the votes of nine States out of thirteen. Then, 
too, these debates took place after the adoption of the Halifax 
Resolution, after Hewes had received a copy of it, and after 

w Works. Ed. by Charles Francis Adams, Jr. Ed. 1856, X, p. 35. 


he had laid it before Congress. We are, then, not only to 
believe, according to Adams, that some member of some 
other colony was more familiar with the sentiment of Xorth 
Carolina than Hewes, but that Hewes deliberately violated 
the expressed declaration of his constituents officially given 
through their representatives in convention assembled. 
Would John Penn, who had "fixed" Hewes, have remained 
silent about such a breach of trust ? Penn arrived at Phila- 
delphia in the latter part of June. On June 28, writing to 
Samuel Johnston, President of the North Carolina Conven- 
tion, he said: "I arrived here several days ago in good 
health and found Mr. Hewes well. * * * The first of 
July will be made remarkable. Then the question relative 
to independence will be agitated, and there is no doubt but 
a total separation from Britain will take place. This Prov- 
ince [Pennsjdvania] is for it. Indeed, so are alV^ except 
Maryland and her jDeople are coming over fast." ^^ ]^ot an 
intimation that he had found Hewes "wavering" ! The same 
day Plewes himself wrote to James Iredell : ''On Monday 
the great question of independence * * * ^viH come on. 
It will be carried, I expect, by a great majority, and then, 
I su2:)pose, we shall take upon us a new name." In all his 
letters he assumes as a matter of course that his position is 
known to be favorable to "the great question of indepen- 
dency." '' 

There must, however, be some explanation of the recollec- 
tions of Jefferson and Adams. The key to the statement 
of Adams is probably found by putting together two sen- 
tences of two different letters. The closing sentence of the 
account just quoted is : "The question, however, was eluded 
by an immediate motion for adjournment." In another 

"Italics mine. " All" included North Carolina, and Hewes for two months had been 
the o'llv member nresent from that co'ony. 

isHa^leton: The Declaration of Independence, p. 139. 
"McRee: Life and Correspondence of James Iredell, I, p. 326. 


letter, written to Jefferson, Adams says: *'You know the 
imanimitj of the States finally depended on the vote of 
Joseph Hewes, and was finally determined by him." ^^ Let 
us note that here he uses the word '^unanimity," while in the 
former letter he used the word "majority," Now, as has 
already been shown, during the first debates on Richard 
Henry Lee's motion, June 8 and 10, Hewes was among those 
ready to vote in the affirmative ; and that the final decision 
was postponed because certain colonies, among them South 
Carolina, were not ready to take the final step. July 1, the 
debate was resumed and the motion, according to Jefferson's 
notes, was adopted by the votes of New Hampshire, Con- 
necticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Mary- 
land, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia. Personally 
the New York delegates favored it and believed their con- 
stituents did also, but their hands were tied by an old, un- 
repealed instruction against independence passed the pre- 
vious year ; they, therefore, withdrew from Congress, de- 
clining to vote at all. Delaware's two delegates were di- 
vided, and the vote of the colony was lost. South Carolina 
and Pennsylvania alone voted against it. It was well known, 
however, that the New York Convention which was to meet 
at an early date would repeal the old instruction and declare 
for independence ; and that certain delegates from Dela- 
ware and Pennsylvania, who favored it, but were not present 
when the vote was taken, would attend next day and carry 
their colonies for it. This left South Carolina alone in oppo- 
sition. Therefore, when the Committee of the Whole rose 
and reported the resolution to the Congi-ess, Edward Rut- 
ledge, the senior delegate from South Carolina, as Jefferson 


"reqviested the determination misjht be put oflF to the next day, as he 
believed his colleagues, thou<rh they disapproved of the resolution, would 
then join in it for the sake of unanimity."i8 

"Works: X. n. S"!!. 

"Works. Mem. Ed. XV, p. 199. 


The request was granted, and this must have been the "im- 
mediate motion for adjournment" to which Adams refers. 

"In the meantime," says Jefferson, "a third member came post from 
the Delaware counties, and turned the vote of that colony in favor of 
the motion. Members of a different sentiment attending that morning 
from Pennsylvania, also their vote was changed. "i9 

New York still declined to take part in the proceedings, 
so that of the colonies authorized to vote at all South Caro- 
lina alone was in opposition when Congress convened on 
July 2, Thereupon "for the sake of unanimity" "^^ says 
Jefferson, South Carolina changed her vote and joined her 
sisters in declaring the colonies "free and independent 
States." Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, therefore, 
and not Joseph Hewes, of ISTorth Carolina, finally deter- 
mined the "unanimity" of the States. It also seems prol> 
able that it was the former who figured in the dramatic 
scene described by Adams. It would be no matter for 
wonder that a man approaching his ninetieth birthday, writ- 
ing from memory nearly fifty years after the scene de- 
scribed, should confuse Hewes, of ISTorth Carolina, with 
Rutledge, of South Carolina. 

Another circumstance tending to confirm this view, and 
explaining Jefferson's assertion also, Hewes himself men- 
tions in a letter written to Samuel Johnston after the adop- 
tion of the Declaration of Independence. On July 28, while 
Congress was debating the Articles of Confederation and the 
plan for forming Foreign Alliances, Hewes writes: "These 
two capital points ought to have been settled before our 
Declaration of Independence went forth to the world. This 
was my opinion long ago, and every day experience serves to 
confirm me in that opinion." If Hewes urged these views 
before Congress, as is not unlikely, the fact will explain how 
his attitude, years afterwards, should have been remembered 
and represented as opposing independence. 

*>Ibid., XV, p. 198. Italics mine. 



Fn 111 Painting li.v .J:ii|uos Busli.e. 


Vol. X APRIL, 1911 No. 4 



*^ Carolina! Carolina! Heaven' s blessings attend her ! 
While we live we will cherish, protect and defend her.'' 

Published by 



The object of the Booklet Is to aid in developing and preserving North 
Carolina History. The proceeds arising from its publication will be de- 
voted to patriotic purposes. Editob. 


Mrs. Hubert Haywood. Miss Martha Helen Haywood. 

Mr. E. E. Moffitt. Dr. Eichard Dillard. 

Mrs. Spier Whitaker, Dr. Kemp P. Battle. 

Mr. R. D. W. Connor. Mr. James Sprunt. 

Dr. D. H. Hill. Mr. Marshall DeLancey Haywood. 

Dr. E. W. Sikes. Chief Justice Walter Clark. 

Mr. W. J. Peele. Major W. A. Graham. 

Miss Adelaide L. Fries. Dr. Charles Lee Smith. 

editor : 
Miss Mary Hilliard Hinton. 


regent : 




Mrs. spier WHITAKER. 

Mrs. E. E. MOFFITT. 

recording secretary : 



Mrs. PAUL H. LEE. 


Mrs. frank SHERWOOD. 






Mrs. JOHN E. RAY. 


Bloomsbury Chapter Mrs. Hubert Haywood, Regent. 

Penelope Barker Chapter Mrs. Patrick Matthew, Regent. 

Sir Walter Raleigh Chapter, 

Miss Catherine F. Seyton Albertson, Regent. 
DeGralTenried Chapter Mrs. Charles Slover Hollister, Regent. 

Founder of the North Carolina Society and Regent 1896-1902: 


Regent 1902: 

Mrs. D. H. HILL, Sr.* 

Regent 1902-1906: 


Regent 1906-1910: 

Mrs. E. E. MOFFITT. 

' Died December 12, 1904. 


Vol. X APRIL, 1911 No. 4 


Anniversary address, delivered on Roanoke Island by Rt. Rev. Joseph Blount Cheshire, 
D.D., August 18, 1910, under the auspices of the Roanoke Colony Memorial Association. 

We have just sung our State song, "Carolina." We give 
to our native country a feminine designation. "Cai^olina" 
is derived from the masculine name Charles, in Latin "Car- 
olus" ; some say from the French King Charles IX. More 
probably it was so called in the first English charter, after 
Charles I of England, and then the name was repeated and 
permanently fixed by the two charters of Charles II. But 
whether from French or English Charleses, we find it al- 
ways in the more beautiful feminine form, "Cai^olind." 
Grammatically it had to be feminine form, because it is 
an objective, and the noun with which it must agree is 
"terra." But I suppose that, after all, the reason why the 
old Latins, and the older Greeks before them, made the 
name of the earth to be of the feminine gender, was at bot- 
tom the same feeling which must always have made men in 
some sense recognize the earth as our common mother. Out 
of the dust of the earth did the power and the goodness of 
God form man; and so we speak of "Mother Earth," and 
we call our country, "Patr'm" which, though it be from the 
Latin for father, yet it has a feminine form. The German 
may translate it "Fatherland," but we say our "Mother 

*This address was in fact delivered at Roanoke Island, August 18, 1910, the anniversary 
(the 323d) of the birth of Virginia Dare. But by a misapprehension of the writer it had 
been prepared under the impression that the day of delivery was to be the anniversary of 
the baptism. It was written at Nag's Head without books or memoranda of any kind 
for the verification of any fact or date. 


We are met today to celebrate what we may in a very 
proper sense call the birthday of our country, not only of our 
mother State of jSTorth Carolina, but of the greater country 
of which North Carolina forms a part, because here on 
Roanoke Island began that chapter of history which has gone 
on and developed into the history of the United States. For 
nearly one hundred years white men of Europe had been 
visiting this new found western world. First Spaniards, in 
1492, under the great Italian, Christopher Columbus, dis- 
covered the West Indian Islands, and Spaniards also discov- 
ered South America. Then Englishmen, in 14:97, under 
Cabot, a merchant of Bristol, though also an Italian by birth, 
first landed upon and claimed the Continent of jSTorth Amer- 
ica. Far to the south cities and colonies had been formed by 
Spaniards and had grown and prospered, and the treasures 
of Mexico and Peru in the hands of Spain had so extended 
and increased the immense power of that Country in Europe 
that nothing seemed able to withstand the tide of its con- 
quests. But here, on Roanoke Island, in the summer of 
1587, was planted a seed, and here began to spring into be- 
ing a life and power which in time wrested the supremacy 
from Spain, and built up the power of our English-speaking 
people, which covered the world with English colonies, de- 
veloped this great empire of the West, and has given to our 
race the position which it now holds in the world, Roanoke 
Island was the first stone laid in the great structure of 
English colonization and expansion. 

And to this anniversary we give the name, not of a man, 
but of a girl, Virginia Dare. This is "Virginia Dare Day." 
Englishmen had before come to these shores, to this very 
spot whereon we stand. In the summer of 1584 came Amidas 
and Barlow, two of Raleigh's captains, and in 1585 the 
valiant Sir Richard Grenville brought Ralph Lane and his 
hundred and seven pioneers, who for a year sailed these 


waters and traversed these forests, and wrote descriptions of 
the country and of its inhabitants, and drew for us those cu- 
rious pictures of its people, their dress, dwellings and occu- 
pations, which adorn the narrative of Hariot. But a colony 
of men, however intelligent and hardy, can make no per- 
manent settlement, and so Lane and his companions sailed 
away across the blue waters. 

And then in the pleasant summer weather of the year 
1587 came John White and his colony, sent out by the same 
wonderful man. Sir Walter Raleigh, and with White came 
not only men, but also men's wives and their little children, 
boys and girls. For on these shores Raleigh was determined 
that English colonies should be planted, because he saw that 
it was only by thus extending the bounds of their habitation 
that our people could reach that development and power nec- 
essary for their defense against the power of their European 
rivals and enemies, and for the accomplishment of their 
great destiny. And the birth of the first child of the English 
race in America was the prophecy and the earnest of that 
immense multiplication and expansion which now reckons 
its numbers by hundreds of millions of free, enlightened 
Christian people, sprung from the same sturdy stock who 
have established the institutions and the culture of the little 
island of Britain in every quarter of the habitable globe. 

And you have well chosen as the day our celebration, not 
the anniversary of the birth, but the anniversary of the 
baptism of Virginia Dare.* It is not physical life which 
makes the greatness of a people. It is their spiritual life. 
It is not strength of body or of mind, it is strength of heart 
and of spirit. The England of the sixteenth century was 
weak in physical resources, and but a beginner in the arts 
and sciences. She had to bring her teachers of Greek and 
of the new learning from the Continent ; her artists she im- 

•See note at bottom of page 167. 


ported from the low countries ; her architecture she was 
learning from Italj. Her enemies were the mighty upon 
earth. The tramp of the Spanish infantry, the finest soldiers 
in Europe, had trodden down all resistance, except where 
they had been stopped by the cutting of the dykes in Hol- 
land, and by that silver thread of the Strait of Dover, and 
on the ocean how feeble seemed the little frigates and fly- 
boats of the English seamen, beside the towering sea castles 
of the Spanish navy ! But the Englishman of the sixteenth 
century was a free man, and of a free and aspiring spirit. 
He had not worked out his freedom into any consistent sys- 
tem either in church or in State. He had not learned that 
his own freedom could not be secure until he had learned 
to respect also the freedom of others. He was loyal to his 
ancient monarchy, and he loved his heroic queen, but as long 
as the queen and her government represented on the whole 
the interests, the aspirations and the efforts of the nation, 
they were free to exercise almost any degree of mediaeval 
tyranny upon particular individuals or upon the reactionary 
elements of the poplation. At the reformation he had pre- 
served in its integrity the ancient Church of England as no 
other Eeformed or Protestant nation of Europe had done, 
and he loved its stately churches and cathedrals, and its dig- 
nified hierarchy, and its noble services, which had come 
down to him from his ancestors. But he was no longer a 
bondman to the church ; he was Christ's free man in his 
Father's house. Baptism meant for him that he was "a 
member of Christ, a child of God, and an inheritor of the 
Kingdom of Heaven." And he gloried in this freedom. 
Nothing is a more striking feature in the character of the 
great Elizabethan soldiers and sailors than this confident 
profession of their Christian faith, their glorying in the 
Reformed religion of the ancient Catholic Church of Eng- 
land. And so we read, in the old chronicle of Roanoke 


Island, that it was by the especial command of Sir Walter 
Raleigh that Manteo, the first Christian among the ISTorth 
American Indians, was baptized ; not in England where he 
might have been baptized in a royal minster or in an archi- 
episcopal cathedral, with nobles and princes for his sponsors, 
but here under the spreading branches of the American for- 
ests, the work of founding the first English colony was 
inaugurated by the baptism of the first Indian convert. This 
fact of itself 23i"oves the presence of a priest of the English 
Church among the colonists. Raleigh's charter required that 
the public institutions of religion should be in accordance 
with the Church of England, and in providing for the ad- 
ministration of a sacrament, an authorized administrator 
must have been included. 

