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THE
North Carolina
Historical Review
Issued Quarterly
Volume XXXII Numbers 1-4
JANUARY- OCTOBER
1955
Published By
STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
Corner of Salisbury and Edenton Streets
Raleigh, N. C.
THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW
Published by the State Department of Archives and History
Raleigh, N. C.
Christopher Crittenden, Editor
David LeRoy Corbitt, Managing Editor
ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD
Walter Clinton Jackson Hugh Talmadge Lefler
Frontis Withers Johnston Douglas LeTell Rights
George Myers Stephens
STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
EXECUTIVE BOARD
McDaniel Lewis, Chairman
Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne
Fletcher M. Green William Thomas Laprade
Clarence W. Griffin Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton
Christopher Crittenden, Director
This review was' e^toblisked m January. 192 J-,, as a medmm of publica-
tion and discussion of history : pi{ North Carolina. It is ismed to other
institutions by exchangej but to the- general public by subscription only.
The regular price is $2.00 per ytar. Members of the State Literary and
Historical Association, ' for whic% the annual dues are $3.00, receive this
publication without further payment. Back numbers may be procured at
the regular price of $2.00 per volume, or $.50 per number.
The North Carolina
Historical Review
VOLUME XXXI
NUMBER 1, JANUARY, 1955
THE CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT IN
NORTH CAROLINA, 1765-1776 1
Paul Conkin
THE ELECTION OF 1836 IN
NORTH CAROLINA 31
William S. Hoffmann
"THE GREAT RECONSTRUCTOR:" GENERAL
E. R. S. CANBY AND THE
SECOND MILITARY DISTRICT 52
Max L. Heyman
THE FREE AGRICULTURE POPULATION
IN SUMTER DISTRICT,
SOUTH CAROLINA, 1850-1860 81
Margaret Burr DesCramps
EDITOR HAYNE TO EDITOR KINGSBURY:
THREE SIGNIFICANT
UNPUBLISHED LETTERS 92
Francis B. Dedmond
A DESCRIPTION OF "CAROLANA" BY
A "WELL-WILLER," 1649 .... 102
Hugh Talmage Lefler
BOOK REVIEWS 106
Powell's The Carolina Charter of 1663— By William D.
Overman ; McCain's The County Court in North Caro-
lina before 1750 — By Rex Beach ; Preslar's A History
of Catawba County — By Henry S. Stroupe; Spence's
The Presbyterian Congregation on Rocky River — By E.
Clinton Gardner; Draper's King's Mountain and Its
Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, — By
William B. Hesseltine; Oliphant's, Odell's and
[iii]
93133
iv Contents
Eaves's The Letters of William Gilmore Simms: Vol-
ume III — By H. G. Kinchloe; Lanning's The St
Augustine Expedition of 1740: A Report to the South
Carolina General Assembly — By Rembert W. Patrick ;
Chitty's Reconstruction at Sewannee — By PORTER
Williams, Jr.; Jahn's Tobacco Dictionary — By
Nannie M. Tilley ; Lord's The Fremantle Diary — By
Herbert W. Hill; Simkins's A History of the South
— By Frontis W. Johnson; de Grummond's Caracas
Diary — By Capus M. Waynick; Beale's Charles A.
Beard: An Appraisal — By Fletcher M. Green.
HISTORICAL NEWS 129
NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1955
NORTH CAROLINA TARIFF POLICIES,
1775-1789 151
William Frank Zornow
JOHN CHAVIS AS A PREACHER TO WHITES 165
Margaret Burr DesChamps
PAPERS FROM THE FIFTY-FOURTH ANNUAL
SESSION OF THE STATE LITERARY AND
HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
RALEIGH, DECEMBER, 1954
INTRODUCTION 173
Christopher Crittenden
THIRTY YEARS OF THE NEW HISTORY:
A STUDY OF THE NORTH CAROLINA
HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1924-1953 174
Paul Murray
THE JEWISH PEOPLE OF
NORTH CAROLINA 194
Harry L. Golden
NORTH CAROLINA FICTION, 1954 217
Robert Mason
NORTH CAROLINA NON-FICTION
BOOKS 1953-1954 225
Leonard B. Hurley
Contents v
ELIZABETHAN POLITICS AND
COLONIAL ENTERPRISE 254
Louis B. Wright
NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1953-1954 ____ 271
Mary Lindsay Thornton
BOOK REVIEWS 284
Peckham's The Discovery of New Britain — By William
S. Powell ; Brooks's Selected Addresses of a Southern
Lawyer — By Jason B. Deyton; Noblin's The Grange
in North Carolina, 1929-19 5 J,. — By Haitung King and
Jack W. Van Derhoof; Johnson's and Holloman's
The Story of Kinston and Lenoir County — By D. J.
Whitener; Mathis's The Lost Citadel — By Richard
Walser; Mouzon's Privateers of Charleston in the
War of 1812 — By Beth Crabtree; Hesseltine's Dr.
J, G. M. Ramsey: Autobiography and Letters — By
Robert F. Durden; Davis's Jeffersonian American
Notes on the United States of America — By D. H.
Gilpatrick; Todd's Confederate Finance — By C. K.
Brown ; Park's General Kirby Smith, C. S. A. — By Jay
Luvaas ; Fishwick's General Lee's Photographer — By
J. Walter Coleman; Harwell's Stonewall Jackson
and the Old Stonewall Brigade — By BURKE DAVIS ;
Jacobs's Indians of the Southern Colonial Frontier:
The Edmond Atkin Report and Plan of 1775 — By
Gaston Litton; Davis's and Hogan's The Barber of
Natchez — By William D. McCain; Freund's Gustav
DreseVs Houston Journal — By James A. Tinsley;
Kilman's and Wright's Hugh Roy Cullen: A Story of
American Opportunity — By Nannie M. Tilley;
Cowdrey's American Academy of Fine Arts and
American Art Union — By Ben F. Williams.
HISTORICAL NEWS 310
NUMBER 3, JULY, 1955
BEDFORD BROWN: STATE RIGHTS UNIONIST ___. 321
Houston G. Jones
LEGAL STATUS OF PUBLIC SCHOOL
EDUCATION FOR NEGROES IN
NORTH CAROLINA, 1877-1894 346
Frenise A. Logan
vi Contents
THE UNPLEASANTNESS AT STECOE 258
David H. Corkran
NATHANIEL MACON AND THE SOUTHERN
PROTEST AGAINST NATIONAL
CONSOLIDATION 376
Noble E. Cunningham, Jr.
THE MILITARY EXPERIENCES OF
JAMES A. PEIFER, 1861-1865 385
George D. Harmon
PAULDING'S LETTER TO JOHN C. CALHOUN ____ 410
Jay B. Hubbell
BOOK REVIEWS 415
Harden's Tar Heel Ghosts — By Paul Murray ; Smith's
and Smith's The History of Trinity Parish, Scotland
Neck, [and] Edgecombe Parish, Halifax County — By
William S. Powell; Rubin's Thomas Wolfe: The
Weather of His Youth — By George W. McCoy;
Lambie's From Mine to Market: The History of Coal
Transportation on the Norfolk and Western Railway —
By Charles E. Landon; Morgan's Justice William
Johnson, the First Dissenter; The Career and Constitu-
tional Philosophy of a Jeffersonian Judge— By C. E.
Cauthen ; Easterby's The Colonial Records of South
Carolina. The Journal of the Commons House of Assem~
bly, September 14, 17 42- January 27, 1744 — By Henry S.
Stroupe ; Cox's Glimpse of Glory, George Mason of Gun-
ston Hall — By Elizabeth W. Wilborn ; Wilson's The
Tinkling Spring, Headwater of Freedom. A Study of
the Church and Her People — By Thomas H. Spence,
Jr.; Wiley's Rebel Private, Front and Rear — By
Richard D. Younger ; Eaton's A History of the South-
ern Confederacy — By Philip M. Rice ; Anderson's
Brokenburn, The Journal of Kate Stone, 1861-1868 —
By C. H. Hamlin ; Douglass's Rebels and Democrats —
By Clara G. Roe; Bower's Making Democracy a Re-
ality. Jefferson, Jackson and Polk — By J. G. DE Roulhac
Hamilton; Catton's American Heritage — By C. W.
Tebeau; Vail's Knickerbocker Birthday: A Sesqui-
Centennial History of the New-York Historical Society,
1804-1954 — By Howard Braverman; Carter's The
Contents vii
Territorial Papers of the United States. Volume XX.
The Territory of Arkansas, 1825-1829 — By Paul M.
McCain.
HISTORICAL NEWS 436
NUMBER 4, OCTOBER, 1955
PROPERTY AND TRADE: MAIN THEMES OF
EARLY NORTH CAROLINA NEWSPAPER
ADVERTISEMENTS 451
Wesley H. Wallace
BEDFORD BROWN: STATE RIGHTS UNIONIST
PART II: THE CONCILIATOR 483
Houston G. Jones
NORTH CAROLINA AND THE BRITISH
INVESTOR, 1880-1910 512
Alfred P. Tischendorf
THE INFLUENCE OF JOSEPH RUGGLES
WILSON ON HIS SON WOODROW WILSON 519
George C. Osborn
THE MILITARY EXPERIENCES OF JAMES A.
PEIFER, 1861-1865 544
George D. Harmon
BOOK REVIEWS 573
Robinson's The North Carolina Guide — By Weymouth
T. Jordan; Fries's and Rights's The Records of the
Moravians in North Carolina, Volume VIII, 1823-1837 —
By S. Walter Martin ; Shanks's The Papers of Willie
Person Mangum, Volume IV, 1844-1846 — By Charles
Grier Sellers, Jr.; Henley's The Home Place — By
Rosser H. Taylor ; Wellman's Dead and Gone, Classic
Crimes of North Carolina — By Beth G. Crabtree;
Masterson's William Blount — By LeRoy P. Graf;
Gilmer's The Memoirs of Emma Prather Gilmer — By
D. L. Corbitt; Stoney's The Dulles Family in South
viii Contents
Carolina — By Elizabeth W. Wilborn ; Hubbeli/s The
South in American Literature, 1607-1900 — By Louise
Greer ; Wiley's Fourteen Hundred and 91 Days in the
Confederate Army — By Beth G. Crabtree; Davis's
They Called Him Stonewall: A Life of Lt. General T. J.
Jackson, C. S. A. — By Stuart Noblin; Williams's
P. G. T. Beauregard: Napoleon in Gray — By Jay
Luvaas; Coulter's Wormsloe: Two Centuries of a
Georgia Family — By Fletcher M. Green ; Miers's The
Web of Victory: Grant at Vicksburg — By LeRoy H.
Fischer; and Dalzell's Benefit of Clergy in America
and Related Matters — By John R. Jordan, Jr.
HISTORICAL NEWS 597
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXII January, 1955 Number 1
THE CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT
IN NORTH CAROLINA, 1765-1776
By Paul Conkin
The near myth about religious freedom has given an at-
tractive halo to the popular conception of American colonial
history, although such freedom, had it existed, would have
been almost inexplicable. Most of the immigrants to America
brought with them the current European ideas of a state
church. Puritans in New England and Anglicans in North
Carolina alike desired a privileged legal status for their re-
ligion. In many of the colonies, and particularly in North
Carolina, liberalizing influences tended to change the form
of the established religion from that found in Europe. In
North Carolina religious toleration, which was initially of-
fered as an inducement to settlement, and the almost com-
plete religious freedom found on the unassimilated and con-
stantly retreating frontier left a heritage of local religious
independence which was hardly reconcilable with a strong
establishment.1 In the period from 1765 to 1776 many people
in North Carolina, both those who were for and those against
the English political rule, persistently resisted the efforts of
the royal authorities, the Anglican clergy, and sometimes the
local officials to secure an effective church establishment
of the English type. Because it paralleled a most important
period of political unrest and because it represents the climax
of one of the several state-wide struggles for religious free-
dom, this religious discontent reveals a significant phase in
the development of the American mind and the institutions
which are its concrete manifestations.
1 Evarts B. Greene, Religion and the State (New York, New York
University Press, 1941), 47-73.
[l]
2 The North Carolina Historical Review
The Episcopal Church was always, or at least nominally,
the official religion of colonial North Carolina, although the
Anglican clergy had no regular and certain establishment
until the Vestry and Orthodox Clergy Acts of 1765.2 Though
the English Church was recognized as the legal or state
church in the early proprietary charters, the proprietors
were given permission to, and did, grant freedom of con-
science.3 Several vestry acts were passed in the colony, the
first in 1701, but there is little evidence that they were ever
strictly enforced. After the arrival of the first royal governor
in 1730 with instructions to secure an adequate religious
establishment, it was eleven years before an apathetic colo-
nial Assembly passed a vestry act. This law proved inade-
quate to the purposes of the clergy and the Crown, and a
more effective act was passed in 1754. When this act was
disallowed by the Crown in 1759 because it gave too much
power to the local vestry, a five year legislative struggle en-
sued before the Assembly was persuaded to pass a vestry
law that met the demands of the English Government.
While in 1759 there was a common sentiment in North
Carolina that the Protestant religion should be legally estab-
lished, there was a wide difference of opinion as to the form
the Establishment should take. The source of the legislative
struggles after 1759, as well as much of the later religious
dissention, was the Crown's insistence on a stronger estab-
lishment than that desired by either the dissenters or Angli-
cans. The Crown wanted a centralized ecclesiastical system
which could be strictly enforced by the colonial governor.
The dissenters wanted to retain almost complete religious
freedom within an establishment that would do little more
than definitely exclude Catholics. The Anglicans desired the
establishment of their own church, yet at the same time,
wanted to retain a firm local control over their own ecclesi-
astical affairs. The various vestry acts passed between 1754
2 William L. Saunders, editor, The Colonial Records of North Carolina
(Raleigh: Josephus Daniels, 1890), VII, 490. Hereafter cited as Saunders,
Colonial Records.
8 Stephen B. Weeks, The Religious Development in the Province of North
Carolina (John Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political
Science, Tenth Series, Baltimore, 1892), 14w.
The Church Establishment 3
and 1765 exhibited both the latitudinarian ideas of the dis-
senters and the independence of the Anglicans.
The Vestry Act of 1754 left the right of presentation of
clergymen in the hands of the local vestry. This situation
was unsatisfactory to Governor Dobbs who, since it merited
the disapproval of the Bishop of London, secured its dis-
allowance in 1759.4 The problem of presentation, more than
any other issue, created a division of interests between the
Crown and staunch Anglicans. According to English prac-
tice, the Crown had the authority to induct, or appoint,
ministers into parishes, although in practice always on the
advice of the church officials. In North Carolina the general
practice had been for the local vestry to hire its own minister,
if one were available. In the absence of an American bishop,
the governor was the supreme representative of both the
Crown and the Church and was ready to claim his preroga-
tive and induct ministers into parishes as he wished. Until
the Revolution this problem of presentation or induction
remained a source of friction.
When the fate of the Vestry Act of 1754 was known in
North Carolina, Dobbs asked for a new act, this time giving
the Crown its right of presentation. The Assembly expressed
its official sorrow that the last act had met with royal dis-
approval, complained of its lack of representative in London
to explain the peculiar circumstances of the colony, and
promptly passed twin church laws, a Vestry and an Orthodox
Clergy Act, which were even more obnoxious to the Crown
than the act of 1754.5 Not only was the right of presentation
definitely retained in the vestry, but also other unsatisfactory
conditions were affixed. In keeping with the desire of the
dissenters for a lax establishment, these acts required that
a prospective vestryman take an oath that he would not
oppose, instead of the usual conform to, the doctrine and
discipline of the Church of England. The Bishop of London
avowed that this oath could be taken by a Jew or pagan.6
Furthermore, the acts excluded the minister from member-
4 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 15-16.
6 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 139.
•Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 714-716.
4 The North Carolina Historical Review
ship in the vestry, contrary to English church practice.7 The
men of North Carolina had already found it advantageous to
discuss their minister's salary and conduct without his dis-
turbing and embarrassing presence. Finally, if a minister
were immoral or committed a crime, he had to face trial
in the local or secular court instead of in an English ecclesi-
astical court.8 Needless to say, these vestry laws of 1760 were
disallowed.9
In 1762 the Assembly passed two more church laws, each
retaining the same objectionable features as the last ones.
Governor Dobbs immediately vetoed the Vestry Act, but
reluctantly approved the Orthodox Clergy Act in order that
the ministers might have a salary. At last, in the legislative
sessions of 1764-65, Governor Dobbs, ill, tired, and already
planning to relinquish his job to William Tryon, succeeded in
pushing through the Assembly two church laws which satis-
fied both him and the Lord Bishop of London. These remain-
ed in operation until the Revolution. Perhaps significantly,
the first of these laws, the Vestry Act of 1764, was passed by
an Assembly greatly dwarfed by the absence of all but four
of the ordinarily recalcitrant northern members.10
The Vestry Act of 1764 provided for the support of the
clergy, for education, and for poor relief. On every third
Easter Monday twelve vestrymen were to be elected in each
parish by the qualified voters. Each year before November 1
the sheriff was to collect a poll tax of not more than ten shil-
lings from each taxable to support the Parish. If he could
not collect the tax in a period of five days, he was empowered
to sell a compensatory amount of the goods and chattels of
the defaulting person. The vestry was liable for all damages
to an underpaid minister in accordance with the fees and
salary set by law.11 Most important in later controversies, the
act provided that any dissenter, and later by amendment any
7 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 720-722.
8 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 714-716.
9 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 723.
10 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 1035.
11 Walter Clark, editor, The State Records of North Carolina (Winston,
M. I. and J. C. Stewart, 1895-1906), 106-107. Hereafter cited as Clark,
State Records.
The Church Establishment 5
one at all, who refused to qualify when elected a vestryman
was subject to a fine of three pounds.12
The Orthodox Clergy Act of 1765 provided the parish
minister a salary of £133.6.8 proclamation money, and a
glebe of 300 acres or a compensating £20 extra salary. He
was to receive twenty shillings for a marriage by license,
five shillings for a marriage by banns, and forty shillings for
a funeral.13 Although complete religious jurisdiction was
given to the Bishop of London, the governor was empowered
to suspend an indicted minister while awaiting the verdict
of an English ecclesiastical court. The minister could preach
out of his parish only with the consent of his vestry. Most
significant, the right of presentation was not mentioned.14
As a result, both the governor and the Bishop of London
interpreted the act as giving the right to the crown by im-
plication.15 With these two acts, North Carolina now had as
strong a legal establishment as any other colony.
Unfortunately for the Establishment, Governor Dobbs
left the Church little more than two strong vestry acts in
1765, for the church was, if anything, weaker than it had
been in at least a decade. There were only six ministers to
serve twenty-nine county-wide vestries in a colony with
a white population of about 100,000;16 of these six ministers
only four were doing good work. The lack of ministers is
revealed by the fact that when Governor Dobbs died unex-
pectedly in 1765 he had to be buried without benefit of
clergy in southerly Brunswick County. In the whole colony
there were only ten Anglican church buildings, with a few
outlying chapels.17 On the credit side, a few of the counties
had functioning vestries, which were helping to support the
clergy. The church was also strengthened by aid from the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts18
which sponsored most of the ministers as missionaries.
"Clark, State Records, 759-760.
"Clark, State Records, 583-585.
"Clark, State Records, 660-662.
" Arthur Lyon Cross, The Anglican Episcopate and The American
Colonies (New York, Longmans, Green, and Co., 1902), 243.
"Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 1027, 1039-1041.
17 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 102-104.
" Hereafter to be abbreviated as the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel.
6 The North Carolina Historical Review
A more personal view of the Established Church can be
had from the letters of the North Carolina Clergy to the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in the years just
before 1765. With some exaggeration they reveal the trials
of a minister in the sinful wilds of a small but growing colony.
From Craven County, James Reed, one of the most famous
colonial ministers, reported extreme difficulty in collecting
his salary, deplored the many dissenters and infidels in his
parish, and constantly begged for religious pamphlets to
combat the "New Lights/' Their "crying-out, . . . falling
down as in fits, . . . awakening in extacies, . . . and impulses,
visions, and revelations;" 19 their "preaching the inexpediency
of Human Learning & . . . the great expediency of Dreams
Visions & immediate Revelation"20 must have shocked the
dignified and literate Reed. In Beaufort County, Alex
Steward worked hard and seldom complained, although he
was sincerely worried over the lack of ministers in neighbor-
ing counties. By 1765 he was living in the first glebe to be
furnished a minister in North Carolina. He desired pamphlets
to fight the rash doctrines of the Anabaptists and blushingly
admitted that in order to retain for the church some of the
more dupable members he had baptised one man by im-
mersion.21 In Chowan County, Daniel Earl performed his
duties, was influential in education, but reputedly divided
his love between his ministry and his herring fishery. James
Moir was preaching occasionally in various counties, always
deploring his inability to accumulate a fortune, and at every
opportunity criticising Governor Dobbs and the whole ec-
clesiastical system.23 The most tragic story of hardship was
told in the letters of James McDowell of Brunswick County.
Though his parish contained the largest church constructed
19 G. W. Paschal, "Morgan Edwards' Materials Toward a History of the
Baptists in the Province of North Carolina," North Carolina Historical
Review, VII (1930), 383. Hereafter cited as Paschal, "Morgan Edwards'
Materials."
30 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 565.
21 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 315-316, 734-735.
23 Bennett H. Wall, "Charles Pettigrew, First Bishop-Elect of the North;
Carolina Episcopal Church," North Carolina Historical Review, XXVIIl
(1951), 17.
28 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 1051.
The Church Establishment 7
in colonial North Carolina24 and also the leading families,
including Governor Dobbs, McDowell complained of the
capricious weather, the long, hard trips to outlying chapels,
his financial misery, his exclusion from vestry meetings, and
the fact that he had only two slaves while other ministers
in the province had twenty.25 When his wife died in child-
birth and the roof of his big, new church fell in, McDowell
was ready to leave the colony in despair. In 1763 he died
while still a minister in Brunswick.
The most recurrent complaint of the ministers was about
the dangerous growth of dissenting denominations. James
Reed's listing and evaluation of these groups is a classic of
brevity: "The Anabaptists are obstinate, illiterate & grossly
ignorant, the Methodist [really New Light Baptists], ig-
norant, censorious & uncharitable, the Quakers, Rigid, but
the Presbyterians are pretty moderate except here & there
a bigot or rigid Calvinist." 26 This is a fairly complete list,
for, other than the German denominations, these four dis-
senting groups were alone significant in colonial North Car-
olina. The Moravians, by acts of Parliament and the North
Carolina Assembly, were given equal rights with Anglicans
and had a separate parish.27 Beginning about 1750 a heavy
German migration from Pennsylvania brought the Lutheran
and German Reformed churches into the Piedmont region,
notably along the Yadkin. These two German speaking de-
nominations received many special religious privileges and,
in return, were always completely law abiding.28 Quakers
had been among the earliest settlers in North Carolina and
in 1765 were very numerous in the Northeast, particularly
in Perquimans and Pasquotank counties. They were exempt-
24 The Brunswick church was seventy-six feet and six inches long, fifty-
three feet and three inches wide, and was twenty-four feet and four inches
high. It had eleven windows, three large doors, and brick wall three feet
thick. Marshall D. Haywood, Governor William Tryon, and His Administra-
tion in the Province of North Carolina, 1765-1771 (Raleigh: E. M. Uzzel,
Printer, 1903), 24. Hereafter cited as Haywood, Governor William Tryon
and His Administration.
"Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 236-237, 729-730.
"Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 264-266.
^Adelaide L. Fries, "The Moravian Contribution to Colonial North
Carolina," North Carolina Historical Review, VII (1930), 14.
28 William K. Boyd and Charles A. Krummel, "German Tracts Concerning
the Lutheran Church in North Carolina During the Eighteenth Century,"
North Carolina Historical Review, VII (1930), 81.
8 The North Carolina Historical Review
ed from military service and all oaths, yet were sometimes
strongly in opposition to the Establishment.29
The largest dissenting elements were the principal Baptist
sects and the Presbyterians. After 1751 the Particular or
Regular Baptists, strongly Calvinistic and the predecessors
of the present day Primitive Baptists, absorbed most of the
earliest Baptist group, the General or Free Will Baptists, and
in 1765, the year of the strong vestry acts, united their sev-
eral churches in the Kehukee Association. After 1755 an ex-
tremely Arminian sect, the New Light Baptists, began to
gain many adherents whose extreme emotionalism rendered
them anathema to the Anglicans. They were most numerous
in the western counties of Orange, Guilford, and Rowan,
where they were organized in the Sandy Creek Association.30
The Presbyterians were almost as influential in colonial
North Carolina as the Anglicans. Claiming all the privileges
of the Scottish Church, many Presbyterians refused to con-
sider themselves dissenters. Except for a small colony in
Duplin County and about four congregations in Cumberland
County, the Presbyterians were mostly in the, then, western
counties of Orange, Mecklenburg, Rowan, Tryon, Guilford,
Bute, Wake, Surry, and Granville. They were largely Scotch-
Irish immigrants who had filtered down from Pennsylvania
or had come up from Charleston. They made outstanding
contributions to education and furnished a good share of
the political leadership.31 Living in frontier counties, these
Presbyterians had been accustomed to an almost complete
religious freedom before 1765 and were quick to devise ways
of evading the church laws whenever they were about to
be enforced in their midst.
It is difficult to give even an approximate statistical break-
down of the religious picture in North Carolina in 1765. The
colony was growing rapidly; the total white and colored
population rose from about 120,000 in 1759 to between
29 William L. Grissom, History of Methodism in North Carolina (Nash-
ville, Publishing House of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 1905),
9-11.
30 Paschal, "Morgan Edwards' Materials," 371.
31 William H. Foote, Sketches of North Carolina (New York, Robert
Carter, 1846), 188-189. Hereafter cited as Foote, Sketches of North Carolina.
The Church Establishment 9
200,000 and 250,000 by 1771.32 With the growth in popula-
tion, the dissenting denominations were rapidly increasing,
both by immigration and conversions. The German Reformed
and Lutheran groups contained only 3,000 families in about
twenty congregations in 1771. The total German population,
including the Moravians, could not have exceeded 20,000
in that year; it was without doubt less in 1765.33 After the
Revolution the Quakers scarcely numbered over 5,000. If
Morgan Edwards, a Baptist minister visiting North Carolina
in 1772, is correct, the Baptists had sixteen churches as early
as 1754 and by 1772 had thirty-two churches plus several
more meeting places. In the latter years he estimated that
39,750 people worshipped in Baptist congregations.34 There
are few clues as to the number of Presbyterians in North
Carolina in 1765. They were probably almost as numerous as
the Baptists and in some western counties were in a heavy
majority. Always growing rapidly with the influx of Scottish
immigrants, the Presbyterians had approximately thirty
churches by the time of the Revolution and perhaps a dozen
ministers, some of whom were very famous. Despite the more
rapid growth of some of the dissenting groups, the Anglican
Church remained the largest denomination in the colony
until the Revolution. In the eastern and north-central coun-
ties the Anglicans were well established; even in Orange
and Rowan counties there were substantial congregations.
The small number of churches and ministers in 1765 belies
the potential strength of the established religion, for there
were numerous congregations, sometimes several in a single
county, worshipping in small chapels or homes and only
occasionally receiving the sacraments from a visiting clergy-
man.
Though Governor Dobbs gave the Anglican Church a
strong legal basis, Governor William Tryon tried to make
the Establishment a living reality. With his administration
^Evarts B. Greene and Virginia D. Harrington, American Population
Before the Federal Census of 1790 (New York, Columbia University Press,
1932), 158-159.
33 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 630-632.
84 Paschal, "Morgan Edwards' Materials," 369, 394-395.
10 The North Carolina Historical Review
a new era in ecclesiastical affairs began.35 Tryon was not
a bigot in any sense; but he was very closely connected
with the Episcopal Church, himself becoming a member
of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Recogniz-
ing the great need for ministers in the colony, he used his
influence to get young ministers to come to North Carolina.
By April, 1767, he could report in one of his many succinct
and literary communications to the Society, that there were
now thirteen ministers instead of six.36 By 1771 there were
eighteen ministers, meaning that fully half the parishes had
a full time parson. But Tryon, in his determined support
of the Establishment, inevitably encountered the opposition
of the dissenters and the more independent Anglicans.
The fact that North Carolina had a decentralized ec-
clesiastical system before 1765 very much influenced the
reaction to a Crown-enforced establishment under Tryon.
The vestry laws passed before 1765 had, it is true, embodied
many of the restrictive clauses of the acts of 1765, but they
had not been universally enforced, as only part of the par-
ishes had been active or even organized. In addition, the
direction of church affairs had been in the hands of the
local vestry. When Tryon personally took over the direction
of ecclesiastical affairs and began sending ministers into more
and more counties, some times against the wishes of a ma-
jority of the inhabitants, the Establishment seemed very
oppressive to many groups. It should be kept in mind, how,-
ever, that despite the limitations on personal freedom and
the economic burden resulting from the Establishment, com-
plete freedom of conscience was always granted to all Prot-
estant groups in North Carolina. Anyone could worship as
he pleased even though he were forced to fulfill certain
obligations to the state church, such as paying his vestry tax.
There were two types of resentment against the Establish-
ment in North Carolina, each resulting from a different fea-
ture of the vestry laws. First, the vestry acts were passed
by the North Carolina Assembly and the Establishment was
85 Joseph B. Cheshire, "The Church in the Province of North Carolina," in
Sketches of Church History in North Carolina, edited by Joseph B. Cheshire
(Wilmington: William L. DeRosset, Jr., Publisher, 1892), 75. Hereafter
cited as Cheshire, "The Church in the Province of North Carolina."
"Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 456-458.
The Church Establishment 11
a North Carolina institution, favored, it seemed, by at least
a majority of the province's leading citizens. Thus, among
many dissenters, the burden of an established clergy could
be blamed largely on the predominantly Anglican aristoc-
racy within the state, or the office holding classes. But the
Establishment was also a policy of the Crown. It was the
governor, who as an agent of the Crown, pressed for, and
finally was granted by a reluctant Assembly, an establish-
ment which gave the Anglican clergy and the governor him-
self privileged positions. It was the British governor who
enforced the Establishment and who assumed the power
of inducting ministers into vacant parishes. It was the Brit-
ish Crown that persistently disallowed more liberal religious
laws and which refused to recognize the peculiar circum-
stances of the colonial church. Thus a great amount of the
resentment against the Establishment among the dissenters,
and almost all the resentment among the Anglicans, was
directed against the English Crown, represented in most
cases by the governor.
Tryon assumed that the Orthodox Clergy Act of 1765,
by not mentioning the right of presentation, gave him the
authority to induct ministers into vacant parishes, and began
to distribute the newly arrived clergymen into the most
needy parishes. He early met difficulties. For a long time
there had been a growing resentment of British rule in the
eastern, predominantly Episcopal counties. The people of
North Carolina felt that they had certain well established
rights which were being encroached upon by the British
Parliament. One of these rights was taxing themselves; an-
other was choosing their own minister. The governor's usur-
pation of ecclesiastical power not specifically granted him
was ranked along side the hated Stamp Act as another ex-
ample of increasing British tyranny. For this reason Tryon,
instead of inducting a certain Cosgreve into Pitt County,
sent him on a three months probation, an action which he
apologetically explained as follows to the Lord Bishop of
London:
This probation I think for the interest of the cause of religion
in these parts, the inhabitants seeming as jealous of any re-
straint put on their consciences as they have of late shewn for
12 The North Carolina Historical Review
that on their property : Many persons have industriously spread
among the parishes and vestries that as the patronage to livings
is not specified in the above Act, the Crown cannot claim the
patronage; some delicacy therefore your Lordship I hope sees
is necessary in the establishment of the clergy here, where the
minds of the larger body of inhabitants thro' the want of the
means of culture are incapable of entertaining generous prin-
ciples of public utility.37
In January, 1766, Tryon reported that a new minister, the
Rev. Barnett, had taken up duties in Brunswick County.38
There the vestry promised him the regulation salary, but
two years later Barnett remained in Brunswick only by the
vestry's wishes, never having been officially inducted. In
June, 1768 he wrote to the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel explaining his plight:
The people of this Parish do still so violently oppose the pres-
entation of the Crown to the Living, that I believe it will be
found necessary for me to remove to another part of the prov-
ince. . . . Permit me Sir to assure the Venerable Board that the
people are so desirous of my stay with them on the usual terms,
of an annual reelection as I have been informed, to be willing
to make some addition to my former salary. . . .39
Governor Tryon was prepared to force induction of Bar-
nett against the vestry's wishes, but Barnett, not wishing
to stay in the county under those conditions, removed to
Northampton. He was followed in Brunswick by a certain
Cramp, whom Tryon proposed to present to the vestry.
Cramp was fearful that he would starve if he were inducted,
for, as he reported to Tryon, "none like the inducted par-
" 40
son.
Tryon had similar troubles in Duplin and New Hanover
counties. He reported to the Society for the Propagation of
the Gospel that he feared the Rev. Briggs, whom he induct-
ed into Duplin, would find his residence most disagreeable
because of the resentment to inducted ministers.41 When he
sent a certain Wills to New Hanover County, preparatory to
87 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 261.
88 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 158.
39 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 789-790.
40 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 12-16.
41 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 12-16.
The Church Establishment 13
induction, the vestry sent him a letter of protest, praising
Wills as a "gentleman worthy of his sacred Function" but
denying the right of presentation on the part of the governor,
on the grounds that the Act of Assembly did not specifically
grant him that power.42 This time Tryon proceded to induct
in spite of their protests, but begged the parish to extend
good services to Wills until a new Clergy Act clearly grant-
ing the right of presentation could be passed.43 Thus, in four
or five instances at least, the people most heartily in favor of
an establishment, the churchmen themselves, refused to give
up their cherished right of choosing and dismissing their
own minister even at the expense of having no minister at all.
A stronger opposition of a different type greeted the Estab-
lishment in the western counties where in a predominently
Presbyterian and Baptist region, the Vestry Acts were never
effectively enforced. The Rev. Eli W. Caruthers, biographer
of David Caldwell, aptly summarized the religious situation
in that area before the Revolution:
Presbyterian ministers, and probably others too, were cele-
brating marriages without asking leave of the parish minister,
and building churches, holding meetings, and administrating
ordinances without consulting the Bishop of London, or ob-
taining license from any human authority; the people, without
any serious apprehension of consequences, were setting at
naught the enactments of arbitrary power, by electing for
vestrymen such men as they know would not serve, or by staying
away from the polls and electing no vestrymen at all; and in
some counties . . . they were compelling the Assembly to rescind
their vestry acts.44
The citizens of Mecklenburg County did not want an
established minister. In 1766 Andrew Morton arrived in
New Bern, planning to go on to Mecklenburg as a minister
and missionary of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel. Tryon persuaded him against continuing his journey,
doubting if he would get any favorable reception or any
hearers among the many Presbyterians in Mecklenburg, who
always managed to elect vestrymen from their own number,
42 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 119.
^Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 219-220.
u Eli W. Carruthers, A Sketch of the Life and Character of the Rev.
David Caldwell, D.D. (Greensborough: Swain and Sherwood, 1842), 75.
14 The North Carolina Historical Review
only to have them disqualify.45 After changing his plans and
going to Northampton County, Morton wrote the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel that the people in Meck-
lenburg
. . . had a solemn league and covenant teacher settled among
them That they were in general greatly averse to the Church of
England — and that they looked upon a law lately enacted in this
province for the better establishment of the Church as oppres-
sive as the Stamp Act and were determined to prevent its taking
place there, by opposing the settlement of any Minister of the
Church of England.46
In 1769 the citizens of Mecklenburg sent a petition to
the governor setting forth their religious position. According
to it, 1,000 loyal freemen in the county held to the Church of
Scotland and were entitled to all the rights and privileges
of any British subject, either English or Scottish. In Scotland
the Presbyterian Church was the state church with privileges
similar to the Church in England; moreover, they claimed
additional rights granted by the original North Carolina
Charter. In view of these rights they felt it a burden to be
taxed to support an Episcopal clergy, especially when they
had two Presbyterian ministers to support and when only
one twentieth of the people were Episcopal. They petitioned
that each group be allowed to worship God according to
conscience, and that each pay its own clergy. They stated
that an inducted minister would be useless, that ten shillings
per taxable was an enormous sum to put under the power
of the vestry, being more than it took to run the county
government, and that the vestry law, as a whole, was curbing
settlement in the back country and would always remain a
grievance.47 Many of the immigrants to the region were vir-
tual refugees from the stricter religious conformity of Vir-
ginia, and were very fearful of losing the early freedom they
found on the frontier. Actually, the people were never forced
to support an established clergyman; none ever came to
Mecklenburg, and with reason.
46 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 241-242.
46 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 252-253.
47 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 1015-1017.
The Church Establishment 15
A unique petition arrived in New Bern in 1769 from the
huge frontier county of Rowan, then stretching an indefinite
distance westward into the Smokies and the Cherokee coun-
try. A small number of Episcopalians in Rowan were ag-
grieved because the vestry acts were not being enforced in
their county. They complained that Rowan contained people
of every nation and creed and that the many dissenters
elected as vestrymen such of their own number "as evade
the Acts of Assembly and refuse the oaths whence we can
never expect the regular enlivening beams of the Holy Gos-
pel to shine upon us." 48 In another petition they asked Tryon
to appoint their list of vestry candidates even though they
were defeated in the election. They also asked him to induct
their newly arrived minister, the Rev. Theodorus Swaine
Draige, into their parish, which had no active vestry.49
It can be wondered why Governor Tryon, who would not
give Andrew Morton leave to go to Mecklenburg County,
would allow Draige to go to neighboring Rowan as an estab-
lished clergyman. Here, among numerous dissenters and
virtually on the frontier, poor, gentle Draige became a self-
styled martyr to the cause of his church and to the laws of
his country. He tried to allay the alarm caused among the
dissenters by his arrival, by conceding them the right to con-
tinue performing marriages and funerals without giving him
all the fees as required by the Vestry Act. He asked only
that they receive his permission before performing the cere-
mony. Much to Draige's distress, the dissenting ministers
and the magistrates continued to marry and bury as before,
without permission from anyone. It finally became clear to
Draige that he was not wanted in Rowan by more than a
small minority of the inhabitants, he explained his situation
as follows:
They say not in words only but wishing that as they have
opposed England in endeavoring to intrude on their civil rights,
they also shall, and have a right to oppose any intrusion on
their religious rights, a Maximum I presume dangerous in itself
not with respect to this county and the neighboring counties, but
to the whole Back Frontier of America, principally settled
48 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 219.
49 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 154-155.
16 The North Carolina Historical Review
with Sectaries, and is deserving of the attention of Government,
before power is added to inclination.50
Draige had no vestry in Rowan and could not secure the
election of one. At each vestry election the dissenters made
use of a very common method of nullifying the law. Since
they were a majority, they elected dissenters as vestrymen;
then the elected list of dissenting candidates would refuse
to take the prescribed oath and automatically disqualify
themselves, leaving no vestry. To disqualify they had to pay
a rather stiff fine of three pounds each, but in Rowan the
dissenters did not mind this. They had built up a permanent
fund from which to draw the disqualification penalties by
informing against law violators and collecting one half of
the fine.51 In the vestry election of 1770 the dissenters ef-
fectively used this tactic despite Draige's attempts to per-
suade a majority to vote for his list of candidates. Helpless
to do anything more himself, Draige misrepresented the con-
ditions in Rowan while begging Tryon to intervene. He
continued a short time in the county on voluntary contribu-
tions, handled by an unofficial or rump vestry made up of
the defeated list of candidates.52
In Guilford County, which was strongly Presbyterian and
Baptist the same method of evasion was used as in Rowan.
In 1772 the Assembly at the insistence of the Presbyterian
delegates dissolved a vestry in Guilford on the grounds that
it was illegally elected, probably somewhat like Draige's
rump vestry.53 In Wake County, another strong dissenting
area, the same situation occurred. When the Assembly be-
came cognizant of these several effective evasions of the
vestry law, it passed different local bills, each permitting a
special vestry election in a designated county. In the special
election the Anglicans had another chance to get a qualified
vestry. At least the dissenters had to pay more fines for dis-
qualifying. The Presbyterian members of the Assembly later
had these local bills annulled on the grounds of illegal dis-
crimination. Presbyterians in the counties specified by the
60 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 180.
51 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 179-181.
53 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 202-204, 205-210, 502-506.
63 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 661.
The Church Establishment 17
acts were put at a disadvantage as compared with their
brethren in such counties as Rowan, where evasion of the
vestry act remained legal and effective. Governor Martin,
who followed Tryon in 1771 and who lacked his respect
for the Presbyterians, avowed that he would pass an act
universally excluding Presbyterians from vestries.54
The Quakers and Baptists joined the Presbyterians in op-
posing the Establishment. Tryon explained the reason that
the Rev. Fiske could not collect his pay in Pasquotank
County in 1769 as follows:
I am told his parish is full of quakers and anabaptists, the
first no friend, the latter an avowed enemy to the mother church.
It is certain the preeminence the Church of England has ob-
tained over the sectaries by legislative authority has drawn
upon her their jealousies.55
In 1771 the vestry of Pasquotank refused to serve and
the Assembly had to pass a special act to provide for the
poor. The Quakers were also intransigent in Perquimans
County just before the Revolution. The Rev. Pettigrew re-
ported that they would neither hear nor contribute to the
established minister. As a result the Perquimans Vestry
decided to pay Pettigrew by voluntary contributions rather
than by trying to extort anything from the Quakers.56 From
1765 until 1776 there were almost constant evasions or
criticisms of either the vestry acts or the governor's interpre-
tation of them. When enforced against the will of the people,
these acts were part of the bitter fruits of an established
church.
The vestry acts were not the only oppressive aspects of a
state religion. Certain privileges were given to the Anglican
Church and denied other denominations. The two most im-
portant were the right of performing marriages and the right
to operate chartered schools. The marriage provision was in-
corporated into the Marriage Act of 1741 and in later amend-
ments to it. By this act only orthodox clergymen or, in their
absence, magistrates could perform the marriage ceremony.
64 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 341.
65 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 14.
56 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 496.
18 The North Carolina Historical Review
Perhaps, as the Rev. Joseph B. Cheshire pointed out, there
were few organized dissenters in North Carolina in 1741
and no dissenting minister who claimed any authority to
perform the marriage ceremony.57 Certainly the picture had
changed by 1765. Foote believed that one of the reasons the
Rev. Alexander Craighead, first Presbyterian minister in
western North Carolina, removed from Virginia to Mecklen-
burg County was to get away from the intolerant church
laws of Virginia and to a place where, remote from all au-
thority, he could marry his people in conformity with Presby-
terian practice.58 Presbyterian ministers were well known to
be performing marriages according to their own customs
throughout western North Carolina. The Governor's Council
proposed a cruel amendment to the Marriage Act in 1762
because of this breach of the law. It would have placed on
any "dissenting minister whatsoever" who performed a mar-
riage, a fine of fifty pounds proclamation money recoverable
by anyone suing for same.59 This harsh amendment was
blocked by the more tolerant Assembly, probably averting
much trouble.60
In 1766 the Assembly faced up to what could have been
an embarrassing fait accompli. Legally or not, many couples
in North Carolina had been married by dissenting clergy-
men, primarily Presbyterians. An amendment to the act of
1741 provided that, as the Presbyterians did not believe
themselves included in the marriage act and had endanger-
ed the validity of their marriages by marrying without license
or banns, all such marriages performed before the first of
1767 would be recognized as legal. Thereafter all marriages
performed without a license or banns were to incur a fifty
pounds penalty. As a special boon to Presbyterians they alone
among dissenters were granted the right of performing mar-
riages, but only with license and on the condition that the
whole fee be given to the orthodox minister if he demanded
it.61
67 Cheshire, "The Church in the Province of North Carolina," 68-69.
58 Foote, Sketches of North Carolina, 186-187.
69 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 881.
60 Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 884.
81 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 672-674.
The Church Establishment 19
Although the amendment was passed partly as a favor
to them, the Presbyterians were quick to resent its wording
and intent. In a petition of 1769 the citizens in Mecklenburg
declared that the act scandalized Presbyterian clergymen
and tended to promote immorality by obstructing the "nat-
ural and inalienable right" of marriage.62 The citizens of
Tryon County condemned the amendment for not allowing
Presbyterians to marry by banns. They declared this a privi-
lege never heretofore denied in America.63 But the strongest
petition came from Orange and Rowan counties:
And may it please you to grant us a Repeal of the Act, pro-
hibiting Dissenting Ministers from marrying according to the
Decretals, Rites and Ceremonys, of their Respective Churches:
a priviledge they were debarred of in no other part of his
Majesty's Dominions; and as we humbly conceive, a priviledge
they stand entitled to, by the Act of Toleration, and in fine,
a priviledge granted even to the very Catholics in Ireland, and
the Protestants in France.64
For once the grievances of the Presbyterians were heard.
In the Regulator troubles of 1769-71, the higher echelons to
the Assembly remained loyal to Governor Tryon in his ex-
treme measures to suppress the revolts. As a reward for this
loyalty, and to appease some of the Regulators, he approved
two very lenient acts passed by the Assembly in 1770 and
1771. One was an amendment to the marriage law; another
was a charter to Queen's College. The former act modified
the marriage law to allow Presbyterians to perform marriages
in their own way and without any fee to the established
clergy.65 Another act to allow Presbyterians to wed without
license was vetoed by Tryon because it was directly against
his instructions from the Crown.66 His veto was unimportant
anyway, for the Crown refused to accept even the first con-
cession because of its encouragement to dissenters and be-
cause of its possible weakening effect on the Establishment.
The Rev. James Reed wrote to the Society for the Progaga-
tion of the Gospel that, should the act receive Royal consent,
63 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 1015-1017.
63 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 80b.
64 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 82-83.
66 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 322.
68 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 469.
20 The North Carolina Historical Review
"it would be a fatal blow to the Church of England." 67 On
the further recommendation of the Board of Trade, the law
was disallowed in 1771, leaving a deep grievance among
Presbyterians.68 It is notable that one of the first acts passed
after the adoption of the State Constitution of 1776 was one
to permit any regular minister of any denomination to per-
form marriages.69
Only a small bit of favoritism to the Anglican Church
carried over into the field of education in North Carolina.
Pre-revolutionary education in the province was almost
entirely private and church sponsored. The Presbyterians
were pre-eminent in education and conducted their schools
without restraints of any kind. Only in a few state-chartered
schools was there any discrimination in favor of the Angli-
cans; New Bern Academy is one example. In 1764 a certain
Tomlinson from England began teaching school in New
Bern, mainly because of the efforts of the Rev. James Reed.
Tomlinson was himself an Anglican and annually received
fifteen pounds from the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel for his academic labors.70 In 1766, by an act of as-
sembly, the state virtually adopted New Bern Academy,
giving it a charter and providing for additional revenue. The
act required the master of the school to be a member of the
Church of England. To provide extra revenue it permitted
a tax to be placed on all rum entering the Neuse River, thus,
in a sense, taxing dissenters as well as churchmen for an An-
glican school. It should be noted that the school was begun
by an Episcopal master in a strong Anglican area and was
well established before receiving state help and continued to
receive aid from the Society for the Propagation of the Gos-
pel. After the Revolution the master continued to be an
Episcopalian without any requirement to that effect. Finally,
as the school had a religious as well as a secular purpose,
there was very little room for objection by the dissenters,
or actually, even by the rum drinking dissenters.
71
87 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 6.
68 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 7, 284-285.
69 Clark, State Records, XXIII, 997.
70 Charles Lee Raper, The Church and Private Schools of North Carolina
(Greensboro: N. C, Jos. J. Stone, Book and Job Printer, 1898), 25.
71 Rev. Robert B. Drane, "Colonial Parishes and Church Schools," in
Sketches of Church History in North Carolina, 177-178.
The Church Establishment 21
In 1770 the North Carolina Assembly passed an act char-
tering an academy at Edenton. Reluctantly, and only after
a veto by Tryon of a former act, the members of the As-
sembly agreed to pass this act though it required the master
of the school to be an Episcopalian. As it received no aid
from the state, Edenton Academy remained a private school
for all practical purposes.72
The most ambitious educational project in colonial North
Carolina was Queen's College in Mecklenburg County. The
forerunner of this college was a school taught in 1767 at
Sugar Creek, a few miles from Charlotte, by Joseph Alexan-
der, a Princeton graduate. When the citizens of Mecklenburg
decided to enlarge the scope of Sugar Creek School, Queen's
College became its successor and answered a real need for
an institution of higher learning in central and western Car-
olina.73 In addition to his concessions to the Presbyterians
in the form of a better marriage law, Tryon also approved
an act for establishing Queen's College. By the terms of the
act the president of the college had to be of the Established
Church,74 but it was presumed that all the other masters
and the trustees would be Presbyterian, as it was in a Pres-
byterian region and received most of its support from that
denomination.75 The college was to be financed by private
endowments and by a duty of six pence per gallon on all
rum and spirituous liquors brought into and disposed of in
Mecklenburg County for a period of ten years.76
Governor Tryon urged the Board of Trade to accept the
act in view of the Presbyterian's assistance in the Regulator
controversy, but his appeal was in vain. The Board of Trade
felt that the act should be disallowed because it favored
Presbyterians and hindered the Establishment at a time when
the King could not safely give encouragement to toleration.
The act was disallowed in the same year, 1771. 77 A later act
73 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 591, 632-633.
73 Charles L. Smith, History of Education in North Carolina (Washington,
D. C., Government Printing Office, 1888), 32-33. Hereafter cited as Smith,
History of Education in North Carolina.
7* Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 448.
75 Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 525-527.
70 R. D. W. Connor, "The Genesis of Higher Education in North Carolina,"
North Carolina Historical Review, XXVIII (1951), 5.
"Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 249-251, 284-285.
22 The North Carolina Historical Review
for the same purpose was also disallowed, leaving a cause
for bitterness against the Crown on the part of the people
of Mecklenburg.78 About 1775 the name Queen's College
was changed, perhaps, spitefully, to Liberty Hall Academy.
Also in 1775 the citizens of Mecklenburg were leaders in
the struggle for American independence.
Since the resistance to North Carolina's religious estab-
lishment paralleled a series of events leading to the Revolu-
tion and since the Establishment ended in the constitutional
changes accompanying the revolution, the connection be-
tween the political and religious discontent might be as-
sumed to be very close. The simplest and most logical story
would have the Revolution beginning with the Regulator
troubles and resulting from both political and religious op-
pression.79 A close study of available evidence shows the
great complexity of this period in North Carolina's history
and indicates the following conclusions: first, the Regulator
trouble was not directly related to the Revolution and was
primarily caused by economic and not religious grievances.
Secondly, the Revolution was only slightly influenced by
religious oppression. Thirdly, the ending of the Establish-
ment in 1776 was as much an accompaniment of the political
disturbances as the result of a long series of struggles for
religious freedom.
The Regulator revolt, beginning in 1768 and ending with
the Battle of Alamance in May, 1771, was not a revolt against
the form of government but against certain unfair agents
who administered the constitution. It was not a movement
for freedom, but a popular upheaval, or a yoeman's revolt.
It was suppressed by North Carolina soldiers under many
of the same officers who later led the colonial troops in the
Revolution. Most important for this study, the Regulation
was not a religious movement; the primary grievances were
purely economic. Those grievances were excessive taxes in a
time of scarce currency, dishonest sheriffs and other county
78 Smith, History of Education in North Carolina, 33.
79 This general explanation is implied in Stephen B. Weeks, Church and
State in North Carolina (John Hopkins University Studies, Series XI,
1893), 46.
The Church Establishment 23
officials, including judges, and the extortionate fees extract-
ed by unscrupulous lawyers and officials.80
Nor can it be said conclusively that religious grievances
did not have any bearing at all on the Regulators. Certainly
the Marriage Act of 1766, by requiring a license costing ten
shillings for any marriage performed by a dissenting minister,
worked an added economic hardship in the predominantly
Presbyterian and Baptist regions of Orange, Rowan, and
Anson counties. In his Impartial Relation, one of the better
first hand accounts of the Regulators, Herman Husbands
denounced an establishment or any other organized religion
which joined the magistracy to become lords over the
people.81 Although the Regulators did not complain about
vestry dues, this added tax, if it were collected in any of the
Regulator areas, must have seemed an added burden. Other
than petitioning Tryon to allow their ministers to marry ac-
cording to forms prescribed by their respective churches,
the Regulators were usually complaining about intolerable
economic conditions, which they felt to be directly ascribable
to the dishonesty of their own county and state officials.
All the organized religious groups denounced the methods
of the Regulators. The area around Orange and Rowan in-
cluded four leading Presbyterian ministers— Hugh McAden,
James Creswell, Henry Patillo, and David Caldwell. These
ministers addressed a letter to all Presbyterians, pleading
for obedience to law and order.82 They also pledged their
loyalty in a letter to Tryon.83 These ministers knew that many
Presbyterians were in the ranks of the Regulators and were
themselves sympathetic with the cause of the Regulators,
only denouncing their use of force. Dr. Caldwell tried to
negotiate some peacful settlement up to the very day of the
Battle of Alamance. The German churches denounced the
Regulators in accordance with their belief in subordination
80 John Spencer Bassett, "The Regulators of North Carolina," Annual
Report of the American Historical Association for 189U, 142-150; also see
Haywood, Governor William Tryon and His Administration, 78.
81 Herman Husbands, "An Impartial Relation of the First Rise and Cause
of the Recent Differences in Public Affairs," North Carolina Historical
Review, III (1926), 302-303.
82 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 814-816.
83 Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 813-814.
24 The North Carolina Historical Review
to the state. The Quakers were as usual pacifists.84 The Sandy
Creek Baptist Association resolved that: "If any of our mem-
bers shall take up arms against the legal authority or aid and
abet them that do so he shall be excommunicated &c." 85
Although the Regulators included men from every denomi-
nation, the New Light Baptists, largely representing a low
economic class, probably furnished more than their propor-
tionate share. This is indicated by the fact that, according
to Morgan Edwards, all but eight of the members of Great-
Cohara Church moved away from North Carolina because of
the Regulator troubles. Sandy Creek Church dropped in
membership from 606 to 14 when many families, despairing
of better times after the rout at Alamance, left the province.86
Another indication that the Regulators were not revolting
against the Establishment is the fact that many Regulators
were Anglicans. Husbands said the most trusted Regulators
"were of the Church of England Communion." 87The estab-
lished ministers naturally opposed the Regulators. When
Tryon first brought troops westward in 1768 to quiet the
first series of disturbances, the established clergyman in
Orange County, old Parson Micklejohn, preached a fiery
sermon to the assembled troops, using Romans 13: 1-2 as
a text— a text obviously aimed at the Regulators:
88
Let every Soul be subject unto the higher powers; for there
is no Power but of God ; the powers that be are ordained by God.
Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordi-
nance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves
damnation.
Not to be outdone in loyalty, the Rev. James McCarty,
newly arrived clergyman in Granville County, preached a
sermon to the second expedition on the text: "He that hath
no sword, let him sell his garment and buy one." 89
84 Haywood, Governor William Tryon and His Administration, 189.
85 Paschal, "Morgan Edwards' Materials," 396.
89 Paschal, "Morgan Edwards' Materials," 381, 385.
87 Haywood, Governor William Tryon and His Administration, 189.
88 William K. Boyd, "Some North Carolina Tracts of the Eighteenth
Century," North Carolina Historical Review, III (1926), 462.
89 Haywood, Governor William Tryon and His Administration, 102.
The Church Establishment 25
In the Revolution the same group of men, lawyers, sheriffs,
and officeholders, who had been oppressing the regulating
groups in the West were the leaders in the fight against
England, while the name Regulator became almost synony-
mous with Tory.90 The Regulation was primarily a yeoman's
revolt; the Revolution was more a revolt of the middle class.
The Regulators were desperately fighting for relief from im-
poverishing internal conditions. The leaders of the Revolu-
tion were debating lofty political principles and resisting a
restrictive and annoying British authority. As much as the
Regulators had religious grievances, they were directed
against a class of men within the colony who enforced, and
sometime profited from, the vestry and marriage laws. To
the extent that the Revolution was fought because of reli-
gious grievances, the enemy was always the British Crown.
The earliest settlers in North Carolina lent that province
a distinctively independent attitude— an attitude which of-
ten vented itself in turbulence. Under the guise of beautiful
words, the Assembly had a long history of opposition to the
Crown. The delegates had always been quick to drag up
their old Charter as a virtual bill of rights. After 1765 this
independence was further awakened by a series of events.
The Stamp Act was abhorred in North Carolina; the agent
was made to swear he would not attempt to execute the law.
Governor Tryon, with his royal bearing and pompous dis-
play, was well liked by the aristocratic elements in the state,
but he left a legacy of trouble for Governor Martin. His ex-
travagance in building a £15,000 palace, in leading a costly
expedition to survey the Cherokee boundary, and in his os-
tentatious expeditions against the Regulators had left a
huge debt. When Tryon left North Carolina the bond be-
tween the governor and ruling class was broken, for Governor
Martin was plain, blunt and obviously in sympathy with the
Regulator class. The break between Martin and the Assem-
bly was soon complete. Martin tried to collect several special
taxes, some to redeem paper currency issued as far back
as 1748. He proposed to carry out, at the people's expense,
Haywood, Governor William Tryon and His Administration, 166, 177.
26 The North Carolina Historical Review
the Crown's advice on the boundary dispute between North
and South Carolina, which deprived North Carolina of much
valuable land. Finally, when he arrogantly refused to accept
any Court Bill which included a foreign attachment clause,
the Crown government was virtually at an end. The lawyers,
out of a job when the Assembly refused to pass any Court
Bill at all, became the leaders of the revolutionary move-
ment.91 Sympathy for other colonies bolstered North Caro-
lina's determination to resist British authority. Committees
of Safety were formed all over the state. In the midst of all
these happenings, the religious questions became secondary
considerations. The governor's insistence on the right of
presentation was one of the many past grievances which had
added to the growing dissatisfaction. In one location, Meck-
lenburg County, the seedbed of the Revolution in western
North Carolina, the royal disallowance of the charter of
Queen's College and of the Marriage Act of 1771 undoubted-
ly had a great influence in driving these Presbyterians to
open rebellion.92
The evidence indicates that the early dissatisfaction with
British rule did not grow out of opposition to the idea of an
Anglican establishment, however it did partly spring from
what was believed to be a usurpation of ecclesiastical power
by the governor. Many of the leaders of the Revolution, if
not most, were Anglicans and many of the vestries went along
with the colonial policy. For example, in June, 1776, the
Vestry of Chowan County subscribed to the revolutionary
oath, swearing support to the Continental and Provincial
congresses.93 In Pitt County the Committee of Safety decided
to sell at public auction any fire arms taken from Negroes
and give the money to the parish.94 When the Committee
of Safety of New Bern ordered a day of "fasting, humiliation
and prayer," the Episcopal minister, James Reed, was asked
to perform divine services.95 On the other hand, most of the
81 Enoch Walter Sikes, The Transition of North Carolina from Colony to
Commonwealth (John Hopkins University Studies, Series XVI, 1898), 7-41.
93 Charles Lee Raper, North Carolina — A Study in English Colonial
Government (New York, The MacMillan Company, 1904), 227.
83 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 612.
84 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 63.
85 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 115-116.
The Church Establishment 27
Royalists were from the back country and were largely dis-
senters. The newly arrived Scottish Presbyterians supported
England all through the war. Most revealing of all, in 1774,
the men who were soon to assume the leadership in the Revo-
lution and were already defying Governor Martin on the
important court issue, re-enacted the Vestry Act for ten more
years.96 The old act had expired two years before and Gov-
ernor Martin begged that it be extended. If the members of
the Assembly had desired the Establishment to end in 1774,
they would surely have taken this perfect opportunity to
neglect to renew the act. Certainly, with the ill feeling be-
tween Martin and the Assembly, the act was continued only
because the delegates wanted it continued.
If there was still enough sentiment to continue the Estab-
lishment in 1774, why did it end with the State Constitution
of 1776? In the first place, the Episcopal Church declined
under Martin. The political controversies hurt the church
and without any court law of any kind the minister could
not force the payment of his salary.97 The dissenters were
growing rapidly; the Methodists were beginning to become
important in the state. Much more important was the fact
that the largest share of the established ministers, several
still receiving annual stipends from the Society for the Propa-
gation of the Gospel, remained loyal to the British.98 If the
leadership of the Anglican Church had firmly supported the
Revolution, the sentiment against the Establishment at the
Constitutional Convention in 1776 might not have been suf-
ficient to overthrow it. With the relaxing of the vestry laws,
and with the ignominious arrest and suspension of several of
its clergymen, the Anglican church, stigmatized alike by
name and origin, did not have the strength to survive the
political changes of 1776.
It is impossible to gauge the exact amount of sentiment
that had long been forming against the Establishment. The
numerous complaints and evasions among the dissenters
indicate the oppressive nature of favoritism to one church
and one clergy. It is clear that the majority sentiment, per-
96 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 861.
97 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 1251.
98 Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 1003-1004.
28 The North Carolina Historical Review
haps even among Episcopalians, was against a rigid marriage
law and narrow educational restrictions. Although the
Church achieved its maximum growth under Tryon, the
establishment was not a success. The Vestry Act gave so
much power to the governor that even Anglicans protested.
The Vestry and Orthodox Clergy Acts remained so incapable
of enforcement that many parishes paid their minister by
voluntary contributions. When the revolt became a move-
ment for complete independence, many people who, while
approving an establishment of the Protestant religion, de-
tested the restrictive and unfair aspects of the current ec-
clesiastical system. At last they had their opportunity to over-
throw the English Establishment which they accomplished.
To their delegates to the Provincial Congress, which took
over the government in 1775, Mecklenburg County gave
instructions to support an establishment of Protestantism,
with a confession and profession of that religion to be nec-
essary for any person holding public office. Other than this,
the delegates were advised to "oppose to the utmost any
particular church or set of Clergymen being invested with
power to decree rites and Ceremonies." They were also to
"oppose the establishment of any mode of worship to be sup-
ported to the opposition of the rights of conscience."99 In
1776 Mecklenburg instructed its delegates to the Constitu-
tional Convention to see that
In all times hereafter no professing Christian of any denomi-
nation whatever shall be compelled to pay any tax or duty
toward the support of the clergy or worship of any other
denomination.100
After the adoption of the State Constitution the Mecklen-
burg delegates were to urge the passing of two laws, one to
abolish all vestry and marriage acts, and the other to allow
any minister to perform marriages after publication of
banns.101 The only other set of instructions came from Orange
County, and on religious matters, closely paralleled those of
Mecklenburg.
99 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 241.
™° Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 870d.
101 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 870e.
The Church Establishment 29
The State Constitution of 1776 embodied the same reli-
gious principles as the above instructions. Article XIX of the
Bill of Rights read: "That all men have a natural and un-
alienable right to worship Almighty God, according to the
dictates of their own consciences." Articles XXXIV of the
Constitution further clarified the religious question:
That there shall be no Establishment of any one religious
Church or Denomination in this State in Preferance to any
other, neither shall any person, on any pretense whatsoever, be
compelled to attend any Place of worship contrary to his own
Faith or judgment, or be obliged to pay for the Purchase of any
Glebe, or the building of any House of Worship, or for the
maintenance of any Minister or Ministry, contrary to what
he believes right, or has voluntarily or personally engaged to
perform, but all persons shall be at Liberty to exercise their
own mode of Worship. Provided, That nothing herein con-
tained shall be construed to exempt Preachers of treasonable and
seditious Discourses, from legal trial and Punishment.102
The idea of a lax Protestant establishment, already em-
bodied in the Mecklenburg instruction, was hotly debated
in the convention and finally accepted in a mild form in
Article XXXI. The Rev. David Caldwell is reputed to have
authored and defended this clause:
That no person who shall deny the Being of God, or the truth
of the Protestant Religion, or the divine authority either of the
Old or New Testament, or shall hold religious Principles in-
compatible with the Freedom and Safety of the State, shall be
capable of holding any office, or Place of Trust or Profit, in the
civil Department within this State.103
An effective religious establishment came late to North
Carolina. In the strong form that it assumed as a result of
a consistent but unrealistic Crown policy, the Establishment
met various types of opposition from both Anglicans and
dissenters. This opposition was neither an important issue
in the War of the Regulators nor a major cause of the Revo-
lution, though it did reflect, along with the many political
controversies, a determined insistence by North Carolinians
on local autonomy. This dislike of centralization was to be
wa Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 1011.
103 Saunders, Colonial Records, X, 1011.
30 The North Carolina Historical Review
again reflected in North Carolina's failure to ratify the Fed-
eral Constitution in 1788. The religious provisions of the
State Constitution of 1776 can be explained by this desire for
local religious autonomy, coupled with the steady growth of
dissenters and the unpopular role played by the Anglican
clergy in the Revolution. It was unfortunate for the Anglican
Church that the Establishment became stronger and more
fettering at the very time the colony was in the mood for
asserting its own independence, for with the ending of polit-
ical support the church was so helpless that it barely sur-
vived. It was another generation before the Episcopal faith
could live down the stigma of having been the state church,
or could, on the other hand, become strong enough to pros-
per without the state's help.
THE ELECTION OF 1836 IN NORTH CAROLINA
By William S. Hoffmann
The election of 1836 was one of the most significant in
the history of the United States. Though generally neglected
by historians it is unique in American history. It is the only
election in which a political party deliberately ran more than
one presidential candidate. The Democrats had a national
candidate, Martin Van Buren, who was not especially popular
in any section of the country; the Whigs had three sectional
candidates, Hugh Lawson White, William Henry Harrison,
and Daniel Webster. White ran only in the South; Webster,
in parts of New England, and Harrison, in the remainder of
the East and Northwest. Supporters of each of the Whig can-
didates could appeal to the people of each region and tell
them that the Democratic candidate was an enemy of their
section. They hoped to keep Van Buren from securing a
majority of the electoral vote, so that the House of Represen-
tatives, voting by states, could elect one of the Whig candi-
dates as president. Had their plan succeeded such strategy
would probably have continued, and presidents would have
been chosen by the House instead of by the people.
The presidential contest of 1836 was not a national election,
but a series of state campaigns. As 1836 dawned the two
parties had about equal strength. In North Carolina, as in the
United States, the people were about evenly divided between
the two parties.
In the state, as in the nation, the great personal popularity
of Andrew Jackson gave the Democrats an important ad-
vantage.1 Since 1815 the people of North Carolina had dem-
onstrated their hero worship of the victor of New Orleans,
and in 1823 when a few leaders of the state asked the voters
to support Jackson they found a ready response.2 A group
1 Willie P. Mangum to David L. Swain, December 22, 1833, Henry T.
Shanks (ed.), The Papers of Willie Person Mangum, (Raleigh, State De-
partment of Archives and History), II (1952), 52. Hereafter cited as
Shanks, Mangum Papers.
2 Albert R. Newsome, The Election of 182U in North Carolina, The James
Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science (Chapel Hill, XXIII,
1939), 20-39 and passim. Hereafter cited as Newsome, Election of 1824.
Also see William S. Hoffmann, "Origins of the Jackson Party" (unpublish-
ed thesis, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1950), 17.
[31]
32 The North Carolina Historical Review
of politicians originally supporting South Carolina's John C.
Calhoun had formed an organization called the People's
party. When events outside of North Carolina caused the
South Carolinian to postpone his presidential aspirations
and seek the vice-presidency, the leaders of the People's
party pledged themselves to support Jackson and Calhoun.
The dominant politicians in the state supported William H.
Crawford of Georgia for the presidency, but the electoral
ticket of the People's party was victorious. It defeated the
Georgian's ticket by 20,214 votes to 15,621.3 Between 1824
and 1828 most of Crawford's supporters somewhat reluc-
tantly shifted to Jackson primarily because they considered
him a lesser evil than John Quincy Adams.4 In the election of
1828, Jackson received 37,875 votes while Adams received
only 13,918.5 During Jackson's first term his popularity in-
creased among North Carolinians. The former supporters
of Crawford enthusiastically applauded the Maysville veto
and Jackson's other state rights pronouncements and became
loyal members of the Democratic party.6 In 1832 Jackson
won his greatest electoral victory in the state, receiving
eighty-four and one-half per cent of the total vote. An
electoral ticket for Jackson and Van Buren received 21,007
votes, one for Henry Clay and John Sergeant received 4,563
votes, and one for Jackson and Phillip Pendleton Barbour of
Virginia received 3,855.7 Although Jackson lost some sup-
porters during his second term the admiration which the
majority of people felt toward him continued. The Demo-
crats realized that they could transfer some of Jackson's
popularity to Martin Van Buren, but their chance of victory
was not so great.
The Whigs had many factors in their favor. Many respect-
able leaders of the state, especially former Federalists, had
8 Newsome, Election of 1824, 48-89 and passim.
* William S. Hoffmann, "North Carolina Politics in the Jackson Period,
1824-1837" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of North Caro-
lina, Chapel Hill, 1953), 21-42. Hereafter cited as Hoffmann, "North Caro-
lina Politics."
6 Yadkin and Catawba Journal (Salisbury), December 9, 1828.
6 Hoffmann, "North Carolina Politics," 65-91; William S. Hoffmann,
"Andrew Jackson: State Rightist: The Case of the Georgia Indians,"
Tennessee Historical Quarterly (Nashville, December, 1952), XI, 329-334.
7 North Carolina Journal (Fayetteville), November 7, 1832.
The Election of 1836 in North Carolina 33
supported Adams in 1828 and were the nucleus of the Whig
Party.8 In 1831, as a final act in the controversy concerning
Peggy Eaton's social position, Jackson had asked for the
resignation of Secretary of the Navy, John Branch. The
ousted Secretary returned to North Carolina and declared
open warfare on Martin Van Buren. He found many fol-
lowers who were secret enemies of Jackson, who worked
with him in organizing a new political party.9 They promised
to support Jackson for president and Barbour for vice-presi-
dent. Sectional prejudice was aroused against Van Buren,
and in the spring and early summer of 1832 this appeared
to be the strongest group in the state. Due to Barbour's
belated withdrawal and to their own association with nul-
lification a very poor showing was made in the election.10
They remained together as an effective political organization,
and their private hatred for the President was increased when
Jackson took a strong nationalistic stand during the nullifi-
cation controversy.11 Although most of them had opposed the
national bank on constitutional grounds, when Jackson trans-
ferred federal funds from the national bank to state banks
it served as a signal to join openly the anti- Jackson ranks.
Together the Branch group and the original anti-Jackson
men had more party journals than their rivals, and more
important political leaders supported their cause. North
Carolina was considered a doubtful state, and in many re-
spects the state campaign was typical of the nation.
Since early 1834 the North Carolina newspapers had been
filled with discussions of partisan issues. The Whig poli-
ticians and editors raised their voices in righteous indigna-
tion at Jackson's removal of deposits from the national bank.12
8 Hoffmann, "North Carolina Politics," 45-50.
9 Hoffmann, "North Carolina Politics," 92-110 ; John Branch to "A Gentle-
man in this City," New Bern Spectator and Literary Journal (New Bern),
May 21, 1831; John Branch to James Iredell, Washington, March 31, 1832,
James Iredell Papers, Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina.
"Hoffmann, "North Carolina Politics," 111-133.
"Hoffmann, "North Carolina Politics," 134-154.
12 Raleigh Register, October 1, 22, 1833, quoting the Carolina Watchman
(Salisbury); The Star (Raleigh), September 27, 1833; Lewis Williams to
Edmund Jones, Washington, December 8, 1833, Edmund Jones Papers,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library,
Chapel Hill.
34 The North Carolina Historical Review
When the Senate censured the President for his actions the
Whigs praised the body for its "courageous stand against
executive usurpation" and Democrats denounced the Senate
as supporters of a "monstrous institution." 13 When Jackson
answered the censure with an official protest many Whigs
likened this "additional usurpation" to a tyrant's message
from the throne, but Democrats applauded and agreed with
Jackson that the Senate had no constitutional right to pass
the resolution of censure.14 The opponents of Jackson com-
pared his tyranny to that of George III and occasionally took
the name, Whig, to signify their opposition to executive tyr-
anny.15 Generally, both parties continued to call themselves
Republicans, and both insisted that they were defending
Republican principles.
The national bank called in loans and this seems to have
been one factor in bringing on a depression. The Whigs de-
nounced Jackson for not restoring the deposits and thereby
ending the depression. The North Carolina Democrats
denied that any depression existed and declared that the
state had never been more prosperous.16 The Whig voice
was loud, and Democratic Senator Bedford Brown declared:
Every day the accents of distress . . . sounded . . . Different kinds
of distress prevail. . . . Not among the least distressed was that
class of politician . . . distressed because their opponents were
in power, and they themselves were out of power.17
Brown's support of the President's policy caused the Whigs
to try to secure his removal. Mass meetings were called
which instructed Brown to support restoration of the de-
18 Western Carolinian (Salisbury), March 15, 1834; Free Press (Tar-
boro), April 13, 1834.
u Western Carolinian, May 17, 1834; Raleigh Register, April 29, 1834;
Miners and Farmers Journal (Charlotte), May 3, 1834; Free Press,
May 4, 1834.
""Sidney" in Raleigh Register, December 23, 1834.
M Western Carolinian, March 22, 1834; Nathaniel Macon to Martin Van
Buren, May 23, 1834, Elizabeth McPherson, "Letters from North Caro-
linians to Martin Van Buren," North Carolina Historical Review (Ra-
leigh), XV (January, 1938), 174; Bedford Brown to Martin Van Buren,
September 24, 1834, William K. Boyd, "Some Selections from the Cor-
respondence of Bedford Brown," Trinity College Historical Society, His-
torical Papers (Durham), VI (1926), 88.
"Brown's speech in the Senate, Raleigh Register, January 21, 1835.
The Election of 1836 in North Carolina 35
posits or resign from the Senate. Whig Senator Willie P.
Mangum presented one such resolution to the United States
Senate and referred to it as the voice of North Carolina.
Brown declared that he would obey the real will of his
constituents or resign. He pointed out that the meeting had
been called by a disappointed aspirant and that only a hand-
ful of partisans had been present. The Whig press called
Brown's statement a denial of the right of instructions and
declared that his refusal to obey made him unfit to hold
public office. During the legislative elections of 1834 the
Whigs urged all men who believed in the "Republican prin-
ciple of instructions" to vote only for legislators who opposed
Brown's re-election.18
The Democrats could also play the game. They in turn
urged the voters to cast their ballots only for candidates who
pledged themselves to support Brown.19 The Democrats
gained a slight majority and succeeded in re-electing
Brown.20 After a bitter debate the legislature passed a reso-
lution declaring that a Senator should support instructions
from the legislature or resign. They then instructed the two
Senators to support a resolution expunging the Senate's
censure of Jackson.21 Brown, of course, already favored the
expunging resolution and needed no instructions. Mangum
refused to obey, and fearing that his resignation would give
the Democrats control of the Senate he refused to retire.22
He declared that a Senator should obey instructions from
the people or resign, but he denied that the legislature was
the proper body to speak for the people.23 Until Mangum
finally resigned and was replaced by Robert Strange— three
months before his term expired the Democrats constantly
attacked the "disobedient" Senator for his action.24 The
M Miners and Farmers Journal, March 1, July 12, 1834; Carolina Watch-
man, March 8, 1834; Raleigh Register, February 25, March 18, April 15,
1834; Copy of Burke County Resolutions, March 27, 1834, Shanks, Mangum
Papers, II, 54.
18 North Carolina, Standard (Raleigh), November 7, 14, 21, 1834.
20 Raleigh Register, November 25, 1834.
21 Raleigh Register, January 27, 1835.
^Willie P. Mangum to William A. Graham, Washington, December 17,
1834, William Alexander Graham Papers, State Department of Archives
and History, Raleigh North Carolina.
23 Mangum's speech in the Senate, Hillsboro Recorder, March 20, 1835.
24 North Carolina Standard, June 11, 1835, and passim.
36 The North Carolina Historical Review
Whigs, forgetting the origin of the instruction fight, declared
that the instructions were part of the "Jacksonian reign of
terror" to put down all who differed with them.25 Neither
side gained or lost much support because of the instruction
battle, but it kept partisans on both sides active and aroused.
In 1835 the Whigs shifted the emphasis in their attack.
National land policy had long been a minor issue. In 1833
Jackson vetoed a bill calling for annual distribution of the
proceeds from federal land sales to all the states, but this
caused only a feeble protest from the anti-Jackson men.26
At that time Mangum had not openly broken with Jackson
and had twice voted against the measure. Realizing that
distribution would be popular in North Carolina and would
embarrass the Democrats, he wrote Governor David L.
Swain urging that the legislature instruct him to support the
measure. He could therefore change his vote in obedience
to instructions and not be condemned for inconsistency.27
Although Mangum was destined to receive instructions of
another nature, Swain did his part well.
In his inaugural message of 1834, Swain called distri-
bution a panacea for all of North Carolina's ills, and the
Whigs became ardent champions of the measure.28 In Jan-
uary, 1835, the lower house of the legislature passed a reso-
lution in favor of distribution, but the Democratic majority
in the Senate refused their assent.29 The Whigs constantly
denounced the Democrats for blocking the distribution reso-
lution, and Whig leader William J. Alexander issued a cir-
cular averring that the action of the Democrats had cost
the people of the state five-million dollars annually.30 At the
next session of the legislature the house again assented to a
Whig resolution favoring distribution, while the senate pass-
25 Samuel Fleming's speech in the state legislature, Raleigh Register,
December 23, 1834.
23 New Bern Spectator and Literary Journal, March 15, 1833; Abraham
Rencher's "circular" in The Star, May 10, 1833; Lewis Williams, To the
Citizens of the Thirteenth Congressional District of North Carolina,
Washington, February 12, 1833, 14. Hereafter cited as Williams, Citizens
of the Thirteenth District.
^Willie P. Mangum to David L. Swain, December 22, 1833, Shanks,
Mangum Papers, II, 54.
28 Swain's inaugural address, Hillsboro Recorder, November 28, 1834.
29 North Carolina Standard, January 16, 1835.
30 Raleigh Register, March 10, 1835, quoting extracts from Alexander's
circular, Western Carolinian, January 24, 1835.
The Election of 1836 in North Carolina 37
ed a resolution which favored the distribution of an "un-
avoidable surplus" only.31 The Whigs again condemned the
Democrats for refusing to consent to annual distribution and
repeated the arguments of the preceding year.32 Distribution
was popular in North Carolina, especially in the western
part of the state. As Whig leaders pointed out, it would give
the state millions of dollars annually which could be spent
for much needed roads, schools, and railroads and would not
cost the people one cent additional taxes. Whigs claimed
that the Democrats were going to give the lands outright
to the western states in order to bribe those states into voting
for Van Buren.33 The Democrats fervently denied this and
could argue that distribution was unconstitutional and that
the federal government instead of distributing surplus funds
should lower the tariff.34 They could make little headway,
however, against the popular Whig advocates. Democratic
opposition to distribution greatly aided the Whigs in the
national campaign.
The Whigs of North Carolina considered many presiden-
tial candidates. Henry Clay was the favorite of the original
anti- Jackson men, but national party strategy kept Clay from
entering the race.35 Nullifiers led by Charles Fisher wanted to
nominate John C. Calhoun, but Willie P. Mangum succeeded
in convincing them that Calhoun's unpopularity would throw
North Carolina into the Van Buren camp.36 In the fall of
1834, the Raleigh Register, organ of the original anti- Jackson
81 Raleigh Register, December 22, 29, 1835.
82 Raleigh Register, February 2, 1836, quoting the Fayetteville Observer,
Williams, Citizens of the Thirteenth District, May 17, 1836.
33 Williams, Citizens of the Thirteenth District, Washington, February,
18, 1835, 2-5; Abraham Rencher, To the Citizens of the Tenth Congressional
District, Washington, March 6, 1835, 1-2 ; Edmund Deberry, To the Freemen
of the Counties of Anson, Richmond, Cumberland, Moore, and Montgomery,
Washington, February 28, 1835; Edmund Deberry Papers, Southern His-
torical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill;
Swain's annual message, Raleigh Register, November 24, 1835.
34 North Carolina Standard, February 6 and December 15, 1835, quoting
Richard Dobbs Spaight's inaugural address; Thomas Hall, To the Qualified
Voters of the Third Congressional District, Washington, March 6, 1835.
85 Raleigh Register, October 22, 1833; New Bern Spectator and Literary
Journal, March 15, 1833.
38 Willie P. Mangum to John Beard, Philadelphia, October 7, 1834, Fisher
Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina
Library, Chapel Hill.
38 The North Carolina Historical Review
men, and the Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), both urged
that a state convention nominate a "Southern candidate"
for president. The Western Carolinian ( Salisbury ) , organ of
the milliners, and the New Bern Spectator and Literary
Journal warned that such a nomination might divide the
party, so a convention was not held.37 The Western Carolin-
ian seconded the nomination by a New York paper of North
Carolina's own, Willie P. Mangum, and the Fayetteville Ob-
server declared that another North Carolinian, William Gas-
ton of New Bern, was the ideal candidate.38 James Graham,
a Whig Congressman from Rutherford County, wanted the
state to support a Democrat, Thomas Ruffin, Chief Justice
of the State Supreme Court. He believed that if Ruffin could
secure an appointment as Secretary of the Treasury, the
North Carolinian would be able to defeat Van Buren and
become President of the United States. For different reasons
the state's Democratic manager, Romulus M. Saunders, was
working to secure the appointment for Ruffin, but Jackson
named another man for the position.39 The one candidate
who won general approval from the state Whigs was Hugh
Lawson White of Tennessee.
White was acceptable to all factions of the party. In
September, 1834, the Western Carolinian commented favor-
ably on his nomination.40 In January, 1835, the Alabama
legislature nominated White, and soon the Whig press was
filled with praise for the Tennessee Senator. On April 3, 1835,
citizens of Statesville held the first White meeting in North
Carolina. They declared that a southerner should be presi-
dent and recommended White highly.41 Similar meetings
followed in other towns. The Raleigh Register suddenly
dropped its nationalistic tone and declared, "The cause of
37 Raleigh Register, September 2, 1834, quoting the Carolina Watchman,
September 20, 1834.
38 Western Carolinian, September 30, December 6, 1834, quoting the
Fayetteville Observer.
89 James Graham to William Alexander Graham, Washington, January 5,
1834, William Alexander Graham Papers, Southern Historical Collection,
University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill; Romulus M. Saunders
to Thomas Ruffin, October 15, November 4, 1833, J. G. de R. Hamilton,
The Papers of Thomas Ruffin, 4 volumes (Raleigh: North Carolina His-
torical Commission, 1918, 1920), II, 98, 105-107.
40 Western Carolinian, September 27, 1834.
41 Raleigh Register, February 2, April 14, 1835.
The Election of 1836 in North Carolina 39
Judge White is the cause of the South."42 On December 22,
1835, Whig legislators and others held a meeting at Raleigh
and officially nominated White.43 As 1836 opened, Whigs
in almost every county were holding meetings and selecting
delegates to name electors pledged to White.
The Democrats also began the contest early. In February,
1835, the North Carolina Standard (Raleigh) the leading
Van Buren organ, called on all Democrats to support the
candidate of the national convention.44 As in 1832, the
enemies of Van Buren assailed the national convention. It
was called a "caucus of officeholders," and the phrase became
a greatly overworked cliche.45 The Democrats defended the
convention, and sometimes in county and district conven-
tions which met to select delegates to the convention, they
also named presidential electors.46 The venerable Nathaniel
Macon was named to their electoral ticket, and his name was
an advantage to the party.47 The Democrats were not going
to lose the election through lack of energy.
Most of the state's Van Buren men preferred William C.
Rives of Virginia as candidate for vice-president. In late
1834 the North Carolina Sentinel, a Democratic paper in
New Bern, named Rives as its choice.48 Romulus Saunders
and Robert Strange, leaders of the state delegation at the
Baltimore Convention, both favored the Virginian. At the
convention Strange in an attempt to defeat the favored can-
didate, Richard M. Johnson, proposed that a two-thirds
majority be required for a nomination. The convention as-
sented to Strange's motion, and he and Saunders persuaded
the minority of the North Carolina delegation to vote for
Rives on the first ballot. Saunders and Strange promised
42 Raleigh Register, December 22, 1835.
43 Raleigh Register, December 29, 1835.
44 North Carolina Standard, February 13, 1835.
45 Western Carolinian, May 16, 1836. The phrase appears four times on
one page of the May 16 issue.
46 North Carolina Standard, May 15, 1835.
47 Clarence C. Norton, The Democratic Party in Ante-Bellum North
Carolina, 1835-1861, volume XXXI of The James Sprunt Historical Studies
(Chapel Hill, 1930), 86. Hereafter cited as Norton, The Democratic Party.
48 North Carolina Standard, January 2, 1835, quoting the North Carolina
Sentinel (New Bern).
40 The North Carolina Historical Review
to support the nominee of the convention. On the first ballot
Johnson received four votes more than the necessary two-
thirds and won the vice-presidential nomination. Saunders
made a speech and admitted that he, personally, preferred
Rives but urged all Democrats to support the Van Buren-
Johnson ticket. Although North Carolina Democrats con-
tinued to say nice things about Rives they gave Johnson
wholehearted support.49
The state meeting which had nominated White had failed
to name a vice-presidential candidate. Shortly after North
Carolina Whigs made their nomination, Maryland Whigs
also nominated White and named John Tyler as his running
mate. Tyler accepted the nomination, and North Carolina
Whig leaders added his name to their ticket. Many Whig
meetings passed resolutions praising Tyler. Meanwhile Rives'
friends had gotten control of the Virginia legislature and
instructed Tyler to support the expunging resolution. Tyler
refused, but, unlike Willie P. Mangum, he accepted the
doctrine of instructions and resigned. Weston Gales, editor
of the Raleigh Register, called Tylers resignation "the
strongest rebuke to Whig principles," and he called on those
who approved Mangum's course to revoke Tyler's nomina-
tion.50 The North Carolina Standard stated that Tyler was
to be dropped at the "mandate" of the party organ and com-
mented that Gales' reasoning proved that Whig principles
meant ignoring the will of constituents.51 The Star (Raleigh),
organ of the states rights branch of the Whig Party, sup-
ported Tyler, and although many Whigs hoped that the
Virginian would withdraw, few were willing to follow the
Registers suggestion and revoke the nomination. Even
Editor Gales, calling Tyler's resignation an honest error, ac-
quiesced in the Virginian's continuance on the ticket.52 The
vice-presidency was not very important.
49 North Carolina Standard, June 5, 1835, quoting the North Carolina
Sentinel, June 5, 1835.
50 Raleigh Register, March 8, 1836; Weston R. Gales to Willie P. Mangum,
January 22, 1836, Shanks, Mangum Papers, II, 381.
51 North Carolina Standard, March 10, 1836.
The Election of 1836 in North Carolina 41
The North Carolina Whigs were more concerned with
selecting a popular candidate for governor than for vice-
president. The State Constitution had been amended the
previous year, and in 1836 the governor for the first time
was to be elected by the people. Four Whig candidates were
prominently mentioned for the position. The Examiner
(Oxford) suggested that Mangum be the party's candidate,
but he was vulnerable on several accounts and did not
make the race.53 The Carolina Watchman named ex-Federal-
ist William B. Meares of New Hanover County, but the
Whigs of that county felt Edward B. Dudley would be a
stronger candidate.54 The National Republican wing of the
party preferred Meares, but realized that his Federalism
would make him vulnerable and accepted Dudley as a
stronger candidate.55 Thomas Polk of Salisbury was the
choice of the Western Whigs, but he made a plea for party
unity and stepped aside in favor of Dudley.56 The Register
called for a state meeting of White supporters to make a
nomination for governor, and the assemblage unanimously
named Edward B. Dudley as its candidate.57
Dudley accepted the nomination and showed that he in-
tended to make sectional opposition to Van Buren the chief
issue of the campaign. In his letter of acceptance he de-
clared: "Mr. Van Buren is not one of us. He is a Northern
man ... in soul, in principle, and in action." 58 He said
that Van Buren was an abolitionist who had supported the
anti-slavery provisions of the Missouri Compromise and had
granted Congress the power to abolish slavery. Dudley had
been a member of the Branch group in 1832, and he repeated
the charges made during the ill-fated Barbour campaign.
52 Raleigh Register, March 22, 1836; James Simmons to Willie P. Man-
gum, March 9, 1836; Robert Gilliam to Willie P. Mangum, April 1, 1836,
Shanks, Mangum Papers, II, 403, 417.
53 North Carolina Standard, December 15, 1835.
54 North Carolina Standard, March 10, 1836; Raleigh Register, November
3, 1835, quoting the Carolina Watchman.
05 Weston R. Gales to Willie P. Mangum, January 22, 1836, Shanks,
Mangum Papers, II, 381.
69 Western Carolinian, January 16, 1836.
57 Raleigh Register, January 26, February 9, 1836.
68 Edward B. Dudley to Weston Gales and others, February 17, 1836,
Raleigh Register, February 23, 1836.
42 The North Carolina Historical Review
He was advised to tour the state, tell anecdotes concerning
his own service in the War of 1812, and avoid controversial
issues.59 He traveled widely, spoke at public banquets, and
carried on an active campaign. His early championship of
state internal improvements and his campaign pleas for
public education aided his candidacy.60
The Democrats attacked Dudley on several counts. Lauch-
lin Bethune, a former Congressman from Fayetteville, called
a meeting and denounced Dudley's letter of acceptance as
"illiberal, anti-republican, unconstitutional in spirit, and in-
sulting to the pride and patriotism of the state."61 The
Democrats charged Dudley with deliberately stirring up
sectional hostility.62 Democratic editors published a letter
Dudley had written in 1830 opposing forceful removal of
two thousand Cherokees from North Carolina. They twisted
his words and averred that Dudley "thought it the duty of
all poor men in North Carolina to give their daughters in
marriage to the Indian savage." 63 Only Democratic partisans
could believe such an absurd charge, and Dudley was not
harmed by his defense of the friendly Indians.
The Democrats had little choice in naming their candidate
for governor. Their party in the legislature had just selected
Richard Dobbs Spaight for governor, and they were virtually
forced to recommend his re-election. In March the Standard
endorsed his nomination as "springing spontaneously . . .
from the Democracy of the state." 64 Spaight was a poor
campaigner. He refused invitations to public banquets and
did not travel extensively over the state: he was trying to
create the illusion that he would neither seek nor decline
public office.65 Most candidates tried to make their entrance
59 James Graham to William A. Graham, Washington, February 7, 1836,
William Alexander Graham Papers, University of North Carolina.
60 Raleigh Register, June 30, 1836, quoting the New Bern Spectator and
Literary Journal.