And next, after the baptism of Manteo on Sunday, August 
13, 1587, came the birth of Virginia Dare, August 18, and 
August 20 being the tenth Sunday after Trinity, she was 
baptized on this island, and the new life springing up in this 
strange and savage land was dedicated to God the Father, 
God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost ; and in that solemn 
and significant rite that whole company saw repeated, their 
own dedication and new birth as ''Members of Christ, chil- 
dren of God, and inheritors of the Kingdom of Heaven." 

We know little about that fair young child whose name 
is now so familiar among the many millions of her kinsfolk. 
And it is not as an individual that she is important, but 
she is representative of a great and heroic age and of a 
tremendous and world-embracing vital movement. What 
amazing memories are called up by these rude forest sur- 
roundings, and by the flash of the blue w-aters between the 
living colonnades of these whispering pines ! The spirits of 
mighty men of old haunt us along this storied shore. Philip 
Amidas and Arthur Barlow seem to be anchored out across 
yonder bar, while through the inlet which then pierced the 


sand banks, comes on to this wooded shore their little pin- 
nace, flying the standard of St. George at its masthead, and 
a man in the prow hold out toward the new land the symbol 
of truth and light, the Cross. 

And next after this we see that most valiant of all six- 
teenth century sailors, Sir Eichard Grenville. "Admiral of 
Virginia" Raleigh named him, and with the stout captain, 
Ralph Lane, and learned Hariot, mathematician and histo- 
rian, and John White, the pioneer artist of this expedition ; 
and again in the offing rides the fleet of Drake. Draco, 
the Dragon, the frightened Spaniards called him, him who 
"singed the King of Spain's beard," sailing into the port of 
Cadiz, the strongest fortified harbor in Europe ; and fighting 
both fleet and forts at the same time — as Lord Howard and 
Sir Walter Raleigh did again in 1596 — burning the fleet 
and sacking the town. And back of all, though he never 
saw these shores, back of all these, the gTeat figure of Sir 
Walter himself, the genius of English colonization, the hand 
that pointed out to England her path in the gi'eat future. 
All these seem to come to us here, and claim a part in the 
grateful memories of this hour. They were among real 
makers of England's greatness today, and the founders of 
Carolina and Virginia, and of all this great American nation. 

It is the fashion with some to call these men free-booters 
and pirates. I repel the word and all that it implies. 
These men were the champions of the freedom of the sea 
and of commerce, and they claimed the world for those who 
could most worthily possess it. And if there was a taste of 
danger and a spice of romance and a golden profit now and 
then for their reward, it was all in the day's work. The 
King of Spain claimed all this western hemisphere as his 
own. And the Bishop of Rome had, by his pretended right 
as God's vice-gerent on earth, confirmed to the King of Spain 
all lands lying west of a north and south line drawn one 


hundred leagues west of the Azores. West of that line he 
claimed all as his own, and undertook to exclude by fire and 
sword all intruders. And with the riches of this new world 
he prepared to support his schemes of subjugating those little 
corners of Europe, England and Holland, and a scrap here 
and there, where freedom still reared her head. Do you 
think the worse of our fathers that they dared to dispute this 
stupendous claim, and to strike for a part of that great 
West which they needed, and especially of that Continent 
of JSTorth America which Englishmen, and not Spaniards, 
had discovered ? It was that claim and those schemes of 
unbridled ambition which stirred the blood of every son of 
England who could get a ship under him and a dozen good 
hearts to help him strike a blow. And if these expeditions 
took the form of marauding expeditions against the ships 
and the settlements of Spain, how" was that to be avoided ? 
How else could they attack that greed and cruelty, which 
had remorselessly plundered and enslaved and butchered the 
simple people of the new world to glut the maw of Spanish 
avarice and to extend the bounds of tyranny and of the 
Spanish Inquisition ? 

"Venturous Fortunio his farm hath sold. 
And gads to Guianne land to search for gold ; 
Meeting, perchance, if Orinoque deny. 
Some straggling pinnace of Polonian rye. 
Then comes home floating with a silken sail, 
The Severn shaketh with his cannon peal." 

Thus did a contemporary English poet deride these bold 
seamen, as others have done since. But, as a matter of fact, 
it was those "Venturous Fortunios" who taught England 
where and how her true destiny and greatness were to be 
accomplished in the distant future, as it was by those same 
daring seamen that she was delivered from the deadly peril 
of Philip's ''Invincible Armada" in the then immediate 


present. And a poet of our own day has worthily sung the 
condensed Epic of those same Elizabethan seamen, and espe- 
cially of our own Sir Eichard Grenville — as we may call 
him since he was an American Admiral — our own Sir Rich- 
ard Grenville, in that noble poem which stirs my blood as 
does no other poem by Tennyson or by any modern poet, 
"The Last Fight of the Revenge." 

But I must make an end. And, in making an end, let me 
say a last word about Virginia Dare and that "Lost Colony." 
And that last word is this : ITever let any one persuade you 
to believe for one moment that a colony of one hundred and 
eighteen Christian English people, men and women, hus- 
bands and wives, parents and children, an organized Chris- 
tian community — your kinsmen and mine — were, within 
the short space of no more than twenty years, from 1587 to 
1607 when the Jamestown settlement was made, swallowed 
up and amalgamated with half-naked heathen Indian sav- 
ages, so that no remnant was left which could be recognized 
by their white brethren of Virginia. The Indians told the 
Jamestown settlers that the Roanoke Colony had been exter- 
minated by the Indians, and so they were. The Indians 
knew what had become of them, and there was no reason for 
them to have made such a statement if it had been false. 
We can not degrade the memory of those early pioneers in 
the settlement of America by supposing that they at once 
forgot their Christian nature, and voluntarily and promptly 
sunk into heathen barbarism, within less than one genera- 
tion. The descendants of those first Christian inhabitants 
of our land are not to be sought in the mongrel remnants, 
part Indian, part white, and part negro, of a decaying tribe 
of American savages. They, those early colonists, Ananias 
Dare, and Eleanor his wife, and their little girl Virginia, 
and their friends and companions, found a nobler fate. 
They perished in their heroic endeavor, buried in an eddy 


and back current of the great stream of our race progress; 
but the^ have left their spiritual descendants and kindred in 
us who are here assembled, and in every worthy and patri- 
otic son and daughter of Carolina, Virginia, and the United 




Craven County derives its name from William, Earl of 
Craven. It was part of the land originally granted the 
Lords Proprietors. Its settlement is clearly traceable to the 
religious persecution which induced the Palatines to brave 
the dangers and uncertainties of an ocean voyage in quest of 
a land which offered freedom of conscience. 

Protestantism at this time was making some headway in 
Baden and Bavaria and its increasing power alarmed the 
Roman church, which caused the expulsion of all Protestants 
from those kingdoms. Thousands of them fled to England 
and there, penniless and in want, they became a charge upon 
the people of England, 

When Lewis Michel had secured from the Lords Proprie- 
tors in the name of the Swiss Cantons of Bern, the "grant of 
ten thousand acres of land on or betwixt the Neuse or Cape 
Fear or their branches in North Carolina," provision was 
made for including a goodly number of these Palatines in 
the expedition. The people of England were glad to get 
them out of their country and the Queen herself contrib- 
uted 4,000 pounds to assist the movement. 

Christopher DeGraffenreidt, a Swiss nobleman, was asso- 
ciated with Lewis Michel in this movement to settle Carolina. 
Good title had been secured from the Lords Proprietors, ten 
pounds purchase money being paid for every thousand acres 
and five shillings yearly as a quit rent for every thousand 

DeGraffenreidt and Michel on October 10, 1709, entered 
into formal contract with the Commissioners and Trustees 
(who were charged with the care of these German Palatines), 
"for the transportation and settlement of 650 of the poor 


Palatines to North Carolina." A copy of this contract is 
filed in the office of the Secretary of State. The contract is 
between DeGralfenreidt and Michel, of the one part, and 
"seven of the Commissioners and Trustees nominated and 
appointed by her Majesty's late gracious letters patent under 
the great seal of Great Britain for the collecting, receiving 
and disposing of the money to be collected for the subsistence 
and settlement of the poor Palatines lately arrived in Great 
Britain," on the other part. 

It is recited in the contract that DeGraffenreidt and 
Michel have purchased a large tract of land in America 
called "ISTorth Carolina/' that this land lies waste and uncul- 
tivated for want of inhabitants and that they have applied 
to the Commissioner having in charge the poor Palatines that 
some of them may be settled in North Carolina (this as well 
for the benefit of DeGraffenreidt and Michel as for as the 
relief and support of the said poor Palatines) ; that whereas 
the said Commissioners have thought it well to dispose of for 
this purpose six hundred persons of the said Palatines (which 
may be ninety- two families more or less), and have given 
to each of said six hundred Palatines 20 shillings in clothes 
and have paid and secured to be paid to DeGraffenreidt and 
Lewis Michel the sum of 5 pounds 10 shillings for each of 
the said six hundred persons for their transportation to 
North Carolina and for their comfortable support there. 

It is agreed in this contract that DeGraffenreidt and 
Michel, for the consideration aforesaid, shall at their own 
cost, within two days embark or cause to be embarked in two 
ships six hundred of such of said poor Palatines as desig- 
nated by the Commissioners and cause them to be transported 
to North Carolina, providing them with food and other 
necessaries during their voyage. It is provided that upon 
their arrival in North Carolina DeGraffenreidt and Michel 
shall within three months survey and set out 250 acres of 


the said tract of land for each of the families (ninety-two, 
more or less), and that these allotments ''be as contiguous 
as may be for the mutual love and assistance of the said 
poor Palatines one to another, as well with respect to the 
exercise of religion, as to the management of their temporal 

To avoid disputes this land was divided out to the fami- 
lies by lot. For the first five years no rent was to be paid, 
but after that period two pence per acre was to be paid 
annually. For the first year after their arrival DeGraffen- 
reidt and Michel were to provide for the Palatines sufficient 
quantities of grain and other provisions for their support, 
but account of this was to be kept and at the end of three 
years payment for same was to be made. 

It is further provided that within four months after their 
arrival, DeGraffenreidt and Michel at their ovsra expense 
shall provide for each family "two cows and two calves, two 
sows with their several last litter or number of pigs, two ewe 
sheep and two lambs, with a male of each of the said kind of 
cattle, to propagate and increase." It is agreed that at the 
expiration of seven years after delivery thereof ''the value of 
said cattle so delivered, with a moiety of the increase thereof 
remaining in their hands from the original stock shall be 
given DeGraffenreidt and Michel." 

Further provision is made in this contract that imme- 
diately after the division of this land into the two hundred 
and fifty-acre parts each family is to be supplied by DeGraf- 
fenreidt and Michel free of cost with "plantation tools and 
utensils for felling of wood and clearing of ground and for 
building of houses for their own proper use and behoof." 

It is finally provided that this contract shall be construed 
in the sense most favorable to the poor Palatines and that "in 
cases of difficulty relating to the premises it shall be referred 
to the Governor of the said county or province of IsTorth 


Carolina for the time being, whose order and direction not 
contrary to the intention of these presents shall be binding 
and conclusive as well to the said Christopher DeGraffenreidt 
and Lewis Michel, their heirs, executors and administrators, 
as to the said poor Palatines." 

This contract seems to have been entered into with a real 
disposition to safegTiard the interests of the Palatines, how- 
ever anxious the people of England were to rid themselves 
of an element of their population which was burdensome 
upon their treasury. 

Six hundred and fifty of the strongest and healthiest of 
the Palatines were chosen by DeGraffenreidt for the expedi- 
tion, and in vessels which had been inspected by a Committee 
of the Upper House of Parliament they made their start 
across the Atlantic with the Carolina coast as their objective. 
That these men were not an irresponsible band of adven- 
turers, but a band of resolute men really zealous for noble 
achievement may be gathered from the preparation they made 
for a journey which was uncertain in its outcome and which 
held large possibility of disaster to them. The religious 
services held just prior to their embarkation show a degree 
of piety and seriousness not altogether common among ex- 
plorers and early settlers. 

Rigorous persecution had driven these people from homes 
that were once happy and contented to seek an asylum in 
other lands. ISTo better class could be selected for a stern 
and perilous undertaking than those poor Palatines. No 
surer test of moral stability could be applied than the perse- 
cution to which these people were subjected. Their deter- 
mined adherence to the principles approved by their con- 
science evidenced the heroic quality which was to stand them 
in need. They came from a land which had been desolated 
by cruel wars and where merciless persecution at the hands 


of the popish Elector had been their portion and that of their 
Protestant friends. 

DeGraffenreidt was moved by selfish interest and with no 
thought of afi^ording aid and comfort to the Palatines except 
as incidental to the de%'elopment of the large emigTation 
schemes in which he was interested. He was much of an 
adventurer, interested wholly in money making. He came 
from noble ancestry and his handsome features and pleasant 
manners made him a general favorite. Queen Anne of 
England was attracted by him and made him a Baron of 
England and Landgrave of Carolina. His presence in 
England was due to his determined purpose to rehabilitate 
his shattered fortune in the iSTew World, and England offered 
the avenue to that end. Possibly the Duke of Albemarle 
had inspired him with some of his own faith in the abound- 
ing wealth of this new land. It is certain that these two 
were closely associated for some time, and it is altogether 
probable that his purpose to promote an expedition to 
America was strengthened by this association. 

DeGraffenreidt himself could not accompany this expedi- 
tion, as his purpose was to sail with the colonists he expected 
from Bern, so he appointed three men to have general super- 
vision of the enterprise and direct its movement. It seems 
that these men were prominent Carolinians, who at that time 
happened to be in England. One of the three was probably 
Lawson, the Surveyor-General. 

Solemn services, at which Degraffenreidt was present, 
were held just prior to the sailing at Gravesend on the 
Thames. A sermon was preached to the departing colonists, 
songs were sung and prayers offered — all appropriate to the 
solemn occasion. The weather was mild when they set sail 
in January, 1710. For awhile they had pleasant sailing, 
but encountering severe storms they were much delayed, and 
after thirteen weeks they landed greatly depleted in number 


and with vitality and enthusiasm considerably reduced. 
More than half their number died on this voyage. Much 
of their worldly store was taken from them by a plundering 
French navigator who ran across them in crippled condition 
in the Virginia waters, where they first entered. 

Fear of pirates and uncertain information as to the per- 
ilous bars which run along the eastern coast of ]Srorth Caro- 
lina determined them on the land expedition to ^ortli Caro- 
lina rather than the water, and so they moved southward 
from Virginia, coming by way of Colonel Pollock's place on 
the Chowan River. Crossing the sound they entered Bath 
County and continuing southward they finally reached the 
land lying between the !N"euse and Trent rivers, called by 
the Indians "Chattawka." 

Lawson's character seems to have been bad — very bad, as 
was developed early in the history of this colony. Thor- 
oughly mercenary and unscrupulous, he seems only to have 
aimed at selfish aggrandizement. Without any right to it, 
he laid claim to the land between the Xeuse and the Trent 
and sold it to his gullible fellow travelers at a high price, 
and upon the assurance that it was uninhabited. They soon 
found they had bought from this primitive land speculator 
the homes of Indians. King Taylor, the Indian chief, some 
time afterwards sold this land to DeGraffenreidt. 

The condition of these colonists soon became desperate. 
These "^poor Palatines," with perfect faith in him, had 
committed their money to DeGraffenreidt before leaving 
England. They were reduced to real want some time prior 
to the arrival of the Swiss and had disposed of most of their 
clothing and goods to obtain things necessary to life. The 
Swiss in the meantime had sailed to ISTewcastle in England, 
where they were joined by DeGraifenreidt and then had 
started on their voyage to America. This was early in the 
summer of 1710. 


The movement of the Swiss this waj was caused by an 
embarrassing situation in their country brought about by 
their own generous treatment of the persecuted Protestants 
during the Reformation. Switzerland during this period 
offered a refuge to them and in large numbers they fled 
there to escape persecution in England, France and the 
ITetherlands. Knox and Calvin found an asylum here. 
Thousands found shelter from pitiless religious persecution 
in these friendly cantons. A powerful strain upon the gen- 
erous accommodation of the Swiss resulted. By agreement 
Bern was to give succor to one-half of the refugees. The 
Protestant cantons opened wide their doors to the perse- 
cuted ones and soon found their ability to give aid consider- 
ably overtaxed. 

In 1687 the Swiss confederation sent petitions to Branden- 
burg, Hesse and Holland, asking that aid be given Switzer- 
land in taking care of the exiles of the Reformed church. 
In this year eight thousand Protestant refugees entered 
Geneva. Twenty-eight thousand had passed through in 
search of a place of safety. Dispite the aid received from 
the French Protestant Refugee Fund and amounts raised in 
various ways for their support, they became a heavy burden 
upon the Swiss. Religious wars added a most distressing 

jSTot only did the hospitable cantons begin to cast about 
for some place where these people might be settled to the 
advantage of the refugees as well as to their own comfort, 
but the imsatisfactory religious situation impelled many 
Swiss to leave their country and seek homes elsewhere. This 
offered then the field for the exercise of DeGraffenreidt's 
cunning, and afl"orded just the material he needed in the 
prosecution of his colonization scheme. We have seen how 
he had joined the band secured from Switzerland which 
came by way of Holland, and set sail with them in the sum- 


mer of 1710 for the land across the sea. Probably the num- 
ber was not large, as only one ship load is known to have 
come in this expedition. Their voyage was uneventful. 
Like the Palatines they landed in Virginia and following 
somewhat the same course as the former expedition, they 
came southward to Chattawka and found the colony in 
pitiful plight. Stricken with sickness and in dire need they 
had well nigh reached the jjoint of desperation. 

DeGrailenreidt says of them at that time : "I can not 
enough insist on the wretched and sorrowful state in which 
I found these poor people on my arrival — nearly all sick and 
at the last gasp, and the few who had kept their health 
despairing entirely." Sickness had not alone weakened their 
bodies, but had dispirited them. 

One can well imagine the cheer and hope which re- 
possessed them when DeGraffeureidt and his followers 
reached Chattawka. ISTew life was infused into all. De- 
Graifenreidt assumed leadership and went vigorously to 
work to improve conditions. According to his statement 
they in eighteen months "managed to build homes and make 
themselves so comfortable that they made more progress in 
that length of time than the English inhabitants in several 

Things were getting in fair condition for a reasonable 
degree of comfort for the colonists. The inventive genius 
of the colonists provided in somewhat crude fashion conve- 
niences and establishments for the enjoyment of a fair 
degree of comfort and prosperity. Being a Landgi'ave, 
DeGraffeureidt had official distinction and influence in the 
colony, which he used to advantage in the laudable task which 
engaged him of building up a town with as many conve- 
niences as those primitive times would afford. He named it 
'New Bern. 

During the early days affairs went smoothly enough. 


Other settlers, mostly English, joined them, purchasing land 
and uniting with them in developing this land so fresh from 
the hands of savages. 

It is not to be supposed that the Indians saw with entire 
complacency this beautiful land of theirs between the rivers 
taken over completely by the strangers. They waited an 
opportune time, and in September of the second year they 
fell upon the settlement with barbarous fury and nearly 
annihilated it. More than a hundred people of this New 
Bern district were tortured to death by the Indians. De- 
Graffenreidt and Lawson were not present at the massacre, 
but they did not escape its brutal influence. 

In September of this year (1711) DeGrafl'enreidt and 
Lawson went up the iSTeuse River on a tour of exploration, 
carrying with them provisions to last them fifteen days. 
They had with them two negroes, who did the rowing, and 
two friendly Indians, one of whom spoke English. Infor- 
mation about the country was scant and it was to determine 
the navigability of the river, the distance of the mountains 
from them and the possibility of laying out a good road to 
Virginia that the expedition was undertaken. 

ISTo Indians lived along the banks of the river and no dan- 
ger from them was anticipated. They were, however, cap- 
tured by the Indians and taken to King ITencock, who wa* 
at Catechna, seated in state with his council about him. 
DeGraffenreidt's golden star, which he wore about his neck, 
on which was emblazoned his coat of arms, seems to have 
impressed the Indians with a superstitious dread, and mak- 
ing a friendly agreement with him, they sent him back to 
l^ew Bern. Lawson had nothing with which to inspire their 
fears or induce their favor, and so after subjecting him to 
torture, he was put to death. 

Lawson himself might have escaped death had he held his 
temper under control and avoided the quarrel with Cor Tom, 


the king of the village. Unheeding DeGraffenreidt's re- 
monstrance he persisted in the quarrel until at last some of 
the Indians, thoroughly incensed, threw themselves upon 
the whites and condemned them to death. We have seen 
how DeGraifenreidt's golden star saved him, but no mystic 
influence came to the rescue of Lawson, and after horrible 
torture he was put to death. DeGraffenreidt's journal gives 
a graphic recital of this adventure. He says : 

''One day when the weather was fine and there was 
good appearance that it would last. Surveyor General Law- 
son proposed to me to go up Neuse River hunting, that 
there were plenty of wild grapes there which we could 
gather for replenishing ourselves. We could see likewise 
whether the Excuse River could be navigated in its higher 
course and could visit besides the upper country. I had 
long been anxious to find how far it is from here to the 

''I accordingly resolved to take the trip, being assured 
that no savages lived on that branch of the river. But to 
feel safer we took two Indians to guide, which we knew well, 
with two negroes to row. So we went peacefully on our way. 
We had already gone a good two days journey and were near 
the village of Coram w^hen we met Indians armed as for 
hunting, and we had hardly turned backwards when such a 
number came out from the bushes and they overtook us so 
suddenly that it was impossible to defend ourselves They 
accordingly took us prisoners and led us away. 

"Such a rare capture made them proud ; indeed they took 
me for the Governor of the Province himself and we were 
compelled to run with them all night across thickets and 
swamps until we came to Catechna or Hencocks-towne where 
the King called Heiicock was sitting in state. 

"The King stood up, approaching us and speaking to us 
very civilly, and they discussed at last whether we were to 


be burned as criminals or not. They concluded negatively, 
inasmuch as we had not been heard as yet, and at midday the 
King himself brought us to eat a kind of bread called 
dumplings and venison. 

''In the evening there came a great many Indians. The 
Assembly of the Great, as they called it (consisting of forty 
elders sitting on the ground around a fire, as is their cus- 
tom) took place at ten o'clock in a beautiful open space. 

"There was in the circle a place set apart with two mats 
for us, a mark of gTeat deference and honor. We therefore 
sat upon them and on our left side our speaker, the Indian 
who had come with us. The speaker of the assembly made 
a long speech, and it was ordered that the youngest of the 
assembly should represent the Indian nation, the King put- 
ting the question. We were examined very strictly concern- 
ing our intentions and why we had come hither. Also they 
complained very much of the conduct of English colonists 
and particularly Mr. Lawson, charging him with being too 
severe and that he was the man who had their lands. 

''After having discussed at length they concluded that we 
should be liberated, and the following day was appointed for 
our return home. The next morning we were again ex- 
amined, but one. Cor Tom, being present, the King of Cor 
village, he reproached Mr. Lawson for something and they 
began to quarrel with great violence, which spoilt things 
entirely. Though I made every effort to get Lawson to quit 
quarreling, I did not succeed. 

"All at once three or four Indians fell upon us in a 
furious manner. They took us violently by the arms and 
forced us to sit upon the ground before the whole of them 
there collected. No mats were spread for us. They took 
our hats and periwigs and threw them into the fire and a 
council of war being held we were immediately sentenced 
to death. On the day following we were taken to the place 


of execution. Before us a large fire was kindled. Whilst 
some acted the part of conjurers others made a ring around 
us which they strewed with flowers. 

''Behind us lay my innocent negro, and in this miserable 
situation we remained that day and the subsequent night. 
T was wholly resolved to die and accordingly offered up fer- 
vent prayers during the whole day and night and called to 
mind as I could remember them even the least sins. I tried 
and recalled all what I had read in Huly Scripture, in 
short I prepared myself the best I could to a good and 
salutary death. 

"I found in the meanwhile a great consolation in consider- 
ing the miracles which our Lord Jesus had made and I 
addressed forthwith my ardent prayers to my Divine Saviour, 
not doubting that He would grant them and perhaps change 
these savage hearts harder than rocks so that they would 
pardon me — what indeed happened by God's miraculous 

"On the morning of the next day on which we were to die 
a great multitude was collected to see the execution. Thus 
began our long tragedy which T would like to tell if it were 
not too long and dreadful — but — since I begun I will go on. 
In the center of that great place, we Avere seated on the 
ground, the Surveyor-General and myself, bound, and un- 
dressed with bare heads, and in front of us a gTeat fire ; near 
it was the conjurer or High Priest (an old grizzled Indian — 
the priests are generally magicians and can even conjure up 
the devil), a little further was an Indian savage standing. 

"He did not move from the spot with a knife in one hand 
and an axe in the other. It was apparently the executioner. 
Around us sat the chiefs in two rows ; behind them were the 
common people, upwards of three hundred in number — men, 
women and children with faces painted red, white and black, 


who were jumping and dancing like so many devils and 
cutting a variety of infernal capers. 

''Behind us stood armed Indians as guards, who stimu- 
lated the dancers hj stamping with their feet and firing their 
guns. Yes indeed, never was the devil represented with a 
more frightful appearance than these savages presented as 
they danced around the fire. I uncovered my soul to my 
Saviour Christ Jesus and my thoughts were wholly employed 
with death. At length, however, I recollected myself and 
turning to the council of chiefs made a short discourse, as- 
suring them that the gTeat Queen of England would avenge 
my death. 

"I further stated whatever I thought fit to induce them to 
some mitigation. After I had done speaking I remarked 
that one of the notables (who was a relative of King Tay- 
lor, from whom I bought the land where 'New Bern now 
stands) that notable spoke earnestly, apparently in my 
favor, as it came out. Then it was forthwith resolved to 
send a few members to their neighbor, a certain King Tom 
Blunt of the Tuscaroras. The result was as will be seen 
that I was to live and that poor Surveyor-General Lawson 
was to be executed. Thus God in his mercy heard my 

"I spent that whole night in great anguish awaiting my 
fate, in continuous prayers and sighs. Meanwhile I also 
examined my poor negTO, exhorting him the best way I 
knew — and he gave me more satisfaction than I expected — 
but I left Surveyor-General Lawson to offer his own prayers 
as being a man of understanding and not over religious. 

"Towards three or four o'clock in the morning the dele- 
gates came back from their mission and brought an answer, 
but very secretly. One or two of them came to unbind me ; 
not knowing what this meant I submitted to the will of the 
Almighty, rose and followed him as a poor lamb to the 


slaughter. Alas ! I was much astonished when the Indians 
whispered in my ear that I had nothing to fear but that 
Lawson would die, what affected me much. 

"They also liberated my negro, but I never saw him since. 
1 was forbidden to speak the least word to Mr. Lawson. He 
took accordingly leave of me and told me to say farewell in 
his name to his friends. Alas ! It grieved me much to leave 
him thus. I tried to show my compassion by a few signs. 

"'Some time after the man who had spoken in my favor 
led me to his cabin, where I was to be kept awaiting further 
orders. In the meantime they executed the unfortunate 
Lawson. As to his death I know nothing. Some said he 
was hung, some said he was burnt. The Indians kept that 
execution very quiet. May God have mercy on his Soul ! 

"The next day the notables came to tell me of their design 
to make war in North Carolina. They advised me that no 
harm would come to Chattawka ( the old name of New 
Bern), but that the people of the colony ought to go into the 
town or they could not answer for the evil that could happen. 
Good words enough, but how was I to let the people know, 
since none would take a message for me ? A few days later 
the savages came back with their booty. Alas ! what a sight 
for me to see. men women and children prisoners. The very 
Indian with whom I lodged happened to bring with him the 
boy of one of my tenants and much clothing and furniture, 
which 1 well knew. Alas ! what was my apprehension that 
my whole colony was ruined, especially when I had privately 
questioned the boy. He cried bitterly and told me how this 
same Indian had savagely killed his father, mother and 
brother, yes his whole family. I had to remain six weeks a 
prisoner in this hateful place Catechna. I was once much 
perplexed. All men had gone to that plundering expedition, 
the women some to gather wild cherries, others to dig some 
kind of roots called 'potatoes,' which are yellow, very good 


and dainty. On that day I was alone by myself in that 
village. * * * I accordingly said my jjrayers and then ex- 
amined the pro and con as to whether I shonld take flight or 
not, and fonnd at last it was best to stay. Experience showed 
that I made a wise choice. * * * The barbarons expedition 
being ended, on the Sunday following their great Indian 
festival I having concluded a treaty of peace with these 
people, they brought me a horse. Two notables escorted me 
to Cor Village, gave me a piece of Indian bread and then 
left me. 