61 Fayetteville Observer, March 24, 1836.
62 North Carolina Standard, March 3, 1836.
63 "One of the People" in Raleigh Register, September 6, 1836 quoting the
Carolina Gazette (Rutherfordton) ; John I. Wright to David S. Reid,
Rockingham Springs, July 30, 1836, David S. Reid Papers, State Depart-
ment of Archives and History, Raleigh.
64 North Carolina Standard, March 10, 1836.
65 North Carolina Standard, March 31, 1836.
The Election of 1836 in North Carolina 43
into a campaign appear as a reluctant willingness to serve,
but in the case of avid, office-seeker Richard Dobbs Spaight
it was most ineffective.
Spaight was extremely vulnerable in the congressional
district which was composed of Rutherford, Buncombe,
Burke, Haywood, Macon, and Yancey counties. He was
linked with David Newland, the unsuccessful candidate in
the congressional election of 1835. Newland had lost the
election by only fourteen votes.66 The state law required
voters to cast their ballots in the county of their residence,
and Newland secured depositions to prove that many of the
votes for the successful candidate, James Graham, came
from people voting outside their county. Newland carried
his evidence to Washington. He had once announced his
support of White but intimated that if the presidential elec-
tion was to be decided by the House of Representatives he
would vote for Van Buren. Many people believed that Web-
ster, Harrison, and White would receive enough electoral
votes to throw the election to the House and that Graham's
vote could keep Van Buren from becoming president. The
Democrats had a majority in the House and voted to unseat
Graham.67 Their action appeared to Whigs and non partisans
as an unjust political decision made only to aid Van Buren's
presidential ambitions. If the election had gone to the House,
a pledge to vote with his district by Augustine H. Shepperd,
a popular Whig Congressman from a Democratic consti-
tuency, would have caused North Carolina's vote to be given
to Van Buren.68Although they had voted to unseat Graham,
a majority of congressmen would not vote to seat Newland,
and they requested the governor to call a special election
to fill the vacancy. Instead of calling it immediately Spaight
issued a call to make the special congressional election coin-
cide with the next general election. The people of the district
66 North Carolina Standard, August 20, 1835.
67 Raleigh Register, March 8, 1836.
68 Free Press, September 3, 1836; Ebenezer Pettigrew to John H. Bryan,
March 24, 1836, John H. Bryan Collections, State Department of Archives
and History, Raleigh, volume, III.
44 The North Carolina Historical Review
blamed the Democratic governor because they had no rep-
resentative.69
The Democrats had made a strategic error. The Whigs
charged that Newland had persuaded Spaight to delay the
election. They asserted that Newland realized he had no
chance to win immediately, but if the election was deferred
the aid of the Democratic party would give him a better
opportunity.70 Newland's action was very unpopular in the
district, and the Democrats suffered by linking their cause
with his. Some Democrats promised Graham their vote be-
cause they said they could not "stand a turncoat." 71 Newland
realized his own unpopularity and considered withdrawing,
while Graham's popularity increased with four months of
strenuous campaigning.72 Graham won the election by a
majority of 1,614 votes, and in that district Spaight received
1,491 fewer votes than Dudley.73 In 1835 the district had
sent a Democratic majority to the legislature, but in August,
1836 elections the people elected ten Whigs and only four
Democrats.74 A part of the shift was caused by the revision
of the constitution which increased the representation in the
Whig strongholds of Burke, Rutherford, and Buncombe
counties. The roles of Newland and Spaight in the contested
election nevertheless, had proven a major disaster for the
Democrats.
Though his greatest victory was in the mountain area,
Edward B. Dudley showed great strength throughout the
state. He defeated Spaight by approximately five thousand
votes. He trailed in the East by about three thousand votes,
69 James Graham to William A. Graham, Washington, April 4, 1836,
William A. Graham Papers, University of North Carolina Library; North
Carolina Standard, April 14, 1836.
70 Raleigh Register, September 6, 1836, quoting the Fayetteville Ob-
server.
71 James Graham to William A. Graham, Rutherfordton, May 7, 1836,
William A. Graham Papers, University of North Carolina Library.
72 Joseph W. D. Graham to William A. Graham, Elm Wood Farm, April
21, 1836, James Graham to William A. Graham, Washington, May 7, 1836,
William A. Graham Papers, University of North Carolina Library.
73 Raleigh Register, August 23, November 22, 1836.
74 James Graham to William A. Graham, Rutherfordton, August 20, 1836,
William A. Graham Papers, University of North Carolina Library.
The Election of 1836 in North Carolina 45
but had an eight thousand majority in the West.75 The Whigs
considered Dudley's victory a great party triumph, but it
was due in large part to personal popularity and active cam-
paigning.76 Edward B. Dudley ran well ahead of his party.
In the contests for the state legislature almost every can-
didate campaigned on national issues. Personal popularity
still played an important part, but comparatively few men
won elections in counties which disapproved of their national
stand. Both parties had put forth great efforts to acquire a
majority in the legislature. County meetings named candi-
dates as friends of White or Van Buren, and every effort
was made to get the strongest candidates to make the race.77
The campaign was arduous, and there were few men able
to sit back and win on their reputations. James Graham even
demanded that his highly respected brother cut short his
honeymoon and "go among the people." 78 If the old consti-
tution had not been amended the Democrats would have
won by a sizable majority, and the provision which gave
each county at least one member of the House of Commons
still left them a slight advantage. The Whigs won a majority
of two in the Senate, while the Democrats had the same
majority in the House.79 The August elections indicated that
the Whigs had a slight majority in the state, but by no means
gave a clear indication that the people of the state strongly
opposed Martin Van Buren.
The Whigs, nevertheless, claimed that Dudley's victory
was positive proof that Judge White would carry the state.
They placed more emphasis on Dudley's charge that Van
Buren was an abolitionist and consequently lessened their
association with distribution. The Democrats were more ac-
curate in their analysis of the campaign. Bedford Brown
75 Raleigh Register, November 22, 1836. The Register's figures give Dud-
ley a majority of 5,007. The official returns give him a majority of 4,043,
but three counties were not counted in the official returns. The returns from
the three counties would have resulted in a majority of 4,729, Free Press,
December 17, 1836.
79 Raleigh Register, September 6, 1836.
77 Hillsboro Recorder, February 29, August 16, 23, 30, 1836; Lewis
Williams to William A. Graham, Washington, April 1, 1836, William A.
Graham Papers, University of North Carolina Library.
78 James Graham to William A. Graham, Vesuvius Furnace, May 15, 1836,
William A. Graham Papers, University of North Carolina Library.
79 Free Press, August 27, 1836.
46 The North Carolina Historical Review
wrote Van Buren that Spaight's defeat was due in part to
local causes, in part to Democratic opposition to distribution,
and especially due to "the gross falsehoods spread abroad
as to the motives of Democrats who unseated Graham."
Brown had high hopes for victory in November and prom-
ised: "our party . . . will go to the contest, without that san-
guine expectation of success, which often proves fatal . . .
and at the same time without despondence, which dis-
courages exertion." 80
The Whigs tried their utmost to portray Van Buren as
an enemy of the South. They charged that the one principle
upon which "he has always acted was opposition to South-
ern interests. " 81 They declared that he had supported De-
Witt Clinton instead of James Madison in 1812. They pointed
to his vote on the tariff of 1828 and called him a champion
of protection. They pointed to his vote to extend the Cum-
berland road and called him an advocate of federal internal
improvements. They declared he had supported free Negro
suffrage in New York.82 The Democrats answered that Van
Buren was a moderate on the tariff issue and was an enemy
of internal improvements. They charged that Judge White
was a friend of the free Negro and in 1823 had placed his
arms around one and led him to the ballot box.83 The Demo-
cratic organ insisted that Van Buren had worked to curtail
free Negro voting, and all of his views were "in accordance
with the interest of slaveholders."84
The Whigs declared that on the subject of slavery a can-
didate "must not only agree with us," but "be above sus-
pision." 85 To prove that Van Buren was not above suspicion
they wrote letters asking the two candidates to state their
position on abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.
White, as expected, declared that Congress had no right to
^Bedford Brown to Martin Van Buren, October 11, 1836, McPherson,
"Letters to Van Buren," 770.
81 Raleigh Register, August 2, 1836, quoting the Miners and Farmers
Journal.
82 Raleigh Register, February 16, 1836, quoting the Miners and Farmers
Journal; Hillsboro Recorder, October 26, 1836.
83 North Carolina Standard, November 10, 1836.
84 North Carolina Standard, July 10, 1835.
85 Raleigh Register, August 2, 1836, quoting the Miners and Farmers
Journal.
The Election of 1836 in North Carolina 47
abolish slavery.86 Van Buren called abolition in the District
inexpedient and declared that it would violate the spirit
of the agreement between the federal government and the
states of Maryland and Virginia. He wrote, "The slave ques-
tion must be left to the slave holding states themselves with-
out molestation . . . from any quarter." 87 He would not
say that Congress had no power to interfere. The Whigs
used the negative phrase to declare that Van Buren conceded
the power to emancipate and asserted his views differed
none from "Tappan, Garrison, and Company." 88
The Whigs charged Van Buren's running mate with a sin
worse than abolition. It was well known that Johnson lived
with a Negro mistress, but the Whigs were not satisfied
merely to charge him with immorality. They constantly de-
nounced him as an amalgamationist. At a banquet in Onslow
County a Whig partisan offered this toast:
. . . Martin Van Buren, an abolitionist and Richard M. Johnson,
an amalgamationist. ... It would be more congenial to their
habits and conformable to their principles — the one to preside
over the destinies of Liberia, the other to multiply and increase
his subjects.89
Toward the close of the campaign Starling Gunn of Caswell
County issued a circular emphasizing Johnson's private life.
He charged that Johnson's moral character was
. . . stained by the deepest and blackest vices known to moral law.
For while others merely insist in theory upon the equality of
blacks with the whites and the propriety of amalgamating the
two races, he has reduced their principles to practice by taking
to his embraces a NEGRO WENCH, and making her the wife
of his bosom and the mother of his children.90
The circular made the rounds of the press but did the Demo-
crats little harm. The Whigs had failed to learn that excessive
personal abuse does the dispenser more harm than good,
and the voters of Gvmn's county would cast 1,067 votes for
89 Hugh Lawson White to John Timberlake and others, May 2, 1836,
Raleigh Register, June 14, 1836.
87 Martin Van Buren to Junius Amis and others, March 6, 1836, Free
Press, March 26, 1836.
88 Raleigh Register, July 5, 1836, quoting the Halifax Minerva.
89 Raleigh Register, September 20, 1836, quoting the New Bern Spectator
and Literary Journal.
90 Starling Gunn, "To the Voters of Caswell County," Hillsboro Recorder,
October 21, 1836.
48 The North Carolina Historical Review
91
Van Buren and Johnson and only 116 for White and Tyler
In North Carolina the questionable sex life of the vice-presi-
dential candidate cost the Democrats few votes.
While the Whigs were doing their utmost to arouse sec-
tional feelings against the "abolitionist and the amalgama-
tionist," the Democrats were preaching unionism. They tried
to associate the Whigs with the nullifiers, and almost every
well known North Carolinian who had sympathized with
nullification was supporting White. The Democrats asserted
that White's supporters wanted a pretext to dissolve the
union.92 Bedford Brown urged the voters to oppose the sec-
tional candidate and defeat the opposition's scheme of
dividing North and South. He declared that only through
Republican ascendancy had the "Union been preserved,"
and he pleaded with all loyal citizens to support the national
candidate.93
The Democrats had one important issue in their favor.
In 1836 gold mining ranked second to agriculture among
North Carolina's industries.94 In 1834 Democrats secured
passage of a law to mint gold dollars, an act that was very
popular in North Carolina. The Democrats declared that the
law showed that the administration had provided more
stable currency than the "rag currency" of the national
bank.95 The Whigs asserted that gold coinage was less prac-
tical than United States bank notes, yet they admitted that
the act would uphold the price of North Carolina gold.96
In the winter of 1835 Thomas H. Benton introduced a
bill to establish three mints in the South, one to be at Char-
lotte, the center of the state's gold mining region. This would
mean much to the people of the area; gold could be sold
directly to the mint with less danger of theft; transportation
expenses would be lessened; and a ready market would
always be available. When the bill was before Congress the
91 Raleigh Register, November 22, 1836.
92 North Carolina Standard, November 12, 1836.
93 Bedford Brown to James Rainey and others, September 17, 1836, Free
Press, September 21, 1836.
94 Fletcher M. Green, "Gold Mining: A Forgotten Industry of Ante-
Bellum North Carolina," North Carolina Historical Review, (January,
April, 1937), XIV, 1-19, 135-155.
06 North Carolina Standard, February 11, 1836.
98 Carolina Watchman, July 12, 1834.
The Election of 1836 in North Carolina 4&
Standard told readers that Democrats weife'trying to; secure
passage of the bill but Henry Clay and the Whigs were
trying to defeat it.97 Both Willie P. Mangum and Bedford
Brown made speeches defending the bill, and it became
law.98 The Register insisted that southern Whigs were re-
sponsible for passage of the law, and the Western Caro-
linian gave Calhoun the credit.99 The Standard would not
let the opposition take credit for the measure and pointed
out that in the Senate thirteen of seventeen Democrats sup-
ported the bill while only ten of the twenty-five Whigs gave
it their vote.100 As the election drew near the mint was almost
ready to begin operation; the Democrats commented favor-
ably on the developments of the institution and reminded
readers that their party had brought it to North Carolina.101
Toward the close of the campaign the Democrats loudly
warned against the possibility of an election by the House
of Representatives. In early October they issued a pamphlet
emphasizing that if the people of North Carolina voted for
White they would be doing "all that is in their power to do
towards preventing an election of President by the peo-
ple." 102 They pointed out that 148 electoral votes were need-
ed to win the election, and even if White should carry every
state where he was running he would receive only ninety-four
votes. They asserted that the Whigs had no intention of
electing White president, and argued that if the new presi-
dent were elected by the House he would owe his election,
not to the people, but to scheming politicians at Washington.
Every issue of the Standard denounced the "pie-bald party"
and insisted that the Whigs had made a "tool" of "poor
dottering old Judge White" in order to transfer the election
to the House.103
During the final month of the campaign Democrats "ex-
posed" a plan of North Carolina Whigs to transfer the vote
of the state to William Henry Harrison. Joseph Seawell Jones,
97 North Carolina Standard, February 20, 1835.
98 North Carolina Standard, March 6, 27, 1835.
99 Raleigh Register, March 18, 1835; Western Carolinian, April 25, 1835.
100 North Carolina Standard, March 27, 1836.
ioi North Carolina Standard, January 28, 1836.
102 William H. Haywood, Jr., and others, "An Address to the Freemen of
North Carolina," quoted in the Free Press, October 15, 1836.
103 North Carolina Standard, October 13, 1836.
50 The North Carolina Historical Review
a young Whig, who liked to exaggerate his own importance,
was visiting in New York City and attended a banquet honor-
ing Harrison. Jones announced that North Carolina Whigs
would support Harrison if White could not be elected. An
observer reported his comment to a New York newspaper,
and North Carolina Democrats spotted the notice and gave
it wide publicity. The Standard identified Jones as a his-
torian who had violently denounced Jefferson and hence was
good company for "federalist- Whigs." Editor White asked:
Will the . . . Whigs and Nullifiers of North Carolina thank this
. . . representative for letting "the cat out of the wallet" — for
blabbing forth over his cups what his fellow Whigs at home
are making such efforts to conceal — for revealing the secret that
the nullifiers and their allies . . . are ready and willing to go for
Harrison, the notorious emancipationist, the tariffite and corrup-
tion bank advocate? . . . That Mr. Jones while puffed up with
flattery and mellowed with wine has told the truth about his
party, every intelligent politician . . . knows full well.104
Philo White concluded that Jones' remarks constituted posi-
tive proof that the Whig electors intended to vote for Har-
rison.
The Whig Central Committee denounced the Standard's
charge as a "Base Calumny, wholly destitute of truth."105
But the damage was already done. Even had Jones not
"let the cat out of the wallet," it was still logical that Harrison
would be the second choice of the Whigs, and many intel-
ligent non-partisans realized that to vote for White would
increase the likelihood of Harrison or Webster becoming
president. The Free Press (Tarboro), declared, "The people
now see that White has no chance to be elected, and they
will not throw votes away on him to help Harrison— a man
who longs to see the day when the sun will not shine on a
negro slave." 106 Although Harrison was no more of an abo-
litionist than Van Buren he too, was a northern man, and
the political effect of the sectional prejudice which the Whigs
had tried so hard to arouse was greatly lessened. The Demo-
crats had presented convincing arguments that White could
104 North Carolina Standard, November 3, 1836. Jones was the author of
A Defence of the Revolutionary History of North Carolina from the As-
persions of Mr. Jefferson (Raleigh, 1834).
105 Raleigh Register, November 8, 1836.
*» Free Press, November 5, 1836.
The Election of 1836 in North Carolina 51
not be elected, and many men who favored him stayed away
from the polls.
Almost ten thousand fewer people voted in November
than had voted in August. By a vote of 29,910 to 23,626 the
people of North Carolina voted for Van Buren electors.107
The Whigs blamed apathy and overconfidence for their de-
feat and insisted that "party drilling" was responsible for the
Democratic victory.108 The Democrats did have an effective
organization, but probably no better than the Whigs. One
factor in determining the result was that a large percentage
of the voters in North Carolina were unwilling to follow a
sectional party; and Van Buren's victory, in a sense, was a
triumph of unionism over southern sectionalism. Yet the
realization that White could not possibly be elected by the
people was primarily responsible for Van Buren's success.
In spite of Van Buren's victory there were probably more
Whigs in the state than Democrats, and Hugh Lawson White
was certainly more popular than Martin Van Buren. In
North Carolina, as in the nation, the people had refused to
transfer the election of president to the House of Representa-
tives.
*" Niles Register, LI, 228. It stated that its figures constituted the
"official returns." See also Norton, Democratic Party, 86; Herbert D. Pegg,
" Whig Party in North Carolina," (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Uni-
versity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 1932), 154. J. G. de R. Hamilton,
Party Politics in North Carolina, 1835-1860, volume XV of James Sprunt
Historical Publications (Raleigh, 1916), 41. Hamilton and Pegg give
Van Buren a majority of 9,240. Norton states that Van Buren's majority
was 15,240. The Raleigh Register gives figures from each county and shows
Van Buren with a majority of 3,660. The North Carolina Standard pub-
lishes less complete returns and gives Van Buren a majority of 3,200.
108 Raleigh Register, November 29, 1836.
"THE GREAT RECONSTRUCTOR:"
GENERAL E. R. S. CANBY AND THE
SECOND MILITARY DISTRICT
By Max L. Heyman, Jr.
Congress, under Radical leadership, began passing its
"Reconstruction" legislation in March, 1867. It divided the
ex-Confederate states into five military districts, each of
which was to be commanded by a general officer of the
United States Army. It set up a procedure by which these
states might be restored to the Union, stipulating that con-
stitutional conventions were to be held in each of them.
Colored residents were to have a part in choosing delegates
to those bodies, but the whites who were disqualified under
the provisions of the proposed fourteenth amendment to the
Federal Constitution for having supported the Confederacy
were to be excluded from voting. The constitutions framed
by the conventions were to provide permanently for Negro
suffrage, at the same time disqualifying the leaders of the
late Confederacy. After the charters had been ratified by
a majority of the qualified voters in each state, and after
the legislatures elected under those new constitutions had
ratified the fourteenth amendment (the fifteenth was added
later) and it had become law, the states might then "be
entitled to representation in Congress." The generals as-
signed to command the southern districts were authorized
to initiate the movement for satisfying these requirements.1
In the second of these military districts, Major General
Daniel E. Sickles commanded— but not for very long. His
interference with the operation of the United States Circuit
Court in North Carolina, over which Chief Justice Salmon P.
Chase presided, incurred the Attorney-General's displeasure
and impelled the President to remove Sickles and to appoint
1 The Acts of March 2 and 23, 1867. See Statutes at Large . . . of the
United States, XIV, 428-429, and XV, 2. Hereafter cited as Statutes at
Large. "The Great Reconstructed" is the title given General Canby by the
New York Tribune. See also the Daily Richmond Whig, August 3, 1869.
[52]
"The Great Reconstruction" 53
Brigadier General and Brevet Major General E. R. S. Canby
in his stead.2
In consequence of that action, General Canby was to be
intimately involved in the important work of reconstruction
in North and South Carolina for the ensuing year. The prob-
lems and conditions that he faced in helping to effect the
return of the Carolinas to the fold of the Union were the
same as or similar to those which confronted the other major
generals who commanded districts in the South. His duties
under the congressional plan of Reconstruction were pri-
marily "ministerial" in character, but the manner in which
he approached and performed them drastically affected the
states he was appointed to govern. These states were in no
position to prevent the institution of the radical-made re-
quirements for their readmission and, within reason, they
were subject to Canby's every command. Although the
authorities of North and South Carolina complained vigor-
ously about many of his actions, the Carolinas fared better
than did most of the states administered by the other district
commanders.
General Canby's arrival in Charleston, South Carolina,
was greeted by a thirteen-gun salute and 3.12 inches of rain.3
That was followed by "close and stifling" weather and the
welcoming calls of the mayor and aldermen and various
other gentlemen.4 Meanwhile, Louisa Canby, the general's
wife, was receiving "quite a number of the first ladies of the
city." They created a "very favorable impression." The muni-
cipal authorities went away seemingly "satisfied" with the
change in commanders, while the women were reported as
aAppleton's American Annual Cyclopedia, 1867 (Washington, 1868),
547-548. (Hereafter cited as Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia.) Also see
J. G. de R. Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina (New York, 1914),
231-232. Hereafter cited as Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina.
See J. P. Hollis, Early Period of Reconstruction in South Carolina (Balti-
more, 1905), 70-71. Cited hereafter as Hollis, Reconstruction in South
Carolina. Also see "Report of the Secretary of War," House Executive
Document No. 1, Fortieth Congress, Second Session, 23, for General Order
No. 80, August 27, 1867, by which the President directed this action.
3 Canby assumed command on September 5, 1867. See General Order
No. 85, Second Military District, "General Orders-Reconstruction," House
Executive Document No. 34-2, Fortieth Congress, Second Session, 60.
Thirteen guns is a major general's salute. Charleston Daily News, Sep-
tember 6, 16, 1867. The rainfall figures are for September 8.
* Charleston Daily News, September 9, 10, 1867.
54 The North Carolina Historical Review
being "highly delighted" with the reception Mrs. Canby
had accorded them.5 Otherwise, no one ventured forth onto
the "red hot" streets, unless, of course, it was absolutely
necessary.6
The civic and society leaders of Charleston were not the
only ones interested in the new commanding general. Nearly
everybody in the two states comprising the Second Military
District was curious about him, and the newspapers of North
and South Carolina obligingly printed articles relating his
history.7 These were accompanied by comments, that of
the Charleston Mercury being:
In his opinions he is said to be a moderate Republican, who
takes no prominent part in politics and cares but little to have
anything to do with political affairs.8
It hoped that this was so.
Nevertheless, the Charleston Courier revealed that while
he was not a politician or a partisan he firmly believed in the
efficacy of the Reconstruction acts and thought that it was
the duty of all Southerners to accept the terms which had
been offered them. The letter which the Courier quoted,
supposedly from a personal friend of Canby, concluded on
this note: "He will be found just to all, but corruption or
6 Charleston Daily News, September 28, 1867. Also see the Raleigh
Register, September 24, 1867.
8 Charleston Daily News, September 10, 1867.
7 In 1867 Canby was fifty years old. After graduating from West Point
in 1839, he served in the Florida War until 1842, on the Great Lakes
frontier, 1842-1846, in the Mexican War (where he won two brevets for
gallant and meritorious conduct), in California during the gold rush, on
the Minnesota frontier, 1855-1857, in the "Mormon War," and against the
Navajo Indians in 1860-1861. In command of the Department of New
Mexico, Canby, by then a colonel, repulsed the Confederate invasion of that
territory in 1862. Ordered to Washington, he became military assistant to
the Secretary of War, an office which he held until May, 1864, except for
four months in 1863 when he was in command of the troops that quelled
the draft riots in New York City. Appointed a major general of volunteers,
Canby was assigned to command the Military Division of West Mississippi,
a capacity in which he received the surrender of the last two Confederate
armies in the field. Thereafter his attention was directed to the problems of
reconstruction, first in Louisiana (under the presidential plan for re-
storing the southern states to the Union) and subsequently, after this
Carolina interlude, in Texas and Virginia (under the congressional plan).
Following his service in the South, Canby was assigned to command the
Department of Columbia, where on April 11, 1873, he was assassinated by
the Modoc Indians during a peace conference. For a study of his life see
Max L. Heyman, Jr., "Prudent Soldier: A Biography of Major General
E. R. S. Canby, 1817-1873" (doctoral dissertation, University of California,
Los Angeles, 1952).
8 Charleston Mercury, August 30, 1867.
"The Great Reconstruction" 55
disaffection in any guise will find him utterly inapproach-
able."9
With that, the "Old Soldier," who had served with Canby
at Fort Bridger in the Utah Territory and had submitted the
sketch of the general which the Daily Sentinel published,
agreed.
Let all politicians, red, white, or green, stay away from him,
and he will do justice to all. Certainly I know this; he is firm,
he knows no party, and he obeys the instructions and orders of
his superiors.10
This veteran, for one, was convinced that North and South
Carolina were fortunate to have Canby for a military gov-
ernor.
The Charleston Daily News was skeptical, "tilt may be
that Canby . . . will prove less objectionable to the people of
the Carolinas than General Sickles. We say all this may be.
There can be no certainty on this point."11 Simultaneously,
the Charleston Courier was expressing the hope of the Caro-
linas when it declared:
He has no other option than to enforce the Reconstruction Acts.
It is believed, however, that he will administer these in a spirit
of justice and liberality, without prejudice or passion, and with
a desire only for the general welfare and for a harmonious
restoration.12
There can be no doubt, after a careful examination of the
record, that the acts were administered with strict justice,
without the intense prejudice or passion which is usually
associated with the period, and for what Canby conceived to
be the general welfare. Whether one thinks that the justice
meted out was impartially determined, or that Canby was
influenced more by the "radicals" than by the "conserva-
tives," depends mainly upon which side of the fence the
reader happens to be.
The New York Tribune once remarked that "no one has
ever called Canby a Radical"; 13 but, after experiencing the
9 Charleston Courier, September 3, 1867; Chronicle (Washington, D. C),
August 30, 1867.
10 Daily Sentinel (Raleigh), September 11, 1867.
u Charleston Daily News, August 30, 1867.
12 Charleston Courier, August 30, 1867.
18 Quoted in the Charleston Mercury, August 30, 1867.
56 The North Carolina Historical Review
general's actions for a while, Governor Jonathan Worth of
North Carolina did. That "quiet little old gentleman" of sixty-
five, who was as "sharp as a briar," 14 was led to declare that
"in giving us Canby for Sickles the Prest. swapped a devil for
a witch." 15 He regarded Canby as an "honest man," but "an
unostentatious and candid Radical" who cooperated "cordial-
ly" with the less vindictive portion of Congress.16
On another occasion, he labeled Canby "an extreme Radi-
cal," who was incapable of "magnanimous and statesman-
like" views.17 He considered him "a fool," "more tyrannical"
and possessed of "less intelligence and consideration" for the
people of the "Tar Heel" State than his predecessor.18 Indeed,
after an interview with the general, Worth advised the gov-
ernor of Georgia that "Our military comt. is, com amove, a
Radical." Canby assured him, Worth declared, that "the
laws he is appointed to execute, are not only constitutional,
but wise." The general, moreover, believed that these meas-
ures invested him "with unlimited despotic power" over
the laws and constitutions of North and South Carolina.
Furthermore, Worth asserted, Canby maintained these
views "as a narrow minded conscientious Radical."19 No
other person was so outspoken in his criticism of General
Canby as was Jonathan Worth.
Worth's judgment of Canby was, however, very probably
influenced by the fact that, from his standpoint, the new
district commander was less cooperative than General
Sickles had been. Whereas Sickles had favorably entertained
his suggestions, Canby, the governor felt, all too frequently
ignored him, and even when his views were solicited by the
14 Charleston Daily News, October 18, 1867, quoting the Chronicle
(Columbia).
15 Jonathan Worth to B. G. Worth, December 26, 1867, J. G. deR. Hamil-
ton (ed.), The Correspondence of Jonathan Worth (Raleigh, 1909), II,
1095. Hereafter cited as Hamilton, Worth Correspondence.
"Jonathan Worth to B. G. Worth, October 25, 1867, Hamilton, Worth
"Jonathan Worth to John W. Wheeler, October 31, 1867, Hamilton,
Worth Correspondence, II, 1071.
18 Jonathan Worth to R. P. Dick, December 13, 1867, and Jonathan Worth
to W. A. Graham, January 10, 1868, Hamilton, Worth Correspondence,
II, 1085 and 1131.
"Jonathan Worth to Governor Charles J. Jenkins, January 3, 1868,
Hamilton, Worth Correspondence, II, 1105-1106.
"The Great Reconstruction" 57
general they seldom seemed to carry much weight.20 Besides,
from Worth's staunch conservative point of view, Canby's
actions appeared radical. It must be remembered that no
matter what Canby did in pursuance of orders, the subjected
whites under his control (except the radical elements, of
course) deemed his actions illegal and unnecessary.
Canby's part in the process known as Congressional Re-
construction was governed by the act of March 2, 1867, and
the acts of March 23, and July 19, 1867, supplementary
thereto.
By the first of these measures, he was enjoined
... to protect all persons in their rights of person and property,
to suppress insurrection, disorder, and violence, and to punish, or
cause to be punished, all disturbers of the public peace and
criminals. . . .
He was authorized to allow the local courts "to take jurisdic-
tion of and to try offenders," but when, in his judgment, it
became necessary, he was empowered "to organize military
commissions or tribunals for that purpose. ..." Thereupon,
"all interference under color of State authority with the
exercise of military authority" was to be "null and void." 21
In endeavoring to provide the greatest possible protection
for the people of the Carolinas, Canby stationed his force of
nearly 3,000 officers and men at points difficult of access,
where disturbances were most likely to occur, and from
which he might easily meet any unusual situation. In South
Carolina, for example, he concentrated eight companies in
the seaboard region, six in the central section, two in the
comparatively small Savannah River District, and two in the
western or mountain country of the state. This arrangement
was made on the basis of the ratio of whites to colored people
30 Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, 240 ; see Worth to Canby,
January 23, 1868, Jonathan Worth Letter Books (North Carolina State
Department of Archives and History, Raleigh). Worth compares the ac-
tions of the two district commanders in his letter to John H. Wheeler,
October 31, 1867, Hamilton, Worth Correspondence, II, 1069-1072.
91 Statutes at Large, XIV, 428.
58 The North Carolina Historical Review
in each of those areas, their attitude toward one another,
and the existing means of communication.22
James L. Orr, governor of the "Palmetto" State, expostu-
lated against this disposition of the troops. Since the state
was not permitted to organize its militia, the army was the
sole reliance in case of trouble and Orr felt that the presence
of the troops was indispensable to the "certain preservation
of peace and order." He contended that a unit ought to be
posted at every one of the county seats.23
If that proposal were carried out, Canby explained to the
governor, it would reduce the military to a simple constabu-
lary force and render it "utterly useless" in event of any
serious difficulty between the two races.24 "I believe that
every district in this State wishes to have troops," Canby
told General Grant. The people wanted a small guard in each
village because it gave them a greater feeling of security
and because it dispersed the army payroll among a larger
segment of the population. More than that, it relieved the
inhabitants of their ordinary police duties.25 Yet, when a
community had troops stationed in it, its residents com-
plained constantly about the soldiers' conduct.26
This desire to have the troops everywhere was, of course,
merely a manifestation of the uneasiness in some, if not
most, sections of the state. Canby was "sorry to see" it, for
the excitement tended "naturally and inevitably" to give a
"coloring or suspicion of wrong" to perfectly legal and harm-
less acts on the part of the Negro. The general was satisfied
22 Canby to the Chief of Staff, Headquarters of the Army, December 23,
1867, Second Military District, Letters Sent, No. 1891, 1867. Canby had
thiry-seven companies at his disposal. See Return, February, 1868, Second
Military District, Letter Sent, No. 1012, 1868. All the material on the dis-
trict, unless otherwise indicated, may be found in the War Records Divi-
sion, National Archives.
23 Governor James L. Orr to Canby, November 29 and December 18, 1867,
Governor Orr's Letter Books, III, 237-239, 329. Governor Orr's Letter Books
are located at the Historical Commission of South Carolina, Columbia.
Hereafter referred to as Orr Letter Books.
24 Canby to Orr, December 24, 1867, Letters of Edward R. S. Canby,
Historical Commission of South Carolina. Hereafter cited as Canby Letters.
25 Canby to Grant, December 18, 1867 and Canby to Chief of Staff, De-
cember 23, 1867, Second Military District, Letters Sent, Nos. 1826 and
1891, 1867.
28 See Lt. Louis V. Caziarc, Assistant Adjutant General, to Messrs. T. B.
Whaley, I. G. W. Strowmann, and others, Orangeburg, S. C, September 17,
1867, Second Military District, Letters Sent, No. 696, 1867.
"The Great Reconstruction" 59
that the freedmen did not want to make trouble. As a matter
of fact, he was persuaded that they were "quite as appre-
hensive as the whites. ..." But this mutual fear and distrust
could lead to disorders.27 The cry of "negro insurrection"
had been used so much for political effect that any incident
was greatly magnified out of all proportion to its actual
significance.28
To forestall any outbreaks of this nature, newspaper re-
ports and complaints registered by individuals were prompt-
ly followed up. On October 31, for instance, Governor On-
informed Canby that he had "reliable" information that some
300 freedmen of the Abbeville District in the western part of
the state were meeting regularly every other week to drill
and "as they say preparing to fight for land." The governor
requested the general to take steps to prohibit the Negroes
from assembling and to punish the ringleaders as their
crimes deserved.29
"Complaints of this kind are not at all new," Canby re-
plied. They were frequently made and, upon investigation, it
was usually found that the meetings were not unlawful in
character or for any illegal purpose. In this case, the special
agent whom he had dispatched to the scene reported that
the Negroes had been in the habit of assembling there and
elsewhere for some time past. Nevertheless, those guilty of
violating any police regulations had been arrested and
brought to trial before a military commission.
Some of the freedmen were found to be carrying arms,
allegedly to protect themselves against attack by the whites.
The fact that threats had been made against them was be-
yond doubt. Whether serious or not, the Negroes believed
that they were made in earnest and had prepared to resist
any attempt to break up their meetings. Aside from that,
Canby assured the governor, there was no evidence that
anything was brewing. If a collision did occur, Canby in-
sisted, it would be "without intention on the part of the
27 Canby to Chief of Staff, November 30, 1867, Second Military District,
Letters Sent, No. 1560, 1867.
28 Canby to Chief of Staff, December 12, 1867, Second Military District,
Letters Sent, No. 1867, 1867.
29 Orr to Canby, October 31, 1867, Orr Letter Books, III, 188.
60 The North Carolina Historical Review
negroes and from provocation on the part of ignorant or
unprincipled whites."
He pointed out that the possession of firearms by the
Negroes was still a novelty, and that the fears excited were
not unnatural. But it seemed unreasonable to him to assume
that they were to be used for hostile purposes and that
"every assemblage of negroes is to drill preparatory to
fighting for land." Dressing in old army clothes was not
peculiar to South Carolina or to the freedmen and, the gen-
eral chided Governor Orr:
I have known the same complaint of waste of time in attending
political meetings to be made of white men, when the question
involved did not touch their interests so nearly as those now
involved do touch the present and future interests of the negroes.
Of course, Canby mollified him in conclusion, he intended
to watch the situation closely, and was ready to control and
check immediately any "wrong tendency" that might arise.30
On another occasion, Governor Orr sent Canby an article
from the Winnsboro News, telling of an "incendiary" speech
delivered by a colored magistrate in Fairfield County. Again,
Orr requested Canby to "depute a decent officer" to inquire
into the matter and to remove and punish this military ap-
pointee if the report proved correct.31
The investigation disclosed that the News' version of the
speech was, as Canby had suspected,32 "a great perversion"
of what had been said.33 The governor thereupon became
very indignant, maintaining that Canby had prejudged the
affair, and he, therefore, childishly refused to forward the
evidence which he had in his possession.34
That brings up an important point. Much of the evidence
available in this period conflicts. The facts were subject to
more than one interpretation and there was doubtless some
falsification of them. There is no reason to believe, however,
30 Canby to Orr, November 25, 1867, Second Military District, Letters
Sent, No. 1499, 1867.
81 Orr to Canby, November 27, 1867, Orr Letter Books, III, 230-232.
32 Orr to Canby, December 18, 1867, Orr Letter Books, III, 331.
33 Second Military District, Letters Received, J59, 1867, is the report. See
also Canby to Orr, December 24, 1867, Canby Letters.
34 Orr to Canby, December 18, 1867, Orr Letter Books, III, 331-332.
"The Great Reconstruction" 61
that either the governor or General Canby ever engaged in
this misdeed intentionally. They merely took the word of
their informants or subordinates to whom they entrusted
the investigation of these reports. They could not be every-
where themselves. Canby could not avoid making some mis-
takes, but, where the evidence does not agree, his informa-
tion has been given precedence, for that was the basis upon
which he acted.
In maintaining order throughout the district, Canby pre-
ferred to leave the enforcement of the laws to the local
authorities. These officers had been placed, by General
Sickles, under the supervisory control of the provost marshal
general of the command35 and "in direct relation and corre-
spondence" with the several post commanders. General Can-
by continued this policy, but, while defining more clearly
and fully that relationship, he counseled non-interference
with their activities. Only where those officials refused or
failed to act, or "when it became mainfest that from past
political action or by reason of prejudice against color or
caste, impartial justice would not be administered," did he
authorize intervention in the usual mode of procedure.36
Canby was especially disturbed by the prejudice shown
by various civil functionaries. He discovered that some of
the local magistrates were unwilling to investigate "well
founded" complaints made by freedmen against white men.
They were governed by "traditions of the past . . . instead
of the law as it exists." The most effective solution for this,
in his opinion, was "the exercise by the community of such
moral coercion as will constrain the local authorities to deal
as impartially and justly with the negro as with the whites" 37
—but that was wishful thinking.
Over 8,000 arrests were made in the Second Military Dis-
trict between March 2, 1867, and July 24, 1868, and about
85 Canby to Assistant Adjutant General, Headquarters, October 24, 1867,
in "Report of the Secretary of War," House Executive Document No. 1,
Fortieth Congress, Second Session, 300. Hereafter cited as Canby Report,
1867.
38 Canby to Chief of Staff, Headquarters, August 31, 1868, in "Report of
the Secretary of War," House Executive Document No. I, Fortieth Con-
gress, Third Session, 338. Hereafter cited as Canby Report, 1868.
37 Canby to Orr, November 25 and 30, 1867, Second Military District,
Letters Sent, Nos. 1499 and 1560, 1867.
62 The North Carolina Historical Review
one-eighth of them were made by the army.38 These arrests
inevitably became the object of protest by the newspapers
and the governors of both states, often after the civil authori-
ties had requested the army to take action in the matter.
Governor Worth was particularly vexatious in this regard.
He considered the power of military arrest "iniquitious" and
"most oppressively exercised" in the "Old North" State. He
even remonstrated with the President so vehemently about
these acts of "military despotism" that he thought it would
result in his removal, or Canby's.39
Neither was removed, but Canby found it necessary to
defend himself against Worth's charges. In refuting the ac-
cusations that had been made, Canby asserted that he had
more than once in years past secured the arrest of criminals
and held them in his guard house until the proper authorities
were prepared to take charge of them. He saw no grounds
for the governor's objection on that score. In other respects,
he conceded:
It is always to be regretted that innocent persons should be
arrested or subjected to any restraints or inconvenience from
false accusation or unfounded suspicion, but this is an incident
of civil as well as military arrests.
"Charges of military despotism are easily made," Canby
observed, but military arrests were not made without pre-
vious investigation or on "strong evidence of guilt."
As a general rule [Canby concluded] these complaints are
disin [g] enuous in the use that is made of them by being pub-
lished for political effect with the knowledge that the officer ac-
cused is restrained by rules of military propriety from making
any public defense or counter statement.40
38 Canby Report, 1868, 351-353. Arrests made by the military at the re-
quest of the civil authorities were not counted as military arrests and are
therefore not included in this number. Persons arrested as witnesses, how-
ever, are included in this number.
39 See the Daily Sentinel, October 25, 1867 ; the Charleston Mercury,
March 4, and November 30, 1867, and January 23, 1868; Worth Letter
Book, 1865-1867, I, 578-579, 688-692, and Worth Letter Book, 1867-1868, II,
50-51. Also see Hamilton, Worth Correspondence, II, 1069-1070, 1085, 1090-
1091, 1095, 1098-1099, and 1101-1103.
40 Canby to Chief of Staff, November 14, 1867, Andrew Johnson Papers,
CXXIV, f. 17833-17854, Library of Congress.
"The Great Reconstruction" 63
As far as trials by military courts were concerned, only
550 cases were tried before those tribunals in the sixteen
months of their existence in the Second Military District.
Judge advocates do not and did not take cases into court
unless they are or were almost positive of obtaining a con-
viction. They won 445, or eighty per cent, of the cases tried.
And that was a poor showing, undoubtedly due to the fact
that they were dealing with civilians for the most part and
were obliged to argue some cases which should never have
been brought to trial. Besides that, 129 of the sentences
passed by these courts were either partially or wholly re-
mitted by the commanding general.41
Congress had authorized the use of military courts in the
South, while leaving their civil counterparts open. It was
not General Canby's fault that this defied the opinion of
the Supreme Court in the case of Ex parte Milligan. The only
question that can seriously be raised against him is: Did he
resort to military courts too much, or was it expedient for
him to have used them as often as he did?
Many persons asked Canby for military trials, but it is
estimated that about ninety-five times out of a hundred he
informed them that adequate remedy could be secured in
the civil courts. So, too, many individuals emerging the
losers in cases tried by the civil tribunals appealed to him
for retrials under military auspices, or at least military
intercession in the decisions of the civil courts. The records
show that these pleas were refused nearly all the time.42
According to General Canby's report on the subject, inter-
ference with the local courts was permitted only "in the ex-
ceptional cases growing out of the rebellion." How many
times he annulled, stayed, or dismissed cases is not known,
but he took action in three general types of cases.
41 Canby Report, 1868,
353.
The period actually covered is January 1, 1867,
to June 30, 1868.
Whites Colored
Tried
368 182
Guilty
303 142
Not Guilty
65 40
Remissions :
Partial
63 20
Whole
17 29
Conviction
82 per cent 78 per cent
Second Military District, Letters Sent, 1867-1868, passim.
64 The North Carolina Historical Review
The first class were prosecutions for acts committed dur-
ing the war under military orders. Cases of this sort were
quite numerous in North Carolina, where the population had
been divided in its allegiance, and when it was established,
"by satisfactory evidence," that the animosity engendered
by civil strife was the reason for the action, Canby stopped
the proceedings.
In the second class of cases, where the local courts at-
tempted to validate or give effect to unexecuted judgments
of the late Confederate judiciary, Canby ordered dismissals;
while in the third class, he stayed those cases involving a
denial by the local tribunals of the right of appeal or removal
to the Federal courts as guaranteed by the laws of the United
States.43
Canby continued to enforce all the orders and regulations
that had been promulgated by his predecessor, but, from
time to time, he revoked or modified some of them. Of the
many changes that were made, the one which perhaps
caused the most indignation was the order directing the ad-
mission of freedmen to jury duty.44
In North Carolina, the qualification for a juror was deter-
mined by the possession of a freehold estate; in South Caro-
lina, it was, for all practical purposes, determined by a per-
son's color. Canby therefore decided to change the existing
systems in order to "secure representation in the jury box
to classes heretofore excluded, and constituting in the two
States ... a majority of the population." It was
not only a question of abstract justice; but one that the interests
of the community required should be so settled as not only to
secure the legal rights of all classes, but also to give that sense
of security which is the best guarantee of order and subordina-
tion to law, and the remedies it affords for the redress of all
wrongs.
Canby encountered many practical difficulties in securing
this legal right "to all the inhabitants," without at the same
time introducing the "dangerous elements of vice and ig-
43 Canby Report, 1868, 339-340.
44 General Order, No. 89, September 13, 1867, "General Orders — Recon-
struction," 61. General Sickles had already made provisions for Negro
juries, General Order, No. 32, May 30, 1867, "General Orders — Reconstruc-
tion," 46. Also see Hollis, Reconstruction in South Carolina, 72; and Hamil-
ton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, 234.
"The Great Reconstruction" 65
norance." He did not for that very reason, extend the jury
lists as far as General Grant would have liked.45 As he finally
established it, all citizens who were assessed for taxes and
who were qualified to vote were embraced in the jury lists,
but the courts were permitted to purge all individuals who
were mentally or morally unfit.46 Color alone, however, was
not deemed sufficient reason for disqualification.47
For thus modifying the law, Canby was vilified by the
press (especially in South Carolina), Governors Orr and
Worth objected (it was the former who wrote the President
on this occasion), a superior court justice in North Carolina
resigned in protest, and Canby was forced to suspend and
then remove from office a judge in South Carolina who re-
fused to execute the order.48
This power to suspend or remove from office any appoint-
ed or elected official, state, municipal, or otherwise, and the
authority to appoint some other person or detail a "competent
officer or soldier of the army" to fill the vacancies created by
such suspensions or removals or by death or resignation, was
conferred upon Canby by the Reconstruction Act of July 19,
1867.49
Canby made a number of removals, but the exact figure
escapes disclosure. In North Carolina, according to J. G. deR.
Hamilton, it was only a small number— three sheriffs and
seventeen magistrates.50 In South Carolina, besides the judge
who has been referred to above, the mayor of Charleston, his
military successor, thirteen members of the board of alder-
45 Canby to Chief of Staff, September 14, 1867, Second Military District,
Letters Sent, No. 676, 1867.
46 Canby Report, 1868, 337-338.
47 Canby to Adjutant General, October 15, 1867, Second Military District,
Letters Sent, No. 953, 1867. Also see Worth to P. T. Massey, October 17,
1867, Hamilton, Worth Correspondence, II, 1054.
48 Charleston Courier, October 3, 14, 15, 16, 1867, 2; Charleston Mercury,
October 3, 4, 14, 15, 1867. The October 15 issue carries Governor Orr's
letter to the President; Worth to Canby, September 10, 11, 30, and Oc-
tober 18, 1867, Worth Letter Book, I, 576-578, 578-579, 590, and 627-628;
Canby Report, 1867, 304-307; and Canby Report, 1868, 338. Also see Canby
to Chief of Staff, October 19, 1867, Second Military District, Letters Sent,
No. 1012, 1867.
49 Statutes at Large, XV, 14.
60 Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, 238. In Canby Report,
1867, 312, there is a table showing the appointments and removals made to
September 30, 1867, but it does not give any clue as to how many were
removed or appointed by Canby. In twenty-five days, it could not have been
very many.
66 The North Carolina Historical Review
men, the mayor of Columbia, and eight of that city's alder-
men were removed at the general's behest; and there were
others.51
Nearly every one of these removals seemed arbitrary and
uncalled for to the people, inasmuch as the reasons for them
were not usually revealed. But Canby did not make removals
unless the officers in question were "disloyal" or obstructed
the "due and proper administration" of the Reconstruction
Acts.52 If the word of the press is to be accepted he always
acted without cause, due to the pressure brought to bear by
the "Republican colored committee," "with no other motive
than to punish and humiliate a proud, brave, manly, wrong
hating people," or just to satisfy a whim.53 The Columbia
Phoenix made the typical comment when it remarked:
Gen. Canby . . . has made some changes in our municipal gov-
ernment, not because of any grounds of complaint against the
duly elected representatives of the people of Columbia, but
simply because, as we presume, it seems good to him thus to act
in the plentitude of his powers. The sword of the oppressor
thus opens the way for the new regime to be tried in South
Carolina.54
Canby 's appointments were also received with disfavor,
particularly when he appointed Negroes or "carpetbaggers"
to office.55 As a general rule, however, Canby allowed the
governors of North and South Carolina to nominate indi-
viduals for office. The responsibility for making the appoint-
ments rested with him alone, and he did not always accept
their recommendations.86
Canby sincerely desired to fill the public offices with "men
of unblemished character," and he, therefore, had the back-
61 John S. Reynolds, Reconstruction in South Carolina (Columbia, 1905),
70-71. Hereafter cited as Reynolds, Reconstruction in South Carolina.
Canby to Chief of Staff, February 21, 1868, Second Military District, Let-
ters Sent, No. 795, 1868. Charleston Courier, May 27 and July 7, 1868.
See also Special Order No. 191, section I, October 28, 1867, "General Orders-
Reconstruction," 94.
52 Canby to W. W. Holden, September 24, 1867, Second Military District,
Letters Sent, No. 763, 1867.
53 Charleston Courier, May 27, 1868, and Charleston Daily News, May 29,
1868.
64 Quoted in Charleston Courier, June 22, 1868.
66 Canby appointed seven Negroes to serve as aldermen in Charleston.
Charleston Courier, May 29, 1868; Charleston Daily News, May 29, 1868.
Also see Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, 328.
66 Canby to Worth, January 19, 1868, Second Military District, Letters
Sent, No. 263, 1868.
"The Great Reconstruction" 67
ground of every recommended person investigated.57 Of
course, just what qualities one needed in order to have an
'unblemished character" was subject to a difference of
opinion. Governor Worth, for example, professed his inability
to find a man of "respectable pretensions to fitness" whom
he could nominate to succeed the judge who had resigned
over Canby's jury order.58 The general, on the other hand,
questioned Worth's "standard of qualification." If devotion
to "our holy and lost cause" was the basis on which Worth
assessed the worthiness of a man for office, then Canby did
not want his nominations.59
In several instances, Canby continued in office those
officials whose terms had expired, which was, in a way, ap-
pointing them to their posts.60 He did this because the pres-
ent governments were provisional only until the states were
admitted to representation in Congress.61 When that happen-
ed, his appointments would lapse, and he did not wish to
embarrass the new administrations by having them find,
upon their inauguration, that they could do nothing about
the officials who were in office as a result of being elected
for normal terms by his orders.62
In dealing with the subjects that have been discussed thus
far, Canby was abetted by a Bureau of Civil Affairs, which
acted as a clearing house for the business of the district.
Generally, anything relating to the operation of the Recon-
struction acts and to the legal relations of the political com-
munities, civil officers, and individuals in the Carolinas came
within its purview. In handling these matters, the bureau
framed orders and regulations, which, upon Canby's ap-
proval, were promulgated in the district; and it also prepared
57 Canby to 'Worth, January 4, 1868, Second Military District, Letters
Sent, No. 42, 1868.
68 Worth to Canby, January 11, 1868, Worth Letter Book, II, 55.
69 Canby to Worth, January 19, 1868, Second Military District, Letters
Sent, No. 263, 1868.
60 For instance, he ordered the town council of Spartanburg, South Caro-
lina, to continue in office. See Charleston Mercury, October 2, 1867.
61 Statutes at Large, XIV, 429, Act of March 2, 1867.
62 Canby to Hon. A. G. Mackey, President of Constitutional Convention,
Charleston, May 26, 1868, Second Military District, Letters Sent, No. 1922,
1868. Also see Caziarc to J. W. Schenck, Jr., Chairman, Republican County
Committee, Wilmington, N. C, December 6, 1867. Second Military District,
Letters Sent, No. 1636, 1867; and Canby Report, 1868, 341.
68 The North Carolina Historical Review
briefs and opinions for his scrutiny, thereby enabling him
to act more promptly and presumably more intelligently on
questions presented to him for decision.63
The registration of voters, as prescribed by the act of
March 23, 1867, was managed through the bureau and had
been in progress for over a month when Canby arrived in
Charleston. It was concluded twenty-five days after he as-
sumed command of the district.64 This registration was in the
hands of officials appointed by General Sickles; consequently,
other than a few specific decisions on who could register and
the appointment of a couple of registrars to fill vacancies that
occurred, Canby 's major contribution to this phase of the
reconstruction process was the issuance of a rather "liberal"
index upon which the revision of the registration lists was
based.65
When registration was completed, Canby ordered an elec-
tion, at which the qualified voters in each state were to cast
ballots for or against a constitutional convention.66 They
were, at the same time, to select delegates to constitute the
convention in case a majority of the voters were in favor of it
(and provided a majority of those registered exercised their
franchise ) .67
The election was held on November 19 and 20 and, after
a preliminary scare that the call for a convention had failed
in South Carolina, the voters of both states were found to
have expressed their preference in favor of holding con-
ventions.68 Accordingly, in conformity with the fourth section
of the March 23 Reconstruction Act, Canby directed that
68 Canby Report, 1867, 310-311. A. J. Willard, who later became chief
justice of the State Supreme Court of South Carolina, who was in charge
of this bureau. See Francis B. Simkins and Robert H. Woody, South Caro-
lina during Reconstruction (Chapel Hill, 1932), 143.
64 Canby Report, 1867, 312. See General Order No. 65, August 1, 1867,
"General Orders-Reconstruction," 50-53.
65 William A. Russ, Jr., "Disfranchisement in North Carolina, 1867-1868,"
North Carolina Historical Review, XI (October, 1934), 278. See Circular of
October 31, 1867, "General Orders-Reconstruction," 69-72. Also see Daily
Sentinel, November 8, 1867.
66 General Orders Nos. 99 and 101, October 16 and 18, 1867, "General
Orders-Reconstruction," 63-64, 65-66. The former is for South Carolina.
67 Statutes at Large, XV, 3, Act of March 23, 1867.
68 Canby to Grant, November 29, 1867, Second Military District, Letters
Sent, No. 1543, 1867. For the vote, see Canby to the Adjutant General,
February 19, 1868, "Registered Voters in Rebel States," Senate Executive
Document No, 53, Fortieth Congress, Second Session, 3-7.
"The Great Reconstruction" 69
the delegates chosen at the late election be convened on
January 14, 1868, for the purpose of framing constitutions
and civil governments for their respective states.69
General Canby did not have very much to do with these
conventions. In South Carolina, he refused to act upon sev-
eral resolutions presented to him by that body, although he
did issue an order, as requested, temporarily staying, for a
period of three months, all executions and sales of property
for debt.70 He sanctioned a similar law, though one of longer
duration, for North Carolina.71 In both states, on the adoption
of ordinances for the assessment of taxes to cover the cost of
the conventions, Canby directed the treasurers of the respec-
tive states to advance money to defray the current expenses
of those assemblies.72 He did this because he believed that
the members of the conventions and their creditors should
not be compelled to wait for the collection of the taxes when
sufficient funds were already in the state treasuries.73 Other
than staying until the end of the convention session the court
proceedings in an assault and battery case against the assist-
ant doorkeeper of the North Carolina assemblage,74 Canby
does not seem to have taken any further part in the affairs
of either body.
When the conventions adjourned sine die, their handiwork
and candidates for office in each state had to be submitted to
69 General Orders, Nos. 160 and 165, December 28 and 31, 1867, "Gen-
eral-Orders Reconstruction," 81-92, 84-85. The latter is for North Carolina.
70 General Order No. 14, January 31, 1868, "General Orders-Reconstruc-
tion," 97-98. Also see A. G. Mackey to Canby, January 25, 1868, Second
Military District, Register of Letters Received, II (LXVIII), 591; Reynolds,
Reconstruction in South Carolina, 80; and Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia,
1868, 693.
71 General Order No. 57, April 2, 1868, Second Military District, General
Orders, 1868. Also see Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina,
262-263; and Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia, 1868, 555.
72 Hollis, Reconstruction in South Carolina, 88. General Order No. 17,
February 6, 1868, "General Orders-Reconstruction," 98-99, for South Car-
olina. Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, 260-261. General Order
No. 20, February 12, 1868, Second Military District, General Orders, 1868,
for North Carolina.
73 Kemp P. Battle, Memoirs of an Old-Time Tar Heel (Chapel Hill, 1945),
213-214. Edited by William J. Battle. Kemp P. Battle was treasurer of
North Carolina.
7* Canby to C J. Cowles, President of Constitutional Convention, Raleigh,
March 14, 1868, Second Military District, Letters Sent, No. 1052, 1868.
On January 17, 1868, he attended a session of the South Carolina Con-
vention to hear Governor Orr address that body. See Charleston Courier,
January 18, 1868. On February 12, 1868, he sat in on the North Carolina
Convention. See North Carolina Standard, February 13, 1868.
70 The North Carolina Historical Review
the voters. So, while the nation buzzed about the impeach-
ment move against President Johnson, Canby proceeded to
authorize a second election for the Carolinas.75
On learning that there might be attempts by "combina-
tions" to prevent, delay, or hinder persons from voting by
force, intimidation, or threats of violence, the general pro-
mulgated another order warning that any interference with
the election would be punished as provided by law.76 One
thing that bothered him was how to prevent persons from
discharging their employees or tenants for not voting as they
were told. He sought to forestall this by letting it be known
"that the duty of the military authority to secure a fair and
free election will be fully performed"; that if laborers and
tenants were displaced and became public charges, the
county poor wardens would be required to take care of them
and an additional tax would be levied for that purpose.
Moreover, advances by the Freedmen's Bureau would be
withheld from planters who engaged in this practice.77 How
Canby proposed to ascertain positively who dismissed his
employees because of the way they voted is difficult to per-
ceive.
Hamilton has asserted that General Canby had the names
of the candidates for office in each state placed on the same
ballot with the question of ratification of the constitution,
thus, by a "piece of entirely unjustifiable partisan politics,"
preventing all who had been disfranchised under the Recon-
struction Acts from exercising their franchise as provided by
the newly framed charters.78 This statement is somewhat mis-
leading. By the fourth section of the Second Reconstruction
Act, the proposed constitutions had to be ratified by "the
persons registered under the provisions of this [the March
23] act. . . ." 79 Canby merely conformed to the letter of the
75 General Orders Nos. 40 and 45, March 13 and 23, 1868, "Elections in
Southern States," House Executive Document No. 291, Fortieth Congress,
First Session, 9-11, 4-8. The former was for South Carolina.
76 General Order No. 61, April 6, 1868, Second Military District, General
Orders, 1868.
77 General Order No. 80, May 2, 1868, Second Military District, General
Orders, 1868; see also Caziarc to Colonel W. B. Royal, April 10, 1868,
Second Military District, Letters Sent, No. 1337, 1868.
78 Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, 285-286.
79 Statutes at Large, XV, 3.
"The Great Reconstruction" 71
law, which he interpreted to mean that the constitutions just
drafted remained inoperative until they were accepted by
Congress.80
It is true that if Canby had permitted the vote on the
question of ratification to be taken first, waited for Con-
gress to approve the new documents, and then allowed a
second election for state and country officers, most of those
who had been disfranchised by Congress would have had a
chance to vote on the candidates for office. But this would
have been an involved, costly, and time-consuming process
to say the least.
Canby did, however, have the registration lists revised be-
fore the poll on ratification was taken and whereas, in North
Carolina, the total registration prior to the election on the
convention question had been 178,665, it was now raised to
196,873— an increase of over 18,000. In South Carolina, the
earlier registration figure was upped 5,139 to 133, 195.81
Canby did everything possible to get out the vote,82 even
suspending the sessions of the state courts so that all might
have an opportunity to exercise their franchise.83 The elec-
tion was held April 14 to 16 in South Carolina and April 21 to
23 in North Carolina, and the people of the two states ac-
cepted the proposed constitutions.84
On June 25, 1868, Congress approved these charters.85 The
states had only to install their new officers, ratify the pro-
posed fourteenth amendment to the Federal Constitution,
and the ordeal by Congressional Reconstruction would be
over.86 At this juncture, in order to "facilitate" the organiza-
tion of the new administrations, Canby removed the pro-
visional officers of both states and appointed the recently
elected officials in their stead.87 This was done by General
80 See Canby to Orr, May 1, 1868, Second Military District, Letters Sent,
No. 1600, 1868.
81 Canby Report, 1868, 340-341.
82 See the provisions of General Orders Nos. 40 and 45, March 13 or
23, 1868, "Elections in Southern States," 5, 9-10.
83 General Order No. 65, April 10, 1868, Second Military District,
General Orders, 1868.
84 Canby Report, 1868, 340-341.
85 The constitutions of Alabama, Florida, Georgia, and Louisiana were
also accepted in the "Omnibus Bill." See Statutes at Large, XV, 73-74.
89 Statutes at Large, XIV, 429, Act of March 2, 1867.
87 General Order No. 120, June 30, 1868, Second Military District
General Orders, 1868.
72 The North Carolina Historical Review
Grant's direction and was in accord with the desire of the
Radicals to be certain that the reconstructed state govern-
ments came into existence. There was the possibility that
the incumbents would refuse to yield office, and that could
be embarrassing, especially if the matter was brought before
the courts.
It is perhaps, useless to speculate upon the considerations,
which produced so sudden a change in the mind of the District
Commander, as to cause him to modify his first order providing
for the inauguration of the civil government. There is no ac-
counting for the vagaries of military caprice, especially when
the caprice is the result of an utter ignorance of law and of
usage in civil affairs.
The Daily Sentinel (Raleigh) contended that if General
Canby's object was to avoid an "awkward dilemma," then he
had "jumped out of the frying pan into the fire," and by his
"boggling proceedings" had placed the governor-elect in an
"ungraceful" position.88
Canby also took this step because many of the candidates-
elect in North and South Carolina could not take the test
oath of July 2, 1862. Until the ninth section of the Third
Reconstruction Act was nullified in each of the states under-
going reconstruction that oath was required of all its appoint-
ed or elected officials. It was, unfortunately, a technicality
that debarred "many active and zealous friends of the Union
and of restoration" from holding office and, Canby main-
tained, it ought to be dispensed with at once. Indeed, he
recommended that course to Congress.
To continue the disabilities which exclude these persons is to
deprive the government still further of the services of intelli-
gent and well-disposed men, whose technical disqualification is
their only fault, and whose aid is essentially important to the
speedy organization and successful working of the new State
governments. The removal of the disabilities, while it will not
jeopardize any interest which it is the policy of the government
of the United States to conserve and foster, will, in my judg-
ment, not only meet the approval of a large majority of the
people of the two States, but will disarm much of the opposition
Daily Sentinel, July 3, 1868.
"The Great Reconstruction" 73
which the new State governments must expect to encounter, and
contribute greatly to the permanent success of the work of re-
construction.
Canby thought it would be "inexpedient" to dispense with
the requirement which he desired to see relaxed if there
were any "personal considerations" prejudicial to the officers-
elect, but he did not know of any such objections.89
Canby considered it "so important" to organize the new
administrations before military control was withdrawn that
he went ahead and adopted the recently recognized consti-
tutions of North and South Carolina as the fundamental law
of each state.90 He held that the Congressional approval of
the proposed constitutions made them a part of the Recon-
struction acts and, to the extent that Congress had directed
or authorized action under them in advance of the admission
of the states, dispensed with the provisions of any previous
laws that conflicted with those charters.
The law of June 25, 1868, approving the constitutions of [North
and South Carolina] , and authorizing specific action under them
[Canby explained], was regarded by me as dispensing with the
oath of office prescribed by the law of July 2, 1862, first as to the
members of the general assembly, and, after the ratification of
the constitutional amendment, to the other State officers duly
elected and qualified under those constitutions. This construc-
tion, in its first application, did not include the governor and
lieutenant governor, but as the organization of the legislature
would have been incomplete without the lieutenant governor, and
as the legislative action required by the law might have been
embarrassed by the action of the old incumbents, the General
of the Army directed that they should be removed and the
governor and lieutenant governor elect should be appointed
in their places.91
89 Canby to Chief of Staff, May 4, 1868, "Second Military District,"
House Executive Document No. 276, Fortieth Congress, Second Session,
2-4, the quote being on the latter page.
80 Canby to Chief of Staff, May 7, 1868, "Letter on the South Carolina
Convention," Senate Executive Document No. 55, Fortieth Congress, Second
Session, 2.
91 Grant approved Canby's first action. See Canby to B. W. Gillis,
June 26, 1869, "Test Oath in Virginia," House Miscellaneous Document
No. 8, Forty-first Congress, Second Session, 16.
74 The North Carolina Historical Review
On July 24, 1868, having been notified that the legisla-
tures of North and South Carolina had ratified the constitu-
tional amendment known as article XIV, Canby remitted to
the civil authorities of the two states all the power con-
ferred upon and exercised by him under the act of March 2,
1867.92 The "dominion of arms" was over and the people of
the Carolinas turned to face civil radical rule. Nevertheless,
the press rejoiced; the Wilmington Journal, for example,
declaring:
It gives us pleasure ... to publish the final order of the
Commander of this Military District. We may need the presence
of the military to check the revolutionary schemes of the Radi-
cals, and if so, we trust we may be favored with an officer and
not a partisan — a soldier full of honor and justice, and not the
tool of designing and bad men.93
Could the editor have been referring to Canby?
Before making a final analysis of the general's work in the
Second Military District, mention must be made of one other
service that Canby performed while he was in command
of the Carolinas. Except for the first month of his tour of
duty there, he was supervisory assistant commissioner of
the Freedmen's Bureau for the limits of his district.94
It was only natural that this should have come to pass,
for it was unquestionably desirable to have under the same
direction the bureau officers and the other military personnel
who were entrusted with the protection of persons and prop-
erty by the acts of Congress.95 The assistant commissioners
for North and South Carolina were therefore ordered to re-
port to Canby for instructions, although they continued to
92 General Order No. 145, July 24, 1868, Second Military District,
General Orders, 1868.
93 Quoted in the Charleston Courier, August 10, 1868. Also see the Charles-
ton Courier, July 21, 1868.
94 Commissioner-General 0. 0. Howard to Canby, November 29, 1867,
Freedmen's Bureau, Letter Sent, 1867. The correct title of this War De-
partment agency was the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned
Lands.
95 Commissioner-General 0. 0. Howard to Canby, October 23, 1867, Freed-
men's Bureau, Letter Sent, 1867. Canby to Howard, November 4, 1867,
Second Military District, Letters Sent, II, 248-249. Also see Caziarc to Gen-
eral N. A. Miles, October 23, 1867, Second Military District, Letters Sent,
II, No. 1044. 1867.
"The Great Reconstruction" 75
communicate directly with bureau headquarters in Wash-
ington.
Canby did not have the time or the inclination to control
the administrative details of the Carolina bureaux, hence
that was left in the hands of the assistant commissioners.96
He could not relieve or discharge any bureau agent,97 but he
could and did appoint the several post commanders in the
district to be sub-assistant commissioners of the bureau
within the limits of their stations.98 That action created some
consternation and jealousy, both on the part of General
Nelson A. Miles, the assistant commissioner for North Caro-
lina, and General R. K. Scott, his counterpart to the south.
They feared that the commanding general was usurping their
rightful duties.99
In his role as supervisory assistant commissioner, Canby
advised the assistant commissioners and granted or withheld
authority in matters pertaining to the freedmen.100 In par-
ticular, however, all during this period, he was especially
concerned about the effect on the Carolinas of the failure of
the crops and the fall in cotton prices.
It was partially on this account that Governor Orr had
protested Canby's consolidation of the troops. He was fearful
lest those thrown out of work by this unfortunate turn of
events would be forced to plunder and steal in order to keep
alive.101 The possibility of "grave disorders" arising from the
fact that the Negroes were unable to find employment or
procure food was undoubted, and Canby assured the gov-
ernor that "serious consideration" had been given to the
96 See Canby to Howard, November 4, 1867, Second Military District
Letters Sent, II, 248-249.
97 The assistant commissioners did that or it was done by Howard. See
Howard to Canby, December 13, 1867, and Howard to General R. K. Scott,
December 13, 1867, Freedmen's Bureau, Letter Sent, 1867.
98 General Order No. 145, December 6, 1867, see Caziarc to Commanding
Officer, Wilmington, N. C, December 17, 1867, Second Military District,
Letters Sent, No. 1838, 1867. The replaced officers were volunteers and
civilians who had been acting as agents. For an account of a bureau agent
in Greenville, South Carolina, see John W. De Forest, A Union Officer in
Reconstruction (New Haven, 1948).
99 See Scott to Caziarc, December 10, 1867 ; Howard to Scott, December 13,
1867; and Howard to Miles, December 11, 1867, Freedmen's Bureau, Letter
Sent, 1867. Scott became Governor of South Carolina in 1868.
100 Second Military District, Letters Sent, 1867-1868, passim.
101 Orr to Canby, November 29 and December 18, 1867, Orr Letter Books,
III, 238 and 328.
76 The North Carolina Historical Review
subject and that every precaution was being taken to guard
against that danger.102 He had noticed the increase in pil-
fering too.103
On December 20, 1867, Canby addressed a letter to the
chief of staff inviting his attention to the destitution and
suffering likely to occur during the coming months unless
special ration issues were authorized. He estimated that
30,000 Negroes in the seaboard region of South Carolina
alone (and that was the section hardest hit) were without
jobs and were consequently without the means of support.
How to avert the difficulties which might be expected to
stem from "a population idle from necessity, and impelled
by hunger," was a question of the "gravest character."
If direct issues of food are made [Canby declared], we incur
the risk of encouraging idleness, and its attendant vices, and
of creating a proletarian population, that will look to the
Government for relief, whenever misfortune, want of thrift, or
idleness reduces them to want.
If, on the other hand, the government interfered in the em-
ployment process, Canby contended that the precedent thus
established would be "almost as dangerous."
He believed that no gratuitious issues should be made
except to the infirm and helpless, that relief should be given
to the poor only and then in amounts necessary to prevent
suffering. The issues, moreover, should be in the shape of
advances, or loans, which were to be repaid when the next
crop was gathered. Furthermore, he felt that these advances
ought to be a lien against the crop, "not only to assure the
Government against loss, but to impress upon those to whom
they are made, habits of industry and thrift, by considera-
tions of interest, as well as morals."
He wanted these advances to be made to the colored
people who were cultivating lands for themselves, and only
when this was impossible, to planters who, without some
help, would be unable to give employment to the freedmen.
102 Canby to Chief of Staff, December 23, 1867, Second Military District
Letters Sent, No. 1891, 1867. Also Canby to Orr, December 24, 1867, Canby
Letters.
103 Canby to Chief of Staff, December 23, 1867, Second Military District
Letters Sent, No. 1891, 1867.
"The Great Reconstruction" 77
The prospect was gloomy and Canby was preparing for the
worst. He was even thinking of establishing labor agencies
to disseminate information and thus diminish the necessity
of making either issues or advances.104
This doleful account, and others like it, impressed the
cabinet,105 and Commissioner-General O. O. Howard, of the
Freedmen's Bureau, was instructed to take action. Rations
were issued to refugees and freedmen,106 and, after February
27, 1868, the advances made to aid the depressed agricultural
interests in South Carolina were considered liens upon the
property of the persons to whom they were granted.107 For
those destitute individuals who were not included in the
ministrations of the Freedmen's Bureau, Canby directed the
poor wardens of the two states to apply to their relief the
proceeds derived from licenses, forfeitures, and fines ema-
nating from the sale of spirituous or intoxicating liquors.108
On August 5, 1868, General Canby relinquished command
of the troops in the late Second Military District and return-
ed to Washington, there to resume command of the depart-
ment he had left almost a year before.109 He had experienced
many vicissitudes during the months of constructive and
unconstructive reconstruction in the Carolinas. Accused of
radicalism by some, he was certainly not the most lenient
104 Canby to Chief of Staff, December 20, 1867, Second Military District,
Letters Sent, No. 1861, 1867.
105 John T. Morse, Jr., (ed.), Diary of Gideon Welles (Boston, 1911), III,
245-246; and Theodore C. Pease and J. G. Randall, (eds.), The Diary of
Orville Hickman Browning (Springfield, 1925 and 1933), II, 170. The entry
of December 24, 1867 in both.
106In April, 1868, 7,357 rations were issued in North Carolina. The average
number of persons assisted daily between September 1, 1867 and September
1, 1868 was 1,363. In South Carolina it was 1,944. See Report of the Com-
missioner of the Freedmen's Bureau for 1868 in "Report of the Secretary
of War," House Executive Document No. 1, Fortieth Congress, Third Ses-
sion, 1039 and 1027.
107 Report of the Commissioners of the Freedman's Bureau for 1868 in
"Report of the Secretary of War," House Executive Document, No. 2,
Fortieth Congress, Third Session, 1041. That was not done in North Caro-
lina, see Miles to Caziarc, May 8, 1868, Freedmen's Bureau, Assistant Com-
missioner for North Carolina, Letters Sent, No. 778, 1868. Also see Apple-
ton's Annual Cyclopedia, 1868, 693.
108 General Order No. 164, December 31, 1867, "General Orders-Recon-
struction," 83. Also see Canby to Worth, March 26, 1868, Second Military
District, Letters Sent, No. 1202, 1868.
109 General Order No. 150, August 5, 1868, Second Military District,
General Orders, 1868; and General Order No. 49, August 14, 1868, De-
partment of Washington, General Orders, 1868, 56.
78 The North Carolina Historical Review
of the military governors. To say, as did John S. Reynolds,
that his rule was "as brutish a tyranny as ever marked the
course of any government whose agents and organs claimed
it to be civilized," is going too far.110 The evidence belies it.
There is no denying that Canby had complete control
over North and South Carolina.111 As Major Birkhimer has
pointed out in his treatise on military government and
martial law, "It is difficult to conceive of a more rigid system
of martial law" than that which Congress established in the
spring and summer of 1867. For "completeness of design and
efficacy of measures for carrying them into execution,"
nothing could surpass the Reconstruction acts.112 Congres-
sional Reconstruction was, as Governor Worth maintained, a
"military despotism."
Having to function as the legislature, executive, and
judiciary, all in one, was a great responsibility, but Canby
did not shrink from the task. Acting as the agent of Congress,
he was guided by the principle that the power conferred
upon him by the Reconstruction acts was "limited and de-
termined by the clear intent of those laws as indicated by
the duties devolved upon the District Commanders and its
exercise must be incident or necessary to the full and proper
performance of their duties." 113 When they were not, he
"uniformly declined to ratify [the] ordinances or declara-
tions" made by the conventions authorized under the law of
March 23, 1867.114 In addition, he took "particular pains" not
to know how the political parties" stood in his district.115
It was only natural for the conservative whites of North
and South Carolina, like their brethren throughout the South,
to complain and to make out the best case possible for them-
selves in the eyes of the rest of the nation. To that end they
110 Reynolds, Reconstruction in South Carolina, 98.
111 The general of the army had supervisory control over his actions, and
in cases where the death penalty was invoked, the President had to give
his consent.
113 Major William E. Birkhimer, Military Government and Martial Law
(Kansas City, 1914), 482, 485.
113 Canby to B. F. Flanders, January 23, 1869, Fifth Military District,
Letters Sent, No. 289, 1869.
114 Canby to William G. Hale, February 11, 1869, Fifth Military District,
Letters Sent, No. 640, 1869.
115 See Canby's interview with the reporter of the New York Sun, quoted
in the Daily Richmond Whig, September 2, 1869.
"The Great Reconstruction" 79
often perverted and misrepresented the facts, construing
almost everything that had to do with Congressional Recon-
struction in the worst imaginable light. Canby's jury order
was a perfect example of that strategem.
It is understandable that they should have used every
means at their command to try to throw off the yoke of Con-
gressional Reconstruction as quickly as possible and to re-
sume their former way of life. Since the methods of opposi-
tion available to them were extremely limited, they adopted
the course of passive resistance. With hindsight, that proce-
dure can be seen to have been undesirable, and to that extent
they must therefore share the blame for what happened.
General Canby had little to do with the original registra-
tion in the Second Military District. A few Carolinians may
have been disfranchised on account of his interpretation of
the law, but probably as many were enfranchised by the
liberality with which he revised the registration lists. It will
be recalled that an increase of 23,000 resulted after this
occurred.116 Even so, by the vote recorded in each of the
elections, first on the convention question and then on the
ratification of the constitutions, it is evident that it was not
he who kept the whites away from the polls. In South Caro-
lina, in particular, it was they who refused to avail them-
selves of their opportunity. Instead, they preferred to re-
main quiescent, thus fostering the growth of a myth about
how military "satraps" did the bidding of a Radical Congress
and foisted off on them constitutions and officials they did
not want, but about whom they could do nothing. It is a
half-truth. In a moment of compassion, Jonathan Worth once
referred to Canby and the other officers who were called
upon to carry out the congressional program as "poor
devils/'117 How right he was! It was unfortunate for the army
that its officer corps had to be made the instrument of radical
designs.
Undoubtedly, Canby sympathized with the congressional
policy toward the South, but he was not vindictive. No die-
118 Those who could have registered previously and had failed to do so
account for most of this number. See Canby Report, 1868, 340-341.
n7 Worth to John Kerr, January 1, 1868, Hamilton, Worth Correspond-
ence, II, 1101.
80 The North Carolina Historical Review
hard radical of the Stevens-Sumner stripe would have ever
countenanced an easing of the reconstruction code such as
Canby proposed. If anything, Canby's rule was paternalistic,
especially toward the Negro, and many of the measures that
he initiated were beneficial to the Carolinas. Charles W.
Ramsdell's opinion of Canby's administration in Texas is
applicable also to his conduct of Carolina affairs. It was
"vigorous and firm, but just." 118
"Wise statesmanship" has been attributed to Canby; 119
perhaps that is too high an evaluation. Integrity he had; con-
ciliatory in spirit and with an understanding of the difficul-
ties that lay before him, he tried to be a good military
governor— whether he was or was not is a matter of personal
opinion.
"* Charles W. Ramsdell, Reconstruction in Texas (New York, 1910), 266.
119 George W. Cullum, Biographical Register of the Officers and Graduates
of the United States Military Academy . . . 1802-1890 (Washington, 1891),
II, 21.
THE FREE AGRICULTURAL POPULATION IN
SUMTER DISTRICT, SOUTH CAROLINA,
1850-1860
By Margaret Burr DesChamps
Sumter District, South Carolina, provides an interesting
case study in the social structure of the rural South on the
eve of the Civil War. The area in which it lay was frequently
spoken of as the Middle Country— a name which applied to
its geographical position, and rather aptly described the
folkways of its people. Akin to both Tidewater and Up-
country, its social life did not partake exclusively of the
flavor of either. The district, located between the Fall Line
and the Tidewater, was comprised of a variety of soils which
formed the basis for a diversified agricultural life. Although
most of the country was flat and the soil generally produc-
tive, extensive tracts of sand existed throughout the area,
especially in the northwest. There lay the High Hills of
Santee, a picturesque range which were the refuge of poor
whites and a favorite summer retreat for planters from the
Low Country.1
Whether they resided in the sandhills, in Sumterville, or
along the banks of the Black River, the people of the district
were predominantly interested in agriculture. Although few
of the 6,857 whites and 320 free colored people left written
records of their lives and endeavors, the head of each family
sketched in profile his worldly accomplishments when he
made his brief report to the census enumerator in I860.2
, * For a description of Sumter District see William G. Simms, The
Geography of South Carolina (Charleston, 1843), 132-135.
2 In preparing this paper microfilm copies of the Sumter District manu-
script census schedules for the Seventh Census (1850) and Eighth Census
(1860) were used. Schedules I (Free Inhabitants) and II (Slave Inhabi-
tants), owned by Emory University, were microfilmed by the Bureau of
Census, Department of Commerce, Washington. Schedules IV (Produc-
tions of Agriculture), V (Productions of Industry), and VI (Social Sta-
tistics) were microfilmed for the writer by the South Carolina Historical
Commission, Columbia, where the original schedules are deposited. The
method used in studying the census schedules is essentially that of Frank
and Harriet Owsley who begin with Schedule IV and supplement it with
Schedules I and II. The process is explained in Herbert Weaver, Missis-
sippi Farmers, 1850-1860 (Nashville, 1945), 14-17. Except when noted, all
subsequent information about the agricultural population is taken from
these schedules.
[81]
82 The North Carolina Historical Review
About seventy-five per cent of the 1508 white heads of
families and forty per cent of the 84 free Negro heads of
families indicated that they devoted all or a portion of their
time to farming.3 An excellent index to the lives of eighty-two
per cent of these agriculturalists is given in Schedule IV of
the unpublished census manuscripts, which is entitled Pro-
ductions of Agriculture. While it is regrettable that a portion
of the rural people were not included in this report, it still
provides a valid cross section for study. An analysis of the
omitted farm population shows that this group included both
the poor and the well-to-do.
The southern planter was well represented in the ante-
bellum society of Sumter District. At the top of this group
were the Pinckneys, Rutledges, Hugers and friends who an-
nually moved from their Low Country residences to summer
homes in Statesburgh, Bradford Springs and other communi-
ties of the High Hills.4 While they composed the top segment
of society in the district, about twenty-three per cent of the
families reported on Schedule IV as engaged in agriculture
were members of the planter class. About one-half of the
16,682 slaves in the district were in the hands of this class.
However, only eight per cent were large planters who culti-
vated as many as 500 acres of land and owned fifty or more
slaves.
Although these large slaveholders were found throughout
the district, they were especially numerous in Statesburgh
and Providence. Typical of the Episcopalian planters in the
High Hills was William Richardson. Richardson, who found
little of interest in the "dry and monotonous Sand Hills"
other than horse racing, depended on overseers to manage
his crops and sent his sons to boarding school in Winnsboro.
His wife, a devout church member, spent most of her time
making jockey outfits that would "answer for Charleston,"
conferring with overseers, and writing her sons of the evils
of drinking, card playing, and cursing. Upon the young boys,
3 Ten per cent of the white heads and forty-five per cent of the free
Negroes did not state an occupation, and fifteen per cent of both groups
indicated that they were engaged in some non-farm occupation.
* Lawrence F. Brewster, Summer Migrations and Resorts of South Caro-
lina Low-Country Planters (Durham, 1947), 46-48, 74-75.
Population in Sumter District 83
James and Dick, she placed the responsibility of keeping
the family in a position of affluence and leadership. Her let-
ters to them reveal the anxiety of an elder generation over
the continuance of family prestige.5
Among the Richardson's wealthy neighbors was J. A.
Colclough. The size of his plantation home is indicated by
the inventory of his estate in which the administrator enum-
erated and described more than fifty chairs and twenty-five
mattresses. Among the furnishings illustrative of the Col-
clough mode of living were glass shades, glass candlesticks,
brass fire dogs and fends, a piano cover, a set of dining
tables, books, and one lot of silverware.6 In 1860 the personal
property of Colclough's widow was valued at $436,000.
In the Black River section of the district lived well-to-do
Presbyterian planters like Samuel McBride. In his will Mc-
Bride left explicit instructions as to how he wanted his plan-
tation operated after his death. He desired an overseer "of
good moral character" to be hired to manage his lands. By
sale of the "more inferior, the dirty and immoral ones" and
the "unruly or Troublesome," he wished his slaves to be re-
duced to "not more than Thirty working hands . . . exclus-
ive of House Servants and Mechanicks." These slaves were
to receive two suits of clothing and one pair of shoes each
year.7
Of especial concern to McBride was the education of his
son, James, who would some day succeed him as master of
the plantation. His friend and neighbor George Cooper
was entrusted with the superintendance of James' school-
ing. The boy was to spend two or more years learning
"some useful Mechanical art" before entering college and
was to "be allowed much exercise in the country air." But
"my greatest desire," stated McBride, "is that he be early
taught the great truths of the christian Religion as con-
tained in the scriptures of the old and new Testament, also
the catechisms of the Presbyterian church, and that he be
B James B. Richardson Papers (Duke University).
"Sumter District Wills, 1860-1867, 67-74 (Sumter County Courthouse).
7 Sumter District Wills, 1839-1862, 330-334.
84 The North Carolina Historical Review
taught to obey implicitly those who have the rule over
him these I prize above all worldly considerations." 8
Most Sumter planters, of course, did not enjoy the wealth
of the Richardsons, Colcloughs, and McBrides. Isaac Lenoir,
who owned forty-eight slaves and farmed 300 acres of
improved land in 1850, belonged to the small planter group.
At his death in 1859 his household furniture was returned as:
one set of dining tables, one secretary, one sideboard, one
card table, one lot of crockery and glass, one dozen chairs,
one rocking chair, and bedsteads.9 Yet, families like the
Lenoirs lived comfortably and exerted considerable influ-
ence in community affairs.
The papers of Robert Fraser, small planter on Black River,
show how widespread the interests of men of this group
might be. In addition to managing his land and slaves,
Fraser was at various times: captain in the militia, member
of the Society of Vigilance, school teacher, magistrate, pres-
ident of his temperance society, member of the debater's
club, clerk of the session of the Bishopville Presbyterian
Church, school trustee, and overseer of the road on which
he lived. An avid reader, he subscribed to various periodi-
cals including the Southern Presbyterian, True Southron,
Columbia Hive, Christian World, South Carolina Temper-
ance Advocate, and Santee Banner, and frequently wrote
letters to the editors on matters which he believed to be of
public interest. Indeed, one wonders how he found time to
write so frequently to newspaper editors, friends and rela-
tives who moved west, citizens of Charleston who might
give information on his prospective son-in-law, associates
in the Sons of Temperance, and even President Lincoln
whose aid he sought in receiving payment for taking the
census of I860.10 In spite of his many activities, Fraser was
a successful farmer.
A study of the manuscript census returns reveals that
most Sumter District farmers were yeomen who cultivated
from one to 199 acres of improved land and about one-half
8 Sumter District Wills, 1839-1862, 330-334.
9 Sumter District Inventories and Sales, 1858-1867, 55-57.
10 Robert Fraser Papers (in posession of Francis J. DesChamps, Bishop-
ville, South Carolina).
Population in Sumter District 85
of whom owned slaves.11 One of these plain people who
desired to sell his farm in 1850 described it as:
A highly improved Farm in the vicinity of Sumterville, con-
taining about two hundred acres of land, only fifty of which
is cleared the balance being well wooded. — Said Farm has on it
a commodious Dwelling House, nearly new, with Stables and
suitable Outbuildings all in fine order. — Also a Garden in a
high state of cultivation and a fine Fruit Orchard.12
While the main crop of the yeomen was cotton, considerable
attention was paid to sweet potatoes and corn. These were
cultivated with the help of slaves and members of the family
who sometimes worked together in the fields.
Among the substantial yeomen in the district was Elisha
Spencer who combined subsistence farming with storekeep-
ing at a crossing on Lynch's River. It was no great love of
the mercantile business that accounted for Spencer's build-
ing a little store in his front yard. Selling a penny's worth of
candy, a gallon of sticky molasses, and listening to the idle
chatter of the men who stood around his stove, he described
as loathsome activity. But he seemed to have little choice of
occupation. Possessing no formal education, he could not
easily enter a profession, and since he believed that slavery
was morally wrong he did not aspire to become a planter.13
Instead, he became a subsistence farmer who planted seven
acres and owned land and buildings valued at $700.
Like many a farmer's wife, Mary Spencer found her days
full. She spun cloth, made clothes for her six children— even
suits for the boys—, baked cakes for her nieces, and kept
an open house for relatives and visiting ministers.14 Her life
was further complicated by the fact that her Connecticut
11 Twenty-one per cent of slaveholders in Sumter District engaged in
agriculture owned from one to four slaves, twenty per cent owned from
five to nine, twenty-two per cent owned from ten to nineteen. Thus sixty-
three per cent of the slaveholders were farmers owning less than twenty
slaves.
13 Black River Watchman (Sumterville), September 14, 1850.
13 "Reminiscences of Mattie Spencer MacDowell" (typed copy in pos-
session of the writer). Mrs. MacDowell, who writes from a remarkably
detached and objective point of view, was a grand-daughter of Elisha and
Mary Spencer.
14 Mary Spencer to Mary Fraser, undated letters, in Spencer-Fraser
Papers (in possession of Mrs. Mattie S. MacDowell, York, South Carolina).
86 The North Carolina Historical Review
husband constantly irritated a community whose opinions
on slavery, the way of salvation, and the merits of the South-
ern cause, he did not share.15 It is well understood why Mary
Spencer would exclaim to her mother: "O I have so much
on my hands and mind I don't know which way to turn." 16
In spite of her many household responsibilities Mary Spen-
cer showed concern for the social life of her children.
Throughout the fifties she arranged for them to visit their
cousins when possible, and children were frequent guests
in their home. Such visits were possible because Mary's
father gave her two or three slaves to help with the house
work and garden. While the children seem not to have had
big parties at home, their parents let them attend such fes-
tivities as Christmas trees at the local academy.17
The Spencer household was marked by economy and
piety, yet home life was not drab and sombre. By the sixties
their home was in no sense lavishly furnished, but was color-
ful and comfortable. For example, one daughter had a grey
bedroom suite with pink rosebuds painted on it, and the
guest who slept under the beautiful pink marseilles quilt
was seldom again to find a comparable covering.18
While the pleasures of simple living enjoyed by the Spen-
cers did not extend throughout the agricultural population,
only a small percentage of the farm operators on or off
Schedule IV seem to fall below the status of yeomen. Of
the heads of families on this schedule, eighteen per cent
owned no real estate, but many of these people owned slaves
or cultivated sizeable tracts of land. Among the eighteen
per cent of the farm population not appearing on Schedule
IV, one would expect to find the under-privileged of the
farm group, as it might be assumed that these people did
not operate farms which produced $100 in cash crops.19
Yet, investigation shows that twenty-six per cent of this
group owned real estate and ten per cent owned slaves.
16 "Reminiscences of Mattie Spencer MacDowell."
16 Mary Spencer to Mary Fraser, undated letter, in Spencer-Fraser
Papers.
17 Mary Spencer to Mary Fraser, undated letters.
18 "Reminiscences of Mattie Spencer MacDowell."
19 Only those operators whose farms yielded as much as $100 in cash
crops are included on Schedule IV.
Population in Sumter District
87
Among the thirty-four men who composed the lowest eco-
nomic bracket, those who owned neither real estate nor
personal property, were two paupers and three illiterates;
but they were not representative of the group. As a whole
these non-propertied people were young men just beginning
the business of farming. A number told the census taker
that they had married within the previous year and others
were unmarried. Some of them bore the names of prosperous
yeomen and planter families.