''Thus have I escaped from the cruel hands of this bar- 
barous nation, the Tuscaroras. Thence I had to foot it 
homeward. Quite lame, shivering with cold, nearly dead — 
my legs so stiff and swollen that I could not walk a step, but 
supported myself on two sticks, at last I arrived at my small 
home in jSTew Bern. 

"'When my good people saw me coming from afar, tanned 
like an Indian, but on the other hand considered my blue 
jerkin and my figure — they knew not what to think — -the 
men even took up their arms, but when I came nearer quite 
lame, walking with two sticks, they knew by my look that I 
was not a savage. When I saw them so puzzled I began to 
speak with them from afar. They hallowed to the others to 
come, that it was their Lord returned whom they thought to 
be dead. And so all came in crowds, men, women, and 
children, shouting and crying out, part of them weeping, 
others struck dumb with surprise. Thus I was at last at 
home and in my private room, gave ardent thanks to the 
Good God for my miraculous and gracious rescue." 

DeGraffenreidt does not seem to have remained with the 
colony a gTeat while after this. His experience in America 
saddened his life and this latest and most frightful adven- 
ture probably influenced his determination to return home. 
Whatever his personal shortcomings he seems to have labored 


earnestly from his first landing at New Bern with the Ber- 
nese in 1710 to build up a happy and prosperous community. 

The spirits of the colonists, from drooping, became elated 
as their crops began to mature in 1711. Hope repossessed 
them and their early visions of peace and plenty seemed in 
fair way of being realized. This, as we have seen, was short 
lived, for the merciless savages massacred eighty of their 
number and carried off as prisoners quite a number. Dur- 
ing the rest of the period of warfare Xew Bern escaped fur- 
ther trouble of a serious nature. The treaty which DeGraf- 
fenreidt had made with his Indian captors was respected and, 
the settlement remaining neutral, it escaped further harm 
during the four years the war continued. 

DeGralfenreidt, tired of his labors here and probably dis- 
heartened at the prospect, sold his large interests to Thomas 
Pollock for eight hundred pounds and returned to Switzer- 
land. He never again set foot on this soil, but some of his 
descendants remained in this country. There are some 
in Georgia who trace their ancestry to Christopher De- 

While the town of jSTew Bern, through DeGraffenreidt's 
treaty with the Indians, remained unmolested, the surround- 
ing country came in for its share of the brutal incidents of 
Indian warfare. Concerted action was necessary to put an 
end to the war. The colonists were thoroughly aroused. 
Governor Hyde called out the militia of North Carolina and . 
the Legislature of South Carolina raised six hundred militia 
and three hundred and sixty Indians (Wheeler's History) 
who, under the command jof Colonel Barnwell, came through 
the forest from South Carolina and joined the North Caro- 
lina militia on the Neuse. The Indians were fortified on the 
banks of the Neuse, eighteen miles west of New Bern 
(1712). The Indians were defeated, more than three hun- 
dred of them killed and one hundred taken prisoners. The 


lines of the old fort can still be seen by the visitor to this 
spot, which is near the enterprising village which takes its 
name from the fort — Fort Barnwell. 

When quiet came again and the colonists, relieved of the 
exacting requirements of Indian warfare, could turn their 
attention to the arts of peace prosperous times came and the 
spirit of real enterprise began to make itself felt. Emi- 
gration from the old world emptied frequently new comers 
into the town, ships found it a favorable harbor and it soon 
became a trade center of considerable importance. The town 
had iDeen laid off in 1710 and grew up according to those 
lines. Settlements sprang up in the county adjacent to it. 

A colony of Welsh Quakers, numbering among them some 
who afterwards attained prominence, settled below l^ew 
Bern about midway between New Bern and what is now 
Morehead City. Grerman immigrants came to New Bern in 
1732, but moved up Trent Eiver and established themselves 
in what is now Jones County, then a part of Craven. 

Modern railroad development has made the crossing of 
Albemarle Sound a simple matter, but in those early days it 
offered a serious obstacle to the social, political and business 
intercourse between the different colonies, and in 1738 the 
General Assembly moved its place of meeting to New Bern, 
which was a change in the interest of convenience. With 
the increase of population and the mixture of nationalities 
the Palatines and Swiss became scattered (quite a number 
of them left the colony after the Indian massacre of 1711) 
and lost their distinctive organization. 

In 1715 franchise was granted the town and in 1723 it 
was incorporated. It included then within its limits 250 
acres. A provision of the law of incorporation, sec. 7th, 
reads : 

"If any person or persons shall die possessed of any said 
lots without leaving heir or without making a will of the 


said lot, then and in such case the absolute fee to the same 
shall come and revert to the said Cullen Pollock, his heirs 
and assigns forever." 

Authentic record of the period up to the Revolutionary 
War is deplorably scant, but enough is available to gain a 
fair idea of the customs which prevailed and the spirit of the 
times. The minute book of the Court of Quarter Sessions 
is preserved in the vault of the Clerk of the Court and from 
its pages some interesting facts are gathered and here repro- 
duced. Some of the writing is as clear and distinct as when 
put upon its pages nearly two centuries ago. That a gener- 
ous and kindly spirit toward the weak and unprotected ani- 
mated our fathers is clearly shown by a reading of some of 
the minutes of that court. A Christian spirit, too, at times 
shows itself and the language of the Bible is sometimes fol- 
lowed. The close union of church and state is evidenced in 
some of the minutes. 

The minutes of March 20, 1740, has the following: "Mr. 
Philip Trapnell appears and delivers up an infant boy 
named Joseph Waters to this court. Ordered that the con- 
stable next in that neighborhood take the said boy into his 
custody and bring him to the vestry next Easter morning." 

Again another minute the same month reads: "An infant 
about 9 years of age is brought into court. The court 
thought fit to bind her out to William Charlton till she come 
to the age of 16 years and the said Charlton gives securities 
for his good performance during the time she shall remain 
with him as follows : that he is to do his endeavor to teach her 
or cause her to be taught to read the Bible." 

Their jealous oversight of the orphans is shown again in 
the minute, September, 1742, as follows : "Ordered that 
every master or mistress of orphans within this County bring 
a certificate from a neighboring justice to satisfy the court 
of their welfare." 


The tender quality does not seem to be betrayed in the 
following entry made September 19, 1740: "Mary Magee 
appears in court. Ordered that she be stripped her clothes 
to her waste and receive 12 lashes on her bare back at the 
public whipping post." The records do not show what the 
charge against her was. In the light of our present civiliza- 
tion this action seems inexcusable, but the consciences of the 
judges of that day approved the punishment as doing the will 
of God. 

Undoubtedly, too, the repressive measures exercised against 
those who dissented from the established church had their 
foundation in the firm conviction that all who refused to 
worship God according to the prescribed form of the English 
church were doing evil and would do violence to the civil as 
well as the church government. The following minute, 
taken from the record of June 20, 1740, shows how dissenters 
were dealt with: 

"A motion and petition made by a sect of decenting 
people called Baptists that they may have the liberty to 
build a house of worship and being duly examined by the 
court acknowledged to, all the articles of the church of 
England except part of the 27 and 36 they desiring to preach 
among themselves. Referred." 

Just before the last word two words are partially obscured 
by a line drawn through them. Enough, however, is seen to 
read the words, "but rejected." 

Another record, September 22, 1740, reads: "The fol- 
lowing dissenting Protestants appeared viz : John Brooks, 
John James, Robert Spring, Nicholas Purefoy and Thos. 
Fulcher came into court and took the oath of allegiance and 
supremacy and subscribed the test the 39 articles of Re- 
ligion being distinctly read to them the following of which 
they dissented from to wit: the 36th, and the latter part 
of the 27th." 


The fact that the English church today as well as the other 
Protestant churches thoroughly discountenance such infringe- 
ment of the liberty of the citizen evidences marked evolution 
of religious thought which seems to have kept pace with the 
progress of democratic ideas everywhere. 

Progress in every line continued to the time of the Revo- 
lution. During this period ISTew Bern was properly regarded 
as the center of culture as well as political power. In 1749 
James Davis set up in jSTew Bern the first printing estab- 
lishment in ISTorth Carolina, and three years later the first 
book printed in l^orth Carolina came from his press. This 
contained the revised laws of the State, and from the color 
of the binding became known generally as the ''Yellow 

The writer could not within the necessarily limited com- 
pass of this article deal very much with detail. Those things 
which concern the State are recorded too meagerly for an 
extended writing and those matters of purely local interest 
would fill a bulky volume if the task of their recital was 
attempted. I have sought faithfully to give in general out- 
line the early history of Craven County and have called from 
the store of local incidents just enough to give some idea of 
the life and thought of a people who have through the years 
held tenaciously to the principle of liberty and developed a 
quality of citizenship unexcelled by any people of any time. 




In the Old Cemetery in the city of Ealeigh, iSTorth Caro- 
lina, where so many of the ''^rude forefathers of the hamlet 
sleep/" there is an upright stone on which is a brief inscrip- 
tion as follows : 


Memory of 


Died December 18th, 1833, 

Aged 59 Years. 

This marks the resting-place of an early citizen of Raleigh 
who enjoyed some local celebrity as a landscape and portrait 
painter at a period when jSTorth Carolina artists were even 
less numerous than now. Mr. Marling was born in the year 
1774, but we are not informed as to the place of his birth. 
It is probable that the time of his coming to Raleigh was 
1818 ; for, in August of that year, he announced (under the 
firm name of J. Marling & Co.) the opening of what he 
called "The ISTorth Carolina Museum." This institution 
stood on the northeastern corner of Fayetteville and Martin 
streets, about where the Citizens Xational Bank is now 
located. It was in reality a public library and reading room, 
as well as a museum, for his advertisement in the Raleigh 
Register^ August 14, 1818, says: 

"As the plan embraces a reading room, where most of the principal 
newspapers, literary works, reviews, etc., are regiilarly filed, it is con- 
fidently believed that it will afford an agreeable and useful place of 
resort. Natural and artificial curiosities, sketches, maps, drawings and 
paintings, rare coins and books, will be thankfully received and added 
to the collection, with the name of the liberal donor appended to them." 


By way of a postscript to the above notice it is added: 
''Genei'al Calvin Jones has obligingly transferred the whole 
of his collection to this institution." This General Jones 
owned a plantation some miles north of Raleigh, on which 
Wake Forest College now stands, and he afterwards removed 
to Tennessee. He was a physician and scientist, a veteran 
of the War of 1812, and Grand Master of the Masonic Grand 
Lodge of jSTorth Carolina from December 8, 1817, till De- 
cember 16, 1820. After the Museum in Raleigh had sus- 
pended operations, the collection of natural history specimens 
loaned to it by General Jones was donated by that gentle- 
man to the University of jSTorth Carolina, of which institu- 
tion he was a trustee for thirty years. In his History of the 
University of North Carolina^ Doctor Battle refers to this 
collection, saying that some of the articles therein are prob- 
ably still owned by the University, though they would be 
difficult to identify. 

The price charged those who patronized Mr. Marling's 
museum and library was twenty-five cents for one admission, 
and five dollars for a season ticket. How long the institu- 
tion remained in operation we are unable to ascertain, but it 
was abandoned prior to the year 1824, at which time Bishop 
Ravenscroft rented the hall for the congregation of Christ 
Church, which parish then had no house of worship of 
its own. 

After settling in Raleigh, Mr. Marling became well known 
as an artist. Aside from his occupation as a painter, he 
seems also to have been an instructor in art at the old Raleigh 
Academy during a part of the time when that institution 
was presided over by the Reverend William McPheeters, 
D.D., an eminent Presbyterian divine, one of whose assist- 
ants then was George Washingion Freeman, who later took 
orders in the Episcopal Church and eventually became Mis- 
sionary Bishop of the Southwest. 


The best known product of Mr. Marling's brush is a paint- 
ing of the old State Capitol (a building burned in 1831), 
with the Bank of New Bern shown in the background. This 
painting is now in the North Carolina State Library, having 
been loaned by its present owner, Dr. Fabius J. Haywood, 
for whose grandfather (State Treasurer John Haywood) it 
was originally painted at some time prior to the year 1820. 
It may be that a copy of this painting, made in 1819 by one 
of the pujiils of Mr. Marling, is still preser^'ed somewhere in 
the State of Georgia, for the Raleigh Star, of June 18, 
1819, in describing commencement exercises at the Raleigh 
Academy, said : 

"Two views, one of the State House, Bank, and a part of Newbern 
Street in Raleigh, and one of a field, copse of wood, etc., in the neighbor- 
hood of this city, copied by Miss Lavinia Eichardson, of Georgia, from 
the original paintings of Mr. Marling, are fine specimens of art which 
do equal credit to the genius and industry of the copyist. The other 
pupils are young artists who have not greatly improved their talents. 
However, two landscapes and a flower, by Jemima Powell, two land- 
scapes and a sea piece by Mary Bell, one flower by Laura Wray, and 
three flowers by Catherine E. Clark, all painted, are favorable speci- 
mens of the skill of the respective artists. The dignity of landscape 
painting was probably assigned to superior attainments in this art." 

One of the sins to which Mr. Marling was addicted was a 
fondness for j)laying cards when money was at stake ; and 
an amusing anecdote has floated down the years, which have 
elapsed since that period, concerning a remark he made in 
excusing himself for leaving a game which was in progress. 
He and some of his friends had started playing early in the 
evening and sat at the table until after 4 o'clock the follow- 
ing morning, when Mr. Marling arose to leave just as day 
was breaking. Upon being urged to stay, he insisted that it 
was time for him to go home, remarking as he walked out : 
"Gentlemen, I must leave ; Mrs. Marling will be ivaiting tea." 

Mr. Marling died in Raleigh on the 18th of December, 


1833. An obituary in the Raleigh Register, of December 

24tli, was as follows : 

"Died: In this city on the 18th instant, after a long and painful 
illness, Mr. Jacob Marling, whose fine taste and skill as a portrait and 
landscape painter are extensively known, aged about 60 years, leaving a 
widow and numerous friends to lament his loss." 

- A similar notice appeared in the Raleigh Star of Decem- 
ber 27th. Mrs. Marling survived her husband quite a num- 
ber of years, and is still remembered by some of the oldest 
citizens of Raleigh. At the time of her death, or shortly 
before that, she was the owner of a large painting called 
"The May Queen," and possibly other works of art produced 
by her husband, but I am not advised what became of them. 
Indeed, Mrs. Marling herself was a woman of some artistic 
talent and had a class which she taught painting upon silk, 
velvet, and glass. This proving unprofitable, she later went 
into the millinery business, and probably was so engaged 
until old age necessitated her retirement. She died soon 
after the close of the War between the States. 



IN 1783 

( Being the opening chapter of the second volume of the History of North CaroUna. 

Social conditions in ISTorth Carolina in the year 1783, the 
year of peace and independence, were Acadian in their sim- 
plicity. The commonwealth, extending far into the wilder- 
ness, numbered some 350,000 souls, slave and free, widely 
scattered, nearly one-tenth beyond the distant mountains ; 
with no city — and indeed only a few villages whose popu- 
lation reached a thousand; as yet commerce, so loug inter- 
rupted, had not revived ; there were no manufactures, save 
the work of the men and women in their homes ; no currency ; 
poor markets and only bad highways ; no newspapers, and 
not a single printing press ; but few schools, and religious 
instruction but scantily supplied ; — in a word, with nought 
but freedom and farm products, manhood and energy. 

Nor were the people entirely united in the bonds of amity 
and friendship. Probably a full third of the white popula- 
tion had not espoused the cause of separation and independ- 
ence. Earl}^ in the struggle a considerable number, un- 
willing to take the test oath, had, under the stringent laws of 
the state, been forced from their homes and had sought shel- 
ter abroad. Later, when Hamilton, a Scotch merchant, and 
MacLeod, a Scotch minister, arranged for the formation of a 
loyal regiment, many repaired to the King's standard. From 
time to time others joined this regiment; but between the sup- 
pression of the Royalists at Moore's Creek, followed quickfy 
by the defeat of the British fleet at Charleston, and the ap- 
pearance of Fanning on the upper Cape Fear in 1780, there 
was a period of comparative repose, during which the disaf- 
fected adjusted themselves to the prevailing conditions. The 


Assembly, session after session, postponed putting into full 
operation the confiscation acts, and, practicing tolerance and 
conciliation, allowed the Tories to remain unmolested, class- 
ing them, along with the Quakers, as "non-jurors," but im- 
posing special taxes on them. 

The bridge between a "non-juror" and a "good and true 
citizen" was opened and made easy to cross ; and along with 
Rev. George Micklejohn, James Hunter, Dr. Pyle and many 
other conspicuous Tories who soon took the test oath, men of 
smaller consequence resumed association and fellowship with 
their Whig neighbors. But the harrowing events of 1781, 
when the malcontents under McJSTeil and Fanning, established 
a reign of terror in the Cape Fear region, put an end to toler- 
ation. The inhumanities and butcheries of the closing years 
of the long struggle left an indelible mark on the social 
conditions of the State. Fierce resentment and implacable 
hatred took possession of the contending factions ; and when 
the British army withdrew many of the Tories departed, 
some going to Florida and some to Nova Scotia, where the 
negroes carried off by the British also were located, while 
others sought new homes in the distant west, even crossing 
the mountains and establishing themselves in the outskirts 
of the western settlements. It was in that period of ran- 
corous animosity that the former policy of conciliation was 
abandoned and measures were taken to enforce the confisca- 
tion laws ; and thus when blessed peace came there were 
mingled with the paeans of victory loud execrations of the 
hated Tories. 

The waste of the war had not yet been overcome. Espe- 
cially in the Cape Fear counties had the destruction been 
great ; and so many families there were in dire need that by a 
general law they were to be exempt from the payment of taxes 
in the discretion of the county justices. Elsewhere the in- 
habitants were suffering because of the absence of markets 


and of facilities to dispose of the products of their industry, 
but the people were measurably inured to their situation and 
had been so long accustomed to their privations that they 
scarcely realized the hardships. They had known nothing 

Life offered no field for activity but on the farm and in the 
forests ; and clearing new land and making forest products 
were the only openings for energy and enterprise. 

During the war to supply the necessities of the people as 
well as the needs of the army, bounties had been freely offered 
to stimulate manufactures, but when the occasion had passed 
the bounties ceased. Yet the looms were still busy, skins 
were tanned, and furs secured from otters and beavers, and 
shoemakers and hatters plied their trades. 

At that period factories had not been erected anywhere in 
America ; there were no power looms, and only the spinning 
jenny and hand weaving were in use, and nails were still 
made by hand. But so industrious were the people in their 
homes that many districts not only clothed themselves, but 
had a surplus of cotton, linen and woolen cloths for sale. 

In the tidewater regions where naval stores abounded, 
men found profitable employment in making tar, pitch, and 
turpentine, of which the mercantile world stood in great 
need, while lumber and staves were always in demand for 
the West Indies. In Colonial days trade with the British 
Islands in the Caribbean sea had brought in a liberal supply 
of specie ; but when the State separated herself from the Brit- 
ish empire the restrictive navigation laws obstructed that 
commerce. Yet England soon fostered shipments to her own 
ports, and the London merchants hastened to send their goods 
to markets that were bare of foreign manufactures. 

The great forests of the State, so rich in products, were 
virtually unbroken. While near the coast and in the Albe- 
marle region there were some large plantations, in the interior 


the holdings were smaller, and the clearings were only such 
as were needed for cultivation. Generally every man owned 
his land, and, as there was no labor for hire, tilled his own 
fields. Back from the markets where there was a surplus 
of corn and grain, hogs and cattle were raised and driven on 
foot for sale. Also in some communities grain was converted 
into whiskey, and the fruits of the orchard into brandy. 

Agriculture, the chief occupation of the inhabitants, had 
long received intelligent application, and despite adverse 
conditions presented examples of thrift and skill, xlt the 
east rice and indigo were grown, as well as flax and cotton ; 
while along the water courses, lumber and staves and naval 
stores were produced. Tn the upper country where the soil 
and climate were suitable tobacco and the cereals were culti- 
vated, and clover was not unknown. Mr. Hooper, a lawyer 
rather than a farmer, wrote to his merchant at Edenton, 
''Send me a barrel of clover seed." 

But transportation facilities were sadly lacking; and back 
from the rivers the want of good roads was a serious draw- 
back. Public highways had been laid out connecting the 
back country with the several market towns of the east, but 
they could not be maintained in good condition, and the 
ISTorthwestern counties found it more convenient to trade with 
Virginia towns, and the Southwestern with Charleston. The 
exports were tobacco, tar, pitch, turpentine, potash, staves, 
lumber, rice, and provisions, all of these except alone tobacco 
being the products of the east. Indeed, transportation to 
market involved such an expense as to largely deprive the 
products of the distant interior of their value. 

Necessarily all sales of products were made to merchants, 
who established themselves at convenient points in the inte- 
rior, and setting their own prices, made great gains by their 


Of money there was none ; the State as well as the Con- 
tinental currency had ceased to have value, and to express 
utter worthlessness the phrase was coined — "not worth a 
continental." Money is not only of value in itself, but it is 
the standard by which the value of other things is measured 
and the chief instrument of commerce by which exchanges 
are made, and the very foundation stone of credit. When 
the State and Continental paper fell, there was virtually 
no specie in circulation. ISTeither gold nor silver had been 
found in any of the colonies, and the entire country was 
dependent on such foreign coin as could be obtained for 
commodities, and there were but few commodities to send 
abroad. The people were indeed without a currency. In 
the extremity recourse was again had to an issue of State 
bills. At the April meeting of the Assembly a proposition 
to emit new bills, matured by William Blount, met with 
general concurrence. To give the issue a footing of sub- 
stantial value a sj)ecial tax was levied to redeem it, and its 
redemption was further secured by a pledge of all the con- 
fiscated property of the Tories held by the State. The cur- 
rency of the Revolution had been dollars to distinguish it 
from Colonial issues ; and now to emphasize that the new 
issue was on a distinct footing, it was in pounds and shil- 
lings, the pound being of the value of two and a half silver 
dollars. The shilling was the same as the Spanish ''bit," 
later twelve and a half cents. The amount was conserva- 
tively limited to a hundred thousand pounds. 

There were no buggies, but few coaches, and traveling 
was on horseback, men riding their own horses hundreds 
of miles, and the women seldom visiting out of their neigh- 
borhood. The assembly had established no mail facilities, 
but the post route opened at the beginning of the Revolu- 
tion, along the coast, passing through Edenton and New 
Bern and Wilmington, had been continued by Congress and 


was still in operation, but there were no post ridings to the 
interior. Letters were sent by hand. Without means of com- 
munication, the dissemination of intelligence among the peo- 
ple was slow and unreliable. Information about current 
affairs was acquired by conversations at casual meetings, at 
religious gatherings and the sessions of the county courts. 
Indeed, these quarterly courts had no inconsiderable educa- 
tional value. More than any other instrumentality they 
kept the people in touch with civilization. In every dis- 
trict of each county there were two or more justices of the 
peace, and constables, and often a deputy sheriff. The jus- 
tices were men of responsibility and approved character, and 
around them centered a strong personal influence. They met 
quarterly at the court-house and administered the public af- 
fairs of the county. They laid taxes, appointed otficers, 
provided for the poor, looked after the orphans, and the settle- 
ment of estates of deceased persons. They laid off roads, 
appointed the overseers and directed the construction of 
bridges. In a word they exercised all the powers of govern- 
ment in matters of local interest in the several neighborhoods 
of the county. Also, they tried offenses against the law and 
civil suits between litigants. Necessarily they were attended 
by many jurors, witnesses and parties interested in their 
proceedings. Others with no particular business likewise 
attended from a desire of intercourse with fellow-men ; and 
so those occasions thus drew great crowds together, and at 
such times private accounts were settled, trades were made, 
and ordinarily there was much swapping of horses, and oc- 
casional trials of speed, for the people dearly loved a horse 
race ; also, there were more or less drinking and carousing, 
and contests, friendly and otherwise, of personal prowess. 
It was always a field day when court met. But apart from 
the social side of such meetings, in addition to these oppor- 


tunities of social intercourse, there was a distinct value in 
training the people in respect for law, and in educating them 
in local administration, in legal processes and in matters of 
public concern. Many a man who could read no word in a 
book knew well the common law of the laud, knew private 
rights and wrongs, knew nice distinctions and could weigh 
with unerring judgment the value of evidence. As deficient 
in schooling as the Barons of Runnymede, they had intelli- 
gence trained by experience into practical wisdom. 

Religion, the traditional inheritance of the race, meas- 
urably entered into the lives of the people who, however, 
were generally neither warmly attached to doctrine nor very 
demonstrative in their zeal. Francis Asbury noted in his 
Journal in April, 1780, that he preached in Halifax County 
to about five hundred persons — and ^'the people were sol- 
emnly attentive." A few days later, he found ''people were 
for the ordinances, though not heated." At the Tabernacle, 
about four hundred attended : — ''The people very insensi- 
ble. I think these people must be awakened by judgment, for 
it appears the gospel will not do it" ; on Sunday at Green 
Hill, Franklin County, O'Kelly "raised high, and was very 
aifectiug, but to little purpose. There are evils here, — the 
meeting not solemn : the women appeared to be full of dress ; 
the men full of news. The people are gospel slighters: I 
fear some heavy stroke will come on them." Somewhat 
later Rev. Henry Patillo, a learned and observant Presby- 
terian minister, a man of great liberality and thoroughly 
imbued with a spirit of Christianity, wrote — ''As to our 
young peojDle, and others not well settled in their principles, 
joining with other professions, and particularly the Metho- 
dists, I would just observe that this seems to be the versatile 
season with America ; and a change of religious profession 


has become almost as common and as little noted as the vari- 
ations of the weather in this most changeable climate." 

This zealous Presbyterian also mentioned having received 
warm, friendly letters from the Methodists — whose bias nat- 
urally was towards the church of England — ''expressing their 
wishes to cultivate a nearer intercourse, and that bigotry 
might cease among Christians" ; nor were the Baptists of a 
different mind, for he likewise pointed to "the friendly inter- 
course that subsists between the Baptists and us in all re- 
spects, except communion, known and acknowledged by all." 
Altogether, the picture he presents is free from the baneful 
spirit of religious intolerance. Indeed no zealous attach- 
ment to doctrine cau be observed, but, rather, there was an 
expressed desire of Christian fellowship. Doubtless in those 
years when the denominations were unorganized and when 
there was an insuffcient number of ministers, there was a 
loosening of religious ties and an indisposition to adhere 
closely to doctrine ; but the seeds of piety had been sown and 
were planted in a fruitful soil, even if they lay dormant for 
a season. 

In colonial days the Church of England had in some meas- 
ure been organized in the eastern counties, especially near the 
Virginia line, but, as constituted, upon the declaration of 
independence it was a solecism and out of place in the col- 
onies. A portion of the E'ational Church of England, with 
the rubric of the Book of Common Prayer requiring a prayer 
for the King, it did not fit the new conditions. Its mem- 
bers had been foremost in asserting their political rights, 
and under their leadership, chiefly, the Revolution had been 
begun and brought to a successful close. I^Totwithstanding 
the separation from England, by them it continued to be re- 
garded as the Apostolic church, and they remained true to 
their faith and devotedly attached to the rites, ceremonies 


and practices of ''the church." While the position of the 
laymen was thus peculiar, that of the ministers, being under 
the jurisdiction of the Bishop of London, was full of embar- 
rassment. One of them, Rev. Mr. Wills, at Wilmington, 
withdrew from his charge in 1775, although he remained 
on the Cape Fear and performed the marriage service and 
perhaps other rites during the war. As the ordination of 
a new minister could be only by the Bishop of London, no 
other was then called, and twenty years elapsed before that 
pulpit was again filled. 