About six per cent of the heads of families engaged in
agriculture in 1860 were overseers. In addition to these sixty-
five men, there were twenty-four others who lived in the
homes of the planters employing them. An overseer living
in his employer's home was doubtless accepted by the family
and their friends; sometimes he might even be a member
of the family. For example, Isaac Richbourg owned 200 acres
of improved land and eleven slaves, but two of his sons began
their careers as overseers and two as farm laborers. Nor were
overseers living in their own homes always the economically
downtrodden of the district. James Thornhill, a fifty-year-old
overseer who owned no real estate and only $100 in personal
property serves as an illustration of this point. The Thorn-
hills probably lived well. A seventeen-year-old son in the
family who worked as a farm laborer, owned $12,000 in
real estate and $22,100 in personal property. Whether this
was the property of his father or mother which they chose
to list in his name or a legacy from some deceased relative
is unknown.
There were among the farm population of Sumter Dis-
trict many farmers who were poor in comparison to the
slaveholdings and land holdings of planters. Some of these
were unquestionably poor whites, probably called "po' buck-
ras" by Sumter people of the 1850's, but to determine their
number from the census schedules seems to be an impossible
task. Slaveholding and land holding alone are not accurate
guides for setting apart poor whites from the rest of the
population. Although eight per cent of the farm operators
on Schedule IV in 1860 did not own slaves and did not state
that they cultivated any land, some of these were free
88 The North Carolina Historical Review
Negroes and others were professional people not dependent
on their farms for their livelihood. While eighteen per cent of
the operators on Schedule IV did not own land, many of
them held slaves or considerable personal property. Even
literacy fails as a test for determining poor whites, for many
of the seven per cent of the heads of farm families who were
illiterate were substantial land owners and slaveholders.
Furthermore, as all Southerners know, the decisive factor in
applying this term is not always the absence of wealth and
education.
By use of a master chart combining information from
Schedules I, II, and IV, on occupation, real estate owned,
literacy, slaveholding, agricultural productions, and area of
residence, some ideas about poor whites in Sumter District
can be formed. Small groups of slaveless families appear
clustered together in several areas of the district. Many of
them were small landowners, and most of them claimed to
be literate, but virtually none of them were sending their
children to school. Today among the tenant farmers and
farm laborers of old Sumter District are people bearing the
same family names as these underprivileged people of 1860.
The largest group of these probable poor whites, some
forty to fifty families, made their homes in the sandy foot
hills of Bradford Springs. It was doubtless this area that the
editor of the Sumter Banner had in mind when he said that
"in an area of three or four miles square in the wealthy and
intelligent District of Sumter, there can be found forty-three
children of the proper age to be sent to school, who have
never seen a school-house, who cannot read or write their
" 9ft
names.
Throughout her life Mary Boykin Chesnut lived on plan-
tations in or near the High Hills, and she was well acquaint-
ed with the Sandhillers. In the closing pages of her Diary
from Dixie she reminisced over her life-long acquaintance
with a proud, often arrogant, superstitious, and ignorant
people. Milly Trimlin she remembered as "a perfect specimen
of the Sandhill tackey race." "Her skin," Mrs. Chesnut recall-
ed, "was yellow and leathery, and even the whites of her
20 Sumter Banner, July 27, 1852.
Population in Sumter District 89
eyes were bilious in color. She was stumpy and lean, hard-
featured, horny fisted." In recounting the kindnesses of her
family to some of these people Mrs. Chesnut failed to un-
derstand why they remained Sandhillers from generation to
generation. "Never," she wrote, "were people so aided in
every way as these people are!" Regardless of her failure to
understand them, she realized that they possessed the same
emotions that lie deep within all people. Her mother, she
stated, offered a ride to an old Sandhill acquaintance after
a big meeting at the church. The woman replied: "No, no!
Never mind me. I'm done in this world. Take your namesake.
Let 'em all see my girl setting by you in the carriage." 21
As Mrs. Chesnut's diary illustrates, contacts of poor whites
with yeomen and planters were confined to such occasions
as political rallies and elections, camp meetings and revivals,
and the visits which the Sandhillers made to beg or borrow.
But planters and yeomen were brought together through kin-
ship, business, and social organizations. They worked to-
gether in the Sumter Agricultural Association, sent their
children to the local schools, attended the same churches,
staged temperance society parades, joined in debating clubs,
and held militia picnics and balls which the whole country-
side enjoyed.22 While the poor whites showed neither inde-
pendence in voting nor initiative in seeking office, both yeo-
men and planters manifested keen interest in seeking office,
and desired to become officeholders.23 Good feeling and
freedom of association marked the relationships of plain folk
and aristocracy.
A considerable number of free Negroes lived in Sumter
District in the 1850's.24 In 1860, five per cent of all heads of
families in the district were thus classified. Most of these
people lived in the country, although only forty per cent
of the free Negro heads of families were engaged in agri-
21 Mary Boykin Chesnut, Diary from Dixie (edited by Ben Ames Williams,
Boston, 1949), 542-544.
22 See Sumter Banner, Sumter Watchman, and Black River Watchman
for the 1850's.
23 The names of candidates appearing in the Sumter Banner, April 12,
1853, were checked on Schedule I (unpublished), Seventh Census, 1850.
24 In this group were people of uncertain origin and race who were
commonly called "Turks" by Sumter citizens.
90 The North Carolina Historical Review
culture. The forty-five per cent of the free Negro popula-
tion who did not list an occupation probably supported
themselves as domestic servants. For example, Flora, who
owned no real estate but had personal property valued at
$200, offered "her services to the citizens of Sumter and ad-
joining Districts in the preparation of bridal feasts, party
suppers, &c." 25
Free Negroes engaged in agriculture seem to have enjoyed
a higher economic status than the remainder of the Negro
population. Two free Negroes, Richard Gayle and William
Ellison, were slave owners in 1860. As Richard Gayle owned
neither real estate nor personal property, his eight slaves
may have been members of his own family whom he held
through legal technicality. William Ellison, however, was
a large planter holding sixty-four slaves and cultivating 500
acres of improved land. He and his family lived in the midst
of the wealthy families of Statesburgh and occupied a back
pew in the local Episcopal church.26 A gin maker by occu-
pation, Ellison's advertisements appeared frequently in Sum-
terville newspapers.27
Most of the free Negroes lived in groups instead of scat-
tered throughout the population. The largest community,
consisting of about twenty-three families, was found at
Manchester. It appears that in Manchester and elsewhere
free Negroes and underprivileged white families associated
with each other— even to the extent of living together. Bill
Tab, a free Negro farm laborer who owned no real estate,
was listed as the head of the house in which he resided.
Living with him was a white man forty years old who gave
his occupation as farming and owned real estate valued at
$600. An even more striking case is that of Mary Rodgers, a
propertyless black woman, with whom a white Baptist
preacher, his wife, and two children lived. Scattered among
the census enumerator's listing of free Negro families one
finds the names of white families who owned little or no
property.
25 Sumter Banner, March 10, 1852.
28 Both the house and the pew in the church can still be seen in States-
burgh.
27 For example, see Black River Watchman, May 11, 1850.
Population in Sumter District
91
With the exception of the Negroes, whose lot in life re-
mained wretched, all groups within the free farm population
of Sumter District prospered in the 1850's. A number of per-
sons whose names appeared on Schedule IV of the Seventh
Census ( 1850 ) were selected at random from scattered sec-
tions of the district and their status in 1850 and 1860 com-
pared. They were classified in five groups: large planters,
small planters, slaveholding yeomen, non-slaveholding yeo-
men, and farmers who owned neither real estate nor slaves.
In all groups the value of farm implements and real estate
rose between 1850 and 1860. Slaveless were becoming slave-
holders and small slave owners were increasing their hold-
ings. Of the group of ten landless non-slaveholders whose
farming operations were checked in 1850 and 1860, seven
became real estate owners during the decade and one be-
came a slave owner. Observing that the "system and science
of agriculture in this District is undoubtedly in a state of
transition," the editor of the Sumter Banner stated in 1854,
that with "a little more exertion and attention to stock raising"
Sumter farms would be as productive as "the virgin soils of
the West."28
On the eve of the Civil War Sumter District was, for the
most part, composed of a prospering people wedded to the
agrarian life. The advantages and blessings of this life were
often the subject of local editorials and were most idyllically
pictured by the Sumter Banner. After stating that the min-
ister had to please his congregation, the lawyer his towns-
men, and the merchant and mechanic their community, the
editor concluded:
The farmer says just what he pleases; for it was never yet
discovered that it killed his cattle or rotted his potatoes. And
the farmer has more leisure time than most mechanics or pro-
fessional men; or if he has not, it is his own fault. No farmer
need be a drudge. His flocks in the pasture and his crops in the
field are growing while he sleeps. ... He relies on nature, who
labors for him continually, and on nature's God, who never
slumbers.29
28 Sumter Banner, July 19, 1853.
28 Sumter Banner, July 19, 1854.
EDITOR HAYNE TO EDITOR KINGSBURY:
THREE SIGNIFICANT UNPUBLISHED LETTERS
By Francis B. Dedmond
Theodore Bryant Kingsbury was one of the most dis-
tinguished journalists North Carolina has produced.1 Noth-
ing, however, in his long journalistic career seems to have
so elated him as two "notices" he received, perhaps early in
1858, from John R. Thompson and Paul Hamilton Hayne.
Fifty-four years later, Kingsbury wrote:
In November, 1857, I began the publication of the Oxford
Leisure Hour,2 a literary weekly which achieved considerable
reputation. A short time after I received probably two of the
best notices of any during my career from two distinguished
men of letters, who were editing magazines in the South:
John R. Thompson, editor of the [Southern'] Literary Mes-
senger, published in Richmond, Va., and Paul H. Hayne, who
was editing, at the same time, Russell's Magazine, a monthly
containing some ninety pages. He and Mr. Thompson both gave
1 T. B. Kingsbury was born in Raleigh, N. C, August 28, 1828. He at-
tended the Oxford Male Academy, Love joy Military Academy at Raleigh,
and the University of North Carolina. According to Kingsbury, the first
article he ever wrote for a newspaper was written from Raleigh on July 5,
1845. It appeared in the Oxford Ledger and was a report of the address
of Duncan K. MacRae at a Fourth of July celebration. For the next fifteen
years, Kingsbury wrote articles for several papers. Early in 1858, he be-
came editor of The Leisure Hour: A Literary and Family News Journal,
which was published in Oxford, N. C. Kingsbury left The Leisure Hour
in January 1859. On January 9, 1867 he became editor of a new weekly
and semi-weekly known as the Warrenton Indicator. He left The Indicator
on May, 29, 1868 to accept a position with the Southern Baptist Conven-
tion, apparently at Memphis, Tennessee. By this time Kingsbury was
already widely known, and in the same year, 1868, Wake Forest College
conferred on him the D.D. degree. In March of 1869, he became associate
editor of the Raleigh Sentinel. On three occasions, he declined the editor-
ship of the North Carolina Christian Advocate. He edited Colonel Pool's
Educational Journal in 1874-75; and shortly thereafter became editor
of Colonel Pool's Our Living and Our Dead, the official organ of the North
Carolina branch of the Southern Historical Society, a journal published
in Raleigh. In 1876, Kingsbury joined the staff of the Wilmington Morning
Star and served as its editor for twelve years and eight months. In 1888,
the University of North Carolina conferred on him the LL.D. degree. He
next joined the staff of the Wilmington Messenger, working on that paper
for thirteen years. For six months, he edited the Oxford Torchlight, a popu-
lar weekly. He died in 1913.
2 Kingsbury is in error here. The first issue of The Leisure Hour: A
Literary and Family News Journal appeared February 4, 1858, with T. B.
Kingsbury listed as editor.
[92]
Hayne to Kingsbury 93
me most cordial notices and I have rarely ever had such pleasant
references to myself in all my long career since as an editor.3
In so far as is known, the "notice" by Thompson did not
lead to a correspondence between the two men, but, accord-
ing to Kingbury, he "had the pleasure of a considerable cor-
respondence" with Paul Hamilton Hayne,4 the twenty-eight
year old editor of Russell's Magazine. To judge by Hayne's
later procedure, it may be assumed that he carefully pre-
served his correspondence from Kingsbury. However, at the
time of the bombardment of Charleston during the Civil
War, Hayne's "beautiful home was burned to the ground,
and his large handsome library utterly lost" 5— and, presum-
ably his carefully preserved correspondence also burned.6
Only three of Hayne's letters to Kingsbury from their "con-
siderable correspondence" have come down to us, and they
are now in the Southern Historical Collection of the Uni-
versity of North Carolina.
The first number of The Leisure Hour: A Literary and
Family News Journal, a weekly, was published at Oxford,
North Carolina, February 4, 1858. The paper was owned by
F. K. Strother and was edited by Kingsbury. In the March 4,
1858 number, Kingsbury published a highly laudatory ar-
ticle on Hayne. Hayne is declared to be unsurpassed by no
remembered American author as a writer of sonnets, "and
we have no doubt but the reader, if animated with a true
poetic taste and sympathy, will agree with us that they
[Hayne's sonnets] are among the best in the language. They
remind us of Wordsworth and Mrs. Browning, and indicate
that his is that tone of mind that Voluntarily moves har-
monious numbers,' " 7
3 "Farewell Letter by Dr. Kingsbury," in "The North Carolina Review,
Literary and Historical Section" of the Raleigh News and Observer, Sep-
tember 3, 1911.
4 [T. B. Kingsbury], "Review of Hayne's The Mountain of the Lovers,"
Our Living and Dead, III (July, 1875), 139.
5 Margaret J. Preston, "Biographical Sketch," in Poems of Paul Hamilton
Hayne (complete edition; Boston: D. Lothrop and Company, 1882), vii.
9 No letters from Hayne to Kingsbury, for example, are to be found
in the numerous letters in the Paul Hamilton Hayne Collection of Duke
University.
7 "Paul H. Hayne," The Leisure Hour (Oxford, N. C), March 4, 1858.
94 The North Carolina Historical Review
In the April 1, 1858 issue, Kingsbury published what he
described as a "graceful little poem . . . from the pen of the
accomplished Editor of Russell's Magazine." It seems to have
been written especially for The Leisure Hour; and, so far
as is known, has not been republished.
Sunset and Moonshine
I
Here, glancing from this breezy Height,
Whilst the still Day goes slowly down,
And sombre Evening's shadows brown,
Close o'er the purple flushing light,
II
I mark the softer radiant rest
Of the calm moon, till now unseen,
Along the Ocean tides serene,
Scarce heaving toward the faded West ;
III
At first there dawns a ghostly ray,
Faint as a new-born infant's dreams,
But soon an ampler glory streams,
And trembling up the lustrous Bay,
IV
Long level shafts of silvery glow
Lead upward to the quiet skies,
The radiant paths to Paradise
Revealed when all is dark below.8
On April 15, 1858, Kingsbury republished in The Leisure
Hour Hayne's short tale "The Skaptar Yokul: A Tale of Ice-
land." Hayne had originally published the tale anonymously
in Russell's Magazine a year before, but here the tale ap-
peared under Hayne's name and perhaps for the first time.
In the next number of The Leisure Hour, April 22, 1858,
Kingsbury began the republication of Hayne's tale "One Too
Many: A Tale of the Equinox." This tale too had been pub-
lished anonymously by Hayne in Russell's for June 1857.
Kingsbury continued the tale serially under Hayne's name
in the next three issues of The Leisure Hour, April 29, 1858,
8 The Leisure Hour (Oxford, N. C), April 1, 1858.
Hayne to Kingsbury
95
May 6, 1858 and May 13, 1858. While "One Too Many" was
running serially in The Leisure Hour, Hayne wrote the fol-
lowing letter to Kingsbury:
Charleston May 4th, 58
My Dear Sir ;
Your very courteous letter of the 6th ult was recd in due
season, but this is the first opportunity I have had to reply.
Let me thank you for the kind expressions you employ in ref-
erence to my vol of Sonnets ; if agreeable to you I shall do myself
the honor, & pleasure of mailing you another, and more juvenile
book of verses which was published by Ticknor, & Fields of
Boston in 1854.9
The late nos of the "Leisure Hour" have all reached me, & I
may say truly that the better acquainted I become with the style
of your Editorials, & the general conduct of the journal, the
more I am inclined to like it. The literary criticisms are un-
usually thoughtful & just; in fine, your paper is an excellent
one, and I hope it may succeed. I d'ont [sic] tell you to be
sanguine about success however. Long, & melancholy acquaint-
ances with the temper of the So. peoples has [p. 2] caused me
to lose all confidence in their grand professions. I do not believe
in them, or in their promises. For 7 years I have worked My
Dear Sir, in one field, or another, striving to do all that one
man could, to advance Literature, & the Literary spirit among
our People. What has been my reward? In no egotistical, & em-
bittered temper, I may declare that I have encountered what to
every man of feeling, and courage is infinitely worse than the
most savage oppositione [sic] — i. e. systematic neglect, & that
terrible species of coldness which embodies itself in quiet sneers,
& the taunts of the worldling who despises all efforts which
bring not an immediate return in hard cash !
Of course it is absurd to complain. This unlucky indifference
can be easily explained on clear philosophical grounds. At the
same time the So. literary man must necessarily feel that he
occupies a wrong position !
My stories have been very correctly published. The last of
them "One too Many" is by no means a favorite of mine. It is
too extravagant, and melodramatic, & if I ever republish it in a
vol., it shall be materially modified.
Enclosed, you will find an Original Sonnet, which is at your
disposal — , a sort of prose-poem or Extravaganza "Within the
Veil" from the April Russell, which has proved so popular,
(altho not pretending to a spark of originality in conception,
9 The volume, Poems (Boston, Ticknor and Fields), bears the date 1855.
96 The North Carolina Historical Review
whatever the execution may be — ) that perhaps you may like
to introduce it to the readers of the "Leisure Hour." I was much
annoyed to discover yesterday that Russell's clerk had neglected
my instructions with regard to the Magazine; but after this,
you may depend upon receiving it. I shall mail you this afternoon
the Jan, Feb, & April nos., & when I can procure a copy — the
March no. shall be sent also — Pray let me have hereafter 2
copies of Every issue of the [p. 4] Leisure Hour; instead of
directing them to this magazine direct them to me personally.
It will afford me pleasure to hear from you at any, & all
times; therefore write whenever you feel disposed — .
In haste, — but Truly yrs.
Paul H. Hayne
P. S. Enclosed, (Instead of enclosing this Editorial which, I
find increases the bulk of my letter unduly, I refer you to the
Editor's Table in "Russell" for May), you will also find an
article, extracted from my Editor's Table, [the analysis I mean
of Everett's mode of Oratory, & style as an author10] which
you can make use of, if it so pleases you — . This critique — (if
I may dignify it by so big a word) has attracted considerable
attention in Charleston. Let me know of the reception of this
letter, and the accompanying periodicals, & thereby oblige
Yrs. P.H.H.11
Kingsbury did choose to introduce "Within The Veil" to
the readers of The Leisure Hour; and in the May 20, 1858
number, he republished it under Hayne's name. The tale
had appeared anonymously in Russell's. Hayne deliberately
tried to keep from his reading public the fact that he had
published the tale12— at least until it had "proved so popular."
Kingsbury did not review the "more juvenile book of
verse" Hayne promised to send to him; but in the May 27,
1858 number of The Leisure Hour, he did publish a critical
notice of Hayne's 1857 volume, Sonnets, and Other Poems,
which was published in Charleston by Harper and Calvo.
Kingsbury wrote: "Among those who are struggling with
zeal, ability, and success in the cause of Southern letters is
10 Russell's Magazine, III (May, 1858), 181-183.
11 P. H. Hayne to T. B. Kingsbury, Charleston, S. C, May 4, 1858. This
letter and the other letters published in this article are published with
the permission of the director of the Southern Historical Collection of
the University of North Carolina.
13 See note preceding "Within The Veil," Russell's Magazine, III (April,
1858), 70.
Hayne to Kingsbury 97
Paul H. Hayne; perhaps the most successful woer of the
Muses that we can lay claim to." 13 Kingsbury declared that
only John H. Boner among Americans was a better writer
of sonnets than Hayne. Hayne "like a skillful workman,
first found out what he was able to do, and then went to
work to accomplish in the best way possible the duties which
lay before him." 14 Hayne had discussed the sonnet in the
preface to Sonnets, and Other Poems. He maintained that
"for the expression of a single cardinal thought— its elabora-
tion and 'flower-like unfolding— leaf by leaf,'— human in-
genuity could not have invented a system more beautiful and
effective. ... A successful Sonnet is among the most unique
of imaginative creations." 15
In the months that followed, Kingsbury published several
of Hayne's poems in The Leisure Hour, and there is no
reason to suppose that their correspondence did not con-
tinue. The next letter that has been preserved, however, is
dated January 25, 1859. This letter, like the earlier letter
printed above, gives us an intimate account of the trials,
tribulations, and literary heartaches of editor Hayne.
Charleston Jan 25th 1859
My Dear Sir ;
I have just reed, the last number of the "Leisure Hour," con-
taining your discriminating & able notice of the poems of Mr.
Grayson.16 I cannot tell you how truly grateful I am at the ap-
pearance of such an article. Mr. Grayson, besides that he is one
of my dearest personal friends, belongs to that rare class of men
of talent, who, (altho perfectly self-respecting), are so shy &
modest, that it takes a good deal to bring them fairly out. His
poems, so far, have not reed, the attention at the South which
they deserve. Yours, is one of the few comprehensive critiques
13 The Leisure Hour (Oxford, N. C), May 27, 1858.
14 The Leisure Hour (Oxford, N. C), May 27, 1858.
15 Paul H. Hayne, Sonnets, and Other Poems (Charleston: Harper and
Calvo, 1857), vi.
16 "Critical: A Southern Poet," The Leisure Hour (Oxford, N. C), Janu-
ary 20, 1859. This was the first installment. Kingsbury continued the
article on Grayson in the next issue of The Leisure Hour, January 27, 1859.
Kingsbury declares that "the versification of Mr. Grayson, is frequently
vigorous and impressive, and is almost invariably melliflous and graceful,
whilst the currents of his thought run deep and clear." The Grayson re-
ferred to was William John Grayson, a South Carolina planter who wrote
poetry for a diversion. His most serious effort was "Chicora" written in
1856, (Library of Southern Literature), volume V, 2012-2013. In the Janu-
ary 20, 1859, installment Hayne is again praised.
98 The North Carolina Historical Review
upon them that I have seen. Really, the "Leisure Hour" is doing
a good, & noble work. If a journal, so admirable is every respect,
is not sustained by the N Carolinians, it will be but little to their
credit. If I know myself, this hearty, spontaneous commendation
proceeds from [p. 2] no selfish source. You have worked gal-
lantly for the South, & the South, as Dr. Ollapod, hath it, "owes
you one!" Apropos of Grayson, let me tell you (in the strictest
confidence), that the poem termed "Marion" which is now in
the course of publication in "Russell," is from his pen.17 I think
you will agree with me that it is a most spirited performance,
& likely to increase the author's reputation greatly. Indeed, parts
of this poem are almost worthy of Sir Walter Scott !
Do you ever see among your Exchanges a paper published at
N. Orleans, called the "True Delta"? If so, please glance at the
last no. but one, & read the attack upon Simms, Russell's Maga-
zine, & one of the unlucky Editors of the latter, viz — myself. The
editorial I refer to, is in reply to a few strictures of mine upon
some remarks in that journal a month or two ago.18 Now, if the
article meets your eye, [p. 3] pray tell me if anything more
provokingly absurd was ever published in a newspaper ! Lest you
should not see it, permit me to give an abstract of the same.
The N. 0. True Delta, referring to Dana's "Household Book of
Poetry," said that a ridiculous "clamour" had been raised on
account of the ommission of Simms' name ;19 & went on to criti-
cise his poetry in most insulting and puerile style. To this I re-
plied by citing against the Editor of the Delta, such authorities
17 The long poem "Marion" appeared in Russell's in four installment — IV
(December 1858), 212-218; IV (January 1859), 313-321; IV (February
1859), 406-414; and IV (March 1859), 505-507. Hayne gives no hint as to
why such secrecy should be maintained. The poem, it seems, as a con-
sequence of this secrecy, was ascribed to Simms. Guy Adams Cardwell, Jr.,
"Charleston Periodicals, 1795-1860: A Study in Literary Influences, with a
Descriptive Check List of Seventy-Five Magazines" (unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, the University of North Carolina Library) says that the
W. C. Courtney set of Russell's in the Duke University Library, John
Russell's personal set in the New York Public Library, and the F. A.
Porcher set in the College of Charleston Library all ascribe the poem
to Simms.
M The following remarks appeared in Hayne's "Editor's Table," Russell's
Magazine, IV (January 1859), 373: "The New Orlean's True Delta, refer-
ring to what the editorial critic of that journal is pleased to call the
'clamor' raised at the south, about the omission of Mr. Simms' name in
Dana's 'Household Book of Poetry,' says, there is, really, no just cause of
complaint, at least, in this particular instance, because to quote the critics
own language : 'Mr. Simms is not a poet, for he lacks the essential elements
of the poet — imagination. He has the wish but not the wings to soar. He is
simply a tolerable verse-weaver; but he weaves with ordinary shuttle. His
is not the golden-threaded shuttle that flashes to and fro in the loom of
thought.' "
18 Hayne reviewed — if indeed this be the right term — Dana's Household
Book of Poetry in Russell's Magazine, IV (January 1859), 348-353. Hayne
decried the "entire silence preserved with regard to most of the poets of
the southern States." As regards Simms, Hayne wrote: "In regard to Mr.
Hayne to Kingsbury 99
as Whipple, Poe, Griswold, & Thos Campbell. And how did the
fellow rebut this testimony ; ? Why, by saying that Thos. Camp-
bell must have been idiotic when he praised Simms, that Poe
must have been drunk ; & that as for Messrs Whipple, Griswold,
& Duyckink [sic] "their testimony went for little."20 Did you
ever hear of such Cockney impudence ? — But eno' of this matter !
Please My Dear Sir, let [me] hear from you as often as pos-
sible, & Believe me
Ever Truly P H Hayne21
Two days after Hayne's letter was written, Kingsbury's
"valedictory," so he entitled it, appeared in The Leisure
Hour:
With this number my editorial connection with the Leisure
Hour will terminate. The reason which has induced this course
of action it is unnecessary to state. . . . But the Leisure Hour
has not become a popular paper, nor have I expected it, owing
to certain causes which I refrain from giving. I here lay down
my Editorial pen, and the probability is, forever. . . ,22
Kingsbury's reason "which . . . induced this course of
action" was that he was planning to study for the ministry,
and told Hayne of his purpose. Hayne answered quickly in
an intimate letter in which he laid bare his own bosom.
Charleston Feb 3rd 1859
My Dear Mr. Kingsbury; — I perceive with sincere regret that
you have abandoned the Editorship of the "Leisure Hour." I
cannot say that the intelligence surprises me, because I very
well knew that the Journal — , conducted as you have conducted
Simms, many words are not necessary. He is the first living writer of the
south; known not only here, but in the whole country, and abroad,
wherever American literature is known at all. With high heart, he has
maintained at all times, and in all places, the honor of his native land;
he has conferred honour by his genius on the whole country. His fame rests
on solid foundations of real and indisputable merit, and time can but
make it more bright."
20 In Russell's Magazine, IV (February 1859), 474, Hayne wrote: "The
editor of the True Delta, in reply, makes a direct personal attack upon one
of the editors of this Magazine; displays supreme incapacity of compre-
hending even the most ordinary forms of poetical expression, and disposes
of the critical authorities above-mentioned after this manner: 'If Campbell
spoke favourable of Simms, it must have been in his dotage; (Campbell
was editor of the New Monthly at the time, and about thirty-three years of
age; if Poe was pleased with Simms' poetry, it must have been when he
was overcome with drink; as to Whipple, Duyckinck and Griswold, their
opinions are of little importance.' "
21 P. H. Hayne to T. B. Kingsbury, Charleston, S. C, January 25, 1859,
in The Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina.
23 The Leisure Hour (Oxford, N. C), January 27, 1859.
100 The North Carolina Historical Review
it — , could not be popular ; therefore could not pay, & therefore
(lastly), must sooner or later be given up by one not rich
enough to be independent of its pecuniary support. "The Leisure
Hour" was & is too intellectual, too critical, too thoughtful to
meet the approbation of the unintellectual, uncritical, unthink-
ing people. Perhaps you think me disposed to flatter. Well, my
dear Sir, I may be, I must by necessity be, partial to a paper
which has during the 14 or 15 months of my acquaintance with
it [ ]23 than I ever expect to receive again from any
intelligent source in the whole course of my future life!
I wish, (let me frankly say it!) I wish I could believe all you
have so generously spoke in my behalf! But my own mind, my
self-knowledge tells me that I have weaknesses (in an artistic, &
I fear, moral sense) , which will, probably, interfere fatally with
my success as a poet. With humiliation I confess to one whose
great kindness has opened by confidence, & really won my heart,
that the same awful infirmity of will, which I have commented
upon in the essay on Hartley Coleridge, is forever besetting me,
& overturning, or defeating in some manner, my cherished
plans.24 You call me, others have called me, a successful Sonnet-
teer: Why am I successful in this special sort of versification.
Oh! Sir! it is [p. 3] because I have not the persistent strength
of wing, or of will, to venture boldly upon more sustained
flights!, because I lack as Hartley Coleridge lacked, "a great
central purpose in art." You will not think me vilely egotistical,
because I write in this curious strain. Altho it has never been
my fortune to look upon you "according to the flesh," I feel that
you are truly a friend, and as a friend I address you! But eno'
of this!
"The Leisure Hour," is, I see, to be continued. Who
succeeds you as Editor? No name is mentioned anywhere.
I hope you will sometimes continue your contributions. Do
not devote yourself too exclusively to theological studies, but
keep up the belle lettres tastes you now possess. They will do
you good service in the Pulpit. Our So. preachers are wretchedly
deficient (generally) in literary attainments, yet surely, they
should be scholars; not merely Hebrew scholars and skilled
in polemics, but thorough English scholars, versed in our poetry
as well as philosophy.
23 The letter is soiled here and the writing is not legible.
24 In his essay entitled "David Hartley Coleridge," Russell's Magazine,
IV (February 1859), 433-442, Hayne wrote: "We have said that Hartley's
poems were occasional. He was not gifted with the resolution, the consist-
ent earnestness, or the wide grasp of thought and invention, which are
the essential endowments of the epic, or dramatic poet. He lacked a great
central purpose in art, precisely as he lacked a great central purpose in
lifer
Hayne to Kingsbury 101
Pardon this letter, which I feel to be rather an eccentric, &
perhaps a too familiar epistle.
Answer quickly, & Believe me,
Ever truly yrs.
Paul H Hayne25
One wonders if Kingsbury answered quickly and, if so,
how long this interesting correspondence between these two
lovers of literature continued. Kingsbury never ceased to
appreciate Hayne's poetry; and eight years later when Kings-
bury was once again editor of a literary newspaper, the
Warrenton, North Carolina, Indicator, Devoted to Literature,
Religion, Agriculture, and General Intelligence, he published
a poem by Hayne. Since there is nothing to indicate that it
was copied from some other source, it may have been writ-
ten by Hayne for The Indicator. The poem also does not ap-
pear in the Poems of Paul Hamilton Hayne (complete edi-
tion; Boston: Lothrop and Co., 1882) and is here, perhaps,
reprinted for the first time.
Song
I
My wedded love is fast asleep,
The white lids closed o'er marvellous eyes,
That shine a meaning, pure and deep,
As midnight's far, unf athomed skies.
Her heart upon the tide of dreams
Is heaving like a fairy boat,
And o'er her face the mystic gleams
Of tender thoughts and memories float.
II
My earlier love, I could not wed,
Is slumbering too, but far away —
She sleeps among the tranquil dead,
And couched upon the churchyard clay ;
Her lids are closed o'er soulless eyes,
Her pulseless heart is mute and cold —
But thought is busy where she lies,
And memory wakes beneath the mould.26
No matter when the correspondence actually ended, one
may be sure that Kingsbury cherished the memory of it as
long as he lived.
25 P. H. Hayne to T. B. Kingsbury, Charleston, S. C, February 3, 1859,
in the Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina.
20 The Indicator (Warrenton, N. C), December 11, 1867.
A DESCRIPTION OF "CAROLANA"
BY A "WELL-WILLER," 1649
Edited By Hugh Talmage Lefler
The following unsigned two-page communication to The
Moderate Intelligencer, to which no reference is made in
the Colonial Records of North Carolina, and which, so far
as is known, has never been reprinted, is one of the few doc-
uments relating to North Carolina between the grant by
Charles I to his Attorney-General, Robert Heath, in 1629
and the more effective grant by Charles II to the eight
Lords Proprietors in 1663.
The Moderate Intelligencer, one of the most important
mid-seventeenth century papers, was a weekly news sheet
published in London from June 5, 1649, to February 23, 1654
—a very long life for a periodical in that day. Its founder,
owner, and editor, John Dillingham of Whitefriars, was a
very controversial figure. A tailor turned publisher, he was
involved in many disputes with other journalists and with
political and religious leaders. He gave information against
Archbishop Laud in 1643, and Dr. Brownrigg was committed
to Dillingham's house in 1644. Gilbert Mabbott, a rival
journalist, attempted to appropriate the title of his paper,
but the House of Lords decided that "Dillingham alone was
entitled to the title of The Moderate Intelligencer." Some
contempories praised Dillingham's writing and were quite
enthusiastic about his idea of a journal in French for the
benefit of foreigners in England. One writer referred to him
as "the Countryman's Chronicler . . . the citizens' harbinger
. . . and the epitome of wit . . . and though he tells lies by the
gross, yet he would have the book-turners of this isle believe
that he useth moderation." Other critics were less compli-
mentary; one referred to Dillingham as "a Prick louse vermin
Taylor"; another condemned "that botching and Moderate
Intelligencer," edited by that "learned Scout."
The following interesting and detailed account of "Caro-
lana" may have been a bona fide communication to Dilling-
ham's paper, or it may have been the product of his own
[102]
A Description of "Carolina" 103
fertile imagination. But it is significant that in 1649, at the
time when Oliver Cromwell as Lieutenant General was pre-
paring for his Irish campaign, plans were under way to ap-
point a governor for the Albemarle Sound region, then con-
sidered a part of Virginia despite the Heath patent of 1629.
The editor has been unable to discover the identity of either
the "well-wilier" or the "Gentleman going over Governour
into Carolana."
THE MODERATE INTELLIGENCER: IMPARTIALLY
COMMUNICATING MARTIALL AFFAIRS TO THE
KINGDOM OF ENGLAND
(From Thursday, April 26 to Wednesday, May 2, 1649.)
At the intreaty of a well-wilier, the following lines are in-
serted.
There is A Gentleman going over Governour into Carolana in
America, and many Gentlemen of quality and their families with
him.
This place is of a temperate Climate, not so hot as Barbado's
nor so cold as Virgina; the Winter much lake our March here
in England. The Northern latitude begins where Virgina ends, at
37, neer Cape Henry, and takes in six degrees Southerly; no
bounds to the East and West, but the Seas. At Point Comfort,
neer Cape Henry, you enter into a fair Navigable River, called
James River, about two leagues over : on both sides that River,
are the chiefe Plantations in Virginia, and their chief Town
James Town. On the South side of this River, are two Rivers,
Elisabeth, and Nansamond, which convey you into Carolana;
so that this River is in a haven to both Colonies. This Carolana,
besides the temperature of the Climate, hath many Native Com-
modities to feed and cloath the body : Deer in abundance, bigger
and better meat then ours in England, having two young ones
at a time; their skins good cloathing, being better dressed by
the Indians then ours: Elkes of a large size, admirable meat,
having three young at a time; their Hides make good Buffe;
besides Hares and Conies, and many other that are good meat:
Beasts of prey, that are profitable for their Furres, as Bevers,
Otters, Foxes, Martins, Minches, and Musk-Cats, their Cods
better sented then those of East-India, and more lasting : Fowle
of all sorts, Partridges and wild Turkies 100 in a flock, some
of the Turkies weighing 40 pounds, Fish there are in great
abundance, of all sorts. In the Woods are sundry kinds of Fruits,
as Strawberries, Raspices, Gooseberries, Plums, and Cherries;
three several kinds of Grapes, large, and of a delicious taste. In
104 The North Carolina Historical Review
these woods are herbes and flowers of fragrant smels, many-
kinds of singing Birds, which have varieties of sweet Notes.
Though this Countrey be for the most part woody, but where
the Indians have cleared, for their Corne and Tobacco, or where
fresh marshes and medows are, yet they are pleasant and profit-
able; pleasant, in respect of the stately growth and distance of
the Trees one from the other, that you may travail and see a
Deere at a great distance ; profitable, being of divers kinds, both
for shipping, Pot-ashes, Mulberry trees for Silk-wormes, Wal-
nut trees, and stately Cedars; so that when of necessity you
must cut down for Building and other uses, you are recompenced
for your labour. You have also many pleasant Ascents, Hills
and Valleys, Springs of wholesome waters, Rivers, and Rivo-
lets. Now you see you are plentifully fed and cloathed with the
naturall Commodities of the Country, which fall into your hands
without labour or toyle, for in the obtaining of them you have a
delightful recreation. Now fearing you should out of this abund-
ance, in the excesse take a Surfer, you have many Physical
herbs and Drugs, Allom, Nitrum, Terra Sigillata, Tarre, Rosin,
Turpentine, Oyle of Olives, Oyle of Walnuts, and other Berries ;
Honey from wild Bees, Sugar-Canes, Mulberries, divers sorts
of Gums and Dyes, which the Indians use for paint. Within the
ground, Mines of Copper, Lead, Tinne, Pearle, and Emroydes.
Having the profit and pleasure of the natural Commodities, you
shall see what Art and Industry may produce. The Soyle is for
the most part of a black mould about two foot deepe, you may
trust it with anything. The Indian Corne yeelds 200 for one,
they have two Crops in six moneths; English Wheat, Barley,
and Pease, yeeld 30 for one; Hempe, Flax, Rice, and Rape-feed
have a large encrease: What English Fruits are planted there,
improve in quantity and quality. Besides all this is said, we
shall shake hands with Virginia, a flourishing Plantation, which
is not onely able to strengthen and assist us, but furnish us
with English Provision, Cowes and Oxen, Horse, and Mares,
Sheepe and Hogs, which they abound in now, which they and
other Plantations were enforced to bring out of other Countries
with great difficulty and charge, these are ready to our hands.
// this that hath been said give incouragement to any, let
them repair to Mr. Edmond Thorowgood, A Virginia Merchant,
living in White-Crosse-Street, at the house that was Justice
Fosters. He will informe you of the Governour, from whom you
will understand when and how to prepare themselves (not ex-
ceed August) and what conditions shall be given to Adven-
turers, Planters, and Servants; which shall be as good, if not
better, then have been given to other Plantations.
Plantations in America were first famous in King James his
time, the arguments to draw people over were the bringing
A Description of "Carolana'
105
the Gospel to the Indians, inriching men that went and ad-
ventured, and extending Dominion, the fruit whereof is visible,
in King Charles his time, the persecution of men diffring in
opinion revived this undertaking, and thousands went to New
England whose condition is also known, now their seems to be
great designes of this nature which arise out of the discotents
at the present state of affairs, alterations, & the wants which
the late War hath brought many unto, for which there seems
no blame. For censent be advised to make no use of the Merchant
farther than transportation, part with nothing, if an adven-
turer, but what you are willing to loose to accomodate your
friend, lay no foundation of a Plantation for your perticular
before you go, when you begin to disburst, resolve to go, leave
more or lesse behind you in England that may supply the first
necessities, which will be greatest, and thus much be sure, if
the Countrey be healthful to English, its seated as well as any
upon which the English are, if not better.
BOOK REVIEWS
The Carolina Charter of 1663. By William Stevens Powell.
(Raleigh: The State Department of Archives and History.
1954. Pp. vi, 79. Illus. and bibliography. Cloth $2.00, paper
$1.00.)
The full title of this book is The Carolina Charter of 1663,
How it came to North Carolina and Its Place in History with
Biographical Sketches of the Proprietors. The complete text
of the charter as reproduced occupies only 15 pages but
this is the feature of the volume. To add to its value and
interest, however, the author has preceded the actual text
with two chapters.
One of these chapters traces in considerable detail the
steps taken by the director of the Department of Archives
and History of North Carolina to establish the authenticity
and provenance of the document and to ascertain whether
the London bookseller (who had discovered the Charter in
1947 ) could offer a clear title to it once the purchase price of
$6,000 was raised. A number of scholars and authorities
examined the charter. Their reports and correspondence
reproduced here in full make interesting reading.
The second chapter, "Origin of the Charter," is an in-
formative account of various grants of land made by British
sovereigns prior to 1663, which included the territory later
embraced by the Charter. First of these was a grant by
Queen Elizabeth, June 1578, to Sir Humphrey Gilbert and
renewed in the name of his half brother, Sir Walter Raleigh,
in 1584. Raleigh financed several unsuccessful expeditions,
among them the famous "Lost Colony/' In 1606 a charter
was granted to the Virginia Company of London which in-
cluded a part of what is now North Carolina. This charter
was revoked in 1624 and the colony came into the hands of
the Crown. In 1629 the King conveyed title to his attorney
general, Sir Robert Heath, but he made no organized at-
tempt to establish a settlement. In 1648, however, several
Virginians purchased from the Indians large tracts of land,
covered by the grant to Heath, along the Chowan River. A
[106]
Book Reviews
107
settlement was made here in 1653 and a steady stream of
colonists followed.
This activity apparently attracted the attention of some
Englishmen who were supporters of Charles II, and after
he came to the throne he granted the territory between 31°
and 36° north latitude "from sea to sea" to the following
proprietors: Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, Lord High
Chancellor of England; George Monck, Duke of Albemarle,
Master of the King's Horse and Captain-General of all his
forces; William Lord Craven, an old friend of Charles II's
father who had zealously and ably supported the royal
family; John Lord Berkeley, who had defended the Crown
in the rebellion and joined the royal family in exile; Anthony
Ashley Cooper, Chancellor of the Exchequer and afterward
the Earl of Shaftesbury; Sir George Carteret, Vice-Chamber-
lain of the King's household; Sir William Berkeley, Governor
of Virginia, who induced the colony to be loyal to Charles II
as their sovereign even while he was in exile; and Sir John
Colleton, who had upheld the royal cause in Barbados.
It did not take long for these royal proprietors to discover
that the "richest jewel of their new domain of Carolina" was
not in their domain at all. Settlements already made in the
Albemarle region lay for the most part a few miles north
of the line marking the limit of the territory granted to them.
So in 1665 they secured a new charter extending the limits
one-half degree to the north and two degrees to the south.
Plan followed plan for a scheme of government. Finally,
one was approved. This was the Fundamental Consti-
tutions drawn up for Carolina by John Locke under the
direction of the Earl of Shaftesbury and adopted by the
proprietors on July 21, 1669
The Fundamental Constitutions were designed to serve a
landed aristocracy and set forth many orders of rank and
privilege which were impractical, to say the least, and were
probably responsible for their eventual failure. But even with
these limitations they gave the Englishmen in Carolina very
broad rights and freedoms. They provided an adequate sys-
tem of local courts with a guarantee of trial by jury; the Eng-
lish system of town government and the right to elect repre-
108 The North Carolina Historical Review
sentatives to meet every two years. Provision was made for
registration of births, marriages, and deaths and for recording
land titles. Many of these provisions were so liberal that in
England they were considered to be radical. In Carolina,
however, they provided nothing more than was expected by
the pioneers who risked their lives to settle the wilderness.
But the proprietary rule, set up under the Constitution, was
unsuccessful and the colony was taken back by the Crown
in 1728.
The other feature of the book is the section containing
brief biographical sketches of the proprietors with a full
page portrait of all save one of whom no portrait is known.
The book is well printed on good stock. It is an interesting
and scholarly work. As such it will be a valuable addition to
any library.
William D. Overman.
Firestone Tire and Rubber Co.,
Akron, Ohio.
The County Court in North Carolina before 1750. By Paul M.
McCain. (Historical Papers of the Trinity College Historical
Society, Series XXXI. Durham: The Duke University Press,
1954. Pp. viii, 263. $2.50.)
The county court was the principal institution of local
government in North Carolina for almost two hundred years
before the adoption of the state constitution of 1868. Pro-
vision for a court in each precinct of the colony was made
in the Fundamental Constitutions of 1669. Within a short
time courts were established in the precincts of Albemarle
County and later in those of Bath County. Following the
abolition of these two counties in 1738-1739, the precincts
became counties. The precinct court was known thereafter
as the county court.
In this scholarly volume Dr. McCain traces the develop-
ment of the county court from its beginnings under the
proprietors as a precinct court down to the middle of the
eighteenth century, when its organization and powers had
become fixed and stable. Originally the court was established
to relieve the general court, composed of the governor and
Book Reviews
109
council, from trying petty civil cases and probating routine
records. As the colony developed, the authority of the court
was expanded until this agency became the chief adminis-
trative body of the county as well as its court of justice.
Dr. McCain has presented a clear picture of the operation
of the county court before 1750. Four excellent chapters are
devoted to the jurisdiction of the court. Specific cases and
incidents have been used effectively in illustrating the au-
thority exercised by the justices in criminal and civil actions,
probate proceedings, supervision of orphans, and in the reg-
ulation of involuntary servitude and slavery. The powers of
the court in matters concerning public buildings, county
finance, supervision of roads, and the regulation of business
have been carefully described in four additional chapters.
From the power and authority which the court exercised
in the affairs of the people of North Carolina before 1750,
Dr. McCain concludes that the court gave to the inhabitants
of the colony an institution of local government adapted to
their needs.
Serious students of history will be pleased with this well-
organized and readable account of an important segment of
the early history of North Carolina.
Rex Beach.
Hall of Records Commission,
Annapolis, Maryland.
A History of Catawba County. Compiled and published by Ca-
tawba County Historical Association, Inc. Edited by Charles J.
Preslar, Jr. (Salisbury: Rowan Printing Company. 1954. Pp.
526. $5.00.)
Eighteen years ago residents of Catawba County in the
upper Piedmont section of North Carolina organized a his-
torical association and began collecting materials from which
a history of the county could be written. A publication com-
mittee, headed by Dr. J. E. Hodges, president of the asso-
ciation, has now published in a sizeable volume the first
general history of the county.
Catawba was not formed until 1842, when Nathaniel Wil-
son captured John Killian's seat in the House of Commons
110 The North Carolina Historical Review
and put through a bill to divide Lincoln County. The au-
thors, however, appropriately began with the coming in 1749
of German and Scotch-Irish settlers to the area. The story
of the pioneers, the majority of whom were Germans, is ade-
quately told. Heinrich Weidner's (Whitener) experiences
during the French and Indian War form the most exciting
of the individual narratives.
The writers attempted to include every phase of Catawba's
history and current state of development. Accordingly, there
are, in addition to the usual political and military discussions,
sections on religion, education, transportation, trades, pro-
fessions, newspapers, post offices, manners, and health re-
sorts. Accounts are given, for instance, of the building in the
1850's of the Western North Carolina Railroad, which helped
transform Hickory Tavern into an industrial center, and of
social life at Sparkling Springs, an almost forgotten resort
center. Even with two railroads (the Chester and Lenoir
arrived in 1881), the manufacture of furniture, hosiery, and
textiles, which is now the principal activity in the county,
amounted to little before 1900. Predominantly agricultural
until recent years, Catawba now annually produces manu-
factured goods valued at $100,000,000, which contrasts
sharply with farm products worth $6,000,000. The descrip-
tion of the destructive 1916 Catawba valley flood will con-
vince the reader of the value of the present series of dams
on the Catawba as flood control measures, as well as for the
production of electricity for the region's industry.
An average county history in over-all merit, this book has,
nevertheless, many shortcomings. The literary style is un-
impressive and the long lists of names make tedious reading.
At times the short unrelated paragraphs do not form con-
nected narratives. There are no footnotes and little documen-
tation in the text. The general tone is excessively laudatory.
Some factual and typographical errors escaped the proof-
readers. To illustrate, the following inaccurate sentence is
not explained: "It was not, in fact, until 1798 that the first
English school was opened in North Carolina" (p. 122).
Johnston Blakely is presented as two persons. John Bell, the
1860 candidate, is referred to as "Whig John Belle." A blank-
Book Reviews
111
et statement that the Confederate soldier "was not allowed
to return home after the cessation of hositilities, as he was
detained as a prisoner" (p. 283), illustrates the guesswork
in which the writers sometimes engaged.
The faults of this book will detract from the pleasure of
reading it, but will not prevent the judicious reader from
tracing through its pages the development of a progressive
North Carolina county. Several pages of drawings by Philip
Moose add variety to the volume. A short bibliography and
an acceptable index are included.
Henry S. S troupe.
Wake Forest College,
Wake Forest.
The Presbyterian Congregation on Rocky River. By Thomas
Hugh Spence, Jr. (Concord, North Carolina: Rocky River
Presbyterian Church. 1954. Pp. xiv, 293. $3.25)
The present history of the Presbyterian Congregation on
Rocky River is written by Thomas Hugh Spence, Jr., and
dedicated to the memory of his father, Thomas Hugh Spence,
pastor of the Rocky River Church from 1916 to 1931. It
covers the entire period from the time of the arrival of John
Rodgers, the first settler, according to tradition, in the Rocky
River Community, in 1732, to the service of formal recog-
nition of the gift of the Education Building on September 6,
1953. Of especial, general historical interest is the account
which Mr. Spence gives of the beginnings of the Presbyterian
settlement along Rocky River, stemming out of the migration
of the Scotch-Irish from the middle Colonies, especially
Pennsylvania and Virginia, to the Rocky River area where
land was cheaper than it was in Pennsylvania and, more im-
portant, where there was no intereference by civil authori-
ties in the Presbyterian form of worship such as there had
been in Virginia, where the Established Church (Anglican)
was dominant to a much larger extent than it was in the in-
land regions of North Carolina.
A large part of the more general appeal of the story which
is recounted here arises from the extent to which the Rocky
River Congregation— clergy and laymen— have been caught
112 The North Carolina Historical Review
up in the movement of events beyond their confines and the
extent to which its members have participated in these
events— in war, in African missions, in civil affairs, and in
education.
While those who are associated with the Rocky River
Presbyterian Church will have a special interest in this vol-
ume, it will also appeal to others who, in one connection or
another, have come to know the pastors and lay leaders of
this congregation. The biographical material comprises a
large portion of the book; it is full of accounts of people
whose lives were rich, self-giving, and ennobling.
A lengthy appendix includes lists of the pastors, elders,
deacons and other officials of Rocky River, together with
statistical reports and lists of the "Patriots and Soldiers of
the Revolutionary Period" and "Confederate Casualties." A
detailed bibliography is included.
E. Clinton Gardner.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh.
King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of
King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which
Led to it. By Lyman C. Draper, LL.D., with steel portraits,
maps, and plans. (Cincinnati, Peter G. Thomson. 1881. Con-
tinental Book Company, Marietta, Georgia, 1954. Pp. xv,
612. $10.00.)
The republication of this book for the second time in the
three quarters of a century since its original publication
should be a distinct encouragement to all those whose
writings are poorly received but who firmly believe that they
are writing for eternity. It is perhaps an evidence that his-
tory does not have to be rewritten by each generation. When
old Dr. Ramsey, the Tennessee historian and the prime mover
in inducing the dilatory Lyman Draper to write this— his
only book— saw the product, he predicted that it would be
popular for a century. It was not, to Dr. Draper's great dis-
appointment, popular at the moment. Its sales fell far below
his ambitious dreams, and the immediate reception was not
good. It came a year late for the centennial celebration of the
King's Mountain battle and competed with the flood of
Book Reviews
memoirs and battle material relating to the Civil War, which
was then pouring from the presses. Nevertheless, it has stood
the test of time well, and in recent years even the first reprint-
ing some decades ago has been selling as a collectors' item
for about twenty-five dollars. The re-issue in lithoprint by
the Continental Book Company is a real service to historians,
genealogists, and antiquarians.
The book is a dramatic account of the British in the Caro-
linas, of the confusion in the upcountry where neighborhoods
and even families were divided between royal syncophants
and high-minded patriots. Finally, as Cornwallis, Tarleton,
and Ferguson terrorized the land, a cry for aid went over
the mountains to the men of the Watauga, the Nollichucky,
and the fastnesses of the West. Then under Selby, Camp-
bell, Cleveland, Chronicle, and John Sevier, the mountain
clans gathered, crossed over the Yellow Mountains, and on
October 8, 1780, stormed the heights of King's Mountain,
killed Ferguson and many another leader of the Redcoats,
captured 600 foul Tories, saved Carolina, and prepared the
way for the final surrender of the dastard Cornwallis at York-
town. It is a dramatic tale, filled with anecdotes of Whig
derring-do and the bestial deeds of the Tory hordes.
In addition, the book is a veritable encyclopedia for gen-
ealogists and antiquarians. Names, ancestry, deeds, and de-
scendants of scores are carefully, even reverently, recorded;
and whole chapters give biographies of Shelby, Sevier, Cleve-
land, Winston, and others. Appended, too, is the diary of
British Lieutenant Allaire, letters of General Gates, Wash-
ington's congratulatory order, and Lafayette's comments.
And the documents in the virulent controversy, which the
Selbys raised, over William Campbell's conduct in the battle
are here presented— and the conflict resolved by Draper
in a complete vindication of Campbell. It is, withal, a yarn
filled with specific, circumstantial accounts. When the New
York Times reviewed it in 1881, the reviewer remarked that
it was exactly such an account as the paper would wish from
its correspondent on the scene.
It might well, too, serve as a model for modern battle ac-
counts—cluttered as they are with polysyllabic incantations
114 The North Carolina Historical Review
about strategy, logistics, and command systems. Amid this
mystifying folderol, a clear, balanced, sane, and circumstan-
tial account would be a blessing. Lyman Draper had no
knowledge of the high-flown verbiage of modern military
science; he thought the patriots won the battle of Kings
Mountain because they shot straight. Of course, as he im-
plied in every line, their aim was true because their hearts
were pure.
Despite its nineteenth-century style and a distinct pa-
triotic bias in favor of the Whig cause, it is, even today,
superb reading. Between the lines is the very human story
of plundering, marauding, and murder on a disorganized
frontier. It is a picture which Bancroft and other of Draper's
contempories failed to portray, and it can be read with inter-
est and profit by students of the Revolution and of the South,
even after three quarters of a century.
William B. Hesseltine.
University of Wisconsin,
Madison, Wisconsin.
The Letters of William Gilmore Simms. Volume III— 1850-1857.
Collected and edited by Mary C. Simms Oliphant, Alfred
Taylor Odell, and T. C. Duncan Eaves. (Columbia: Univer-
sity of South Carolina Press. 1954. Pp. xxvi, 564. $8.50.)
The third volume of "The Letters of William Gilmore
Simms" reveals anew the complexity of the task which faced
the editors of Simms's prolific correspondence. It reveals also
the scholarly thoroughness and the editorial skill of Simms's
granddaughter, Mrs. Oliphant, and Eaves in making this cor-
respondence available to the public. (Odell, who did much
of the early work on the project, died shortly before volume
I of the letters was published.) Scholars and students of
southern literature will not cease to be grateful for their
devoted efforts.
In addition to printing the letters, the editors have includ-
ed in this volume a list of the depositories or owners of man-
uscripts, a chronological list of the Simms letters for the years
1850-1857, more than seventeen hundred footnotes, an ap-
pendix containing Simms's sensational lecture entitled "South
Book Reviews 115
Carolina in the Revolution," and a temporary index intended
for use until the issuance of a complete index in the final
volume of the five- volume series.
As for the letters themselves in this third volume, they
vary considerably in interest and value for the student of
southern or American literature or even for specialists in
Simms and his literary work. Simms was a conscientious
correspondent who appears always to have felt that when he
received a letter, he was in duty bound to answer it, even
if it called for no more than a brief expression of thanks for
some small favor. Though such notes show Simms as a polite
southern gentleman, they do not provide very interesting
reading; and one is inclined after a while to skim through
these or even to skip over them with a mere glance in order
to get to other letters with more meat in them.
The Simms letters are concerned with many things; among
them: family matters, routine editorial correspondence re-
lating to the Southern Quarterly Review, travel experiences,
and the management of the plantation at Woodlands, which
required an increasing amount of work from Simms as his
father-in-law became progressively feeble in mind and body.
Of considerable interest to the present writer are Simms's
political opinions and a number of his remarks about his
writing.
A decade before the storm of war struck the South, Wil-
liam Gilmore Simms was a secessionist at heart, and he an-
ticipated the explosion long before it came. In November,
1850, he wrote to Evert Duyckinck: "We are all absorbed in
politics— the cauldron bubbling up furiously, and about to
boil over. That it will do so, some day, you may be certain."
A few days later in the same month he was writing to his
Virginia friend Nathaniel Beverley Tucker: "Five years at
the utmost— unless there be a great revolution in public sen-
timent at the north— which is scarcely possible— will see the
dissolution of the Union." One gets the impression in read-
ing passages like these which appear in many of the letters,
that Simms did not bother much to visualize the tremendous
struggle which the southern states would be involved in if
their secession were challenged by northern arms. He seems
116 The North Carolina Historical Review
from his letters to have been much more concerned about
a grand declaration of southern freedom than about the high-
ly intricate and extremely difficult process by which the
southerners might maintain their freedom after they had
declared it.
Simms has often been criticized for having written too
much, for having spread his talent too thin through his ready
flow of words. The letters show that this prolixity was the
result partly of Simms's own make-up as a writer and partly
of the circumstantial necessity which forced him often to
write like a mere drudge. In this latter connection there is
a passage in a letter to Nathaniel Beverley Tucker, March 2,
1851, which indicates one of Simms's many difficulties as
editor of a magazine that sadly lacked the money to pay the
contributors the editor wished to attract. As a result Simms
had to depend upon the scribblings of irresponsible substi-
tutes. "My toils [on the Southern Quarterly Review] are
incessant," writes Simms. "You need not be told that we can
seldom rely upon the punctuality of amateur writers, and
at the last moment I am frequently compelled to turn in &
write doggedly to fill out a number."
In addition to this enforced writing which naturally suf-
fered from being uninspired on the one hand and hurried
on the other, there was much that Simms put down on paper
because he felt an almost constant urge toward written
composition. "With me," he comments to Marcus CM. Ham-
mond, August 7, 1850, "it is habit to write." Even ill health
and near physical exhaustion could not stop him. Writing
to John Pendleton Kennedy, April 5, 1852, from Woodlands,
to which he had supposedly retired for a rest, he makes
clear how difficult this resting was. "I have been making a
most laborious effort to be idle," he says. "But my habits
of study and composition are so permanently established, . . .
that I do not find it easy to obey admonitions of abstinence,
however serious may be the necessity." Like Thomas Wolfe
in our own century, Simms appears to have been unable to
cease from pouring the words out. Whether an increase in
polish and conciseness through slow, careful revision would
have compensated sufficiently for a possible loss in natural
Book Reviews 117
vigor and warmth of expression in the novels of either Simms
or Wolfe is the sort of question that helps to keep literary
critics endlessly employed in debate.
H. G. Kincheloe.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh.
The St. Augustine Expedition of 1740: A Report to the South
Carolina General Assembly. Reprinted from the Colonial Rec-
ords of South Carolina with an Introduction by John Tate
Lanning. (Columbia: South Carolina Archives Department.
Pp. xxviii, 182, map, index. Paper, $3.50.)
Spanish and English history in the seventeenth and eight-
eenth centuries include a confusing number of colonial wars.
A resurgent Spain fought to destroy the English South Caro-
lina settlements while Great Britain was determined not only
to protect them, but also to extend her Atlantic colonies. The
clash of national interests motivated many expeditions, one
of the most interesting of which was led by James Ogle-
thorpe.
In May, 1740, his army of Carolinians, Georgians, and
Indians occupied Fort George Island at the mouth of the St.
Johns River, marched down the coast to capture Fort Diego,
and by June occupied three strategic places (Fort Moosa,
Point Quartell, and Anastasia Island) north and east of St.
Augustine. With gunboats blockading the harbor and the
Matanzas River, the reduction of the strong, and heretofore
impregnable Castillo de San Marcos seemed certain. But
Oglethorpe diddled, refused to capture and destroy St.
Augustine, thus forcing its inhabitants into the Castillo, and
weakened his force by dividing it. A Spanish sally defeated
the companies occupying Moosa, winds enabled Spanish
ships to break the blockade, and illness in Oglethorpe's
camps spread at an alarming rate. The siege was lifted and
Florida evacuated.
Almost immediately a committee of the lower house of
the South Carolina Assembly investigated the cause of fail-
ure. Before its findings were published, James Kilpatrick
began a pamphlet war of Carolina and Oglethorpe apolo-
gists. Three editions of the committee report appeared in
118 The North Carolina Historical Review
the 1740's and fragments of the report were published in the
nineteenth century, but only a few copies of the complete
report are extant.
The St. Augustine Expedition of 1740 contains an excel-
lent interpretative introduction by Lanning, an explanatory
bibliographical note, the report, and an appendix of 139
letters, statements, and accounts. Although the report and
appendix are reprinted from the multi-volumed Colonial
Records of South Carolina now in progress, edited by J. H.
Easterby, this volume is of sufficient importance to stand
alone. Rarely does one find an eighteenth century report
with such a wealth of detail combined in a unified account
and presented with impartiality. This source volume is es-
sential for students of the British and Spanish colonial
periods.
Rembert W. Patrick.
University of Florida,
Tallahassee, Florida.
Reconstruction at Sewanee. The Founding of the University of
the South and its First Administration, 1857-1872. By Arthur
Benjamin Chitty, Jr. (Sewanee, Tennessee: The University
Press, 1954. Pp. 207. $3.50.)
This extremely readable volume traces the early history
of the University of the South at Sewanee, Tennessee, from
its ambitious founding in the prosperous years before the
Civil War through its first administration in the trying Re-
construction period. It is a story of large-scale planning,
bitter disappointments, and modest fulfilment under devoted
leaders. The University, as envisioned by its founders,
Bishops Otey, Polk, and Elliott, was to be a great regional
adventure controlled by the Episcopal Church, though
mainly sponsored by ten Southern dioceses. The plans called
for an isolated mountain domain and a magnificent campus
which would become the center of a community receiving
its tone from the University. The curriculum would embrace
the major fields of knowledge, and it was expected that
Sewanee would shortly rival the best universities in the coun-
try. The war crushed these plans, but the ideal was not
abandoned. Church support was reaffirmed and desperate
Book Reviews 119
efforts were made to obtain funds. Bishop Quintard, later
the first vice-chancellor, even went to England for help, re-
turning with #2,500 and grants of books from Oxford and
Cambridge.
In 1868 Sewanee opened its first session with four profes-
sors and nine students— "the paltriest beginnings and the
total absence of any means at all." But it was a start, and in
spite of poverty the early period was one of growth which
set an enduring pattern that reflected the traditions of Ox-
ford and Cambridge, classical scholarship, the cadet military
system, the civilization of the Old South, and the Episcopal
Church. From the beginning Sewanee had been "striving
toward a clearly drawn pattern rather than moving from
experiment to experiment." Its goal remained "the training
of youth in Christian virtue, in personal initiative, in self
mastery, in . . . intellectual integrity."
Mr. Chitty has told his story well. It is thoroughly docu-
mented, with copious notes, bibliography, and photographs,
much of the material coming from valuable unpublished
diaries, letters, and University records. The many quotations
give lively insights into the personalities of the founders,
while references to southern history and to other universities
give perspective to the central story. This book should be of
value to anyone interested in the growth of American edu-
cation, for it is the story of an institution now standing
"among the nation's high one percent in scholarly achieve-
ment of graduates."
Porter Williams, Jr.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh.
Tobacco Dictionary. By Raymond Jahn. (New York: Philo-
sophical Library, 1954. Pp. 199. $5.00.)
This little volume will be useful indeed to those who,
knowing little or nothing about the tobacco industry, regard
the plant as romantic. It is a pioneer work in so far as the
industry of the United States is concerned.
Perhaps Mr. Jahn has only followed current American
convictions in omitting names of farmers who have con-
120 The North Carolina Historical Review
tributed so notably to the development of the tobacco in-
dustry. He includes countless manufacturers and even names
of individuals connected with the redrying and storage of
leaf tobacco. Nor does he omit William Fitzhugh, "one of
the prominent members of the planter-class of the Chesa-
peake Bay region," who amassed "54,000 acres and over fifty
slaves." But, apparently unconcerned with the important
work of various small farmers in the less distant past, he
omits all reference to that pioneer breeder of tobacco seed,
Robert L. Ragland; to Dr. Davis G. Tuck, originator of the
flue; and to Samuel C. Shelton who devised the methods and
rationale of curing single leaves of tobacco. It is on the work
of such men as these that the great cigarette industry of
today is based. That amazing entrepreneur, James B. Duke,
grew up in their midst.
In general, Tobacco Dictionary contains clear and accu-
rate statements, although exception might be taken to the
implication that Sir Walter Raleigh took Virginia tobacco
"back to Europe with him." Some few definitions— notably
"trash" and "fighting brands"— are perhaps too narrow and
a number of varieties of tobacco have not been included.
It was John J., not P. Arthur Adcock, who developed the
Adcock variety. Moreover, this volume which is designed
also to bring pleasure to the farmer contains "weeding" but
does not include "wed" which, as any son of Virginia or
North Carolina recognizes, is the past tense of "weed."
Nannie M. Tilley.
East Texas State Teachers College,
Commerce, Texas.
The Fremantle Diary. Editing and Commentary by Walter Lord.
(Boston: Little, Brown and Company. 1954. Pp. xv, 304.
$4.00.)
Civil War readers have long been aware of young Colonel
Fremantle, whether sharing a fork with Joseph E. Johnston,
peering at the field of Gettysburg from high in a tree over
Lee's command post, or making observations on southern
life and society. Few have known him, however, except as
quoted by others. His diary printed in London in 1863, is
now reprinted, and made available for the pleasure of many.
Book Reviews
121
In the winter of 1863 Lieutenant Colonel James Arthur
Lyon Fremantle, of Her Majesties Coldstream Guards, took
leave from his regiment to see the great war in this country,
and the southern gallantry and determination he so much
admired. Landing in early April at the mouth of the Rio
Grande, he worked his way east and north, seeing everything
and everybody worth his attention, and making careful notes
in his diary. He was deeply impressed by the American
cocktail, by the custom of personal violence, by the need of
shaking hands. He was friendly with many, among them
Generals Beauregard, Hood, Johnston, Bragg, Polk, Lee, and
Longstreet who years afterward remembered him with
liking. Their friendly interest explains why he was able to
see so much. After Gettysburg, he went through the lines to
New York, saw the draft riots in July, and went home con-
vinced that the South was "destined, sooner or later, to be-
come a great and independent nation."
To Col. Fremantle's fascinating story, Mr. Lord has added
useful and colorful notes. The total production is an ex-
tremely interesting addition to Civil War literature. It is
unfortunate that the editorial standards are not as high. The
text of the 1863 edition has been slightly altered in many
places, without notice that this has been done. The notes
contain much undocumented material, and the quotations
are often inaccurately made. These and other instances of
carelessness, as in referring to ambassadors at so early a date,
lessen the value of the work, as does the lack of an index.
Herbert W.Hill.
Dartmouth College,
Hanover, N. H.
A History of the South. By Francis Butler Simkins. (New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1953. Pp. xiii, 655. Illustrations, biblography,
and index. $5.75.)
In 1947 Simkins published The South Old and New: A
History, 1820-1947. Now he offers a revision of his earlier
work in which he has not only revised much of the first
edition but has written several new chapters. Five of these
treat of the period before 1820, where the 1947 book began,
122 The North Carolina Historical Review
and the last two bring the narrative from World War II to
1952. The greatest changes are therefore at the beginning
and the end, though there is substantial revision throughout
and one new chapter on "Social Diversions" which the
earlier edition did not have.
Of the five chapters on the period before 1820, four of
them cover various aspects of the colonial period, and the
fifth one is on the Revolution in the South and its effects on
the mind, character, institutions, and attitudes of the South-
ern American. In none of these does Professor Simkins ex-
plore beyond accepted presentations nor does he offer orig-
inal interpretations: the chapters represent largely syntheses
of earlier works. He examines and explains the English pat-
tern of life which dominated Southern ways and concludes
that the Revolution did little— though it did a little— to change
them. The military aspects of the Revolution in the South
are largely neglected and, curiously, the period between
1800 and 1820 is completely ignored. Although these five
chapters have been added at the beginning, the general
division of the work remains as before. About half the book
concerns the period since Reconstruction. Here Simkins
seems to feel more at home and here, undoubtedly, he in-
tended his emphasis to be.
In none of the work, first or last, does Simkins pretend
to survey the South's contributions to American history.
Rather he is interested in stressing the traits of mind and
character, and the variety of influences, which made the
South a distinct cultural province, conscious of its distinct-
iveness and of its identity. On themes such as these Simkins
is at his best, and his best is very good. There are portions
of fine writing, such as the excellent chapter on literature
in the New South, and there are numerous provocative eval-
uations where Simkins speaks his mind in analyzing the
movements, trends, and attitudes he is describing. He makes
many judgments, and some of them will provoke quarrels
among southerners, but his judgments are characterized by
authority and understanding, for he knows how to be critical
and sympathetic in the same process. He condones without
sentimentality and condemns without offensiveness.
Book Reviews 123
The result is a book which is more than anything else a
group of related essays characterized by clarity of writing,
richness of knowledge, originality of presentation, and ma-
turity of judgment. Conclusions are buttressed by pages
of statistics and catalogues of names, and both grow tiresome
at times. The undergraduate student may enjoy this book, but
he will not understand it unless he has more than a fair
knowledge of general American history before he tackles this
regional review. Because of these features it is not a very
teachable book, though this is not necessarily a criticism.
There are inevitably a few errors but only one seems im-
portant enough to mention. There are excellent bibliogra-
phies, arranged by chapters, but this feature is spoiled by the
fact that the readings for chapters xxv-xxii have no rela-
tion to the subject matter of the chapters they professedly rep-
resent. The wrong numbering is, of course, a technical error
and is a small item over which to quibble in so excellent a
book.
Frontis W. Johnston.
Davidson College,
Davidson.
Caracas Diary, 1835-1840. By John G. A. Williamson. Edited
by Jane Lucas de Grummond. (Baton Rouge: Camillia Pub-
lishing Company, Inc. Pp. 444. $10.00.)
In 1954 the diplomatic and commercial relations between
the United States and Venezuela are close and important.
One-sixth of all our capital investments in Latin America are
in Venezuela and the two nations are increasingly inter-
dependent. The relations were neither close nor important
in 1835 when our neighbor was in swaddling clothes as a
nation and more dependent on England than on her youth-
ful neighbor republic in North America.
That year a native of Roxboro, North Carolina, John G.
A. Williamson, was assigned to be our first diplomatic rep-
resentative to the new South American republic. The ap-
pointment as charge d'affaires capped nine years of service
by Williamson as our consul in the same general area. Wil-
liamson kept a diary during his more than four years in
124 The North Carolina Historical Review
Caracas, which has been resurrected, documented and pub-
lished by a thorough and conscientious editor.
Dr. Jane Lucas de Grummond, native Pennsylvanian, now
associate professor of history at Louisiana State University,
first encountered the Williamson diary in the William T.
Morrey Collection at Louisiana State while she was a gradu-
ate student in 1942. At that time she published extracts from
it under the title of Envoy to Caracas. The complete work
emerges bearing the clear impression of a great deal of
scholarly labor. The result is that a very personal editorship
throws interestingly colored slides over the historical events
of the birth of a nation.
The rambling, subjective observations and reflections of
Williamson, characterized by poor spelling and increasing
morbidity, have been converted into a document of consider-
able historical worth. This has been done without reducing
the pungency of the candid eye-witness account of life in
Caracas during the first few years of Venezuela's career as a
free nation.
Something about the diarist: Williamson was aided by a
well-to-do and doting father in getting his education. He
had a brief business experience in New York where an ad-
mirer classified him as the "handsomest" man in the city.
He married a Philadelphia woman and returned to North
Carolina to seek a political career. He failed in a bid for a
seat in Congress, but he was a loyal supporter of Old Hick-
ory, and it was Jackson who appointed him to his posts in
Venezuela.
His diary covers the years of his service in Caracas, but
it refers frequently to incidents and people who had been
active during the nine preceding years in Venezuelan life.
Altogether, Williamson's two jobs spanned the hectic years
of readjustment following independence from Spain. He had
brief personal contact with Simon Bolivar, the George Wash-
ington of South America, and some of his principal satellites.
Offended by the liberator's indifference to the lusty, but
youthful republic which he represented, as well as by Boli-
var's open adulation of Britain, the diarist nourished a definite
dislike for both Bolivar and the British.
Book Reviews 125
His distaste for his British colleague in Caracas, Sir Robert
Ker Porter, is aired frequently in his diary, and he accused
Bolivar of increasing infidelity to the democracy he professed.
He hints that Bolivar's early death obscured this unfaithful-
ness and came in good time to prevent the exposure of the
liberator's own royalist ambitions. Williamson's obvious sen-
sitiveness to personal slights, real or facied, colors and dis-
colors his report. His diary remains, nevertheless, a close-up
eye-witness account of men and their methods in a most im-
portant period in the life of the country. History gives suf-
ficient support to some of his appraisals of men to warn
against a casual dismissal of all of them as badly distorted.
This may be said in spite of his caustic comments about the
revered leader of the forces of South American independence.
Williamson's comments on the manners and morals of
Caracas society are savage. As he climbed the dusty trails
where now the most costly roadway in the world leads from
the sea to the great capital city, or rode horseback to the
picnic ground, where now stands the most beautiful country
club in the Americas, he speculated on the personalities of
many who lived in the dirty little city of some 30,000 inhabi-
tants and groaned in the weakness of his own flesh.
He went pridefully to his assignment, apparently was dil-
igent in the relatively trivial duties of his post but both
pleasure and pride dwindled and his diary entries became
sour and unhappy. His longing to return to the United States,
stayed only by the need to accumulate a little money, may
have been caused less by the faults in his environment than
by the restlessness of a strangely inconsistent helpmate and
his own failing health. Though no word of criticism of his
wife appears, there is tragedy in each line of his diary as
the time approaches for consummation of her stubborn re-
solve to return to Philadelphia, regardless of his course. She
sailed in May, 1840 and less than three months later on
August 7, he died in Caracas, probably of cancer. Ultimate-
ly throughout the diary trickles a distillation of pain and
bitterness and it ends abruptly when his wife departs.
An ironic twist at the finish is that Williamson had to call
on his dispised British colleague to take over his office and
126 The North Carolina Historical Review
make his final report to the United States Department of
State.
"I have the honor," wrote Sir Robert Ker Porter, "of ad-
dressing you in order to impart the melancholy intelligence
of the death of Mr. J. G. A. Williamson, charge d'affaires
from the U. States to this Republic. He died at 10 o'clock
on the night of the 7th instant in this city and his remains
were interred this morning in the British Cemetery with
every honor, respect and attention due to his public and
private character." One may speculate wryly as to whether
Sir Robert came upon and perused the diary.
Capus M. Waynick.
High Point.
Charles A. Beard : An Appraisal. Howard K. Beale, editor. (Lex-
ington: University of Kentucky Press, 1954. pp. xiii, 312.
$4.50.)
Any book about Charles A. Beard, one of the most in-
fluential, significant, and incidentally one of the most con-
troversial, historians of the United States would arouse in-
terest. The caliber of the co-authors of this Appraisal in-
sures its value and importance in the field of history. Eric
F. Goldman leads off with an impressionistic view of Beard.
It is an excellent and stirring pen picture of a combination of
rugged hardheadedness, kindliness, patriotism, and a restive
quest for truth, justice, and freedom. Then follow Harold J.
Laski with an English view; Max Lerner on political theory;
Luther Gulic on muncipal reform; George Soule on planning;
Richard Hofstadter on the constitution; Walton Hamilton
on "the Politics"; Howard K. Beale on the historian; George
R. Leighton on foreign policy; Merle Curti on the critic;
Arthur W. MacMahon on the teacher; George S. Counts on
the public man; and Howard K. Beale on Beard's historical
writings. The book also contains a bibliography of Beard's
published writings, and a who's who of the authors. The
limits of this review do not permit each article to be dealt
with individually. All are of value but it seems that the
articles by Walton Hamilton, interesting though it is, has
little place in the volume.
Book Reviews 127
Naturally, with such an approach, there is some overlap-
ping and repetition in the essays, but both have been kept to
a minimum and do not mar the value of the Appraisal. In
fact, they may be said to strengthen it. An interesting repe-
tition that casts light on one of Beard's fundamental quali-
ties is the story of Beard's connection with the Connecticut
dairy farmers' strike. Running through all the essays is the
central theme of Beard's broad grasp of history and human
society, his sincere patriotism, and his deep desire to improve
man's condition and free him from the bonds that restrain
him from the fullest development of his opportunities. Beard
made important contributions to government planning, pub-
lic administration, and municipal government. Broadly train-
ed himself, he believed that it was the obligation and func-
tion of every citizen to translate his knowledge and under-
standing of government into positive action.
But it was as a historian that Beard made his greatest
contribution and the essays of Hofstadter, Curti, and Beale
are of primary value in the appraisal of his work in this
field. Beard published forty-seven volumes of history that
had a total circulation of nearly thirteen and one half million
by 1949. These books embrace both European and American
history as well as the philosophy of history and history's
place in the social studies. But the quality of Beard's work is
more significant than the quantity. More than ony other
American historian Beard stimulated an interest in the eco-
nomic interpretation of history. In this he was influenced by
Karl Marx but he did not accept the Marxian philosophy of
dialectical materialism. In his An Economic Interpretation
of the Constitution Beard hit at the tradition of individual-
ism in American thinking and raised up a veritable storm of
protest. Today, however, Beard's views on economic in-
fluences on the Constitution and American history generally
are widely accepted. Beard's insistence that "domestic af-
fairs and foreign affairs are intimately associated with each
other" was another of his contributions. In this area, too,
Beard stirred up a storm of protest, particularly with his
books dealing with Roosevelt's policies and the coming
of the second World War. Professor Beale says that while
128 The North Carolina Historical Review
"many loved him; many hated him." Whether Beard's views
in this field will come to be accepted is yet to be seen.
This is an interesting and worthwhile book. It is to be
lamented that no index was prepared.
Fletcher M. Green.
University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
HISTORICAL NEWS
The Executive Board of the Department of Archives and
History met in Raleigh on August 20, when budgetary esti-
mates for the 1955-1957 biennium were approved.
In Winston-Salem on August 26 a marker was unveiled for
the first registered Guernsey cattle brought to the state. The
ceremonies were conducted by the North Carolina Guernsey
Breeders Association, and those participating in the program
included Mayor Marshall C. Kurfees, Mr. Alfred M. Brown,
Mrs. T. Holt Haywood, Dr. Douglas L. Rights, and Dr.
Christopher Crittenden.
On August 29 a historical marker for the historic landmark,
the Flat Rock, was unveiled at the Town of Flat Rock,
Henderson County. The Department of Archives and History
was represented by Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton, Board mem-
ber, who was master of ceremonies; Board member Clarence
W. Griffin, who made a brief address; Dr. Christopher Crit-
tenden, director, who spoke briefly; and Mr. W. S. Tarlton,
researcher. The principal address was delivered by Major
General Edward P. King, United States Army, retired.
The Historic Sites Commission met in Greensboro, August
31, considered several requests for approval of sites for state
aid, and heard an explanation by Mr. George H. Esser of
the Institute of Government, regarding the proposed reor-
ganization of state government insofar as the historic sites
are concerned.
The Tryon Palace Commission met with the Advisory Bud-
get Commission in New Bern on September 3-4, and met
again in Greensboro on November 29. At the latter meeting
the chief item of business was the consideration of the plans
and specifications that had been prepared by Mr. William G.
Perry, the architect. It is expected that the contract for the
main building will be let within a few weeks.
[129 ]
130 The North Carolina Historical Review
Dr. Christopher Crittenden attended the annual meeting
of the American Association for State and Local History in
Madison, Wisconsin, September 9-11. At that meeting the
Association announced forty-seven annual awards, of which
three came to North Carolina: to Hugh Talmage Lefler
and the late Albert Ray Newsome for their work, North
Carolina: The History of a Southern State (University of
North Carolina Press); to the Raleigh Model Railroad Club
for installing a railroad exhibit in the Hall of History; and
to the State Department of Archives and History for its first
half century of achievement and service.
On September 23 Mr. Elbert Cox of Richmond, Va., re-
gional director of the National Park Service, was the principal
speaker at the annual celebration at Moore's Creek National
Military Park. Mr. Ashley Murphy, Dr. Christopher Critten-
den, and others spoke. Mr. J. V. Whitfield, chairman of the
battleground committee, presided.
On September 25 in Raleigh memorial services were con-
ducted for the late Dr. George Marion Cooper, who for many
years served with the State Board of Health, and a tablet
in honor of Dr. Cooper was unveiled in the Cooper Memorial
Health Building. Participating in the program were the late
Governor William B. Umstead, Dr. G. Grady Dixon, Dr.
Amos B. Johnson, Dr. J. W. R. Norton, and Dr. J. H. Hamil-
ton
In the Hall of History, October 1, a party was held for the
purpose of securing public aid in identifying a number of
pictures left to the Department by the late Albert Barden of
Raleigh. These pictures were numbered, and placed on the
walls, and prizes were offered to the persons who identified
the largest number of photographs. Seventy-five or more per-
sons attended. Many of the pictures were identified.
On October 13 in Vance County a marker was unveiled for
Judge Richard Henderson. Dr. Archibald Henderson of the
University of North Carolina delivered an address, and Dr.
Christopher Crittenden spoke briefly. At Mars Hill on October
Historical News 131
15 Dr. Christopher Crittenden addressed the North Carolina
Baptist college social studies teachers on "The Writing and
Preservation of Local History."
In Gaston County, October 16, a marker for Revolutionary
General Joseph Dickson was unveiled. Mr. Frank B. Rankin
of Mount Holly delivered an address and Mr. Clarence W.
Griffin and Dr. Christopher Crittenden made short talks. The
ceremonies were conducted by the William Gaston Chapter,
Daughters of the American Revolution, with Mrs. Kay Dixon
of Gastonia, the regent, presiding.
The annual church services and picnic luncheon were held
on October 17 at restored St. John's Church in Vance County.
The services were conducted by Bishop E. A. Penick and
Reverend I. Harding Hughes, both of the Protestant Episco-
pal Church. At a business meeting Dr. Lawrence F. London,
chairman of the restoration committee, presided and reports
were made regarding the restoration project. Dr. Crittenden
represented the Department of Archives and History.
On October 26 Dr. Crittenden spoke at the unveiling of
a portrait of Governor James Turner in the Warrenton Public
Library. The ceremonies were conducted by the Warren
County Historical Society.
In Chicago, October 28-30, Dr. Crittenden attended the
annual meeting of the National Trust for Historic Preserva-
tion, of which he is a trustee. On November 3 he was present
at the first meeting of the advisory board of the new American
Heritage (magazine of history).
North Carolinians participating in the programs of the
Southern Historical Association at the annual meeting in
Columbia, S. C. November 11-13 were as follows: Dr. Chris-
topher Crittenden of the Department of Archives and His-
tory; Dr. Loren C. MacKinney and Dr. J. Carlyle Sitterson of
the University of North Carolina; Dr. David L. Smiley of
Wake Forest College; Dr. Rosser H. Taylor of Western Caro-
132 The North Carolina Historical Review
lina College; Dr. Robert F. Durden, Dr. Paul H. Clyde, Dr.
E. Malcolm Carroll, Dr. William H. Cartwright, and Dr.
William B. Hamilton of Duke University.
On November 20 in Hollywood Cemetery, Richmond, Va.,
Dr. Crittenden spoke at the unveiling of a memorial at the
grave of Henry Lawson Wyatt of Edgecombe County, N. C,
first soldier in the Confederate Service to be killed in battle
(at Big-Bethel, June 10, 1861). The ceremonies were con-
ducted by the Lee Chapter, United Daughters of the Con-
federacy, Richmond.
On November 30 in Hobgood, Halifax County, a marker
was unveiled for General James Hogan. Mr. W. S. Tarlton,
representing the Department of Archives and History, made
the principal address.
Sir Walter Raleigh Day was celebrated in the public
schools of the state on December 3. The State Superintendent
of Public Instruction had been empowered "to permit volun-
tary donations to be made by the school children of the
State for the erection of a memorial in the City of Raleigh in
honor of Sir Walter Raleigh." The celebration was planned
by the Sir Walter Raleigh Commission, of which Governor
Luther H. Hodges is chairman; Dr. Clarence Poe, vice chair-
man; Dr. Charles F. Carroll, secretary; and Mr. Robert Lee
Humber, chairman of the executive committee.
The annual meetings of the various cultural societies were
held in Raleigh, December 1-4. The first meeting was the
business session of the North Carolina State Art Society.
Mrs. Katherine Pendleton Arrington of Warrenton was re-
elected president of the Society at a meeting of the board of
directors. Also re-elected by the board were Robert Lee
Humber of Greenville, vice president and chairman of the
executive committee; Mrs. James H. Cordon of Raleigh,
treasurer; Miss Lucy Cherry Crisp of Raleigh, executive
secretary and gallery director. Mrs. J. H. B. Moore of Greens-
ville, John Allcott of Chapel Hill, and Mrs. Jacques Busbee
Historical News 133
of Steeds were re-elected vice presidents at large. Elected
to two-year terms on the board of directors were State
Treasurer Edwin Gill, Mrs. Isabelle Bowen Henderson and
Dr. Clarence Poe of Raleigh, and Dr. Clemmons Sommer of
Chapel Hill. State Auditor Henry L. Bridgers and Jonathan
Daniels of Raleigh, Gregory Ivey of Greensboro, and Mrs.
Kenneth Mountcastle, Jr., of Winston-Salem, were elected
to one-year terms on the board. Mr. Humber reported that
it would probably be 1956 before the state receives the
$1,000,000 art gift from the Samuel H. Kress Foundation.
Dr. Charles F. Carroll of Raleigh presided at the luncheon
meeting of the Art Society and Dr. James Sprunt was the
speaker. A report on the museum building and progress in
the art collection was made by Mr. Robert Lee Humber
who reported that objects of art, consisting of valuable paint-
ings, porcelains, tapestries, and furniture, valued at approxi-
mately $703,900 had been donated to the state during 1954.
Mr. John H. Kerr, Jr., of Warrenton received the Society's
Certificate of Merit and Achievement for distinguished serv-
ice to the North Carolina State Art Society. Mr. Kerr was
largely responsible for the passage in the General Assembly
of 1947, of the bill appropriating $1,000,000 for the purchase
of objects of art.
Mr. Robert Lee Humber presided at the evening meeting
of the Society and Dr. Marshall Fishwick, associate professor
of American Studies of Washington and Lee University,
spoke on "Art in Our Daily Life and the Art Museum's Role
in the Community." Winners of the 1954 Purchase Awards in
the North Carolina Artists Competition were announced. The
awards were presented by Miss Lucy Cherry Crisp to Mr.
Claude Howell of Wilmington for his semi-abtract oil paint-
ing, "Beach Umbrella," Mr. Philip Moose of Newton for his
impressionistic oil, "The Plaza," and Mr. Harry Ellensweig,
State College student, for his ink and watercolor, "City
Maze." After Dr. Fishwick's address a reception and preview
of the North Carolina Artists' Exhibition were held in the
State Art Gallery.
134 The North Carolina Historical Review
The Roanoke Island Historical Association held a luncheon
meeting, December 1, at the Hotel Sir Walter.
On December 2 the North Carolina Society for the Preser-
vation of Antiquities held its fourteenth annual meeting. The
morning program of the session was composed of reports on
restoration and preservation projects. Mr. James A. Sten-
house, chairman of the Historic Sites Commission, reported
on St. Thomas Church at Bath and the Alston House in the
Horseshoe. Mrs. John A. Kellenberger, chairman of the Tyron
Palace Commission, stated that it had been decided to enlarge
the grounds at the Palace and, if possible, restore the original
park. Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips, Hall of History, Raleigh, gave
a slide program on "Historic Buildings in North Carolina."
The officers of the Society were re-elected for another year.
At the luncheon meeting of the Antiquities Society Mr..
John A. Kellenberger of Greensboro presided. Mrs. Sterling
M. Gary of Halifax presented Chancellor Robert B. House
of the University of North Carolina, who spoke on the Halifax
Resolves of April 12, 1776. Mr. James A. Stenhouse discussed
the restoration and preservation of historic buildings in Hali-
fax.
Miss Gertrude S. Carraway of New Bern presided over the
evening meeting. Fourteen new life members were presented.
The Cannon Awards were presented to the following: Attor-
ney General Harry McMullan, Raleigh, for his aid to the
Society in the preservation of historic sites; Mrs. Walter M.
Stearns, Raleigh, for the preservation of her home, "Haywood
Hall," which was built in 1792; Miss Cora A. Harris, Char-
lotte, writer and landscape gardener, for her designing and
execution of period plantings for restoration projects, and for
her writings in history and horticulture; Colonel Jeffrey F.
Stanback, Mount Gilead, for his work in historical research
and writing, his setting up of the Montgomery County Ar-
chives, and his endeavors in having old places in the state
restored; Mr. and Mrs. George D. Allen, Scarsdale, New
York, for their work with Duke University and the Duke
Historical News 135
Endowment, as well as their restoration work in Warrenton;
Mr. Cecil B. DeMille, formerly of Washington, North Caro-
lina, for his many fine films. The program was presented by
the Charles B. Aycock Memorial Commission of which Dr.
D. J. Rose, Goldsboro, is chairman. "The Vision of Charles
Brantley Aycock," by John Ehle and directed by Clifton
Britton, was presented. A reception was held after the meet-
ing.
On December 3 the State Literary and Historical Associa-
tion held its annual meeting. Mrs. Inglis Fletcher presided
at the morning session when the reports of the secretary-
treasurer and of the committees were given and resolutions
were passed. In the election of officers Dr. Fletcher M. Green,
head of the history department at the University of North
Carolina, succeeded Mrs. Inglis Fletcher of Edenton as presi-
dent of the association; Mr. John Harden of Greensboro, Mr.
Hugh Morton of Wilmington, and Dr. R. H. Taylor of Cullo-
whee were elected vice presidents. Dr. Christopher Critten-
den, director of the Department of Archives and History,
was re-elected secretary-treasurer. Dr. Lillian Parker Wal-
lace of Meredith College and Dr. William H. Cartwright of
Duke University were elected members of the executive com-
mittee.
The program of the Literary and Historical Association
began with Dr. Paul Murray of Greenville speaking on "The
North Carolina Historical Review— The First Thirty Years."