At New Bern, Rev. Mr. Reed, although a loyalist, con- 
tinued to officiate ; while the Edenton congregation had the 
services of Rev. Charles Pettigrew, a warm patriot, in the 
place of the Rev. Mr. Earl, who, in 1775, retired to his farm 
in Bertie County, although his sympathies were with the 
people. Rev. George Micklejohn, the pastor at Hillsboro, 
who was taken at Moore's Creek, remained in the State and 
eventually took the test oath, and after peace was a minister 
in Virginia. The other incumbents are said to have been in 
sympathy with the Revolution and to have continued their 
services without interruption. But on the separation from 
their mother country, there being no method of procuring 
ordination, the power of the organization to perpetuate itself 
ceased. In addition to this drawback the association of the 
church w^ith the English hierarchy and its theoretical connec- 
tion with the British government were distinct influences 
adverse to its being regarded with favor by the struggling 
patriots. Its members were as sheep in a wilderness without 
a shepherd. The three orders of ministers were essential 
to its existence, and there was no bishop in America, Natur- 
ally it was engulfed in stagTiant waters, and years elapsed 
before it revived. In 1783 in Maryland, it assumed the name 
of "The Protestant Episcopal Church in Maryland," and 


that name was adopted by a General Convention held three 
years later. About the same time the consecration of Bishops 
was secured ; and that deficiency was supplied. But so weak 
were its adherents in ISTorth Carolina that year after year 
passed without any effort at organization, and when efforts 
were made, about 1790, they failed of success. 

ISTor were the other denominations, in the eastern counties, 
in a much more vigorous condition. Although there were a 
few Presbyterian congregations on the waters of the Cape 
Fear, in 1783 there seems to have been no minister of that 
faith east of Granville. The Baptists, however, were better 
settled, and there were Baptist ministers, especially in the 
northern counties, each congregation being separate and in- 
dependent. Farther west the Baptists were still more 
flourishing ; and there also the Presbyterians were well estab- 
lished, having at the end of the Revolution about a dozen 
pastors actively at work — men of high repute, and teachers as 
well as preachers to their flocks. In 1770 Orange Presbytery 
had been organized, and in 1788 the Synod of the Carolinas 
was formed. It was in that year that Rev. Mr. Patillo, who 
was located in Granville, published at Wilmington, Dela- 
ware, his volumes of sermons. He also published an interest- 
ing volume on geography. 

The first Methodist Societies organized in i^orth Carolina 
looked to Rev. Mr. Wesley as their head, and recognized the 
authority of the ministers of the Church of England ; and, 
indeed, they were regarded as being within the folds of that 
church. Dr. Coke was of that communion, and the first 
Methodist to preach in the State, James Pilmoor, after- 
wards became an Episcopal minister in ISTew York. Like the 
Church of England, the Methodists suffered some detriment 
because of the conflict with the mother country, whence had 
emanated the influences that established and controlled the so- 


cieties; but in 1784, at a Conference held at Baltimore, a 
new, distinct and separate organization was adopted. Yet 
notwithstanding the Methodists thus severed connection with 
the Protestant Episcopal Church, Christian fellowship was 
still maintained. 

In 1780 Francis Asbury had traveled through the northern 
central counties, visiting the societies that had been estab- 
lished, and the year after the new organization he and Dr. 
Coke held at Green Hill, Franklin County, the first Con- 
ference. But despite the zeal and activity of the ministers, 
the growth of the Methodists, like that of the other denomi- 
nations, was slow in the State. The peoj^le in many com- 
munities of the center and east had lived so long without 
regular ministrations that they had become somewhat in- 
different to the formalisms and doctrines of church organi- 
zations. The Quakers and Moravians being men of peace, 
had not suffered much during the war, but rather had reaped 
the reward of their steady habits and productive industry. 

Unhappily, conditions in general were promotive of illit- 
eracy, for educational facilities were meager and insufficient. 
The proposition to establish a public school in every county, 
made during Governor Dobbs' administration, had come to 
naught because some English merchants objected to the issue 
of currency proposed for that purpose ; and Governor Dobbs 
having omitted to inform the assembly of the particular 
objection, the obstacle was never removed. 

The subject thus passed out of view, and no further effort 
was made for general education at public expense. There 
were some private schools, but they were inadequate for the 
general education of the people. Yet the condition was not 
so bad but that it could be worse ; and apparently it became 
worse. In 1826 Governor Burton urged on the Assembly: 
"Many enlightened persons believe that it is more difficult 


for an individual in ordinary circumstances to obtain for his 
child, at this time, the common rudiments of education than 
it was at the period when our constitution was adopted." 

Although there was a constitutional provision requiring the 
establishment of public schools, and also of a university, 
yet the provision was long inoperative. No general system 
of public instruction had been introduced anywhere except 
alone in Massachusetts ; and circumstances were adverse to 
its inauguration in N'orth Carolina. Education by the State 
has been a development of a more recent period. It was not 
then demanded by the spirit of the times. The scarcity of 
money made it difficult to pay taxes, and there was a general 
reluctance to pay public dues ; but more than all, the isolated 
lives of the separated farmers, residing in sparsely settled 
neighborhoods, led them to be indifferent to education. In- 
deed, as Dickson expressed it, "the genius of the people was 
not adapted to the study of learning and science. The objects 
they had in view were money and pleasure." 

There were no magazines, no newspapers, or story books 
to stir the mind, to nourish the imagination, to exercise the 
meutal faculties. Acquaintance with the art of reading and 
writing but little enlarged the horizon of life or added to the 
zest of living. In that primitive condition of existence, such 
education as could be obtained was of slight service in the 
daily routine of farm work, and was not felt to be indis- 
pensable, either for its usefulness or as contributing to 
recreation in the family circle. The labors of the day were 
not supplemented by intellectual pleasures. A considerable 
number of the poorer settlers probably had been without the 
rudiments of an education, and illiteracy was on the increase 
among that portion of the inhabitants. An essayist, writing 
of Caswell County, says: ''Between 1775 and 1800 a com- 
mon English education — to read, write and cypher, was ob- 


tained by only one-half of the people of that county." Else- 
where it was largely the same. The absence of public schools 
bore heavily on the social condition of the interior. Yet 
there were individual efforts to maintain primary schools and 
even academies. At every session of the Assembly some new 
academy was incorporated, and trustees appointed to manage 
its affairs ; but necessarily the influence of these was limited 
largely to the vicinity of the villages where they were situ- 
ated and to those more prosperous families that had always 
enjoyed the advantages of education, for in every county and 
settlement there were then as now, some families of education 
who knew its value and fully appreciated its beneficial in- 
fluences, and no sacrifice was accounted too great to obtain 
it for the children. 

In that period of isolation when there was so little room 
for intellectual effort, the art of letter writing was practiced 
by few, and, other than the public records, the memorials 
of the time are scant and meager. ]^or has the small stock 
of what survived the uses of the day been carefully guarded. 
Williamson, Martin, Murphey, Hooper, and others sought, in 
succeeding generations, to gather up the scattered fragments 
for historical purposes, but their collections have all disap- 
peared. McRee later performed a grateful service in publish- 
ing the correspondence of Iredell, and, if we may judge from 
the elegant diction and refined sentiments of that correspond- 
ence, even in the darkest hours there were circles here and 
there throughout the State, of a high order of social culture 
and literary merit. 

Nor were there lacking the beneficial influences attending 
the order of the Masonic fraternity, which, established early 
in colonial life, was revived after the war. On the death in 
1776, of Grand Master Joseph Montfort, who held under 
authority of a British commission, the Grand Lodge ceased 


for twenty years ; but in 1787, representatives from ten lodges 
met at Tarborough, and, setting up an independent authority, 
elected Samuel Johnston Grand Master. Caswell, Davie and 
many of the other leading men of the day were members. 
Since then the Order has always been a factor in the life 
of the peoj)le. 

The general tone of societ}^ was more democratic and less 
aristocratic than either in Virginia or in South Carolina. 
But the form of government, a representative republic, was 
somewhat calculated to foster a class distinction. The ab- 
sence of great fortunes tended to suppress social pretensions 
based on wealth and not founded on personal worth, public 
service and popular applause ; and there was a jealousy of 
other distinction. An indication of the prevailing sentiment 
may be gathered from the speedy dissolution of the patriotic 
order of the Cincinnati, This order was organized in the 
State by the Continental officers at Hillsborough in October, 
1783, General Jethro Sumner being chosen President. In 
the Assembly, a year later, a petition was presented against 
the Order by General John Butler, who introduced a bill 
to render any member of it ineligible to a seat in the Assem- 
bly. His measure did not pass, but the opposition to the so- 
ciety was so strong as to control the action of the former 
Continental officers, to whom it was imputed that they de- 
signed to establish themselves as a peerage. On the death 
of General Sumner, he was succeeded by Colonel John B. 
Ashe ; but after a few years the society informally dissolved. 
Notwithstanding this democratic tendency, the Assemblymen 
virtually formed a class of rulers. They were generally men 
of substance in their counties, who drew around themselves 
such strong influences that they were almost continuously 
reelected to their seats. They elected all the great officers, 
and determined the policy of the State. Doubtless they were 


not inattentive to public opinion, which, however, they exer- 
cised a great power in forming; and although advocates of 
a democracy, they were measurably the ruling class in the 
State. It is much to their credit that legislation was sound, 
liberal and judicious, and the Assembly always responded 
to suggestions tending to the general welfare. In addition, 
it may be said that the Assembly generally recognized merit, 
and there was a liberality of sentiment illustrated in the elec- 
tion to high office of men but recently settled in the State and 
unsupported by great family influence. 

The need of a printing press was keenly felt, and in the 
summer of 1783 Robert Keith set up one at New Bern, and 
in August he issued the first number of the North Carolina 
Gazette. There had been no newspapers published in the 
State in several years and the advent of this was hailed with 
interest and satisfaction. The office was "near the church, 
where the subscriptions, essays and articles of intelligence 
are gratefully received." It was on a demy sheet, with clear 
type, and was offered for three Spanish milled dollars per 
annum. One of the printer lads was Francis Xavier Martin, 
a French boy, who had been stranded at New Bern. Con- 
nected with his printing office, Keith opened a book store 
and offered to the public Edwards on Original Sin, Baker 
on the Divine Attributes, a choice collections of Hymns ; and, 
for the use of schools, Testaments, spelling books, primers 
and writing paper. Quills alone were used for writing. The 
opening of a print shop speedily led to publications. No 
longer was it necessary for the pamphleteers to circulate their 
manuscripts by sending them from town to town by trusty 
messengers to secure safe delivery and preseiwation. 

In the fall, Judge Spencer, over the signature of Atticus, 
printed an article on the Constitution, probably discussing 
the Loyalist, and John Hay, as Tiberius Gracchus, put out 


in a six penny pamphlet an essay which in manuscript he had 
read to a coterie of admiring friends, ridiculing the Assem- 
bly and SO violently assailing Judge Sitgreaves that Keith 
had to divulge the author's name, resulting in a personal al- 
tercation. Then Hay and the Bench drifted apart. There 
quickly followed a war in which Cusatti, Sully, The Citizen, 
and The True Citizen bore their parts ; also Germanicus. The 
Citizen was imputed to Judge Williams and Richard Hender- 
son, the polishing touches being given by Governor Martin. 

But one printing office did not suffice, and in March, 1784, 
another weekly was begun at Halifax ; and perhaps one, also, 
at Hillsboro ; — and so disputants had several instruments 
of warfare. 'No one would have entered with greater zest 
and more caustic pen into these literary controversies than 
the brilliant Irishman, Dr. Burke ; but his race was run. In 
December, 1784 that choice spirit j^assed away. His friend 
Hooper thus announced his melancholy fate: ''Dr. Burke 
died about a fortnight since and fell, in some measure, a 
sacrifice to the obstinacy which marked his character through 
life. Laboring under a complication of disorders, oppressed 
with the most agonizing pains, which for months had de- 
prived him of his natural rest ; and to sum up his misery, no 
domestic prop to lean upon — no friend or companion at his 
home to soothe the anguish of his mind or mitigate the pain of 
his body — was not death to him a comforter, a friend and 
physician ?" 

At the peace, there were about a hundred thousand slaves 
in Korth Carolina and five thousand free negroes. The lo- 
cation of the colored element of population was an incident 
of settlement. The western counties were settled chiefly 
by immigrants coming overland from Pennsylvania. These 
were accompanied by no negroes ; and so, few Africans, rel- 
atively, were to be found at the west. Near the northern 


line as far as Surrj, the settlement was largely from Vir- 
ginia and the planters brought their negroes with them. 
Along the coast, including Brunswick and New Hanover, 
negroes were comparatively numerous ; but farther in the in- 
terior, M^here immigrants direct from Europe located, there 
were not so many. The free negroes were found chiefly in 
the older counties, where indeed there were more blacks 
than elsewhere. In 1790 Halifax returned 6,506 slaves and 
446 free negroes. jSTorthampton and Bertie together, 9,650 
slaves and 751 free negroes. In xTew Hanover and four ad- 
jacent counties there were 10,116 slaves and 215 free negroes. 
In Iredell, 846 slaves and 3 free negroes. In colonial times 
free negroes paid taxes like the whites, but could not vote. 
They lived apart and were not allowed free intercourse with 
the slaves. 

Slaves descended as other property. The master's right to 
rule was complete ; but while he could punish, he could not 
take the life of a slave. Slaves could have no right to any 
property — but no one could interfere with them except the 
owner. They were amenable to the law for offenses, but the 
masters often protected them from punishment when charged 
with minor offenses ; when one was executed, the owner was 
allowed his value, but in 1786 this practice was discontinued. 
They lived on their master's premises ; and he was required 
to provide for their necessities ; to care for them in sickness 
and in age. 

Slaves generally were not allowed to use firearms, but the 
county court, on application of the owner, licensed one slave 
on each plantation to carry a gun for the purpose of protect- 
ing the property from depredations. The conduct of the 
farm, the administration and system of work and of living, 
was under the regulation of the master. Some slaves were 
taught to be carpenters, wheelwrights, blacksmiths, coopers 


and shoemakers, and the women to spin and weave. Often 
the farm raised its own wool and cotton, tanned its own 
leather, had its smithy and shop for wood work, and made 
its own shoes and clothing. In all this work, as well as in all 
farm work, some negroes were trained and skilled. Gen- 
erally the farm or plantation was managed by the master, 
and in his absence one of the slaves, as ''foreman," supervised 
the work with orderly precision. 

There were but few great estates in North Carolina. In 
1790, the largest slaveowner, Cullen Pollok, listed 204 ; the 
next largest was Willie Jones, with 120; then Mr. Collins, 
113; Peter Mallet, 103; and Governor Samuel Johnson 
owned 96. Hardly two hundred persons had as many as 50. 
Largely more than half the people owned none at all, while 
hundreds possessed only one or two. On the larger planta- 
tions the negro families had their separate houses, with small 
gardens attached, some distance from the mansion ; and had 
such pleasures and recreations as their masters chose to 
allow. When the number of slaves was small, they lived 
near the mansion, and were brought into very close associa- 
tion with the white family ; and, in effect, all constituted a 
family. The men were "men of all work,'' and the women 
and children were employed about the domicile. This as- 
sociation had an educational advantage and tended distinctly 
to the elevation of the negro. Whatever there was of benefi- 
cence in the institution of African slavery thus had, per- 
haps, its best development in North Carolina, where the coun- 
try negroes seem to have attained a somewhat more advanced 
condition than elsewhere. 

Generally, slaves had such opportunities for religious in- 
struction as the condition of the country afforded. Writing 
in 1788, Rev. Mr. Pattilo remarked that they composed a 
part of most congregations, and in those under his charge 


there were 150 negro communicants. Very ignorant, they 
were at first taken on trial before admitted to baptism or 
the communion. "In the meantime the black members 
are very diligent with them, instructing them, and narrowly 
inspecting their conduct." Most masters indulged their 
slaves in liberty of conscience, whether religious or other- 
wise, while ''pious masters have great disquiet and vexation 
from the untractable and incorrigible temper of their slaves." 
"Of the religious negroes in my congregation some are en- 
trusted with a kind of eldership, so far as to keep a watch- 
ful eye over the black members." ''The great matter of 
scandal among the negroes arises from their marriages or 
matches. Masters are so often selling their slaves, or re- 
moving to a distance, that as the creatures generally belong 
to different masters, they are often parted, or their places 
of residence become so distant that they can seldom see 
each other. Many masters, however, will rather exchange 
or sell, than part husband and wife." "A few can read a 
plain book, and many more would learn on Lord's Day and 
sleeping time if they had spelling books, catechisms, Testa- 
ments and Watts' hymns, as they are peculiarly fond of 
singing." At that period there was no legal inhibition 
against teaching slaves to read and write. 

Property right in the person of the African slave was the 
law of the ISTew World at the time ISTorth Carolina was set- 
tled. It was a part of the institutions of every community. 
Incident to it was the slave trade, a commerce that came 
to be reprobated in America earlier than elsewhere. In 
every colony, from the earliest times, there were some in- 
dividuals who were opposed both to slavery and the slave 
trade. In August, 1Y74, the Freeholders of Eowan County 
resolved that: "The African slave trade is injurious to 
this colony, obstructs the population of it by freemen, pre- 


vents manufacturers and other useful immigrants from 
Europe from settling among us, and occasions an annual in- 
crease in the balance of trade against the colony." This 
declaration was followed a few days later by a resolution of 
the first Provincial Convention, that ''We will not import or 
purchase any slave brought into this province from any part 
of the world after the first day of jSTovember next." This 
resolve was observed by the people and enforced by the Com- 
mittee of Safety. The next year Jefferson's declaration 
''that all men are created free " received universal as- 
sent, but that evidently had reference to the right to modify 
governments, and had no bearing on the status of the Afri- 
can slaves in the colonies. Yet the thought was expressed 
and disseminated. Owners had the right of manumission, and 
apparently manumissions were multiplied, while the incon- 
veniences of slavery became more pronoiineed when the strug- 
gle for independence began and the British sought to incite 
both the Indians and negroes to become their allies. At the 
very first session of the Assembly under the new constitution, 
"because of the evil and pernicious practice of freeing slaves, 
at this alarming and critical time, the personal right to 
manumit was taken away, a license from the County Court 
being made requisite, and the court was forbidden to grant 
the license except for 'meritorious services.' " 

ISTotwithstanding the racial difference, the negroes were a 
part of the population, and could render service — both bond 
and free. During the war the latter were enrolled in the 
militia, and performed military service as other freemen. 
Slaves, like Indians, Hessian deserters and some others, were 
not to be accepted as substitutes for drafted men; but. with 
their master's consent, they could enlist; and some did enlist 
and rendered faithful service as soldiers in the Continental 
ranks as well as in the State troops. One slave, Ned Griffin, 


of Edgecombe, having under a promise of freedom served 
faithfully for twelve months as a Continental, a special act 
of the Assembly was passed to enfranchise him and '"dis- 
charge him from the yoke of slavery,'' and he was declared 
"a. freeman in every respect." As with him, so was it with 
others ; after the Revolution free negToes became freemen in 
every respect. And thus it came about that they obtained 
the privilege of suffrage, which they enjoyed until the Con- 
stitution was amended in 1835. But their legal status, as 
well as that of the slave, was anomalous, and the Congress 
of the United States at its second session excluded them from 
being enrolled in the militia. NegToes could not give evi- 
dence against a white man, and in some respects they were 
not regarded as citizens. But free negroes had property 
rights, and generally speaking had all the benefits of the law. 
Many became men of substance, and they sometimes owned 
slaves. James Lowry, apparently the progenitor of the out- 
law Henry Berry Lowry, was in 1790 the o'^vner of several 
slaves. Many other free negroes likewise were slave owners. 
One who had served in the Revolution, John Chavis, not only 
was a slaveholder but was a school teacher, having among 
his pupils some boys who afterwards became men of renown. 
He was also a Presbyterian minister. 

After commerce was reopened, slaves were again im- 
ported, but in 1786 their importation was declared productive 
of evil consequences and highly impolitic, and in order to 
arrest it a tax of ten pounds was laid on the importation of 
the most able-bodied, with a smaller duty on others. Some 
of the Northern States had already taken measures to abolish 
slavery, and their slaves were being sold to Southern planters. 
North Carolina did not propose to allow this transfer to her 
territory of negroes who in their own States had the hope of 
freedom, and by act of assembly it was forbidden to bring 



into North Carolina any slave from any State that had taken 
such a step, and should any be imported contrary to that 
act, they were to be immediately returned to the place from 
which they were brought. While the institution of negi'o 
slavery was thus perpetuated after the Revolution, yet the 
importation of slaves was regarded as injurious and North 
Carolina was not favorable to a continuance of the slave 
trade. The influence of the (Quaker element of the popula- 
tion was distinctly against the institution of slavery, and per- 
haps the prevalence of such sentiments was a natural result 
of the war itself. 

Indeed the Revolution not only called forth many virtues 
but developed much latent ability. When the war began, 
says Ramsay, the Americans were a mass of husbandmen, 
merchants, mechanics and fishermen ; but the necessities of 
the country gave a spring to the active powers of the inhab- 
itants, and set them thinking, speaking, and acting, in a 
line far beyond that to which they had been accustomed. It 
seemed as if the war not only required, but created talents. 
Men, whose minds were warmed with the love of liberty, and 
whose abilities were improved by daily exercise, and sharp- 
ened with a laudable ambition to serve their distressed coun- 
try, spoke, wrote and acted with an energy far surpassing 
all expectation which could be reasonably founded on their 
previous acquirements. 

The long years of the struggle had been a period of 
great intellectual activity, and the creation and adminis- 
tration of government had thoroughly awakened the people 
and vitalized their energies. Great writers were produced, 
great thoughts had penetrated the minds of the masses, 
and heart and soul, body and mind, alike, had been on the 
rack, and tens of thousands of men, bred in solitude, had 
moved over the face of the country, every faculty quickened 


and stimulated and every passion brought often into play. 
Thus, as in all long and arduous contests, the people emerged 
from the war, uplifted by the struggle, developed in all their 
faculties, broader in thought, stronger in action, more re- 
sourceful, and with higher powers and nobler aims than be- 
fore they had suffered the fearful experience ; and, besides, 
they were inspired with a great hope, a great confidence in 
the future of their country. 




Henrj Barklej (Book F, page 18), June 13, 1798. Sons: 
Robert, James, John, Thomas. Daughters: Mary. Grand- 
daughter: Polly Barkley (the daughter of Thomas). 
Grandsons: Henry Barkley (son of Robert), James Cowan 
(son of Thomas Cowan), and Henry Barkley (son of John). 
Executors: Sons, James and John. Witnesses: William 
Kilpatrick and Robert Ivilpatrick. 


Adam Mitchell to Elizabeth McMachen. Sept. 12, 1769. 
Test: Robert Mitchell. (Jno. Frohock). 

Benjamin j\[iller to Mary Hays. Dec. 16, 1769. Test: 
Joseph Hays. (John Frohock). 

Joseph McCammon to Dorcas Holmes. May 9, 1791. 
Test: George (his X mark) homes. 

Barton (his X mark) Miller to Rindleman. Aug. 

13, 1766. Test: Chris (his X mark) Rindleman. (Clerk: 
Thomas Frohock). 

Michael McMahan to Patsey Rogers. Jan. 3, 1795. Test: 
James McMahan. 

John Moore to Mary Kinley. Nov. 10, 1795. Test: 
Francis Gardner. (J. Troy). 

Angus Mcintosh to Jean McCoy. Oct. 22, 1781. Test: 
Alexander (his X mark) McCoy. (J. H. McCaule). 

Thomas (his X mark) Mace to Mary Bird. Aug. 2, 1796. 
Test: James Garner. (Ad. Osborn). 

John Misenhammer to Catereena Bushard. June 24, 1783. 
Test: Nicholas Bringle. 

Wm. Maffit to Jaynet Tait. Aug. 24, 1788. Test: John 


John Morrison to Francis Wilson. Jan. 12, 1784. Test: 
Alexander Wilson. 

Jesse Ajtcbeson to Charity Dover. Oct. 27, 1818. Test: 
Eli Watkins. (K. Powell). 

David Miller to Elizabeth Pitts, l^ow 26, 1789. Test: 
Christian Shroat. 

Thomas Mullican to Casig Myers. Dec. 12, 1812. Test: 
Zadook Jarvis. (Jno. Mark, Sr.). 

William Micarn to Mary Garn. Nov. 12, 1812. Test: 
Abraham Pippinger. (Signed 2 papers). (Geo. Dunn). 

Charles McKinzey to Polly Savage. Nov. 9, 1802. Test: 
Francis Marshall. (A. L. Osborne). 

Abner Merrell to Kitter Jones. Oct. 22, 1802. Test: 
Thomas Gadbury. (Osborne). 

Theophilus Morgan, Jr., to Ruth Owens. Aug. 6, 1784. 
Test: Theophilus Morgan, Sr. (Hugh ). 

Henry McHenry to Martha Morrison. June 21, 1794. 
Test: David Morrison. (J. Troy). 

Robert McFarson to Nelly McNeely. April 7, 1800. Test: 
Isaac McNeely. (Jno. Chaffins). 

Andrew Morrison to Hetty Dickey. Nov. 7, 1809. Test: 
Robert Morrison. (Geo. Dunn). 

Boyd (his X mark) McCreary to Annah Cooper. March 
28, 1792. Test: Samuel (his X mark) Lusk. 

Neal McGill to Barbara Walk. Feb. 4, 1813. Test: 
Applin (his X mark) Uslam. (Geo. Dunn). 

Isaac Moye to Nancy Bryant. June 9, 1798. Test: 
James Messer. (M. Troy). 

Hugh McCreary to Mary Sluder. Aug. 6, 1787. Test: 
Reuben Pew. (Jno. Macay). 

Hector Mcintosh to Mary McCoy. April 10, 1782. Test: 
William McLeod. ( Cauley). 


John Maffit to Sarah Whitiker. April 13, 1Y90. Test: 
John (his X mark) Whitiker. (Basil Gaither). 

Thomas (his X mark) Welch to Jane Thomson. Oct. 28, 
1772. Test: Jno. (his X mark) Thomson. (Ad. Osborn), 

Abednego (his X mark) McAtee to ISTancy Moore. ISTov. 
12, 1796. Test: Rich'd Leach. ( Rogers). 

Benjamin Merrill to Elizabeth Garrett. March 3, 1795. 
Test: John Wiseman. (I. Troy). 

Edward Macan to Mille Cotton. Oct. 10, 1791. Test: 
Michael (his X mark) Heisler. (Chs. Caldwell). 

Mathias Mastin to Sarah Standlej. Kov. 6, 1794. Test : 
Reuben Standley. (Freidrick Miller). 

Jacob Misenhammer to Elizabeth Gress. May 3, 1779. 
Test: John Misenhimer. (Ad. Osborn). 

George McCulloch to Elizabeth. Sept. 26, 1799. Test: 
John Hamton and E. Jay. Osborne. 

Fergus McLaughlin to Elizabeth Caruthers. Oct. 22, 
1827. Test: Fergus Graham. 


Concerning the Patriotic Society 

"Daughters gf the Revolution** 

The General Society was founded October 11, 1890, — and organized 
August 20, 1891, — under the name of "Daughters of the American 
Revolution"; was incorporated under the laws of the State of New York 
as an organization national in its work and purpose. Some of the mem- 
bers of this organization becoming dissatisfied with the terms of en- 
trance, withdrew from it and, in 1891, formed under the slightly differ- 
ing name "Daughters of the Revolution," eligibility to which from the 
moment of its existence has been lineal descent from an ancestor who 
rendered patriotic service during the War of Independence. 

'' Ihe North Carolina Society '* 

a subdivision of the General Society, was organized in October, 1896, 
and has continued to promote the purposes of its institution and to 
observe the Constitution and By-Laws. 

Membership and Qualifications 

Any woman shall be eligible who is above the age of eighteen years, 
of good character, and a lineal descendant of an ancestor who ( 1 ) was 
a signer of the Declaration of Independence, a member of the Conti- 
nental Congress, Legislature or General Court, of any of the Colonies 
or States; or (2) rendered civil, military or naval service under the 
authority of any of the thirteen Colonies, or of the Continental Con- 
gress; or (3) by service rendered during the War of the Revolution 
became liable to the penalty of treason against the government of Great 
Britain: Provided, that such ancestor always remained loyal to the 
cause of American Independence. 