Mr. Harry Golden of Charlotte talked on "The Jewish People
of North Carolina" and Mr. Robert Mason of Sanford gave
a review of North Carolina fiction of the year. The R. D. W.
Connor Award for the best article on North Carolina history
or biography in The North Carolina Historical Review was
presented by Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace to Mr. Hugh F.
Rankin, graduate student at the University of North Carolina,
for his article, "Cowpens: Prelude to Yorktown." Mr. Roy
Parker, Sr., of Ahoskie presented the Roanoke-Chowan
Poetry Award to Mr. Thad Stem, Jr., of Oxford for his volume
of verse entitled "The Jackknife Horse." Mrs. Mebane Holo-
136 The North Carolina Historical Review
man Burgwyn of Jackson was presented the American Asso-
ciation of University Women's Juvenile Literature Award by
Mrs. Carl A. Plonk of Asheville for her book, Penny Rose.
Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Department of Archives and
History presided at the luncheon meeting of the Association
and Dr. Leonard B. Hurley of Greensboro gave a review of
North Carolina non-fiction for the year.
The subscription dinner was presided over by Mr. Capus
M. Waynick of High Point and Mrs. Inglis Fletcher gave the
presidential address. Dr. D. J. Whitener of Boone presided
at the evening meeting. The address, "The Elizabethan Poli-
tics and Colonial Enterprise," was given by Dr. Louis B.
Wright of the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington,
D. C. Mrs. Preston B. Wilkes, Jr., governor, Society of May-
flower Descendants in the State of North Carolina, presented
the Mayflower Society Award to Dr. Hugh T. Lefler of
Chapel Hill and the late Dr. A. R. Newsome of Chapel Hill,
for their book, North Carolina, The History of a Southern
State; and Miss Clara Booth Byrd, Greensboro, president of
the Historical Book Club, presented the Sir Walter Raleigh
Award to Mr. Ovid William Pierce of Weldon for his novel,
The Plantation. A reception was held after the meeting.
The North Carolina Society of County and Local His-
torians met on the afternoon of December 3. The Society an-
nounced the plan for the presentation of an annual award
for the best historical feature published in the newspapers
of the state. The perpetuation of the Smithwick Award was
announced and it will be given by Mr. and Mrs. S. T. Peace
of Henderson. The award will be made for the best local
historical work published in book form. It will be given on
alternate years. Officers re-elected were: Mr. William S.
Powell, Chapel Hill, president; Mr. Manly Wade Wellman,
Chapel Hill, Colonel Jeffrey F. Stanback, Mt. Gilead, and
Mrs. S. T. Peace, Henderson, vice presidents. Mrs. Musella
W. Wagner of Chapel Hill was re-elected secretary-treasurer.
"The Junior Historian Movement" was described by Dr.
Historical News
137
Jonathan C. McLendon of Durham and Dr. Harry R. Stevens
of Durham discussed "The Progress and Future of County
History Writing/'
at the meeting of the North Carolina Folklore Society, which
was held on the afternoon of December 3, Mr. Manly W.
Wellman spoke on "The Writer's Use of Folklore." After
his talk Miss Margaret Underwood of Greensboro sang
"Vandy, Vandy," and other North Carolina folksongs. Mr.
James M. Carpenter discussed "Folklore Collecting in Britian
and America."
The North Carolina Poetry Society also held its meeting
on Friday afternoon, December 3. Mr. Paul Bartlett of
Charlotte presided in the absence of Mrs. W. H. Vestal of
Winston-Salem, president. Mr. Richard Walser of Raleigh
issued greetings, and Mr. Stewart Atkins of Gastonia re-
sponded. The program of the meeting was "The History of
the North Carolina Poetry Society," by Miss Zoe Kincaid
Brockman of Gastonia. Recognition was given by Mr. Paul
Bartlett to members who had published volumes of poetry.
Mr. James Larkin Pearson, Poet Laureate of North Carolina,
Guilford College, Mr. Frank Borden Hanes, Winston-Salem,
1953 Poetry Award winner, and Mr. Thad Stem, Jr., Oxford,
winner of the present year; spoke briefly.
The members of the North Carolina Society of County and
Local Historians were guests at the September 5 meeting of
the Stanly County Historical Society. A tour included visits
to several old homes and churches as well as to the aluminum
plant at Badin and Morrow Mountain State Park. After lunch
the group visited Pfeiffer College at Meisenheimer.
On October 10 the members of the North Carolina Society
of County and Local Historians were the guests at a tour
arranged by Mr. James G. W. MacClamroch and Mr. Raleigh
C. Taylor, which covered northern Guilford County, Greens-
boro, and the Guilford Courthouse Battleground. A picnic
lunch was enjoyed by the members who attended.
138 The North Carolina Historical Review
The Society of American Archivists eighteenth annual meet-
ing at Williamsburg, Virginia, September 12-13, was attended
by Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mr. D. L. Corbitt, Mr. W.
Frank Burton, Mrs. Doris H. Harris, and Mrs. Frances Whit-
ley all of the Department staff. Dr. Crittenden talked on the
subject, "The North Carolina Record Center," and Mr. Burton
spoke on "Microfilming State Records."
Dr. Marvin L. Skaggs, professor and head of the depart-
ment of history at Greensboro College, delivered the principal
address at the September 17 ceremonies at Guilford Battle-
ground, when the Daughters of the American Revolution
presented a Revolutionary drum to Guilford Courthouse Na-
tional Military Park. Dr. Christopher Crittenden was present
and talked briefly about the drum.
The Restored Wachovia Museum was opened on Septem-
ber 18 by the late Governor William B. Umstead, in Old
Salem, Winston-Salem. The restoration project was promoted
and carried through by Old Salem, Inc., and is a part of their
long-range program to recapture as nearly as possible the
atmosphere and actuality of the Wachovia settlement. The
museum was originally begun by the Young Men's Missionary
Society of the Moravian Church.
The Wachovia Historical Society at its annual meeting on
October 19, presented three North Carolina writers with
Spangenberg Medals commemorating the first settlement in
Wachovia. Those who were so honored were Mr. William
T. Polk, author of Southern Accent; Mr. James S. Brawley,
who wrote The Rowan Story; and Dr. Hugh T. Lefler, who
co-authored North Carolina, The History of a Southern State.
Mr. Polk, who was the principal speaker, is an associate edi-
tor of the Greensboro Daily News.
On September 26 Dr. Blackwell P. Robinson, professor of
history at High Point College, and Mrs. Inglis Fletcher,
novelist, were the featured speakers at the Homecoming Day
program of the historic Old Bethesda Presbyterian Church
Historical News 139
near Aberdeen. The program, which was attended by hun-
dreds of the descendants of the Scottish settlers, lasted
throughout the day and a picnic lunch was served. Mr. J.
Talbot Johnson, chairman for 27 successive years, presided
and students from Flora MacDonald College gave a program
of religious music. Mrs. Fletcher's talk was on the topic,
"History and the Writing of a Novel." Dr. Robinson read
excerpts from his forthcoming history of Moore County.
An article which described the Robert H. Davis Collection
of O. Henry ana appeared in the October 17 edition of the
Greensboro Daily News. It was written by Mr. Burke Davis,
feature writer of the Daily News and author of the recent
book, They Called Him Stonewall.
Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, head of the Division of Museums of
the Department of Archives and History, accompanied by
Mrs. Dorothy R. Phillips and Miss Barbara McKeithan, at-
tended the annual meeting of the Southeastern Museums
Conference in Miami, Fla., October 20-23. Mrs. Jordan is
secretary- treasurer of this group.
On November 9 Mrs. Jordan spoke to the Dunn Junior
Woman's Club on "North Carolina Pottery."
The thirtieth anniversary celebration of the Greensboro
Historical Museum was held on October 28 with a luncheon
address by Governor Luther H. Hodges, then lieutenant gov-
ernor, and a visit to the museum which featured the Robert
H. Davis Collection of O. Henry ana. Mr. Karl E. Prickett is
president of the Museum and Mr. McDaniel Lewis was chair-
man of the thirtieth anniversary celebration. Mr. W. Frank
Burton, Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, and Mrs.
Dorothy R. Phillips of the Department of Archives and His-
tory attended the meeting.
The following papers were read at the fall meeting of the
North Carolina Historical Society on October 29: Dr. Sarah
140 The North Carolina Historical Review
Lemmon, "Eugene Talmadge and Dean Cocking"; Mr. Rich-
ard Walser, "The Mysterious Case of George Higby Throop,
1818-1896"; and Dr. J. G. de R. Hamilton, "General Robert
F. Hoke and His Military Career." Dr. Robert H. Woody of
Duke University was elected president and Mrs. Julia Spruill,
vice president. Dr. Frontis W. Johnston was re-elected secre-
tary-treasurer and the following members were elected to the
council: Dr. Alice B. Kieth, Dr. Sam H. Hobbs, Jr., and Dr.
Rosser H. Taylor.
Mr. Clarence W. Griffin of Forest City, a member of the
Executive Board, represented the Department of Archives
and History at the unveiling of a historical marker on October
31 at the home place of Captain William Moore in Buncombe
County. The marker was erected in cooperation with the
Unaka Chapter of the Daughters of American Colonists.
The Western North Carolina Historical Association met on
November 6 at Brevard College. The business session was
presided over by Mr. Sam E. Beck, president, of Asheville.
Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, vice president, of Forest City in-
troduced those on the program. Following a welcome by Rev.
Robert Stamey, president of Brevard College, Mr. L. P.
Hamlin talked on "The History of Transylvania County."
The Executive Committee of the North Carolina Register
of Deeds Association met in Raleigh on November 10-11 to
outline a legislative program. Mr. W. Frank Burton, head of
the Division of Archives, worked with the group in an ad-
visory capacity.
The popular historical magazine, American Heritage, which
first began publication five years ago, was issued on Decem-
ber 6 in its new book format. This publication has been great-
ly expanded into book form and contains 124 pages of which
27 are 4-color process pictures. It is jointly sponsored by
the American Association for State and Local History and the
Society of American Historians. The book will be sold through
book stores and not on magazine or news stands.
Historical News 141
The Catawba County Historical Association recently elect-
ed Mr. Sam G. Rowe, Newton civil engineer, to succeed Dr.
J. E. Hodges of Maiden as president. Other officers include
Mrs. J. C. Plonk of Hickory, vice president; Mrs. Pearl Miller
Tomlinson of Hickory, secretary; and Mrs. J. M. Ballard of
Newton, treasurer. The society has decided to start a county
museum as its principal project for the coming year.
The county commissioners of Montgomery County recently
authorized a depository for the preservation of important
manuscripts, documents, and county records. Colonel Jeffrey
F. Stanback of Mount Gilead was appointed county his-
torian. A number of important collections have been promised
as well as several old maps when the depository is set up.
January, 1955, has been set as a possible date when the
archives will be available to the public.
Miss Lynette Adcock, originally of Oxford, North Carolina,
who is at present connected with Colonial Williamsburg, Inc.,
Williamsburg, Virginia, compiled the statistics for the new
book, Guide to the Manuscript Collections of Colonial Wil-
liamsburg.
Mr. D. L. Corbitt, editor of the Division of Publications
of the Department of Archives and History, attended a num-
ber of meetings of county historical societies and addressed
others during the last quarter. On September 25 he assisted
in the organizational meeting of the Carteret County County
Historical Society in Beaufort and spoke on the various phases
of achieving a permanent society. Two weeks later following
a membership drive 40 charter members elected the follow-
ing officers: Mrs. Nat Smith of Gloucester, president, and
Miss Amy Muse of Beaufort, secretary and curator. On the
same date Mr. Corbitt assisted an interested group in Jack-
sonville in organizing the Onslow County Historical Society
with 41 charter members. Mrs. Lillian R. Ray of Hubert was
elected president and Mrs. John Starling of Hubert was
elected secretary and treasurer. On October 4 Mr. Corbitt
spoke at the annual meeting of the Currituck County His-
142 The North Carolina Historical Review
torical Society at Shawboro. His subject was "The Publication
Program of the State Department of Archives and History."
Approximately 75 persons attended this meeting. The Blooms-
bury Chapter of the Daughters of the Revolution held their
October 8 meeting at the Carolina Country Club with Mr.
Corbitt speaking on "The Publication Program of the De-
partment of Archives and History." The Mecklenburg His-
torical Association was organized in Charlotte on October
18 with Mr. Corbitt as speaker at the meeting. Following the
program the association was formed with Mr. James A. Sten-
house as president and Mrs. Georgia Spratt Gray as secretary.
The association has 160 members. On November 5 the Phi
Alpha Theta, national honorary history fraternity of the
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, had a program
which featured Mr. Corbitt, who spoke on "The Publishing
of Historical Research Today," and Mr. Lambert Davis, of
the University Press, who spoke on "University Presses and
the Publishing of Doctor's Dissertations."
Mr. W. S. Tarlton, researcher for the Department of Ar-
chives and History, represented the Department at the meet-
ing of the Bertie County Historical Society at the Bertie
end of the Chowan River Bridge, September 19. Mr. John
E. Tyler, historian of the group, presided. A picnic lunch was
enjoyed by the guests and members. A series of markers lo-
cated at this historic spot include the following: Governor
Edward Hyde, Eden House, Pollock's Home, and the Na-
thaniel Batts House, which symbolically marks the home site
of the first known settler in North Carolina. Mr. Tarlton
spoke at the unveiling of a marker for Governor John Branch
at Enfield, September 9. The ceremonies were sponsored by
the local chapter of the United Daughters of the Confed-
eracy. On September 17 he talked on "The Restoration of
Somerset Place" to the LaFayette Chapter, Daughters of
the Revolution, in Raleigh. As a part of the Junior Historian
program which is being sponsored by the Department of
Archives and History he gave a talk to an eighth grade class
at Needham Broughton High School, Raleigh, September 30,
on "The Early History of Raleigh." On November 10 he was
Historical News 143
the speaker at the meeting of the Scotch Gardeners Club in
Laurinburg on the topic, "Restoration Projects in North Caro-
lina," with emphasis on the Somerset Place project.
Dr. George V. Taylor, assistant professor of European
History of the University of North Carolina, has returned
from a year in France as a Fulbright Research Scholar where
he acquired for the University Library valuable source ma-
terial and documents on the French Revolution and Na-
poleonic period.
Dr. James W. Patton, director of the Southern Historical
Collection, and Dr. Charles G. Sellers, Jr., assistant professor
of history at Princeton University, taught in the 1954 summer
session at the University.
Dr. Elisha P. Douglass, assistant professor of American
History, spent the summer of 1954 at Princeton University
doing research.
Dr. Carl H. Pegg, professor of modern European History,
served as civilian consultant specialist in European affairs,
at the Air Force conference held in Chapel Hill during the
1954 summer session.
Mr. Wesley H. Wallace has been appointed assistant pro-
fessor in radio at the University.
Dr. Harold A. Bierck has been appointed to the faculty
of the University of California at Los Angeles for the summer
session of 1955.
The department of history and political science at North
Carolina State College reports the following item: Dr. Philip
Morrison Rice has been promoted to associate professor.
On November 21 Dr. L. Walter Seegers, associate profes-
sor, gave an address on the Mayflower Compact over Station
WPTF, Raleigh.
144 The North Carolina Historical Review
Dr. Preston W. Edsall, head of the department, is general
chairman of the third annual faculty conference on the state
of the consolidated University of North Carolina, which will
be held at State College, March 10-11, with approximately
180 members of the faculties of the three units of the Univer-
sity participating. The theme will be "Planning a Foreseeable
Future/' Dr. Edsall spent several weeks of the past summer
in England and Holland.
Dr. Kenneth D. Rabb, assistant professor, conducted a
circle tour by bus to the Pacific Coast during the summer of
1954. This tour is taken annually by a large number of public
school teachers.
On October 16 Dr. W. Buck Yearns of Wake Forest Col-
lege, read a paper, "The Peace Movement in the Confederate
Congress," at a conference of the social studies faculties of
the Baptist colleges of North Carolina at Mars Hill. The
meeting was attended by Dr. Percival Perry, Dr. David L.
Smiley, and Dr. Henry S. Stroupe. Dr. Smiley read a paper,
"Cassius M. Clay and John G. Fee: A Study in Southern Anti-
Slavery Thought." He is also the author of "Cassius M. Clay
and Southern Industrialism", which was published in the
Filson Club History Quarterly, October, 1954.
Dr. Henry T. Shanks, dean and professor of history at
Birmingham-Southern College, was awarded an LL.D. de-
gree by Wake Forest College in June, 1954.
Dr. C. Gregg Singer, head of the department of history at
Salem College, recently resigned and Dr. Philip Africa of
Warren, Pa., has replaced him. Dr. Africa received his doc-
torate from the University of Rochester in 1953. Mr. Donald
M. McCorkle, who has joined the faculty of Salem College as
assistant professor of musicology, is spending a great deal of
time in the Moravian Archives cleaning and cataloging the
music of the early Moravians, both secular and sacred. This
research program is the largest in the history of American
Historical News 145
music and will include the collection of old musical instru-
ments as well as music.
The history department at Duke University reports the
following: Dr. Robert F. Durden published an article, "The
Prostate State Revisited: James S. Pike and South Carolina
Reconstruction," in the Journal of Negro History, April, 1954.
Dr. W. T. Laprade authored the "Report of Committee A
on Academic Freedom and Tenure," for the spring issue of
the Bulletin of the American Association of University Pro-
fessors.
Dr. Alan K. Manchester spent the summer in South Ameri-
ca on special service for the United States Department of
State; in October he addressed the Trinity College Historical
Society on "Brazil in Transition." The Society had for its
speaker in November Dr. Boyd C. Shafer, executive secretary
of the American Historical Association.
Dr. Robert H. Woody has been recently appointed director
of graduate studies in the history department.
Those of the Duke delegation to the Columbia meeting of
the Southern Historical Association were Dr. E. Malcolm
Carroll, Dr. Paul H. Clyde, and Dr. Robert F. Durden, and
Dr. William H. Cartwright, and Dr. William B. Hamilton,
who also participated in the program.
Mr. Raymond Esthus and Mr. Robert L. Ganyard, doctoral
candidates, have this year joined the faculties of Brevard
College and the University of Houston respectively.
The social studies department of Appalachian State Teach-
ers College sends the following items: Mr. John H. Workman
is one of the 26 teachers from this district who have been
invited to attend a seminar on money and banking as guests
of the Federal Reserve Board, Richmond, December 8-11.
Mr. J. C. Yoder attended the Southeast Division of the
Association of American Geographers, Chapel Hill, Novem-
ber 19-20.
146 The North Carolina Historical Review
Dr. D. J. Whitener was recently re-elected executive vice
president of the Southern Appalachian Historical Associa-
tion, sponsor of "Horn in the West."
Dr. Ina Woestemeyer Van Noppen and Mr. John Mitchell
Justice attended the Southern Historical Association meeting
in Columbia on November 11-13.
Among the publications of the faculty of the University
of North Carolina are the following articles and books (not
including those articles or book reviews that appeared in
The Review or were published by the Department of Ar-
chives and History): Dr. Harold A. Bierck's "Spoils, Soils,
and Skinner," Maryland Historical Magazine (March, June,
1954); Dr. James L. Godfrey s "The Aftermath of World War
It," chapter 16 in Setton and Winkler's Great Problems in
European Civilization (New York: Prentice Hall, 1954); Dr.
Fletcher M. Green's The Chapel Hill Methodist Church: A
Centennial History, 1853-1953 (Chapel Hill: Orange Print-
shop, 1954 ) ; Dr. Frank W. Klingberg's "The Reverend John
T. Clark: Episcopal Unionist in Virginia," Historical Maga-
zine of the Episcopal Church ( September, 1954 ) .
Mr. William S. Powell of the Library of the University of
North Carolina, published "First Flight," in American Herit-
age (winter, 1953-1954).
Dr. Horace H. Cunningham of Elon College had an article,
"Organization and Administration of the Confederate Medi-
cal Department," in the Journal of Southern History (July,
1954).
Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon of Meredith College was the author
of "The Agricultural Policies of Eugene Talmadge," which
appeared in the Georgia Historical Quarterly, January 1954.
The University of Kentucky Press announces the establish-
ment of a fellowship which awards $5,000 to the writer of a
book-length manuscript which will be based upon some signi-
Historical News 147
Scant part of the cultural and historical life of Kentucky. The
book selected will be published by the University of Ken-
tucky Press. The award is being offered to attract scholars
who are interested in this region and was made possible
through a gift of Mrs. Margaret Voorhies Haggin of New
York City. Further data may be obtained from the Press at
Lexington, Kentucky.
Books received recently include the following:
Richard Lyle Power, Planting Corn Belt Culture: The Im-
press of the Upland Southerner and Yankee in the Old
Northwest (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1953);
Frank E. Vandiver, Southern Historical Papers (Richmond:
Virginia Historical Society, 1953); South Dakota Historical
Collections and Report, Volume XXVI (Pierre: South Dakota
Historical Society, 1953); Bell Irwin Wiley, Fourteen Hun-
dred and 91 Days in the Confederate Army (Jackson, Tennes-
see: McCowat-Mercer Press Inc., 1954); Stuart Noblin, The
Grange in North Carolina, 1929-1954,A Story of Agricultural
Progress (Greensboro: North Carolina State Grange, 1954);
Richard Cecil Todd, Confederate Finance (Athens: Univer-
sity of Georgia Press, 1954); Wilbur R. Jacobs, Indians of
the Southern Frontier (Columbia: University of South Caro-
lina Press, 1954 ) ; Aubrey Lee Brooks, Selected Addresses of
a Southern Lawyer (Chapel Hill: University of North Car-
olina Press, 1954); Clarence Edwin Carter, The Territorial
Papers of the United States, Volume XX, The Territory of
Arkansas, 1825-1829 (Washington: National Archives and
Records Service, 1954); Alexander Mathis, The Lost Citadel
(New York: Pageant Press, Inc., 1954); William B. Hessel-
tine, Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey (Nashville: Tennessee Historical
Commission, 1954); Ed Kilman and Theon Wright, Hugh
Roy Cullen, A Story of American Opportunity (New York:
Prentice Hall, Inc., 1954); Marion Buckley Cox, Glimpse of
Glory, George Mason of Gunston Hall (Richmond, Virginia:
Garrett and Massie, Inc., 1954); Claude G. Bowers, Making
Democracy a Reality: Jefferson, Jackson and Polk ( Memphis,
Tennessee: Memphis State College Press, 1954); Richard M.
148 The North Carolina Historical Review
Cameron, The Rise of Methodism: A Source Book (New
York: Philosophical Library, 1954); Charles C. Cole, Jr.,
The Social Ideas of the Northern Evangelist, 1826-1860 ( New
York: Columbia University Press, 1954); Jay B. Hubbell, The
South in American Literature, 1607-1900 (Durham, North
Carolina: Duke University Press, 1954); Burke Davis, They
Called Him Stonewall, A Life of Lientenant General T. J.
Jackson, C.S.A. (New York: Rinehart and Company, Inc.,
1954); William H. Masterson, William Blount (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1954); J. H. Easterby, Col-
onial Records of South Carolina, Volume IV (Columbia:
South Carolina Archives Department, 1954); Richard B.
Harwell, Stonewall Jackson and the Old Stonewall Brigade
(Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1954); Max
Freund, Gustav DreseVs Houston Journal: Adventures in
North America and Texas, 1837-1841 (Austin: University of
Texas Press, 1954); Edwin Adams Davis and William Ran-
som Hogan, The Barber of Natchez (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University Press, 1954); Allen R. Richards, War Labor
Boards in the Field (Chapel Hill: University of North Car-
olina Press, 1953); Joseph H. Parks, General Kirby Smith
C.S.A. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press,
1954); John Harden, Tar Heel Ghosts (Chapel Hill: Univer-
sity of North Carolina Press, 1954); and Marshall Fishwick,
General Lee's Photographer: The Life and Work of Michael
Miley (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
1954).
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Mr. Paul Conkin is at present serving with the armed forces
in Germany. He received his M.A. from Vanderbilt and was
working on his doctorate when called into service.
Dr. William S. Hoffman is chairman of the division of
social studies at Wiley College, Marshall, Texas.
Dr. Max L. Heyman, Jr., is on the faculty of the Washing-
ton Junior High School, Los Angeles, California.
Dr. Margaret Burr DesChamps is assistant professor of
history at Agnes Scott College, Decatur, Georgia.
Mr. Francis B. Dedmond is professor of English and head
of the Department of English at Gardner- Webb College,
Boiling Springs, North Carolina.
Dr. Hugh T. Lefler is a professor of history at the Univer-
sity of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina.
[149]
J
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXII April, 1955 Number 2
NORTH CAROLINA TARIFF POLICIES, 1775-1789
By William Frank Zornow
The Articles of Confederation were often blamed by his-
torians because of their inability to provide a general policy
of federal finance or a uniform system of customs duties.
There might be some justification for criticizing the general
financial policies of the central government, but there is
really no justification for condemning the tariff system which
was in operation throughout the thirteen states during the
period 1775 to 1789.
Historians who emphasized the conflicts among state tariff
policies and insisted that such policies presented a veritable
maze of rates were guilty of perpetuating a myth which
probably began when the movement was first launched to
amend the articles. Historians who came afterward belabored
this theme without investigating the facts.
In 1910 Albert Giesecke published a brief study on the
commercial policies of the country prior to 1789 in which
he made this significant statement in regard to state tariff
policies under the confederation: "We must not forget that
such action [discrimination among the states] was really
exceptional, for it was usual during the period to exempt
goods of the growth or produce of any of the United States
from import duties by the legislating state." 1
Though the myth was questioned by Giesecke no signifi-
cant studies were made to explode it once and for all. Merrill
Jensen in his latest study of American affairs during this
epoch devoted some pages to this important question in
1 Albert Giesecke, American Commercial Legislation before 1789 (Phila-
delphia, 1910), 135.
[151]
152 The North Carolina Historical Review
which he concurred with Giesecke— too much emphasis had
been placed upon the differences prevailing among state
tariff schedules and not enough attention had been paid to
their similarities.2 This is the same criticism recent historians
have made of the traditional treatment of the whole era. The
day of Fiske's "Critical Period" has run its course. Recent
writers are re-evaluating the Articles of Confederation in
terms of their significant achievements rather than their
failures. Achievements, it might be added, which were even
more significant in view of the external and internal problems
confronting the weak central government of the times.
In evaluating the state tariff policies in existence during
the revolutionary and confederation period it must be borne
in mind that they were designed to accomplish four objec-
tives: (1) revenue, (2) protection, (3) retaliation, (4) regu-
lation. In most states all four of these objectives were present
in the tariff legislation enacted, but there were some excep-
tions. W. C. Fisher in his study of tariff policies before 1789
says the duties levied can be conveniently grouped under
four headings: bounties on exports and imports, and duties
on exports and imports. In addition there were other charges
such as tonnage fees and pilotage fees which are different
from impost duties, and drawbacks which are different from
export bounties. However, all these different types of duties
were designed to accomplish the four objectives mentioned
above.3
It is the purpose of this paper to examine briefly the tariff
system which was in operation in North Carolina during the
period 1775 to 1789 and to see to what extent it adhered to
or deviated from what might be called a national norm.
Before the Revolution the colonial legislature had provided
for small customs duties on wine, rum, and distilled liquors
brought in from all places except the mother country.4 It
2 Merrill Jensen, The New Nation. History of the United States dur-
ing the Confederation, 1781-1789 (New York, 1950), 338-341.
3W. C. Fisher, "American Trade Regulation before 1789," Papers of
The American Historical Association (New York, 1889), III, 467-493.
4 Walter Clark (ed.), The State Records of North Carolina (Winston
and Goldsboro, 1895-1905), XXIII, 268-273, 363-364, 371-375, 392-398; XXV,
331-333, 361-364. Hereafter referred to as Clark, State Records.
North Carolina Tariff Policies, 1775-1789
153
was not until 1784 that the state legislature found it expedient
to adopt a general tariff schedule. Presumably, the purpose
behind its adoption was to secure funds necessary to meet
the state's quota due the central government and for operat-
ing expenses. There were three acts adopted in 1784 affecting
the tariff system in North Carolina.
By the terms of the legislation of 1784 the following
schedule of rates went into operation in the state:
1. gal.
Jamaica rum
4 d
1. gal.
Any other spiritous liquor.
3 d
1. gal.
Madeira wine
1
s.
1. gal.
Any other kind of wine.
6 d
1. gal.
Cider.
2 d
1. gal.
Malt liquor
2 d
bottled Madeira wine (dozen)
2
s.
bottled wine, except Madeira
(dozen)
1
s.
malt liquor in bottles (dozen)
1
s.
Gin (case)
3
s.
bottled cider, (dozen)
1
s.
1 gal.
Molasses.
1 d
1 lb.
Bohea tea.
6 d
1 lb.
All other kinds of tea.
2
s.
1 lb.
Pepper
3 d
1 lb.
Brown sugar.
% d
1 lb.
Loaf sugar.
2 d
1 lb.
All other kinds of sugar.
1 d
1 lb.
Cocoa.
1 d
1 lb.
Coffee.
1 d
There was also an ad valorem duty of 2 per cent on all
other goods imported into North Carolina.5 The law was not
clear as to whether these duties were to apply to goods im-
ported by land or only to merchandise coming by sea. In
colonial times there had been some special duties levied
against goods imported overland from neighboring colonies,
and so there was a precedent for feeling that such imports
were entitled to exemption or at least special treatment.
The legislature soon met this question by adopting another
law which made these duties collectible on all goods brought
6 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 549-553, 658-661.
154 The North Carolina Historical Review
by land or sea. The only exemption was extended to farmers
bringing in less than twenty pounds worth of goods for sale.6
This supplementary act added a duty of 8 s. on each pack of
playing cards.
In 1785 another act imposed a heavy duty of £250 on all
gambling tables brought into the state.7 While the following
year another law was adopted placing a duty on slaves. The
North Carolina act applied to all slaves imported into the
state. In some southern states exemption was made on per-
sons visiting the state or moving there to become permanent
residents. In some cases the original domicile of the slave
affected the duty. There were various schedules for slaves
brought directly from Africa, from other states, or from the
various European colonial empires in the western hemisphere,
but in North Carolina there was a single charge for all slaves
regardless of point of embarkation or reason why they were
brought to the state. The only variation in the charges de-
pended on the age of the slave. Every slave under the age of
seven and over the age of forty was subject to a 50 s. charge.
Slaves between the ages of seven and twelve, and between
thirty and forty were dutiable at the rate of five pounds.
Prime field hands between twelve and thirty were subject to
a charge of ten pounds.
In 1786 the anti-slavery sentiment was already evident in
this act assessing duties on imported slaves, for it declared
that the "importation of slaves into this State is productive
of evil consequences and highly impolitic." 8 The importation
was not prohibited, but it was penalized by a heavy duty on
field hands.
The final schedule framed by the legislature before the new
government went into operation in 1789 was adopted in Jan-
uary 1787. The 1787 schedule was as follows:
6 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 655-658. According to these acts setting up
the tariff system in North Carolina the collector at each port was entitled
to charge the following fees while collecting the duties: 2 s. for granting
certificates and for administering oaths, 4 s. for granting permits, and 8 s.
for taking bonds.
7 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 731.
8 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 792-794.
North Carolina Tariff Policies, 1775-1789 155
1 gal. Jamaica rum. 6 d.
1 gal. Spiritous liquors. 5 d.
1 gal. Molasses. 2 d.
1 bu. Salt. 6 d.
Playing cards (per dozen decks) . 12 s.
The other charges which were made under the schedule
of 1784 remained the same as far as the enumerated list was
concerned. However, there were some changes in the ad
valorem rate. The new schedule provided for an ad valorem
charge of 5 per cent on all other articles imported into the
state, except on woolens, linens, bar iron, steel, castings, and
workman tools for plantations. The ad valorem rate on these
latter items was increased only one-half per cent to 2/2 per
cent in all.9
The new tariff schedule of 1787 marked the advent of
some important developments in this type of legislation in
North Carolina. Attention has already been called to the
fact that protectionism was one of the elements present in
the tariff policies of the states even during the period of
the Articles of Confederation. This was particularly true in
the northern states, where protection was frankly acknowl-
edged in many of the tariff enactments, but in North Caro-
lina it was almost totally disregarded. The only modest
attempt to encourage domestic industry was the granting of
a 2 d. per gallon drawback on all molasses distilled within
the state.
By granting special duties of 2/2 per cent ad valorem in-
stead of 5 per cent on the most urgently needed items— iron,
tools, and clothes for slaves, the legislature was encouraging
continued importation from abroad and discouraging com-
pletely any domestic manufacture of these goods. The North
Carolinians thought of their state primarily as an exporting
state. They wanted to sell their tobacco and other products
abroad and purchase tools and needed items in the cheaper
European market. This made the notion of protection repug-
nant to their thinking. Many southern states experimented
with a mild form of protection before 1789, but North
Carolina did not.
Clark, State Records, 798-802.
156 The North Carolina Historical Review
One of the most noticeable developments before the estab-
lishment of the constitutional government in 1789 was the
fact that the states were cooperating to unify their tariff
systems and to admit the goods produced or manufactured
in the United States duty free. North Carolina fell in line
with this general trend throughout the other states.
This willingness to grant concessions to American pro-
duced goods first made its appearance in the tariff legislation
of 1785. This act provided that no duties were to be paid
on goods which were manufactured in the states out of ma-
terials grown in the United States, but it did insist that
foreign goods imported in America bottoms were dutiable.
There had been a question raised as to whether or not Ameri-
can ships made free goods, but the legislature decided this
was not the case.10
The act of 1787 carried this principle that American pro-
duced goods were duty free even further. This law provided
that arms, ammunition, and all goods grown, produced, or
manufactured in the United States were exempt from all
charges. No longer was the qualifying feature of the 1785
act present, which limited this exemption only to goods man-
ufactured in America out of native raw materials.
In the tariff legislation of this period one can also see some
evidence of discrimination and retaliation aimed particularly
at the British. This policy grew out of the English attitude
toward American commerce after the war. American mer-
chants had long been dependent upon the triangular trade
involving their own ports, and those of Europe and the West
Indies. It was the only way Americans could earn the money
necessary to purchase products abroad. On July 2, 1783, the
British government adopted an Order in Council which clos-
ed the West Indian ports to American ships. Naturally this
hurt the American states for they were drained of specie in
order to pay for the products they continued to buy from
England which formerly had been paid for by exports to the
Indies. The Americans were quick to accuse the British of
trying to destroy their trade, but actually the principal British
10 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 718-720.
North Carolina Tariff Policies, 1775-1789 157
motive in adopting this course was that under the mercantile
system they were compelled to regard the United States as
outside the empire and to treat them as alien states in matters
of colonial trade.
The law of 1785 which exempted American goods from all
duty if they were manufactured in the United States from
native products also contained a provision that an additional
duty of 20 per cent was to be collected on all goods imported
in vessels owned in whole or in part by foreigners whose
nations had no treaty of commerce. The states were willing
in most cases to assist Congress in this way in order to bring
various European states to terms and to get them to conclude
commercial conventions. There was also discrimination in the
matter of tonnage fees charged vessels owned by non-treaty
signing states, but this will be discussed in another connec-
tion.11 This same act of 1785 declared that instead of the
2 per cent ad valorem duty applying on all salt it would
not be collected on salt brought into the state in American
ships or foreign ships whose country had commercial treaties
with the United States. In this case the duty was cut to 2 d.
per bushel.
The protection and fostering of native industry did not
play as important a part in the tariff systems of the southern
states as it did in the North. As was said before, North Caro-
lina virtually ignored its domestic industries. Although there
were hardly any tariff schedules adopted in North Carolina
during this period which could have been regarded as pro-
tective, there were other ways that industry could be fostered.
An old colonial device had been the granting of export/im-
port bounties. North Carolina provided for financial grants to
all persons who could produce hemp, flax, potash, and pearl
ash.12 Throughout the states this granting of bounties con-
tinued to the revolutionary period, but there was a noticeable
tendency to discontinue this practice when the war began.
The practice was not revived afterward. The legislators
found they could achieve the same desired ends by dis-
u Clark, State Records, XXIV, 718-720.
u Clark, State Records, XXIII, 613-614, 923-924.
158 The North Carolina Historical Review
couraging the importation of European products by protec-
tive tariffs rather than direct financial aid. The last act in
North Carolina was passed in 1773 for three years. In 1776
it was allowed to lapse, and there apparently were no efforts
to revive the granting of bounties.
In addition to the specified duties on enumerated goods
and the charges on unenumerated items, the importer and
shipper were also subjected to a variety of additional charges
in each state which often became particularly burdensome.
This legislation was designed to achieve at least three of
the four objectives: revenue, retaliation, and regulation.
There were charges for wharfage, storage, pilotage, light-
houses, hospitals, and on the tonnage of each vessel. Some
of these charges were levied against all ships (usually
exempting coasters) entering the harbors of the state, but
some were directed primarily against ships belonging to non-
residents of the state. This latter condition caused much ill-
feeling. Shortly before the calling of the Annapolis conven-
tion, Tench Coxe of Pennsylvania wrote that there were
many grievances against the state commercial practices, and
he listed them as follows:
1. duty of tonnage on vessels built and belonging to the citizens
of the other states, was greater than that imposed on vessels
belonging to the citizens of the states enacting the law, and equal
in some instances to the tonnage laid upon most of the foreign
nations that have a commercial intercourse with America.
2. The duties imposed upon goods imported in vessels built in or
belonging to other parts of the Union, were greater than those
laid on goods imported in vessels belonging to the enacting state.
3. That goods of the growth, product, and manufacture of the
other states in the Union, were charged with high duties upon
importation into the enacting state, as great, in many cases, as
those imposed on foreign articles of the same kind.13
Some of Coxe's objections were unwarranted. The third
was entirely untrue. North Carolina, along with the other
states, was admitting American grown, produced, and manu-
factured goods duty free by 1786. However, there was some
"Tench Coxe to Edmund Randolph, James Madison, St. George Tucker,
September 13, 1786, in Calendar of Virginia State Papers (Richmond,
1875-1893), IV, 168-169.
North Carolina Tariff Policies, 1775-1789 159
truth in the first two objections to the current practices. In
some states there were higher tonnage fees imposed upon
ships owned by non-residents of the enacting state than
applied on ships owned by its own citizens. There were also
a few cases where duties on goods imported in ships owned
by citizens of the enacting state were lower than the duties
on other goods brought in ships owned by foreigners or
residents of the other states.
In North Carolina all incoming vessels were subject to
pilotage fees which were based on a sliding scale depending
on the amount of water drawn by the ship. An act of 1764
set up a basic schedule of fees. Ships drawing six feet or less
of water paid a pilot fee of two pounds, and this rate was
increased until ships drawing seventeen feet paid a charge of
eight pounds. There is only one law passed during the years
1775-1789 affecting the pilotage fees, and this was enacted
in 1784. The basic charges were increased because of the
rising living costs.14 These fees were collected from every
ship whether owned by residents or by non-residents of North
Carolina.
Every incoming ship was also required to pay a tonnage
duty. Tonnage duties were in existence from the earliest
colonial times when it was the custom for each ship to hand
over a certain amount of powder and shot for each ton bur-
den. These original payments in powder were commuted to
cash payments later, and the money was used to maintain
the port facilities, fortifications, and sailor hospitals, and to
pay the salaries of officials.
In North Carolina there were two charges of this type: a
regular fee which depended on the tonnage of the ship, and
a second charge of a flat fee which was levied on all ships
to pay the fee for entering and clearing the port.
An early act of 1756 provided for payments of 2 s. per ton
on all ships entering the harbors of the colony, and this was
raised to 5 s. in 1781.15 According to the latter act if a ship
brought arms it was to receive an exemption equivalent to
"Clark, State Records, XXIII, 650-654; XXIV, 586-592.
M Clark, State Records, XXIII, 467-568: XXIV, 380-381.
160 The North Carolina Historical Review
the duty per ton for each three Spanish dollars worth of
such cargo in its hold. An increase of 6 d. per ton was allowed
in 1784 to raise funds to build a lighthouse.16
The inaccuracy of Coxe's accusations as far as North Caro-
lina was concerned is evident in the tonnage legislation of
1785 which provided for a fee of 3 d. per ton on all vessels
over sixty tons which were owned by Americans or foreigners
whose countries had commercial treaties with Congress. If
no treaty existed, the foreign ship was to pay 5 s. per ton.
Here we have an excellent example of the type of discrimi-
nation which was so common in state tariff legislation of the
period as they tried to cooperate with the government to get
recalcitrant foreign states to conclude treaties of commerce.17
The final act which was passed by the legislature before
the new constitution went into effect certainly refuted Coxe's
charges. Every foreign ship over twenty tons burden was
subject to a 6 d. per ton duty, while ships from every state
(including North Carolina) paid 3 d. per ton.18 The proceeds
collected were to be used for the construction of a lighthouse
at Ocracoke Island. The legislature was making every effort
to admit other American ships into North Carolina ports on
a basis of equality with locally owned vessels, and to favor
them over European ships.
The tonnage fees changed considerably between the acts
of 1781 and 1785, and a new type of legislation was intro-
duced by the assembly in a law of 1784 providing for a
schedule of fees payable to the naval officers of each port
for entering and clearing a vessel. These fees were rather
large considering the tonnage charges already being levied
in the state.19 Another act of 1789 levied a special fee of one
shilling per capita on every officer and member of the crew
of any vessel entering a state port.20 The money collected by
16 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 586-592.
"Clark, State Records, XXIV, 718-720.
18 Clark, State Records, XXV, 54-55. Ships under twenty tons and small
vessels engaged in coasting trade were exempt from charges.
19 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 553-556. The schedule was as follows: 8 s.
for entering and clearing all undecked ships; 15 s. for decked vessels under
20 tons; 30 s. for ships from 20 to 60 tons; and 40 s. for all vessels over
60 tons.
20 Clark, State Records, XXV, 56-57, 81-82.
North Carolina Tariff Policies, 1775-1789 161
this latter act was to be put into a special fund for the care
of sick and indigent sailors. These special fees were payable
by all ships entering the state ports.
Various items imported into or exported from each colony
and state were subject to inspection and storage charges.
This was a system prevailing in all the colonies and it was
continued during the state period. As a matter of fact, the
inspections were increased, and the legislation governing the
inspection and certification of imports and exports became
more numerous during the 1780's. European purchasers often
preferred to obtain American products. The supervision of
exports raised their reputation in foreign markets. The wide
acceptance of inspection laws and the height to which the
fees sometimes went constituted these charges as an im-
portant type of commercial regulation.
In North Carolina various items were subject to intensive
inspection. However, there were no inspection fees on im-
ported commodities, but the fees charged applied only to
items for export. Flax, hemp, pork, beef, rice, flour, butter,
tar, pitch, turpentine, staves, heading, shingles, lumber, tan-
ned leather, deer skin, and indigo were all on the inspection
list as well as tobacco during the colonial period. Most of the
inspection legislation on the statute books applied, of course,
to the largest export— tobacco. After the revolution the inspec-
tion fee for a cask of tobacco was raised to 8 s, and it ap-
parently remained substantially unchanged during the entire
period.21 Laws adopted in 1784 established the following
schedule of fees for the inspection of various items: 22
1 Cask of beef or pork. 8 d.
1 Barrel or cask of rice, butter,
flour, or fish. 8 d.
1 Barrel of tar. 2 d.
1 Barrel of pitch or turpentine. 3 d.
1 Barrel of flax 1 s.
if cleaning necessary 3 s.
100 Barrel staves. 3 d.
1000 Shingles. 1 s.
1000 Feet of cut lumber. 1 s.
21 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 104-109.
22 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 580-586, 658-661.
162 The North Carolina Historical Review
The granting of drawbacks and export duties were other
aspects of early tariff legislation which should be mentioned.
There was a drawback of 2 d. per gallon granted on all im-
ported molasses distilled in the state, which was designed by
the legislature to encourage local distilleries. It was not until
1785 that the assembly acted on the matter of goods landed
in North Carolina for re-export. Such goods were subject to
the customary charges, but the shipper was given credit for
the duties paid if the goods were re-exported in their original
cask or container within a three month period.23 There were
no export duties in North Carolina during this period, al-
though other southern states such as Maryland and Virginia
experimented with this type of duty as a means of raising
revenue. There had been a small export duty on deerskins in
North Carolina in the colonial period, but despite this pre-
cedent the legislature failed to try this means of augmenting
the state's income. Export duties were no longer popular in
most states, and North Carolina was merely following the
national trend in this respect.
When examining the tariff legislation of North Carolina
one is impressed by the fact that there was so little of it. In
many states the tariff enactments were quite numerous, but
not so in North Carolina. Of all the southern states Georgia
and North Carolina had the least legislation of this type.
The schedules were short and were confined primarily to
spiritous and malt liquors, coffee, sugar, and tea. Protec-
tionism was virtually non-existent. There was also very little
regulation of shipping in North Carolina, and the fees were
kept to a minimum number when compared to those in use
in other states. There is not a single example of state inter-
ference to prohibit exports during this period, whereas in
other states, particularly during the war, the legislatures in-
terfered often to prevent exportation of badly needed com-
modities or to proclaim embargoes. Yet some similarity may
be noted between the tariff system in North Carolina and
those developing in other states.
23 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 718-720, 798-802.
North Carolina Tariff Policies, 1775-1789 163
By 1789 North Carolina, like her sister states, was ad-
mitting American products duty free, was granting special
consideration to American ships as far as tonnage charges
were concerned, and was treating shippers from other states
the same as her own merchants. Any discrimination that is
evident in North Carolina was directed against foreign states
which did not conclude a treaty with the United States. The
spirit of cooperation in North Carolina was becoming quite
evident, and it is apparent not only in dealings with other
states but in those with the central government as well.
On February 3, 1781, Congress proposed to levy a special 5
per cent ad valorem duty on imports and requested each state
legislature to act on this matter.24 The North Carolina legisla-
ture responded during the same year and granted Congress
the right to levy the 5 per cent impost on all imports and on
all prizes, but with the provision that it was not to go into
effect until the other states had granted similar powers.25
Every state except Rhode Island eventually acceded to the
request, but before sufficient pressure could be applied on this
state to gain its assent, a counter movement set in. On De-
cember 24, 1782, Virginia repealed its law empowering Con-
gress to enact the 5 per cent impost on the ground that
Rhode Island's failure to comply invalidated the grant. With-
in a short time other states followed suit, and the impost
scheme of 1781 was lost.
North Carolina repealed her grant in 1783.26 On April 18,
1783, Congress made another attempt to have the states ap-
prove a grant of duties on enumerated articles for twenty-five
years as well as a special ad valorem duty of five per cent on
other items and on all prizes. This was sent to the states for
their approval.27 The North Carolina legislature complied in
1784, but once again this special grant to Congress was lost
because New York failed to act.28
24 W. C. Ford, and others, (eds.), The Journal of the Continental Congress
(Washington, 1904-1937), XIX, 102, 112-113. Hereafter referred to as
Ford, Journals of the Continental Congress.
25 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 405-406.
26 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 510.
27 Ford, Journals of Continental Congress, XXIV, 257-261.
28 Clark, State Records, XXIV, 547-549.
164 The North Carolina Historical Review
On April 30, 1784, Congress resolved that it should be
given power for fifteen years to prohibit any goods, wares, or
merchandize from being imported into or exported from any
state in vessels belonging to or navigated by the subjects of
any power with which there was no treaty of commerce. The
assent of nine states was necessary for this to go into effect,
but when the North Carolina legislature acted on this request
it attached the qualification that its law would not become
effective until all the states passed similar legislation. A con-
gressional committee reported on March 3, 1786, that Dela-
ware, South Carolina, and Georgia had not passed any acts
to grant Congress this power, and that New Hampshire,
Rhode Island, and North Carolina had passed laws which
were not conformable to the requests of Congress. These
states were urged to comply at once, but the provision never
went into operation before the new government was es-
tablished.29
It is significant that all but one of the states were willing
to cooperate with Congress in granting it the special power
to levy duties requested in 1781 and 1783. The impost resolu-
tion of 1783 with its long enumerated list as well as ad val-
orem duty stimulated the tendency in most states to agree
on a basic enumerated list, but the individual rates on items
continued to vary and were determined by local considera-
tions. Nevertheless, there was a great deal of harmony pre-
vailing. North Carolina and the other states were compelled
long before 1789 to agree on a general tariff policy which
was coming to prevail everywhere. By 1789 variation in rates
and systems was the exception rather than the rule.
29 Ford, Journals of Continental Congress, XXX, 93.
JOHN CHAVIS AS A PREACHER TO WHITES
By Margaret Burr DesChamps
John Chavis, accomplished free Negro, has long been rec-
ognized as a teacher of children of prominent white families
in Raleigh.1 He ought also to be known as a preacher to
whites. Prior to the opening of his school about 1808, Chavis
was licensed as a "probationer for the holy ministry" by Lex-
ington Presbytery in Virginia.2 Because he served the Gen-
eral Assembly of the Presbyterian Church from 1801 to 1807
as a missionary to slaves in the upper South,3 it has been as-
sumed that his ministry was chiefly to Negroes.
Although sent by the church to serve his own race, Chavis
preached to far more whites than Negroes on his missionary
tours. In May, 1803, the clerk of the Standing Committee of
Missions wrote the following summary of Chavis's travels
during the past year for presentation to the General As-
sembly:
Mr. John Chavis introduces his narrative by reminding the
Assembly, that at the time of making his former report three
months of the time for which he had been engaged were un-
expired ; he has since completed that tour of duty by visiting as a
missionary the western parts of Virginia, which appear to pre-
sent natural obstacles that require no small share of zeal and
perserverance to surmount them. He met with very friendly
receptions and great kindness from the people in those parts,
who seem to have attended the preaching of the word in as great
numbers as could reasonably have been expected, — to have heard
it gladly, and in some instances profitably.
1The most scholarly account of Chavis's life is Edgar W. Knight's
"Notes on John Chavis," North Carolina Historical Review, VII (July,
1930), 326-345. Research for this paper was done while the writer was
Elizabeth Avery Colton fellow of the American Association of Univer-
sity Women, 1951-1952.
""Minutes of Lexington Presbytery, 1800-1810," November 19, 1800.
Manuscript in Union Theological Seminary, Richmond, Virginia. Here-
after referred to as "Minutes of Lexington Presbytery, 1800-1810."
* Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the
United States of America, A.D. 1789 to 1820 Inclusive (Philadelphia,
1867), 229, passim. Hereafter referred to as Minutes of the General As-
sembly.
[166]
166
The North Carolina Historical Review
The following statement is made by the Committee from Mr.
Chavis's Journal, to give the Assembly a view of the numbers
and proportion of blacks who attended Divine service;
In Bedford County about 150 No blacks are mentioned
persons attended,
Rock Bridge Ditto 100 Ditto
Lexington Ditto 400 100, a revival of religion here
Falling Spring 50 none mentioned
Kanawah 200 30
Ditto meeting house 30
Kanford's 30. . . .none
Morris's 30 (mentions an old Aff rican
woman as being much affected
and weeping.)
Johnson's 50. . . . none mentioned
Kanawah Court House . . .150. . . .50
George Lee's 100. . . .none mentioned, a revival of
religion among the Baptists.
Kanawah River about .... 80 person attended
no blacks mentioned
Ditto 60 Ditto
Coal River 200 .... 20 Here one opposer of re-
ligion was made to fall and
weep. He never saw a people
more desirous to be instructed.
Kanawah Courthouse ...100.... 15
E.Hughes's 180.... 5
Baptist meeting house)
in Green Briar County. . .200. . . .20 (numbers appeared to be
(deeply imprest: he was
strongly solicited to settle
here.
Lewisburgh 250 50
Botetourt County . . .200 50
Rockbridge Ditto —
Lebanon 200 80
In the tour he preached 23 sermons, and received $7.74.
He began his mission under the appointment of last year, on
the 18th of July, and continued in it for 7 months and 3 weeks,
travelling in the Counties of Mecklinburg, Lunenburg, and Not-
toway in Virginia ; and in Granville, Person, Wake, Warren,
Orange, Chatham, Randolph, and Caswell, in North Carolina.
In this tour he preached 68 times, and delivered 8 exhortations ;
attended several religious societies, assisted twice in the ad-
ministration of the Lord's Supper, and collected $1.86. He was
several times prevented from preaching, by bodily indisposition.
John Chavis As A Preacher To Whites 167
The proportion of Blacks who attended was greater than on
his former route, as appears from the following statement of the
numbers of his congregations on different occasions, Vizt,
Mecklinburg persons 250 .
Person 500
Ditto 35
Ditto 40
Mecklinburg 800
Lunenburg 150
Mecklinburg persons 50
Bluestone 200
Ditto 150
New Bethel 300
Person 200
Wake 600
Person 250
Warren 30
Granville 250
Gillarns Meeting House 300
Granvill 150
Chatham 450
Ditto 300
Ditto 70,
Ditto 400
Granville 30,
Caswell 200
Granville 400
Cullon's, a Baptist)
Meetinghouse ) 150
Poplar Creek 250
Granville 500
So well did the white population attend his services that
Presbyterian leaders soon came to regard Chavis's popularity
as a problem. While their attitude is more clearly revealed
in the unpublished records of the Committee of Missions,
some indication of their feeling is found in the published
proceedings of the General Assembly of 1805. At that meet-
ing the Synod of Virginia reported that "Mr. Chavis, a mis-
sionary to the blacks, itinerated in several counties in the
4 "Minutes of the Standing Committee of Missions, 1802-1807," May 21,
1803. Manuscript in Board of National Missions of the Presbyterian
Church, U. S. A., New York City. Hereafter referred to as "Minutes of
the Standing Committee on Missions, 1802-1807." The minutes give only
the clerk's condensation of Chavis's report rather than the original.
. . . . Blacks
50
150
15
15
800
Blacks
50
50
100
10
50
80
20
10
80
30
150
50
20
150
10
20
150
50
80
1804
168 The North Carolina Historical Review
south parts of the State; but owing to some peculiar circum-
stances stated in his journal, his mission was not attended
with any considerable success." No hint was given in the
printed records as to the "peculiar circumstances,5" and before
the Assembly adjourned Chavis was re-appointed as a mis-
sionary. However, it should be noted that the travel directions
to the Negro preacher for another year instructed him to
"employ himself chiefly among the blacks and people of
colour." 5
The manuscript minutes of the Committee of Missions
show why these explicit directions were given to Chavis and
throw some light on the difficulties of his previous mission.
Apparently, Chavis found that the slaves preferred the emo-
tional and illiterate exhortation of a fellow bondsman to the
sermon of a man of education and dignity; hence, he tended
to preach to whites rather than to his own race. As he had
been employed to minister to Negroes, a few Presbyterians
regarded his misssionary activities as something less than
successful. They "intimated . . . that Mr. Chavis was not
properly attentive to the Instruction of the Blacks, which
was the primary object of his Mission." The chairman of
the Committee of Missions promised to question Chavis about
the matter so that he might "be stimulated to greater fidelity
in [the] future" or given "an opportunity for his own vindi-
cation." 6
Before the General Assembly met again Chavis replied in
writing to the charge of neglecting his own race to preach
to the white population. Unfortunately his letter was not pre-
served and no further mention of the affair occurs in the
minutes of the Committee.7 But the preacher evidently ex-
plained his conduct to the complete satisfaction of the Com-
mittee and the Assembly, for in 1806 he was appointed as
missionary "among the blacks and free people of colour in
Maryland, if practicable, otherwise at his discretion." 8 Thus
5 Minutes of the General Assembly, 3234 344.
6 "Minutes of the Standing Committee of Missions, 1802-1807," May 17,
1806.
'"Minutes of the Standing Committee of Missions, 1802-1807." The
minutes state that the letter was received, but it was not copied into the
record.
8 Minutes of the General Assembly, 367.
John Chavis As A Preacher To Whites 169
he won the privilege of preaching to whites with whom he
was more congenial and from whom he doubtless received
more attention.
As Chavis's missionary reports show, the Great Revival was
sweeping the South Atlantic states in the years that he was
traveling for the General Assembly. Since he rode and preach-
ed in parts of North Carolina and Virginia where the religious
fervor was greatest, he was in an excellent position to ob-
serve and describe it. From him people received information
about the spiritual awakening, which many seem to have
regarded as the beginning of the millenium, and passed it
on in their letters to friends and relatives. It is regrettable
that writers did nothing more than mention Chavis's name,
but the casual manner in which the observations of the free
Negro were introduced into letters indicates that he was
a well known and acceptable visitor even to the lady of the
house.
In January, 1802, Ann Smith, daughter of Samuel Smith
in Granville County, North Carolina, described "The Great
Revival of Religion about the Harfields [Hawfields]" for
her relatives in South Carolina. Her information came from
"Mr. Chavis and Uncle Wm. Webb . . . who have been at
the Meetings where this great work was going forward."9
Later in the same year, Moses Hoge, Presbyterian minister
in Shepherdstown, Virginia, and afterwards president of
Hampden-Sydney College, wrote: "By Mr. J. Chavis I have
had some account of the work going on in Mr. Wilson's Con-
gregations." 10 Association with the Smiths and the Hoges
shows that Chavis's contacts were with the most prominent
of Presbyterian families.
8 Ann Smith to Polly Williamson, January 16, 1802, in the Williamson
Papers, Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia. A sketch of Samuel
Smith, Presbyterian layman who migrated from Essex County, Virginia,
to Granville County in the early 1760's to occupy land granted by the
Earl of Granville, can be found in the Samuel Smith Downey Papers,
Duke University library. For information on William Webb, Presbyterian
layman at Tar River, see G. C. Shaw, John Chavis, 1763-1838 (Bingham-
ton, 1931), 19-20. Hereafter referred to as Shaw, John Chavis.
10 Moses Hoge to James Hoge, July 20, 1802, in Hoge Collection, Histori-
cal Foundation of the Presbyterian and Reformed Churches, Montreat,
N. C William Wilson was pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Augusta,
Virginia. A history of the Hoge family is found in Peyton H. Hoge, Moses
Drury Hoge (Richmond, 1899), 1-29.
170 The North Carolina Historical Review
Chavis' last preaching mission for the General Assembly
was performed in 1807.11 After that time his chief occupation
was his school in Raleigh. Yet, he continued to preach not
only from the pulpit, but also in what he described as "private
and public conversations with my neighbors."12 In 1824 he
proposed to supply the pulpit of Old Providence, an inter-
denominational church near Oxford which had originally
been sponsored by his Presbyterian friend William Webb.
It was in the area of North Carolina where Chavis had spent
much of his time at the turn of the century, and where, ac-
cording to some accounts, he had been born and raised.
Doubtless, he looked forward to pleasant weekends of visit-
ing and worshipping with old friends. But the liberalism
which followed the Revolution and for a time characterized
the Great Revival had waned. Chavis, who twenty years
earlier had moved freely among the most prominent Gran-
ville families, failed to find "such familiar and hospitable
entertainment as was desired and necessary" and "discon-
tinued his visits." 13
The experience with the members of Old Providence
Church was a foretaste of a more bitter lot which awaited
the free Negro. In 1831 Chavis, like the rest of his race, was
forbidden by the state legislature to preach at all. When he
sought advice from his friends in Orange Presbytery, who
had taken him under their care when he moved from Vir-
ginia to North Carolina in 1805, they recommended that he
abide by the law.14
A feeble old man with no means of support, Chavis then
applied to the presbytery for financial aid.15 Among the mem-
bers of a committee appointed to assume responsibility in
the care of the old man and his wife were Samuel Smith
n Minutes of the General Assembly, 391.
12 North Carolina Presbyterian, December 27, 1882.
18 Shaw, John Chavis, 21-22, publishes the records of the church which
relate to Chavis.
14 "Minutes of Orange Presbytery, 1831-1836," April 18, 1832, manuscript
in Historical Foundation of the Presbyterian and Reformed Churches.
Hereafter referred to as "Minutes of Orange Presbytery, 1831-1836."
16 The presbytery decided to give Chavis fifty dollars annually as long
as he lived, and apparently paid that amount to him until he died in 1838.
"Minutes of Orange Presbytery, 1831-1836, 1836-1846," September 5,
1832, passim.
John Chavis As A Preacher To Whites 171
Downey, Presbyterian elder who was a grandson of Samuel
Smith, and William McPheeters, minister in Raleigh. Both
men had probably known John Chavis for more than thirty
years,16 and their interest in his welfare doubtless led to
their appointment to the committee. A letter written by
McPheeters to Downey in 1834 1T shows Chavis's pitiful plight
at that time, and also serves as a commentary on the change
which had taken place in the whites' attitude toward the
free Negro preacher. With the decline of liberalism, paternal-
ism replaced the spirit of equalitarianism which had earlier
characterized the Presbyterians' relationships with Chavis.
September 3, 1834
Dear Sir,
I have lately received two letters from our Old Friend John
Chavis.
In the 1st he makes known to me his difficulties, distresses,
and wants - Says that he is a miserable man - Old and infirm -
his wife a dying - or at least on her death-bed - in want of the
necessaries of life - and without money to procure them.
In the 2nd he say[s] that he had applied to you (lately, I
suppose,) for some money - having understood that you had
some for him in your hands - and that the messenger, on his re-
turn, stated that you had sent the money over to me, &c
If any money has been forwarded to me, I have not as yet
received it - But probably the money referred to, as sent to me,
was that which you put into my hands last year.
At the last meeting of Presbytery the following minute was
adopted - "Resolved, that the Committee hitherto appointed in
the case of Mr. Chavis, be directed to inquire into his situation,
and make such provision for him as his necessities may require"
Yourself and Dr. Graham are members of the Committee -
who the others are I dont recollect -
In Raleigh I collected for Mr Chavis in October or November
last about $20 - This sum, with what you put into my hands,
was all delivered over to him last year - of the way in which it
was expended by him he gave account to Presbytery at the last
19 For Chavis's relations with Downey see Shaw, John Chavis, 30. Chavis
and McPheeters presented themselves as candidates for the ministry at
the fall session of Lexington Presbytery in 1799. See "Minutes of Lexing-
ton Presbytery, 1794-1800," October 18, 19, 1799. Manuscript in Union
Theological Seminary, Richmond, Va. Subsequent minutes show that Chavis
was licensed on November 19, 1800, and McPheeters not until April 18,1802.
17 This letter is in the Samuel Smith Downey Papers, Duke University
library.
172 The North Carolina Historical Review
meeting - Presbytery then, with the view of providing for him
during the present year, passed the Resolution above recited -
I think it will require in advance, on the part of Presbytery,
[the amount] of 5 dollars a month - or 60 dollars a year to sup-
port the Old Man and his Wife - If this sum cant be got with
some degree of certainty and punctuality, I see no other chance
for him but the Poor House - Please to write to Mr. Chavis and
give him any information you may possess -
I am yours &c
Wm McPheeters
Thus unpublished records of the Presbyterian Church, as
well as letters written by its members, show that while serv-
ing as a missionary in North Carolina and Virginia, John
Chavis preached to and moved freely among white Presby-
terians. Even after teaching became his chief occupation he
continued to minister to them. In the last years of his life,
when he was unable to earn his livelihood, it was to these
old friends that he turned for aid. His relationships with
them illustrate both the early promise and the ultimate trag-
edy of his own career and that of other free Negroes of his
generation.
PAPERS FROM THE FIFTY-FOURTH ANNUAL SES-
SION OF THE STATE LITERARY AND HISTORICAL
ASSOCIATION, RALEIGH, DECEMBER, 1954
Introduction
By Christopher Crittenden
The fifty-fourth annual session of the State Literary and
Historical Association, one of the most successful ever con-
ducted, was held at the Sir Walter Hotel in Raleigh, Decem-
ber 3, 1954. Following the morning business meeting, Dr.
Paul Murray of Greenville spoke on "The North Carolina
Historical Review - The First Thirty Years"; Mr. Harry
L. Golden of Charlotte talked on "The Jewish People of North
Carolina"; and Mr. Robert Mason of Sanford reviewed North
Carolina fiction of the year. The R. D. W. Connor, Roanoke-
Chowan, and American Association of University Women
awards were then announced. At the luncheon meeting Dr.
Leonard Hurley reviewed North Carolina non-fiction of the
year. At the annual dinner Mrs. Inglis Fletcher delivered
an informal presidential address. In the evening Dr. Louis B.
Wright spoke on "Elizabethan Politics and Colonial Enter-
prise," and the Mayflower and Sir Walter Raleigh awards
were announced.1 All the papers presented at the various
meetings are reproduced in the pages that follow. The pres-
idential address, which was not written is necessarily omitted.
1 For details regarding the meetings and different awards, see The North
Carolina Historical Review, XXXII (1955), 135-136.
[173]
THIRTY YEARS OF THE NEW HISTORY: A STUDY OF
The North Carolina Historical Review,
1924-1953
By Paul Murray
Thirty years are a short period in the life history of a
people. In like manner, the thirty annual volumes of The
North Carolina Historical Review, 1924-1953, are but a
small segment of the total picture of North Carolina's cul-
tural growth. It is only when one attempts to comprehend
such a segment of our cultural heritage that he realizes the
immensity of the task of the serious historian who is not satis-
fied with the glittering generalities too often bandied about
in standard treatises on cultural history. To avoid falling
into such a pit it is here proposed that this study be limited
to three phases of recent historiography: (1) a characteriza-
tion of history writing concerning North Carolina, 1886-1929;
( 2 ) the founding of the Review; ( 3 ) a summary analysis of
the content of the Review, 1924-1953, together with an eval-
uation of its major effects on North Carolina history.
The foundations of the literary structure of North Caro-
lina history were laid during the first half of the nineteenth
century in the writings of Hugh Williamson, Francois Xavier
Martin, Francis Lister Hawks, and John Hill Wheeler. The
framework of that structure was reared during the forty-
three years which elapsed between the appearance of the
first volume of The Colonial Records from the hand of Wil-
liam Lawrence Saunders in 1886 to the publication of Robert
Digges Wimberley Connor's North Carolina: Rebuilding an
Ancient Commonwealth in 1929. Many and able were the
skilled artisans whose trademarks are stamped on every beam,
joint, and truss in that edifice. Their contributions are so clear
and distinct that any attempt at listing by one person must
the third phase of this study was presented in the paper
read to the State Literary and Historical Association, De-
cember 3, 1954.
[174]
Thirty Years of the New History 175
surely be both unnecessary and incomplete.1 There are at least
ten, however, whose work entitles them to be ranked as master
workmen. In addition to Saunders and Connor, they are:
Walter Clark, Samuel A'Court Ashe, Daniel Harvey Hill,
John Spencer Bassett, Charles Lee Coon, William Kenneth
Boyd, Adelaide Lisetta Fries, and Joseph Gregoire de Roulhac
Hamilton.
All of these were trained in the classical tradition which
is our most valuable heritage in education from the nine-
teenth century; each of them, in addition to outstanding work
in history, was a leading participant in some phase of state-
wide public service. In this respect, a casual remark by Miss
Fries2 to the effect that she did not know how to say "No" in
regard to her community and her church might well be taken
with variations to expresss the sentiment of the entire group.
They were, indeed, known as active and leading citizens of
the commonwealth of North Carolina and their lives as in-
dividuals expressed in a superior way the aspirations and
ambitions of North Carolina people.
In these circumstances is to be found the key to a concise
statement of the concept of North Carolina history with
which the Review began its work in 1924. Clearly these
masters of the preceding generation considered the main
business of history to be the depicting of the common effort
of people in their basic human organizations.3 Since the state
is primarily a political entity and since North Carolina his-
tory is rich in materials involving federal relations, they na-
turally highlighted political developments within the state
and the numerous interrelationships between it and its "co-
states." They gave some attention to the origin and growth
1 Stephen B. Weeks, "North Carolina Historians," Proceedings and Ad-
dresses of the Fifteenth Annual Session of the State Literary and His-
torical Association of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1915), 71-86. This is
the latest effort to list and characterize North Carolina historians dis-
covered in this study.
2 Made to the author at a meeting of the Historical Society of North
Carolina in Greensboro, November 13, 1948.
8 J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, "Vitality in State History," Proceedings of
the Twentieth and Twenty-First Annual Sessions of the State Literary
and Historical Association of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1922), 11-19.
In this presidential address of 1920, Dr. Hamilton spoke of "movements"
rather than "organizations."
176 The North Carolina Historical Review
of social institutions, especially churches, schools and col-
leges, and the Masonic Order; but on the whole they did an
indifferent job of integrating these to their central theme of
political development. Likewise, in an age that considered the
personal income of even a candidate for public office as a
private matter, they gave relatively little attention to what
we now call economic history. For example, they treated
slavery as a factor in politics and a means of social control
at much greater length than they did in its presently more
basic significance as the dominant system of labor in ante
bellum agriculture.
A three-period chronology is almost a corollary to the con-
cept of North Carolina history as the development of insti-
tutions within the state and their interrelationship with like
institutions of nationwide character. By 1783 the designation
Tar Heel was probably not in general use, but the individuali-
ty of the state had been formed through the interplay of hu-
man effort, natural resources, and the transmutation of British
and German ideals into American institutions. The decade
ending in 1783 is crowded with events indicative of the trans-
ition from the status of colony to that of a self -directing state.
During these years the people of the state, acting through
freely chosen leaders, declared their independence of Great
Britain, established a government on the untried principle of
popular sovereignty, initiated the means for implementing
the social ideals of the Revolution, and entered the "perma-
nent union" of the American states.
The second or federal period in North Carolina history was
an era of rapid nationalization, a fact that has been slurred
over in our general histories of the United States by over-
absorption in the details on which the basic issue was fought.
North Carolina historians of the Old School, on the other
hand, presented clearly the basic factors in the changing con-
cept of the Federal Union. Among many other contributions
they showed that the conservative leaders of North Carolina
in the 1850's and early 1860's were swept against their better
judgment into the experiment of a Southern Confederacy. The
period properly ends with the surrender of Johnston to Sher-
Thirty Years of the New History 177
man4 and the establishment of military government as a sym-
bol that, for good or ill, national ideals must triumph over
sectional and state interests.
The masters of the Old School recognized the period of
North Carolina history from the end of the Civil War to 1925
as one of increasing complexity. They did a masterful job
of presenting Reconstruction as the proud reaction of an
outraged people to oppression by a Federal government that
had thrown off all constitutional restraints on its power to do
evil. They strove valiantly to fit the new facts of race rela-
tions, industrial mechanization, and extremes of economic
and social status into the familiar pattern of a loosely strati-
fied society, an agricultural economy, and a federal system of
government. They gave us some good chapters of general
description on the twentieth century, but left the field of in-
terpretation of recent trends to be divided into the compart-
ments occupied by the political scientists, the economists,
the sociologists, and the literary critics.
As has been indicated before, the leaders of the Old School
were characterized by an active interest in public affairs.
Actually the move for the publication of history under the
auspices of the state was given its first effective impetus dur-
ing the 1880's and 1890?s by the leadership of these histori-
cally minded public men, especially William L. Saunders,
Walter Clark, and Samuel A. Ashe. The first active element
for popularization of the movement was the organization of
patriotic societies during the nineties. At the turn of the cen-
tury North Carolina had state bodies affiliated with the fol-
lowing national or sectional organizations: The Sons of the
Revolution ( Raleigh, 1893- ) , the Colonial Dames of America
(Wilmington, 1894- ), the Daughters of the Revolution (Ra-
leigh, 1896- ), the Society of the Cincinnati (reorganized,
4 The volume division of the Connor-Boyd-Hamilton, History of North
Carolina, 3 vols. (Chicago, 1919), brings the Federal period to an end at
1860. The author of this essay is convinced that this is a matter of con-
venience, personal interest, and influence of the census reports more than
it is an incident of historical interpretation. William K. Boyd and J. G.
de Roulhac Hamilton, in A Syllabus of North Carolina History, 1584-1876
(Durham, 1913), suggest a presentation of the Civil War as an integral
phase of the state's development. See also Daniel H. Hill, A History of
North Carolina in the War Between the States, 2 vols. (Raleigh, 1926).
178 The North Carolina Historical Review
Raleigh, 1896- ), the United Daughters of the Confederacy
(Wilmington, 1897- ), the Daughters of the American Revo-
lution (Waynesville, 1901- ), and the United Confederate
Veterans.5 There was little effort at correlating the work of
these various groups, and some of them far outdistanced
others in the achievement of their common endeavors. These
were the organization of local chapters, the marking of his-
toric sites, the erection of memorials, the collection of relics
and records, and the general awakening of public opinion to
the recognition of historic factors in the cultural growth of
the state.
The pioneer organization in the periodical publication of
formal historical articles in North Carolina was The Daugh-
ters of the Revolution. The members of this group on De-
cember 13, 1900, resolved to erect a memorial to the partici-
pants in the Edenton Tea Party, October 25, 1774. As a means
of raising funds they hit upon the scheme of establishing and
selling subscriptions to a periodical publication. The North
Carolina Booklet (1901-1926) was the result.6 The editors of
the Booklet were chosen from the membership of The Daugh-
ters of the Revolution, but they were able from the first to
obtain numerous articles from reputable historians and lead-
ing public men of the day.
The editors of the Booklet also named an advisory board
from the active historians of the state; and as the venture
grew in scope and scholarship the many useful articles ap-
pearing in its various numbers actually overshadowed in the
minds of historians both the organization and the cause it
represented. Its advisory board and list of contributors
comprised most of the able historians in the state during
the first quarter of the century and many amateurs of
better than average ability. Its first and most basic func-
tion was to furnish the indispensable link between those
capable of writing history and those interested in reading it.
That many of its contributions were of a high order of scholar-
5 Literary and Historical Activities in North Carolina, 1900-1905 (Raleigh,
1907), I, 500-537.
6 The North Carolina Booklet, I No. 2 (Raleigh, May 10, 1901) ; Literary
and Historical Activities, I, 508-521.
Thirty Years of the New History 179
ship is best attested by a comparison of the coverage of events
and personalities in the first volume of Ashe, History of North
Carolina (Greensboro, 1909) and that in Connor's survey
based on studies available in 1928.7
On October 23, 1900, the friends of history in North Caro-
lina achieved their first formal unity when the North Carolina
Literary and Historical Association was formed and three
months later Walter Clark was chosen as its first president.
The Association elected Henry Groves Connor as its second
president and at its third annual meeting on January 23, 1903,
passed a resolution requesting the General Assembly to estab-
lish a historical commission. A bill establishing such a com-
mission with the power to publish materials on North Carolina
history was written by William Joseph Peele and passed by
the General. Assembly a few days later. The Commission of
five members did little more during the first four years of its
existence than organize by electing Peele as Chairman and
R. D. W. Connor as secretary.8 Individual members of the
Commission, however, continued their activities in the pa-
triotic societies and other agencies for the promotion of public
interest in history. At the meeting of the Literary and His-
torical Association in 1906, Connor, then an assistant in the
office of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, made
a plea for more vigorous state action in a paper, "A State
Library Building and Department of Archives and Records."9
A new day for the publication of history dawned in 1907
when Connor wrote and the General Assembly passed a bill
which put the Commission on a permanent basis, appropri-
ated $5,000 annually for its support, and authorized the
hiring of a paid secretary.10 At a salary of $2,000 a year
7 This statement is not intended to minimize the fact that Connor also
had the advantage of access to the Historical Papers of the Trinity Col-
lege Historical Society, Series I-XVI, 1897-1926; and the James Sprunt
Historical Monographs, Nos. 1-8, Vols. 9-18, 1900-1926.
8 William B. Brown, "The State Literary and Historical Association,
1900-1950," North Carolina Historical Review, XXXVIII (April, 1951),
157-159; J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, "The Preservation of North Carolina
History", North Carolina Historical Review, IV (January, 1927), 11-12.
9 The North Carolina Booklet, VI, No. 3, (January, 1907,) 159-176, 206.
10 R. D. W. Connor, The North Carolina Historical Commission . . . (Bulle-
tin No. 1, North Carolina Historical Commission, Raleigh, 1907), 4-8.
There is a complete financial report in The Second Biennial Report of the
North Carolina Historical Commission, 1906-1908 (Raleigh, 1909), 15-18.
180 The North Carolina Historical Review
Connor entered upon a career as secretary and active execu-
tive head of the Commission's work that continued until 1921.
Daniel H. Hill, president of the Literary and Historical As-
sociation and already at work on his History of North Caro-
lina in the War Between the States, succeeded as secretary
to the Commission; Connor became Kenan Professor of
History and Government at the University of North Caro-
lina.11
In the meantime, a representative group of the state's in-
terested citizens was keeping up the activities of the Literary
and Historical Association. Active lobbying probably de-
clined with the change of meetings in 1911 from January to
November, but there can be no doubt of the influence of
resolutions passed and of individual members with the Gen-
eral Assembly; while the annual meeting with its papers, re-
ports on publications, public receptions, and the sponsorship
of other cultural groups was a patent demonstration of state-
wide interest that everybody could see. A succession of lead-
ers in various phases of intellectual interests served as officers
of the Association. Connor was president, 1911-1912, and be-
came secretary in 1912, thus joining in one person the active
direction of affairs in both the Commission and Association.
The first occasion that two full-time, professional historians
served successively as president was the biennium, 1921-
1923, when William K. Boyd, Professor of History at Trinity
College, was succeeded by Adelaide L. Fries, Archivist of
the Moravian Church and a leader in the North Carolina
Federation of Women's Clubs.12
It is thus notable that by the early twenties three lines of
development in the state had converged on the policy of a
forward step in the publishing of history. These were: ( 1 ) the
11 Henry S. Stroupe, "The North Carolina Department of Archives and
History - The First Half Century," North Carolina Historical Review,
XXXI (April, 1954), 184-193.
13 Brown, "The State Literary and Historical Association, 1900-1950,"
North Carolina Historical Review, XXVIII (April, 1951), 159-197. A com-
plete list of at least 650 members in 1911 is given in Proceedings of the
Eleventh and Twelfth Annual Meetings of the State Literary and His-
torical Association (Raleigh, 1912), 122-137. Hereafter cited as Proceed-
ings . . . State Literary and Historical Association. The membership was
around 250 less in 1922, after the formation of other groups. Proceedings
. . . State Literary and Historical Association (Raleigh, 1923), 97-101.
Thirty Years of the New History 181
Literary and Historical Association and related groups; (2)
active history departments in colleges and the University of
North Carolina;13 (3) the North Carolina Historical Com-
mission. During the years, 1907-1923, there was a small but
steady stream of publications from the office of the Commis-
sion. Substantial additions were made to public and private
records. Proceedings of the Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, memorial speeches at unveiling ceremonies, reports on
activities of the patriotic societies, booklets to aid teachers of
North Carolina history, and other pamphlets possessed one
common characteristic: they were about North Carolina his-
tory to a greater extent than they were North Carolina his-
tory. Some of the papers read at the meeting of the Associa-
tion, on the other hand, were on a high plane of scholarship;
and events during the three-year administration of Secretary
Hill indicate that the members and staff of the Commission
were virtually of the unanimous opinion that the emphasis
should be shifted to this type of publication.
The first formal step in the direction of an expanded pro-
gram of scholarly publication came in February, 1922, when
Connor introduced at a meeting of the Commission two
proposals: (1) that a fellow be appointed at the University
to work in North Carolina history under the joint supervision
of the Commission and the Department of History; (2) that
the Commission offer a prize to college students for the best
play depicting some phase of North Carolina history.14 At the
following meeting of the Commission, "A letter was read
from Dr. W. K. Boyd, President of the State Literary and
Historical Association, in reference to the joint publication
by the Commission and the Association of a historical quar-
13 J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, ''History in the South - a Retrospect of
Half a Century," North Carolina Historical Review, XXXI (April, 1954),
173-175; William B. Hamilton, Fifty Years of The South Atlantic Quart-
erly (Durham, 1952), 6-8, 84. The smaller colleges followed closely the
lead of Trinity and the University in the teaching of North Carolina
history, though obviously they could not match the publication of his-
torical materials. See note 7 above.
M Minutes of the North Carolina Historical Commission, February 28,
1922. All the minutes herein used are headed: "Office of the Historical
Commission, Raleigh." They are located in the Department of Archives
and History and were made available through the means of a microfilm
strip. Hereafter cited as Minutes of Commission.
182 The North Carolina Historical Review
terly. Mr. Noble moved that the chairman and three mem-
bers be appointed to consider the whole proposition, to for-
mulate the views of the Commission, and if possible, have a
conference with the officers of the State Literary and Histori-
cal Association. The chairman appointed Messrs. Pittman,
Noble, and Clarkson." 15
When the matter came before the Commission for a deci-
sion J. Bryan Grimes, Chairman of the Commission, had died
and Thomas M. Pittman had been chosen as his successor. The
reorganized Commission acted favorably on Connor's re-
quest for a fellow in North Carolina history at the University
and appropriated $500 annually for his remuneration. "The
question of the establishment by the Commission of a quar-
terly magazine was then discussed at some length. It was de-
cided to start the quarterly as soon as arrangements could
be made and the Chairman and Secretary were to get the
matter under way, and given power to complete all necessary
details." Robert Burton House was appointed Archivist, but
was also directed to arrange for the publication of the pro-
posed quarterly.16 He was formally appointed editor after he
had prepared for publication two numbers of The North
Carolina Historical Review. The report of the Secretary to
the meeting in which House was appointed editor also for-
mally announced the launching of the Review and stated
that "this publication is gaining steadily but slowly in paid
circulation." 17 This statement was purely wishful thinking:
six months after it was written the number of copies of each
issue to be published was fixed at 1,50018 and until very
recently has remained substantially at the same figure.
The launching of the Review meant a new departure in
policy in that it expanded the possibilities for the utilization
of historical materials on North Carolina from the staff at
Raleigh and a few interested individuals in the state to the
hundreds of students reached through the membership of
w Minutes of Commission, November 20, 1922.
18 Minutes of Commission, April 17, 1923; letter, Chapel Hill, June 23,
1954, R. B. House to author.
17 Minutes of Commission, April 18, 1924. See also Tenth Biennial Report
of the North Carolina Historical Commission (Raleigh, 1925), 8.
™ Minutes of Commission, October 17, 1924.
Thirty Years of the New History 183
the Literary and Historical Association and libraries and
universities in every section of the country. Yet in spite of
the lack of significant income from subscriptions the new
policy was instituted with only minor adjustments in the
financial phase of the Commission's program. The General
Assembly in 1921 and 1923 appropriated $24,000 to maintain
the Commission for each fiscal year, July 1, 1921-June 30,
1925.19 At this time printing of historical materials was done,
along with that of other state departments, "under the super-
vision of the Commissioner of Labor and Printing under a
continuing appropriation of $5,000 for each biennial period."
Actually the break-down of the Commission's expenditure
for 1923-1924 revealed that 92.6 per cent of the total ap-
propriation went to "Personal Services." More than half of
this latter total went into clerical salaries, while the first ex-
penditure clearly attributable to the Review alone was the
payment of $1,500, January, 1924-June, 1925, to "special
writers for the Review." Upon the death of Secretary Hill in
the summer of 1924 and the naming of House as acting sec-
retary there were some changes in both executive and cleri-
cal salaries which reduced these items by around $1,500.20
In the first budget made under the provisions of the Budget
Act of 1925 the Commission cut the figure for special writers
to $500 per annum and appointed one of its members to com-
ply with the order of the Budget Commission that all depart-
ments of the state government include their printing costs
in their own budgets. The funds paid to writers for the Re-
view were allocated under the direction of the Editorial
Board in fees ranging from $500 to one writer downward to
no compensation for contributors to the sections on Histori-
cal News and Historical Notes.21 In the budget request for
1924-1925 the item "professional and technical salaries" was
increased from $235 to $2,325,22 presumably to pay fees to the
19 Report of state auditor incorporated into Minutes of Commission, June
27, 1922; Minutes of Commission, April 17, 1923.
20 Minutes of Executive Committee, North Carolina Historical Commis-
sion, August 1, 1924; Minutes of Commission, October 11, 1924.
21 Minutes of Commission, October 17, 1924; letter, Chapel Hill, June 23,
1954, R. B. House to author.
^Minutes of Commission, October 17, 1925.
184 The North Carolina Historical Review
members of the Editorial Board. The falling off of appropria-
tions in the depression years brought a temporary curtail-
ment of the size of the Review and the cessation of payments
to contributors and members of the Editorial Board.23
The first issue of the Review, January, 1924, bears clear
evidence that it was rather hastily thrown together from ma-
terials on hand; it was a departure from former publications
of the Commission in that twenty-two of its ninety-two pages
were devoted to reports of the doings of historians in the
state, book reviews, and a list of articles on North Carolina
recently published in other periodicals. The April issue of
1924 contained the first article written mainly from published
original sources. It was a factual report by Alexander B. An-
drews, of Raleigh, on the life of Richard Dobbs Spaight, and
was primarily a collection of references from official records on
Spaight's activities in the politics of the Revolution and the
early federal period. By the end of the first year the content
of the Review was set in the familiar pattern of today, and
only minor changes in form have since occurred. The practice
of identifying contributors as to residence and occupation
was initiated in January, 1927.
The founding of the Review was the mature fruit of North
Carolina's Golden Age of history writing. The nature of
its growth and the spirit of its life have been heavily influ-
enced by the movement in American historiography identi-
fied with the decade of the twenties and generally known as
the New History. Literally reams of complicated and some-
times controversial interpretations have emerged from dis-
cussions and investigations of scholars both before and after
the publication of Harry Elmer Barnes, The New History
and the Social Studies2* in 1925. In spite of all this, we can
23 Related to the author by David Leroy Corbitt, who became assistant
editor in 1926. A comparison of budget reports for the decade following
June 30, 1924, reveals that the total annual expenditure of the Commission
increased gradually to $30,584 in the fiscal year 1930-1931. It declined to
$20,380 in 1931-1932. For the clearest comparison see The Budget, 1933-1935
(Raleigh, 1933), 275.
24 Reviewed by Alex M. Arnett, North Carolina Historical Review, II
(October, 1925), 528-530. See also W. W. Pierson, Jr., "Scientific and In-
terpretative History," North Carolina Historical Review, HI (April, 1926),
163-183, for a specific example of the influence of Barnes and the New
History.
Thirty Years of the New History 185
now see that the New History was little more than an intensi-
fied drive for general acceptance of three basic criteria for
the production of good history known and followed by the
masters of the craft since the days of Herodotus. In short, the
New History demanded: (1) that every event and circum-
stance affecting an appreciable portion of a people be con-
sidered as a legitimate subject for historical study; (2) that
historical investigators be broadly familiar with the culture
in which they work and that they base their investigations
on contemporary records; (3) that interpretations and con-
clusions follow closely the facts derived from reliable sources
rather than from preconceived notions in politics, theology,
and social theory. The New History has itself passed into
history, but these criteria remain as the most generally ac-
cepted standards of excellence in adjudging historical pro-
ductions.
Summary Distribution of Contributions by Subject Matter
South and National and
Southeast Miscellaneous Totals
48 9 191
12 3 139
32 18 212
92 30 542
The range of subjects treated in the 542 contributions25 to
the Review is sufficient to satisfy the most rabid advocate of
the broad view of history. A classification on the basis of lo-
cation reveals 420 contributions dealing with persons and
events in North Carolina, 92 with the South or some one of
North Carolina's Southern neighbors, and 30 dealing with
matters of national import or affairs of the mind and spirit
that have no geographic limits. Most of the studies of neigh-
boring states and South have a high degree of utility for stu-
North
Years
Carolina
1924-1933
134
1934-1943
124
1944-1953
162
Totals
420
25 The term "contribution" is used to designate a separate item in a
single issue. It includes interpretative articles, factual reports, edited
sources, and installments of studies extended into more than one issue. The
author is deeply indebted to a former student, Miss Bettie Jane Dougherty,
who typed on 542 separate cards the bibliographical and biographical in-
formation here summarized.
186 The North Carolina Historical Review
dents of North Carolina history in that they fill in connecting
links for developments in this state, such as the detailed ac-
counts of Indian relations in South Carolina, Virginia, and
Georgia, ante bellum railway developments in Virginia, and
the origin of the grandfather clause in reconstruction politics
in Louisiana. These also serve a distinct interest by pointing
up and emphasizing areas of possible exploitation in North
Carolina. In the postbellum era, for example, there are alto-
gether 28 studies on the South and states of the Southeast,
most of which should be paralleled by studies in North
Carolina.
In the much exploited field of economic and social history
the range is so wide that one actually finds it easier to note
the omissions than to generalize on the subjects treated.
It is mildly ironic that the Tar Heel state has not produced
a published historical study of the turpentine industry.
Though the entire vegetable kingdom has not been covered,
there is a start in a treatment of the gourd in history. Much
less attention has been given to manufacturing than to agri-
culture and commerce, and no study of banking has yet re-
ceived the approval of the Editorial Board.
From the earliest days of the Review there has been a
small trickle of articles dealing with the published works
that have been written or enjoyed by North Carolinians. Text-
books, novels, newspapers and periodicals, histories, and
plays have attracted the attention of investigators most often,
though the activities in North Carolina of that indefatigable
literary hack and book pedlar, Parson Mason Locke Weems,
was the theme of a recent offering. Studies in this category
are particularly significant, since prior to the days of O.
Henry and Tom Wolfe, North Carolina had not produced
a single literary figure of sufficient importance to be includ-
ed in the standard surveys and textbooks in American litera-
ture. The enthusiasm and thoroughness of these articles
also add the substance of hope to the faith of the founders
of the Literary and Historical Association that literary and
historical forces could be joined in effective and fruitful
union. Reviews of current publications in history have com-
pared favorably with those in the regional and national pro-
Thirty Years of the New History 187
fessional journals; while the annual reports on publications
concerned with North Carolinians have been a joy to libra-
rians and a solace to that large company of readers whose
personal budget places book buying in the realm of wishful
thinking.
Every issue of the Review through 1953 contained at
least one contribution in the field of edited source materials.
Most of these represent no new materials or revolutionary
viewpoints in history, but are excellent vehicles for the stimu-
lation of interest in the basic stuff of history in presenting
human documents in simple and straightforward fashion. No
particular policy of including or excluding materials by the
Department of Archives and History seems to have been fol-
lowed, though there are cases of important documents in
North Carolina history being made available to students
within the state through publication in the Review. No
doubt some aspirants for advanced degrees have spent
money and time going to Washington and to libraries in New
York, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania to gain access to
materials they could have found in more convenient form
in the files of the Review in their hometown libraries.
Distribution of Contributors by Residence
North
Other
Washington &
Years
Carolina
States
British Isles
Totals
1924-1933
35
44
0
79
1934-1943
39
44
10
93
1944-1953
74
50
9
133
Totals
148
138
19
305
Contributors have been almost equally divided between
dwellers in the state and those whose home addresses are
scattered from California to the British Isles. It is noticeable
that the number of new contributors from states other than
North Carolina has remained fairly constant throughout the
three decades. The increase in contributors from outside the
state in the two decades since 1933 is almost entirely account-
ted for in duplications, twelve new contributors from Wash-
ington, four from England, and one from Wales. The full
flower of the joint movements of the New History and the
188 The North Carolina Historical Review
new education is seen in the fact that contributors in North
Carolina, 1944-1953, were exactly equal to the corresponding
total for the preceding two decades. The total of names
appearing one or more times for each of the three decades
covered is 305, but the substraction of duplications reduces
to around 275 the number of people who made one or more
contributions. Truly the days of giants in the land have been
succeeded by an age in which a multitude of mere men in-
habit the earth.
The manner of these men— and women— is as different from
that of the giants of the Old School as educational practices
of the twentieth century are at variance with those of the
nineteenth century. The emphasis in our colleges on general
and somewhat elementary training in reading and writing
plus concentration in vocational subject matter has produced
a generation of specialists in this and other fields of scholar-
ship. The products of our assembly line procedure are of such
uniform character that luck in locating materials, persistence
in sticking to the last, physical endurance, and financial back-
ing have become the most common determinants in the vol-
ume of production by individual scholars. In all of these the
balance is heavily weighted in favor of residents within the
state.
With so many scholars crowding into a relatively restricted
area it had to happen that somebody would get into some-
body else's hair. Just how many and whose offering failed to
make the grade and why they failed are delicate subjects
that had best be left to the discretion of the Editorial Board.
It may be safely pointed out, however, that sources were
covered in sufficient detail and handled with enough skill
that no rival scholar has challenged in the pages of the Re-
view an interpretative article in its major conclusions. Three
articles have been subjects of subsequent letters to the Editor;
two of these pointed out probable errors in the use of simi-
lar names for different individuals, and the third raised a
question concerning the validity of an inference from a quo-
tation. One of the Englishmen wrote a short article taking
another to task for an error of two years in timing the removal
of Joseph Gales from Newark to Sheffield.
Thirty Years of the New History 189
A sampling of vocations followed by contributors indi-
cates that at least three-fourths are teachers in colleges and
universities. The second largest vocational group is made
up of professional researchers, archivists, archeologists, and
the like, to whom history is considerably more than an
avocation. A few newspaper and periodical editors add
color to the prevailing academic style of writing; while small
groups of secondary school teachers, lawyers, soldiers, minis-
ters, state employees, and housewives keep alive the illusion
that history is not yet monopolized by the historians.
As the upbringing of the Review in the strict admonition
of the New History is reflected in the range of subject-matter
and the characteristics of its contributors, so is its ancestry
in the Old School revealed in the interpretations it presents.
Not much more than a dozen contributions violate the three-
period chronology by inclusion of the years 1783 and 1865.
The greatest volume of contributions and the fewest devia-
tions from standard interpretations are to be found in the 186
studies of the federal period. Detailed studies of the social
life and economic status of slaves and free Negroes merely
substantiate inferences formerly made by intuition and slight
sampling of sources. Pictures of life in the towns and health
resorts reveal the white-collar class in its cultural and leisure
activities and supplement the older record of absorption in
politics and farming. Even the valuable contributions dealing
with publications repeat again the familiar refrain that suc-
cess in politics, farming, and the law was the open sesame
in ante bellum North Carolina to economic affluence and
social prestige. Excellent treatments of gold mining, iron
refining, and tobacco manufacturing present these activities
as adjuncts to the agricultural system. The score for origin-
ality of interpretation is a little better for the period of the
Civil War where the regulation of manufacturing, the growth
of defeatism, the problem of refugees, and the uses of slave
labor are treated as significant phases of the sectional test of
strength in North Carolina.
The 98 contributions to the colonial and Revolutionary era
constitute a mine of sound findings worthy of being refined
and incorporated into the general narrative of North Caro-
190 The North Carolina Historical Review
lina history. More than a dozen analyses of political develop-
ments describe the evolution of law enforcement and repre-
sentation, the transition from the proprietary system to the
royal government, and the emergence of a political self-con-
sciousness in the active leaders at county and provincial level.
Careful study of these, most of which come in the first half
of the life of the Review, would do much to remove the
erroneous idea in the minds of many students that the
American Revolution really began with the first permanent
settlement in the Albemarle. Other studies round out the pic-
ture of colonial life in agriculture, modes of travel, com-
merce, and the beginnings of religious denominations; while
one series by a contributor26 who unfortunately has "gone
west," presents a cameo of the colonial era in the settlement,
economic life, and political development of Granville County.
Careful evaluations of the lives of important leaders in the
Revolution and the formation of the Confederation add to
the understanding of personalities in the history of this dy-
namic period. The richest set of edited sources is the series
of eighteenth century tracts collected by William K. Boyd
and later republished in book form.
Under the most liberal application of the three-fold test
of excellence laid down by the New History only 58 of the
136 contributions in the postbellum era can be accounted as
having added anything more than contemporary atmosphere
to North Carolina history. Slightly more than half of these
deal mainly with the period up to 1900, and together make
a fresh, though hardly original approach to North Carolina
history. In contrast to the Old School, the four contributions
on Reconstruction do not attack the Fourteenth Amend-
ment; rather they accept it by inference as a consequence
of the Civil War and work out political developments in the
light of that revolutionary change in federal relations and
the obligations of the state to its citizens. William W. Holden
is objectively presented as the center of the pardon machine
and later as the not so innocent pawn in a political attack
and counter-attack that led to his impeachment. Something
26 Nannie Mae Tilley, chairman, history department, East Texas State
Teachers College, Commerce, Texas.
Thirty Years of the New History 191
of the Republican effort to play the role of the party of the
common man is reflected in treatments of radical disfran-
chisement and debtor relief. Several excellent studies por-
traying the growth of railways and manufacturing during
the 1880's as contrasted to the plight of farmers and factory
wage earners make more understandable the efforts of church
people and liberals to get child labor laws passed and the
phenomenal growth of the Farmers' Alliance. The rising in-
terest in education is clearly set forth in studies dealing with
the efforts of religious denominations and the running fight
in the General Assembly and the state courts for an adequate
public school system.
The dependence of the Review on the writers of the
Old School for interpretative leads is suggested again by the
complete absence of clear interpretations in the 25 or 30
studies dealing primarily with the twentieth century. Eight
historians deal effectively with North Carolina phases of na-
tional politics, the organization and activities of their fellow
workers, and the enlightened leadership of liberal Southerners
originating in North Carolina; about an equal number of
state employees sketch legislative and administrative de-
velopments in various phases of the rapidly expanding state
services. The human bases of the social order are examined
in treatments of the Farmers' Union, the organization of the
war effort in 1917-1918, and the labor movement; and evalu-
ations of general literary and intellectual development pres-
ent pictures of the various authors' specialties. But the unify-
ing element of over-all historical characterization is absent
and cannot be supplied by any reasonable inference.
Speculation on the observable complexities of the social
order in twentieth century North Carolina and our failure
to interpret the nature of that society could lead to extreme
pessimism. It is possible that we are bewildered by the over-
whelming multiplicity of our historical resources and are
stumbling like the proverbial blind dog in a meat house.
On the other hand, a more optimistic view is that our grop-
ings need not be in vain if by them we are able to arrive
at a basic understanding of the forces that are shaping our
192 The North Carolina Historical Review
civilization. North Carolina historians, at least, have not yet
taken the easy way out by accepting the twentieth century
at its own Gargantuan evaluation, though recently advised
so to do by one of eminent reputation in the profession.27 That
mechanization in industry, corporate structure in business,
and authoritarianism in national and international affairs have
together created a new world in the past seventy years is
obvious to anyone with the most elementary training in his-
torical observation. But history is not the bondservant of big
business in the twentieth century any more than it was the
handmaiden of the church in the early Middle Ages or the
amanuensis of the schoolmen in the late Middle Ages. Per-
haps it is but another expression of an individual's inherent
conservatism on this matter to assert the conviction that our
preceptors of the first quarter of the century were correct:
in a democratic society there is no excuse for history except
to interpret and explain the successive failures and successes
of people as they strive together under responsible leadership
to establish and maintain worthwhile institutions. The plain,
unvarnished truth is that we need desperately a host of sound
monographic studies on the twentieth century.
It is increasingly evident that we of the New History do
not have that intuitive grasp of historical realities that was
the greatest asset of the Old School. They opened up the
colonial period as a preliminary to the Revolution and Inde-
pendence; we have added valuable studies that place the
era on a firm base of understanding in its world setting. They
charted a broad course through the maze of conflicting evi-
dence in the federal period; we have cleared out many re-
vealing by-paths along the way. In their disjointed studies of
the postbellum era they contributed a vigorous moral convic-
tion28 in matters of political and social justice as a base line
27 Allan Nevins, "New Lamps for Old in History," North Carolina His-
torical Review, XXXI (April, 1954), 140-251.
28 Recent reactions of members of the Old School on this point are in-
teresting. In 1948 Connor asserted privately that historians should wait
until the immediate survivors of public figures had died before revealing
the full story of those figures. Dr. Hamilton in a series of articles in The
News and Observer (see especially the issue of Sunday, June 21, 1953)
implies strongly that "a number of unsuspected Democrats," not including
Zebulon B. Vance, were involved financially in the Littlefied-Swepson frauds,
1869-1874.
Thirty Years of the New History 193
for a survey of the field; we have made only a few fragment-
ary investigations, too scanty for a complete picture and too
scattered to form any pattern of interpretation. Of course,
no one is naive enough to believe that an accumulation of
research monographs would suffice as an atonement for this
signal failure. Rather the hope of the New History is that
honest research will lead to factual knowlege and that sober
reflection will add to our knowledge the understanding on
which to base an explanation of our own times.
THE JEWISH PEOPLE OF NORTH CAROLINA
By Harry L. Golden
The American Jewish community is celebrating the 300th
anniversary of first Jewish settlement in what is now the
United States. In September, 1654, twenty-three Jews landed
on Manhattan Island. They were travelers in search of free-
dom who won for themselves and for their descendants the
right to citizenship, the right to worship as Jews, and the right
to enjoy the opportunities of freedom in America.
It is entirely natural that the Jewish people should cele-
brate this sixth Jubilee year of freedom in America. A people
persecuted in all the millenniums of its history, we could
never have survived without the sustaining hope of a better
world ahead.
And thus, as we look backward and then forward, two
propositions should be foremost in our minds. First, it is only
in those lands where freedom has endured, and especially in
the United States, that the Jew's contribution to civilization
has been equalled or exceeded by the benefits he has enjoyed.
This is because the splendid product, democracy, made avail-
able to all, exceeds the sum of the contributions of each.
While we shall continue to add to the strength of this country
both as Americans and as transmitters of the Jewish tradi-
tion and vitality, we expect nothing in return except that as
Americans, sharing in the common heritage, participating in
the common endeavor, we may continue to build our com-
mon future.
When we think in terms of a Jewish 300th anniversary
celebration, or more specifically in terms of the Jewish ex-
perience in one of our sovereign states— North Carolina— the
historian has one great advantage. He may approach the
record of the entire history of human progression with rich
rewards in source material. The Jew is the one fixture in the
index of recorded human experience. Thus when we discuss
a fragment of this experience in North Carolina, for instance,
we may begin, if we wish, with the Roman historian, Tacitus
who in his account of the funeral of Julius Caesar, who wrote
that "The Jews remained for three days to intone their ancient
[194]
The Jewish People of North Carolina 195
funeral chants."1 It is therefore the Roman historian who
gives us the clue to the "Jewish contribution" to our society.
The Jew was considered "ancient" some nineteen centuries
ago, yet he appears on the daily scene in each of the eras of
history with the enthusiasm of a newly-arrived immigrant.
Contemporaneous with all of recorded history, he refuses to
take the "glorious" past seriously. Neither has he brooded too
long over the horrors of an Inquisitor Torquemada, a Cos-
sack Chmielnitski, or the Teutonic furioso, Hitler. In essence
the Jew is now what he always was, an eternal optimist with
a sense of daily life-affirmation of undiminished vitality be-
traying no slackening of his energies during all the thirty
centuries of his history. His record of human experience may
also be called "glamorous," since he looks into our modern
world with the eyes of former ages and with the knowledge
that is Jewish by race. But most of this he leaves to Cecil B.
De Mille. His basic "contribution" to America is that after
having lived with, and survived, the Egyptians, Babylonians,
Assyrians, Hittites, Phillistines, Persians, Greeks, and Romans,
the Jew at this very moment in his history considers it of prime
importance to become a member of the Board of Directors
of the Community Chest of "Monroe, N. C," and thousands
of "Monroes" in every nook and corner of our land and in-
deed of the entire Western World. This zest for life is the
true Jewish "contribution" to North Carolina; to America;
and to civilization itself.
In approaching his subject, the Jewish historian must be
wary of a pitfall— the danger that racial pride may cause
him to blow up a few names out of all proportion to their
proper place in the building of a great society. This would
not only be presumptuous but it would betray a sense of inse-
curity, which is unwarranted in the light of 300 years of un-
interrupted freedom. North Carolina, of course, is now, and
has been in the past, a predominantly Gentile society, and
we must be careful to take no liberties with that basic fact.
Yet the fact itself ( of the preponderant Gentile section of
America), offers the Jewish historian an unusual opportunity
to study the "ingredients" which have coalesced into the com-
1Will Durant, Caesar and Christ (New York: Simon and Schuster, The
Story of Civilization), III, 199.
196 The North Carolina Historical Review
pletely free society, and which in specific terms of the Caro-
linas may be called correctly a 300-year-old "laboratory of
philo-semitism."
What then are these "ingredients"? One point in particular
impresses itself immediately. The new eighteenth century at-
titude toward the Jews was not an American innovation, but
a common development of the Anglo-Saxon world.2 It was
not geography that ameliorated the savage prejudices of the
Old World, but an idea— a Humanism which had its roots in
the Anglo-Calvinist tradition of the British Isles and Holland.
When the Dutch lost Brazil to Portugal the Jews again had
to seek out Dutch or Anglo-Saxons, and that is how they
came to establish their first settlement on this continent in
the year 1654. It was specifically this Atlantic-Puritan nexus
which produced a Roger Williams in New England and a
John Locke for the Carolinas, who gave expression to this
new Idea, of which the philosopher, Rabbi Leo Baeck, has
said: ". . . it broke all ties with antiquity ... it no longer
carried the Middle Ages on its back." 3
Immediately in the wake of the Quakers, French Huguen-
ots, Moravians, and Jews, this Anglo-Saxon society in the
Carolinas invited the philosopher John Locke to establish
its own tradition in terms of the new land. In the same year
(1668) that the Ukrainian Bogdan Chmielnitski was mas-
sacring more than a half-million Jews in Eastern Europe,
Locke wrote the Fundamental Constitutions* for the Caro-
linas ". . . in as ample manner as they (the people) might
desire, freedom and liberty of conscience in all religious or
spiritual things." The Constitutions expressly stated that as
"Jews, heathens, and other dissenters" might be induced to
settle in the Colony, "any seven or more persons agreeing
in any religion shall constitute a church or profession."
These Anglo-Saxons who left their country and faced the
dangers of the ocean to seek in the wilderness of North Ameri-
2 Cecil Roth, Two Cradles of Jewish Liberty, (London: Anglo-Jewish
Association, 1955), 18.
'Address before the Union of American Hebrew Congregation, quoted
in Time magazine, Aug. 18, 1952.
* George Bancroft, History of the United States (New York, 1886), III,
314.
The Jewish People of North Carolina 197
ca the right to worship God according to the dictates of their
own conscience had created a new idea in human relations.
And for the first time in the entire history of the Diaspora the
Jews did not enter upon a new land under sufferance, nor
even by "negotiation." The Anglo-Saxons had eliminated the
"host" and "guest" relationship. Indeed, the immigrant of to-
day was by right the "host" of tomorrow. But so far-reaching
an advance in intellectual Humanism required its own per-
iod of gestation. The precursors of this Americanism did not
quite know from the beginning how to solve the problem of
the relation of their faiths to this New Freedom. The Ang-
lican Church attempted to establish the pattern by weight of
numbers. In North Carolina this tradition persisted, at least
on paper, for nearly a century after the establishment of the
Bill of Rights. A constitutional provision forbade public office
to anyone who denied the "being of God or the truth of the
Protestant religion, or the divine authority of either the Old
or New Testament or who shall hold Religious principles
incompatible with the freedom and safety of the State." It is
pertinent to our study to note carefully that during this en-
tire ninety-year debate for the repeal of this provision, we
have been unable to uncover a single derogatory reference to
the Jews, as a people. The provision, which involved Catho-
lics, Jews, Quakers, and Deists, was clearly in conflict with
Article 19 of the Bill of Rights. There was no pride in this
constitutional provision, and as a matter of fact, Catholics,
Jews, Quakers, and Deists had held public office. An effort to
expel Jacob Henry, a Jew, had failed in 1809.5 The Catholics
5 Jacob Henry was elected to the state legislature in 1808. A year later,
upon reflection, an opponent tried to unseat him and based his action
upon the provision in the state constitution which required "belief in the
divine authority of the New Testament." Henry addressed the legislature:
It is difficult to conceive how such a provision crept into the Constitu-
tion, unless it is from the difficulty the human mind feels in suddenly
emancipating itself from fetters by which it has long been enchained : . . .
If a man should hold religious principles incompatible with the free-
dom and safety of the State, I do not hesitate to pronounce that he
should be excluded from the public councils of the same; and I trust,
if I know myself, no one would be more ready to aid and assist than
myself. But I should really be at a loss to specify any known religious
principles which are thus dangerous. It is surely a question between
a man and his maker, and requires more than human attributes to
pronounce which of the numerous sects prevailing in the world is
most acceptable to the Deity. If a man fulfills the duties of that re-
198 The North Carolina Historical Review
were admitted to the British House of Commons in 1828; the
Jews in 1858; and the rationalists who refused to take an
oath in the name of any God, in 1884. It was no coincidence
that North Carolina followed the Mother Country in almost
perfect chronological order.
In the constitutional process of the free society, religious
freedom is the last to be developed and to become perfect,
as demonstrated by the example of England and America, as
well as after the French Revolution. The memories of com-
mon persecutions, however, were finally the cause, through
necessary evolution, of the glorious and full emancipation of
religion taught to the world by the English-speaking civili-
zation.
Thus, when we discuss the Jewish people of North Caro-
lina, we are on solid ground when we look at them as a con-
tinuing culture and tradition. This is true not only of the Jew,
but of all our peoples. Certainly the mind and the heart of
one section of our state reflects much more than the physi-
cal presence of the Moravians, but goes back to its roots in the
ligion, which his education or his conscience has pointed to him as
the true one, no person, I hold, in this, our land of liberty, has a right
to arraign him at the bar of any inquisition; and the day, I trust, has
long passed, when principles merely speculative were propagated by
force; when the sincere and pious were made victims, and the light-
minded bribed into hypocrites. Governments only concern the actions
and conduct of man, and not his speculative notions. . . . Shall this
free country set an example of persecution, which even the returning
reason of enslaved Europe would not submit to? Will you bind the
conscience in chains? Will you drive from your shores and from the
shelter of your Constitution all who do not lay their oblations on the
same altar, observe the same ritual, and subscribe to the same dogmas?
If so, which among the various sects into which we are divided, shall
be the favored one?. . .
The legislature allowed Henry to keep his seat on a technicality. The
fight went on. John Branch, James Iredell, W. N. Edwards, William Gaston,
Zebulon B. Vance, but above all, Nathaniel Macon, were the Tar Heel
statesmen who kept the struggle alive for the sixty years it took for the
final elimination of the disability clause. Henry's speech was reprinted in
a book called the American Orator, and made a profound impression even
outside of North Carolina. In speaking on the Maryland Jew Bill, in 1818,
the Hon. H. M. Brackenridge said: "In the State of North Carolina there
is a memorable instance on record of an attempt to expel Mr. Henry, a
Jew, from the legislative body of which he had been elected a member.
The speech he delivered on that occasion I hold in my hand. It is pub-
lished in a collection called the American Orator, a book given to your
children at school and containing those republican truths you wish to see
earliest implanted in their minds. Mr. Henry prevailed, and it is part of
our education as Americans to love and cherish the sentiments uttered
by him on that occasion." Leon Huhner, "Religious Liberty in North Car-
olina With Special Reference to the Jews," Publications of the American
Jewish Historical Society (New York, 1907) No. 16, 37-71.
The Jewish People of North Carolina 199
forests of Bohemia. By the same token the attitudes, and
what we call the "American way of life" within our North
Carolina society, are anchored deeply in the Anglo-Calvinist
traditions and cultures of the British Isles; and so it is proper
that we approach the history of the Jewish people, as a people
—as a continuing cultural and religious group; and on that
basis our findings dwarf the combined influence of all the
individuals within that group over these entire 300 years.
This influence is clearly stamped upon the consciousness of
North Carolina, and on the day-to-day living of its people,
as it is stamped upon the whole of western civilization. You
have but to travel a few miles in any direction to come under
its influence— Pisgah, Cedars of Lebanon, Mount Olive,
Mount Gilead, Mt. Hebron, Nebo, Ararat, Winston-Salem—
and at every crossroads in the length and breadth of our state
the inscription: "This way to Beth El Chapel." And Abraham
called the place Beth El, House of God. And from the pulpit
of every church of every denomination every Sunday, the
Hebraic ideal:
It hath been told thee, 0 Man, what is good,
And what the Lord doth require of thee ;
Only to do justice, and to love mercy, and to walk
humbly with thy God.
In this interpretation of our history the life of the Jewish
people within this society takes on its proper perspective
the substance which it has in truth transferred to the ebb and
flow of the daily life of the Gentile community in which it
has lived in peace and in prosperity.
It has a further historical significance. In fact it assumes
great proportions in keeping with the history of America as
a nation; the story of the transplanting of the Nordic and
Mediterranean cultures which compose the fabric of this
country. Look at it once, a few scattered settlements along
the Atlantic seaboard. Look at it again, a mighty nation— the
mightiest nation the world has ever seen. Where did they
come from? Clerks and soldiers from England, seamen from
Scotland, laborers from Ireland, miners from Wales, peasants
from Italy, woodcutters from Sweden, farmers from Ger-
200 The North Carolina Historical Review
many, tailors from Russia, Negroes from Africa; Christian
and Jew, the pious and the unchurched; the disinherited
and the adventurers, the persecuted, the tired and the home-
less—and they became Americans— Americans all. Woodrow
Wilson was right— America is nothing except in terms of every
one of them.
North Carolina's participation in the American Jewish
Tercentenary parallels the 300 years of recorded history.
The earliest Jews undoubtedly came from the Barbadoes, of
Spanish-Portugese origin. Since early Jewish settlers estab-
lished the indigo trade in America, we may assume that many
of these traders and exporters were established along the
North Carolina seacoast. But the earliest name of record ap-
pears to be that of Aaron Moses,6 who appears as a witness
to a will in 1740. In 1750 we run across a petition to a coun-
cil by David David for a grant of 180 acres of land at New
Hanover. His petition was granted, and in 1752 David appears
on the muster roll of the New Hanover County militia in
Captain Merrick's company.
Jewish participation in the Revolutionary War was part
of the natural process of advancing equality. Most of the
2,000 Jews in the colonies backed the independence move-
ment, and names of Jewish merchants appear on the Non-
Importation resolutions. The volunteers for Washington's
army from North Carolina include the names of Aaron Cohen
of Albemarle, J. Nathan of Charlotte, and Sigmund Freuden-
thal of New Hanover.7 However, only the records of the
10th regiment of the North Carolina line are complete and
they include William Solomon, in Sharp's Company, Abra-
ham Moses, Lazarus Solomon, in Rhodes's Company, Isaac
Sampson, in Brevard's Company, and Moses Stern on the roll
of the North Carolina Battalion.8 Aaron Cohen's daughter,
e Leon Huhner, "The Jews in North Carolina Prior to 1800," Publications
of the American Jewish Historical Society (New York, 1925), No. 29, 141.
Hereafter cited as Huhner, "Jews in North Carolina."
7 Aaron Cohen's gravestone (d. 1819) in the Baltimore Hebrew Benevo-
lent Society cemetery is inscribed, "A Soldier in Washington's Army."
References to J. Nathan and Sigmund Freudenthal were supplied by de-
scendants; I. L. Lyon, Philadelphia, Pa.; and Mrs. Walter Rausch, New
York, New York, respectively.
8 Huhner, "Jews of North Carolina," 144-145.
The Jewish People op North Carolina 201
Elizabeth, was the first interment in the Hebrew Cemetery
of Charlotte, which secured its charter in 1859.9
The name of Francis Salvador, the most famous Jew of
South Carolina, also appears in North Carolina history. Sal-
vador came to Charleston from England in 1773. He bought
lands in South Carolina and lodged with a Jewish friend, Rich-
ard A. Rapely of Coroneka, commonly called Cornacre. Sal-
vador was reared in luxury, but placed his entire fortune at
the disposal of his adopted land. He had been in the colony
only a year when he was elected to the South Carolina Gen-
eral Assembly, probably the first Jew in history to be elected to
public office by a Christian community. ( Interesting note : In
1954, Hon. Solomon Blatt, a Jew of Barnwell, was re-elected
for the ninth term as the Speaker of the same General Assem-
bly.) In a rare work entitled "Narrative of Colonel David
Fanning, a Tory in the Revolutionary War, giving an Account
of his Adventures in North Carolina from 1775 to 1783," 10
occurs the following under date of July, 1775:
We called musters in various counties, and captains pre-
sented two papers for the inhabitants to sign, one to see who
were friends of the King and Government, and the other to
see who would join the rebellion.
Fanning relates how he presented the two papers, and that
118 signed in favor of the king. His narrative then continues:
There were several advertisements set up in every part of
said district that there was a very great Presbyterian minister
to call at the different places to preach and baptize children.
. . . But at the time appointed, instead of meeting a minister,
we all went to meet two Jews by name of Silvedoor and Rapely,
and after making many speeches in favor of the rebellion and
used all their endeavors to delude the people away, at last pre-
sented rebellion papers to see who would sign them. They were
severely reprimanded by Henry O'Neil and many others. It
came so high that they had much adue to get off with their lives.
9 The Hebrew Cemetery in Charlotte was organized in 1859. Prior to that
date it was the custom to ship the remains of the dead either to the earlier
established Hebrew cemeteries in Charleston, S. C, Wilmington or States-
ville, or more often to relatives in northern centers.
10 Huhner, "Jews of North Carolina," 142.
202 The North Carolina Historical Review
The rebels then found that we were fully determined to oppose
them.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century, we begin to
find records of political and commercial activities involving
North Carolina Jews. Jacob Mordecai established the first pri-
vate school for girls in the South, at Warrenton, in 1809.11
The school boarded an average of eighty girls a year and each
pupil was sent to the church of parental choice. The text-
books used were Brooks' Gazetter, Guthrie's Grammar of
Geography, Tooke's Pantheon, and Blair's Rhetoric. In addi-
tion, music, embroidery, and sewing were taught. One of
Mordecai's sons, George Washington Mordecai, also played
an important role in the economic and cultural development
of the state. He was the first president of the state-owned
Bank of North Carolina, and built the Raleigh and Gaston
Railroad, which ran from the State Capital to the Roanoke
River. The family was assimilated into Christianity toward
the end of the ninetenth century; its most distinguished mem-
ber of this generation was the late Samuel Fox Mordecai, for
many years dean of the Trinity College (later Duke Univer-
sity) Law School. Reared in the Christian religion12 from
"Huhner, "Jews of North Carolina," 146.
12 Harry L. Golden, "Jews of the South," American Jewish Congress
Weekly, December, 1952. Jewish "assimilation" into Christianity during
the nineteenth century was fairly consistent in the Carolinas and the South.
The absence of any "communal" activity; the greater distances between
towns; the sparsity of numbers, and the religious character of the section,
all contributed to this pattern. Oddly enough very few formal conversions
were involved. In the main, the process was the result of a "mixed-mar-
riage," nearly always involving a Jewish male and a Gentile female. The
head of the family maintained at least a tenuous tie with Judaism, but
upon his death the Gentile widow and the children integrated into the
main stream of the Protestant majority. Most of the Spanish Jews of
Colonial days and many of the German Jews of the mid-nineteenth cen-
tury were thus absorbed into the several Christian denominations. (At
the present time, 1955, at least ninety per cent of the Jewish people of
the Carolinas — and the South — are first and second generation citizens of
Eastern European origin). Many leading Christian families of the Car-
olinas today bear the same names as those on tombstones erected eighty
and ninety years ago in the Hebrew cemeteries of Charleston and Camden,
S. C, and Charlotte, N. C This Jewish assimilation into Christianity in
the Carolinas (and generally throughout the South) has been obscured
due to the lack of authentic data. There are no records, of course. The
numbers involved were not large, but the percentage was the highest in
the country. In addition to "evidence" gathered from the old synagogue
membership rolls and tombstones in the Jewish cemeteries, new sources
of information on these conversions are now available. These sources are
the Christian families involved. The writer has found that there is now
The Jewish People of North Carolina 203
birth, he had once been mentioned for the position of presi-
dent of Trinity College. Dean Mordecai wrote a humorous
sonnet:13
a disposition to recall Jewish ancestors with both pride and affection.
This is particularly true of those families who have acquired the greatest
sense of "security" through wealth and prestige. This higher percentage
of Jews becoming totally integrated into the Protestant majority was due
also to the fact that there never was any "compulsion" to leave the Jewish
faith either out of fear or as a requirement to thrive and prosper. This
was true even during the periods of the two Ku Klux Klans. Furthermore,
there was also an affinity on religious grounds. It has raised the percent-
age of converts through mixed-marriage, but it has also intensified a great-
er religious consciousness among the Jews themselves. In the Carolinas
where the people have long since been divorced from European influence,
the Gentile has not completely separated his Jewish neighbor from the
image he carries of Abraham or Jeremiah. The Southern Protestant
"understood" the Jew as a member of a religious group — either as a pious
Jew, or as a convert to Christianity. When the Jew was neither he be-
came (to the Southerner) an "enigma." But this has worked both ways.
The Jews have always been alert to reflect the habits and the attitudes
of the Protestant majority. Thus in the case of Zionism, for instance,
there would not have been the almost unanimous support for the movement
if the "majority" had been hostile to the idea. Southern Protestantism was
wholly receptive: "Itfs in the Book"
While "mixed-marriage" continues at the approximate ratio of one out
of every eight marriages involving a Jewish male, we find a surprising
development in recent years. At least half of the Gentile brides involved
are entering the Jewish faith. (Few mixed-marriages have involved a
Jewish female. In the early days, the European immigrant who came into
the Carolinas and the south was unmarried, usually a teen-age boy. He
did not come into contact with Jewish girls. In the first place there weren't
many. Secondly, the Jewish families that were already established here,
were well integrated into the upper middle-class, at least on an economic
level, and often on a social level too. This family, usually of German origin,
was not going to turn the young daughter over to an immigrant from
Russia, or Poland. The daughter would have been spoken for by one of the
other Jewish families of equal status, or was living with relatives in
Baltimore, Philadelphia, or New York. There has been very little change
in this pattern. The Jewish girls have less opportunity for "outside" con-
tacts than the boys who are out selling or managing as soon as they leave
high school or college. Since the Jews represent a single proprietary class,
the girls are under no pressure to start a career or earn wages. In fact,
the girl's "freedom" from any economic worries is part of the growing
"status" of the family. In the smaller towns the family still sends the
daughter off to relatives in the large cities to expose her to larger Jewish
communities).
There is yet another development of major significance in the life of the
Jewish people of the Carolinas and the south in general. The new genera-
tion of native-born Jewish boys and girls are the backbone of Jewish re-
ligious life in the South. The older generation was intent upon "getting
ahead." That, together with a social segregation that was partly imposed
and partly self-imposed, gave them little or no contact with the Christian
society at the personal level. But their children are now living with it
from day-to-day. The values that are constantly stressed by their Gentile
classmates and friends are in terms of "Sunday School," "church," "my
preacher," and "The Bible." This new generation of native-born Jews in
the Carolinas and the South may very well be on its way to the establish-
ment of an American-type Jewish orthodoxy.
"Mordecai's Miscellanies (Durham, published privately, 1927), 35. I am
indebted to Mr. Thad Stem, Jr., of Oxford, N. C, for the loan of a rare copy.
204 The North Carolina Historical Review
With trite constructive platitude,
I now express my gratitude
To each and every person who
heard my 'naug'ral through;
And I'm sure that my election
Shows great powers of selection
In those who chose for President
Mr. Mordecai, the Jew.
For the Jewish people, the American Civil War was an im-
portant milestone. Its significance lies not so much in the indi-
vidual participation ( which based on proportionate numbers
represented a mere detail) but on its demonstration of the
responsibility of citizenship. The Jews had not been long
out of the ghettos of Europe where for nearly 1600 years
they lived as a homogeneous community under European
law of group activity and group responsibility. This homo-
geneity was intensified by the struggle to survive in surround-
ings of unrelieved hostility. Yet in freedom Jews of the South
generally supported the Confederacy and Jews of the North
followed the Union fortunes, in proportion to their relative
numbers. Thus nearly 2,000 years of in-group living was
shattered in a single moment by that same American idea
that permits each citizen to determine his views in accordance
with the dictates of his private conscience.
Paradoxically this American right to behave "separately"
unloosed the first serious attack ( in the United States ) upon
the Jews as a people.14 The radical abolitionists, using the
secessionism of Judah P. Benjamin (Secretary of State of
the Confederacy), attempted to create in America an aware-
ness for the European concept of "group responsibility" as
it concerned the Jews.15 Notwithstanding the fact that Rabbi
14Judd L. Teller's excellent work, Scapegoat of Revolution (New York,
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1955), 84-88. Hereafter cited as Teller, Scapegoat
of Revolution.
15 Of course, in Gentile folklore "All the Jews stick together," which
once prompted the observation from that noble mind, Bernard Berenson,
"Oh, if we only possessed some of the qualities with which we are re-
proached." Bernard Berenson, Rumor and Reflection (New York, Simon and
Schuster, 1952), 145. Winston Churchill, probably the most "aware" Anglo-
Saxon of our century, has written, "One Jew is a Prime Minister, two
Jews are a Prime Minister and a Leader of the Loyal Opposition." Winston
Churchill, Greek and Jew, from an address quoted in the New York Times,
Jan. 11, 1948. Thus, while the Jewish stereotype is still with us to some
The Jewish People of North Carolina 205
David Einhorn had fled Baltimore before a pro-slavery lynch
mob, most of the important abolitionist editors, clergymen,
and politicians attempted to equate the Jews' refusal to en-
dorse en bloc the abolitionist cause with treason against the
Republic.16
From North Carolina came the six Cohen brothers for the
40th Infantry, and the first Jew to fall for the Confederacy
was Albert Lurie Moses of Charlotte, who died at the Battle
of Seven Pines. He had seized an eight-inch shell with the
fuse burning, fallen into a gun pit and saved many lives. The
shell has since been engraved and stands over his grave near
Columbus, Ga.
When the war broke out Major Alfred Mordecai,17 an in-
structor in Ordnance at West Point, was in charge of the Wa-
degree — the identification of the individual with the group as a whole
has never entered into American law. In the entire history of the United
States there have been only two isolated instances of an "official" attempt
to identify the actions of one or a few with a group as a people. The first
was the Civil War "Order No. 11" issued by General Grant who, irked by
the activities of some peddlers "barred" the Jews "as a race" from certain
war areas. Official Records of the War of the Rebellion, Series 1, Volume
XVII, Part 2, 424, issued on December 17, 1862, expelling all Jews from
his (Grant's) department. On January 7, 1863, by direction of General
Halleck, then general-in-chief, this order was revoked. This order can be
found in the same volume as above, 544. The second such attempt was made
in January, 1955, when the office of the Secretary of Agriculture attempted
to identify a major segment of American Jewry (of Russion origin) with
the alleged "un-American" beliefs of a single individual. In each case the
American people rejected the idea quickly and decisively.
16 Rabbi Isaac Mayer Wise, founder of American Reform Judaism, himself
an ardent Abolitionist, answered the critics of the southern Jews; ". . . the
Jew is as little responsible for the politics of other Jews as the Catholic,
Protestant, Deist or Atheist is for the politics of his co-religionists. ... If
the largest portion of the Jewish population of Richmond, Charleston, and
New Orleans give aid and comfort to rebellion, as our opponents maintain,
they do exactly as others do in the same localities. . . . You Abolitionists
with the grandiloquent and bombastic declamations, of philanthropy, free-
dom, and attachment to the Government, why do you not go down South
and expound your doctrines to the community; and if you dare not do it,
why do you expect the Jews there to stand in opposition to the mass of the
people?" Teller, Scapegoat of Revolution. Interestingly enough Judah P.
Benjamin, Secretary of War and later Secretary of State in the cabinet
of Jefferson Davis, who raised the ire of the Abolitionists against Jews as a
people, was used for the same purpose in the South. During Benjamin's
hassle with General "Stonewall" Jackson over the loss of Roanoke Island,
demands were made upon the President of the Confederacy to remove "Mr.
Israelite." A Rev. Willicomb of Virginia demanded the removal of Benjamin
as a member of the "tribe which killed Jesus." The irony of this situation
on both sides of the Mason-Dixon line is that Mr. Benjamin, born a Jew,
was never known to have practised the religion or to speak "as a Jew"
at any time in his entire public career. He was buried in Paris with the
rites of the Roman Catholic Church.
17 A son of Jacob Mordecai of Warrenton, N. C, Gratz Mordecai, "Notice
of Jacob Mordecai, Founder and Proprietor from 1809 to 1818 of the
206 The North Carolina Historical Review
tervleit (N. Y.) Arsenal, the largest in the country. He re-
signed his commission stating that he was unwilling "to forge
arms to be used against my aged mother, brothers and sisters"
(in North Carolina).
In the Woodlawn Cemetery at Elmira, New York, site of a
Federal camp for Confederate prisoners of war, the North
Carolina Jews who are buried include Levi Southan, Co. A,
28th N. C. Inf.; Edward Harris, Co. G, 26th; I. M. Pinner,
Co. E, 2nd; Jesse Simons, Co. G, 20th; Daniel Jonas, Co. D,
1st; Nathan Altman, Co. C, 40th; Henry Daniel, Co. F, 10th;
J. Israel, Co. E, 51st; Moses Simmons, Co. G, 20th; David
Lewis, Co. C, 22nd. From Charlotte also came J. Roessler,
one of the founders of the first local Jewish congregation,
who was a captain in the 40th Infantry; and Lewis Leon, a
prominent Charlotte citizen after the war, who had originally
enlisted in South Carolina.18
Warrenton (N. C.) Female Seminary," Publications of the American
Jewish Historical Society (New York, 1897), No. 6, 124-138. Jacob Mordecai
married Judith Myers of Philadelphia. They lived in New York, Philadel-
phia, Richmond, Petersburg, and finally Warrenton (N. C.) where he
established a country store in 1791. He also shipped tobacco and cotton to
northern markets. Jacob's wife died in the birth of their seventh child. The
eldest son Moses, and eldest daughter Rachel were born in Richmond. All the
other children were born in Warrenton, and they included sons Solomon,
who studied medicine and practiced in Mobile, Alabama; Alfred, appointed
to West Point from North Carolina in 1823; George Washington Mordecai,
practiced law in Raleigh, was first president of the Bank of the State of
North Carolina, and president of the Raleigh and Gaston Railroad. He was
a member of the commission appointed by Governor Charles Manly to study
plans for a Hospital for Mental Patients. "Dix Hill" near Raleigh was
chosen by him. Another son, Samuel, settled in Richmond, Va., and was the
author of Richmond in By-Gone Days. Major Alfred Mordecai mentioned
above was the author of three text books used in West Point, Reports of
Experiments in Gunpowder, 1854-59, Artillery for the United States Land
Service, and Ordnance Manual for Use of the Officers in the United States
Army, first edition, 1841, second edition, 1850. Upon his resignation from
the Army he settled in Philadelphia. After the war he helped build the
Mexico and Pacific Railroad from Vera Cruz to the Pacific Ocean. Upon
his return to Philadephia he became Secretary and Treasurer of the
Pennsylvania Canal Company, controlled by the Pennsylvania Railroad. The
letter quoted giving his reason for resignation from the Army was included
in his memoirs privately printed in Philadelphia in 1886 on the occasion
of his fiftieth wedding anniversary.
18 "Integration," especially in time of trouble, is universal. Pvt. Lewis
Leon of Charlotte, marksman in the 53rd North Carolina Infantry, kept a
diary. (Mr. John R. Peacock of High Point, N. C, who owns it, graciously
sent a photostatic copy to the American Jewish Historical Society in 1952.)
It is interesting to note that a young Jewish immigrant from Poland
on September 19, 1862, recorded: "This morning they read an order
from our father R. E. Lee in which he gave furlough to all Israelites in
honor of Jewish New Year. Wortheim, Oppenheim, Norment, Katz, and
myself, as well as Lieut. E. Cohen, worshipped" (italics mine).
The Jewish People of North Carolina 207
The Jews of North Carolina followed the pattern of the
three major waves of immigration to the United States. First
the Spanish-Portugese, then the German Jews, and finally
after 1880, the Jews from Eastern Europe, who brought the
pattern of communal life which included an emphasis on
learning, self-help, social justice, and keen responsibility for
the Jew overseas.
The Jews who came to North Carolina in the second half
of the nineteenth century, like those in all other sections of
the eastern seaboard, found that the streets were neither
paved with gold, nor that dollars grew on trees. They turned
to the one profession open to them. They became peddlers.
The Cherokees identified them as "egg-eaters." The basis for
this may be in the fact that some of the peddlers adhered to
the dietary laws of Moses and avoided meat of any kind
until they returned to their "base of operations" on Friday
evening in time to observe the Sabbath.
For Virginia and the Carolinas, the main source of mer-
chandise supply was at Baltimore, Maryland, but within each
state the peddlers had "way stations" where they stored small
stocks and which they called "home for Sabbath." In North
Carolina these "stations" were at Wilmington, Albemarle,
and Yanceyville. Often the peddlers during the last two de-
cades of the nineteenth century made one of these "way
station- warehouses" a permanent home. In the August 2,
1860, issue of the Hebrew Leader (N. Y.) there was included
the following advertisement: "Wanted by the Israelites of
Wilmington, North Carolina, Hazan, Schocket, Mohel. Com-
municate M. Hirschberger, Wilmington, N. C." 19 [An indi-
vidual who could combine the professions of cantor, ritual
butcher, and circumciserl
The peddler was a walking "department store." When he
first came through North Carolina and the other states of
our country, he sometimes carried as much as 125 pounds
on his back, and his goods included not only the minor
accessories such as suspenders, socks, handkerchiefs, and
needles, but also the finer linens, curtains, taffetas for the
"American Jewish Archives, Hebrew Union College, Jewish Institute
of Religion (Cincinnati, Ohio), June 1952, 109.
208 The North Carolina Historical Review
farm wife's Sunday dress, ribbons for the youngsters, and
many gewgaws which helped brighten the monotony of
isolated living.
The peddler's coming was a gala event in the lives of the
North Carolina farmers and pioneers. They all came out of
the fields, and while the women folk and children began to
examine the wares, the farmer himself would probably be
asking the peddler about news from the adjoining county,
or from the state capital; perhaps even a word about Bis-
marck or Queen Victoria. The Tar Heel novelist, Bernice
Kelly Harris, who has given us the most vivid picture of rural
life in eastern North Carolina, writes that the coming of the
peddler was an event in the rural day of not many events.
"When he was seen turning the corner at Old Uncle Nat's, we
children rushed from the mulberry orchard houseward to
persuade Mother to let the peddler open his packs, just to
let him open his packs, even if nothing was to be bought.
. . . Mother bought only needles and pins to pay the peddler
for his trouble in opening the packs. . . ." 20
Eventually, the peddler became the merchant and many
of them acquired great wealth and distinction such as Joseph
Fels, founder of the Fels Naptha Company, who started as
a peddler and whose father before him had peddled out of
Yanceyville, N. C. Many another peddler's son rose to emi-
nence as a "merchant prince," and within a half-century the
peddler had indeed raised the entire business of buying and
20 Bernice Kelly Harris, Foreword, Folk Plays of Eastern Carolina
(Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1940), xxi. At first
the peddler was referred to as a "Dutchman." A death notice in The
Landmark (Statesville), October 11, 1884, refers to the transportation of
the "remains of A. Blum, a Dutch peddler" from Wilmington to Baltimore.
Both Josephus Daniels in his Tar Heel Editor and Mrs. Harris in the
above mentioned book of plays, speak of the "Dutch" peddler. It is interest-
ing to note that Professor Oscar Handlin states that in early New England,
too, the Jewish peddler was "looked upon as just another kind of German."
Adventure in Freedom (New York, McGraw-Hill, 1954), 85-88. The term
"Jew-peddler" began to appear in the public prints in the early part of
this century, and later developed into the term "Jew-store" which is still
widely used among the rural white and Negro populations. It was not
intended as an insult, since customers upon entering the establishment
often asked: "Is this a Jew-store?" The interest in the designation was
probably heightened by a legend that a Jewish merchant would make every
possible concession or sacrifice to record a "first" sale of the day, and that
he would accept any "offer" rather than lose his first customer. The farmers
would vie with one another to be the first one in the store to get a "bargain"
on their own terms.
The Jewish People of North Carolina 209
selling into the realm of the nobler arts— a profession com-
parable in dignity to that of the jurist and physician.
Essentially, however, the Jewish community of North Caro-
lina, like the state itself, has recorded the most important
part of its history during the past fifty years. The saga of
Moses Henry Cone and his brother, Caesar Cone, of Greens-
boro, is the story of the industrial development of North
Carolina into the greatest textile-producing area in the world.
The Cones were the first to introduce a variety of cotton
manufactures as well as the orderly method of world-wide
distribution. They were pioneers in the establishment of
a welfare program to afford their employees every opportunity
for social, mental, physical, and spiritual advancement.21
21 Herman Cone came to the United States from his native Altenstadt,
Bavaria, in 1854, and opened a country store in Jonesboro, Tennessee.
During the Civil War he added a small foundry where he manufactured
bullets for the Confederate Army. In 1870 with his two oldest boys, Moses
H. and Monroe, he established a wholesale grocery, leather and cigar
business in Baltimore, Maryland. Later, another son, Caesar, joined the
business. (Monroe died in 1891). Another son, Bernard, studied law and in
his youth was associated with the famous New York law firm, Guggenheim,
Untermyer and Marshall. The Cone connection with North Carolina and the
textile business came through their wholesale establishment in Baltimore.
After one of the serious economic depressions, many of the country stores
in North Carolina were in debt to the Cones of Baltimore. When things
began to pick up these merchants were still not able to discharge their debts,
and were forced to make smaller purchases for cash, or seek credit else-
where. Moses H. Cone wrote them all a letter. He said that he was sorry
for their predicament, but he urged them to buy what goods they needed,
and not to worry about the old accounts, that they could pay when they felt
perfectly secure in their survival. Out of this came the friendship and the
connections in North Carolina which led to the fabulous Cone enterprises.
When the Cones entered the textile business, the southern mills had no
credit with the New York banks ; they were making only one product, and
its distribution was based on a chaotic competition among themselves. The
Cones established the Cone Export and Commission Company which, with
several other commission houses, became the bankers for the southern mills.
They also introduced a variety of manufactures into the industry, and an
orderly method of world-wide distribution. Other children of the fabulous
Herman Cone achieved distinction in the arts and sciences. Dr. Claribel
Cone graduated with honors as an M. D. from the Women's Medical College
at Baltimore. In 1903, she was elected to the presidency of the institution.
Dr. Cone's great interest was the study of preventive medicine. She lectured
at Johns Hopkins and did research at the Pasteur Institute in Paris. Her
sister, Miss Etta Cone, was a pioneer worker in favor of woman suffrage.
She was also an art collector who, with her brother Frederick Cone, began
to collect original paintings by French artists who included Matisse and
Picasso. After the death of Miss Etta Cone in 1949 the Baltimore Museum
of Art had the privilege of making a selection from the paintings collected
by Miss Etta and Frederick. This exhibit is now on display at the Balti-
more Museum of Art. Cyrus Adler, Necrology (Caesar Cone). Publications
of the American Jewish Historical Society, (New York, 1918), No. 26,
118-122.
210 The North Carolina Historical Review
Today the company operates 600,000 spindles— nearly three
per cent of the entire textile industry and in the last decade
the Cones have "plowed" back more than $50,000,000 for
modernization and expansion of their operations.22
The Jewish migration from the large northern centers into
North Carolina in more substantial numbers began in the first
decade of this century when the rolling mills and textile
plants were beginning to flourish. As the population grew,
merchants established retail stores in every city, town, and
rural way-station in the state. Nearly all these retail estab-
lishments sold "soft goods"— ready-to-wear clothing and ac-
cessories.23 The initial success of these small merchants was
due to the fact that they permitted the Negro to try on the
22 Speech by Herman Cone quoted in Greensboro Daily News, January 16,
1955.
23 The entire economy of the Jew in North Carolina (and the South) is
based on self-employment. If a man loses his business and lacks the capital
to try again, he will find it necessary to go to one of the metropolitan
centers in the North to find a job. When the young man is ready to embark
upon his career he will go into business with his father or father-in-law,
or he may take a job as a salesman, traveling the territory for a (Jewish)
manufacturer, wholesaler or mill agent. In effect the 3,180 Jewish families
in North Carolina represent a single proprietary class of small capitalists;
retailers, jobbers, wholesalers, manufacturers or mill agents. Their activi-
ties center around the manufacture and distribution of textiles, wholesalers
and mill agents for the knitting and hosiery mills, operators of retail stores
(ready-to-wear and credit jewelry), manufacture and distribution of chemi-
cals, and dealers in textile machinery, metals, metal scrap, linen service and
supply, and cotton waste. There are no Jews in banking, insurance, publish-
ing, or in the food, drug, beverage, tobacco and construction industries. If
we are to accept a yardstick (Mark Twain) that "successful business is
honest business," the Jews of North Carolina (and the South) have achieved
a record that compares favorably with the general community. At least
eighty per cent of the establishments, plants, and stores doing business to-
day are operating under original certificate of ownership or articles of
incorporation. During the past three or four years many traveling sales-
men have established their homes in North Carolina. Most of these men have
covered the territory for many years but continued to maintain their homes
in the metropolitan centers in the North. A few years ago, however, they
began to move South. The territory involved usually includes Virginia and
the two Carolinas, which makes the city of Greensboro, N. C, the most
convenient "base" from which to operate. Because of this influx of several
hundred traveling men and their families during the past three years,
Greensboro now has the largest Jewish population in the state with ap-
proximately 500 families.
There is yet another development which may eventually change the char-
acter of Jewish life in the Carolinas if not in the entire South. Dozens of
manufacturers in the needle trades have established factories in the Caro-
linas during the past five years. For the first time, we now find a few
Jewish "employees" in the several communities — factory superintendents,
machinists, designers, and cutters.
The Jewish People of North Carolina 211
merchandise for size and fit without the obligation to make
the purchase.24
In 1910 there were five established congregations, of which
Temple Israel of Wilmington had been the first; and there
was one secular organization, the first state-chartered YMHA,
at Asheville. In 1955 there are 27 established congregations,
a full-time "circuit-riding" rabbi to minister to the small
towns, and over 40 local and state-wide fraternities, charity
federations, and associations, including Hillel establishments
at both Duke and the University of North Carolina.25
24 In the mercantile establishments of the South the rule governing
Negroes for many years after the Reconstruction period was: — "Don't
touch it if you're not going to buy it." The Jewish merchants in general
did not follow this policy, and in fact catered to this Negro market for
ready-to-wear and other apparel. The relationship was never beyond that
of tradesman and customer. As the (Jewish) merchants prospered, they
identified themselves more and more with the white Protestant middle class
and eventually assumed the attitudes and even the prejudices of the white
majority.
25 According to the census records for 1870 (State Department of Archives
and History) there were approximately 250-300 Jews in North Carolina.
Since there were no established congregations, the writer made the estimate
on the basis of "name" and "place of birth," for example, "Morris Springer,
age 35, born in Poland." Of these 250-300 Jews in the state, four were
native-born, eleven were born in South Carolina, two hundred and ten
gave Germany, Bavaria, or Prussia as their birthplace, nine were natives
of Philadelphia, two from New York, eighteen from Poland, seven from
England, and one from Holland. (No census reports were available for
hundreds of isolated communities of the state, but this would not have any
substantial bearing on our figures.) The "importance" of the individual
community followed the pattern of the state's industrial development. In
1870 the most important "Jewish" community was Statesville, N. C. This
was due primarily to the presence of the Wallace family. Isaac and David
Wallace were peddlers who started in the vicinity of Bamberg, South
Carolina, upon their arrival in this country in 1859. A few years later
they moved to Statesville where they established a mercantile business.
They sold supplies to the farmers, ran a small banking business and a drug
counter. They encouraged the farmers to bring their roots and herbs to the
Wallace store and soon the brothers developed a crude drug business on a
national scale which was to help the farmers of five North Carolina coun-
ties for nearly seventy-five years. Toward the end of the nineteenth century
Wilmington, the seaport of North Carolina, became the largest Jewish
community. It was here that the first formal congregation had been or-
ganized in 1867. The first synagogue in the state was built there in 1875.
The importance shifted again to the western part of the state with the great
industrial development of the Piedmont section. Since the 1920's the cities
of Charlotte, Greensboro, Durham, and Winston-Salem have had the largest
and most active communities. In the November, 1875, issue of The American
Israelite, published by Rabbi Isaac Myer Wise in Cincinnati, Ohio, appeared
this item : "Charlotte, North Carolina, is a city of 8,000 or 9,000 inhabitants
and we have about twenty-five Jewish families. The Jewish ladies of the
city have established a Society under the name of the Ladies Benevolent
Society. It is now a year old. Last Purim we gave a ball, and cleared
$100.00. The last meeting took place in the home of J. Rintels and the
following were elected officers for the year 1876: President, Mrs. J. Rintels;
Vice-President, Mrs. A. Frankenthal; Secretary, Mrs. J. Rothschild;
212 The North Carolina Historical Review
The responsibility of citizenship includes, of course, the
responsibility of wealth, and the Jewish citizens of North
Carolina, no less than their Gentile neighbors, have done
their part. The North Carolina community has one of the
outstanding records in the nation for humanitarianism in com-
ing to the rescue of stricken brethren overseas, a record in
which the Gentile community also played a notable part.
The many benefactions include endowments for science and
cancer research from the James Heineman family of Char-
lotte and Robert J. Gurney of Gastonia; in education, the
Weil family of Goldsboro with the Weil Lectures on Citizen-
ship at the University of North Carolina; and the Cones of
Greensboro in the humanities, with recreation halls, a colored
YMCA, the 35,000-acre "Moses H. Cone Memorial Park" at
Blowing Rock, deeded to the government for public use, and
the "Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital" at Greensboro.
But essentially North Carolina, like America itself, is
PEOPLE: of strong men and weak, of bold visionaries and
of frightened newcomers, of men and women who may never
even have set foot in the commonwealth, but whose works
have left us richer in mind, in body and in spirit; of people
like the Jewish immigrant, Dr. Joseph Goldberger, who found
the cure for pellagra and helped thousands of our southern
children to grow up with sturdy legs; of Julius Rosenwald
of Sears Roebuck who contributed millions of dollars to pro-
vide elementary schooling for the rural colored population
of North Carolina, and the rest of the south; of Mrs. Connor,
the Roman Catholic mother of Judge Henry Groves Connor,
and of Mrs. Emil Rosenthal, wife of a Jewish merchant of
Wilson, and Mrs. Mary Cleaves Daniels, a Methodist and
mother of Josephus Daniels— three women who were known
as the "Three Almoners"— who pioneered in welfare work and
Treasurer, Mrs. J. Baumgarten; Trustees of the School Committee, Miss
E. Baruch, Miss L. Goldberg, and Mrs. F. Frankenthal. Our town is small
but gives promise of becoming a greater city than any of her sister
cities." Signed: "A. S."
In 1880 Washington Duke brought some 200 Jewish cigarette makers to
Durham, but they returned to the North after a year when a dispute arose
over the scale of wages. In 1955 the estimated Jewish population based on
synagogue and fraternal memberships is 3,180 families or approximately
10,000 souls.
The Jewish People of North Carolina 213
ministrations in the days when there were no trained nurses,
no hospitals, no Red Cross or Community Chest organiza-
tions; of Zebulon Baird Vance,26 whose address The Scattered
26 Zebulon B. Vance was Civil War governor of North Carolina. Elected
again in 1876, he served three elective terms in the United States Senate.
He died in 1894, and his name was chosen to represent North Carolina in
the National Hall of Statuary in Washington. The address, The Scattered
Nation, was read from hundreds of pulpits and reprinted in nearly every
newspaper and journal published in the South:
This curious phenomenon (the Gulf Stream) in the physical world
has its counterpart in the moral. There is a lonely river in the
midst of the ocean of mankind. The mightiest floods of human
temptation have never caused it to overflow and the fiercest fires
of human cruelty, though seven times heated in the furnace of
religious bigotry, have never caused it to dry up, although its waves
for two thousand years have rolled crimson with the blood of
its martyrs. Its fountain is in the grey dawn of the world's history,
and its mouth is somewhere in the shadows of eternity. It too re-
fuses to mingle with the surrounding waves, and the line which
divides its restless billows from the common waters of humanity
is also plainly visible to the eye. It is the Jewish race. . . .
The Jew is beyond doubt the most remarkable man of this world
past or present. Of all the stories of the sons of men, there is
none so wild, so wonderful, so full of extreme mutation, so replete
with suffering and horror, so abounding in extraordinary provi-
dences, so overflowing with scenic romance. There is no man who
approaches him in the extent and character of the influence which
he has exercised over the human family. His history is the history
of our civilization and progress in this world, and our faith and
hope in that which is to come. From him have we derived the form
and pattern of all that is excellent on earth or in heaven. . . .
Even now, though the Jews have long since ceased to exist as a
consolidated nation, inhabiting a common country, and for eight-
teen hundred years have been scattered far and near over the
wide earth, their strange customs, their distinct features, personal
peculiarities and their scattered unity, make them still a wonder
and an astonishment. . . .
It is quite possible that Vance's life-long friendship for the Jewish people
may have had its origin in an experience at the end of the Civil War. Vance,
the war-time governor of North Carolina, returned to his home in Statesville
under orders of the Union General Schofield. On May 13, 1865, a squadron
of General Hugh J. Kilpatrick's cavalry surrounded his home, arrested him
and prepared to take him to Washington. As the railroad and telegraph
lines had been completely destroyed, Statesville was cut off from the outside
world. The Union officer in charge wanted the Governor to ride horseback
thirty-five miles to the railroad at Salisbury. A Jewish merchant, Samuel
Wittkowsky, urged the Union officer to spare the Governor this indignity.
It was agreed that Wittkowsky would "deliver" Governor Vance to Salis-
bury. And on that May day, the famous war governor and the immigrant
Jew started out on the long buggy ride surrounded by two hundred Union
cavalry. Clement Dowd, Life of Zebulon B. Vance (Charlotte, N. C. 1897).
Full text of The Scattered Nation, 369, 399. Vance's experiences with
Wittkowsky are related in the same volume, 95. Wittkowsky became one
of the most successful business men in the state. He established the first
building and loan enterprise in the South and amassed a huge fortune. At
the funeral of Senator Vance, Wittkowsky was among state and national
dignitaries who delivered eulogies. With the simple faith of Anatole France's
"Juggler," Mr. Wittkowsky said: "No Israelite in North Carolina ever
voted against Zebulon B. Vance." Charlotte Observer, April 17, 1894.
214 The North Carolina Historical Review
Nation raised our prestige as a people; of Nathaniel Macon
who successfully defeated an early hate organization; of a
Josephus Daniels who always held out the hand of friendship
and brotherhood; of a Mallissia Haywood, of Montgomery
27 Mallissia Haywood befriended the Jewish peddlers who covered the
wide rural area of eastern and central North Carolina. Mr. Harry Richter
recalls her in an interesting letter to the writer. Harry Richter and Moses
Richter, Jewish immigrants from Russia, came to North Carolina as
peddlers in the closing days of the nineteenth century. Today Moses Richter
of Mt. Gilead, N. C is the largest independent peach distributor in the coun-
try serving hundreds of farmers and peach growers in the Carolinas. He also
operates several large mills manufacturing cotton and rayon finished
products. Harry Richter, a merchant of Norwood, N. C, recalls Mallissia
Haywood and the early days of the peddler in the state:
The first time I met the Haywoods was in the late afternoon of a
warm spring day. They were both engaged in chopping cotton. It
was in the early part of the century and I, a young man, newly
arrived from Southern Russia, was peddling my wares in the
sparse settlements of Montgomery County, North Carolina. No
transactions were made, but the Haywoods displayed a curious
interest in me. They offered me lodging for the night which I
gladly accepted. It was quite evident that the Haywoods were
very poor, earning their livelihood from a none too impressive
farm. (Cotton was selling at $25.00 a bale and corn in proportion.)
Still, there was a serenity and orderliness about the place that
made it quaint, if not attractive.
The dominant figure in this idyllic environment was the mistress
of the home herself. Her name was Mallissia Frances. I later
learned that she was related, on her mother's side, to Flora Mac-
Donald. Of this she was very proud. One had the feeling that she
was different from the other women that lived in the little houses
down the road. Not outstanding in any particular way, she seem-
ingly possessed in proper balance the many qualities that are the
making of a remarkable personality. She was kindness itself
and her face had an exalted look, a strange glow that visibly
came from inner depths.
The evening was spent in difficult conversation (I was barely
three months in the country) and right there and then I received
my first lesson in English. Mallissia Haywood, a school teacher in
her younger days, introduced me into the intricacies of the English
language. This lesson was followed up by many others on my
subsequent visits.
Before the year was over I terminated my peddling career and
went to work in a gold mine, near Candor, N. C, known as the
Montgomery Mine. The Haywoods had by this time opened a board-
ing house near the mine. Instead of being an occasional visitor, I
now became a full-fledged boarder. There were other boarders also
and since the Haywoods maintained their touch with the soil, still
growing the white man's crops, cotton and corn, Mallissia was
busier than ever. I frequently wondered where she found the
strength to cope with all her activities.
Though deeply religious, she was most tolerant of the beliefs of
others. This was clearly demonstrated when on long winter nights
we'd all sit and listen to Mallissia's readings from the Bible. When
I expressed my preference for the Old Testament, she seemed
bewildered at first, but after a brief explanation, she acquiesced
most graciously with all her natural tact and charm and, thereafter,
refrained from her favorite New Testament in my presence. I
later realized the unfairness of my position and requested that
The Jewish People of North Carolina 215
County, who at the turn of the century made her farmhouse
a haven of rest for the Jewish peddlers traveling over the state
and helped them with their English lessons, joined them in
their ancient morning prayers, and listened to their letters
from Europe.
she alternate between the Old and New Testaments. I somehow felt
that the great Hillel would have done likewise. The letters I'd get
from home written in Yiddish, had to be read aloud in the original,
just for the sound of the only foreign language she ever heard.
Then it had to be translated word for word.
She frequently reminded me of my duties towards my parents on
'the other side.' It made her very happy every time I sent money
to my parents.
The dietary observances of her Jew boarders were looked after
most carefully. The biscuits were prepared without lard and the
eggs were kept at a safe distance from the inevitable porker, of
which there were always several varieties on the table. She was
an educated woman according to the standards of late 19th and
early 20th century, and although looked up to by her less endowed
sisters, never made a display of her superiority. She was as modest
and plain as the rocky, unyielding fields which she helped till.
She was probably the hardest working woman I ever met. She
could do a man's full time job as well as any man. Like the frontier
women of an earlier date and the wives of the pioneers before
them, she had the love and the joy of work in her heart. It was
quite natural and no hardship whatsoever, to work in the fields
from early morning till dark, a full day in the hot sun. This besides
cooking, sewing, laundering (by hand) and the rearing of a size-
able family.
But let it be remembered that the case of Mallissia Haywood,
remarkable woman that she was, was not an isolated one. There
were many Mallissias in those days throughout the length and
breadth of the land. It was they who befriended us, confused, be-
wildered immigrants newly arrived from a different world, with
the European milieu still in our bones. The adjustment was diffi-
cult, sometimes painful, and it was the Mallissias in every state
in the union who gave us the care and warmth that meant so
much in the early stages of our becoming Americans. Many, like
myself, were mere youngsters, fresh from the last embrace of their
mothers, left alone with their fears and longings for the sons they
were never to see again — our sad-eyed mothers in the ghettos of
Europe who gave so much of themselves and received so little
in return —
Our heroic mothers who never knew youth, were made to marry
at an early age, reared large families and, in many cases, were also
the bread earners of their children and a pious impractical husband,
well learned in the Law —
Our good mothers who would leave their hungry brood to cover
the town, with kerchief in hand, collecting pittances for some un-
fortunate widow or dowry for a poor bride —
Mothers are the same all over the world and here we were to
find the same mothers in another incarnation. They took us into
their homes, gave us the best rooms in the house, the choicest bed
and made us feel that we were more than mere laughable in-
dividuals with a foreign accent. They raised our dignity and
gave us hope. To them we were the sons of the old proud Hebrews
with the blood of prophets in our veins. They were the first to
make us feel that we really belonged. From a letter to the author
from Harry Richter, Norwood, N. C, October 14, 1954.
216 The North Carolina Historical Review
Because indeed, there would be no history to tell unless
we spoke of PEOPLE—the People of North Carolina and
the People of America, who inspired adherence to the re-
ligious law of Jeremiah: "Pray ye for the peace of the city
in which ye dwell."
NORTH CAROLINA FICTION, 1953-1954
By Robert Mason
From the pens of North Carolina novelists, story-tellers,
poets, and rhymesters there came this year 32 books. Spread
before one, they form a fascinating exhibit of the artist's, the
typesetter's, and the bookbinder's skills, for all are new; their
dustjackets intact and inviting, their pages crisp and unsoiled.
A few are of standard thickness, but most are thin; volumes of
poetry and children's works predominate. The 32 hardly
would fill a shelf of a living room bookcase.
But what an investment of search, of knowledge, of talent
—and of vanity— we have represented here. How many years
of experience, of reflection, of note-making, and of the dread-
fully hard work of writing have gone into these gay and these
somber-backed books! One is likely to wonder, too, of the
thrills of triumph among the first-time authors mirrored in
the by-lines, and whether the scattering of production-
writers who contributed to the display did not experience,
upon the press-room delivery, an odd mixture of satisfaction
and misgivings.
Most of all, one lifting this book and that of the 32, arrang-
ing them into the three general classifications, is likely to
speculate upon the quality of this year's North Carolina fic-
tion, poetry, and children's art-stories: is there permanency
here, or will these volumes soon be forgotten, like the autumn
leaves their jackets suggest? What has been the Tar Teel
contribution to the regional, the national, and the world liter-
ature in the year now ending?
Time will have the final say. Already the popular success
—and that is important, although not conclusive— of two or
three is evidence that creations of some stature are in the
list; the majority, meanwhile, can be expected to survive only
in narrow spaces. But no hour devoted to the reading of
these books can be wasted. Even where quality is lacking
(and often it is in the privately brought-out scraps of verse
and essays), inspiration is evident, and as likely as not con-
tagious.
[ 217 ]
218 The North Carolina Historical Review
Four books of the 32 are novels and another is a collection
of short stories; all these bear the imprint of first-line publish-
ing houses. A sixth is drama—a work which thousands know
as one of the great outdoor productions of which North Caro-
lina peculiarly is the capital, in both writing and enactment.
Except for the fact that all qualify as fiction, common ground
is scarce among them. While all except one are of southern
setting, and two of the novels relate the construction of per- ,
sonal empires through ruthlessness and the effect of this
upon several lives, in no case is the similarity remarkable.
The authors are as heterogeneous as their plots and tech-
niques: some came into the state, others were born here and
founded their careers elsewhere; only two, I think, are na-
tive North Carolinians who have remained. A couple of
these writers are still in their youth. Future successes may be
expected of all save one. He is dead.
One of the novels will fit more easily than any of the others
into the broad pattern of southern literature as it is generally
recognized from a world point of view. That is The Planta-
tion, by Ovid Williams Pierce.
I do not mean to imply that this distinguished book is
stereotyped; nothing could be further from the truth. Indeed,
its gentleness, its simplicity, its beauty give it rareness. But it
has that characteristic which the Literary Supplement of the
London Times in a recent and salutary article on American
writing found to be shared by the South's best prose artists:
a passionate feeling for Place. Here Place is not treated in
merely its historical and prideful meaning , but "in its sensory
meaning , the breathing world of sight and smell and sound,
in its earth and water and sky, in its time and its season."
Mr. Pierce's story is dedicated to Place— a plantation in
northeastern North Carolina (it could have been in two or
three other southern states, but not in random part of any)
early in this century, in a period critical to plantation life:
Tradition hangs by a cobweb, mold is in the air.
There are, of course, people in the story, and skillfully
done, too, but they are subject to Place. They occupy three
levels, all according to the standards of Place— the owners
North Carolina Fiction, 1953-1954 219
and the Negroes, both long established and each depending
upon the other, and white persons of a lesser ( and, it being
the South, fixed) station, brought in as near-stranger and
stranger out of need. In the solemn dignity of Place, the indi-
viduals of all three strata have dignity, too; and Mr. Pierce's
presentation of that points up a skill which ranks him, with
this single book, near the top of the South's new writers.
But attention to Place, or lack of it, is not the sole basis
for judging writing, and I shall not explore it further, ex-
cept to say that each of this year's North Carolina authors
of fiction who employs familiar setting practices a funda-
mental rule of story-telling and gives readers reason to be
grateful for his insight.
Event is the foundation of The Kingpin, by Thomas Wick-
er—a novel obviously based on North Carolina's senatorial
contest of two summers ago. Any person who observed the
progress of that campaign is certain to recognize practices
and persons— but he must not look too closely. Mr. Wicker
blends history with imagination, changing things as actually
they occurred to suit the requirements of story and thesis:
that is standard practice, too. The book makes me think of
Number One, which John Dos Passos wrote a dozen years
ago, and thereby a little sad; that was a chronicle of Huey
Long's tactics, and it is not pleasant to be reminded that
Longism to any degree had its counterpart in our state.
One dozen stories make up The Gentle Insurrection, by
Doris Betts. The title story is not the best but in theme is
representative: patience and frustration, hope and discour-
agement, realism and the refusal to recognize it are inter-
twined in simple lives, adding up to tragedy— the hallmark
of the young writer, which the young southern writer is like-
ly to confuse with his birthright. I liked particularly "Ser-
pents and Doves"; it is a fine character study worked out
with mature compassion. Sometimes the people whom Mrs.
Betts uses for her stories are superficial, but never discour-
agingly so; she is also given to caricature, but never cruelly.
The remarkable thing is that in her years she has discovered
and discerned so much. Her future is bright.
220 The North Carolina Historical Review
The strange and slick world of advertising centered in
New York's skyscrapers is the setting of The Whip Hand, by
Ian Gordon, who abandoned the hucksters for the husks of
a writer's table. The dustjacket illustration is most prophetic.
It shows a desk and chair in a modernistic office; on the
desk are a man's tie and two martini glasses, on the chair
and under it are a woman's coat and her shoes. The gone
addict of the light novel and box of chocolates no doubt
will be prepared for the ending. I was not.
Those fortunate ones who have seen Unto These Hills, Ker-
mit Hunter's drama of the Cherokees, know it for its tre-
mendous stage qualities. Reading the play, which has been
brought out in illustrated book form by the University of
North Carolina Press, is almost as rewarding as sitting be-
neath the stars in the Great Smokies theater and seeing a
climaxing chapter of the Red Man's past unfold. The econ-
omy of dialogue, as contrasted to the speech-writing which
authors of historical pageants have not always been able to
resist, is the work of a thorough technician; the narrator's
passages are the product of a poet truly humble before his
subject.
Good-bye, My Lady. That is the title of James Street's
last complete book of fiction. At about the time it was pub-
lished, we said, "Good-bye, Jimmie." For Mr. Street, who
was bom in Mississippi and newspapered in half a dozen
places, most successfully (and conspiciously ) in New York,
died in the home he had chosen to be his last—Chapel Hill.
Here is not Mr. Street's masterpiece. But like the author
himself, the little book is dearly compelling— and full of
fine sentiment. It is about a boy— a subject the author was
as competent to write on as Mark Twain or William Saroyan
—and his dog. As Mr. Pierce chose a critical time in the life
of a plantation to forge into a story, so Mr. Street selected
an especially sensitive time in a boy's life: that mystical
period when he passes from childhood into manhood. To
guide Skeeter through this stage of testing, there is old Uncle
Jesse, who is short on book learning but long on the ways
of the swamp.
North Carolina Fiction, 1953-1954 221
But wait, isn't this the Readers Digest formula for enter-
taining the person who likes to slip his mind into neutral
when he reads: boy with chin up, little dog, unforgettable
character? Of course it is. But into this universal appeal
James Street wove his surprisingly great knowledge of the
lower Mississippi country and its people, his humor, his
mastery of the yarn, his respect for regionalism, his tolerance,
and his tremendous sense of the individual's right to stand
in the sun.
James Street lived in North Carolina for nine years. The
writing part of the state can say, "Thanks, Jimmie, for all of
them."
Exactly half of all this year's fiction by North Carolinians
is for children. The number should not be surprising; the
youth market is an ample one and, I'm told, often a lucrative
one.
The boundary between senior and junior books of the 32
is as thin as a flyleaf. Any child above ten should appre-
ciate Mr. Street's book. And no adult should find Penny Rose,
by Mebane Holoman Burgwyn, below his range of interests.
Mrs. Burgwyn tells a first-rate story of a nearly-grown girl
and her problems, including (of course!) those of the heart.
There's a mystery in the background, and when it is cleared
up, a lot of things suddenly assume satisfactory perspective;
the climax comes fairly tumbling upon the reader. This author
has a fine talent.
Burgess Leonard contributed two of the books for young-
sters, one about football, the other about baseball. A uni-
versity varsity star to whom I lent One-Man Rackfield found
it authentic and absorbing. As a baseball fan of long stand-
ing, after picking up The Rookie Fights Rack I was reluctant
to put it down.
It is difficult to speak with conviction about books for
really little folks. A friend of mine who writes them once
assured me that most are worthless, and I suppose they are,
from a strictly critical view. Pictures receive quite as much,
and sometimes more, emphasis than text, inasmuch as sub-
school-age children who must be read to, enjoy looking at
222 The North Carolina Historical Review
the illustrations and identifying the words with them. I had
the feeling, though, that the most skillfully executed of these
pictures might have the least appeal to children. One set is
done in crayon, as best I can tell, uniform in blue-grey and
somewhat eerie in quality. Shouldn't they be livelier? My
favorite pictures among the lot are in a tiny book about
chickens and dogs and cats. The colors are brilliant and the
lines so few and subtle as to be absolutely delightful. I hope
children like these; I am sure James Whistler would have.
I have come at last, and not without trepidation, to the
books of poetry, of which the year brought ten— seven of
them by women. I shall not take them all up singly, because
the pattern of the majority is the same.
However, Thad Stem's The Jackknife Horse deserves close
attention, for it seemed to me that here is an original Tar
Heel voice. Mr. Stem is producing what he calls "Ageless
Fruit in solitary blossoms." Yet, in the same poem, he is
capable of such a foolishness as "the mad suns that bite/
The despondent apple trees." He has energy and poetic
vision:
Not by a bushelful of oceans, nor a peck of April clouds,
Not by a jugful of raindrops and rose buds.
There are moments of Robert Frost, others when he brings
a rather proletarian (in the best sense) tone, as "This ding-
dong-who's-got-the-whiskey existence." While I don't care so
much for the allegation that "the night comes like a rancid
lover," he can strike at the sordid with real eloquence:
God, the times are like a broken bone
That will not knit, or like a blind dog
Chasing a cat up a dead-end alley.
Beyond any doubt, the Maximus Poems, by Charles Olson,
are the most ambitious work represented in the year's col-
lection. These poems seek and demand comparison with
Ezra Pond's The Cantos, and perhaps also with William Car-
los Williams's Taterson. But the comparison is earned only
North Carolina Fiction, 1953-1954 223
by virture of prolixity and complexity— both of which, I
fear, here seem relatively superfluous. The thing is, Pound
had such a vast storehouse of cultural odds and ends to draw
on and so much to make out of them, that his complexity
was necessary. Here, such is not the case.
But Mr. Olson is no phoney. I am cheered by his willing-
ness to experiment, for that is necessary to the growth of all
the arts, and sometimes his colloquialisms and juxtapositions
lead to startling insights.
Julian Mason applied a superior intellect to the poems
making up Search Party, but with him poetry is a less serious
matter, I think, than with Mr. Stem and Mr. Olson. He lays
words like a good craftsman lays bricks: precisely and neat-
ly, and with the effect pleasing in detail and substantial
overall. And brick-laying is a most beneficial occupation as
a hobby as well as a trade.
In The Years at the Spring, by Ruth Vail, there is a poem
which I liked particularly, "The Sea Magic." It contains these
lines:
We hear the cold surf -notes on the restless sea
On moonstruck sands,
For the little while we are standing here together
Clasping each other's hands.
This and some of Mrs. Vail's other sea poems prompt me
to generalize that our poets who write in fulfillment of an
urge to capture the life and the scenes and the moods about
them would be better off coping with the woods and the
waves and those other evidences of our frontiers and our
trails and giving less attention to the reflections and specula-
tions that could, ever so often, be quite adequately expressed
in a sigh, or perhaps an oath.
Unusually successful in the many competitions open to
poets has been Charlotte Young, here represented by The
Heart Has Many Reasons. I found in "Requiem" a quality
all its own:
224 The North Carolina Historical Review
Rivers shall hurry down to the ocean,
Trade winds relentlessly sweep,
The earth shall turn in two-fold motion—
And I shall sleep and sleep. . . .
The Farmer will rise in the grey dawn weather,
The lark will shape her low nest,
Philosophers piece the cosmos together—
But I shall rest and rest. . . .
Many, many of the verses in these neatly printed volumes
are parochial, with moralities simplified into utter unreality.
(Where do people get the idea that morals come easily?)
Nearly all the writers have a habit of presenting stock phrases
with which they are accustomed to evoking conditioned re-
sponses. Sometimes one does not have to read; one merely
drowses and is lulled into a kind of euphoria. Listen: "dimpl-
ed knees," "smoothwhite shoulder," "fragile spires of
thought," "tear-filled voice," "my daddy's dear face," "rich
fertile soil." The poems become almost interchangeable—
and so, for that matter, are the critical plaudits on the dust
jackets. Here one finds "girlish lips," "wishful face," "lovely
thoughts," "tender dreams," "happy heart," "silver night,"
"pale pearl moon."
But there is the other side of the ledger. In one of the books
I found what seemed to be pleasant, refreshing naivete; sever-
al short items elsewhere recalled the gem-like works of the
Japanese and Chinese; individual strength stands out in scat-
tered offerings. The free verse is, I think, generally the most
successful.
Most of these North Carolina poems look with trust and
hope upon a world that often seems cruel. And that I will
not have the hardihood to disavow.
NORTH CAROLINA NON-FICTION BOOKS, 1953-1954
By Leonard B. Hurley
In the play Hamlet when the elderly, extremely talkative,
and somewhat tedious old Polonius, about to give before the
Danish court at Elsinore a long speech that will have the
exordium, the narrative part, and the peroration, says near
its beginning
Since brevity is the soul of wit [meaning wisdom]
and tediousness the limbs and outward nourishes,
I will be brief,
Then Queen Gertrude, who on the whole loves the old cour-
tier, and knows full well that he seldom can be brief, kindly
admonishes:
More matter and less art.
As one who certainly was never noted for his wit (meaning
wisdom), nor for essential brevity, and who is now called
upon to review twenty-eight books of a most varied nature
in little more than as many minutes, I am painfully conscious
that I must follow the Queen's advice— get in matter at the
expense of art in the getting in, and yet that in so doing I
can hardly hope to escape the tediousness which makes "the
limbs and outward flourishes." But, I am somewhat comfort-
ed by a speech that comes a little later in the play, wherein
after Hamlet has instructed old Polonius to look well after
the entertainment of the players who have come by invita-
tion to visit the court, Polonius replies:
My Lord, I will use them according to their desert,
Hamlet cries
God's bodykin's man, much better ! Use every
man after his desert and who shall 'scape whipping ?
Use them after your own honor and dignity. The
less they deserve, the more merit is in your bounty.
Take them in.
[225]
226 The North Carolina Historical Review
I feel assured that this august assembly will use me so— not
after my desert, no matter how little that may be, but accord-
ing to its own honor and dignity, with the merit all in its
own bounty.
Five years ago Mr. William T. Polk pointed out to this
group on just such an occasion as this, that North Carolina
could fairly be termed a state of writing. Four years ago Mrs.
Dorothy G. Thorne observed that if the previous year had
been that in which North Carolina writers discovered tobacco,
1950 was the year in which they discovered great men-
eleven out of the twenty-eight books in fields other than fic-
tion and poetry that year having been biographical studies.
In 1951 Professor Frontis W. Johnston expressed satisfaction
in his inability to find any common denominator for the
eighteen volumes he had examined, inasmuch as the infi-
nite riches of variety was only to be expected from a state so
celebrated for varied resources. In 1952 Mr. Legette Blythe
was pleased that he had not found it possible to divide books
into well-defined categories— noting that each stood alone,
differing in many respects from its fellows, because each
was the work of an individual seeing things and recording
them in his own individual way. And last year Mr. Hoke
Norris spoke of his gratification in having met forty or more
North Carolina writers attending a single writers' conference,
in Boone in August; emphasized the amazing and fruitful
revelation that had come to him in reading the twenty-one
books submitted in the competition for the Mayflower award;
and pointed out that North Carolina had long before passed
from Mr. Mencken's Sahara of the Bozart region to assume
a position of some leadership in the Southern Literary
Renaissance.
Now, this year I can but follow in their footsteps, to pro-
claim again the rich variety of the year's offerings, to testify
once more to the difficulty of the task facing those who would
read these works for a comparative evaluation, to confess
to having made a brave initial attempt to review each book,
only to fall back eventually before the limits of time allotted
here, which brings the necessity for little more than bare
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 227
mention of some books, a very brief comment on others, and
a somewhat longer but still relatively brief examination of
a few; and for convenience, somewhat arbitrarily to arrange
them in groups after the general fashion of library classifi-
cation, while realizing that no such arrangement can be al-
together satisfactory or feasible.
There are twenty-eight books in this year's harvest. Six
of these were brought out by a university press - one each
by Cornell, Duke, Harvard, Louisana State, the University
of Chicago, and the University of North Carolina Press. A
dozen or more were published by nationally known publish-
ing firms including Dial Press, Doubleday, Abingdon-Cokes-
bury, Samuel French, Harpers, Lippincotts, Little-Brown,
MacMillan, Scribners, Broadman, and William Morrow. Oth-
ers were printed by less well-known firms, were privately
printed, or were published by societies or organized groups
—including the Philosophical Library, the Exposition Press,
the Divers Press, the North Carolina Grange, a North Caro-
lina church, and the State Department of Archives and His-
tory.
No specific trends are to be noted. Perhaps there were
fewer biographies and autobiographical studies. Only two of
the books are by women, and both of these, Mrs. Ella Earl
Cotton and Miss Ruby F. Johnston, are educated, cultivated
women of the Negro race, who are now, or have been, work-
ers in education and in social fields. Seven of the books are
by ministers, at least twelve by teachers, two by newspaper
editors. Nearly half could be classified as books of a scholarly
nature— in a sense the product of scholarly research, includ-
ing texts. It might also be said that in comparison with the
books of several recent years, there is this year less concen-
tration on North Carolina, although several of the best of
the books do deal with the State in the past or the present or
in both. For example, in comparison with 1951 when eight
out of eighteen books had decided connection with North
Carolina, this year only eight out of twenty-eight do, where-
as twenty have little connection with North Carolina other
than that of having been produced by a North Carolinian.
228 The North Carolina Historical Review
But enough of preliminaries. Let us turn to the books them-
selves.
First, let us consider books having a religious aspect, books,
that is, that bear in some way on religious themes. At least
nine such books are to be found in the offering for the year
—possibly ten, though several of these might also be classified
as historical works or as social history. Seven of these books
are by North Carolina ministers. Suppose we start with a
practical, yet deeply moving book on the art and science of
preaching, pass thence to four books of sermons, consider
briefly a work dealing with the relation of religion to the
treatment of alcoholics, and move then to several books that
combine the theme of religion with the social and historical
theme.
The True and Lively Word, A Practical Guide to Effective
Preaching, by James T. Cleland is made up of five lectures
delivered in February, 1953, to the Episcopal Theological
School in Cambridge, Massachusetts. They are "The Words
of the Bible," "The Word of God," "The Word of the World,"
"The Word and the Words of the Preacher," and "The Word
in the Believer." In these the writer says he has sought to
outline, what, as he sees it, preaching is all about: "its start-
ing point; its content; its setting; its exponent; its outcome."
He takes as its starting point this difinition of a sermon: "A
manifestation of the Incarnate Word, from the Written
Word, by the Spoken Word." Every sermon, Dr. Cleland
maintains, must explain the ways of God and must at the
same time show understanding of human affairs and human
interests. It must be addressed not to a theologian but to
the layman in language and terms that the average member
of the congregation can understand. He emphasizes the need
of the process of digging through, turning up and testing a
passage of scripture that the real word of God may be found
therein. Constantly must the minister draw the eternal out
of the temporal and, in reverse order, the temporal out of
the eternal, and above all he must himself "he the word re-
incarnated." Dr. Cleland is Professor of Preaching in the
Duke University Divinity School and Preacher to the Uni-
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 229
versity; and these lectures which, as the Christian Century
observes, are "lectures on preaching delivered to Episcopal
students by a Presbyterian who normally writes for the
Methodists" seemed a good work with which to begin, since
"with this ecumenical start one expects a broadly intelligent
treatment," and that expectation is not disappointed.
Of the four volumes of sermons among this years' books,
the first I would mention is that by the Reverend John A.
Redhead, entitled Getting to Know God— Sixteen Sermons to
Make Him Real to You. Dr. Redhead begins his simple but
forceful series with the sermon that gives his volume its title,
"Getting to Know God-What is God Like, Who is He? Where
is He? How can a Man Get to Know Him?"— follows this with
three sermons entitled "A God Who Grows," "A Glimpse of
God," "Look at God Through Christ," then comes to "Path-
ways to God," followed by six sermons, one each on The
Wisdom— ,The Love—, The Will—, The Power—, The Provi-
dence—, and the Holiness of God. He passes thence to three
sermons on "The Triumphant God," "The Saving God," and
"The Healing God," and concludes with two sermons, "The
God of All Comfort" and "The God of All Grace." Choosing
four texts from the Old Testament and twelve from the New,
the author sets forth in uncomplicated style, in straightfor-
ward language, and with a wealth of assurance his conception
of the way men must follow to come to know God through
his son, Jesus Christ.
A second, and a most interesting volume of sermons, is
found in The Mandate To Humanity, by the Reverend Ed-
win McNeill Poteat, with its subtitle The Ten Command
ments, Divine Imperatives For Man and Society, An Inquiry
into the History and Meaning of the Ten Commandments and
Their Relation to Contemporary Culture. The volume recalls,
and I think compares very favorably with, Dr. Poteat's vol-
ume of 1951, The Parables of Crises, in which he also in-
quired into the history and meaning of sixteen of the last
parables of Jesus in a discussion which greatly stressed the
times in which these parables were spoken and the com-
parable tensions of the mid-twentieth century. Again "his
230 The North Carolina Historical Review
approach is that of the scholar; his aim that of the pastor,"
for Dr. Poteat reasons well, fills his pages with shrewd ob-
servation, proves continually interesting, writes with clarity
and at times in sparkling style, but seldom with moving
simplicity, though nearly always with a real, imaginative
choice of words. For many, I think, the book will not read
easily.
One notes that here Dr. Poteat presents his discussion of
the ten commandments in sixteen chapters. The first three
chapters: "The Right to Command," "Man Meets God," and
"No Other God," deal with the bases on which man recog-
nizes the will and the right of God to give commandments,
and deal with the first great commandment— Thou Shall Have
No Other Gods before me— and this is seen as the result of
monolatry rather than monotheism or polytheism. Chapter
four, "Man's Other Gods," is presented in the author's words
as something of a parenthesis, a recapitulation for purpose
of keeping continuity clear, and deals with man's Other God,
the ego, the thing within himself which tricks him into false
ideas about the good. Chapter Five, "The Image Problem,"
deals with the Second Commandment, and chapter six,
"The Jealously of God" and seven, "The Name of God," deal
with the third. And these first three commandments, says Dr.
Poteat, "are more profitably understoond as three parts of
one great commandment." Chapter seven, "The Sabbath
Day," deals with the Fourth Commandment— one as long as,
and much more detailed than, the first three taken together,
and chapter nine deals with the Fifth Commandment which
sets up the importance of the family. Chapter ten, "Our
Moral Bill of Rights," is again a parenthetic chapter pointing
forward to the four maxims which follow in the great Man-
date, exposing the problem of Morality in its simple essence.
And chapters eleven, "The Right to Life," and twelve, "The
Right to Integrity," thirteen, "The Right to Property," and
fourteen, "The Right to Justice" deal with the Sixth through
the Ninth Commandments, Thou Shalt Not Kill, Commit
Adultery, Steal, Bear False Witness. The Tenth Command-
ments which as our writer says "falls back to an attitude of
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 231
mind and for that reason does not belong with group six
through nine" is considered in Chapter Fifteen, and the final
chapter, "Conclusion," sums up the whole discussion.
Throughout these sixteen chapters, readers will observe, Dr.
Poteat brings into sharp focus the stern conflict between
Marxist and Hebrew-Christian concepts of man's moral na-
ture. And in his excellent and informative fourteen-page In-
troduction the writer deals with what he says, "Nowadays any
effort to set forth what the biblical record has to say must be-
gin with:" namely "an understanding of a literary problem
that is involved in its history." This solid book of two hundred
thirty-one pages is longer and more complex than the two al-
ready reviewed, or, I believe, than the one to follow. The
book is dedicated to Dr. Poteat's congregation of the Pullen
Memorial Baptist Church, Raleigh.