The chief work of the North Carolina Society for the past eight years 
has been the publication of the "North Carolina Booklet," a quarterly 
publication on great events in North Carolina history — Colonial and 
Revolutionary. $1.00 per year. It will continue to extend its work and 
to spread the knowledge of its History and Biography in other States. 

This Society has its headquarters in Raleigh, N. C, Room 411, Caro- 
lina Trust Company Building, 232 Fayetteville Street. 

Some North Carolina Booklets for Sale 

Address, EDITOR, Raleigh, N, C. 

Vol. I 

"Greene's Retreat," Dr. Daniel Harvey Hill. 

Vol. II 

"Our Own Pirates," Capt. S. A. Ashe. 

"Indian Massacre and Tuscarora War," Judge Walter Clark. 

"Moravian Settlement in North Carolina," Rev. J. E. Clewell. 

"Whigs and Tories," Prof. W. C. Allen. 

"The Revolutionary Congresses," Mr. T. M. Pittman. 

"Raleigh and the Old Town of Bloomsbury," Dr. K. P. Battle. 

"Historic Homes — Bath, Buneomb Hall, Hayes," Rodman, Blount, 

"County of Clarendon," Prof. John S. Bassett. 
"Signal and Secret Service," Dr. Charles E. Taylor. 
"Last Days of the War," Dr. Henry T. Bahnson. 

Vol. Ill 

"Volunteer State Tennessee as a Seceder," Miss Susie Gentry. 
"Colony of Transylvania," Judge Walter Clark. 

"Social Conditions in Colonial North Carolina," Col. Alexander Q. 
Holladay, LL.D. 

"Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge, 1776," Prof. M. C. S. Noble. 
"North Carolina and Georgia Boundary," Mr. Daniel Goodloe. 

Vol. IV 

"Battle Ramseur's Mill, 1780," Major Wm. A. Graham. 
"Quaker Meadows," Judge A. C. Avery. 
"Convention of 1788," Judge Henry Groves Connor. 

"North Carolina Signers of Declaration of Independence, John Penn 
and Joseph Hewes," by T. M. Pittman and Dr. E. Walter Sikes. 
"Expedition to Cartagena, 1740," Judge Walter Clark. 
"Rutherford's Expedition Against the Indians," Capt. S. A. Ashe. 
"Changes in Carolina Coast Since 1585," Prof. Collier Cobb. 
"Highland Scotch Settlement in N. C," Judge James C. MacRae. 
"The Scotch-Irish Settlement," Rev. A. J. McKelway. 
"Battle of Guilford Court-house and German Palatines in North Caro- 
lina," Major J. M. Morehead, Judge O. H. Allen. 


Vol. v.— (Quarterly.) 

No. 2. 

"History of the Capitol," Colonel Charles Earl Johnson. 

"Some Notes on Colonial North Carolina, 1700-1750," Colonel J. Bryan 

"North Carolina's Poets," Rev. Hight C. Moore. 

No. 3. 

"Cornelius Harnett," Mr. R. D. W. Connor. 

"Celebration of the Anniversary of May 20, 1775," Major W. A. 

"Edward Moseley," by Dr. D. H. Hill. 

No. 4. 

"Governor Thomas Pollok," Mrs. John W. Hinsdale. 
"Battle of Cowan's Ford," Major W. A. Graham. 

"First Settlers in North Carolina Not Religious Refugees," Rt. Rev. 
JosejA Blount Cheshire, D.D. 

Vol. VI-{Quarterly.) 
October, No. 2. 

"The Borough Towns of North Carolina," Mr. Francis Nash. 
"Governor Thomas Burke," J. G. de Rovilhac Hamilton, Ph.D. 
"Colonial and Revolutionary Relics in the Hall of History," Col. Fred. 

A. Olds. 
"The North Carolina Society Daughters of the Revolution and its 


Biographical Sketches: Dr. Richard Dillard, Mr. Francis Nash, Dr. 
J. G. de R. Hamilton and Col. Fred A. Olds, by Mrs. E. E. Moffitt, 

January, No. 3. 

"State Library Building and Department of Archives and Records," 
Mr. R. D. W. Connor. 

"The Battle of Rockfish Creek, 1781," Mr. James Owen Carr. 

"Governor Jesse Franklin," Prof. J. T. Alderman. 

"North Carolina's Historical Exhibit at Jamestown," Mrs. Lindsay 
Patterson, Miss Mary Hilliard Hinton. 

Biographical Sketches: Mrs. S. B. Kenneday, R. D. W. Connor, James 
Owen Carr, and Prof. J. T. Alderman, by Mrs. E. E. Moffitt. 

April, No. 4. 

"The White Pictures," Mr. W. J. Peele. 

"North Carolina's Attitude Toward the Revolution," Mr. Robert Strong. 

"Some Overlooked North Carolina History," J. T. Alderman. 

Biographical Sketches: Richard Benbury Creecy, the D. R. Society 
and Its Objects, Mrs. E. E. Moffitt. 

Genealogical Sketches: Abstracts of Wills; Scolley, Sprott and Hunter, 
Mrs. Helen de B. Wells. 

Vol. VII. (Quarterly.) 

July, No. 1. 

" North Carolina in the French and Indian War," Col. A. M. Waddell. 

" Locke's Fundamental Constitutions," Mr. Junius Davis. 

" Industrial Life in Colonial Carolina," Mr. Thomas M. Pittman. 

Address: "Our Dearest Neighbor — The Old North State," Hon. James 
Alston Cabell. 

Biographical Sketches: Col. A. M. Waddell, Junius Davis, Thomas M. 
Pittman, by Mrs. E. E. Moffitt; Hon. Jas. Alston Cabell, by Mary 
Hilliard Hinton. 

Abstracts of Wills. Mrs. Helen DeB. Wills. 

October, No. 2. 

"Ode to North Carolina," Miss Pattie Williams Gee. 

" The Finances of the North Carolina Colonists," Dr. Charles Lee 

" Joseph Gales, Editor," Mr. Willis G. Briggs. 

" Our First Constitution, 1776," Dr. E. W. Sikes. 

"North Carolina's Historical Exhibit at Jamestown Exposition," Miss 

Mary Hilliard Hinton. 
Biographical Sketches: Dr. Kemp P. Battle, Dr. Charles Lee Raper, 

Willis Grandy Briggs, Pattie Williams Gee. By Mrs. E. E. Moffitt. 

January, No. 3. 

" General Robert Howe," Hon. John D. Bellamy. 

" Early Relations of North Carolina and the West," Dr. William K. 

" Incidents of the Early and Permanent Settlement of the Cape Fear," 
Mr. W. B. McKoy. 

Biographical Sketches: John Dillard Bellamy, William K. Boyd, Wil- 
liam B. McKoy. By Mrs. E. E. Moffitt. 

April, No. 4. 

" St. James's Churchyard " ( Poem ) , Mrs. L. C. Markham. 

"The Expedition Against the Row Galley 'General Arnold' — A Side 
Light on Colonial Edenton," Rev. Robt. B. Drane, D.D. 

" The Quakers of Perquimans," Miss Julia S. White. 
" Fayetteville Independent Light Infantry," Judge James C. MacRae. 
Biographical Sketches: Mrs. L. C. Markham, Rev. R. B. Drane, Miss 
Julia S. White, Judge James C. MacRae. By Mrs. E, E. Moffitt. 

Vol. VIII.— (Quarterly ) 

July, No. 1. 

"John Harvey," Mr. R. D. W. Connor. 

"Military Organizations of North Carolina During the American Revo- 
lution," Clyde L. King, A.M. 
"A Sermon by Rev. George Micklejohn,"' edited by Mr. R. D. W. Connor, 
5 3 

Biographical and Genealogical Sketches: R. D. W. Connor, Clyde L. 
King, Marshall DeLancey Haywood, by Mrs. E. E. Moffitt. 

"Abstracts of Wills," Mrs. Helen DeB. Wills. 

October, No. 2. 

"Convention of 1835," Associate Justice Henry G. Connor. 

"The Life and Services of Brigadier-General Jethro Sumner," Kemp 

P. Battle, LL.D. 
"The Significance of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence," 

Prof. Bruce Craven. 
Biographical and Genealogical Sketches: Jvidge Henry G. Connor, Kemp 

P. Battle, LL.D., Prof. Bruce Craven, by Mrs. E. E. Mofiitt. 

January, No. 3. 

"The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence," Mr. A. S. Salley. Jr. 
"The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence," Prof. Bruce Craven. 
"Mr. Salley's Reply." 
"Mr. Craven's Rejoinder." 

Biographical and Genealogical Sketches : Prof. Bruce Craven, Mr. Alex- 
ander S. Salley, Jr., by Mrs. E. E. Moffitt. 

"Patriotic Objects." 

"Information Concerning the Patriotic Society D. R." 

April, No. 4. 

"Unveiling Ceremonies." 

"Carolina," by Miss Bettie Freshwater Pool. 

"The Battle of King's Mountain," by Dr. William K. Boyd. 

"Schools and Education in Colonial Times," by Dr. Charles Lee Smith. 

"North Carolina Heroines of the Revolution," by Richard Dillard, M.D. 

Biographical and Genealogical Sketches: Bettie Freshwater Pool, Wil- 
liam K. Bovd, Charles Lee Smith, Richard Dillard, bv Mrs. E. E. 

Vo'. IX.— (Quarterly.) 
July, No. 1. 

"Indians, Slaves and Tories: Our 18th Century Legislation Regarding 

Them," Clarence H. Poe. 
"Thomas Person," Dr. Stephen B. Weeks. 
"Sketch of Flora McDonald," Mrs. S. G. Ayr. 
Biographical and Genealogical Memoranda: Clarence H. Poe, Dr. Stephen 

B. Weeks, Mrs. S. G. Ayr, Mrs. E. E. Moffitt. 

Abstracts of Wills: Shrouck, Stevens, Sanderson, Shirley, Stevenson, 
Sharee, Shearer, Shine, Smithson, Sitgreaves, by Mrs. Helen DeB. 

October, No. 2. 

"General Joseph Graham," Mis. Walter Clark. 

"State Rights in North Carolina Through Half a Century," Dr. H. M. 


"The Nag's Head Portrait of Theodosia Burr," Miss Bettie Freshwater 

Biographical and Genealogical Memoranda: Mrs. Walter Clark, H. M. 
Wagstaff, by Mrs. E. E. Moffitt. 

Abstracts of Wills: Arnold, Ashell, Avelin, Adams, Battle, Burns, Boge, 
Bennett, by Mrs. Helen DeB. Wills. 

January, No. 3. 

"History of Lincoln County," Mr. Alfred Nixon. 
"Our State Motto and Its Origin," Chief Justice Walter Clark. 
"Work Done by the D. R. in Pasquotank County," C. F. S. A. 
Biographical and Genealogical Memoranda : Alfred Nixon, Walter Clark, 

by Mrs. E. E. Moffitt. 
Abstracts of Wills: Clark, Evans, Fendall, Fort, Gorbe, Gambell, 

Grainger, Hill, White, by Mrs. Helen DeB. Wills. 

April, No. 4. 

"Der North Carolina Land und Colonic Etablissement," Miss Adelaide 

L. Fries. 
"George Durant," Capt. S. A. Ashe. 
"Hatorask," Mr. Jaques Busbee. 

"The Truth about Jackson's Birthplace," Prof. Bruce Craven. 
Biographical and Genealogical Memoranda: Miss Fries, Captain Ashe, 

Professor Craven, bv Mrs. E. E. Moffitt. 

Vols. I, II, III, IV, 25 cents each number. 

Vols. V, VI, VI, VIII, IX, 35 cents each number. 




The Chase Bij James Sprunt. 3 

Art as a Handmaiden of History By Jagues Bnsbee. 4-11 

Sketch of Colonel Francis Locke By George McCorkle. 12-21 

Unveiling of Tablet at Nixonton, X. C, 

By 21 rs. Walker Waller Joynes. 22-25 
Address Delivered at Unveiling of Tablet at Nixonton, 

N. C By Former Lieutenant-Governor F. D. Winston. 26-39 

A Glimpse of Historic Yorktown By Mis. Helen DeB. Wills. 40-42 

Colonel Polk's Rebellion By Capt. S. A. AsJie. 43-47 

Was George Durant Originally a Quaker? 

By William B. Phelps. 48-51 

From John White's Painting. 

From DeBry's Engraving of White's Painting. 

House Where Cornwallis Surrendered Yorktown, Virginia. 

The History of Orange County, Part I By Francis Nash. 55-113 

The Croatans By Hamilton McMillan. 115-121 

State Aid to Transportation in North Carolina : 

The Pre-Railroad Era By J. Allen Morgan. 122-154 

Joseph Hewes and the Declaration of Independence, 

By R. D. W. Connor. 155-164 
Maps : 

Map I. — Distribution of votes in the Senate against the 
proposed system of State Aid to internal improvement. 
.Journal, December 6, 1815. 
Map II. — Distribution of votes in the House for State Aid. 

Journal, December 12, 1815. 
Map III. — Distribution of votes in the Senate against 

State Aid. Journal, December 10, 1815. 
Map IV. — Distribution of votes in the House for State 

Aid. Journal, December 12, 1817. 
Map V. — Distribution of votes in the Senate against State 

Aid. Journal, December 21, 1819. 
INiap VI. — Distribution of votes in the House against State 

Aid. Journal, December 20, 1819. 
Map VII. — Distribution of votes in the Senate on a bill 
in aid of the North Carolina Central, Cape Fear and 
Yadkin Railroads. Journal, January 13, 1832. 


An Address for the Baptism of Virginia Dare, 

By Rt. Rev. Joseph Blount Cheshire, D.D. 

The Early History of Craven C'ountj' By .*^'. M. Brinson. 

Jacob Marling, an Early North Carolina Artist, 

By Marshall DeLancey Huyivood. 
The Social Condition of North Carolina in the Year 

1783 By Captain S. A. Ashe. . 

Rowan County Wills and Marriage Bonds, 

By Mrs. M. (I. McCuhbins. 

Monument to Virginia Dare on Roanoke Island. 


all makes 

at saving of 25 to 65 per cent from 

manufacturers' prices. 

Our machines are rebuilt 
by skilled workmen in the largest 
and most complete typewriter re- 
building factory in the world. 

We rent and repair all makes 
at reasonable prices. 

Write for catalogue and price list. 


Atlanta Sales Office 

48 North Pryor Street