A third book of sermons, I must treat more briefly: The
Rev. J. Winston Pearce's I Believe: Twelve Studies in the
Christian Faith. Here is a small volume of one hundred twen-
ty pages. Dr. Pearce, pastor of the First Baptist Church in
Durham, beginning with a sermon "What a Great Faith Will
Do For You," continues with eleven sermons each of which
uses the words of the title I Believe: I believe in God,— in
Jesus Christ,— in the Holy Spirit, in the Incarnation,— in the
Forgiveness of Sin,— in The Church,— in Prayer,— in The
Priesthood of All Believers,— in The Bible,— in The Resur-
rection,— in Continuing Incarnation. In informal, readable
style, with apt references and an abundance of illustrative
stories, a devout minister, through giving his own personal
beliefs, reaffirms what he conceives to be the heart of Chris-
tian faith.
A volume almost twice the length of I Believe is found in
the fourth book of sermons or related religious essays, Billy
Graham's Peace With God: How To Choose in The Hour
of Decision. Here the material is arranged in three divisions
each containing six discussions averaging ten to fifteen pages
in length: Part One-The Problem; Part Two-The Solution;
Part Three— The Result. As the New York Times recently
stated: "Mr Graham speaks and writes for the average man.
232 The North Carolina Historical Review
His is the 'old time religion/ full of fire and enthusiasm, the
Bible-preaching of American Protestantism from frontier to
TV." This book of sermons, which as the author says in his
preface has "literally been prepared on our knees," presents
an analysis of the teachings of this well-recognized funda-
mentalist evangelist— teachings, we should probably remem-
ber, which have a wide currency because of the weekly ra-
dio talks "Hour of Decision" and because of his evangelistic
campaigns in many cities in the United States and abroad.
Believing that people today are disorganized, bewildered,
and frightened because they are sinful; and that the divine
wisdom of God as set forth in His word has in it all that
man needs for a good life, a peaceful life, and for salvation;
that man if he will but read the Word will have made peace
with God and will be saved from eternal damnation; Graham
here sets forth his creed in detail.
A somewhat more specialized book having a religious
theme is found in Dr. George Aiken Taylor's A Sober Faith,
Religion and Alcoholics Anonymous. Seeing that belief in
God and a willingness to let God help is a basic belief and
attitude in those who work through Alcoholics Anonymous;
that the program of this group is basically a simple one com-
pletely founded on spiritual principles, a program consisting
of twelve definitely outlined steps; recognizing that this pro-
gram quite clearly has a close kinship with religion but that
Alcoholics Anonymous has succeeded with cures where the
church has failed, Dr. Taylor wished to know whether those
in this organization had found something in religion, some-
thing whose presence was hitherto unsuspected, and so he
probes into this question and analyzes each of the twelve
steps to show its parallel to religion and to suggest how each
—the church and Alcoholics Anonymous— many benefit from
the other.
We turn now to four books which combine with the church
—or the religious —note, the historical or sociological theme.
First a work entitled— The Presbyterian Congregation on
Rocky River. This rather solidly written book of more than
two hundred pages, which the author Thomas Hugh Spence,
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 233
Jr. dedicates to his father, a native born Scot who was past-
or of Rocky River Church 1916-1931, tells the story of
this congregation near Concord through the course of two
centuries, from its foundation by the vanguard of the sturdy
Scotch-Irish who poured into the region in the eighteenth
century, many of them to settle on the banks of this river
and its branches, on to the present. The book is relatively well
organized and is written in a clear, straightforward pleasing
style; it amply illustrates the development through the years
in North Carolina of a phase of life that has added to the
stature and to the richness of spirit in this region.
Two other books that have connection with the religious
theme and with the social or historical are the Development
of Negro Religion, by Ruby F. Johnston, and Negro Slave
Songs of the United States, by Dr. Miles Mark Fisher. The
first of these, published by the Philosophical Library, New
York, is arranged in two parts. First, "A Condensed History of
Negro Religion," presented in two chapters; and second, "Re-
ligion in Transition," presented in seven chapters. Miss John-
ston states as the aim of her study: ". . . to present functional
aspects of the Christian religion among contemporary Ameri-
can Negroes ... to demonstrate the origin and development
of the concept of Christianity among Negroes, and to point
out the progress of change in belief and action conditioned
by the social environment in which this evolution occurred."
She finds that in the course of time certain features of re-
ligion were accentuated among the American Negroes, that
in an effort to adjust members to "perplexing, baffling, stag-
gering experiences in a new world, a distinct flavor in re-
ligious manifestation developed from the social background
and habitat of a transplanted people . . . submerged feelings
unexperienced in real-life situations found an outlet in intense
emotional expression in the church. Desire for recognition
. . . security unfulfilled in everyday activities received fulfill-
ment . . . instruments for procurement of freedom were tor-
mented in the church. Religion became the way of life."
Hence Miss Johnston's objective becomes in her words, "to
give major consideration to these functions— emotional, psy-
234 The North Carolina Historical Review
etiological, social— as the Negro conceived them at various
periods, with an account of the modifications, subordinance,
and displacement of one form by another as the goals of the
race were achieved in the American cultural setting as the
American society itself underwent metamorphosis." This
study, based as it is on a social survey made of Negro
churches in Boston, Massachusetts, and in South Carolina-
three rural churches in or near Orangeburg, S. C, served by
a single pastor— is really more a sociological than a religious
work. It presents some interesting material for those who
would understand the Negro in our world today.
Negro Slave Songs of the United States is a scholarly study
published by the Cornell University Press for the American
Historical Association, Its author, Dr. Miles Mark Fisher, is
both teacher and preacher— Professor of Church History at
Shaw University, Pastor of White Rock Baptist Church in
Durham. The present work is the outgrowth of, and revision
of, a doctoral dissertation prepared in the Divinity School of
the University of Chicago. It is Dr. Fisher's thesis that, "the
so-called 'Slave Songs' of the United States are best under-
stood when they are considered as expressions of individual
Negroes which can be dated and assigned to a geographical
locale. They are, in brief, historical documents. As such they
reflect Negro behavior which as Frederick Law Olmstead con-
cluded in 1860, emphasized African background patterns ra-
ther than the Christianity of the nineteenth century."
Dr. Fisher has arranged his study of Negro slave songs-
spirituals— in nine numbered divisions. He opens with a twen-
ty-six page discussion of "History in the Music of Negroes."
He closes with a fifteen-page summary section of "Under-
standing Spirituals." Between this opening and this closing
discussion are seven numbered sections each approximately
fourteen to twenty pages in length, each considering a group
of spirituals but centered around an outstanding one, these
drawn from definite periods in American history. For ex-
ample, the first to be considered, grouped around "Sinner
Please," are from the years 1740 to 1815; second, those group-
ed around "Deep River" are from the years 1816 to 1831;
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 235
third, those centering about "Steal Away" come from the years
1800 to 1831; next those from the fourth, fifth, and sixth sec-
tions and centering respectively about the spirituals "You'd
Better Min'," "I am Bound for the Promised Land," and
"When I Die" all come from the years 1832-1867; and finally
those grouped with "Look What a Wonder Jedus Done" rep-
resent the years 1861 to 1867.
In the course of this study Dr. Fisher reviews in a detailed
manner the history of various attitudes toward Negro slave
music or slave songs, and arrives at a conclusion that agrees
with what he discovers to be the later approach— the histori-
cal approach; that is to say that the slave "took a good look
at this world and told what he saw"— that as John Lowell
said in 1939, a "true interpretation" of spirituals held that
they were evidences of the Negro's obsession with freedom
and justice, and they included plans of strategy with which
these could be achieved; and that, as V. F. Calverton has it,
"there is more, far more than the ordinary Christian zeal
embedded in Negro spirituals. They are not mere religious
hymn written or recited to sweeten the service or improve
the ritual." Rather "they are the aching, poignant cry of an
entire people." So, says Dr. Fisher in the concluding para-
graphs of his introductory chapter, "That negro spirituals
are historical documents from the negro people may be
postulated in five statements: The primary function of Afri-
can Music was to give the history of a people; African Ne-
groes were transplanted to the Americas along with their
gifts of song; the first extended collection of slave songs was
advertised as historical documents from the negro people;
such an evolution of slave songs was perceived by divers
people; Negro spirituals are best understood in harmony with
this historical interpretation."
One other scholarly study in this category I would men-
tion as a most impressive work among the year's books, The
Russian Church and the Soviet State, by Dr. John Shelton
Curtis. Dr. Curtis maintains an attitude of scrupulous ob-
jectivity as he tells with extraordinary clarity a most complex
story, that of the changing position of the Russian Orthodox
236 The North Carolina Historical Review
Church in relation to the Soviet State from 1917 down to the
end of the year 1950. This last-named date was chosen be-
cause, by that time, the author declares "the revolutionary as-
pects of the relationship had ended, and, after the striking de-
velopments during World War II, a modus Vivendi that
promises to have considerable duration has been established
... no significant changes appear to be in prospect."
Dr. Curtis, professor of history at Duke University, has
indeed produced a book that is a superb piece of scholarship.
The work is based on original sources discovered both in
America and in Europe. It deals with a problem about which,
I am told, specialists in the Russian field have long been lack-
ing information, and hence is likely to be regarded as the
definitive work on the subject so long as Soviet records re-
main closed to western scholars. I know that some of these
scholars find the style of the work, though not inferior to
that in the average monograph, yet not quite on the same
high level with its scholarship; and feel that though the na-
ture of the material is admittedly not of the type that lends
itself to vivid and dramatic treatment, some parts of the
study seem much richer than others. For example, the
treatment of the first ten year period to 1928 is on the whole
much more impressive than that given the following twenty-
three years, and that even if the official Soviet sources be-
came, as the author says 'less abundant' after that year, that
these, nevertheless might have been supplemented with profit
by the contribution which stories of Soviet emigrants as liv-
ing witnesses— especially after 1938— would probably have
made. Despite the claim on the book-jacket that the work
"will interest the general reader as well as the entire theologi-
cal audience" one may with reason suspect that only that por-
tion of the theological audience which is directly concerned
with religious problems behind the iron curtain will be
drawn to it, and that the average reader will not find it of
great appeal. It is, as I have said, a thorough and a scholarly
work, carefully documented, well balanced, and on the whole,
material interestingly presented. It should greatly please his-
torians.
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 237
Now, having spoken of six books with religious themes,
and four that combine religion and the church with historical
and social themes, I turn from these ten to ask your attention
to another group of ten whose primary interest is history, or
history and biography. Let us begin here with a short work
on an early North Carolina charter, pass to an excellent his-
tory of North Carolina from the earliest years to the present,
and then roughly following chronological order, consider a
work dealing with the Revolutionary War period, one con-
cerned with the Civil War period, one concerned with more
restricted but important events in North Carolina in the years
1900-1911, one that covers the years 1912 to the 1940's but
stresses the period 1912-1920; one that considers a specialized
phase of the state's progress from 1929 to the present, and
two that stress biographical themes outside this country or
outside this state.
The Carolina Charter of 1663— How It Came to North
Carolina and Its Place in History, by William S. Powell, is
an extremely interesting and a most attractively arranged
small book of seventy-nine pages published by the State De-
partment of Archives and History. Ownership of this early
charter now makes North Carolina one of seven states posses-
sing copies of their original charters. This book is primarily
concerned with telling the story of how this original docu-
ment of 1663 was acquired by the state, rather than with
narrating the history of the granting of this seventeenth cen-
tury charter to the Eight Lord Proprietors by King Charles
II. But something of that phase of the story is also told. The
narrative proper which runs to only twenty pages is in two
sections: how the Charter came to North Carolina; and the
origin of the Charter. The full text of the four-page charter
follows, comprising some fifteen printed pages of this little
volume. The text is followed then, by biographical sketches
of the eight Lords Proprietors, all personal friends of the
King. Portraits of seven of these proprietors are given, Sir
John Colleton being the only one not shown. Also given
here are portraits of King Charles II and of John Locke, au-
thor of the Fundamental Constitutions drawn up for the
238 The North Carolina Historical Review
Carolinas under the direction of the Earl of Shaftsbury and
adopted by the proprietors on July 21, 1669. Numerous other
interesting illustrations and several interesting maps are in-
cluded. The work is furnished with an excellent bibliography.
The most solid work in history among the books this year
is, without doubt, a very impressive volume running to more
than six hundred and fifty pages, entitled North Carolina,
The History of a Southern State, by Hugh Talmage Lefler
and the late Albert Ray Newsome. Except for school texts this
is the first one-volume history of North Carolina that has
appeared in this century. It is, moreover, the first single vol-
ume history of this state to be written by professional histor-
ians. Dr. Lefler is— as Dr. Newsome was— professor of history
at the University of North Carolina. The work is published
by the University of North Carolina Press.
The book has balance and proportion, as well as good nar-
rative style— an essentially readable style— and excellent doc-
umentation. It is a most scholarly work. Most readers will
praise the book's proportional allotment of space and empha-
sis to well-defined periods in the state's development and in
national history. For example, of its nearly six hundred pages
of text, two hundred pages, or twelve chapters, are accorded
to the years from the beginnings up to the outbreak of the
American Revolution; two hundred and twelve pages, or
seventeen chapters, are given to the years from 1775 up to the
outbreak of the Civil War; and one hundred seventy-eight
pages, or seventeen chapters, are allotted the years 1861 up to
and including the national and state elections of 1952. There
will undoubtedly be some readers, however, who will hold
that the section dealing with the twentieth century is on the
whole somewhat less satisfying than the first two-thirds of the
volume, and may wonder if this is not partly to be accounted
for by the fact that the events of the past ninety-three years
since the outbreak of the Civil War are accorded slightly less
space than that given the eighty-five years between 1775 and
1861. But other forms of balance and proportion are also well
maintained; for example, between the history of the state in
political and military affairs on the one hand, and its develop-
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 239
ment in agriculture, trade, transportation, industry, education,
social organization, religion and literature on the other.
Throughout, the story of North Carolina is told as records
reveal it, beginning with the earliest voyages in the explora-
tion in the sixteenth century and coming down or up essen-
tially to the present— and told, as I have said, in first-rate
narrative style. But, whereas, the narrative method predomi-
nates the authors never hesitate to evaluate, to praise, or to
criticize wherever they feel the need so to do. The reader
notes with satisfaction, too, that within the the narrative quo-
tations are used with telling effect. These are never overdone,
but wherever the authors sense that the words of individuals
living in a period or participating in an event would point-up
its depiction, they have used them both frequently and effec-
tively. Since the authors state that they have been primarily
interested in showing how North Carolinians have through
the years lived and made a living and our attention is thus
kept on the people in their state, these quotations, so aptly
used serve their purpose well. Perhaps their relative absence
from, or at least their less frequent use in, the last quarter of
the book would help to account for the relative— but only
relative— thinness of that part.
All in all this is a scholarly study of the first rank, com-
prehensive, well-balanced, and very readable, the product of
more than five years of carefully planned work. I believe the
volume was in part designed as a college text. As such it will
be valuable. But this well-rounded history of North Carolina
will be of great interest and value also to the general reader.
Another brief but quite good historical study is Clark Wil-
liam Bell's The First Saratoga. Being The Saga of John Young
and His Sloop-of-War. This is Mr. Bell's fifth book dealing
with American naval history, and is written with all the as-
surance customarily found in the works of this writer, known
for his easy familiarity with colonial and revolutionary Amer-
ica and especially as an authority on our navy in the Revolu-
tion. In this little volume of one hundred and fifty pages
he brings to vivid life, a largely forgotten hero of the Ameri-
can Revolution. All that is known about this sloop-of-war in
240 The North Carolina Historical Review
the continental navy, and its gallant young Captain, John
Young, is set forth with skill and verve.
Friend of Robert Morris and Francis Lewis, companion in
naval circles of John Paul Jones, Seth Harding, and John
Barry, this inspiring leader of a devoted young band of naval
officers serving the Saratoga— the first of several ships of that
name to win fame in our naval history— experiences exciting
adventure and achieves honor and recognition in a stirring
and critical period. Captain Young and his sloop, it seems,
played an important role in raids upon British ships, especial-
ly those bringing supplies to British troops in this country.
After these cruises filled with successful engagements and
with spectacular victories which brought rich prizes, the
ship and all its company disappeared during a West India
storm in 1781. The chapters bring exciting events before us
in swift succession. This little book, published by the Louisi-
ana State University Press, furnishes good reading matter.
I believe that the liveliest book of history— indeed the live-
liest book of this year's lot— is to be found in The Civil War as
told by James Street, in what he calls in the subtitle "An Un-
varnished Account of the Late but Still Lively Hostilities."
And, indeed, unvarnished and still lively is his buoyant and
pointed account. The book is profusely illustrated in less live-
ly, but telling fashion in line and wash drawings by John
Allan Maxwell. The text book is arranged in eight untitled
sections. Truly, as the jacket says, "the book is filled with
historical asides that will amaze" the reader. It is literally
crammed with lively anecdote, and crisply pointed up by
what one reviewer would insist is "informed but opinionated
data." Mr. Street would himself, I believe, be the first to
agree that, of course, he is opinionated. His opening sentence
reads: "Almost a hundred years after the first shot was fired,
we Americans cannot even agree on a name for our Civil
War Between the States, much less on what caused it or
exactly what happened." Then he proceeds to tell us what
caused it— and there, of course, is his opinion— and to tell
of many of the things that happened, grim, gallant, foolish,
well or foolishly planned and executed, and often amazing
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 241
or unbelievable, and to tell it, as has been said, "in prose as
impetuously indecorous as the Yankees' departure at Bull
Run-
To North Carolinians of my generation who began the
growing-up process in small North Carolina towns just be-
fore the turn of the century, towns still lying under the dark
shadow of this great conflict ( the bloodiest in human history
to that date) the term The War could signify only one con-
flict. It is an experience to hear Mr. Street speak of it as he
does here, for as the book-jacket frankly points out "Mr Street
has a way of stalking into history's barnyards and staring at
the sacred cows and then pinching them: of pointing to the
black sheep, the scapegoats, the jackasses; the wise barn
owls in the loft, and to the rats in the corn crib." Readers who
had followed his story of the Dabney tribe in his novels dis-
playing strange turns in our great civil conflict would be pre-
pared for this attitude. The reader turns away from this book
enlightened, saddened, wryly amused, half angered at times,
but with his faith in a people unbroken. Swallowing some of
the facts therein— or even more, some of the freely tossed-
off opinions— will leave him with a decidedly tart, even puck-
ered after-taste. But the reader who begins this crisply
written book will certainly finish it, or I miss my guess.
Let me quote: "Fifty years ago on the flat beach land of
Kill Devil Hill near Kitty Hawk, North Carolina, twelve sec-
onds at 10:37 o'clock on the morning of December 17, 1903,
changed the course of the world events to come," so says Mr.
Aycock Brown in beginning his brief monograph, The
Birth of Aviation. "On that day," he continues, "the world's
first power-driven heavier-than-air machine in which
man made free, controlled and sustained flight, took off into
a twenty-seven mile wind, climbed to an altitude of about
ten feet and remained aloft for twelve seconds. The actual
distance covered was only one hundred and twenty feet;
nevertheless it was the most historic of all flights, because
it was the first powered flight of all time and the birth of
modern aviation."
For the fiftieth anniversary of the great event Mr. Brown
tells the story— as his sub-title states it "Story of the Wright
242 The North Carolina Historical Review
Brothers' Flights at Kitty Hawk and Kill Devil Hill, North
North Carolina." Mr. Brown makes no attempt to give the
life story of the two famous Wright brothers. Little attention
is given to the days of their youth and early manhood in
Dayton as they planned in the bicycle shop of their home
town for glider and powered flight. Nor does he attempt to
deal with their achievements in later life. Instead, the author
concentrates on "their successful experience there on the
windswept outer banks of North Carolina," the story of
Wilbur and Orville Wright and its Kitty Hawk-Kill Devil Hill
setting from 1900 to 1911. As to happenings that in later years
became the subject of controversies, the writer attempts to
present both sides of a question and leaves it at that.
The brief text of Mr. Brown's story, given in thirty-two
unnumbered pages, is preceded by fourteen pages— followed
by fifteen pages— of excellent photographs, numbering fifty-
nine in all, and spanning the half -century; the story is well
told and well documented in words and pictures.
We come next to what I should think has been one
of the two most widely read books of the year that came from
a North Carolina writer, The End of Innocence, by Jona-
than Daniels. If, as Mr. Marquis Childs has said, Mr.
Daniels's book of several years past, The Man of Indepen-
dence is "brilliant political biography," I should hazard
the opinion that The End of Innocence is equally good or
better in that field, and as the portrait of an era— certainly
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. has recently termed it Jona-
than Daniel's best book. Jonathan Daniels has indeed had a
unique opportunity to know the inside story of the develop-
ment of these United States from the beginning of the Wil-
son era through the period of President Truman. His father,
Josephus Daniels, who is at the center of his present study,
served in the administrations of Cleveland, of Wilson, and of
Roosevelt. Through the eyes of one who as a young adoles-
cent went to live in Washington with that father in the eight
years when Wilson was in the White House, and who was
there again as a young man, and as a mature man, as ad-
ministrative assistant and as press secretary to Roosevelt, and
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 243
one who above all was close to his father through all these
years, we here see the men and the age, concentrating mainly
on the Wilson era. He presents his father through-out as an
innocent in some measure, but wise with the innocence of
faith, of genuine belief in a type of democracy whose weak-
nesses he knew but in whose strength he firmly believed.
That his account of these tumultuous years is less an his-
torical than an emotional enterprise, Mr. Daniels himself
admits; he speaks of it as "memory ridden and emotion torn."
But if it be an emotionally informed story of the relationships
and the interrelationships of Wilson, Bryan, Daniels, Roose-
velt,-F. D. R. and Teddy-of Col. House, and Col. Mc-
Cawley of the Marines, of Secretary of War Baker, and Sen-
ator Lodge, and Col. Robert Mean Thompson of the Navy
League, of both the first and the second Mrs. Wil-
son, and the younger Eleanor Roosevelt, and of numerous
others, drawn oftentimes in few but revealing lines— and
always with emphasis on the two men he knew best and
loved most, his father and Franklin Roosevelt, nevertheless,
the book is a warmly human story and a most informing and
moving one. It is truly the portrait of an era, a beautiful and
sympathetic portrait of an era, the end of America's "innocent
parochialism" and its entrance upon an era of World Power,
with the big ideas, the big government which a big war
brought, a position, as we now know, into which we moved
to stay, and moved with the pain and the awakened knowl-
edge that always comes in the moving from innocence into
sophistication. Moreover, it is more than an enthralling story.
Here we have brilliant memoir, a most carefully docu-
mented presentation of events and the men who moved
through them shaping them and being shaped by them. Here
we find also, keen analysis of the working of the democratic
system in America and an affirmation of belief in such democ-
racy. One understands that it was not F. D. R. alone who
learned of democracy through Josephus Daniels.
Certainly, to this reader for one, the portrait of the de-
veloping Roosevelt is as enthralling as that of the staunch
old southern democrat who was his mentor, sometimes his
244 The North Carolina Historical Review
antagonist, always his friend— the man who, as Henry Steel
Commager observed, "better than any other figure in public
life linked up the Populist Era with the New Freedom, and
then with the New Deal, remaining consistent and unspoiled
through half a century." The writer can and does view both
men at times critically. He shows that the two did not work
together in the Navy Department in those early years with-
out a good deal of stress and strain; but that they came to un-
derstand, to like, and to trust one another he reveals clearly—
and that the younger man learned much from the older. The
author of End of Innocence states his conviction that
"Roosevelt's arrival at appreciation of the meaning of such
men as Daniels was more important than anything he [as
Assistant Secretary of the Navy] learned under Daniels about
dealing with labor, with steel and other magnates, with
power in democracy in terms of the back country as well as
of the ward rooms." To the young aristocrat, he continues,
"there had been about Daniels almost the same deceptive ap-
pearance which a plain strong democratic American so often
showed to the supercilious who suddenly confronted it in
history. Roosevelt's greatest attainment when he departed
[from the Navy Department] was that he was no longer
self-deceived in democracy— and would not be so deceived
again."
Although the book concentrates on the years from 1912 to
the early 1920's, it does not end with the death of Wilson,
the repudiation of the League of Nations, the coming of the
Harding administration, and the crippling of Franklin Roose-
velt. As the work had begun with Josephus Daniels in 1941
at seventy-nine, Ambassador in Mexico, and had gone back
then to 1912, so it closes with the chapter bearing the book's
title, "End of Innocence," a chapter opening with the author
himself on that afternoon when as assistant to Roosevelt he
received in the White House the news of Roosevelt's death
in Georgia, and telephoned to his father in Raleigh only to
find that he had already purchased his ticket to Washington.
And it moves on to the speech made by Daniels at 85 in front
of the house in Warm Springs in which Roosevelt died, quo-
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 245
ting at length from that speech so clearly affirming the old
man's faith in democracy:
We need not be the companion of our fears.
Only the already lost can think of our future as besieged.
We have more to give than to guard, our powers are not
weapons but the tools with which to build the promise of
democracy into the purpose of mankind. . . . Sometimes that
faith is hard to hold. Even to an old man who has seen many
years these times seem dark. But this place is lit with cour-
age and is illuminated with faith.
The last chapter is to me a most provocative one, not the
least because it so clearly bears the brand of the writer's be-
liefs, as well as those of his father. I find these words there
and I like them; "I set it down as my faith that only the
Visionaries have helped the people to shape their security and
that those who most confidently regard themselves as
realists have retarded it."
I find his book one of rare insight, skillful writing, enthral-
ling warmth, and keen perception.
Samuel Reval Spencer, Jr., assistant to the President of
Davidson College, has given us a historical essay or mono-
graph, a slender little volume of one hundred nine pages en-
titled Decision for War 1917: The Laconia Sinking and the
Zimmerman Telegram as Key Factors in the Public Reaction
Against Germany. This work studies the facts back of an act
which was probably the most significant act of the United
States government in the first twenty-five years of the twen-
tieth century— the decision to enter the First World War
against Germany. The thesis here seems to be that following
the break off of diplomatic relations with Germany on Febru-
ary 3, the sinking of the ocean liner, Laconia, on February 25,
closely followed by the publication, on February 27, of the
Zimmerman Telegram revealing the proposal by the German
government of an alliance with Mexico and Japan against
the United States, caused a profound shift in pubic opinion
in America, made Americans to feel that Germany had at-
tacked the United States, and hence, became in their eyes
the "overt act" on the part of Germany which made war with
246 The North Carolina Historical Review
her necessary, so that by April 6, the Congress, called into
special session, in response to the Presidential recommenda-
tion declared a state of war to exist between the United
States and Germany.
It is natural, no doubt, that some readers should see this
study as an attempt "to revise the revisionists," that is, those
historical thinkers who held sway in the 1930's, the decade
prior to our entry into World War II. Certainly he takes
issue with the interpretation of that decade, that the dis-
closure of the Zimmerman message was carefully timed by
the British; and he shows in a way that would seem to be
conclusive that the British delivered the message as soon as
they could. He maintains that it was not calculated cunning
but the luck of circumstances that made the revelation of
the message so sensational. He proves that the message was
delivered before the sinking of the Laconia and before the
plea by President Wilson on the day following, for armed
neutrality. There would seem to be small doubt that the
flaming headlines in the press immediately thereafter, as they
blazoned the terms of the Zimmerman proposal, caused a
powerful current in the stream of American public opinion.
Of course, it is difficult to prove a shift in public opinion;
and there are those who will not be persuaded by Dr.
Spencer's argument, no doubt, because they will not give
assent to the controlling assumptions that give him his frame
of reference. I am not one of these, however. I found the
book relatively convincing. Certainly, the author presents
an interesting study of significant events.
Another work in the field of history, this item specialized
twentieth century history, I must mention briefy. An organi-
zation numbering twelve thousand members all interested in
agricultural pursuits, these coming from fifty-five countries
and organized in two hundred local units "representing the
major farming interests in all sections" of North Carolina,
an organization that can rightfully boast a quarter century
of varied and constructive public service rounded out its
twenty-fifth anniversary on September 27, 1954. To review
its history during these years Dr. Stuart Noblin, Associate
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 247
Professor of History and Political Science at the North Caro-
lina State College, has written an interesting and informative
booklet, The Grange in North Carolina, 1929-1954, A Story
of Agricultural Progress. Beginning with a brief section called
The Old Grange, Dr. Noblin recounts the founding in Guil-
ford County in 1873— only six years after the birth of the Na-
tional Grange— of the first North Carolina Grange or Patrons
of Husbandry, the subsequent brief surge of interest and
power in the movement only to recede before the mounting
force of the Farmer's Alliance— Populist combination and the
founding of a Department of Agriculture. Subsequent sections
deal with "Reorganization," in the early fall of 1929 with
Clarence Poe as leader; "Depression," the hard years in the
early thirties, yet the steady growth of the grange under W.
Kerr Scott; "New Deal' -the Grange from 1933 to 1937 un-
der Earl S. Vanatta and Ben F. Wilson; "The War Years," the
Grange under Harry B. Caldwell, 1937 to 1946; and "Since
The War," the grange at work— the longest and most varied
section of its history— the grange under Margaret H. Caldwell
in the year 1946-47 and again her husband's direction, 1947
to the present. The sketch closes with the section "Silver An-
niversary"—a summary. An appendix lists state conventions-
date and place, national conventions held in North Carolina,
officers and divisional leaders, executive committees, Direc-
tors of the Grange Mutual Fire Insurance Association of
North Carolina, and awards granted during these years for
distinguished service to agriculture.
Two works in this category remain to be considered— one
in biographical history, one in sociological autobiography. The
biographical history, one that challenges attention, is the
work of Charles Richard Sanders of the Department of Eng-
lish, Duke University, The Strachey Family, 1588-1932; Their
Writings and Literary Associations, published by the Duke
University Press. I find this truly an engrossing book and
have all too little time to speak of it here. The author an-
nounces his purpose thus: "To study humanity as it has dis-
played itself in the life of a comparatively small but highly
interesting family over a period of about three hundred years
248 The North Carolina Historical Review
is the main object of the book." It presents the varied history
of the versatile and gifted Strachey family through many gen-
erations. Beginning with Elizabethan times— 1588, the year of
the Spanish Armada— it passes quickly to William Strachey,
who was in the great storm in July, 1609, that wrecked the
fleet of Sir George Somers near the Bermudas, and who from
Jamestown in July of the following year sent home a letter that
is believed to have given Shakespeare material for the first
act of The Tempest, and who became Lord De La Warr's
secretary in Jamestown and thus the first secretary to an
American colony, and it then moves through the centuries
and the generations of Stracheys to arrive eventually at the
Honorable John Strachey, who now in the days of the Second
Elizabeth is a leader in the British Labor Party. We follow
the Stracheys not only through the centuries but over the
world, for their travels, their exploits, their residences were
varied, and their interests and works wide spread. Dr. San-
ders may be interested mainly in the contributions of the
family to literature— for as he says, the Stracheys were a
writing family— a family with a genius for friendships and
their friendships among men of the literary world as well as
the world of public life were many and varied: with John
Donne, with the Elder Crashaw, with John Locke, with men
of the Enlightenment, with Robert Southey and Walter Sav-
age Landor, with Carlyle and Kitty Kirkpatrick, with Ed-
ward Lear of nonsense-verse fame— to mention but a few—
and always the author shares their interests and exploits in
travel and exploration, in science, in government and parli-
amentarianism and diplomacy, in the Empire, in fine arts,
in the Church, in sanitation, finance, legal systems and even
railroads. Always the Stracheys made their mark and always
they left the imprint of a strong personality. From William
Strachey then, author of The True Repository, and The His-
tory of Virginia, down through the years to J. St. Loe Strachey,
powerful editor of The Spectator from 1898 to 1925 and
to Giles Lytton Strachey, author, literary critic, and emi-
nent biographer with whose death in 1932 the story virtually
closes, the author, in ingenious though somewhat loosely
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 249
coordinated fashion, follows his purpose of studying human-
ity as it develops in such a family over three hundred years
—a remarkably interesting and yet in not a few ways, a typi-
cal upper class English family of distinction. Upon conclud-
ing the volume, the interested reader may well understand
why the Strachey name in England is a symbol for the con-
tinuity of a people and a nation, such continuity as the old
stone Manorhouse at Sutton Court, Somersetshire, and the
wide-spread, deeply-based, persistent and continuous ex-
ploits of the family it housed and sent forth represent.
An unusual book in the field of history and autobiography
is found in Ella Earl Cotten's A Spark for My People, with its
sub-title A Sociological Autobiography of a Negro Teacher.
In this little volume a dedicated woman— child of a marriage
in 1880's between an independent young farmer in the Blue
Ridge Mountains of Virginia and a young colored girl who
was a servant in his plantation home— tells the story of her
childhood in the care of an unusual negro grandfather and
grandmother, of her education at Knoxville College, of her
marriage and motherhood, and of her forty years with her
husband as both taught in the rural sections of the deep
south. Eventually in Alabama, under the auspices of the
United Presbyterian Church, as leaders in the school set-up
they have their great opportunity to put theories into prac-
tice; and there they achieve a truly fine school spirit and
community spirit and help to raise the educational level of
an entire rural community.
In her foreword the author says, "Viewing the book
in the same light as I would if someone else wrote it, the more
appealing aspects of it, to me, would be in the long, continu-
ous period of service in virgin soil, educationally. Equally as
important, perhaps more, was the fact that good race re-
lationships were possible and that life and labor could be
worked out in a pattern of happiness for all around."
She dedicates her book to the colored teachers of the ele-
mentary level in the thirteen southern states, the audience for
whom the book was prayerfully written.
Here is a tale told with relative simplicity, always without
250 The North Carolina Historical Review
bitterness and without self-satisfaction or anything border-
ing on conceit— told seemingly with a sense of deep dedica-
tion to her people and particularly to the cause of education
for them. Any one of us, I believe, could read the book with
profit.
Two books, Quintology and Mayan Letters, I find hard to
classify. Quintology is a title coined by the author, J. Ray
Shute, for a volume of five "themes on the same subject" as
he puts it— really addresses in which liberalism and democ-
racy are equated— as "Twin Lamps which have lighted the
pathway of freedom down through the ages." Mayan Letters
by Charles Olsen, contains seventeen letters written from the
Yucatan by this historian and poet in the months February
through July 1951, and edited by Robert Creely. Desiring to
break away from what seemed to him the too simple West-
ernism stemming from our Greek culture, to move back, ever
back, to a point of origin which would be capable of extend-
ing "history" in a new and more usable sense, to do more to-
ward repossessing himself of the Indian past in the effort to
find a civilization anterior to that which he has come from,
the writer appears to feel that he has found that world in
the Mayan.
Six books remain from our list. Each of these is in its way
an impressive work. Four of them— in a sense all six of them
—are the products of scholarly research. Three of them are
in the field of science or social science— anthropology, soci-
ology, psychology; three of them in the field of literature and
the social world. Each of these books really deserves detailed
comment. Yet I can but mention most of them briefly and
then choose one for slightly longer but still relatively brief
comment.
In Culture and Personality, John J. Honigman, anthropolo-
gist, writes a text book for those who would study in this new
field, Culture and Personality— a synthetic or cross-discipline,
not an insulated department of social science, as he explains;
—a cross-discipline in which present knowledge reflects the
work of psychologists, psychiatrists, sociologists, and an-
thropologists; "a young and rapidly expanding field of study,"
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 251
in which as the author observes, "the sum and organization of
knowledge barely remains unchanged from one issue of a
technical journal to the next." It would seem to be a quite
good text.
In The Human Animal, by Winston La Barre, another an-
thropologist, Professor at Duke University, writes in more
popular fashion— a fashion which combines sound scholar-
ship with a quite readable style, clear and unusually intelli-
gible for such a scientific work, a style free of technical jargon
and lightened with not infrequent touches of humor. With
definite purpose in mind the author integrates for the lay
readers the minimum essentials of human biology, cultural
anthropology, psychiatry and cognate fields. Believing that
to be a responsible member of the human race, one must un-
derstand human nature, must have self-knowledge; and that
one cannot today possess the necessary self-knowledge with-
out a reasonable comprehension of man's biological, cultural
and psychological inheritance, the author considers it the
obligation of the scientist to "proletarianize" his field in
order to give the general reader this most essential knowl-
edge. And this Mr. La Barre does with most interesting
results.
In an unusual book The Personality of Shakespeare: A Ven-
ture in Psychological Method, Harold Greer McCurdy, As-
sociate Professor of Psychology at the University of North
Carolina, combines an experimental study in psychological
method with an approach to literary criticism. In brief, as a
psychiatrist might use the day dreams, fancies, imaginings
of his patient to get at personality— "a set of personal rela-
tions;" so Mr. McCurdy through a study of recurrent ele-
ments or themes found in twenty-three of the Master's plays,
attempts to measure the personality projection of William
Shakespeare. I found this stimulating reading, though I want-
ed to argue at times.
In Dramatic Heritage Paul Green brings together twenty-
three varied essays and short papers devoted to life and the
theatre. Many of them deal with phases of regional theatre
and community festival and each will have its admiring read-
252 The North Carolina Historical Review
ers. Two, the critical essay on Paul Claudel, and the essay
entitled "The Mystical Bernard Shaw" are exceptionally
good— the latter, Paul Green at his best. As is usual with this
writer always the subject is treated in an imaginative way,
in vivid style, sometimes in poetic terms, always in language
so beautifully accurate that it is a joy to read.
In the lively work, The Gentleman of Renaissance France,
William Leon Wiley, of the University of North Carolina,
has produced a scholarly and very readable book, one that
should have appeal for cultivated readers everywhere— not
merely those interested in Romance language and literature.
Here he writes of the French Gentilhomme, studies the life
and habits of the French gentleman, in the period 1515 to
1560, that is, in the last half-century of the Valois Dynasty,
in the days of, and at the courts of Francis I and Henry II.
I find the work thoroughly enjoyable as well as must illum-
inating. It gives a very full and extremely valuable account
to the period. It is vivid, charming, delightful. It distresses
me to present it so inadequately to you. But time limit for-
bids further comment.
And now we come to our final book, certainly one of the
most delightful books to come from a North Carolina pen
this year— delightful alike to both the expert and to the gen-
eral reader, and one of the most widely read books of the
year: William T. Polk's Southern Accent, from Uncle
Remus to Oak Ridge. Critics have called the book "salty,
sympathetic and sagacious," to quote one; "poetic, sardonic,
erudite, and wise," to quote another; "provocative, intrigu-
ing"; "lively and often informative" to quote a third. I have
found in the book all of these qualities and more. Looking
at his own section of these United States, a section that has
all too often been sentimentalized on the one hand, misunder-
stood, bitterly criticized, or debunked on the other, Mr. Polk
himself says that he writes "out of love, shame, admiration,
exasperation, perplexity and fascination," as he examines its
life and its products during the turbulent and changing pe-
riod of the past one hundred years from 1850 to 1953—
from Uncle Remus to Oak Ridge.
North Carolina Non-Fiction Books, 1953-1954 253
Parts of the book are brilliant, it seems to me; parts hila-
rious. Some readers undoubtedly will feel that the book en-
deavors to do too much, or that it endeavors to cover too
much ground. Some undoubtedly will prefer the first half
to the latter part. Mr. Polk arranges his material in four parts :
One, What is the South?— his attempted answer considered
in four varied chapters; Two, What is the South Doing?— a
question answered as best he can in six lively chapters; Third,
What is the South Thinking?— his answer presented in three
chapters, one on race dilemma, one on Southern statesman-
ship from Monticello (Jefferson) to Bilbo, and the last out-
lining seriously Main Currents in Southern Thought, 1850-
1953; and the Fourth Part, What is the South Becoming?—
in which some measure of answer to the query is offered
under headings, "The Almost Irrestible Force," "The Not
Quite Immovable Object," and finally, "Challenge and Re-
sponse." Hilarious indeed, is the chapter including "A Scythe
for Mother," Mr. Polk's caricature of a typical contemporary
southern novel a la the imitators of a Faulkner, or a Tobacco
Road. At the other pole is the serious chapter in which he
analyzes the new industrial South. This is a healthy book, a
delightful and readable volume, one of which all North Car-
olinians can be proud.
There, then, are the twenty-eight books for the year 1953-
1954. Hurried and inadequate as my evaluation of them for
you has, of necessity, been, I can only trust that I have made
you feel in some measure the pride and gratification that
was mine as I read them and as I came to realize the richness,
the variety, and the value to be found in what our North
Carolina writers had offered us.
ELIZABETHAN POLITICS AND COLONIAL
ENTERPRISE
By Louis B. Wright
To North Carolinians it seems only natural that the first
effort to found an English colony in the New World should
have been directed to its shores. Clearly God was directing
the English toward the Promised Land. But to citizens of
other territories, the magnetic quality of the sandy stretches of
beach in the neighborhood of Cape Hatteras has always
been a matter of wonder. Had Raleigh's colonists found safer
harbors and more fertile territory the story of Elizabethan
efforts at colonization and of the later English colonies might
have been different. But they did not; three times they re-
turned to the same place, and no one has satisfactorily ex-
plained the fascination of this particular spot. It is true that
Arthur Barlow after the first reconnaissance in 1584 gave
an astonishing account of grapes growing in every bush and
shrub so that, he wrote, "in all the world the like abundance
is not to be found." To one intimately acquainted with the
juice of the scuppernong and muscadine, fresh or fermented,
this may provide a clue to the attraction of Roanoke Island
and its environs. But it is not my purpose to discuss this even-
ing the motives prompting the expeditions sent out by Ra-
leigh to settle on the shores of North Carolina; but rather it
is to survey the reasons why they were so long in coming.
England was late in claiming a place in the sun of the
New World. Indeed, she almost lost her opportunity. For
nearly a century before England gained a foothold, Spain
had been creating a vast empire that stretched from Tierra
del Fuego to Texas and beyond. She was comfortably settled
in Florida and was reaching north, with an outpost on the
coast of Georgia. Her explorers had ventured into Chesapeake
Bay and other inlets of the North Atlantic seaboard. Her
fishermen, along with those of France, had long frequented
the cod fisheries around Newfoundland and Laborador. It
seemed only a question of time before Spain would envelop
[254]
Elizabethan Politics and Colonial Enterprise 255
most of the New World. However, Jacques Carrier, it must
not be forgotten, had explored the St. Lawrence in 1536
and claimed it for the King of France, but France had been
as slow as England in proving her claim.
A faint hint of eventual opposition to Spain lay in the al-
most forgotten voyage of John Cabot, a Genoese, naturalized
in Venice. He had entered the employ of the first Tudor king,
Henry VII, and in 1497 had explored the northern coasts
of America, probably the shores of Newfoundland and Nova
Scotia, and had reported to his royal master that he had
claimed the country in his name. Upon the slender claims of
Cabot's discovery, England later based her right to territory
in the North Atlantic. Why had England, for nearly a cen-
tury, done so little to assert these claims and to take such a
rich possession? To us who have been steeped in the intri-
cacies of geopolitics and the belief in the necessity of access
to essential natural resources, it seems incredible that a na-
tion as shrewd— and acquisitive— as the English would have
been so negligent of its opportunities.
The answer lies of course in the tangled skein of Tudor
politics and England's slow realization of her place in the in-
ternational scene. We may see a similar parallel in the United
States' own groping toward political maturity, and her slow-
ness to grasp the implications of international power and
responsibility. For a long time England's destinies were con-
trolled by doctrines that our own isolationists would under-
stand and approve. But there were many complicating fac-
tors.
The first was the instability of the Tudor throne. Looking
backward from our point of vantage in time, we remember
the long reign of the first Elizabeth and think that few mon-
archs could have felt more secure in the affections of their
countrymen. But we forget that Henry VII had a very shaky
title to the crown which he snatched from Richard III, and
that Henry VIII in his efforts to establish a male line of suc-
cession, stirred up a hornet's nest at home and abroad, alien-
ated Spain and Mother Church, sowed the seeds of rebel-
lion, and left only a sickly minor son and two uncertain
256 The North Carolina Historical Review
daughters, whose partisans were ready time after time to
plunge the country into civil war. Edward VI's brief reign
saw a Protestant regime, followed by Mary Tudor's reversal
of the state religion and marriage with Philip II of Spain,
chief protagonist of Catholic power in Europe. Mary in turn
was followed by Elizabeth in 1558, who cast her lot with
the new religion, though it is doubtful whether she had much
enthusiasm for religion of any kind. But as the daughter of
Anne Boleyn she was regarded by the Catholic Church as
illegitimate and therefore without claim to the throne. Her
religious position was forced upon her.
On her accession, Elizabeth was faced with the internal
rebellion of powerful Catholic subjects like the Howards in
the North and with the threat of invasion from the Contin-
ent if she offended her late half brother-in-law, Philip II.
Few young girls have had more problems to perplex them. But
few girls possessed such natural cunning and shrewdness,
and few have ever had so wise and adroit a counsellor as
William Cecil, later Lord Burghley, whom she inherited
from her sister Mary. For most of her reign— until his death
in 1598— Elizabeth kept Burghley by her side. She was often
angry with him, frequently deceived him, and was not above
engaging in political intrigues behind his back, but she never
felt comfortable when she went against Cecil's advice, and
she always stood a bit in awe of him. No other man ever
succeeded in awing Elizabeth. And yet Elizabeth never let
Cecil become dictator over her mind. She kept other poli-
ticians in her service and she played them against each other
on the constantly shifting chess board of national policy. As
Lord Treasurer, Burghley occupied a paramount position.
Her other great statesman and counsellor was Francis
Walsingham, about ten years younger than Burghley, whose
appointment as ambassador to France, Burghley procured
in 1570. Less than a year after the Massacre of St. Bartholo-
mew's Day, August 24, 1572, Walsingham returned to be-
come Principal Secretary to the Queen. The slaughter of the
Huguenots had helped to confirm an ardent Protestantism
which influenced his political point of view until his dying
Elizabethan Politics and Colonial Enterprise 257
day in 1590. Though Walsingham and Burghley began as
friends, they soon found themselves on opposite sides of the
political fence, particularly in matters of foreign policy. Much
Elizabethan history must be interpreted with a knowledge
of the personalities and attitudes of Walsingham and Burgh-
ley in mind. Remote as all this may seem, it had much to do
with the planning that preceded the attempt to colonize
North Carolina.
Walsingham became the leader of the Protestant cause,
or more particularly, the wing of the Protestant faction that
eventually became known as the Puritan group. Burghley,
on the other hand, became the architect of Elizabeth's via
media in religion, a state church that would not be too hard
for former Catholics to accept and yet not so ritualistic as
to alienate moderate Protestants. The brilliant biographer
of both of these men, Professor Conyers Read, thus states
their differences: "I think Cecil was a good Protestant, but
he subordinated religion to material considerations, and
while Walsingham looked upon Puritans as crusaders, Cecil,
as he grew older, came to regard them as a nuisance. Clap-
ham says of him [Cecil] that he disliked Catholics because
of their superstition and the Puritans because of their singu-
larity."1 Villainous as Cecil may have regarded such acts as
the St. Bartholomew's Massacre or the cruelties perpetrated
by the Spaniards on the Dutch Calvinists, he never let his
emotions sway his judgment. He did not intend for England
to lead any Protestant crusade on the Continent. Though he
placed no great trust in Spaniards, he believed that co-exis-
tence of a sort was possible with them, and he was opposed
to any policy that would bring open conflict.
Walsingham, though a man of prudence, also became
convinced as early as the 'seventies' that appeasement of
Spain could go too far. In 1576, he was supporting secret
1 The quotation is from a personal letter from Professor Read. His Mr.
Secretary Walsingham and the Policy of Queen Elizabeth (Cambridge
1925. 3 vols.) is a classic study of the man and his times. Hereafter cited
as Read, Mr. Secretary Walsingham. The first volume of Professor Read's
biography of Burghley is now in press. A succinct account of the political
differences of the two men may be found in Read, "Walsingham and
Burghley in Queen Elizabeth's Privy Council," English Historical Review,
XXVIII (1913), 34-58. Hereafter cited as Read, "Walsingham and Burgh-
ley."
258 The North Carolina Historical Review
aid to the Dutch rebels and Burghley was opposing it. The
Spanish Ambassador in London, Bernardino de Mendoza,
reported in 1578, that Walsingham and the Earl of Leicester
were pleading the Dutch cause under the color of religion
which made it hard for Burghley to oppose them, particularly
since Leicester, "despite his bad character," was in high fa-
vor with the Queen.2
The Queen s relations with Leicester remain one of the
mysteries of history. Whether Leicester was ever actually
her lover may be doubted, but she was emotionally stirred
by this ambitious man whose influence was greater than his
abilities as a soldier or statesman. Yet better men than
Leicester used him as a "front" and thereby gained a favor-
able hearing from the Queen. One of these men was Wal-
singham.
Walsingham's personal sympathies lay with the extreme
Protestant or Puritan wing of the church, and he and Leices-
ter are sometimes described as leaders of the "Puritan party."
That is an over-simplification of their activities.3 Walsing-
ham was too shrewd a statesman to become a narrow parti-
san, but both he and Leicester were irrevocably committed
to opposition to Spain. After the Sea Beggars seized Brill
and Flushing in 1572, and the revolt of the Netherlands ex-
cited the hopes of Protestants throughout Europe, Walsing-
ham and Leicester argued earnestly in the Privy Council
that England should recognize Philip II as an enemy and
go to the aid of the rebels.4 Henceforth, they were the recog-
nized leaders of the anti-Spanish faction in the Privy Coun-
cil and of what Corbett has called the "war party."5 Eliza-
beth was so upset on one occasion in 1576 by the constant
pressure to aid the Dutch that she ran into her bedroom,
locked the door, and refused to come out until members of
her household threatened to batter down the door to re-
trieve her. As one observer reported, "Her Majesty is troubl-
2 Read, "Walsingham and Burghley," 38.
3 Read, Mr. Secretary Walsingham, II, 258-339, discusses the complicated
nature of Walsingham's private and public relations with the Puritans.
4 Read, Mr. Secretary Walsingham, I, 316-372.
5 Julian S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy (London, 1899), I, 190 ff.
Hereafter cited as Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy.
Elizabethan Politics and Colonial Enterprise 259
ed with these causes, which maketh her very melancholy
and [she] seemeth greatly to be out of quiet." 6 Everybody
else was "out of quiet." Cautious, prudent William Cecil,
now Lord Burghley, was beside himself. He and the con-
servative members of the Privy Council did not want to see
Spain— or France either— supreme in the Low Countries, yet
Burghley, like the Queen, feared open war. The result, for
the time being, was another effort by the Queen to mediate
between Philip and the Dutch. She ended by lending the
Dutch money and allowing English "volunteers" to serve
in the Low Countries; eventually she sent her favorite Leices-
ter to command English troops fighting with the Dutch.
The decade from 1578 to 1588 was a period of cold war
with hot intervals, an era in some respects like our own un-
happy age. Throughout these years Burghley continued to
hope for a peaceful solution with Spain.
Around Walsingham, however, another group collected, a
group intent upon harassing Spain in every way. Their stra-
tegy was to unleash as many commerce raiders as they could
muster and let them prey on Spanish shipping and Spanish
treasure ships. They even contemplated establishing opera-
tional bases in the New World, and of raiding Spain's life
lines from such bases. These were the earliest plans for Eng-
lish settlements overseas. These bold spirits included John
Hawkins, Francis Drake, Humphrey Gilbert, Walter Raleigh,
and Richard Hakluyt, the dedicated propagandist of English
expansion overseas. It was not mere whim that made Hak-
luyt dedicate the 1589 edition of the Principal Navigations
to Walsingham. In addition to the immediate purpose of
crippling the Spanish capacity to make war— and of enrich-
ing themselves— by capturing Spanish treasure ships, these
men were coming to believe that England's future strength
and prosperity demanded outposts in the New World. Seiz-
ure of American bases would mean a frontal attack on Span-
ish interests and would incur the risk of a counter-attack
on England and the loss of English commerce with Spain and
the Spanish dominions.
eRead, Mr. Secretary Walsingham, I, 316.
260 The North Carolina Historical Review
Burghley was opposed to such bold measures on several
counts. First, he did not believe that England was equipped
to wage a war with Spain, the colossus of Europe. Spanish
armies were the mightiest Europe had ever seen. The Span-
ish infantryman had proved himself invincible on many a
field and Spain's reservoir of manpower seemed inexhausti-
ble. Burghley's natural caution made him loath to offend so
dangerous an enemy. Furthermore, he believed that the na-
tional interest lay in preserving peace and encouraging trade.
Despite religious and political suspicion and hatred of Spain,
England had a profitable trade with the Iberian peninsula and
with Flanders. Burghley had been constantly negotiating
to expand that trade. War, Burghley believed, would cer-
tainly bring on financial disaster. The best interests of Eng-
land would be served if the nation should content itself with
trade, keep the peace, and grow prosperous. Some way
would be found to circumvent the political and military
threats from Spain. In short, Burghley was a "little England-
er"— at least for the time being— and wanted no part of over-
seas expansion, if that expansion meant war with the great-
est military power in Europe.
Between Burghley and the conservatives on one side and
the adventurers who looked to Walsingham for leadership,
there was a constant struggle, often not open, but always
persistent. Where did the Queen stand in the midst of the
great debate? Precisely where it suited her at the moment.
With characteristic Tudor cunning, she played both sides
against the middle. She would not outwardly oppose Burgh-
ley and favor an irreparable affront to Spain; yet she secret-
ly encouraged her corsairs and sometimes invested in their
privateering expeditions. Always she demanded and got a
royal share of the booty. But she took care that she could dis-
avow any particularly embarrassing foray by her seamen.
The political background of Drake's famous circumnavi-
gation of the world in 1577-1580 illustrates the duplicity of
the Queen with her own ministers. In the summer of 1576,
Walsingham was in despair over the Queen's consideration
of a plan to make friends with Philip, and he was eager to
take advantage of any change of mood that would harden
Elizabethan Politics and Colonial Enterprise 261
her against the Spanish king. In the spring of 1577 the Queen
became suspicious that Philip was nurturing a plot to aid
Mary Stuart and Walsingham lost no time in encouraging
that mood. He advised her that she should secretly encourage
some of her sea captains to strike a blow at Spanish shipping
that would prove to Philip that England was a power that
he might not trifle with. At this moment Walsingham sought
out Drake. "Secretary Walsingham did come to confer with
him and declared unto him that Her Majesty had received
divers injuries of the King of Spain, for the which she de-
sired to have some revenge," a contemporary report giving
Drake's account of the proceeding states. 7 Whereupon, Wal-
singham whipped out a map and asked Drake to write down
in his own hand the places on the map where the King of
Spain "might be most annoyed." This Drake refused to do,
pointing out "that Her Majesty was mortal, and that if it
should please God to take Her Majesty away, it might be
that some prince might reign that might be in league with
the King of Spain, and then will my own hand be a witness
against myself." Nevertheless, Drake agreed to tell the Queen
in person of a plan to attack the Spaniards from the South
Sea and to raid the west coast of Spanish America. This
Drake did, and he reported that "Her Majesty did swear by
her Crown that if any within her realm did give the King
of Spain to understand hereof (as she suspected too well)
they should lose their heads therefor." And lastly Drake
said, "Her Majesty gave me special commandment that of
all men my Lord Treasurer should not know it." So Burgh-
ley, the Lord Treasurer, must be kept in the dark. Was he
completely fooled by the secrecy surrounding the feverish
preparations for the impending voyage? That is doubtful.
It was hard to keep secrets from so knowing a man as Burgh-
ley. It was given out that this was to be a voyage of discovery
in search of Terra Australis Incognita, and it was hinted for
Burghley's benefit, in case he heard of the project, that noth-
ing was farther from Drake's intent than injury to the King
of Spain.
7 Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, I, 207-208.
262 The North Carolina Historical Review
Clearly Burghley knew something about the projected
voyage, for among the gentlemen-officers whom Drake found
it expedient to take along was a mysterious person named
Thomas Doughty, who had long cultivated Drake's friend-
ship. Doughty's precise role has been a subject of specula-
tion, but it is certain that he was Burghley's agent. Perhaps
Burghley placed upon him responsibility for frustrating any
belligerent move against Spain. Perhaps he was there mere-
ly to report to Burghley what happened.
At any rate, Doughty proved a troublemaker from the start,
and when Drake reached the Straits of Magellan late in
June 1578, he anchored in Santa Cruz Bay and brought
Doughty to trial for mutiny and other crimes. With charac-
teristic English regard for the forms of law, Drake gave
Doughty a jury trial; he was found guilty and sentenced by
Drake, who served as presiding judge, to death. Again with
characteristic English regard for decorum, Drake took com-
munion with the prisoner, sat with him at his last dinner,
and had him beheaded as a traitor. Whatever the formal
charges were, Doughty's fatal crime in Drake's eyes was be-
ing the agent to betray him to Burghley, the Lord Treasurer.
Drake was realist enough to know that he himself was
caught in the web of Elizabethan politics, that, in Corbett's
words, "he was being used as an instrument to upset Burgh-
ley's policy of peace." 8
The story of Drake's epoch-making voyage has been often
told and does not need repeating, but its political aspects
and its relation to other anti-Spanish ventures are frequently
overlooked. Drake's raids on the defenceless towns of Chile
and Peru were enough to precipitate war, it would seem.
But when Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador, complained of
the "master thief as he called Drake, Elizabeth blandly re-
torted that she had no proof of his guilt. Elizabeth, of course,
was ready to repudiate a liability, but Drake's safety lay in
the extraordinary wealth brought back from the pillage of
Spanish ships and towns. To repudiate Drake now would
mean restitution of the stolen goods to Spain, and Elizabeth,
8 Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, I, 244.
Elizabethan Politics and Colonial Enterprise 263
once she had glimpsed the gold and jewels in the "Golden
Hind's" cargo had no mind to send them to Spain and hang
Drake merely to please the Spanish ambassador and his
royal master. Instead, on April 4, 1581, she went down to
Deptf ord where the "Golden Hind" lay at anchor and knight-
ed Drake on his own deck. Surely this was an open affront
to Philip and proof of the success of Walsingham's scheme.
Burghley and the peace party, however, continued to work
for a rapprochement with Philip. The London merchants
trading with Spain and Portugal were fearful of the loss of
their business and their ships in case of open war and they
also exerted all their influence to prevent a conflict. Burghley
even counselled the Queen to restore the stolen treasure to
Spain. Drake was by now a popular hero and the Queen had
added to her treasury too much of his gold to permit resti-
tution. The precise amount of wealth brought home in the
"Golden Hind" will never be known but it is estimated at
the least to have equalled "nearly twice a year's normal rev-
enue of the English crown, and yielding [to the investors in
the voyage] a profit said to have worked out at 4,700 per-
cent." 9 Even after the Queen had taken her full share, Drake
was wealthy and the lowliest cabin boy in his crew had a rich
reward. Small wonder that he was a hero.
Though Burghley might stave off open war for a while
longer, Drake's success whetted the appetite of corsairs and
expansionists who would continue to harass Spain until peace
would be impossible. Drake had shown that the Spanish Em-
pire was vulnerable, and Walsingham's group became more
importunate for overseas expansion. By now they can be de-
scribed as incipient imperialists. They were beginning to
think in terms of territorial expansion overseas.
The man who did more than any other to rationalize this
point of view was the preacher, Richard Hakluyt, who be-
came the greatest propagandist of his age for overseas ex-
pansion. His compilations of voyages were intended for
something other than romantic reading. They were to in-
spire his countrymen to further explorations and to provide
9 James A. Williamson, The Tudor Age (London, 1953), 344.
264 The North Carolina Historical Review
practical information which they might use. In dedications
and introductions, Hakluyt argued cogently that the destiny
of England required her to settle strategic areas in the New
World. Walsingham early recognized the importance of Hak-
luyt's work and encouraged him in it. Hakluyt indeed be-
came an influential cosmographer and advocate in the Wal-
singham group of expansionists.
As early as 1580 Hakluyt prepared a paper, probably for
Walsingham, entitled "A Discourse of the Commodity of
the Taking of the Straight of Magellanus" in which he argued
that without "great charge and without open war" England
might cripple Spain by fortifying the passage to the Pacific.
He also suggested the seizure of Cape St. Vincent in Brazil
as a subsidiary base and the continued search for a North-
east passage to Asia. In order not to antagonize the King
of Spain he suggested that "To the Str. of Magellanus may
be sent Clerke [Thomas Clarke] the pirate upon promise of
pardon, and to color the matter he may go as of himself and
not with the countenance of the English state, or some such
man may be sent." 10 He further suggested that the fort at
the Straits might be garrisoned with slaves and half-breeds
rescued from the Spanish colonies. A few English convicts,
male and female, might also win their freedom by going to
the Straits. Thus the fortification of this area would serve a
Christian and humanitarian purpose and benefit the nation.
Though there is no record that Hakluyt's memorandum had
any immediate effect, it is evidence of the growing realiza-
tion of the expansionists that England must checkmate Spain
in the New World.
Hakluyt's first compilation, the Divers Voyages of 1582,
dedicated to Walsingham's son-in-law, Sir Philip Sidney,
contained further arguments of the value of English bases
overseas. The dedication rebukes his countrymen for their
negligence of duty and for putting privateering ahead of
colonization out of what he calls "a preposterous desire of
10 E. G. R. Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of
the Two Richard Hakluyts (Hakluyt Society, 2nd Ser., LXXVI, 1935), I,
142. Hereafter cited as Taylor, Original Writings.
Elizabethan Politics and Colonial Enterprise 265
seeking rather gain than God's glory." " These beliefs Hak-
luyt set forth in a long and closely-reasoned state paper, pre-
sented in person to the Queen in 1584; this paper, generally
known today as the Discourse of Western Planting, shows
the handiwork, not only of Hakluyt but of Raleigh and pos-
sibly of Walsingham. 12 It is a sort of platform of the expan-
sionists and makes a convincing argument for state support
of colonization.
Adroitly Hakluyt wrapped his argument in a medley of
religious and practical reasons which even a hostile critic
would find hard to controvert. The princes of the reformed
religion, of whom Queen Elizabeth is the leader, he asserts,
have a responsibility to see that the heathen of the New
World are not allowed to become a solid Catholic bloc. It
is not sufficient just to send a few Protestant missionaries to
the heathen, Hakluyt points out. Salvation must be a con-
comitant of colonization. He then paints a gorgeous picture
of the profits to English merchants and the enrichment of
the English crown from the commodities of the New World
which Spain at present monopolizes. The power of Spain,
he insists, is much inflated, and he prophecies that King
Philip's pride will be brought low when Englishmen launch
a determined attack on the outposts of his empire.
All of this reasoning, all of this argument for governmental
support of colonial enterprises of course is propaganda for
Raleigh's own projects to settle the coast of North Carolina.
In the political alignment of the 1580's Raleigh held an in-
teresting position. Walsingham undoubtedly sympathized
with many of his views on expansion and helped to promote
them. Yet Walsingham never liked or trusted Raleigh and
frequently opposed him. 13 Neither did Burghley like or
trust Raleigh. "Seek not to be Essex; shun to be Raleigh,"
11 Hakluyt as a propagandist is discussed at greater length in Louis B.
Wright, Religion and Empire: The Alliance between Piety and Commerce
in English Expansion, 1558-1625 (Chapel Hill, N. C, 1943), 33-56. Here-
after cited as Wright, Religion and Empire.
^Taylor, Original Writings, I, 38. See also David B. Quinn, Raleigh
and the British Empire (London, 1947), 59-62. Hereafter cited as Quinn,
Raleigh and the British Empire.
13 Read, Mr. Secretary Walsingham, III, 406, n. 3.
266 The North Carolina Historical Review
was Burghley's advice to his own son Robert. 14 Yet Raleigh
tried on numerous occasions to cultivate Burghley's good
will and Burghley was not above using Raleigh's influence
with the Queen when Raleigh was in favor and it suited
Burghley's purposes. The truth was that Raleigh, brilliant
and versatile, was also grasping and arrogant and had few
friends. Before the Queen he was a charming and gracious
courtier and for a time he stood high in her favor. It was
during a period of royal favor that he won Walsingham's ap-
proval of his colonial ventures and managed to avoid Burgh-
ley's veto. From the Queen he obtained a favorable charter,
and the settlement of North Carolina was theoretically pos-
sible.
Raleigh had another advantage: the experience of his
half-brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, fifteen years his senior,
a respected soldier in Ireland and the Low Countries, at one
time an advocate for explorations in search of the Northwest
passage, and the would-be colonizer of Newfoundland. Gil-
bert had been knighted for his services in Ireland in the
'sixties and had the respect even of Burghley, who, along
with other conservatives like the Earl of Sussex, subscribed
to his project for the settlement of Newfoundland in 1580-
1584. 15
Yet Gilbert had been one of the ardent supporters of the
policy of attacking Spain in the New World. Indeed, in Nov-
ember 1577, he had prepared two papers with similar titles:
"A Discourse How Her Majesty May Meet with and Annoy
the King of Spain." 16 Just at the time when Drake was pre-
paring to sail on his expedition around the world, Gilbert
proposed that he should lead an expedition to seize the
Spanish, Portuguese, and French fishing fleets off Newfound-
land and then combine forces with other privateers to take
Cuba and Santo Domingo in the West Indies. This action
undoubtedly would have "annoyed" the King of Spain, not
to mention the King of France, but combined with Drake's
14 William Stebbing, Sir Walter Raleigh, A Biography (Oxford, 1899), 57.
35 David B. Quinn, The Voyages and Colonizing Activities of Sir Hum-
phrey Gilbert (Hakluyt Society, 2nd Ser., LXXXIV, 1940), II, 329. Here-
after cited as Quinn, The Voyages . . . of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.
16 Quinn, The Voyages . . . of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, I, 33-34, 170-180.
Elizabethan Politics and Colonial Enterprise 267
attack on the west coast, it might have broken the back of
the Spanish Empire. Such measures, however, were too
strong for Elizabeth, and she contented herself with sur-
reptitious aid to Drake. Thereafter, Gilbert busied himself
with less provocative ventures in Newfoundland. A staunch
Protestant, he was convinced that God had especially re-
served certain portions of the New World for a Protestant
empire, and Newfoundland looked like the promised land.
Nevertheless, he was ready to admit English Catholic refu-
gees as colonists, because that would drain a troublesome
element out of England and put them to constructive work
in a country where they could do no harm. 1T Since Gilbert's
Newfoundland colony did not appear to contravene Spanish
interests sufficiently to arouse violent reactions from that
quarter, even Burghley smiled upon it. Perhaps he thought
of the benefits to the cod fishery, his own pet project for im-
proving the economic state of England. At any rate, the ef-
forts to establish a colony in Newfoundland helped to get
the Queen and Burghley used to the idea and made it easier
for Raleigh to obtain his charter.
The story of Raleigh's efforts to establish a colony in
North Carolina is known to all. With the growing zeal for
colonial enterprise, we may wonder why these efforts failed.
A study of the reasons for the failures and mishaps of Ra-
leigh's ventures— and of the first years at Jamestown— would
be a profitable undertaking, but it would take more than the
hour alloted for this paper. A few factors, however, are
worth mentioning. The principal reasons lay in inexperience,
poor organization, lack of strong administrative control, in-
sufficient capital, and greed for quick profits.
Some of the promoters of colonial enterprises overseas,
notably Gilbert and Raleigh, had served in Ireland and had
observed the efforts to found English colonies there. In some
respects the Irish plantations presented problems not unlike
those encountered in the New World. Certainly the wild Irish
were as fierce as any Indians on the coast of North Carolina.
One would think that the Irish experience would have been
17 Wright, Religion and Empire, 23-26.
268 The North Carolina Historical Review
helpful in the New World, but it appears to have taught the
promoters very little. All of the early colonial ventures were in-
adequately equipped, poorly manned, and poorly led. Even
when a capable leader emerged, he was handicapped by a
divided command, jealousy among the "gentlemen" in the
group, and the lack of firm authority. Because the government
in the initial period refused to take any responsibility for
colonies, the administration of the ventures was a private
affair without any well-tried plan or procedure.
Not one of the early colonial efforts had sufficient financial
backing to insure its success. The Elizabethans— and the
Jacobeans too, for that matter— were slow to learn how ex-
pensive colonies can be in their first stages of development.
One prime reason why the Elizabethans failed to establish
colonies was their obsession with privateering— or simple
piracy— as the Spaniards called it. Raleigh's colonial under-
takings were expected to pay the investors a profit out of
Spanish prizes captured by the prowling ship-captains. Both
Gilbert and Raleigh had difficulty keeping their skippers
headed for Newfoundland or North Carolina when there
was a prospect of prizes in the West Indies. The lure of Span-
ish galleons to be taken in American waters rather than the
national preoccupation with defense against the Spanish
Armada accounts for the long delay in attempting to succor
the colony on Roanoke Island. A privateering syndicate or-
ganized by a merchant named John Watts in 1591 had as
an incidental objective the rescue of the Roanoke colony.
Raleigh was one of the investors and John White went along
in the ship "Hopewell." The other vessel was the "Moon-
shine." They coasted along the shores of North Carolina,
blew trumpets, and sang English songs, but could get no
response, and finally headed for home. Nevertheless, the
voyage showed a profit from prizes taken of eighty-five per
cent on the investment of the shareholders. Yet this hand-
some return was regarded by Raleigh as so trifling that he
complained to Burghley that "we might have gotten more
to have sent them a-fishing." 18 When the profits from piracy
18 Quinn, Raleigh and the British Empire, 125-126.
Elizabethan Politics and Colonial Enterprise 269
were so great, speculators were not interested in the slow
returns on money invested in colonies.
The eventual war with Spain and the victory over the
Armada removed the fear of offending Spain as a political
reason against colonial undertakings. Gradually, as English
capital built up, and as the moneyed men in the City, the
merchants of London, began to realize that sources of raw
materials and eventual markets could be found in North
America, a new and healthier basis for colonization develop-
ed. When King James made peace with Spain, the old zest
for piracy disappeared. No longer would the sovereign and
some of the principal ministers in the government take stock
in piratical voyages. Profits had to be sought in another type
of adventure. The initiative for colonization passed from sea-
captains and courtiers to the directors of stock companies.
Though colonial ventures were still subject to much trial and
error, a sounder colonial procedure was in sight.
NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1953-19541
By Mary Lindsay Thornton
Bibliography and Libraries
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$1.50.
CONCORD, N. C. CABARRUS COUNTY MEMORIAL HOS-
PITAL. VOLUNTEERS. Cook book. Concord, N. C, 1953.
118 p. $2.06.
HOLLEY, IRVING BRINTON, JR. Ideas and weapons, ex-
ploitation of the aerial weapon by the United States during
World War I. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1954. 222 p.
$3.75.
HUDSON, CHARLES JOSEPH. Southern gardening, a prac-
tical and complete handbook. Atlanta, Tupper & Love [1953]
464 p. il. $5.00.
LEE, JOHN F. Theory and design of steam and gas turbines.
New York, McGraw-Hill, 1954. 502 p. $9.00.
MORGAN, NEIL. Know your doctor, by Leo Smollar and Neil
Morgan. Boston, Little, Brown, 1954. 173 p. $3.00.
MURRAY, RAYMOND LEROY. Introduction to nuclear engin-
eering. New York, Prentice-Hall, 1954. 418 p. $9.35.
NOBLIN, STUART. The Grange in North Carolina, 1929-
1954 ; a story of agricultural progress. Greensboro, The North
Carolina State Grange, 1954. ix, 59 p. il. $1.00.
NORTH CAROLINA STATE COLLEGE OF THE UNIVER-
SITY, RALEIGH. WOMAN'S CLUB. Foods that rate at N. C.
State. Raleigh, The Club, 1953. 159 p. $1.00 pa. Order from
Mrs. H. A. Patten, 13 Furches St., Raleigh, N. C.
RICHARDSON, FRANK HOWARD. How to get along with
children. Atlanta, Tupper & Love, 1954. 172 p. $2.95.
VESTER, KELLY G. Food service, a master plan. New York,
Pageant Press, [1953] 152 p. $3.00.
WRIGHT, ORVILLE. How we invented the airplane; edited
and with commentary by Fred C. Kelly. New York, McKay
[1953] 78 p. il. $1.75.
Fine Arts
GREEN, PAUL. Dramatic heritage. New York, S. French
iI-1953] 177 p. $2.50.
KAMPHOEFNER, HENRY L. Churches and temples, by Paul
Thiry, Richard M. Bennett, and Henry L. Kamphoefner. New
York, Reinhold Publishing Co., 1954. ii, 71 p. il. $18.
North Carolina Bibliography, 1953-1954 275
MEYER, HAROLD DIEDRICH. Recreation : text and readings,
by Charles K. Brightbill [and] Harold D. Meyer. New York,
Prentice-Hall, 1953. 541 p. $6.35.
NEWMAN, WILLIAM S. Understanding music; a new intro-
duction to music's elements, styles, and forms, for both the
layman and the practitioner. New York, Harper [1953] 302
p. il. $5.00.
PFOHL, BERNARD J. The Salem Band. Winston-Salem, Pri-
vately Printed, 1953. 85 p. il. Apply the Author, Winston-
Salem, N. C.
Poetry
BAY LEAVES no. 2: Prize poems, Poetry Day contests . . .
1952-1953. [West Asheville, N. C] Poetry Council of North
Carolina, 1954. 21 p. Order from C. A. Shull, Box 6252, West
Asheville, N. C. $1.00 pa.
ERSKINE, EDITH DEADERICK. From sea to sky. Emory
University, Ga., Banner Press [1954] 59 p. $2.00.
Here they live and die. Dallas, Texas, The Story
Book Press [c.1953] 64 p.
FARMER, JAMES. Tape of time. New York, Vantage Press,
1953. 46 p. $2.35.
KIMREY, GRACE SAUNDERS. Songs of Sunny Valley. Emory
University, G., Banner Press [1954] 60 p. il. $2.00.
LASKEY, LESLIE J. Seasons and hours. Indiana University,
The Art Center, 1954. unpaged $3.00.
MASON, JULIAN. Search party. New York, Pageant Press
[c.1953] 49 p. $2.00.
SMITH, IVORY HARVEY, editor. Life lines, a collection of
inspiring poetry and prose, by Ivory Harvey Smith and Isa-
belle Tolbert Smith. [Charlotte, N. C, Observer Printing
House for the Editors, c. 1952] xii, 144 p. il. $3.00.
STEM, THAD, JR. The jack knife horse, poems.2 Raleigh, N. C.
Wolfs Head Press, 1954, 59 p. $2.00.
TARBOX, LELA PRESCOTT. Poems and illustrations, with a
prose supplement. New Bern, Printed by Owen G. Dunn Com-
pany, 1954. 63 p. il. $1.50 pa.
VAIL, RUTH. The year's at the Spring. Emory University, Ga.,
Banner Press [c.1954] 78 p. il. $2.50.
2 Roanoke-Chowan award for poetry.
276 The North Carolina Historical Review
Fiction3
BELL, THELMA HARRINGTON. Snow; with drawings by
Corydon Bell. New York, Viking Press, 1954. 55 p. il. $2.50.
Juvenile.
-Take it easy; illustrated by Corydon Bell. New York,
Viking Press, 1953. 172 p. $2.50. Juvenile.
BETTS, DORIS. The gentle insurrection, and other stories. New
York, Putnam [1954] 274 p.
BURGWYN, MEBANE (HOLOMON) Moonflower. Philadel-
phia, Lippincott [1954] 186 p. $2.50. Juvenile.
BYRD, MITZI. The loneliest chicken [illustrated by] Peggy
Martin. New York, Macmillan, 1953. unpaged $1.00 Juvenile.
CARROLL, RUTH (ROBINSON). Beanie, by Ruth and Latrobe
Carroll. New York, Oxford University Press, 1953. unpaged,
$2.50. Juvenile.
Tough enough, by Ruth and Latrobe Carroll. New York,
Oxford University Press, 1954. Unpaged, il. $2.75. Juvenile.
GORDON, IAN. The whip hand. New York, Crown Publishers
[1954] 200 p. $3.00.
HARGRAVE, CARRIE GUERPHAN. Jean and Tom in Casa-
blanca. New York, Exposition Press [1953] 103 p. il. $2.50.
Juvenile.
HOSS, MAY DIKEMAN. The pike. New York, Appleton-Cen-
tury-Crofts [1954] 303 p. $3.50.
JARRELL, RANDALL. Pictures from an institution, a comedy
New York, Knopf, 1954. 277 p. $3.50.
JONES, KATHARINE M., editor. New Confederate stories.
Columbia, University of South Carolina Press, 1954. 202 p.
$3.75.
KARIG, WALTER. Don't tread on me; a novel of the historic
exploits, military and gallant, of Commodore John Paul Jones.
New York, Rhinehart [1954] 442 p. il. $4.00.
LEONARD, BURGESS. One-man backfield. Philadelphia, Lip-
pincott, 1953. 180 p. $2.50. Juvenile.
The Rookie Fights Back. Philadelphia Lippincott [1954]
192 p. $2.50. Juvenile.
8By a North Carolinian or with the scene laid in North Carolina.
North Carolina Bibliography, 1953-1954 277
O'NEILL, JEAN. Cotton Top. New York, Lothrop, Lee and
Shepard [1953] unpaged, il. $2.50. Juvenile.
PLENN, DORIS TROUTMAN. The green song. New York,
David McKay Co., 1954. 128 p. il. $2.50.
ROGERS, FRANCES G. The adventures of Jocko the monkey.
New York, Exposition Press, 1954. 72 p. $2.50. Juvenile.
[GLASCOCK, HAROLD] Plow and scalpel, a biography of
Clemson MacFarland, M.D., by Robert Winfield [pseud.] New
York, Vantage Press, Inc. [c.1953] 218 p. $3.50. The town
called Hillsdale is Raleigh.
SLAUGHTER, FRANK GILL. The song of Ruth; a love story
from the Old Testament. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1954.
317 p. $3.75.
-Storm Haven. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1953.
282 p. $3.50.
SPEAS, JAN COX, Bride of the MacHugh, a novel. Indianap-
olis, Bobbs-Merrill Co. [1954] 315 p. $3.50.
STREET, JAMES HOWELL. Good-bye, my Lady. Philadelphia,
Lippincott [1954] 222 p. $3.00.
WATCHTOWERS and Drums, by Emma Gelders Sterne et al.
New York, Aladdin Books, 1953. 234 p. il. $2.75. Includes
stories by George F. Scheer and Manly W. Wellman. Juvenile.
WATHEN, RICHARD. Cliffs of fall. New Orleans, Publications
Press, c.1953. 304 p. $2.00.
WELLMAN, MANLY WADE. Gray riders: Jeb Stuart and his
men. New York, Aladdin Books, 1954. 192 p. il. $1.75.
WICKER, TOM. The kingpin. New York, Sloane, 1953. 343 p.
$3.75.
Literature Other Than Poetry, Drama, or Fiction
GILBERT, ALLAN H., translator. Orlando furioso: English
version by Allan H. Gilbert. New York, Vanni, Inc. 1954. 878
p. il. $27.50.
HOLMES, URBAN TIGNER. Samuel Pepys in Paris, and other
essays. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press
[1954] (Studies in the Romance languages and literatures, no.
24) 57 p.
278 The North Carolina Historical Review
HUBBELL, JAY BROADUS. The South in American literature,
1607-1900. [Durham, N. C] Duke University Press, 1954.
xix, 987 p. $10.
HUSE, HOWARD RUSSELL, translator. Dante Alighieri: The
Divine comedy, a new prose translation with an introduction
and notes by H. R. Huse. New York, Rinehart and Co., Inc.,
1954. 492 p. il. $.95 pa.
KELLER, JOHN ESTEN, editor. El libro de los enganos, edited
by John Esten Keller. Chapel Hill [University of North Caro-
lina Press] 1953. (Studies in the Romance languages and lit-
eratures, no. 20), xii, 56 p. $1.00 pa.
McCURDY, HAROLD GRIER. The personality of Shakespeare,
a venture in psychological method. New Haven, Yale Univer-
sity Press, 1953. xi, 243 p. $5.00.
SOUTH ATLANTIC MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION.
South Atlantic studies for Sturgis E. Leavitt, edited by Thom-
as B. Stroup and Sterling A. Stoudemire. Washington, Scare-
crow Press, 1953. 215 p. il. $5.00.
THOMPSON, LAWRENCE SIDNEY. Wilhelm Waiblinger in
Italy. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press [1953]
(Studies in the Germanic languages and literatures, no.9)
105 p. $3.00.
Genealogy
ALBRIGHT, WILLIAM THOMAS. History of the Widenhouse,
Furr, Dry, Stallings, Teeter and Tucker families. [Greens-
boro, N. C. 1954] 145 p. il.
History and Travel
ATKIN, EDMOND. Indians of the southern frontier: The Ed-
mond Atkin report and plan of 1755, edited by William R.
Jacobs. Columbia, University of South Carolina Press, 1954.
xxxviii, 108 p. il. $5.00.
BLANCHARD, FESSENDEN S. A cruising guide to the inland
waterway and Florida. New York, Dodd, Mead and Co., 1954.
xiv, 256 p. $5.00.
BRAWLEY, JAMES SHOBER. The Rowan story, 1753-1953;
a narrative history of Rowan County, North Carolina. Salis-
bury, Rowan Printing Co., 1953. 402 p. il. $5.00. Order from the
Author, Salisbury, N. C.
North Carolina Bibliography, 1953-1954 279
CATAWBA COUNTY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION. A his-
tory of Catawba County, edited by Charles J. Preslar, Jr.
Salisbury, N. C, Printed by Rowan Printing Co., 1954. 526
p. il. $5.16. Order from the Association, Box 35, Maiden, N. C.
CLARK, WILLIAM BELL. The first Saratoga; being the saga
of John Young and his sloop-of-war. Baton Rouge, Louisiana
State University Press [c.1953] 199 p. $3.50.
COTTERILL, ROBERT SPENCER. The southern Indians; the
story of the civilized tribes before removal. Norman, Univer-
sity of Oklahoma Press [1954] xiii, 255 p. il. $4.00.
CURTISS, JOHN SHELTON. The Russian church and the So-
viet state, 1917-1950. Boston, Little, Brown [1953] x, 387
p. $6.00.
DORRIS, JONATHAN TRUMAN. Pardon and amnesty under
Lincoln and Johnson; the restoration of the Confederates to
their rights and privileges, 1861-1898. Chapel Hill, Univer-
sity of North Carolina Press [1953] xxi, 459 p. $7.50.
EATON, WILLIAM CLEMENT. A history of the Southern
Confederacy. New York, Macmillan, 1954. 351 p. $5.50.
LEFLER, HUGH TALMAGE. North Carolina; the history of
a southern State, by Hugh Talmage Lefler and Albert Ray
Newsome.4 Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press
[1954] xii, 676 p. $7.50.
Orange County, 1752-1952, edited by Hugh Lefler and
Paul Wager. Chapel Hill [Printed by Orange Printshop] 1953.
x, 389 p. il. $5.00. Order from Orange Printshop, Chapel Hill,
N. C.
LEMERT, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. North Carolina geo-
graphy ; a study of how we live in North Carolina [by] Ben-
jamin Franklin Lemert and Martha Langston Harrelson. Ok-
lahoma City, Harlowe Publishing Corporation, 1953. 188 p.
Preliminary edition. $2.25.
LINK, ARTHUR STANLEY. Woodrow Wilson and the pro-
gressive era, 1910-1917. New York, Harper [c.1954] xvii,
331 p. il. $5.00.
POLK, WILLIAM TANNAHILL. Southern accent: from Uncle
Remus to Oak Ridge. New York, Morrow [1953] 264 p. $4.00.
SPENCER, SAMUEL R., JR. Decision for war, 1917; the La-
conia sinking and the Zimmermann telegram as key factors in
4 Mayflower award.
280 The North Carolina Historical Review
the public reaction against Germany. West Rindge, N.H., R.R.
Smith, 1953. 109 p. il. $2.50.
STREET, JAMES HOWELL. The Civil War; an unvarnished
account of the late but still lively hostilities. New York, Dial
Press [1953] 144 p. $3.00.
TUCKER, GLENN. Poltroons and patriots; a popular account
of the War of 1812. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill [1954] 2 v.
il. $10.
TURNER, GEORGE EDGAR. Victory rode the rails; the stra-
tegic place of the railroads in the Civil War. Indianapolis,
Bobbs-Merrill [1953] 419 p. il. $4.50.
WILEY, WILLIAM LEON. The gentleman of Renaissance
France. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1954. xii, 303
p. il. $5.00.
Autobiography and Biography
COOK, CHARLES THOMAS. The Billy Graham story, "One
thing I do." Wheaton, 111., Van Kampen [1954] 128 p. il.
$1.95.
COTTON, ELLA EARL. A spark for my people ; the socialogical
autobiography of a Negro teacher. New York, Exposition Press
[1954] '288 p. $4.00.
DANIELS, JONATHAN. The end of innocence. Philadelphia,
Lippincott [1954] 351 p. il. $5.50.
DAVIS, BURKE. They called him Stonewall; a life of Lt. Gen-
eral T. J. Jackson, C.S.A. New York, Rhinehart [1954] 470
p. il. $5.50.
DURHAM, ROBERT LEE. Since I was born; edited by Mar-
shall William Fishwick. Richmond, Whittep & Stepherson,
1953. 217 p. il. $3.50.
EDMONDSTON, CATHERINE (DEVEREUX) The journal of
Catherine Devereux Edmondston, 1860-66, edited by Margaret
Mackay Jones. Mebane, N. C, Privately Printed [1954] 111
p. il. Order from Stephens Press, Asheville, N. C. $3.75.
EDWARDS, PHILIP. Sir Walter Raleigh. London, Longmans,
Green and Co. [1953] xii, 184 p. 10/6
HAYNES, INA (FORTUNE) Raleigh Rutherford Haynes, a
history of his life and achievements. Cliffside, Privately
North Carolina Bibliography, 1953-1954 281
Printed [c. 1954] xii, 99 p. il. Apply Mrs. Grover C. Haynes,
Cliffside, N. C.
JOHNSON, GERALD WHITE. Mount Vernon: the story of a
shrine. New York, Random House [1953] 122 p. il. $2.75.
LAMBERT, JOHN R. Arthur Pue Gorman. Baton Rouge, La,
Louisiana State University Press, 397 p. il. $6.00.
MASTERSON, WILLIAM HENRY. William Blount. Baton
Rouge, Louisiana State University Press [1954] viii, 378 p. il.
$6.00.
MEADOWCROFT, ENID (LA MONTE) The story of Andrew
Jackson. New York, Grosset and Dunlap [1953] 182 p. il.
$1.50. Juvenile.
O'FLAHERTY, DANIEL. General Jo Shelby: undefeated Rebel.
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1954. 437 p.
$6.00.
PARSONS, DONALD. Portraits of Keats. Cleveland, O., World
Publishing Co., 1954. 189 p. il. $10.
POLLOCK, THOMAS CLARK, editor. Thomas Wolfe at Wash-
ington Square, by Thomas Clark Pollock and Oscar Cargill,
New York. New York University Press, 1954. xiii, 163 p. il.
$7.50.
SANDERS, CHARLES RICHARD. The Strachey family, 1588-
1932: their writings and literary associations. [Durham,
N. C] Duke University Press, 1953. x, 337 p. il. $6.30.
SCHENCK, CARL ALWIN, editor. The Biltmore immortals,
biographies of 50 American boys graduating from the Biltmore
Forest School. [Darmstadt, Germany, L. C. Wittich, pr. 1953]
342 p. il.
SELDEN, SAMUEL. Frederick Henry Koch, pioneer playmaker,
by Samuel Selden and Mary Tom Sphangos. Chapel Hill, Uni-
versity of North Carolina Library, 1954. (Library extension
publication, v. 19, no. 4) vii, 92 p. il. $3.00 cloth, $1.50 pa.
SHANKS, HENRY THOMAS, editor. The papers of Wiley Per-
son Mangum: v. 3, 1839-1843. Raleigh, State Department of
Archives and History, 1953. xxi, 521 p. il. Mailing fee $1.00.
SOUTHERN social register, 1952/53. [Williamsburg, Va., Sou-
thern Social Registrar Foundation, 1953] 1303 p. $12.
STEVENSON, AUGUSTA. Wilbur and Orville Wright, boys
with wings. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill [1951] 192 p. il. $1.75.
Juvenile.
282 The North Carolina Historical Review
SYRETT, HAROLD COFFIN. Andrew Jackson: his contribu-
tion to the American tradition. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill
[1953] 298 p. $3.00.
TAPPAN, GEORGE L. Andrew Johnson— not guilty. New
York, Comet Press Books [1954] 139 p. $3.00.
WOLFE, THOMAS. The correspondence of Thomas Wolfe and
Homer Andrew Watt; edited by Oscar Cargill and Thomas
Pollock. New York, New York. University Press, 1954. xi, 53
p. il. $2.50.
New Editions and Reprints
ASHBURN, JESSE ANDERSON. History of the Fisher's River
Primitive Baptist Association from its organization in 1832
to 1904 . . . reprinted with a second volume, from 1905 to
1953, by Francis Preston Stone. [Elon College, N. C, Primi-
tive Baptist Publishing House, 1953] 350 p. il. $2.00.
CASH, WILBUR JOSEPH. The mind of the South. Garden City,
N. Y., Doubleday, 1954. 444 p. $.95, pa.
CROZIER, WILLIAM ARMSTRONG. A key to southern pedi-
grees. Second ed. Baltimore, Southern Book Company, 1953.
80 p. $5.00.
DRAPER, LYMAN COPELAND. King's Mountain and its
heroes. Marietta, Ga., Continental Book Co., 1954. 612 p. il. $10.
FORSTER, GARNET WOLSEY. Farm organization and man-
agement. New York, Prentice-Hall, 1953. 430 p. il. $7.00.
GREEN, PAUL. The lost colony ; a symphonic drama of Ameri-
can history. Roanoke Island edition. Chapel Hill, University
of North Carolina Press, 1954. 70 p. il. $2.50.
HAWKS, FRANCIS LISTER. Narrative of the expedition of an
American squadron to the China seas and Japan . . . abridged
and edited by Sidney Wallach. London, MacDonald [c. 1952]
xxxv, 304 p. il. $3.65.
JAMES, POWHATAN WRIGHT. George W. Truett, a biog-
raphy. Memorial edition. New York, Macmillan, [c 1953]
xiii, 311 p. $3.00.
McKNIGHT, JOHN P. The papacy, a new appraisal. London,
McGraw-Hill [c. 1953] 400 p. 21 s.
NORTH CAROLINA. LAWS, STATUTES, ETC. General sta-
tutes of North Carolina . . . 1943 and 1951 supplement. Char-
lottesville, Va., Michie Co., 1953. 6 v. $77.00
North Carolina Bibliography, 1953-1954 283
NORTH CAROLINA. LAWS, STATUTES, ETC. Jerome's
Criminal code and digest of North Carolina, by E. C. Jerome ;
edited by Harry B. Skillman. 6th edition. Atlanta, Ga. Harri-
son, 1954. lx, 1303 p. $27.50.
OLDS, FRED A., compiler. An abstract of North Carolina wills
from about 1760 to about 1800. 2nd edition. Baltimore, Sou-
thern Book Company, 1954. 330 p. $10.
RANEY, RICHARD BEVERLY. Handbook of orthopaedic surg-
ery, by Albert R. Shands and Richard B. Raney. 4th ed. St.
Louis, V. V. Mosby Co., 1953. 644 p. $8.00.
SLAUGHTER, FRANK GILL. Air surgeon. London, Jarrolds,
1954. 6 s.
— The Galileans ; a novel of Mary Magdalene. Garden City, N. Y.,
Permabooks, c. 1954. $.35 pa.
— Spencer Brade, M.D. London, Jarrolds, 1954. 240 p. 6s.
WOLFE, THOMAS. Herrenhaus; schauspiel in drei akten und
einem vorspiel. Hamburg, Rowohlt [1953] 83 p. $1.35.
— Geweb und fels, roman. Hamburg, Rowohlt [1953] 690 p.
$4.50.
BOOK REVIEWS
The Discovery of New Britain. London, 1651. A facsimile re-
print with an Introduction by Howard H. Peckham. (Ann
Arbor : William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan.
1954. Pp. 28. Folded map laid in.)
Charles I in 1629 granted the land south of Virginia be-
tween 31° and 36° north latitude to his attorney-general,
Sir Bobert Heath. While he held title to Carolina, as the
region was called for the first time, no organized attempts
were made to settle it. A number of explorations were made,
however, and several very interesting reports of these voy-
ages appeared in print.
The Discovery of New Brittaine, published in London in
1651, was one of these. Edward Bland, a merchant of Vir-
ginia, Abraham Wood, land owner and fur trader, two men
described simply as "gentlemen," Elias Pennant and Sack-
ford Brewster, two servants, and two Indian guides, set out
from near modern Petersburg to explore the region to the
south with the hope of establishing contacts with Indians
which would lead to profitable trade and settlement. From
August 27 to September 4, 1650, they traveled through the
Albemarle region which they called New Britain. Upon
their return to Virginia they petitioned and received from
the Assembly of the colony permission to explore, settle, and
trade in the territory they had visited.
To publicize their venture, Bland and his associates re-
sorted to the press. The Discovery of New Brittaine was in-
tended to present the advantages of the area in such a light
that none could resist the appeal to join in a migration to
the southward. Written in journal form, the little book sings
the praises of New Britain in glowing terms. Tobacco and(
sugar cane grew larger than in Virginia, corn was harvested
twice a year, the rivers were packed with fish, salt was made
even with inexperienced help, rivers were all navigable, and
the climate was healthier and more temperate.
The accounts of Indian life and customs are perhaps the
most valuable contribution which the explorers left us. The
[284]
Book Reviews 285
conceit of the group in assigning such names as Blandina,
Penna Mount, Woodford, and Brewster to the geographical
features of the land is interesting.
This tract, printed in an edition of 800 copies for the
Clements Library Associates, makes the text available again.
It has been reprinted several times, once in a limited fac-
simile edition of ten copies in the Photostat Americana Series,
but this is by far the most handsome reproduction. Only half
a dozen copies of the original 1651 edition have survived and
of these, four are in this country.
Editor Peckham's brief introduction is entirely adequate
including his statement that modern Tar Heels are inclined
to accept Sir Walter Raleigh's inference that the territory be-
tween 35 degrees and 37 degrees north latitude is closely
akin to the Garden of Eden.
William S. Powell.
University of North Carolina Library,
Chapel Hill.
Selected Addresses of a Southern Lawyer. By Aubrey Lee
Brooks. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press.
1954. Pp. vii, 165. $2.50.)
This book contains seven addresses which were prepared
and delivered by the author from 1917 to 1953. The sub-
jects in chronological order are as follows: The Law and
Twentieth Century Facts, 1917; Democrats and Republicans,
1928; The Crisis: Causes and Suggested Cures, 1931; The
Four Pillars of Prosperity, 1936; The Foundations of Free-
dom, 1936; David Caldwell and His Log College, 1949; and
Nathanael Greene, Neglected Revolutionary Hero, 1953.
Each subject is of vital interest to the author and to the par-
ticular audience to which he was speaking. The addresses are
of general interest as commentaries upon the history of the
period and upon the development of modern law. The two
biographical sketches are of especial interest to North Caro-
linians.
By profession a lawyer and always a student of history,
the author is well equipped to discuss the subjects which he
286 The North Carolina Historical Review
has presented in these addresses. His concept of modern law
developed in the first address is a mature statement of philos-
ophy arrived at after many years of study and reflection.
Steeped in party history and in the philosophy of Jefferson,
he is a leading spokesman for the Democratic Party. Deeply
rooted in the South, he has had a life-long interest in the
problems of agriculture. He is the author of two previous
works, Walter Clark: Fighting Judge, and A Southern Law-
yer: Fifty Years at the Bar. With Hugh Talmage Lefler, he
has edited The Papers of Walter Clark.
Even though large concepts are developed in these ad-
dresses, they make easy reading. Each subject is developed
logically and forcefully with no diversions for the sake of
oratory. Typically the style of the lawyer, the ultimate effect
is convincing. Except for the political addresses in which
some humor appears, the author relies entirely upon fact and
logical development of his theme for holding his audience.
Readers who differ with the author politically will not
like his discussion of Democrats and Republicans, nor his
analyses of the Depression and the problems of agriculture. A
careful reading of the addresses, however, reveals a consis-
tency of purpose in his devotion to the philosphy of Jeffer-
son that characterizes him as a liberal who has more at stake
than that of winning an election.
Jason B. Deyton.
Superintendent of Mitchell County-
Public Schools,
Bakersville.
The Grange in North Carolina, 1929-1954. By Stuart Noblin.
(Greensboro, N. C. : The North Carolina State Grange. 1954.
Pp. ix, 60. $1.00.)
Stuart Noblin has written a brief and cursory booklet to
commemorate the silver anniversary of the North Carolina
( New ) Grange. In documenting the activities of the organi-
zation, the author divided the Grange's 25-year-old life his-
tory into several major stages such as Reorganization, De-
pression, New Deal, The War Years, and Since the War, and
Book Reviews 287
included repeated remarks of praiseworthy nature in the con-
cluding section. The materials used are taken mainly from the
official Journal Proceedings, 1929-1953. Most of the so-called
"agricultural progress" recorded in the booklet (as sum-
marized on page 48, for instance) may be conveniently
grouped under the three-fold category as advocated by Dr.
C. C. Taylor, namely, prices, markets, and credits. (The
Farmers' Movement, 1953, p. 2; Rural Life in the United
States, 1950, p. 510.)
It is certainly encouraging to see that the historical pro-
fession should be asked to take up such a task, particularly
considering Prof. Noblin's competence in the field. However,
the briefness of the volume conceals much of the author's
time-consuming research and painstaking effort. For instance,
only ten pages out of 53, excluding Appendix and Index could
be assigned to the work of the organization during the critical
years of the Depression and the New Deal.
The import of the booklet should not be minimized by its
cursory treatment, of course. Future historians who will
treat agricultural history of the twentieth century in the fash-
ion L. C. Gray did for the period up to the Civil War ( His-
tory of Agriculture in the United States to 1860, 1933) will
no doubt find the information contained in this volume use-
ful. Moreover, a work like this should prove valuable to the
understanding of the farmers' movement in North Carolina,
as well as in the United States, since the farmers' organiza-
tions have, in general, been the chief mouthpiece of such a
movement, a consequence which even the Grange in the
1870's, despite its original purpose, had not been able to
escape. (The Farmers' Movement, p. 115.) This is particu-
larly important if one goes along with Dr. Rudolph Heberle
to treat social movement as a special kind of social group
or social collective (Social Movements, 1951, p. 8). It should
be made clear, however, that this does not imply that the
farmer's organizations originated the movement. Rather, as
emphasized by Taylor, the farmers' organizations joined the
movement. (The Farmers' Movement, p. 8.) Viewing the
farmers' organizations and movements within such a context,
288 The North Carolina Historical Review
Prof. Noblin was again prevented, due to the briefness of the
work, from closely relating the local scene to the larger
social-economic setting, and accordingly, interpreting and
evaluating the activities of the Grange within the larger
cultural framework.
Haitung King.
Jack W. Van Derhoof.
Kansas Wesleyan University,
Salina, Kansas.
The Story of Kinston and Lenoir County. By Tannage C. John-
son and Charles R. Holloman (Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton
Company. 1954. Pp. ix. 413. Illustrated. $6.00.)
This book is divided into three main divisions. The first
part of eleven chapters, roughly one-half of the pages, is a
chronological narrative of Kinston, Kingston at first, and the
surrounding area from the earliest settlers to the present. In
the beginning, early land grants and Richard Caswell and
his family were empasized.
The account from about 1800 is less systematic, but evi-
dence is sufficient to explain the backwardness of the area
until the coming of the railroad during the 1850's. The war
checked progress. The invasion by the Union forces, the
first and second battles of Kinston, and reconstruction were
factors in its poverty.
About 1885 Kinston began to grow and prosper. Its new
prosperity was founded upon the growth and sale of tobacco.
The last chapter, "Fifty Years of Remarkable Achievements,"
tells, among other things, about the coming to the area in
1951 of the $40,000,000 Dupont plant, which should mark
the beginning of a new era.
The second part of the book, "wherein are presented bio-
graphical sketches of some professional and business lead-
ers—past and present," covers 138 pages and includes 72
men, no women (the book is dedicated to the memory of
Mrs. Laura Warters McDaniel). The authors explain that
this space was not for sale, although only those who made
Book Heviews 289
contributions which made the publication of the book pos-
sible, were included.
The third part of the volume is the 61 pages in the ap-
pendix. Early land grants, list of earliest settlers and of tax-
ables in Dobbs County in 1766, etc., are included. An index
is added.
The authors have written a commendable book, one which
is interesting. It is not a definitive history of the area, far
from it, a fact fully recognized by its authors. Unfortunate-
ly, the lack of money for a more comprehensive book caused
serious deletions or omissions. Such subjects as early public
education, establishment of the Graded School, control of
alcoholic beverages, race relations, political parties and elec-
tions were either omitted or sketchily treated. Errors are
few. The marriage dates of Lemuel Harvey (p. 126) seem to
be wrong. "William Blount was the brother of Thomas
Blount, one of the signers for North Carolina of the Declar-
ation of Independence" (p. 161). Does "one of the signers"
refer to William or Thomas? In either case it is incorrect.
The printing and general make-up are good.
D. J. Whitener.
Appalachian State Teachers College,
Boone.
The Lost Citadel. By Alexander Mathis. (New York: Pageant
Press, 1954. Pp. 273. $4.00.)
The sixteenth-century attempted colonizations at Roanoke
Island have a fascination for the novelists. In the last cen-
tury some eight or nine fiction writers have treated the pe-
riod. Mr. Mathis, whose home is Norfolk, has written a
straight narrative involving the Barlow-Amadas expedition
as well as the Lane and White settlements. To provide some
semblance of fictional movement, the author has given Man-
teo, who along with Wanchese is the only character lasting
the length of the book, a dominant role in the plot— if plot
the novel can be said to have. There is no compelling love
story, no leading hero and heroine. For the most part, Mathis
depends on historical accounts, principally Conway Whittle
290 The North Carolina Historical Review
Sam's The Conquest of Virginia, rather than on his imagina-
tion; he documents his sources in footnotes when he thinks
the reader will judge the action too broadly departing from
fact. Thus, as fiction, The Lost Citadel lacks both rounded
characterization and sustained plot interest.
Much is made of the 1584 expedition, with Thomas Hariot
allowed an unhistorical berth in order that he may begin
tutoring Manteo and Wanchese, who we are told are grand-
sons of Chief Granganimeo. For the failure of the First Col-
ony, Mathis blames Grenville, whose loiterings among the
Spanish in the West Indies delayed the planting of crops
at Roanoke and whose burning of the Indian village of Agos-
cogoc over a lost silver cup irreparably alienated the pre-
viously warm-hearted natives. Lane is portrayed as a just
and wise governor never able to recover from the errors of
the arrogant Sir Richard. As reasons for the departure of
the Lost Colonists from Roanoke, Mathis lists hunger and
Indian animosity. First, Manteo leads the English to the
sands of Croatoan, then later to friendly, more fertile coun-
try along the rivers, where they prosper for a while until
they are almost completely wiped out by a sudden hostile
Indian attack. Soon Eleanor Dare dies and, as the story ends
Manteo is undertaking the education of eight-year-old Vir-
ginia.
Richard Walser.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh.
Privateers of Charleston in the War of 1812. By Harold A.
Mouzon, (Charleston, S. C: Historical Commission of Charle-
ston. 1954. Pp. 41.)
This small paper-bound publication gives a brief history
of privateering from the port of Charleston during the War
of 1812. On June 18, 1812, the United States declared war
on England and eight days later an act was passed by Con-
gress authorizing the fitting out of ships as privateers to prey
on British shipping. Early in July two ships, the Mary Ann
and the Nonpareil, were ready to leave Charleston to begin
Book Reviews 291
their depredations. The Nonpareil was the first ship out but
her career was relatively short— she mistook a British brig of
war for a merchantman and was captured. The Mary Ann
was more successful. Commanded by John P. Chazal, she
took four prizes in one month and on her second cruise de-
stroyed several small vessels.
A Charleston-built vessel, the Saucy Jack, began privateer-
ing with a great fanfare. Her various captains, Jervey, Sicard,
and Chazal, were successful in capturing a number of valu-
able prizes. Chazal brought the ship into Charleston on De-
cember 31, 1814, seven days before the Treaty of Ghent
had been signed and the war ended.
Numerous other smaller vessels sailed the waters around
Jamaica and the West Indies taking prizes. The largest of
the privateers was the Decatur, commanded by Dominique
Diron. She met the British naval schooner, the Dominica, de-
feated her, and brought her into Charleston.
Mouzon points out that, for a port of her size, the priva-
teers of Charleston contributed largely to their owners, crews,
and the country in the damage done to British shipping dur-
ing the years of the war. His chief sources appear to be rec-
ords in the National Archives and contemporary newspapers
on file in Charleston. An appendix includes a list of the ves-
sels, giving the type, date of commission, tonnage, arma-
ment, and the name of the captain. Quotations are given from
newspapers, logs of the ships, and an occasional letter writ-
ten by a captain or member of the crew.
Beth Crabtree.
Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey: Autobiography and Letters. Edited by
William B. Hesseltine. (Nashville: Tennessee Historical Com-
mission. 1954. Pp. xvi, 367. $5.00.)
A railroad-building, agrarian aristocrat and state rights
Democrat from the heart of the Parson Brownlow country
is indeed something of an anomaly. Dr. Ramsey, perhaps
best remembered as the author of the Annals of Tennessee,
292 The North Carolina Historical Review
managed to weave so many careers into his full life— medical
doctor, farmer, banker, ferry operator, historian, poet, and
Confederate treasury agent among them— that there are many
problems in understanding him and his role in East Tennes-
see's history.
Unfortunately Dr. Ramsey wrote his memoirs when he
was over seventy years old (he was born in 1797), apparent-
ly in some haste and without benefit of adequate data or re-
search. The result is a spotty, occasionally tiring account
which Professor Hesseltine has wisely stiffened by the inser-
tion of some of Ramsey's letters; these constitute over a third
of the present volume.
An advocate in the 1820's of rail communication with the
south Atlantic seaboard, Dr. Ramsey's "Mecklenburg Poli-
tics," as his transportation schemes were dubbed, embroiled
him in bitter controversy with groups which favored the re-
gion's concentration upon improvements in the navigability
of the Tennessee River, especially at Muscle Shoals. Dr. Ram-
sey visited Charleston in 1828 to publicize and promote his
plan. He helped in assembling railway conventions at Ashe-
ville in 1832 and Knoxville in 1836. But the panic of 1837,
followed by a train of financial and political difficulties, de-
layed realization of his dreams until 1858. Only then did the
"East Tennessee and Georgia Rail Road" link isolated Knox-
ville with the Atlantic coast.
Professor Hesseltine has inserted two chapters made up
of Ramsey's letters to fill yawning gaps in the autobiography.
These deal with historical work on the Annals of Tennessee
and with ante bellum politics. The former consists mainly
of Ramsey's letters written from 1845 to 1853 to his history-
minded friend and lifelong correspondent, Lyman C. Draper,
who began his important collecting in Wisconsin in 1852.
These letters reveal a livelier, more likeable author than does
the autobiography, and they amusingly suggest the difficul-
ties encountered in that era by amateur scholars like Ramsey.
In informing Draper about the Nashville Historical Society's
"hasty accouchement" and expiration, for example, he growl-
ed that "Commerce chokes the growth of any such infants,"
Book Reviews 293
and that "Yankeedom is taking a vigorous growth every-
where" (p. 63).
Dr. Ramsey wrote the inserted political letters in April,
1858. Although he attached them to his manuscript autobi-
ography, he marked them, sometime around 1870, as "Pri-
vate/9 and "not to be published, but preserved as speculations
of my own. . . ." (p. 83) Such reticence, which the editor does
well to ignore, is understandable. Fire-eating secessionism,
sectional chauvinism, and an impassioned racial defense of
slavery and argument for re-opening the African slave trade
were all too well remembered themes. The postwar South
stunned and shaken by war and defeat, could hardly be re-
ceptive to them.
Dr. Ramsey died, quite unreconstructed, in 1884 at the
age of eighty-seven. Three of his children had died during
the war, one as a Confederate soldier; his beloved home, sit-
uated at the head of the Tennessee River near Knoxville, was
burned by Federal troops; and he and the remaining mem-
bers of his family were literally storm-tossed by the tides of
war. He had served the Confederacy until the end both as
a surgeon and treasury agent.
Approximately the last hundred pages of this volume con-
sists of letters, filled with antiquarian lore about the "old
border," which Ramsey wrote Draper after 1870. Professor
Hesseltine's helpful annotation, along with the competent
index, should make this a welcome addition to the published
sources of Tennessee's, and the South's, history.
Robert F. Durden.
Duke University,
Durham.
Jeffersonian America: Notes on the United States of America.
Collected in the Years 1805-6-7 and 11-12 by Sir Augustus
John Foster, Bart. Edited with an introduction by Richard
Beale Davis. (San Marino, California: The Huntington Libra-
ry. 1954. Pp. xx, 356. $6.00.)
The ubiquitous British traveler seems to be a constant
force in American historiography. This travel book is slightly
294 The North Carolina Historical Review
different from the usual ones in that the author-diplomat
(secretary of legation and later minister) had ample oppor-
tunities for observation while in America from 1804 to 1808
and again in 1811-12. Furthermore he did not give his im-
pressions to the world until he had laboriously revised them
some thirty years later.
In the 1830's there was a flood of books on America by
visiting Britishers. Foster thought that he could produce a
better account so he set to work on his old notebooks and
journals and produced in 1839 a full length manuscript which
was revised in 1841-42 after a portion of it had been printed
in the Quarterly Review for June, 1841. These manuscripts
and notebooks now to be found in the Huntington Library
or the Library of Congress have been carefully edited by
Professor Richard Beale Davis of the English Department
of the University of Tennessee and Jeffersonian America is
the happy result.
Despite Foster's expressed contempt for literary travelers
who wrote "only for money or to gratify their spleen" (p.
110) his own appraisals are somewhat short of objective. As a
British aristocrat and churchman he was impressed with
neither American democracy nor its non-conformity. Natural-
ly Anglophile Federalists appealed more to him than the
Republicans who numbered the "War Hawks" within their
ranks. Consequently, he always praised New England grow-
ing quite lyrical over Connecticut in particular, whereas he
could only regret that Virginia governed the union through
her "gentleman Jacobins." For society in Philadelphia and
Boston he had only praise and he was duly impressed with
the magnificence of New York Harbor. With regard to
the nation s capital to which he devoted more than one
hundred pages he was bitterly critical, referring as he did
to the "transfer of the government to these marshes" (p. 54)
but he admitted that it was an agreeable place to live since it
afforded contact with so many characters, distinguished and
otherwise. For Pennsylvania, outside of Philadelphia, he had
nothing but scorn calling it "an omnium gatherum for people
of all countries and religions" (p. 209). He did not care for
Book Reviews 295
"noisy blustering Germans or Irish who live by agitation"
(p. 159) and he did not fail to criticise the "camping Metho-
dists" and similar sects.
Although he made several journeys in the northern and
eastern parts of the United States Foster did not go south
of Virginia except for the Dismal Swamp in North Carolina
nor did he visit the west. To a large extent he relied on con-
gressmen for information on these sections. Though he talk-
ed with dozens of legislators there is no mention of Nathaniel
Macon and Willis Alston is the only North Carolina congress-
man mentioned by name. Foster thought that North Carolina
was "less generally known and less visited than any of the
states" (p. 168). South Carolina, in his estimation figured
mainly as a breeder of "War Hawks." While admitting that
the west might interest the natural or speculative philosopher
he felt that it had little to offer the general traveler.
To the reviewer the main interest in this book is the atti-
tude that an upper class Englishman would take to certain
American customs and institutions. Connecticut's retention
of state officials over long periods seemed good to him, where-
as the tendency to move state capitals to the interior was de-
cidedly a backward step. In general the editing has been
meticulously and intelligently done though one could wish
for a few explanations of Foster's historical references such
as North Carolina's apparent reluctance to join the American
Revolution (p. 118) and some few of the diplomat's histori-
cal inaccuracies have remained uncorrected as for example
his statement that Britain acquired Acadie as a result of the
Seven Years War (p. 335). The index also could be a little
more complete. However, these factors do not appreciably
detract from the real value of the book and one can agree
with the editor's claim, "There is much to warrant the publica-
tion of this book over a century after it was written."
D. H. Gilpatrick.
Furman University,
Greenville, S. C.
296 The North Carolina Historical Review
Confederate Finance. By Richard Cecil Todd. (Athens: The
University of Georgia Press. 1954. Pp. x, 258. $5.00.)
This book, which was Mr. Todd's doctoral dissertation at
Duke University, is pleasingly easy to read, despite the
amount of detail that has necessarily been included. The
main features of each chapter stand out clearly and the
reader does not feel that he is dealing with scholarship car-
ried to too fine a point.
Mr. Todd has examined and evaluated a vast mass of ma-
terial ranging from official manuscripts to contemporary
newspapers. The unavailability of certain documents relating
to the last days of the Confederacy has rendered it impos-
sible to make the study absolutely complete, but this de-
ficiency is not serious.
The opening chapter deals with the organization and chief
personnel of the Confederate Treasury, in which, of course,
Mr. Memminger was the dominant figure. Each of the next
four chapters takes up a source of funds— "Loans," "Treasury
Notes," "Tariffs and Taxes," "Seizures and Donations"— and
traces the use of that source through the four years of the
Confederacy. The final chapter deals with "Financial Opera-
tions Abroad." The separate treatment of these topics cer-
tainly has merit; but the interrelations among them are so
numerous that the reader has a problem of coordination. The
author helps the reader over this difficulty by some repetition
of material. At times, however, one wishes that all the meth-
ods of finance had been discussed by significant periods of
time.
The Confederacy was, of course, forced to adopt many
desperate means of finance. One is impressed, however, by
the degree of success that these measures achieved in the
face of the extraordinarily difficult circumstances. It is re-
markable that an agrarian region, with very little liquid capi-
tal and heavily dependent upon export trade, could, in spite
of a strong coastal blockade, have devised any means of
finance capable of sustaining the government and its armies
for so long a period. Among the more interesting devices
were the produce loan, the tithe levied on gross production,
Book Reviews 297
and the contracts for supplies that were made payable in
cotton.
There are few criticisms of style or diction to make. An
occasional word or phrase has overtones that are not pleasing
to Southern ears. For example, on pages 34 and 43 the Treas-
ury is spoken of as "playing upon" patriotism in order to sell
bonds. One wonders, too, why running the blockade should
be called "blockade violations" (p. 186). These are, of course,
minor points which in no way mar the objectivity of the work.
The book is an excellent study that should be useful to both
historians and economists.
C. K. Brown.
Davidson College,
Davidson.
General Kirby Smith, C. S. A. By Joseph Howard Parks. (Baton
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1954. Pp. viii, 537.
$6.00.)
Few Confederate generals in 1862 seemingly had a more
promising future than E. Kirby Smith. A hero of the first
Manassas, where his brigade made the decisive outflanking
maneuver, Kirby Smith was considered one of Johnston's
best officers at the time of his transfer to East Tennessee.
Nor did his reputation suffer as a consequence of the fruit-
less invasion of Kentucky in 1862, for soon afterward he was
promoted and later assigned command of the Trans-Missis-
sippi Department, an unwieldy field of operations covering
Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and western Louisiana.
Here General Smith's talents as a field commander had
little chance to develop. His was essentially an administrative
job, involving him in knotty problems of civil affairs and
even foreign relations. After the fall of Vicksburg his task
was virtually hopeless. Cut off from Richmond, confronted
with "a vast extent of country to defend" and having "a
force utterly inadequate for that purpose," Kirby Smith's
best hope was to avoid military defeat until a decision was
reached in the east. He seems to have been capable enough
as an administrator, and if his strategy produced no brilliant
298 The North Carolina Historical Review
victories, the blame rests partly with subordinates who were
either unfit or antagonistic. Frequent clashes with Taylor
and an inherent distrust of the value of militia (which con-
stituted a considerable portion of his forces ) perhaps explain
why Kirby Smith was often unwilling to take risks. He was
an admirer of Johnston, not Hood, and the situation called
for a sound and prudent strategist.
Dr. Parks's most recent contribution to the "Southern Bio-
graphy Series" is well written and obviously the product of
extensive research. It casts much light upon the complex
situation in the Trans-Mississippi Department and presents
a balanced picture of Kirby Smith, the soldier and adminis-
trator. The volume lacks adequate maps, which is particu-
larly unfortunate when the author deals with the little-
known campaigns in the west.
In a day when much of the Civil War literature is obvious-
ly being written "for the market," it is indeed gratifying to
read a good book about a worthwhile— and hitherto neglected
-subject.
Jay Luvaas.
Duke University,
Durham.
General Lee's Photographer. By Marshall Fish wick. (Chapel
Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1954. Pp. 94.
Illustrations. $7.50.)
This is the story of a young Confederate veteran who, re-
turning from the Civil War, decided to learn photography as
a livelihood and who, guided by his admiration for Lee and
Jackson, set up shop in Lexington, Virginia. Eventually he
became significant not only for his numerous studies of Lee
and other famous figures, but for his many worthwhile con-
tributions to the technique of photography.
The title is justified by the fact that Miley devoted so much
of his time, particularly .from 1866 to 1870, to the record of
persons, objects and events associated with Robert E. Lee.
These include portraits of the general made "as frequently
as circumstances permitted," copies of all available pictures
Book Reviews 299
of the Custis, Lee and Washington families, and reproduc-
tions of many documents such as Lee's will and army com-
mission. The famous study of Lee on Traveller, probably the
most popular photograph of the general, was made under
conditions that illustrate the difficulties of the art in those
days of the slow acting wet plate. Traveller kept switching
his tail at the flies!
Aside from being the photographic historian of picturesque
and historic Lexington with its twin institutions, Washing-
ton and Lee University and The Virginia Military Institute,
its graves of Jackson and Lee, and its ghosts of the Civil
War days, Miley was a deep and enthusiastic camera student
of nature. Mr. Fishwick includes in his book a remarkable
collection of landscapes to illustrate the artist's ability in
this field. He also brings out the highly dramatic quality of
Miley's work with such scenes as a mountaineer's family and
the "Tallyho from Lynchburg."
Working chiefly in isolation from professional photograph-
ers, Miley developed his own dry plate method and experi-
mented successfully with color work around the turn of the
century. Although he was relatively unknown outside Rock-
bridge County, Virginia, he left an "enduring record of him-
self as an artist and of his period of history."
The author, an associate professor at Washington and Lee
University, has produced a handsome and readable volume.
J. Walter Coleman.
Gettysburg National Military Park,
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania.
Stonewall Jackson and The Old Stonewall Brigade. Edited by
Richard B. Harwell. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia
Press. 1954. Pp. vi, 77. $3.50.)
Few of the current Civil War revivals offer so fresh a
glimpse of war days as this slight volume of sketches by the
gay young Captain Esten Cooke for a Richmond newspaper.
This is a brief account of the character and personality of
General T. J. Jackson and his then-famed brigade, written
300 The North Carolina Historical Review
by Cooke in the winter of 1862-1863 shortly before Jackson's
death.
This may be the very first such estimate of Jackson; at
least its main lines have never been obscured, and anyone
familiar with later Jackson lore will recognize the beginnings
of many a more elaborate incident and legend. Cooke be-
gan with a disclaimer:
"I write in no hero-worshipping spirit ... I assure you . . .
but I take my hat off and bow low to a great and noble soul
like Jackson ... a real hero."
The text itself is wandering, suffers from hasty organiza-
tion, and appears skimpy indeed in light of later writings on
Jackson. It has a considerable value, however, for those in-
terested in heroes, the worship thereof, or the Army of North-
ern Virginia and Jackson in particular. In Cooke's quick de-
scription of Jackson in their first meeting, for instance, are
lines which sing of the spirit of Stonewall:
"The appearance of the famous . . . Stonewall was not im-
posing. He wore that old sun-embrowned uniform once gray
. . . positively scorched by sun. . . . The cap . . . matched the
coat . . . and it tilted over the wearer's forehead, so far as to
make it necessary for him to raise his chin, in looking at you.
He rode in his peculiar forward-leaning fashion, his old raw-
boned sorrel, gaunt and grim— but like his master, careless
of balls and tranquil in the loudest hurly burly of battle."
Perhaps Jackson's family and friends did not approve this,
any more than they approved Cooke's announced biography
of Stonewall a few weeks later, calling him: a "self-appoint-
ed upstart ... a literary and social impostor."
The family of Stonewall, as this reviewer has lately learned,
is still aggressive in defense of the Stonewall legend.
The editor, Mr. Harwell, lately with the Flowers Collec-
tion of Duke University, is author and editor of several Con-
federate studies of value. He is now on the faculty of Emory
University.
Burke Davis.
Route 1,
Guilford College.
Book Reviews 301
Indians of the Southern Colonial Frontier : The Edmond Atkin
Report and Plan of 1775. Edited with an introduction by Wil-
bur R. Jacobs. (Columbia: The University of South Caro-
lina Press. 1954. Pp. xxxviii, 108. $5.00.)
The conquest of vast areas of the colonial southwest was
of momentous consequence in the history of our nation, for
it helped in great measure to prepare the way for the inde-
pendence of British colonies. Essential as was the western
colonial movement to the American independence, its suc-
cess was threatened by rivalry among the colonies for the
Indian market and other conflicting interests. These hazards
and perils originating from a decentralized Indian adminis-
tration were well understood by Edmond Atkin, a prosperous
merchant of pre-revolutionary South Carolina and a member
of His Majesty's Council for the Province. When Atkins
views on Indian affairs were requested by the Board of Trade,
during one of his visits to London, the South Carolinian re-
sponded on May 30, 1775 with a lengthy paper. This docu-
ment was not without merit, for it contained shrewd analyses
of French and British Indian policies; comments on the long-
established practice of distributing Indian presents; and a
critique on the status of trade with the Indians, unregulated
for many years. Atkin knew the southern Indian tribes, their
chiefs and headmen, from long personal contact. His report
pictures the Red Men of the South with their painted war
sticks and fluttering trophies, their homes and hunting
grounds. He tells the story of those hardy, rude traders and
hunters who ranged the southern wilderness beyond the
frontier of the colonies, seeking profits among the remoter
tribes of the lower Mississippi Valley, forming a commercial
link between civilization and barbarism.
The Atkin report embodied a scheme, not wholly new with
the author but developed by him into a well-reasoned and
overall approach, by which all Indian affairs in the colonies
could be centralized under two imperial superintendents-
one in the North and another for the South. Atkin's plan was
nothing less than a scheme to extend, stabilize and strengthen
British imperial authority over an untamed wilderness at a
time when the British sensed that their situation was precar-
302 The North Carolina Historical Review
ious. The report reflects to a certain extent the attitudes of
British bureaucracy that brought the American colonists to
revolt scarcely two decades later. The document also gives
a glimpse into the evolution of an important imperial office
in the history of colonial America, for Atkin was named to
the post of southern superintendent of Indian affairs which
he advocated in his report. The ethnological value of the
document, two centuries later, must not be minimized.
Good work has already been done in chronicling the his-
tory of the southern frontier by Chapman Milling; Robert
L. Meriwether; Philip M. Hamer; Clarence E. Carter; Helen
Louise Shaw; Thomas P. Abernethy; Clarence W. Alvord;
and John Richard Alden. Now we must add the name of Wil-
bur R. Jacobs, who has lifted the Atkin report out of obscuri-
ty and by editoriahelucidations made it more meaningful to
the present-day scholar of the colonial period, the general
historian of the South, the student of the southern Indians.
This recent offering by the Press of the University of South
Carolina is most welcome. _,
Gaston Litton.
University of Oklahoma,
Norman, Oklahoma.
The Barber of Natchez. By Edwin A. Davis and William Ransom
Hogan. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1954.
Pp. xi, 272. Illustrations. $4.00.)
Three years ago the authors of The Barber of Natchez pub-
lished William Johnsons Natchez: The Ante-Bellum Diary
of a Free Negro, which was widely acclaimed for its content
and the scholarship of the editors. This first book was a re-
production of a fourteen-volume diary kept from 1835 to
1851 by William Johnson, a free man of color, who was a
barber and respected businessman of Natchez. The Barber
of Natchez is a biographical volume based on the diary, ac-
count books, and other papers and sources pertaining to Wil-
liam Johnson.
William Johnson, a mulatto slave aged five, was freed by
his white master, William Johnson, in Natchez on February
10, 1820. As a free man of color, he lived the remainder of
Book Reviews 303
his respectable and very successful life in Natchez, where
he was the leading barber, a businessman who loaned money
to whites, owner of city real estate and farm lands,
slaveholder, and friend of many white men in all walks of
life. He married a free woman of color in his home town, and
their union was blessed with ten children before he was as-
sassinated in 1851, presumably by Baylor Winn. Johnson's
voluminous diary depicted all facets of the life of Natchez,
and it is particularly interesting to note that the diarist would
not associate on terms of equality with slaves and that he was
rather careful of his association with free Negroes and with
white men.
The book is divided into three parts. The first contains
eight chapters of biographical material. The second contains
ten chapters of the diarist's activities and observations drawn
from the diary. The titles of these chapters indicate the con-
tents of the diary and of the book— "Chronicle of Everyday
Natchez," "Barbershop Gossip," "Politics and Politicians,"
"The Tranquil Streets," "Pistols, Fists, and Bowie Knives,"
"Fires, Fire Fighters— and a Tornado," "Plasters, Pills, and
Purgatives," "Thespians and Clowns," "Sports of the Turf,"
and "Aristocrats and Lesser Men." The third part is a four-
chapter appraisal of the diarist.
The book is a fascinating and well-written study of an un-
usual free Negro in an unusual Mississippi city. The work of
the authors in editing the diary is excellent in every respect.
They have made another significant contribution with their
biography of Johnson. The story of the preservation and ac-
quisition of the William Johnson Papers is almost as amaz-
ing as the story of the life of the man. The reviewer is re-
minded that he was offered these papers in 1939 for the
sum of $1,000.00, which he was then unable to raise. After
seeing the results of their acquisition by Louisiana State Uni-
versity, he has no regrets, for he would never have done as
well with them as Dr. Davis and Dr. Hogan have done in
their two outstanding volumes.
William D. McCain.
Department of Archives and History,
Jackson, Miss.
304 The North Carolina Historical Review
Gustav Dresel's Houston Journal. Translated and edited by Max
Freund. (Austin: University of Texas Press. 1954. Pp. xxx,
168. $4.00.)
Gustav Dresel was only nineteen when he left Geisenheim,
Germany, in 1837 and came to North America. Son of a
prosperous merchant, young Dresel was seeking to broaden
his business education and to experience the challenge of
frontier life. He landed in New York, spent a winter with
the Pennsylvania Dutch, moved across to Iowa, came down
the Mississippi to New Orleans, and finally made his way
to the new Republic of Texas. For more than two years the
Gulf Coast country between Houston, New Orleans, and
Natchez was his theater of operations. He worked as book-
keeper and commission agent in the food and dry goods busi-
ness and in time accumulated enough capital to speculate
in grain and land. Homesickness and fear of yellow fever
prompted Dresel's return to Germany in 1841. Depreciating
Texas currency had kept him from becoming rich, and recur-
ring attacks of fever had nearly wrecked his health; yet his
experiences in America had given the young German "an
independent position in the world"— ample reward, he felt,
for his trials and tribulations.
Back in his homeland Dresel wrote an account of his so-
journ in America, in part to stimulate interest in German im-
migration to Texas. He then returned to Texas in 1847 as
agent-general in Galveston for the "Society for the Protec-
tion of German Immigrants in Texas," the most important
German immigration agency in Texas. This new venture had
scarcely begun, however, when Dresel was struck down with
yellow fever. He died in September, 1848.
Compared to the role played by some of his fellow coun-
trymen Gustav Dresel was a minor figure in the settlement
of Texas. Therefore the value of the journal he wrote about
his first visit to the United States lies principally in the excel-
lent literary style with which Dresel wrote and the acute
observations he made of frontier life and customs. The ac-
count was written five to six years after the event (though
apparently from copious notes taken during his stay), and
Book Reviews 305
is tinged throughout with the idealism of youth. Dresel also
sermonized from time to time on the virtues of the German
race and hard work. Nevertheless, the author painted a good
word picture of life in a raw society.
Gustav Dresel's story lay unpublished until 1922. It has
only now been translated by Max Freund, professor emeri-
tus of Germanic languages at The Rice Institute under the
somewhat misleading title of Gustav Dresel's Houston Jour-
nal. Only a fraction over one-half of the book deals with
Dresel's experiences in Texas; scarcely a quarter on condi-
tions in Houston. This fault may lead historians interested
in the customs, manners, morals, and travel of people from
Pennsylvania to the Gulf Coast to overlook this slender vol-
ume. An excellent job of bookmaking by the translator and
the University of Texas Press could have been improved by
including at least one map of Dresel's wanderings. The re-
viewer is also old-fashioned enough to prefer footnotes at
the bottom of the page rather than tucked away at the back
of the book. But these are relatively minor criticisms. Profes-
sor Freund and the University of Texas Press are to be com-
mended for making this work available to a wider reading
public.
James A. Tinsley.
University of Houston,
Houston, Texas.
Hugh Roy Cullen: A Story of American Opportunity. By Ed
Kilman and Theon Wright. (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
1954. Pp. viii, 369. $4.00.)
A man so generous to agencies of social betterment as
Hugh Roy Cullen surely deserves a better biography. Re-
plete with extravagant and repetitious statements, all un-
substantiated, this volume could scarcely be considered trust-
worthy by serious students. The authors do not even verify
the efforts of Cullen's grandfather to establish a school sys-
tem in the Republic of Texas. Their journalistic abhorrence
of footnotes might well have permitted a reference in the
306 The North Carolina Historical Review
text to the House Journal, Regular Session, 1839, p. 220. No
doubt this same grandiose carelessness permitted the mis-
spelling of Anadarko on the end papers and made Mrs. Car-
ter Glass president of Sweet Briar College.
The most interesting aspect of the biography concerns the
oil business, although it should be borne in mind that Cul-
len's "horse-sense judgment" about finding oil was usually
accompanied by geological data. Yet he succeeded in area
after area which had already been worked by experienced
oil men. His belief in deep drilling sent him to "the grave-
yard of Texas" oil men, the Washburn Ranch, which had al-
so been surveyed by the eminent De Golyer firm of Dallas
and pronounced without indication of oil. Nevertheless, Cul-
len s "creekology" soon had 31 producing wells on the Wash-
burn Ranch.
The philanthropic and political activities of Cullen re-
ceive perhaps more emphasis than oil. The bulk of his mag-
nificent charitable donations, approximately $175,000,000,
has gone into the Houston area, but his political activities
have often been on a national scale. Described as an "inde-
pendent voter" in 1907 and as a Republican since 1928, Cul-
len's aim has been to split the Democratic party in Texas
and to elect an isolationist Republican president. The authors
cite the chief criticism made by Cullen's political foes, that
"discovering an oil well doesn't necessarily qualify a man to
be political godfather to an entire nation" (p. 272).
Nannie M. Tilley.
East Texas State Teachers College,
Commerce, Texas.
American Academy of Fine Arts and American Art Union. By
Mary Bartlett Cowdrey. (New York, N. Y. : New- York His-
torical Society. 1953. vol. I: Introduction, Pp. xiv, 311, illus-
trated. Vol. II Exhibition Record, Pp. vi, 504, index. $7.50.)
This comprehensive presentation of the American Acade-
my of Fine Arts and the American Art Union (1816-1852)
is organized in two volumes. One volume, subtitled Introduc-
tion, deals with the history of the two organizations; the
Book Reviews 307
other, subtitled Exhibition Record, is a listing of all paintings
exhibited by the Art Union.
Miss Cowdrey, in the introductory volume, has assembled
the following: a history of the American Academy of Fine
Arts, by Professor Theodore Sizer of Yale University; a his-
tory of the American Art Union, by Charles E. Baker of the
New- York Historical Society; a chronological review of all
Art Union publications by Mary Bartlett Cowdrey of Smith
College Museum of Art; and a complete record of the auction
sale which, in 1852, marked the end of this organization. This
record of sales is compiled by Malcolm Stern, Jr., of Weslyan
University.
Professor Sizer, in his essay on the Academy, establishes
in his introduction the general character of this organization,
founded, as John Trumbull said, "by gentlemen of taste and
fortune." The genesis of the organization and its historical
role is briefly summarized. Sizer then proceeds with a year
by year account of its activities, from the lofty aspirations
of its founders to its end under the rigid and dictatorial di-
rection of the "patriot artist," John Trumbel. The proceed-
ings of this organization, the quest for plaster casts of antique
sculpture, copies of old master paintings, and the elevated
intention of its directors reflect the survival of 18th century
taste. A reliance on European tradition, the denial of con-
temporary artists, and the overbearing personality of Trum-
bel, its director for nineteen years, bred opposition and con-
flict. Finally inaction, discontent, and apathy brought the
end of the organization in 1840.
Remnants of the American Academy can be found in the
Apollo Association which soon became the American Art
Union. It was against ideals of the Academy that these rival
and successor organizations were founded. Mr. Baker, with
supporting documentation, recounts the dramatic episode of
this organization, dedicated to the cause of living American
artists—democratic in structure and practice and coping with
issues many of which are still present today. The life of the
American Art Union is here depicted as turbulent. Even in
its greatest success, scathing criticism, dissention, and unrest
prevailed. The tremendous task which the Union had set
308 The North Carolina Historical Review
for itself, the patronage of artists and the education of the
public in matters of art and taste, was nevertheless pursued
with vigor.
The Union had for its financial support a subscription
membership, the returns from which were applied to the
purchase of paintings. These paintings were exhibited in
the Union's galleries and then distributed to members
through annual lotteries. This system, which gave patronage
to artists all over the country, and which brought paintings
into the homes of many who otherwise could not afford them,
was both the success and failure of the Union. After having
been repeatedly approved by the New York State Legisla-
ture, in 1852 the lottery system was ruled illegal by the
courts. The lottery was an indispensible part of the organi-
zation and without it there was little hope of the Union's
survival. All holdings were sold at auction, the members ap-
peased, and all operations ceased in 1853.
The contribution of the several authors in the introductory
volume has been skillfully integrated; even a marked similar-
ity of style and technique prevades. In each of the three
major essays, the material is presented with strict adherence
to chronology. A terse commentary, interspersed with a
wealth of quotations from contemporary documents, excites
a sense of immediate identity with the strivings, achieve-
ments, and failures of these two organizations. Chronology,
often faltering, here achieves a sustained continuum. With
no sacrifice to scholarship, the historians have used a tech-
nique which suggests a fine documentary film supported by
narration.
The exhibition record compiled by Miss Cowdrey lists
alphabetically by artist all paintings exhibited by the Art
Union. This list includes titles of the paintings, dates and
addresses of artists, dates of exhibition, purchasers, lottery
winners, and other supporting information when possible.
This volume not only completes the record of this institution,
but serves as a biographical dictionary of many artists not
included in the standard reference sources. The introduc-
tory volume is a requisite for all scholars of American art
Book Reviews 309
and history; and, more than this, it should find a wide public
among all interested in American culture.
It is regrettable that the notes do not give a more com-
plete identification of many of the people referred to in the
text. Also, one wonders why Charles Baker is not included
on the title page along with Professor Sizer. The foreword
by James Flexner affords an excellent guide to the reader,
but this might well have stated explicitly the overall plan of
the two volumes.
At a time when North Carolina is the scene of a growing
interest in art, with art groups forming throughout the State,
the organization, structure, and experience of the American
Academy of Fine Arts and the American Art Union have
pertinence to the art interest of North Carolina which can
scarcely be overstated.
Ben F. Williams.
North Carolina State Art Gallery,
Raleigh.
HISTORICAL NEWS
The Carteret County Historical Society met in January
for the quarterly meeting with almost a full membership
present. Twenty new members have been added to this
group. Presentation was made by Mrs. John S. Jones of Cedar
Point of a copy of the Carteret County Herald which con-
tained a reprint of an oration delivered in Beaufort on July 4,
1876. Mr. Milton F. Perry of West Point, New York, former
curator at Fort Macon, sent the society a well-compiled his-
tory of the Spanish attack on Beaufort in 1747. Mr. F. C.
Salisbury displayed a group of pictures and cuts which were
of interest to the society.
On January 20 the Scotland County Historical Society was
organized with approximately 35 people present. The meet-
ing was presided over by Mr. A. B. Gibson of Laurinburg,
who was elected president. Other officers elected were: Miss
Margaret John of Laurinburg, vice-president; Mr. L. T. Gib-
son, secretary; and Miss Lila Mae Gill, treasurer. An appeal
was made by the group to natives of the county asking for
aid in acquiring old land grants and other historical docu-
ments, to be placed on file in the county library.
Mr. Bascombe Lamar Lunsford of Leicester spoke on folk-
lore in western North Carolina at the mid-winter meeting of
the Western North Carolina Historical Association on Janu-
ary 29 in Hendersonville. Dr. Rosser H. Taylor was also a
featured speaker. Three committees were announced during
the meeting: A committee to select the recipient of the Asso-
ciation's cup which is presented to the person adjudged the
outstanding historian of the year; a nominating committee;
and a committee to work with other civic groups and indi-
viduals to secure a commemorative stamp honoring the Chero-
kee chief, Sequoyah, who devised the Cherokee alphabet. All
committees will report at the April meeting which is to be
held in Asheville. The Hendersonville chapter of the Daugh-
ters of the American Revolution, the United Daughters of the
[310]
Historical News 311
Confederacy, and the Literary Department of the Woman's
Club co-sponsored the meeting. A coffee hour followed the
meeting which was attended by over 100 people and was
one of the largest groups assembled at a meeting of the asso-
ciation. Colonel Paul Rockwell, chairman of the membership
committee, reported on the drive for members and Mr. George
W. McCoy of Asheville, reported on the Thomas Wolfe liter-
ary cup proposal. It was decided to accept the cup if the
Thomas Wolfe Memorial Association desires to give the
award annually. The Association began publication in Jan-
uary of The Western North Carolina Associations History
Bulletin, a newspaper which is to be published quarterly as
the official news organ of the membership. Mr. Clarence W.
Griffin of Forest City is the editor and requests material
from the members for the papers.
New officers were elected at the quarterly meeting of the
Pasquotank Historical Society held January 22 in Elizabeth
City. General John E. Wood was re-elected president; Mr.
Clarence Morse was named vice president; Mr. Fred Mark-
ham III, secretary; and Miss Olive Aydlett, treasurer. Gen-
eral Wood presented a report of the first year's activity in-
cluding not only the accomplishments of the society but also
the failures and plans for the future. Plans were announced
for a mid-day luncheon for the April meeting. A report on the
search for houses and structures which are 100 years old or
older was given. The group has found that there are only 36
such buildings remaining within the limits of Elizabeth City.
A catalog of homes constructed during or prior to 1855 is being
compiled and a copy sent to the Literary and Historical As-
sociation headquarters in Raleigh.
A celebration is being planned for the centennial of Polk
County by a group of interested people who met at the court-
house in Columbus, February 3. The observance will be held
in May, with the ceremonies planned by an executive com-
mittee composed of representatives of each of the six town-
ships in the county. Officers elected to direct the planning are:
Mr. W. A. McFarland, president; Mr. James Johnson, sec-
312 The North Carolina Historical Review
retary; Mr. Woodrow Hague, treasurer; and three vice presi-
dents—Mrs. George Taylor, Mrs. Seth Vining, Sr., and Mr.
Carroll P. Rogers. Mrs. Sadie Patton and Mr. Clarence W.
Griffin, members of the Executive Board of the State Depart-
ment of Archives and History, will assist in planning the
time, place, and program. Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Di-
rector of the Department, has been invited to attend.
Work on the restoration of the Old Bunker Hill bridge, near
Claremont, one of the three remaining covered bridges in
North Carolina, was started in February. Judge Wilson War-
lick of Newton, chairman of the committee which was ap-
pointed by the Catawba County Historical Association, has
announced that the bridge is to be restored as nearly as
possible to its original appearance. To insure continuing care
of the project the association will pledge in a 25-year lease
with the R. K. Bolick estate, owner of the property on which
the bridge is located, to maintain it over that period.
A pamphlet has been received by the department, Sketches
of Burke County, which was prepared by Miss Cordelia
Camp, former superintendent of Burke County schools. The
material covers the years 1950 through 1952 and was taken
from several studies made by the eighth-grade pupils of
their respective school districts. The primary intention of the
booklet is to acquaint the school children with the history,
geography, and other salient factors of Burke County.
Mr. C. B. Eller, vice president of the Wilkes County His-
torical Association, presided at the February meeting held
in the town hall of North Wilkesboro. Papers were read by
Mrs. Margaret Bloomfield, whose topic dealt with a private
school operated by Mrs. Mamie Barber beginning in 1879;
and Mrs. L. G. Critcher, whose topic was the Moravian Falls
Academy which operated from 1876 to 1906. Mr. Robert
O. Poplin, Jr., chairman of the association's committee for se-
curing historical markers in Wilkes County, reported on the
work of his committee and the correspondence with the state
marker advisory committee.
Historical News 313
Interest in the location of an "English house" built for the
"Great Commander" of the Indians who inhabited Roanoke
Island in the middle seventeenth century has been renewed
because of a search by Mr. P. B. Zevely, former resident of
Winston-Salem. Mr. Zevely's interest was aroused by Mr. Ben
Shannon of Manteo who as a youth uncovered buried "bricks"
on Roanoke Island. Electronic search produced sufficient evi-
dence to begin digging at the site and pieces of "bricks" were
found and specimens were forwarded to the Smithsonian In-
stitution for classification. The Colonial Records of North
Carolina relate that in 1653 Francis Yeardley of Virginia sent
"... a boat with six hands, one being a carpenter, to build
the king an English house . . ." and it is thought that bricks
may have been used on the structure. Mr. Ay cock Brown of
Manteo has written a story which he sent to the Department
of Archives and History dealing with the mystery of the
bricks.
Mr. W. Frank Burton, head of the Division of Archives,
State Department of Archives and History, spoke to the Pitt
County Historical Society on January 27. His subject was
"Preservation and Restoration of Historical Manuscripts."
Mr. Burton reports that within the past two months Miss
Pamela Cocks of the New Zealand Archives and Mrs. Estela
de Grandi of the Controller General's Office in Panama have
spent several days in Raleigh studying the archival and record
management programs of the State Department of Archives
and History. The Division of Archives recently accessioned
the board minutes and the policy-making correspondence
of the Department of Conservation and Development, 1927-
1950.
In a meeting held in the library in Smithfield on March
19, Mr. D. L. Corbitt, head of the Division of Publications,
State Department of Archives and History, assisted an in-
terested group of Johnston County citizens in the temporary
organization of a local historical society. The group decided
to meet again on April 1, at 8 P. M. in the courthouse to
perfect a permanent organization. Temporary officers elected
314 The North Carolina Historical Review
were: Mr. H. V. Rose of Smithfield, president; Miss Mildred
Oliver of Pine Level, vice president; and Mrs. W. B. Beasley
of Smithfield, secretary. A great deal of interest was mani-
fested in the Bentonville Battlefield as the first meeting was
held on the ninetieth anniversary of the beginning of the
battle.
On January 14 Mr. W. S. Tarlton, researcher for the De-
partment of Archives and History, spoke before the Blooms-
bury Chapter of the Daughters of the Revolution, following
a luncheon meeting held at the Woman's Club, Raleigh. His
subject was "The Restoration of Somerset Place at Pettigrew
Park."
At a meeting held in Chapel Hill on January 28 the Ad-
visory Committee on Historical Markers approved sixteen
new markers for North Carolina highways: Swannanoa Tun-
nel, Ridgecrest, Buncombe County; Wachovia Museum, Win-
ston-Salem, Forsyth County; Rose Greenhow, Wilmington,
New Hanover County; Scotch Hall, Bertie County; Wingate
Junior College, Wingate, Union County; William B. Umstead,
Durham County; 4-H Club, Hertford County; Clyde R. Hoey,
Shelby, Cleveland County; Sherman's March, Hoke County;
Willis Smith, Raleigh, Wake County; Levi Coffin, Guilford
College, Guilford County; James Iredell, Jr., Edenton, Cho-
wan County; Moses A. Curtis, Hillsboro, Orange County;
Lake Company, Creswell, Washington County; Bethabara,
Forsyth County; and High Point College, High Point, Guil-
ford County.
On March 11 in ceremonies held in the auditorium of the
Raeford High School, two historical markers for Hoke Coun-
ty were unveiled. One of the markers points out the site of the
Civil War Battle of Monroe's Crossroads, fought on March 10,
1865, between Federal Calvary units and the Confederate
forces led by General Wade Hampton. The other marker indi-
cates the site of Edenborough Medical College, the first medi-
cal school chartered by the state of North Carolina in 1867.
The Department of Archives and History was represented by
Historical News 315
Mr. W. S. Tarlton, who delivered the main speech and pre-
sented the two markers. Mr. Paul Dickson, publisher of the
Raeford News- Journal, was master of ceremonies.
The State Department of Archives and History's Advisory
Committee on Records Preservation held its first meeting at
the State Archives on February 4. The group was welcomed
by Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director; Dr. W. T. Laprade,
member of the Department's Executive Board, made an in-
troductory statement; Mr. W. Frank Burton, State Archivist,
conducted a tour of the Archives and Record Center and
explained the archives and records management program
to the committee; and a general discussion followed. The
members of the committee are: Dr. James W. Patton, direc-
tor of the Southern Historical Collection at the University,
chairman of the committee; Dr. Laprade; Dr. Fletcher M.
Green, chairman, department of history at the University of
North Carolina; Drs. Hugh T. Lefler and J. C. Sitterson, of
the same department of history; Drs. William B. Hamilton,
Richard L. Watson, and Robert H. Woody of the department
of history, Duke University; and Dr. Frontis W. Johnston,
head, department of history, Davidson College.
In Raleigh, February 11, the executive committee of the
Tryon Palace Commission met with the architect, Mr. Wil-
liam G. Perry, and approved plans for the main building of the
Palace. It was voted to call bids to be opened in Raleigh,
March 16. On the appointed day the bids were opened and
William Muirhead of Durham got the general contract with
a low bid of $577,000. He agreed to complete the job in 600
consecutive days. Other contracts for plumbing, heating, and
electrical installations totalling $85,312 were also awarded at
the meeting.
The Department of Archives and History entertained the
Sir Walter Cabinet on March 15. Slides were shown of his-
toric houses in the state, North Carolina ladies, costumes from
the 1780's to the 1930's were modeled, and a coffee hour was
held.
316 The North Carolina Historical Review
North Carolinians who took part in the sessions of the
American Historical Association in New York, December
28-30, and their contributions, were as follows: Dr. John Gillin
of the University of North Carolina, "An Anthropologist's
View of Teaching of Latin American History"; Mr. Oliver
H. Orr, Jr., of the same institution, a paper on Charles B.
Aycock; Dr. James L. Godfrey, also of the University, dis-
cussion of "British Labor Between the Wars"; and Dr. Sam-
uel R. Spencer of Davidson College, a paper on Booker T.
Washington. Dr. Christopher Crittenden represented the De-
partment of Archives and History.
At the University at Chapel Hill, Dr. Wallace E. Caldwell
has returned to his teaching duties after a leave during the
fall semester. While on leave he lectured at the University
of St. Andrews on the general subject of the Age of Pericles.
Dr. James L. Godfrey is acting as chairman of the European
section for the Southern Historical Association in preparing
the program for 1955. He is the recipient of a research grant
from the University and will continue his studies on the Labor
Government in England. Dr. George V. Taylor is the recipient
of a research grant from the University and will continue work
on the political activities of business men during the French
Revolution. Dr. Harold A. Bierck will attend a meeting of
the United States Committee of the Pan-American Insti-
tute of Geography and History as an official delegate. Mr.
William M. Geer is the recipient of a Danforth Foundation
Teacher Study Program for the year beginning June 1, 1955.
Mr. Hugh F. Rankin, who spent three and a half years at
the University of North Carolina studying under a Morehead
Fellowship, has accepted the position as research associate at
Colonial Williamsburg. Mr. Rankin was twice winner of the
R. D. W. Connor Award for the best article on North Caro-
lina history in this journal.
The Department of Social Studies at Appalachian State
Teachers College, Boone, announces a workshop to be held
July 5-15 with Dr. D. J. Whitener acting as director. Dr.
Historical News 317
Christopher Crittenden, director of the Department of Ar-
chives and History, will be a member of the staff and Mrs.
Lois H. Floyd will serve as co-ordinator. The course will
carry graduate credit.
News items from Duke University are: General Clark
Eichelberger of Asheville addressed the Trinity College His-
torical Society on December 8, and on February 16 Dr. An-
drew Whiteside read a paper on the various views of the
philosophical origins of National Socialism. "American Poli-
tical History," by Dr. Richard L. Watson, appeared in the
South Atlantic Quarterly for January. Dr. E. Malcolm Carroll
delivered a Blazer Lecture at the University of Kentucky
recently on German historians' views of the recent past of
their country.
Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace of Meredith College attended
the annual meeting of the American Historical Association in
New York. Dr. Alice B. Kieth, also of Meredith, addressed the
Altrusa Club of Raleigh on "The Organization of American
States and Peace."
Dr. Samuel R. Spencer of Davidson College has been pro-
moted to professor of history and continues his duties as
dean of students.
A 151-page mimeographed index of the Life and Corre-
spondence of James Iredell by Griffith J. McRee has been
prepared by Helen Dortch Harrison and issued by the North
Carolina Collection of the University of North Carolina Li-
brary. As long as the supply lasts, copies may be ordered for
fifty cents in coin or stamps (to cover the packing and pos-
tage) from Mr. William S. Powell, Box 870, Chapel Hill,
North Carolina.
Radcliffe College and the department of history of Harvard
University will offer for a second time an eight-week summer
Institute on Historical and Archival Management. The course
is open to men and women college graduates and will be held
318 The North Carolina Historical Review
from June 20 to August 12. Dr. Christopher Crittenden will
be a member of the staff. Further information may be ob-
tained from Mr. Earle W. Newton, Institute on Historical and
Archival Management, 10 Garden St., Cambridge 38, Mass.
Announcement has been made of the nineteenth annual
meeting of the Society of American Archivists in Nashville,
Tennessee, on October 10-11, 1955. The Tennessee State Li-
brary and Archives, headed by Dr. Dan M. Robison, will be
host, and co-sponsors will include the Tennessee Historical
Society, Vanderbilt University, and the George Peabody Col-
lege for Teachers. Headquarters will be in the Andrew Jack-
son Hotel.
The American Historical Association announces the terms
for the 1955 competition for the Albert J. Beveridge Award
which is presented yearly by the Association. The deadline for
the submission of applications and manuscripts is May 1, 1955.
Further details may be obtained from Dr. John Tate Lanning,
chairman, Duke University, Durham.
Books which have been received recently include the follow-
ing: Harold E. Dickson, A Hundred Pennsylvania Buildings
Messages of the Governors of Tennessee, 1835-1845, Volume
(State College, Pennsylvania: Bald Eagle Press, 1954); Tal-
mage C. Johnson and Charles R. Holloman, The Story of Kin-
ston and Lenoir County (Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton
Company, 1954); Bell Irvin Wiley, Rebel Private: Front and
Rear (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1954); Richard Beale
Davis, Jeffersonian America (San Marino, California: The
Huntington Library Publications, 1954); Robert H. White,
Messages of the Governors of Tennessee, 1835-1845, Volume
III, ( Nashville : The Tennessee Historical Commission, 1954 ) ;
Donald G. Morgan, Justice William Johnson: The First
Dissenter (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press,
1954); The New Zealand Official Year Book, 1954, (Welling-
ton, New Zealand: By Authority: R. E. Owen, Government
Printer, 1954); R. G. W. Vail, Knickerbocker Birthday, A
Sesqui-Centennial History of the New York Historical Society,
Historical News 319
1804-1954 (New York: The New-York Historical Society,
1954); Ernest McNeill Eller, Whispering Pines (Winston-
Salem, North Carolina: John F. Blair, Publisher, 1954); Manly
Wade Wellman, Dead and Gone, Classic Crimes of North
Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina
Press, 1955); Elisha P. Douglass, Rebels and Democrats: The
Struggle for Equal Political Rights and Majority Rule dur-
ing the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: The University
of North Carolina Press, 1955); Howard McKnight Wilson,
The Tinkling Spring, Headwater of Freedom. A Study of the
Church and Her People, 1732-1952 (Richmond, Virginia:
Garrett and Massie, Inc., 1954); American Heritage, The
Magazine of History ( 551 Fifth Avenue, New York 17, New
York: James Parton, Publisher, February, 1955); From Mine
to Market, The History of Coal Transportation on the Nor-
folk and Western Railway (New York: New York University
Press, 1954); Stuart Hall Smith and Clairborne T. Smith, Jr.,
The History of Trinity Parish, Scotland Neck; Edgecombe
Parish, Halifax County (Scotland Neck, North Carolina: Pri-
vately Published through the Battle Foundation, 1955); and
Louis D. Rubin, Jr., Thomas Wolfe: The Weather of His
Youth (Baton Rouge: The Louisiana State University Press,
1955).
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Dr. William Frank Zornow is assistant professor of history
at Kansas State College, Manhattan, Kansas.
Dr. Margaret Burr DesChamps is assistant professor of
history at Agnes Scott College, Decatur, Georgia.
Dr. Christopher Crittenden is director of the State De-
partment of Archives and History and secretary of the Liter-
ary and Historical Association, Raleigh.
Dr. Paul Murray is professor of history at East Carolina
College, Greenville.
Mr. Harry L. Golden is the editor of the Carolina Israelite,
Charlotte.
Mr. Robert Mason is editor of The Sanford Daily Herald,
Sanford.
Dr. Leonard B. Hurley is professor of English at the Wo-
man's College, University of North Carolina, Greensboro.
Dr. Louis B. Wright is director of the Folger Shakespeare
Library, Washington, D. C.
Miss Mary L. Thornton is librarian, North Carolina Col-
lection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill.
[320]
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXII July, 1955 Number 3
BEDFORD BROWN: STATE RIGHTS UNIONIST1
By Houston G. Jones
Part I: The Senator
The name Bedford Brown means little to a present-day
North Carolinian. Reference to his name in a historical journ-
al would necessitate a footnote to remind the reader that
Brown once represented the state in the United States Senate.
An interested person could, if he wished, go to the standard bi-
ographical histories and find a brief sketch listing the various
offices held by this almost forgotten man. But by none of those
sources would the reader be led to realize that a century ago
Bedford Brown was one of the best known leaders of the
Democratic Party in the South.
In June, 1860, Martin Van Buren wrote a friend, "I at least
would think the country fortunate to get such a man [as
Bedford Brown] for the office of President or Vice-Presi-
dent." 2 This was not the only time that the former President
had paid high tribute to "an old and constant friend of Genl.
Jackson and my own, one on whom as much as any other
man, we relied for support of our respective administrations
in the Senate of the U. States." But coming as it did immedi-
ately after the abortive Charleston Convention, the compli-
ment must have been sweet to the ears of the North Caro-
linian who had fought the battles of Jacksonianism against
the giants of that day and who, in 1860, was fighting the
1 This article was being prepared under the supervision of Professor
Charles S. Sydnor at the time of the tragic death of that beloved gentleman.
Any merit that the article may have is to be attributed to his kind, patient,
and inspiring interest. I am also indebted to Professor Fletcher M. Green
for his many suggestions for the final draft.
2 Martin Van Buren to Theodore Miller, June 11, 1860. Bedford Brown
Papers, Duke University.
[321]
322 The North Carolina Historical Review
greatest battle of his life in attempting to stem the tide of
disunion.
Bedford Brown,3 the state rights Unionist of ante-bellum
days, had lived sixty-five eventful years when his intimate
friend paid him the compliment quoted above. He had dis-
tinguished himself as one of the leaders of the Democratic
party and as a personal friend of Andrew Jackson, Martin
Van Buren, Franklin Pierce, and James Buchanan. During
his career he was elected to twelve terms in the General
Assembly (one year as speaker of the State Senate), was
twice elected to the United States Senate, was a strong though
unsuccessful candidate for Congress, was vice-president for
the North Carolina delegation at three national Democratic
conventions, was elected to two state constitutional conven-
tions, and was twice commissioned to represent his state in
conferences with President Johnson in the days before the
ascendancy of the Radicals.
Throughout his many years of political life, Brown made
no unique contribution to the field of political thought or to
the formulation of governmental policy, but one character-
istic stood out above all else and marked him as a political
leader who neither asked nor gave quarter. That charac-
teristic was an unflinching loyalty to what he conceived to
be the principles of republicanism as laid down by the early
Jeffersonians. "State rights," to Brown, was no hollow phrase
"The only available intimate description of Brown by a contemporary is
that of David Schenck. Judge Schenck, who was a fellow delegate to the
convention, described Brown as a "spare-made man about six feet tall and
wore no beard; his dress was neat, his step firm and his carriage erect. . . .
His dignity was so studied that it was a little pompous, and his deep, husky
voice did not seem quite natural. His under jaw protruded slightly and his
teeth clenching gave him a very resolute appearance, and when aroused his
countenance was fierce and defiant." Brown lacked the graces which persuade
or win the confidence of others, Judge Schenck continued, "but he was
forcible in logic, earnest in speech and empathic [sic] in manner. Those who
reflected, and appreciated sound reason listened to him with patience and
attention and he exerted a very strong influence. ..." Furthermore, "I
have often seen him surrounded by distinguished men, and he was the
politest among them all, and his manners the most courtly." He was a sincere
man, self-confident, fearless and frank, and "loyal to his convictions and
using no art to enforce his views and disdaining dissimulation or sophistry."
Judge Schenck concluded, "There is not spot nor blemish on his political
character; there was no doubt as to his loyalty and patriotism. He lived
and acted as a true man and left a pleasant remembrance in the hearts
of those who knew him." David Schenck, Personal Sketches of Distinguished
Delegates of the State Convention 1861-2 (Greensboro, 1885), 19-21.
Bedford Brown
1795-1870
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 323
but rather the basic ingredient in the union of states as en-
visioned in the Jeffersonian tradition. As a state rights advo-
cate, the nation had no legislator more outspoken than Bed-
ford Brown. But neither did it have a more ardent Unionist.
In the United States Senate during the critical months of
the nullification controversy, Brown stood up for his principle
of states within the Union and at the same time rejected
nullification as nothing less than disunion. It was this strange
blend of two apparent opposites that gave the Senator from
North Carolina the chance to play the part of a referee be-
tween the leaders of sectional controversy during the hectic
days of Jackson and Van Buren.
Brown, although an ardent Unionist, attacked the nation-
alistic policies propounded by Webster and Clay as uncon-
stitutional and divisive. A loyal Southerner, he nevertheless,
vehemently attacked the increasingly virulent attitude of
Calhoun and Tyler as threatening to break up the most "glo-
rious republic" ever formed. The middle way is not always
popular in politics, and Bedford Brown's opposition to the
tariff and the bank was no more designed to make him pop-
ular in the North and West than his opposition to nullifica-
tion and secession was to gain him friends in the South. But
if a man's success may in a small way be measured by what
the people at home thought of him, Bedford Brown must
have died a contented man, for not once in his fifty-five years
of political activity did the voters of his native Caswell Coun-
ty fail to give him a majority at the polls.
Bedford Brown was born June 6, 1795,4 the third child in
a family of eight, at the Brown homestead between the upper
branches of Country Line5 and Moon creeks in what is now
Locust Hill Township, Caswell County, North Carolina. His
father, Jethro Brown, had migrated to Caswell during the
1 Brown Family Bible (published 1812), 678. Bedford Brown Papers, Rose
Hill, Caswell County, N. C. There are two family Bibles, one published in
1812, the other in 1823.
I am indebted to Mr. J. W. Brown, great-grandson of Senator Bedford
Brown and present owner of Rose Hill, for giving me access to the Senator's
papers and library. I am also indebted to the late Miss Mary Wilson Brown,
granddaughter of the Senator, who, as my fourth grade teacher, first in-
terested me in her ancestor.
5 Sometimes incorrectly cited on maps and highway markers as "County
Line."
324 The North Carolina Historical Review
Revolution with his father, John Edmunds Brown. Just before
the war, the Browns had moved from Virginia to the Pee Dee
country of South Carolina for the purpose of growing indigo.
But when John Brown and his family gave aid to General
Marion during the swamp campaigns, the Tories laid waste
to their property and the family moved back north, settling
in Caswell, near the Virginia border, because of the adapta-
bility of the soil to tobacco.6
Brown's mother, the former Lucy Williamson, was a mem-
ber of a pioneer Caswell family. Both the Browns and the
Williamsons were of English stock, Bedford being named for
the original Brown homestead in Bedfordshire.
In 1813, young Brown was sent to the University of North
Carolina where he studied for one year.7 Two years later,
only twenty years of age, he entered politics, being elected,
along with Romulus M. Saunders, to the House of Commons.8
As befitted a twenty-year-old, Bedford took no great part in
the deliberations of the House and was appointed to the rela-
tively unimportant committee on military land warrants. On
December 9, 1815, however, he created a considerable furor
when he introduced a resolution, "Resolved, that the firm-
ness, energy and wisdom which have characterized the poli-
tical conduct of the president of the United States, during
the late arduous contest of our country, and his prompt ac-
ceptance and ratification of an honorable treaty, entitle him
to the gratitude and thanks of this legislature."9 The resolu-
tion provoked long debate and only after five days was it
finally adopted by a 76 to 51 vote in the House,10 indicating,
to some degree, President Madison's popularity in North
Carolina.
On July 13, 1816, Brown married Mary Lumpkin Glenn,11
daughter of James Anderson Glenn, an influential merchant
6 The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography . . . (New York, 1892-
1951, 37 vols.), IX, 458. See also Bedford J. Brown [a nephew of the Sena-
tor] to Miss Mary Brown, February 7, 1912. Bedford Brown Papers, Rose
Hill.
7 Kemp P. Battle, Sketches of the History of the University of North
Carolina (Chapel Hill, 1889), 100.
8 Journal of the House of Commons . . . 1815, 1.
9 Journal of the House of Commons . . . 1815, 38.
10 Journal of the House of Commons . . . 1815, 46.
"Brown Family Bible (published 1823), 678. Bedford Brown Papers,
Rose Hill.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 325
of Petersburg, Virginia, who had migrated from Scotland
where his father, Archibald Glenn, was lord provost of Glas-
gow.12 The young couple was sent off on a wedding trip to
England and Scotland by Jethro Brown who by 1816 was a
moderately prosperous planter and tavern keeper. He was
also a man of some learning as was attested by the fact that
he maintained in his tavern the headquarters of a society
"constituted for intellectual improvement."13 Upon the
couple's return to Caswell, Jethro made them a gift of his
attractive home, Rose Hill, built in 1802, and a considerable
tract of land. Rose Hill still stands as one of the finest ex-
amples of early Caswell architecture and retains not only the
spirit of the ante-bellum planter but also his library, some of
his personal papers, and his grave. Here, at Brown's Store,
or Locust Hill as the community became known in the 1840's,
a small amount of North Carolina history has been safe-
guarded for a century and half.
Brown was again elected to the House of Commons in
1816, and was re-elected for the following two terms.14 In
1818, Caswell sent Bartlett Yancey to the State Senate and
Bedford Brown and Romulus M. Saunders to the Commons,
a triumvirate characterized by a contemporary as "not excell-
ed in the legislators of any county in the state." 15 Within a
twelve-year period, this trio was elected to the speakerships
of the House and Senate for a total of fourteen terms.
12 The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, V, 442.
"Bartlett Yancey, "Caswell County," Thomas Henderson Letter Book
1810-1811 (a bound volume of manuscripts in N. C. Department of Archives
and History). See also A. R. Newsome, "Twelve North Carolina Counties,
1810-1811," North Carolina Historical Review, V, 4 (October, 1928) , 413-446.
14 Because of the meagerness of information contained in the journals of
ante-bellum assemblies, the part played by individual representatives is
seldom easy to ascertain, but sometimes committee assignments give an
intimation of their standing. Brown in 1816 served on the committee on
propositions and grievances and in the following session was on the com-
mittee on finance and a committee which held elections for councillors of
state. See Journal of the House of Commons . . . 1816, 3, and Journal of the
House of Commons . . . 1817,11, 48. His committee assignment is not listed
in the Journal for 1818, and his colleague, Saunders, who was to be elected
speaker of the House the following year, appears to have outshone Brown
in the session of 1818. It is significant to note that Bartlett Yancey was
elected speaker of the Senate in 1817 and held that office until his death in
1828.
16 John H. Wheeler, Reminiscences and Memoirs of North Carolina and
Eminent North Carolinians (Columbus, Ohio, 1884), 109.
326 The North Carolina Historical Review
By 1823, Bedford Brown had become a prosperous young
planter and held lands in both his native community and
Halifax County, Virginia,16 the latter possibly accruing from
inheritance by his wife. That year, Brown was again elected
to the House of Commons where he served as chairman of
the committee on rules and order and was a member of the
committee on education.17 In this General Assembly, Brown
injected himself into a national political controversy by
strongly opposing the adoption of the Fisher Resolutions. The
resolutions, introduced by Charles Fisher, Calhoun's North
Carolina leader, proposed that the United States Senators from
the state be instructed and Representatives be requested to
prevent a caucus nomination for President of the United States
and to work for an amendment to establish a uniform sys-
tem of districts in the country for choosing presidential elec-
tors.18 Brown's speeches in opposition to the resolutions
strongly defended the caucus system, and, although he
claimed later that he was an "original Jackson man," included
a defense of William H. Crawford who was expected to re-
ceive the caucus nomination for president.
From 1824 to 1828, Brown was content to oversee his
growing plantations and, except for a stroke of fate in 1828,
possibly would not again have entered public life. In that
year, Bartlett Yancey, who had distinguished himself as a
congressman and as speaker of the State Senate, was re-
elected to the latter office from Caswell. Yancey was looked
upon by many persons as the sure choice of the Assembly to
succeed the retiring Nathaniel Macon in the United States
Senate. But his death intervened and, on November 24, Bed-
ford Brown was elected to fill the vacancy from Caswell.
Three days later, Thomas Ruffin, a rising lawyer who was
destined to become chief justice of the State Supreme Court,
16 Bedford Brown to Philip Howerton, September 17, 1823. Philip Howerton
Correspondence, Duke University.
17 Journals of the Senate and House of Commons . . . 1823, 121, 126.
"The debate was published in pamphlet form, Debate on Mr. Fisher's
Resolutions Against Caucuses in the House of Commons of North Carolina
in Dec. 1823 (Raleigh, 1824). See also A. R. Newsome, "Debate on the
Fisher Resolution," North Carolina Historical Review, IV, 4 (October, 1927) ,
428-470; V, 1 (January, 1928), 65-96; V, 2 (April, 1928), 204-223; V, 3
(July, 1928), 310-328.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 327
suggested to Brown that he become a candidate for United
States Senator. "Should you agree for your name to be
brought forward," he wrote, "I cannot doubt for a moment,
the issue of the contest. . . ." 1!) Brown's name, however, was
not pushed and Governor James Iredell was elected.
After a lack-luster first session in the State Senate, Brown
was re-elected in 1829, and, on the first day of the new term,
was elected speaker of that body, defeating Louis D. Wil-
son.20 This victory was an encouragement to whatever am-
bition Brown may have had, for the appointment of United
States Senator John Branch to the office of Secretary of the
Navy by President Jackson provided a new vacancy. Thomas
RufBn's enthusiasm for the young man from Caswell, how-
ever, appears not to have been universally shared, for when
nominations for the vacancy were received on November
20, Brown's name was not included. The names of Mont-
ford Stokes, Samuel P. Carson, Archibald D. Murphey,
William B. Meares, Charles Fisher, Judge John R. Donnell,
and several others were placed in nomination, but no one re-
ceived a majority of votes. Although, theoretically, there was
only one "party" in North Carolina at the time, the partisans
of Clay, Adams, Jackson, and Calhoun carried on a de-
termined fight for their favorite candidates; and after seven
days of balloting, the contest narrowed down to William B.
Meares of New Hanover County (later of Sampson), who
was a strong supporter of Henry Clay, and supporters of the
other national leaders. The strategy of the anti-Clay forces
was simply to defeat Meares, but they could agree on no
single candidate. One by one the stronger candidates dropped
out — Murphey, Carson, Stokes. On the fourteenth ballot, the
vote was Meares 74, Donnell 59, and Fisher 48.21 On De-
cember 8, after almost three weeks of fruitless voting, Speak-
er Bedford Brown's name was entered, apparently for the
purpose of holding off a Meares victory until the anti-Clay fac-
tions could come to some agreement. But, much to the sur-
19 Thomas Ruffin to Bedford Brown, November 27, 1828. J. G. de R. Hamil-
ton, editor, The Papers of Thomas Ruffin (Raleigh, 1920, 2 vols.), I, 460.
Hereafter cited as Hamilton, The Papers of Thomas Ruffin.
20 Journals of the Senate and House of Commons . . . 1829-30, 1.
21 Western Carolinian (Salisbury, N. C.), December 15, 1829.
328 The North Carolina Historical Review
prise of his colleagues and probably to himself, Brown was
elected on the first ballot in which his name was entered, get-
ting 95 votes to 86 for Meares and 7 for other candidates.22
That Brown's name had been entered only as a stalking
horse instead of as a winner may be indicated in a statement
attributed to Alfred Stanley, who was said to have visited
Brown following the election and "stated to him how pure-
ly accidental was his election, and . . . [that] he was bound
in honor to resign. . . ." 23 Another North Carolinian, Joseph
B. Skinner, expressed his dissatisfaction to Judge Ruffin, ask-
ing if Brown had "acquired intellectual merit since the days
in which I knew him, so that the State is not dishonored, or
has it resulted from party juggling?" 24 The Western Caro-
linian, however, noted that Brown was "a gentleman of re-
spectable talents, and will do justice to the high and respon-
sible station he has been called to fill." 25
Brown took his seat in the United States Senate on Decem-
ber 28, 1829,26 and was assigned to the relatively unimportant
Joint Committee on Engrossed Bills.27 He made no important
speech during the session, but his votes gave indication of
the direction that he would follow during the next eleven
years as a United States Senator. Those eleven years were
characterized by opposition to Henry Clay's "American Sys-
tem" and support of all but one of the major administration
measures. The exception was the force bill. At the same time,
however, Brown just as strongly fought nullification. He op-
posed most federal spending schemes, the distribution of
the treasury surplus to the states, the recognition or annexa-
tion of Texas, the rechartering of the United States Bank, and
22 Journals of the Senate and House of Commons . . . 1829-30, 9-46.
23 R. M. Saunders, An Address of R. M. Saunders to the People of North
Carolina, February 25, 18 US, a pamphlet bound in North Carolina Politics,
No. 1, North Carolina Room, University of North Carolina. An acceptable
secondary account of the election may be found in "Bedford Brown," Samuel
A. Ashe, Biographical History of North Carolina (Greensboro, 1905-1917,
8 vols.), I, 183.
24 Joseph B. Skinner to Thomas Ruffin, December 29, 1829. Hamilton, The
Papers of Thomas Ruffin, I, 537.
25 Western Carolinian (Salisbury, N. C), December 15, 1829.
26 Biographical Directory of the American Congress 177U-19J+9 (Washing-
ton, 1950), 160; Niles Weekly Register (Baltimore, Md.), XXXVII (January
2, 1830), 291.
27 Senate Document 8, Serial 192, 21st Congress, 1st Session.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 329
he disagreed with the majority of southern members over
the best way of handling abolition petitions. By the time
of his resignation in 1840, Bedford Brown had marked him-
self as one of the most faithful friends of Jackson and Van
Buren, and, along with Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri
and William Rufus King of Alabama, both natives of North
Carolina, had become a leading Democrat in the Senate.
Brown's faith in General Jackson was confided to Judge
Ruffin a week after he took office. "The popularity of the Ad-
ministration is so well established," he wrote, "and the con-
fidence generally entertained here, as to the honesty of Genl.
Jackson's principles is so great that I am inclined to think
the partizans Isicl of Mr. Clay will be somewhat discouraged
from making anything like a systematic opposition."28 This
prediction did not come true, but the faith that the North
Carolinian held in the two Presidents under whom he served
never wavered, even in the dark days of the late 1830's when
only a vanguard of original Jackson men stood in defense of
the Van Buren program.
During his first months in office, Senator Brown told Na-
thaniel Macon, who, with Thomas Jefferson, was his idol,
of his intention to oppose the Clay- Adams forces. Brown
wrote the venerable retired Senator,
The speedy payment of the national debt . . . should be an object
of increasing solicitude, with all who wish to see the government
brought back to its republican course, for so long as it remains
unpaid, it will form a pretext for continuing the present high
rates of duties ; thus annually exacting from Agricultural indus-
try, a large sum of money, which a wise and provident govern-
ment, should leave in the pockets of its Citizens. If this course
is persevered in, and it should become the settled policy of Con-
gress, which will annually bring into the Treasury a larger sum,
than the ordinary expenditures of Government require [,] it
cannot but be looked on with dismay and apprehension, by those
who are friendly to preserving the limitations, which the f ramers
of the constitution designed to impose on the federal government,
but which have been almost entirely disregarded by a combina-
tion of selfish politicians, who have succeeded in establishing,
what they falsely denominate the "Americal System" ; by which
28 Bedford Brown to Thomas Ruffin, January 6, 1830. Hamilton, The
Papers of Thomas Ruffin, II, 2.
330 The North Carolina Historical Review
extortions are to be practiced on a portion of the people of the
confederacy to be expended in distant States, in which those
who contribute the largest amount of money, have no immediate
interest — , a system more false to the prosperity of the Southern
portion of America, better calculated to annihilate the Sover-
eignty of the States, and destroy the peace and harmony of the
Union, would not, in my opinion, have been devised. . . .29
In the second session of the Twenty-first Congress, Brown
received assignment to two committees— agriculture and
claims.80 Except for what influence he may have exerted in
those committees, his part in the session was largely restricted
to his votes on the issues. In his first major speech in the Sen-
ate, Brown, in February, 1831, defended the Jackson admin-
istration against charges by Senator John Tyler of Virginia
that the President had exceeded his constitutional powers in
appointing a commission to draw up a commercial treaty with
the Turkish government. In Brown's opinion, the course of
the President had not only been honest, but "marked by an
enlightened policy, deserving the approbation of the Ameri-
can people." Unlike the former administration, the behavior
of the Jackson government had been such as to assure that
the "reserved rights of the States of this confederacy [will]
be respected . . . and the action of the General Government
restrained within its appropriate sphere." 81
Senator Brown was again assigned to the committees on
agriculture and claims in the first session of the Twenty-sec-
ond Congress in December, 1831. Brown, now thirty-six
years of age, frequently entered into discussions on the floor.
His first great battle began in January when the forces of
Clay and Webster opened their fight against the confirmation
of Martin Van Buren as minister to the United Kingdom.
Vice-President John C. Calhoun presided and took delight
in every defamation of the Secretary of State.
Brown characterized the New Yorker as having "accomp-
lished more in less time than any of his predecessors. . . .
"Bedford Brown to Nathaniel Macon, April 29, 1830. Nathaniel Macon
Papers, Duke University.
30 Senate Document 15, Serial 203, 21st Congress, 2nd Session.
81 Register of Debates in Congress, 21st Congress, 2nd Session, 274. Here-
after cited as Register of Debates.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 331
Possessing talents of a high order and rapidly growing in
the esteem of his countrymen. . . ." 32 He charged that the
opposition to Van Buren stemmed from his success in nego-
tiating a West Indian trade agreement with Great Britain, an
accomplishment for which the Adams administration had
worked in vain. The debates continued for many days until,
late in the month, the Senate cast a 23 to 23 vote on the ques-
tion of confirmation. It was up to the Vice-President to break
the tie. Calhoun cast his vote against the New Yorker, but
in doing so, he helped make Van Buren the choice of Presi-
dent Jackson for the vice-presidency. At the same time, the
South Carolinian virtually ended his own chances of ever
sitting in the White House.
The introduction of the Tariff bill of 1832 was a signal for
another North-South battle in Congress. Brown expressed
his dissatisfaction with the bill because it re-enacted some of
the "most obnoxious features of the tariff of 1828." He had
hoped, he said, that the new bill would remedy the worst
features of the Tariff of Abominations. But that hope had not
been borne out. He was hostile to the principle of protection,
and while in the Senate he would contribute his humble ef-
forts to "eradicate from our laws a principle . . . incompatible
with the enlightened spirit of the age, and of free Govern-
ment." 33 Nevertheless, the Senator admitted, considering the
nature of the Union, he would sacrifice much for the sake of
conciliation, and, in spite of his constitutional scruples, he
was willing to meet on a half-way ground, "believing that
our federal system of Government can only continue to exist
by the exercise of that spirit of compromise and conciliation
which gave it birth." 34 He said that compromise was a two-
way proposition, and the proposed reductions were insufficient
to warrant the support of the bill by a suffering South. The
bill under debate presented, he said, the "extraordinary spec-
tacle ... in our country of continuing a system of unjust and
oppressive taxation, not called for by the exigencies of the
nation, but to benefit a few monopolists." He hoped that the
32 Register of Debates, 21st Congress, 2nd Session, 1335.
83 Register of Debates, 21st Congress, 2nd Session, 1218.
84 Register of Debates, 21st Congress, 2nd Session, 675.
332 The North Carolina Historical Review
"justice, intelligence, and patriotism of the people [would]
correct this evil, and save the Union from the disastrous con-
sequences which [are] likely to result from perservering in
such a system." 35
On the issue of rechartering the United States Bank, Brown
had little to say. He noted that "in proportion as the bank
[is] burdened, [will] the bank burden the people," and
voted for various amendments designed to restrict operations
of the bank. His opposition was clearly indicated by his votes
on the amendments, against final passage, and in voting to
sustain the President's veto.36
In November, 1832, South Carolina announced her inten-
tion of treating the Tariffs of 1828 and 1832 as null and void
after February 1. President Jackson replied to this threat by
asking Congress for authorization to use force to execute the
laws of the United States in South Carolina. The Senate
thus took up what is commonly referred to as the "force bill."
Here was a test that would separate the state rights advo-
cate from the Unionist. Bedford Brown now was faced with
an important decision. Would the man who would "yield
to none in a high and profound reverence for the Union of
the States" forsake his President whom he had invariably de-
fended, or his neighbors in South Carolina? On January 28,
1833, the North Carolinian gave his answer.
South Carolina, Brown told the Senate, had made a griev-
ous error. Her course, he thought, had been "rash and un-
called for by the exigency of the times. She should have re-
lied . . . upon a constitutional remedy; upon the returning
sense of justice in the people of the Northern and Eastern
states; and upon the wisdom and patriotism assembled in the
legislative halls of the country." 37 He expressed complete dis-
approbation of her course.
Having defined his view toward South Carolina's actions,
Brown then turned to the difficult course of reconciling that
position with his opposition to the force bill. He would not
support the President's request. He believed that, in its con-
35 Register of Debates, 21st Congress, 2nd Session, 1219.
se Register of Debates, 22nd Congress, 1st Session, 1123.
87 Register of Debates, 22nd Congress, 2nd Session, 333.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 333
sequences, it would be "attended with violence, and perhaps
lead to civil war." No emergency, he believed, justified the
subordination of the civil authority to the military, and that
would be the consequence of the passage of such an act.
There was an "inherent energy in the constitution which will
enable the laws to triumph without an appeal to force/' The
difficulties between South Carolina and the Union could be
resolved if both sides would take a position of reasonable
compromise.
When the Webster-Clay forces suggested that some oppo-
nents of the force bill were reluctant because they feared to
put the proposed powers into the hands of the "present
President," Brown countered with a glowing tribute to Jack-
son. He said,
. . . the past course of the President [has] been such as to entitle
him to unlimited confidence, and there [is] no individual to
whom [I] would more willingly confide this power . . . But
there [is] no man, however elevated his station and enobled by
virtue, however pure his integrity and honest his purposes, to
whom [I] would give a power which [is] unwarranted by the
constitution. ... [I] could not believe for a moment, that, if
this power were given to the President, he would abuse it. But
it might, in worse times than these, and in worse hands than
his, be abused to the destruction of our institutions. . . . [History
teaches] the fact of today becomes a precedent of tomorrow.38
The solution to the problem was simple, Brown said. Take
away the causes of the problem, and the problem itself would
disappear. And what were the causes? The North Carolinian
gave his own answer:
I take my stand ... on the reserved rights of the States. I re-
pudiate the doctrine of nullification. I repudiate also the high-
toned doctrine of the federal party. I believe it is to that high-
toned doctrine that we are to attribute nullification. I believe
that doctrine produced it ; is the parent of it. It is by an improper
pressure of the Federal Government on the rights of the States,
and by exercising doubtful powers, that the State of South Car-
olina has been thrown into this position.39
Register of Debates, 22nd Congress, 2nd Session, 334.
334 The North Carolina Historical Review
Furthermore, Brown charged that internal improvements at
federal expense and the protective tariff violated the Consti-
tution and state rights. Those innovations were solely for
the enrichment of one section at the expense of another, he
said. South Carolina had a legitimate complaint, one in which
the entire South shared, and only by removing the complaint
would the problem be removed. The remedy then, was one
of conciliation, one aspect of which would be the removal
of the oppression under which the Southern people were
laboring as a result of the tariff. He appealed to the national
patriotism of all sections:
Thank God, in the exercise of my legislative rights and duties
here, I can look beyond the Potomac. Thank God, I have a feel-
ing which is not confined to the geographical limits of any por-
tion of the United States. I can look to the judge of my country-
men north as well as south of the Potomac; and I wish it to be
distinctly understood, that what I now say respecting South
Carolina, I deem applicable to every member of this confederacy.
To no one of these States would I arrogantly say, I will not do
justice, until you come on your knees before me. ... I do hope,
if I have any patriotism, it is not that narrow, contracted patriot-
ism which is confined to geographical limits. I trust it is that
patriotism which looks abroad over the Union, and embraces
every portion of my fellow-citizens. And so help me God, if my
constituents were this day to demand that I should perpetrate
an act of injustice against any member of this confederacy . . .
which I believed destructive to their constitutional rights, so
help me God I would resign my seat, and retire to my home,
rather than jeopardize the peace of this republic, this glorious ex-
periment of a free Government, by taking what justly belongs
to Maine, and unjustly to bestow it on North Carolina. . . .40
i
All peaceful means, Brown repeated, should be used to set-
tle the problem. Then, if "on a failure of all these means, it
shall be found necessary to use force to execute the laws, let
it be used." He was not prepared to say that the emergency
could not arise, but before a law of such importance should
be executed, before the peace of the Union should be dis-
turbed, "there ought to be a reference to the justice, to the
39 Register of Debates, 22nd Congress, 2nd Session, 338.
40 Register of Debates, 22nd Congress, 2nd Session, 342.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 335
wisdom of Congress, to weigh, to examine the provisions of
that law, and solemnly to pause and reflect upon proceeding
to put it in force by military power/' 41
Senator Brown closed his long appeal with a plea that the
flag which theretofore had been the "rallying point of hero-
ism," should not "now float over the mangled corpses of our
bleeding countrymen. God forbid that our country should
under go this sad and disastrous revolution; for . . . whenever
that should take place, not only the liberties of this country,
but the best and brightest hope of the civilized world, [will]
be destroyed forever." 42
But Brown s opposition to the force bill was unavailing, and
the act went into effect on March 1. Fortunately, however,
South Carolina, finding little support for her action, accepted
the compromise Tariff of 1833. Thus, nullification gave way
to the conciliation for which North Carolina's Bedford Brown
had argued.
That Bedford Brown's influence had risen to command high
respect in the Senate by the time of the opening of the
Twenty-third Congress in December, 1833, is indicated in
his election by that body to the chairmanship of the Com-
mittee on Agriculture by a vote of 43 to 3.43
President Jackson's withdrawal of federal deposits from
the United States Bank provided the major issue in the new
session. This act was the signal for a full-scale political war
between the administration and the bank forces, the latter
led by Clay and Webster. In that battle, Bedford Brown
openly broke with his colleague from North Carolina, Sena-
tor Willie P. Mangum, and uncompromisingly sided with
the President.
Following the President's withdrawal of deposits, Congress
was flooded with petitions claiming financial distress from
throughout the country. Senator Brown charged that these
petitions were inspired by the "Federal Party" which was
attempting to arouse the public into believing that a real
41 Register of Debates, 22nd Congress, 2nd Session, 343.
42 Register of Debates, 22nd Congress, 2nd Session, 345.
43 At that time, the committees were elected by the whole membership of
the Senate. Brown also received eleven votes for the chairmanship of the
Committee on Claims. Register of Debates, 23rd Congress, 1st Session, 42.
336 The North Carolina Historical Review
crisis had developed as a result of the President's action. This
campaign to spread the belief that there was real financial
distress was designed, he said, to bring pressure upon Con-
gress to recharter the "monster" bank. Actually, conditions
were good, said the North Carolinian, citing real property
prices as 20 per cent higher than the previous year. Tobacco
was selling well and industry was better recompensed than
at any time within his knowledge, he argued.44
The bank, the Senator charged, had set out deliberately
to produce distress and embarrassment in the country. And,
while the bank put the screws down upon the people by cur-
tailing its discounts and its accommodations, "politicians,
men in high places, newspapers, the whole squadron of paid
agents and organs," were spreading alarm by claiming that
the country was being plunged into ruin by the removal.
Brown said that he was opposed, on general principles, to
the banking system in any form, because he believed it to
be at variance with the spirit and character of American in-
stitutions, and he was much more opposed to a national bank
which had shown itself powerful enough "to wield an almost
irresistible influence over the affairs of the country, for good
or evil purposes, as it might choose." 45
Brown spoke often and long in support of the administra-
tion's actions. In general, he took the line of argument that
the administration had complete authority to withdraw the
deposits, and, indeed, should be commended for doing it;
that the bank had set out to force its recharter by bringing
about financial distress; that the friends of the bank were en-
deavoring to stir up a panicky mood among the people in
hopes of winning them over to the bank side; that the dis-
tress was largely imaginary, the country being basically
prosperous; that any institution which possessed such power
as the United States Bank had enjoyed was unconstitutional;
that the bank had no claim to the deposits in the first place;
that the "bank party" was a direct outgrowth of the old Fed-
eralists who had opposed popular government and supported
a "moneyed aristocracy"; and that the whole issue of dis-
44 Register of Debates, 23rd Congress, 1st Session, 229.
45 Register of Debates, 23rd Congress, 1st Session, 550.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 337
tress was a false one promulgated by friends of the bank.
The entire issue, he charged, was "whether the pretensions
set up by an arrogant moneyed aristocracy, and the political
party supporting it, should prevail in the conflict; or whether
the cause of the country, and the Chief Executive Magistrate,
who is defending the citadel of our liberties against the most
dangerous assaults, should be sustained." 46
Administration forces in the Senate were in a minority on
all major issues during the session of 1833-1834, and Brown
found himself on the losing side on practically every vote.
Only nineteen colleagues joined him in voting against a reso-
lution condemning Jackson's removal of the deposits as un-
constitutional. When he left for North Carolina in the sum-
mer of 1834 to mend his political fences, Senator Brown
must have breathed easier in a friendly atmosphere.
Bedford Brown, United States Senator by accident, was
a candidate for re-election in 1834. His support of Jackson
had earned him the enmity of a growing number of North
Carolinians who looked to Henry Clay for leadership. At
the same time, his frequent clashes with Calhoun had turn-
ed many nominal Democrats against him. But in his favor
was the boomerang of the Whigs' attacks on the Caswellian
as a man of "common manners, a man of the lower classes,"
a baseless charge.47
Following a smashing Democratic victory in the North Car-
olina legislative elections in August, Vice-President Van
Buren wrote Brown,
. . . you would not but have been gratified to have witnessed the
deep interest which has been taken here in the N. Carolina elec-
tions on your account. It is with great sincerity that I say to you
that the more I have reflected on your course last winter the
more I have found to admire it. . . . Yourself, Forsyth, Benton
and Wright have, I assure you, laid up a store of popularity
which can not fail to turn to account hereafter.48
** Register of Debates, 23rd Congress, 1st Session, 1487.
47 William E. Dodd, The Life on Nathaniel Macon (Raleigh, 1903), 395.
48 Martin Van Buren to Bedford Brown, September 7, 1834. Bedford Brown
Papers, Duke University. Professor W. K. Boyd incorrectly copied the
date of this letter as "September 7, 1836" in his "Selections from the Cor-
respondence of Bedford Brown — 1, 1832-1856," Trinity College Historical
Papers, VI (1906), 75.
338 The North Carolina Historical Review
On November 20, the General Assembly formally elected
Brown for a six-year term by a margin of some thirty votes
over Thomas Settle of Rockingham County.49 Soon there-
after, the Assembly displayed its pro-Jacksonian fervor by
instructing Senators Brown and Mangum to vote for expung-
ing the resolutions adopted in the Senate condemning the
President's withdrawal of deposits from the bank. Mangum,
now a confirmed Whig, refused to recognize the right of a
legislature to instruct senators, and, in 1836, resigned in an
unsuccessful attempt to vindicate his position.50
Senator Brown was again elected chairman of the Agri-
culture Committee in December, 1835, but his margin of
victory over Senator Tipton of Indiana was only 25 to 14. The
North Carolinian was also elected to the committees on
claims, Indian affairs, and contingent expenses of the Sen-
ate.51
Soon after the new session began, an issue arose which
was destined to destroy the effectiveness of the Democratic
Party for many years. The slave-owner of the Upper Country
Line was faced with another perplexing decision when the
issue of abolitionist petitions developed. But, just as he had
done on the force bill, the North Carolinian took a middle
ground and fought the extremes on both sides. It was against
his fellow southerners, however, that he aimed his heaviest
attacks.
The basic argument in the Senate centered not around
support of the abolitionists, but around the procedure for
handling the many petitions received from those persons ad-
vocating interference with the institution of slavery. John C.
Calhoun argued that the Senate should refuse to receive the
petitions. This procedure, however, could involve debate.
Brown reasoned that the petitions should be received by the
Senate after which a motion would be made to lay them on
the table. Since parliamentary procedure prohibited debate
49 Journals of the Senate and House of Commons . . . 183U-S5, 10.
50 Henry Thomas Shanks, ed., The Payers of Willie Person Mangum (Ra-
leigh, 1950, 4 vols.), I, xxxi-xxxiii. See also Earl R. Franklin, "The Instruc-
tion of United States Senators by North Carolina," Trinity College Histori-
cal Papers, VII (1907), 1-15.
51 Register of Debates, 24th Congress, 1st Session, 11.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 339
on a motion to table, the whole issue could thus be thrust
aside without any discussion on the part of the Senate. This
course, said Brown, while indicating to the "fanatics that
Congress will yield no countenance to their designs, at the
same time marks them with decided reprobation by a refusal
to print" their petitions. The preclusion of all debate "would
thus prevent the agitation of a subject in Congress which all
should deprecate as fraught with mischief to every portion
of this happy and flourishing confederacy/' 52
Brown's stand was not acceptable to the southern extre-
mists. Senators Calhoun and Preston of South Carolina and
Tyler and Leigh of Virginia especially argued that a refusal to
accept the petitions was the only honorable way to handle
them. They complained bitterly that the abolitionists were
permitted to operate legally in several northern states and
warned that the strength of their organizations was increas-
ingly dangerous.
His southern colleagues were making exaggerated repre-
sentations of the danger of the abolitionists, Senator Brown
charged. The "fanatics," he claimed, were countenanced by
no respectable portion of the North, and, without debate in
Congress, the abolitionists would have no opportunity to agi-
tate the issue. This was no time for sectional differences; it
was a time for renewed faith in the generosity of all Ameri-
cans. To the extent that they were continuing the debates on
the abolitionists, Brown said, the southerners were giving
wide circulation to the abolitionist literature. Debates of Con-
gress were reported by the newspapers which carried the
words of the abolitionists to the people who otherwise would
not hear them. Thus, when Congress debated the petitions,
it was giving free publicity to the anti-slavery forces.
When Senator Preston indignantly charged that the legis-
latures of the northern states shall legislate against the aboli-
tionists, Brown again interposed his caution against driving
northern friends into the arms of the very group that the South
52 Register of Debates, 24th Congress, 1st Session, 90. Senator Brown's part
in this controversy is discussed in Thomas Hart Benton, Thirty Years' View ;
or a History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years
from 1820 to 1850 (New York, 1856, 2 vols.), 612-613. Hereafter cited as
Benton, Thirty Years' View.
340 The North Carolina Historical Review
was criticizing. The North Carolinian suggested that it was
the part of "wisdom as well as of generosity for us to cultivate
harmonious feelings with those who [are] acting in concert
with us to the North, to put the abolitionists down" by depriv-
ing them of respectability. Only by maintaining the support
of the Democratic leaders of the North, he believed, could the
abolitionists be silenced. He suggested that the abolitionist
activity was partially due to "the designs of a more sagacious
political party, for the purpose of operating on the South at
an important crisis," inferring that the Whigs had showered
abolitionist publications upon the South just before the past
elections.53
Senator Brown was frankly antagonistic toward the recog-
nition of Texas when that issue was presented to the Twenty-
fourth Congress. "What [have] these Texans done to require
that we should embroil ourselves in a war with a country with
whom we are on terms of peace?" he asked, and warned that
recognition would likely lead to hostilities with Mexico. And,
when on May 23, 1836, Senator Calhoun urged both recogni-
tion and annexation, Brown objected to any course that would
change "the neutral and pacific character of our Government,
which [has] long been cherished as one of the wisest and
best settled principles of policy. . . ." The national character
of the United States, he said, was "worth infinitely more than
all the territorial possessions of Mexico, her wealth, or the
wealth of all other nations added together." 54
By virtue of a one-vote Democratic majority in the General
Assembly of North Carolina following the 1836 elections,
Robert Strange was elected to replace Senator Willie P. Man-
gum who had resigned after refusing to accept legislative
instructions. The two Democrats worked as loyal supporters
of the administration during the next four years, and Strange
generally followed Brown's lead in the Senate debates. Fur-
thermore, the Democrats now had a clear majority in the
session beginning in December, 1836, as was evidenced by
53 Register of Debates, 24th Congress, 1st Session, 1118.
54 Register of Debates, 24th Congress, 1st Session, 1533. See also Benton,
Thirty Years' View, I, 667-668.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 341
the expunging of the anti-Jackson resolution of March, 1834,
by a vote of 24 to 19.55
Early in 1837, Senator Brown had another occasion to
differ with the majority of his fellow southerners when he
supported the admission of Michigan as a state. As he was
increasingly prone to do, Brown maneuvered his speech sup-
porting the bill into an attack on the Whigs, to whom he most
frequently referred as the "Federal Party." That party, he
said,
. . . believed, or affected to believe, that popular liberty would
degenerate into licentiousness, and prove incompatible with the
existence of regular government. . . . Sir, ... to those who are
in the habit of speaking disparingly of the intelligence of the
great body of the people, it is sufficient to point them to the
condition of the country to disprove the change. It is to that
public intelligence that we are indebted for what it is.56
A violent exchange between Brown and Calhoun came in
debate on a proposed reduction of the tariff in February,
1837. Calhoun opposed the bill on the grounds that, although
the Tariff of 1833 was "odious and unequal," he did not want
to disturb the peace that the compromise had brought. This
spectacle of the South Carolina Nullificationist working side
by side with the "Federals" like Clay and Webster to prevent
a reduction in duties was, to Senator Brown, among "the most
extraordinary spectacles" that he had witnessed. He argued
that to oppose a reduction was, in effect, to support the tariff.
He censured Calhoun for making an "uncalled for and un-
warrantable denunciation" of Jacksonian followers in the
North who had come forward proposing reduction, and ac-
cused the South Carolinian of "subterfuge" and "contemptible
vanity and overweening egotism" and of thinking himself a
standard of political infallibility. He would not, snapped
Brown, thereafter "notice the hallucinations and frantic
denunciations of all the friends of the administration who
65 Register of Debates, 24th Congress, 2nd Session, 504. Brown relinquished
his seat as chairman of the Agriculture Committee and was made chairman
of the Committee on Revolutionary Claims. He was also chosen to serve on
the committees on Commerce, and Post Office and Post Roads.
58 Register of Debates, 24th Congress, 2nd Session, 280.
342 The North Carolina Historical Review
might not happen to agree with him [Calhoun] in his opin-
ion. oT
The Panic of 1837 failed to shake the Senator's faith in the
Jackson and Van Buren administrations. He supported the
sub-treasury bill and sided with Calhoun in favor of an
amendment designed gradually to require the payment of
all government revenues in specie.58 He had ample opportu-
nities to reiterate his convictions that all banks were evil and
that the founding fathers had never intended for the paper
currency system to be put into effect. He again charged that
the "bank party" had succeeded in bringing on national finan-
cial distress so that the country would be "scourged into
submission, to compel its obedience to the mandates of the
moneyed power."59
On February 23, 1838, Senator Brown delivered a speech
which ran for more than twenty-five columns in the Congres-
sional Globe. The issue was the independent sub-treasury
plan which the North Carolinian supported as a means of
getting the government completely divorced from the
"moneyed aristocracy." Again he charged that the bank sup-
porters were to blame for the depression:
The present embarrassment of the Government [is] due to a
great moneyed power, acting in concert with a certain political
party, whose only hope to success [rests] in destroying the
credit of the Government, and drying up the resources and com-
merce of the country. ... It [is] one of a series of actions, put
into operation for several years past, to arrest the financial oper-
ations of the Government, for the purpose of forcing the people
into the measures of a banking corporation. It [was] shame-
lessly avowed by its organ, that it was in vain to reason with
the people, and that they never would be brought to their senses
until they were brought to them by severe distress. . . . the
great object of that power has been, and is, to produce that dis-
tress, for the purpose of bringing the people, as they say, to
their senses ; or, in other words, to bring them bound hand and
foot to its footstool.60
57 Register of Debates, 24th Congress, 2nd Session, 916.
58 Register of Debates, 25th Congress, 1st Session, 406,
59 Congressional Globe, 25th Congress, 2nd Session (Appendix), 35.
80 Congressional Globe, 25th Congress, 2nd Session (Appendix), 388.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 343
The Senator's stand was applauded by the noted author,
James Fenimore Cooper, who wrote Brown that the "present
political struggle in this country, appears to be a contest be-
tween men and dollars, and it is a bad omen for the first that
they are so easily duped by the arch enemy; to their own
• • " 61
injury.
On January 14, 1839, Senator Brown laid before the Sen-
ate a number of resolutions which the North Carolina Gen-
eral Assembly had passed the previous month. These reso-
lutions, usually referred to as the Kenneth Rayner Resolu-
tions, condemned the expunging of the anti-Jackson reso-
lutions from the Senate Journal, opposed the sub-treasury
plan, blamed the administration for the depression, con-
demned pre-emption, and resolved that the North Carolina
Senators in Washington should carry out the wishes of the
people in these regards. The resolutions contained no instruc-
tions.
The significance of the controversy which arose between
Senators Brown and Strange on the one hand and the Whig
General Assembly of North Carolina on the other, lay in the
disagreement between the two parties over the right of a
legislature to instruct its federal senators. The Democrats
supported the right of instruction; the Whigs refused to recog-
nize it. Senator Mangum had resigned in 1836 over the issue.
Upon presentation of the resolutions, Brown and Strange
addressed the Senate, supporting the right of instruction as a
basic principle of Jeffersonian Republicanism. But these reso-
lutions, they said, did not instruct. In fact, the legislature
had had before it an amendment specifically to instruct, but
the Whigs voted against it unanimously, thus rejecting the
Democratic doctrine that the General Assembly had the
power to force either support of specific measures by its
senators or the resignation of those officers.62
The two North Carolinians, faced with a charge of party
servility, determined on a bold course. They announced that
they would resign prior to the elections of 1840. Through
81 James Fenimore Cooper to Bedford Brown, March 24, 1838. Bedford
Brown Papers, Duke University.
62 Congressional Globe, 25th Congress, 3rd Session, 117.
344 The North Carolina Historical Review
their choice of Assemblymen, the people would be able to
signify their decision between the records of the two parties
and between the conflicting attitudes toward legislative in-
struction of senators. The senators, however, in view of the
Whig legislature's rejection of the right of instruction, would
not give their opponents the pleasure of filling their seats
until after the people had expressed their decision.
Henry Clay, who had long objected to the right of instruc-
tion, arose to express belief that Brown and Strange, having
lost the confidence of their legislature, should nevertheless
resign immediately. That was a signal for Bedford Brown to
get in one of his parting shots at
... a senator whose miscalled American system, until thrown
off by determined resistance, [has], for a series of years, im-
poverished and desolated the South, oppressed her citizens, and
almost ruined her commerce . . . and which [has] created and
. . . established those dangerous sectional prejudices and feel-
ings which [are] destined to endure too long for the harmony
and safety of our country.63
Senator Brown's last recorded speech in Congress was
made on May 7, 1840, when he defended his record of up-
holding the policies of the Jackson and Van Buren admin-
istrations. His eleven years in the Senate, he said, had been
an uninterrupted battle against the "'federal" doctrines of the
opposition who had attempted to set section against section.
He said he had fought every important federal spending
scheme and had been constantly on the lookout for extrava-
gance. He had also stood against those extremists of his own
South who had shown ill-will toward the "respectable" por-
tion of the northern states in the abolitionist petition con-
troversy. Now, he was ready to leave his fate up to the
people of North Carolina who would commend or condemn
his stand*.
He was interrupted by Senator Southard who suggested
that Brown's position would be rebuked by the people.
Brown replied,
Congressional Globe, 25th Congress, 3rd Session, 120.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 345
Sir, should I meet with the misfortune of receiving such a re-
buke, the gentleman, from practical experience, will know how
to sympathize with me, for the gentleman, and the Administra-
tion of which he was a member [Adams'] , [have] received such
a rebuke from the popular fiat ... in the most unequivocal man-
ner. That the gentleman and his friends should wish to be rein-
stated in office, and that they should even, in defiance of proba-
bilities, indulge in the most sanguine anticipations, [is] reason-
able enough; but that the popular rebuke, such as he antici-
pate [s will] be bestowed on the Democratic party, [is], to say
the least of it, not very probable. The gentleman, in good time,
[will] find himself greatly mistaken in his predictions.64
It was the Senator for North Carolina, however, who was
mistaken in his predictions.
[To be concluded]
"Congressional Globe, 26th Congress, 1st Session (Appendix), 440.
THE LEGAL STATUS OF PUBLIC SCHOOL
EDUCATION FOR NEGROES IN NORTH
CAROLINA, 1877-1894
By Frenise A. Logan
Officials who are elected by popular vote usually reflect
the sentiment and thinking of the citizens whose votes placed
them in office. The members of the legislative body of North
Carolina during the period under survey were no exception
to this rule. Therefore, with respect to public school education
for the Negro children of the state, it was to be expected
that these officeholders would affirm the large general views
of their communities which held that education was a "big
stick" in the hands of the Negroes, that it tended to spoil
them and thus ruined good field hands.
Yet in 1876, immediately after the election results were
official, the Democratic press of the state, along with the
newly elected Democratic legislature and state party leaders,
attempted to assure the apprehensive Negroes that the new
regime would not be "hostile to their rights and interests."
On November 8, 1876, the day following the sweeping Demo-
cratic victory, the editor of the Greensboro Patriot, for ex-
ample, wrote:
The negro need not be alarmed. He will not lose a single right or
privilege he has enjoyed. Instead of being reduced to slavery
again he will be fully emancipated. . . . The day that Democracy
takes charge of this government will be the brightest the negro
ever saw. He need have no fears. His old friends will be his
friends again, and his future will be better and brighter.1
Representative McGehee, a Democrat from Person Coun-
ty, speaking for his party, promised the Negroes that the
legislature would "seek to inspire all its citizens with an ab
solute confidence in its justice, nay more, in its good will
The newly elected Democratic governor, Zebulon B. Vance,
in his message before the General Assembly in January 1877,
1 Greensboro Patriot, November 8, 1876.
2 Greensboro Patriot, January 10, 1877.
[346]
»2
Public School Education For Negroes 347
urged the members to live up to their pledges and "make no
discrimination in the matter of public education"; but to deal
justly and equitably with all school children of the state
"with a thorough North Carolina spirit." 3
The record reveals that for the first three years following
the 1876 Democratic victory, North Carolina made serious
effort to equalize the schools of the two races. But by 1880
the promises and pledges of 1876-77 were cast aside. On
March 29 of that year the legislature authorized the establish-
ment of graded schools in the town of Goldsboro by an act
which declared that "the taxes raised from the property and
polls of white persons shall be appropriated exclusively to
a graded school for white persons, and the taxes raised from
the property and polls of colored persons shall be appropri-
ated exclusively to a graded school for colored persons."4
Charles L. Coon says that this was the first time a North Caro-
lina law permitted the division of school taxes on a race
basis.5 However, this history-making law got no further than
its passage through the General Assembly; for when the
question was put to a popular vote in early May of 1880,
the poor whites and "ignorant" Negroes of Goldsboro united
to defeat it.6
Refusing to accept this setback, the "good white people"
of Goldsboro were successful on March 5, 1881, in obtaining
from the legislature permission to hold another election in
that city on May 2, 1881, upon the same question— taxation
for a graded school. The act was similar to the previous one,
containing also a provision that money raised by taxes paid
by whites should be devoted exclusively to the education of
white children, and that money raised by taxes paid by Ne-
groes should be devoted exclusively to the education of
Negro children.7 This time, through the strenuous efforts of
3 Greensboro Patriot, January 17, 1877.
i Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina, 1880, 27, sec. 8 Act of March
29, 1880.
5 Charles L. Coon, "The Beginnings of the North Carolina City Schools,
1867-1887," South Atlantic Quarterly, vol. XII (July 1913), 244. Hereafter
referred to as Coon, "The Beginnings of . . . City Schools."
e Coon, "The Beginnings of . . . City Schools," 244.
7 Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina, 1881, 189, sec. 3. Act of March
5, 1881.
348 The North Carolina Historical Review
Julius A. Bonitz, the editor of the Goldsboro Messenger, the
bill passed.8 The town of Durham, apparently heartened by
the success of the whites in Goldsboro, secured permissive
legislation and also established graded schools with money
collected from the whites supporting white schools and
money collected from the Negroes supporting Negro schools.9
On March 8, 1883, the legislature of North Carolina recog-
nized the division of local school taxes and authorized, by
a general statute, any school district in the state to vote local
taxes on that basis. The procedure was as follows: A written
petition signed by ten white voters would entitle the county
commissioners to order an election to be held. Likewise, a
petition signed by ten colored voters would bring about a
similar effect. In either case, the taxes collected were to
support separate schools, from the whites in support of white
schools; from the Negroes in support of Negro schools.10
Describing the law as a "monstrous enactment— a disgrace to
the State," a Negro paper of the state, the Salisbury Star of
Zion, predicted that it would destroy the colored schools.11
The passage of this general statute was due, unquestion-
ably, to the persistent urgings of newspapers like the Clinton
Caucasian, the Goldsboro Messenger, and The News and
Observer (Raleigh). The former was one of the first publi-
cations in the state to advocate the doctrine that each race
should be held responsible for the education of its children.
It argued that such a system would benefit both races.
It will unify the whites in favor of a more liberal system of
public schools for their race, which they would cheerfully and
willingly sustain; and, as the blacks are imitative creatures,
they would be induced to do their best in the same direction.
Thrown upon their own resources and seeing that they will have
to depend on themselves, all of them would pay their poll tax;
whereas now, many thousands of them evade payments.12
8 Coon, "The Beginnings of . . . City Schools," 244.
9 Laws and Resolutions, 231, sec. 3. Act of March 9, 1881.
10 The Code of North Carolina, 1883, vol. II, sections 2593 and 2595.
11 See the New York Age, March 3, 1883. Whether this forecast would
have been borne out will never be known, for three years later the North
Carolina Supreme Court declared the statute unconstitutional.
13 Quoted in the Wilmington Daily Review, March 14, 1883.
Public School Education For Negroes 349
The News and Observer, concurring in this view, com-
mended the measure as "doing no one an injustice, but as
promising to aid greatly in rendering our schools more effici-
ent/' 13 This paper, obviously, had in mind the white schools,
for earlier in 1883 it had complained that of the $172,000
expended in 1882 for Negro schools, "under $70,000" was
paid by that group; therefore, "the whites contribute $100,000
a year toward the colored schools besides paying for the white
schools." 14 The implication, apparently, was that the money
the whites "gave" to the Negro schools ought to be retained
for the advancement of its own schools. As we have seen, the
legislature of 1883 so authorized.
Although many local white taxpayers in the towns and
cities of the state took advantage of the general statute or
specific acts by the legislature authorizing the division of
school taxes along race lines through a popular vote, Tar-
boro offers, perhaps, the most striking illustration of their
utter failure to bring this about. On April 2, 1883, the legis-
lature authorized an election upon the question of taxation
for graded schools in that predominantly Negro city— one
school for the Negro children and one for the white children.
The law, as usual, stipulated that taxes collected from the
whites would be applied to the support of white schools, and
taxes collected from the Negroes would be applied to the
support of Negro schools.15 The editor of The Southerner
(Tarboro), obviously pessimistic as to the outcome of the
voting, warned the whites of the city as early as April 12,
1883, almost a month before the election, that the "com-
bination of a few large taxpayers with the mass of the negro
vote" might possibly defeat the project.16 When we note the
amount of money which would be applied to the graded
schools for each race, as over against the number of Negroes
and whites in the city's school population, we can understand
the white editor's pessimism. There were 884 Negro school
13 The News and Observer (Raleigh), February 2, 1883.
u Quoted in the Greenville Eastern Reflector, January 31, 1883.
35 Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina, 1883, 249, sec. 3. Act of April
2 1883
'16 The Southerner (Tarboro), April 12, 1883.
350 The North Carolina Historical Review
children in Tarboro, but only 374 whites; yet if the election
results favored the graded school, the amount of money spent
on the white schools would be $5,650, but only $1,942 would
be allocated to the Negro schools.17
When the final vote was counted, and the results— 301
against and 154 for the graded school bill— were announced,
the Southerner promptly accused the Negroes of bringing
about the defeat, saying that "the whites as a general thing
voted for it, and the colored people against it."18 In a de-
cidedly bitter and spleeny editorial, the editor said in part:
The vote against it [the graded school] was cast, with the ex-
ception of a few property owners, by negroes who had for their
reason that not enough of the money was given to them. On
them rests the blame of a failure, and they have shown a degree
of ingratitude that should instill disgust and contempt in the
breast of those who have been paying much to their support
and education. Race prejudice defeated the bill, and the color
line was drawn by the black ingrate. Two-thirds of the money
that is collected annually in this county for schools is expended
for the benefit of the colored schools, and three-fourths of it is
paid by white property owners.19
As a result of the decisive defeat of the Tarboro school
bill by the Negro voters of that city, the white citizens
of another heavily Negro populated city, New Bern, looked
forward to their graded school election with grave misgiv-
ings.20 On May 6, the day preceding the election, these
doubts gave way to entreaties. The Negroes were asked to
"remember that when they want to build churches . . . they
call upon their white friends to help them/' So now, the
whites queried, "is it asking too much of our colored friends
to help us adopt our school bill?" 21 At least one segment
of the city's Negro population, the Negro public school teach-
ers of New Bern and Craven County, heeded these pleas for
they promised unqualified support of the bill. In a hastily
17 The Southerner (Tarboro), April 12, 1883.
18 The Southerner (Tarboro), May 10, 1883.
10 The Southerner (Tarboro), May 10, 1883.
20 Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina, 1883, 111. Act of February 13,
1883.
21 New Bern Daily Journal, May 6, 1883.
Public School Education For Negroes 351
called meeting in New Bern on May 5, they drew up the
following resolutions which are interesting for the phrase-
ology as well as the point of view expressed:
. . . That we are in favor of the bill as passed by the wise law
makers of North Carolina, because it places education in reach
of the poor children.
2. Politicians and enemies of colored education tell the colored
voters not to vote for the Graded School Bill because it is class
legislation; this is not true, the bill simply provides that each
race educate their children.
3. This bill is the wisest school bill the legislature has passed
in years; it teaches us one simple and useful lesson - a lesson
that is worth more to us as a race than thousands of gold dol-
lars ; that lesson may be stated thus : To become a powerful race
we must depend on ourselves; this is the royal road to honor,
wealth and virtue.
4. We shall be greatly surprised if the colored voters of New
Bern fail to vote for this bill (for education.) We feel sure that
every Negro who possesses pride of race will vote for this mea-
sure.22
Apparently the Negro teachers of Craven County were "great-
ly surprised" following the May 7 election; for although the
school bill was carried 376 to 296, of the ballots against it,
all but "thirty or forty" were cast by Negroes.23
In order to meet the growing discontent of the whites
living in the densely Negro populated eastern cities and
towns— discontent caused by their inability, in some instances,
to enact local legislation which was designed to divide the
school taxes along racial lines because the Negro vote was
sufficiently large enough to defeat them— the legislature on
March 11, 1885, passed an act which gave to the justices of
the peace and the county commissioners who, under a pre-
vious enactment in 1877 were appointed by the legislature,
the right to elect the members to the county board of educa-
tion. The board itself was "to consist of three residents of
their county, who shall be men of good moral character, and
who shall be qualified by education and experience and in-
New Bern Daily Journal, May 6, 1883.
New Bern Daily Journal, May 8, 1883.
352 The North Carolina Historical Review
terest to specially further the public educational of their
■ » 94.
county.
The above procedure, in effect, eliminated many Negroes
from the county board of education, for it was hardly con-
ceivable that the Democrats who controlled the legislature
would appoint an appreciable number of Negro Republican
justices of the peace, or that the justices of the peace, in turn,
would appoint Negro Republicans as county commissioners.
Since these men elected the county school board, it is there-
fore safe to assume that they selected Democrats "of good
moral character," sound education, and the proper experience
and wisdom "to further the public educational interest" of the
white children of their respective counties.
Thus, with the Democrats able to dominate the situation,
the county school board was authorized to apportion two-
thirds of the total school money to the school districts in
proportion to the number of children, the remaining one-
third to "be apportioned in such manner as to equalize school
facilities to all districts of the county, as far as may be prac-
ticable and just to all concerned, without discrimination in
favor of or to the prejudice of either race."25 That the one-
third invariably found its way to the white school districts
in the "Negro counties," thus giving them a majority of the
school monies in spite of the fact that the majority of the
school population was colored, is attested to by the vigorous
protest written by the Negro members of the North Carolina
Senate in 1885 opposing the measure.
The passage of this law marked the high point of educa-
tional limitations imposed upon the Negroes of North Caro-
lina between 1877 and 1894. In view of these laws, only
democratic translation of them by the North Carolina Su-
preme Court could encourage the Negroes to look forward
to the retention of some of the educational privileges and
rights they enjoyed between 1868 and 1876.
Between "the glorious" Democratic victory in 1876 and the
defeat of that party in 1894 by a "mongrel" Republican
^Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina, 1885, 174, sec. 1. Act of March
11, 1885.
25 Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina 1885, 174, sec. 1. Act of March
11, 1885.
Public School Education For Negroes 353
party, the Democratic dominated General Assembly enacted,
as we have seen above, a series of well-defined public school
statutes spelling out the legal status of the Negroes of the
state. The question at this point, then, may well be: "To what
extent did the members of the North Carolina Supreme
Court regard themselves as the policemen of these laws?"
The query is of special significance because Article IV, sec-
tion 21 of the state constitution declared that the Supreme
Court justices were to be elected "by the qualified voters of
the State," for a term of eight years.26 Accordingly, if the
masses of the white citizens of North Carolina, as reflected
in the public school laws passed by the legislators, were so
far in favor of white supremacy as to demand the protection
of their interests, would the judges hold opinions very differ-
ent? A partial answer can be found in an examination of the
various school decisions the court made which involved the
rights and privileges of the Negroes of North Carolina.
However, if the decision it handed down in its first "educa-
tion case" was any criterion as to its attitude with respect to
the education of Negro children, that group could expect
little by way of equal justice.27 The background to the Small-
wood case is as follows. In 1883, the legislature authorized
an election to be held in New Bern for the purpose of de-
termining whether that city would establish a graded school.28
Section 3 of that act provided that the tax raised from the
polls and property of white persons were to be devoted to
"sustaining" a school for the white children, and that money
raised from the polls and property of Negroes were to be
used for supporting their school.29 Following the election on
May 7, 1883, J. W. Smallwood and other taxpayers of New
Bern instituted proceeding against the mayor and the city
council before the Superior Court of Craven County to pre-
29 Constitution of North Carolina as Amended by the Constitutional Con-
vention of 1875. For a study of the convention, see William D. Harris, "The
Movement for Constitutional Change in North Carolina" (unpublished
M.A. thesis, University of North Carolina, 1932).
27 Smallwood and others vs. City of New Bern, 90 N. C 36 (1884).
28 Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina, 1883, 117. Act of February
13, 1883.
29 Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina, 1883, 117, sec. 3. Act of Feb-
ruary 13, 1883.
354 The North Carolina Historical Review
vent them from collecting taxes for the proposed graded
school on the ground that the tax had not been approved by
a majority of the qualified voters of New Bern.30 The lower
court held for the city, and the plaintiffs appealed to the state
supreme court. There, the court held, on a legal technicality,
that even though there was some question as to whether a
majority of the qualified registered voters of New Bern had
voted for the establishment of a graded school system, the
fact that the mayor and the city council, who had been au-
thorized and required by the legislature to submit the ques-
tion to the voters of the city,31 "having ascertained that a ma-
jority of the qualified voters voted 'for schools/ their finding
and decision in that respect ... is final and conclusive." 32
However, the following remarks of Justice Merrimon are most
significant in that they suggest that the court was not yet
ready to decide the constitutionality of the laws dividing the
school monies along race lines:
It is hinted in the plaintiff's affidavit that the act is not valid,
but so grave a question ought to be raised by proper pleadings,
and generally with the avowed purpose. And such a question
ought always to be argued by council. It is a matter of most
serious moment to declare an act of the legislature unconstitu-
tional and void.33
Yet, three years later, in 1886, this same court, in a series
of decisions, flatly and unequivocably declared that such laws
were unconstitutional and void.34 In the first of the series,
Puitt vs. Commissioners of Gaston County, the North Caro-
lina Supreme Court decided that "a law which allows a tax
on polls of one color and on property owned by persons of the
same color, to be applied exclusively to the education of chil-
dren of that color, is unconstitutional" in that it violated the
last clause of Article IX, section 2 of the constitution of North
Carolina which states that "there shall be no discrimination in
30 Laws and Resolutions of North Carolina, 1883, 117, Sec. 3 Act of Feb-
uary 13, 1883.
31 Laws and Resolutions, 1883, sec. 1.
32 Smallwood and others vs. City of New Bern, 90 N. C. 36 (1884), 41.
^Smallwood and others vs. City of New Bern, 90 N. C. 36 (1884), 41.
34 Puitt vs. Commissioners, 94 N. C. 709 (1886) ; Riggsbee vs. Town of Dur-
ham, 94 N. C. 800(1886).
Public School Education For Negroes 355
favor of or to the prejudice of either race." In the opinion,
conspicuous for its spirit of liberalism, Chief Justice Smith
said:
Nor can we shut our eyes to the fact that the vast bulk of prop-
erty yielding the fruits of taxation, belongs to the white people
of the State, and very little is held by the emancipated race ; and
yet, the needs of the latter for free tuition, in proportion to its
numbers, are as great, or greater than the needs of the former.35
As was to be expected, the Democratic newspapers of the
state did not concur in the decision, but perhaps the most
bitter opposition came from the New Bern Daily Journal.
Oddly enough, the state constitution and not the State Su-
preme Court was denounced.
A constitution that will not allow the white people to tax them-
selves for the benefit of their schools, after they have contributed
liberally to negro schools, is not the constitution that the white
people of North Carolina want. The schools have been made
separate and distinct; the constitution and the laws direct that
the public school fund shall be divided per capita between the
races. This is all right. But after the schools have been separated
each receives its proportionate share of the public school funds,
these schools ought to have the right to supplement their funds
with additional taxes if they see fit, and a constitution that de-
nies them this right should be speedily abolished.36
\
In 1887 the North Carolina Supreme Court not only re-
affirmed the principle as set forth in Puitt vs. Commissioners,
and Riggsbee vs. Durham, but in Duke vs. Brown, it overrul-
ed the Smallwood doctrine. The case developed out of the
passage of an act by the legislative session of 1885 which
authorized, upon an approving popular vote of a majority of
those who might vote, the issue of bonds in the aggregate of
$15,000 to enable the school commissioners of Durham to
secure a loan to be expended "in the purchase and erection
of suitable grounds and buildings for the Durham graded or
public school for white children/' 37 The lower court held to
85 Puitt vs. Commissioners, 94 N. C. 709, 715-716.
38 New Bern Daily Journal, May 16, 1886.
37 Duke vs. Brown, 96 N. C. 127(1887); Laws and Resolutions of North
Carolina, 1885, c. 87, sections 2 and 3. Act of March 7, 1885.
356 The North Carolina Historical Review
the letter of the act, and declared against Duke who had
argued that the bill failed to receive a majority of the votes
of the qualified voters of the city. The case was appealed to
the state Supreme Court. Chief Justice Smith, in reversing
the decision of the lower court, held that a majority of the
qualified voters, and not merely of those voting, was neces-
sary to enable a city or town to contract a debt. The reasoning
of the Chief Justice follows:
Indifference is not the test ; an active and expressed approval is
necessary [italics Smith's] , and this is ascertained by a majority
of those entitled to vote. However forcible may be the reasoning,
and however numerous the rulings in other states, which construe
a failure to vote as an acquiescence in what is done by those who
do vote, we cannot put such an interpretation upon our organic
law.38
As a result of these unexpected decisions by the North
Carolina Supreme Court in 1886 and 1887, Wilson, Golds-
boro, Kinston, and other towns and cities in the state aban-
doned their white graded school system rather than suppprt
schools for their Negro children. However, it did not take
these local whites long to see the absurdity of denying a pub-
lic school education to their children in order to deny such
an education to the Negro children, and consequently they
re-established their schools, making provisions for the Negro
children at the same time.39
The whites, although complying with the letter of the law,
nonetheless continued to complain about "the unjust division
of the school money." Dissatisfaction was most vigorously ex-
pressed in Franklin, Lenoir, Columbus, and Currituck coun-
ties.40 A disgruntled Sampson County farmer summed up the
sentiments of many North Carolina whites when he said:
We have two distinct races here in North Carolina - the white
and the colored. I think it would be a good plan to have the free
school funds divided in proportion to the tax paid by each race.
38 Duke vs. Brown, 96 N. C. 127, 131.
39 Coon, "The Beginnings of . . . City Schools," 246.
^First Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statistics,
1887, 92, 93, 127, 130.
Public School Education For Negroes 357
I am sure it would render general satisfaction throughout the
South among the white race, for it is fair and just to all.41
It can be readily seen that the non-liberal spirit of a large
number of the white citizens of North Carolina with respect
to public school education for Negro children, and the ap-
parent severe and intolerant public school laws enacted by
the General Assembly of the state were frequently assuaged
by the rulings handed down by the state Supreme Court.
However, it cannot be said that the somewhat liberal inter-
pretations of the state Supreme Court won the commenda-
tion of the white people throughout North Carolina, or appro-
bation for some of its members. But, by and large, the judges
who sat on the Supreme Court bench were earnest, conscien-
tious men who rarely catered to the interest of the "white
supremacy" shouters and were usually ready to grant pro-
tection to the unfortunate Negroes to the very limit of the
law. Without state Supreme Court justices like Smith, Merri-
mon, and Clark, the status of public school education for
the Negroes of North Carolina between 1876 and 1894 would
have been even more precarious than it was.
41 Second Annual Report of the North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statistics,
1888, 130.
THE UNPLEASANTNESS AT STECOE
By David H. Corkran
On the night of April 22, 1751, the headmen of the Lower
Cherokees sat in deep debate1 in the town house at Keowee.2
They were nervous, worried, depressed. Bad feeling against
the English was strong among them. In January one of their
hunting parties from Toogaloo had had its winter haul of
deer skins, some 330 of them, stolen by whites.3 The Tooga-
loos had gone to Justice Francis at Ninety-Six demanding
help;4 the Justice issued a search warrant permitting the In-
dians to search the homes of his neighbors. The Toogaloos
felt that the Justice could have been more active in their
behalf— that, in fact, he had protected the suspects, John
Vann and James Adair. Empty-handed the Cherokees had re-
turned home to nurse their grudge. Such treatment was about
what an Indian could expect. Had not James Glen, governor
of South Carolina, in solemn treaty a year before, promised
to punish whichever of the Creeks or Cherokees renewed
their old feud; and when the Lower Creeks had reopened the
war had not the Governor failed to keep his promise? Indeed,
he had not only failed to punish the Creeks, but he had per-
mitted the Carolina traders to sell them ammunition— in effect
making war upon the Cherokees.
There was little a Cherokee could do about it except to
complain, unless he was willing to go to war against the
English and thus increase the number of his nation's enemies.
Of course, disguised as someone else, as an Indian of another
tribe, he might get a little satisfaction. That is what the
Cherokees had been doing. For several years Miamis, Otta-
was, and Senecas had been coming into the nation on
their way to make war upon the Catawbas and the Creeks.5
1 Indian Books of South Carolina (Historical Commission of South Caro-
lina, Columbia, S. C.)» H, 133. Hereafter cited as Indian Books of South
Carolina.
aThis village site is upon the Keowee River in Oconee County, South
Carolina.
3 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 17-20.
* Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 17-20.
6 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 17-20.
[358]
The Unpleasantness at Stecoe 359
The visitors from across the Ohio had had a pretty strong
indoctrination into the French point of view. When they
heard their Cherokee hosts complain of Carolina they com-
miserated with them, expressed indignation, and urged ac-
tion, inviting the Cherokees to come along with them to
have a little fun at Carolina's expense. This some of the
Lower Towns' folks had done. Mixed parties of Cherokees
and Senecas posing as 100 per cent Seneca had passed near
Ninety-Six to trample crops, and kill and maim cattle and
hogs, threatening individual whites and behaving in such
an alarming fashion that great uneasiness spread along the
South Carolina frontier.6 Talk went that an Indian war was
in the making. Then the inevitable had happened; two white
men had been killed "accidentally," of course.
One night Cherokees crying "Nottaways, Nottaways" to
indicate they were Northwards had assaulted Clement's store
at Oconees in northeast Georgia when it was occupied by
two whites and some Chickasaws. The whites and one of
the Chickasaws had been killed and one of the Chickasaws
made prisoner. The raiders, pleased with themselves, returned
to the Lower Towns alleging that they had been in pursuit
of some Creeks who, they thought, had taken refuge in the
trader's store.7 In the Lower towns there was a good deal of
quiet pleasure over the episode; everybody feeling that it
made up to some extent for their grievances against Carolina,8
but the headmen knew that eventually Carolina would de-
mand satisfaction for the slain and they worried. The Chicka-
saws they could deal with. When the Squirrel King sent a
husky delegation to Keowee with talk of war unless Keowee
made immediate apologies, Keowee released the Chicka-
saw prisoner and sent deputies with him to apologize.9 But
the whites were different— difficult— hard to please. The
Cherokees had awaited South Carolina's reaction with a good
deal of fear. Then they heard the worst. A Keowee fellow
6 South Carolina Council Journal (Historical Commission of South Caro-
lina, Columbia, S. C)> April 16, 1751, 28-29. These records are the original
manuscript journals and hereafter will be cited as South Carolina Council
Journal.
7 South Carolina Council Journal, March 22, 1751, 1.
8 South Carolina Council Journal, June 11, 1751, 174-175.
9 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 17-20.
360 The North Carolina Historical Review
came up the path from Charlestown with a story that a
thousand whites were coming against the nation.10 The head-
men gathered in the Keowee townhouse to assay the news. It
happened that the report was false— perhaps it was something
that an angry settler had said ought to be done or would be
done if the Indians didn't behave— something even discussed
in the Assembly but not yet acted upon, at any rate.
Nevertheless, to the Keowees, it fitted into a pattern of fear
already generated. A few weeks before, the Little Carpenter,
a rising Overfull, had brought a party of Northwards down
to Keowee to help against the Creeks. Saying that he had
been north of the Ohio that winter, he reported that he
had learned that the governors of Carolina and New York
planned a joint attack upon the Cherokees with a great force
of Northwards and an army of whites.11 The new story from
Carolina seemed to confirm this. To sit still in the face of
such dreadful tidings was more than the headmen could tol-
erate; far better to act. They decided to send runners to the
rest of the nation with the proposal that the Cherokees strike
first by killing the Carolina traders among them.12
Killing the traders, that spring, had an especial attractive-
ness to their Cherokee customers. Two years of poor hunts
had been caused by the Creek war. At the same time their
demand for guns, ammunition, paint, and goods had increased
and plunged the Lower Towns men into heavy debt.13 Death
was none too good for a trader who pressed for payment of
debts, especially when one suspected him of being a cheat who
used false weights and measures. On that April night Keowee
was convinced that all Carolina was bad. So runners sped
away carrying the baleful talk to the Middle Settlements14
under the Cowee Mountains, to the Out Towns of Tuckaseigie
River; 15 and far over the Twenty-Four Mountains to Chotte
by the Tennessee,16 the mother town of all.
10 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 131-132.
11 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 117-118.
*? Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 133.
13 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 52-53.
14 The sites of these villages are in Macon County, North Carolina, near or
upon the Little Tennesee River.
15 These village sites are in Swain County, North Carolina, from Bryson
City eastward.
16 This site is in Monroe County, Tennessee.
The Unpleasantness at Stecoe 361
Not all the nation shared the Keo wee's bad thoughts.
Keowee, after all, was the Cherokee frontier and buffer
against the whites— the edge where irritations were most
frequent. Keowee was alone in its war with the Creeks, and
Keowee had a tendency to independence of the other towns
upon which certain seats of power in the nation looked
askance. Specifically these were Hiwassee,17 Great Tellico,18
and Chotte. Hiwassee and Great Tellico formed a coalition of
ambition through which Carolina in spite of Chotte, was
currently attempting to rule the Cherokees. The Great Raven
of Hiwassee had been appointed by Carolina to be guardian
of the minority of Ammonscossittee, the Young Emperor of
Great Tellico. The Young Emperor aspired to head the nation.
He was surrounded by a coterie of headmen which included
the two Tacites of Tellico, Johnny and Osteneco, and Caesar
of Chatuge, the only Cherokee who understood and spoke
English well, by reason of his having been a slave in Carolina
during the previous century. His councillors, subsidized by
Carolina and dispensing Carolina favors, carried out the
English will in the nation. Under the influence of Cornelius
Dougherty, the Hiwassee trader, and Robert Goudy, the
Tellico trader, they epitomized the benefits to the Cherokees
of their English association and alliance. Principal among
them in actual power and influence was the Raven of Hiwas-
see. While the Young Emperor's position in the Cherokee
polity was illegitimate, his guardian was war captain of the
Valley19 and superior in prestige to most of the Middle Settle-
ments headmen. His regional office combined with his Eng-
lish appointment made him a powerful figure indeed. The
Valley, at peace with the Creeks, having no quarrel with the
English and possessing confidence in Dougherty, their trader,
would have nothing to do with the Keowee proposals if a
Keowee runner went near them.
Nor it seems would the Middle Settlements where feeling
for the English was fairly good and respect for the Raven
17 Near present day Murphy, Cherokee County, North Carolina.
18 Near present day Tellico Plains, Monroe County, Tennessee.
19 The sites of the valley towns are on or near the Hiwassee Valley in
Cherokee County, North Carolina.
362 The North Carolina Historical Review
of Hiwassee high. At Wattoga,20 the Keowee runner heading
for the Overhills was halted by headmen who took his gun
and blanket from him, divesting him of his warlike aspect,
and ordered him to go back to the Lower Towns and tell
them to stop their nonsense.21 Chotte, therefore, did not
get the Keowee message to which it might have lent sympa-
thetic ears.
Chotte, principal of the Overhill towns and claiming to
be Mother Town of all the Cherokees, home of the Mother
Council and of Old Hop, the Fire King— traditional First Man
of the Nation— was out of tune with the pseudo— Emperorship
and the Hiwassee— Tellico coalition. Chotte saw the coalition
as an alien thing, the tool of the English who were aspirant
to a dominance in the nation which rightfully belonged to
Chotte; one of the disruptive, centrifugal forces which pre-
vented the Cherokees from working as a unit under their
traditional priestly, nativist, and nationalistic leadership.
Chotte, however, could not destroy the Carolina-Hiwassee-
Tellico lineup. The coalition had the power of guns and
goods— stuff the Cherokees needed in order to survive. With
presents and trade favors it possessed the rulers in many
towns. Its tentacles crossed clan and blood ties in insidious
ways. Chotte's only hope was by deviousness to thwart or
undermine the coalition, to gather discontent to itself, and
to work its own policies in quiet ways. Chotte's greatest coup
had been to make a peace for all the nation with the French
in the very face of English disapproval, and by that peace to
free itself from the bitter French inspired assaults of the
Northward Indians— Canadians, Ottawas, Miamis, Iroquois.
This notable triumph had lost some of its lustre because it had
brought on the Creek war. The Northwards, now at peace
with the Cherokees, had come to fraternize with them and
to use their towns as bases for attacks upon the Creeks. Young
Cherokees, seeking war names, went with Northward parties
against the Creeks and the Creeks, discovering22 them, de-
20 Near present day Franklin, Macon County, North Carolina.
a Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 55-61.
22 The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia (Georgia Department of
Archives and History, Atlanta, Georgia), XXVII, 116. This volume is one of
ten typescript volumes which complete The Colonial Records of the State
of Georgia, prepared by workers of the WPA.
The Unpleasantness at Stecqe 363
clared war upon the Cherokees. At this turn* of events the
whole nation looked with disapproval upon Chotte's North-
ward peace.23 After some years of conflict Hiwassee-Tellico
with a major assist from Goudy and Dougherty managed to
get the Creeks off their own backs. They allowed the Gun
Merchant, the First Man of the Upper Creeks, to have trade
privileges with their traders whose prices were considerably
lower than those of the English traders among the Creeks.24
The Upper Creek withdrawal from the war confined it to the
Lower Creeks and the Lower Cherokees. Hiwassee-Tellico
trusted Carolina to resolve that situation. Governor Glen,
however, with only a trade embargo as a weapon was unwill-
ing to force the Lower Creeks to make a peace; for Georgia
traders and the French, of course, would not respect his em-
bargo.25 Hiwassee-Tellico influence at Keowee was there-
fore at a low ebb.
Chotte, frowned on for the bad consequences of its North-
ward peace, sought to ameliorate the lot of the Lower Towns
by channelling Northward war parties to their aid, going so
far as to send the Little Carpenter north to recruit Senecas.26
Chotte was thus able to enjoy its peace and retain some of
its prestige and influence, at least with the anti-Carolina
Lower Towns. Had the Keowee runners gotten through to
Old Hop, he might have found their story and mood useful
to him in embarassing Tellico-Hiwassee, though it is doubt-
ful if he would have wanted war.
It was at Stecoe in the Out Towns on Tuckaseigie River
that the Keowee spark had found ready tinder. The Out
Towns had been much visited by Northwards who came to
them through Balsam and Soco gaps.27 Out Towns warriors
had gone with them on their excursions toward Carolina and
the Catawbas. Stecoe (now on the Thomas farm near Whit-
33 Public Records of South Carolina (Sainsbury Transcripts, Historical
Commission of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina), XXIII, 12-13.
24 South Carolina Council Journal, July 11, 1750, 174.
25 Allen D. Candler, The Colonial Records of the State of Georgia (Atlanta:
L. I. Knight, 1904-1916, 26 volumes), VI, October 4, 1750, 341-342. See also
South Carolina Council House Journal (photostats, Historical Commission
of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina) , July 25, 1750, 173.
26 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 77-79, U 6-118.
27 South Carolina Council Journal, April 1, 1751, 2.
364 The North Carolina Historical Review
tier, Swain County, North Carolina), seems to have had a hard
core of anti-English sentiment. Report there on April 26 of
what the Keowee runner had said in the town house of Kit-
tuwa,28 the Mother town of the Out Towns, found ready list-
eners. One Thigh, the Slave Catcher of Connutory, a man
of fiery temperament who while down-country, had shot
and wounded a white man, leaped up and wanted to know
why the Stecoes permitted their trader, Bernard Hughes, to
live.29 At once there was an uproar. On this a Cherokee girl,
mistress to Hughes, slipped out of the town house and ran
to warn the trader. While the maddened Stecoes looted his
deserted store, Hughes and the other Stecoe whites fled up
the path along the river to the town of Tuckasiegie where
Robert Bunning traded.30 They took shelter in Bunning's
house while Bunning went to see the headman of the town.
He explained the situation and reminded the headman that
it was beloved men of this very town who had helped make
the Treaty of Alliance of 1730 with the Great King George.
Promising to protect the white men, the headman dispatched
Bunning to Hiwassee sixty miles away to report the affair
to the Raven.31
Throughout the Middle Settlements rumor spread that
Bernard Hughes and three whites had been killed at Stecoe,
that this was only the beginning, that all the traders were
about to be killed.32 At once the traders stampeded from the
Middle and Lower Settlements to Augusta and Ninety-Six.
Panic spread along the frontier. John Watts and those fleeing
with him to Ninety-Six carried a story that they had barely
escaped and that at near-by Coronico, Hugh Murphy, on
his way up to the nation, had been shot and wounded by
an Indian.33 Inhabitants of the Ninety-Six region streamed
down to the Congarees for safety. Others started to fortify
their homes.34
28 This townsite is in Swain County, North Carolina, not far from Bryson
City.
29 South Carolina Council Journal, June 8, 1751, 158.
30 South Carolina Council Journal, June 8, 1751, 158.
31 South Carolina Council Journal, June 8, 1751, 158.
32 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 53. See also the South Carolina
Council Journal, June 11, 1751, 174-175.
33 South Carolina Council Journal, May 7, 1751, 63-65.
34 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 51.
The Unpleasantness at Stecoe 365
Among the Cherokees a number of level-headed people,
Indian and white, set about straightening out the mess. On
hearing Bunning's report, the Old Raven of Hiwassee sent
his son and several warriors with Bunning to tell the Stecoes
to stop their foolishness and return the stolen goods or else
the awful Raven himself would visit them. The messengers
found Stecoe deserted.35 Discovering that they had acted
alone in an enterprise that had miscarried, Stecoes — men,
women, and children, had taken to the hills in alarm.
The Raven's son hauled down the British flag which waved
over the empty townhouse, saying the people were unworthy
of it, and went over to Jore to wait the return of the Stecoes
to their town. He soon received an abject message from them:
"their doggs and their hoggs and themselves were mad and
it was all by a lying talk from Keowee that they did what
they did" that they were sorry and would pay for the goods.36
At Keowee itself, as news of the events at Stecoe came in
and the traders fled, there were second thoughts. Whatever
the Keowees had proposed, and Skiagunsta later denied that
harm was meant, it was unsuccessful. One town had looted
its trader's store; somewhere a white man had been wound-
ed; and a great many traders had piled out of the nation
bawling the alarm as they went. In a few days, with some-
thing akin to the clatter of fiasco about their ears, the Lower
Towns' headmen drew up in their dignity and gravely de-
manded that Stecoe return Trader Hughes's goods.37
Chotte mantained a firm grip on its impulses. Hot-heads,
hearing of the excitement at Stecoe, set out to loot Anthony
Dean's store at Toquo and settle a few scores with the trader
himself, but Old Hop, First Man of the Overhills, sent word
to his people that the white men must not be harmed. He
took Dean into his own house for safekeeping and required
those who had robbed the store to return the goods.38 Old
Hop knew as well as anyone else that a break with the Eng-
lish at this juncture would be a national disaster.
35 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 81-82 ; South Carolina Council Jour-
nal, June 8, 1751, 158-160.
36 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 81-82.
37 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 116-118.
38 Indian Books of South Carolina, III, Dean to Glen, April 13, 1752.
366 The North Carolina Historical Review
With such attitudes around them the Stecoes brought back
Hughes's goods; that is, all except something over 400 lbs.
weight of deerskins and £50 or £60 value of goods damaged
in the looting or unaccounted for.39
All the headmen knew that the Stecoe affair, magnified
in rumor and fear, would create a violent reaction in Charles-
town. They, therefore, made an effort to mitigate the blow
they feared by sending Governor Glen assurances of their
friendship and accounts of the steps they had taken to make
reparation for the unpleasant business.40
The appeals were in vain. The South Carolina Provincial
Assembly demanded action. They had already gone on rec-
ord as desiring an embargo on the trade to get the Cherokees
to drive the Northward Indians from their midst, but Glen
had refused to take the step. The Cherokees, he held, were
necessary for the prosperity and security of Carolina. An
embargo might throw them into the arms of the French.
Furthermore, since the Cherokees had complied with the
terms of the Treaty of 1749 and the Creeks had not, the
governor argued: "I therefore do not think it will be consis-
tent with natural justice and equity nor with our solemn
engagements to Cherokees to give them up a prey to the
Creeks to have their throats cut which must infallibly be the
case if we withdraw the trade from them and leave them
without either arms or ammunition to defend themselves."41
In the face of a mounting clamor Glen could not hold his
enlightened opinion. Reports from Ninety-Six were very cri-
tical of him. The petition headed by Justice Francis's name
stated that the petitioners had complained before but that
the governor had paid no attention.42 James Adair, a friend of
Francis and an enemy of Glen, wrote that Glen had disre-
garded the traders reports and had been "very remiss."43
The Commons House echoed the point of view of Adair and
39 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 81-84.
"Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 78-79, 93; South Carolina Council
Journal, June 5, 1751, 147-148.
a South Carolina Journal of the Upper House of Assembly (Historical
Commission of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina), April 27, 1751,
57. Hereafter cited as Journal of the Upper House.
"Journal of the Upper House, May 9, 1751, 80-81.
43 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 58-59.
The Unpleasantness at Stecoe 367
Francis and appointed a committee to draw up complaints
to the crown against the governor.
Glen had reason to distrust reports from Ninety-Six. All-
the evidence indicated that Northward depredations in that
region arose from Cherokee anger over the theft of the Too-
galoos' deerskins.44 The Cherokees thought that Justice Fran-
cis shielded friends and retainers. They suspected James
Adair. Glen suspended Francis from the command of his
ranger company and sent reports to the Commons house dis-
crediting the justice. In the face of the opposition he weak-
ened. The Assembly was confronted by a stack of petitions
demanding redress and a gang of panicky traders who had
fled the Cherokee country and loudly declared that the
Cherokees intended war. The Commons demanded that
Governor Glen place an embargo on trade with the Cherokees
and keep it in force until the Indians had given full satis-
faction for the Oconees murders, the attack on Murphy, and
the looting of Hughes's store.45
On June 8, Glen prepared a letter to the Raven of Hiwassee
commending him for his conduct in the crisis but telling him
the bad news:
... It is true the insolent behaviour of some particular per-
sons and of two or three towns has given us grave offense and
if passed over without showing a proper resentment might in-
duce others to follow their pernicious example. . . . We are there-
fore determined for the good of the Cherokee nation to punish
those few who have misbehaved. We were at first informed that
these Lower Cherokees who killed the white men at Oconees
protested that they were innocent of the offense and pretended
ignorance of the matter but we have heard since that they have
had the insolence to boast of it. We therefore have insisted that
some of these be delivered up to us. One of our inhabitants going
lately to the Cherokee nation was wounded by an Eustanally Indi-
an who fired at him with an intent to kill him, this man we have
also demanded to be delivered up to us. The three towns Kittuwa,
Stecoe, Connutory have behaved themselves ill. Here our traders'
store was plundered and his goods taken and publicly divided
amongst the people from whom they were obliged to fly to save
44 South Carolina Commons House Journal (Historical Commission of
South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina), April 16, 1751, 28-29. Hereafter
cited as Commons House Journal.
^Commons House Journal, June 13, 1751, 585-586.
368 The North Carolina Historical Review
their lives . . . the headmen who ought to have been their pro-
tectors prompted others to destroy them ... we have therefore
demanded two of the headmen from each of those towns, espe-
cially as have been concerned in those wicked practices and in
particular the Slave Ketcher of Connutory ... if they do not
comply with our reasonable request we will compel them to it
by force. We also demand that the Little Carpenter who has for
many years past declared himself the enemy of the English may
be delivered up wherever he may be on delivery of this letter. I
cannot conclude this letter without letting you know the diffi-
culty of sending traders among you at present till we have obtain-
ed satisfaction that we demand. . . .46
Despite Old Hop's determination to keep the peace the
crisis arising from the flight of the traders sharpened the
conflict between Chotte and the Hiwassee-Tellico align-
ment. Hiwassee-Tellico seemed in its eagerness to satisfy
the English, determined to break the Chotte-made peace
with the French. Such a move would have also involved the
Overhills in war with the Northwards, forced them to look
to Hiwassee-Tellico and therefore to Carolina for aid, and
enabled Carolina to end the Lower Creek-Lower Cherokee
war. In June, Tellicoes took two French scalps on the Mis-
sissippi.47 By fall Northwards were assaulting the Out Towns
on Tuckaseigie.
While Hiwassee-Tellico struck at Chotte's French peace,
Chotte aimed a blow at Carolina's trade monoply and em-
bargo. With all the traders except Dougherty and Dean gone,
it was clear that because of the panic and disturbances, trade
would not be restored for a long time. It was also clear that
no matter how unfair the embargo, the Cherokees must yield
unless they could open up another source of trade. Chotte
talked long of whether to go to the French or to Virginia
and finally determined to try both with especial attention to
Virginia.48
Late in June, 1751, before word of the Carolina embargo
reached the nation, the Little Carpenter heading a strong
delegation, including Long Jack of Tanase (at that time
46 South Carolina Council Journal, June 8, 1751, 164-166.
47 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 123-124.
48 South Carolina Council Journal, November 22, 1751, 427.
The Unpleasantness at Stecoe 369
Great Warrior of the Overhills), and the Smallpox conjurer
of Settico, a very influential member of the Chotte Council,
set out for Williamsburg. Very likely, too, at the same time
someone at Chotte — Old Hop? — sent a message through
the Creeks to the French at Fort Toulouse.49
Official news of the embargo saw the contenders for Cher-
okee leadership take opposite positions. Late in July Governor
Glen's letter reached the Raven of Hiwassee. On July
30, the Raven, several valley headmen, the principal head-
men of Great Tellico and Chatuge, in other words the Great
Tellico-Hiwassee faction, met at Cornelius Dougherty's
house and agreed to meet all of Carolina's demands or all
they could. They would take the anti-English Slave Catcher
of Connutory and the other offending Out Towns headmen
to Charlestown as soon as these men came in from their sum-
mer hunts. The Little Carpenter, having gone to Virginia,
they could not deliver. Eager to have the embargo lifted,
they requested a meeting with Governor Glen at Saluda on
August 21, and as proof of their friendship they promised
to bring the scalps of the two Frenchmen killed down river
in June. They sent a runner to apprize Chotte of the projected
meetings with Glen, and the two Tacites of Great Tellico,
Johnny and Osteneco, went to sound out the Lower Towns.50
Chotte, though hostile to Carolina, apparently intended
at first to take part in the proposed conference at Saluda for
they appointed deputies. Nevertheless, when their trader,
Anthony Dean, whom Old Hop had befriended in April, at-
tempted to steal away in response to Glen's orders for all
white men to leave the nation, the Chottes forcibly detained
him as a hostage, and when after August 5 or 6 an opportuni-
ty offered to disrupt the Tellico-Hiwassee program, they did
not hesitate. A Shawnee runner from the Upper Creeks
brought into Chotte a story that a Creek-Chickasaw-Cataw-
ba coalition had been formed with Carolina to send a thous-
and men against the Cherokees. The Chotte headmen held
some grim meetings at which Ukanta of Chotte and Willina-
waw of Toqua, men of no influence in Charlestown, but new-
*9 South Carolina Council Journal, November 19, 1751, 414.
w Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 123-124.
370 The North Carolina Historical Review
ly powerful among the Overhills, talked against the Eng-
lish.51 This new story seemed to confirm the story of Glen s
hostility the Little Carpenter had heard in the North during
the previous winter. The angry headmen called in the cap-
tive Dean and required him to write their thoughts out for the
benefit of Governor Glen. They told the governor the stories
they had heard and said that he must reassure them by send-
ing the traders back into the nation. If they were kept long
in doubt, they said, they would not be responsible for what
happened to Dean and Dougherty. Harsh and blunt, this
talk was quite different from the sycophantic tune of peace
and compliance sung by the Raven of Hiwassee.52 Chotte
also sent runners through the nation with the Shawnee story
of imminent attack. Great Tellico alarmed, sent to recall the
two Tacites on their peace mission to the Lower Towns.53
The Lower Towns on hearing the news went into a panic.
Keowee, Estatoe, Che wee, Toxaway, Tomassee and Oconee
talked of breaking up and going over the hills.54 At Hiwassee,
the Raven bent on resolving the troubles in a way satisfactory
to Carolina, gave the story no credence. On hearing the
Chotte talk as written by Dean, the Raven made a talk of
his own for the governor stating that Chotte spoke for itself
and Tanase only, that the other Overhill towns did not agree
with them, and sent it along with the other.55 Nevertheless,
the Chotte-spread story of English hostility delayed the pro-
jected meeting for several months and might have prevented
it altogether had not Otacite Osteneco, arriving at Keowee in
time to hear the dreadful rumor, surmised the Chotte
intent and decided to go himself to Charlestown and find
out the truth.56 There he learned that Governor Glen on the
basis of the July 30 Hiwassee-Tellico compliance with his
demands and the consent of his Assembly had already de-
termined to lift the embargo. Beamer, the principal Lower
Towns trader, and Goudy of Great Tellico were to return to
51 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 114.
52 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 114.
53 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 135.
^Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 139, 146.
55 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 135.
66 South Carolina Council Journal, September 1, 1751, 283.
The Unpleasantness at Stecoe 371
the nation with the good news and to round up the headmen
for a great meeting in Charlestown to discuss grievances
and trade and make a new treaty.57
While these events took place in Charlestown and in the
nation, the Little Carpenter was in Williamsburg, the Virginia
capitol, presenting the Cherokee case. Briefly, it was that by
the Treaty of 1730 made in England, the Cherokees were
assured in return for their alliance with the English a trade.
If Carolina could not provide the trade, Virginia would. Car-
olina now denied the Cherokees a trade but at the same time
supplied ammunition to the Creek enemies of the Cherokees
who were friends of the French. This violated the Treaty of
1730. It was now Virginia's duty to open up a trade for the
Carolinas.58 President Burrell of the Virginia Council told
the Little Carpenter that the government of Virginia could
not of itself enter the trade; that the best he could do would
be to advise private traders to enter the Cherokee trade.59
With this hardly satisfactory answer the Little Carpenter and
his delegation set out in late August to return home.
The most valuable fruits of the Virginia mission came from
South Carolina. When Glen read newspaper reports of the
Virginia mission, he was alarmed and indignant. Not only
had Chotte attempted to circumvent Carolina coercion, they
had invited a competition into the trade. Glen composed a
sharp letter to the Virginia council. With a copious serving
of Cherokee history, the Carolina governor pointed out
that in even suggesting that Virginians could enter the Cher-
okee trade, Burrell had exceeded his authority; for the treaty
of 1730 had designated the Governor of Carolina agent of
the Crown in Cherokee matters. The Little Carpenter, he
wrote, was a person of no standing and a fugitive from Car-
olina justice. Carolina would have to lay the whole matter
before the Crown and meanwhile unless the Virginians even
ceased to think of a Cherokee trade, Carolina would seize
any Virginians entering Cherokee country.60 Impressed, Bur-
57 South Carolina Council Journal, September 2, 1751, 292.
58 Virginia Gazette, Williamsburg, Virginia (microfilm), August 16, 1751;
South Carolina Council Journal, September 11, 1751, 297-298.
69 South Carolina Council Journal, September 11, 1751, 297-298.
60 South Carolina Council Journal, September 11, 1751, 302-303.
372 The North Carolina Historical Review
rell published a notice that the Cherokee visitors were frauds
and a warning to Virginia traders to keep out of the Chero-
kee country.61 Nevertheless, the threat of Virginia competi-
tion had a good deal to do with the Carolina disposition to
settle its Cherokee troubles peacefully and to make readjust-
ments in the trade.
On September 22, the return of Osteneco from Charlestown
with Beamer and Goudy brought joy to Keowee. An Indian
had already come up from the settlements with news that the
rumored attack would not occur. This had halted the exodus
of the Lower people to remote regions except for Eustanally.
Some of the Eustanallys had committed fresh depredations
in Carolina and upon the report of approaching chastisement
the whole town fled and settled permanently a hundred miles
away.62 Beamer and Osteneco also gave the lie to the horrid
story. Though sick when he came to Keowee, Osteneco at-
tended the council called to hear Glen's peace message. He
gave a great talk on behalf of Carolina, "the best talk," said
Beamer, "I ever heard given by an Indian."63 This and the
prospect of the trade being reopened aroused a surge of pro-
English feeling. The Lower Towns headmen made ready to
go to Charlestown.
The new conference was, however, slow to materialize. As
soon as he had recovered Osteneco had gone toward great
Tellico through the Middle Settlements talking for the Eng-
lish in every town.64 As a result the Middle Towns also pre-
pared to go to Charlestown. But the Overhills— in particu-
lar Chotte, Tanase, and Settico— refused. They had their
own views of what the nation needed. They had heard that
French traders would come to them in the spring.65 They
had not yet heard from the Little Carpenter concerning a
Virginia trade. If these things developed, they would not
need Carolina. To Old Hop and his councillors the time
may have seemed ripe for uniting the nation directly under
61 South Carolina Council Journal, November 22, 1751, 427.
62 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 146.
63 Indian Books of South Carolina, II, 146.
64 Indian Books of South Carolina, III, 2.
65 South Carolina Council Journal, November 19, 1751, 432; November 20,
1751, 414.
The Unpleasantness at Stecoe 373
their authority and thus ending the decentralization which
Carolina exploited. They urged the discontented Lower peo-
ple to come Over-the-Hills and join them.66 When they heard
the call to come down and make peace with Carolina, they
found reason for delay. The Raven of Hiwassee, the Young
Emperor, and the Tellicoes finally started without them.
The Charlestown-bound headmen had been but a few days
gone when the Little Carpenter, almost as if informed that
the coast was clear arrived in Chotte. But he did not stay
long, any longer than was needed to report the dubious suc-
cess of his Virginia overture and to gather a band to go with
him toward the Ohio. He said he would find a trade, possibly
with Croghan's outfit, trading between the Ohio and the
lakes, or else go to England to get it.67 He knew the reality of
his people's need for trade goods and dedicated himself to
fulfilling it, a determination which seems to have been his
fundamental policy for the next ten years. Considering Glen's
attitude toward him at this time, he showed wisdom in travel-
ing for a while in far places.
When the conference in Charlestown opened on Novem-
ber 13, 1751, 160 Cherokees were present. Save for Chotte,
nativist and unwilling to truckle to Carolina, all regions of the
nation were represented. Led by Skiagunsta of Keowee and
the Good Warrior of Estatoe, the Lower Towns came in
greater force than since 1745. From the Hiwassee-Tellico
group came the Great Raven and his son, Moitoi of Hiwassee,
and Old Caesar of Chatuge. The Young Emperor had had
to turn back because of illness. The Middle and Out Towns
vitally concerned in the Stecoe matter had a strong delegation
led by Kittagusta, Prince of Joree.
Despite the prominence and friendliness of the visitors, Glen
was disappointed. They had not brought one of the offenders
he had demanded. Such a surrender in the face of the covert
bitterness in the nation was more than even they could man-
age. Andrew White, wanted in the Oconees affair, was said
to be out at war against the Creeks. The six anti-English head-
men of Kittuwa, Connutory, and Stecoe followed far away
68 South Carolina Council Journal, November 29, 1751, 421.
67 South Carolina Council Journal, March 24, 1751, 104-105.
374 The North Carolina Historical Review
game trials.68 Carolina justice would have to be patient— so
patient indeed, that the offenses might be forgotten.
Under the circumstance Glen put on his boldest face and
read the Cherokees a violent lecture. He charged them with
treaty breaking, sundry crimes and many misdemeanors and
dwelt ominously on how necessary the English trade was to
the nation. Without the English he declared, they would be
forced to use "bad bows and wretched arrows headed with
bills of birds and knives of split cane and hatchets of stone." 69
The abashed Cherokees replied meekly. The Raven of Hi-
wassee avowed he was ready to weep at the crimes committed
in the nation; but that not all Cherokees were bad; his town
was good; he had done everything he could in the bad time
to help the English. The headmen of Stecoe and Tuckaseigie
disclaimed responsibility for the trouble in the Out Towns.
They had been away at the time; it would not have happened
had they been at home. Skiagunsta of Keowee, under Glen's
prodding recounted the fears his people had had in the spring
and described how cautious his warriors had been at the
Oconees and how accidental the killing of the whites had
been. He admitted helplessness in preventing the Northwards
coming into his towns. He had lectured them, he said, about
going into the white man's country and against the Catawbas.
They had promised to behave; but they did not keep their
promises. It was not his fault, he said, that they came into
the nation. Chotte had made the peace with the Northwards.
The governor could write to the Emperor or the Chotte head-
men and tell them to stop the intruders. He could even send
to the headman of the Northwards now at chotte and tell him
to go home. If the English would build a fort in the nation,
that would certainly stop the marauders.70
The conference lasted for several days. The governor con-
sulted the assembled traders, held private talks with various
headmen, and learned much about the affairs of the nation.
Beamer testified that a fort was needed to halt Northward
incursions. Bunning told of French efforts to detach the
68 South Carolina Council Journal, November 15, 1751, 402-403.
69 South Carolina Council Journal, November 13, 1751, 389.
70 South Carolina Council Journal, November 15, 1751, 403.
The Unpleasantness at Stecoe 375
Cherokees from the English; of the lawlessness of the trad-
ers; of his fear that Virginia traders would come in force to
the nation the next summer; and emphasised that a Carolina
fort was not only desirable but also necessary.71
With this testimony in mind Glen sent a special message to
his Assembly asking that a fort be built right away. He gave
his attention to making a new treaty with the Cherokees and
to a new regulation of the trade.
The treaty which the Cherokees signed on November 29,
1751, reduced to four the Carolina demands for the dis-
orders.72 The principal offender in the Oconees matter, An-
drew White, was to be given up; Bernard Hughes's loss of
468 deerskins was to be made good; the Little Carpenter
was to present himself in person at Charlestown; and the
Cherokees were to prevent the Northwards from going down
to the white settlements and were not to supply them with
ammunition. When the Indians had reimbursed Hughes,
Carolina would make good the Toogaloos loss of 330 deer-
skins. The traders would return to the nation immediately.
Carolina would attempt to get a peace for the Cherokees with
the Creeks. A new regulation of the trade was to be made,
guaranteeing fairer prices, better measures, and reduced
pressure in the matter of debts.73
The Treaty of 1751 was the last great triumph of Hiwassee-
Tellico. Carolina's failure to halt the Creek war, the death of
the Great Raven, the withdrawal of Goudy from the trade
at Tellico, and the formal entry of Virginia into Cherokee
diplomacy brought about in a short time the ascendency of
Chotte— which is a story in itself.
71 South Carolina Council Journal, November 19, 1751, 432.
72 South Carolina Council Journal, November 26, 1751, 451-453.
73 South Carolina Council Journal, December 3, 1751, 512.
NATHANIEL MACON AND THE SOUTHERN PROTEST
AGAINST NATIONAL CONSOLIDATION
By Noble E. Cunningham, Jr.
The government which John Quincy Adams found when he
moved into the White House in 1825 was a much bigger
government than his father had left; and Nathaniel Macon,
who had represented North Carolina in Congress since 1791,
was far from happy with it. He regretted that everything had
grown, just like the number of doorkeepers of the houses of
Congress. "Formerly two men were sufficient for doorkeeper,
etc. for the two houses," Macon complained, "but now there
is a regiment."1 As he recalled the time, during the presidency
of John Adams, when the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions
had been passed, he asked: "If there was reason to be alarmed
at the growing power of the General Government [then],
how much more has taken place since? Congress now stopped
almost at nothing, which it deemed expedient to be done, and
the Constitution was construed to give power for any grand
scheme." 2 To Macon, it was a dangerous development. "Do
a little now, and a little then, and, by and by, they would
render this government as powerful and unlimited as the
British Government was," Macon told his colleagues in the
Senate in 1825; 3 and at the next session, he declared that "he
did not like to go on in this way— the Government was con-
stantly gaining power by little bits. A wagon road was made
under a treaty with an Indian tribe, twenty odd years ago;
and now it becomes a great national object, to be kept up by
large appropriations. We thus go on by degrees, step by step,
until we get almost unlimited power." 4
It was not unusual that Macon should be protesting against
the course of public affairs; he was a man not often with the
1 Congressional Debates, 19th Congress, 2nd Session (February 16, 1827),
522.
2 Congressional Debates, 18th Congress, 2nd Session (February 24, 1825),
I, 679-680.
3 Congressional Debates, 18th Congress, 2nd Session (February 24, 1825),
I, 679-680.
4 Congressional Debates, 19th Congress, 1st Session (February 14, 1826),
104.
[ 376 ]
Nathaniel Macon 377
trend of times. In his thirty-seven years of congressional life,
he left the vivid impression that "no ten members gave so
many negative votes," 5 and one of his colleagues is reported
to have said that if Macon should happen to be drowned, he
should look for his body up the stream instead of floating with
the current.6 It was not strange either that Macon should
protest against the increasing power of the national govern-
ment. He had long been watchful of the rights of the states,7
and had always demanded a strict construction of the Con-
stitution. His close attachment to the soil and to the agrarian
ideal of the independent life of a rural society had dictated
his constant concern for simplicity and frugality in govern-
ment.8 Yet the protests that Macon made against national con-
solidation in the years after the end of the War of 1812
have peculiar significance, not so much because of their
influence at the time but in view of the subsequent course
of southern history.
Although Macon was not alone when he objected to the
trend of public affairs during the politically quiet years of
the "era of good feeling," there were not many men who pub-
licly shared his sentiments. There were some, however, and
like Macon they were influential men. In Virginia there were
John Randolph of Roanoke, Judge Spencer Roane, and
John Taylor of Caroline; there were William H. Crawford of
Georgia, and Charles Tait and Boiling Hall of Alabama.9
These men were spokesmen from southern states, and their
protest was largely a southern protest; but they did not speak
for the South as a whole, nor even for a party in the South.
6 Charles J. Ingersoll, Historical Sketch of the Second War Between the
United States of America and Great Britain (Philadelphia, 1845-49), I,
212. Hereafter cited as Ingersoll, Historical Sketch.
8 Ingersoll, Historical Sketch, I, 209.
7 See for example Macon's speech against the sedition law, July 10, 1798,
Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 2nd Session, 2151; also his speech on
South Carolina and the slave trade, February 13, 1804, Annals of Congress,
8th Congress, 1st Session, 98.
8 "I believe the less legislation the better," Macon told the House of Repre-
sentatives in 1806. Annals of Congress, 9th Congress, 1st Session (January
23, 1806), 386. To the Secretary of the Treasury, William H. Crawford, he
wrote in 1817: ". . . our strength is in proportion to the smallness of our
taxes, encumber us with debt, and we are ruined." Macon to Crawford,
October 13, 1817, William H. Crawford Papers, Duke University Library.
9 See Charles S. Sydnor, The Development of Southern Sectionalism 1819-
1848, A History of the South, volume V (Baton Rouge, 1948), 135.
378 The North Carolina Historical Review
They were men who were considered by younger statesmen
of the day in much of the South, as elsewhere, to be old-fash-
ioned and behind the times, and they were called "Old
Republicans." In 1823 Macon himself admitted: "My opinions
are become too old fashioned for the present time; they are
out of fashion and called, the old school." 10 It is of this group
of Old Republicans that Macon is representative. v
As the course of events modified in practice the principles
that Jefferson had proclaimed in assuming office in 1801,
few of Jefferson's old followers were more vigorous in their
protest or more firm in their refusal to accept changes than
was Macon. Following the War of 1812, when the cry was
raised for protection for the infant manufacturing enterprises
that the embargo and the war had helped to get started,
Macon stood his ground. When there was a demand for re-
viving the national bank, which had been allowed to die just
when it was needed most, Macon opposed it; and the great
clamor for internal improvements met with his bitterest dis-
sent. He strongly opposed the schemes of such young Repub-
lican leaders as Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun; and when
President Madison went so far as to sign the bill to establish
the Second Bank of the United States and to advocate such
measures as the building of roads and canals and a protective
tariff,11 Macon was bitterly critical of his old friend. "Who
could have supposed when Mr. Jefferson went out of office
that his principles and the principles which brought him into
it, would so soon become unfashionable," he asked, "and that
Mr. Madison, the champion against banks, should have signed
an act to establish one, containing rather worse principles,
than the one he opposed as unconstitutional. . . ,"12 Even
after Madison had vetoed Calhoun's bonus bill for internal
improvements, Macon still could not forgive Madison for
approving the bank. He explained to Jefferson: "After it was
known that President Madison, one of our best and most
10 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, December 12, 1823, Kemp P. Battle, ed.,
"Letters of Nathaniel Macon," James Sprunt Historical Monographs,
(1900), II, 68. Hereafter cited as Battle, "Letters of Nathaniel Macon."
11 See Madison's message to Congress, December, 1815, Annals of Congress,
14th Congress, 1st Session, 15-17.
12 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, March 8, 1818, Battle, "Letters of Nathaniel
Macon," II, 49.
Nathaniel Macon 379
worthy men, would sign the act, to establish the expensive
bank of the U. S.; all who were tired of the principles which
put them into power; immediately laid them aside, and went
farther into constructive and implied powers, than had been
done at any time before." 13
In 1824 Macon wrote dejectedly to Albert Gallatin who had
served as Jefferson's Secretary of the Treasury while Macon
was Speaker of the House: "There are not, I imagine, five
members of Congress who entertain the opinions which those
did who brought Mr. Jefferson into power, and they are yet
mine." 14 In a letter to Jefferson, Macon explained specifically
the reasons for his opposition. "The acts for the banks of the
United States, the tariE and internal improvements," he
wrote, "seem to have put an end to legislating on the old
republican principles and to prove, that under any party
name, unconstitutional measures may be adopted. . . . The
acts above mentioned and such as may be expected to follow
tend I fear, to make Congress rather bargainers and traders
than sound and fair legislators; to look forward, cannot be
pleasing, especially to those who have been opposed to con-
structive & implied powers in the federal government."15
Jefferson, in the last days of his life, applauded Macon's fight
against consolidation, writing to his old friend: "I am par-
ticularly happy to perceive that you retain health and spirits
still manfully to maintain our good old principle of cherish-
ing and fortifying the rights and authorities of the people in
opposition to those who fear them, who wish to take all power
from them, and to transfer all to Washington." 16
It was the constitutional issue that Macon stressed in
regard to national consolidation; he had always demanded
a rigid respect for the Constitution. But as the trend toward
increasing the power of the federal government continued,
Macon revealed a very strong motive behind his concern
13 Macon to Jefferson, October 20, 1821, William E. Dodd, ed., "Macon
Papers," The John P. Branch Historical Papers of Rondol-ph-Macon College,
III (1909), 79. Hereafter cited as Dodd, "Macon Papers."
14 Macon to Gallatin, February 13, 1824, Henry Adams, The Life of Albert
Gallatin (Philadelphia, 1880), 596.
15Macon to Jefferson, May 21, 1824, Dodd, "Macon Papers," III, 83-84.
"Jefferson to Macon, February 21, 1826, Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The
Writings of Thomas Jefferson (New York, 1892-99), X, 378.
380 The North Carolina Historical Review
for strict construction. This was the fear that the ever-broad-
ening powers of Congress would eventually lead that body to
legislate on the subject of slavery. As early as 1818, Macon
disclosed this apprehension in a letter to a close friend, a
letter cautioning, "I have written very freely to you, and it
is intended for you alone." Wrote Macon: "I must ask you
to examine the constitution of the U. S. . . . and then tell me
if Congress can establish banks, make roads and canals,
whether they cannot free all the Slaves in the U. S." It might
be some time before Congress attempted such legislation,
but "We have abolition-colonizing bible and peace societies,
. . . and if the general government shall continue to stretch
their powers, these societies will undoubtedly push them to
try the question of emancipation." He believed that "under a
fair and honest construction of the constitution the negro
property is safe and secure," but if the doctrine of implied
powers were carried too far the slave states would be in
grave danger. "The states having no slaves may not feel as
strongly as the states having slaves about stretching the con-
stitution," he said, "because no such interest is to be touched
by it."17 When his friend's reply did not confirm his own
opinions, Macon wrote once more urging: "Examine again,
the constitution of the U. S. and you will perceive your error.
If Congress can make canals they can with more propriety
emancipate. . . . Let not love of improvement, or a thirst
for glory blind that sober discretion and sound sense, with
which the Lord has blest you . . . your error in this, will injure
if not destroy our beloved mother N. Carolina and all the
South country." 18
Apparently Macon had long harbored in his mind this
concern for the security of slavery. In 1825 he revealed that
"A debate about thirty years past in the H. of R. compelled
me to believe that there were some people, who then thought,
that Congress might legislate on the condition of slaves, & no
circumstance has taken place since to induce a change of
that belief. The question with us, is not an original question
17 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, March 8, 1818, Battle, "Letters of Nathaniel
Macon," II, 48-49.
18 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, April 15, 1818, Battle, "Letters of Nathaniel
Macon," II, 47.
Nathaniel Macon 381
of slavery or not slavery; but what is the power of the fed-
eral Government." 19
Macon never openly admitted on the floor of Congress his
fear concerning slavery, though John Randolph did not hesi-
tate to do so; 20 but he circulated it among his friends in the
South. He warned younger Southern leaders, including Cal-
houn,21 who had not yet apprehended the threat which Macon
saw to Southern institutions; he helped to make familiar to
a younger generation the doctrines of strict construction.
Again and again he warned: "If Congress can make canals
and banks it is as omnipotent as the British Parliament." 22 "I
never think of these claims of power, which appear to me,
not to be granted," he wrote, "but I shudder for the states,
whose population is not of the same character, to be plain I
mean the states where slavery exists." 23
Macon was a slaveholder from a slaveholding state;24 he
never shared Jefferson's views on emancipation. He was not
ashamed to remind the House of Representatives that "the
people in the Southern States . . . are agricultural people,
and if you please a slaveholding people";25 and he was will-
19 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, December 8, 1825, Battle, "Letters of
Nathaniel Macon," II, 77-78. References to earlier debate is probably to that
on a memorial of the Quakers in 1797, protesting that slaves set free in
North Carolina by their society had been returned to slavery. See Annals of
Congress, 5th Congress, 2nd Session (November 30, 1797), 661.
20 Speaking against internal improvements in 1824, Randolph said : "If
Congress possess the power to do what is proposed by this bill, they can not
only enact a sedition law, — for there is precedent, — but they may emancipate
every slave in the United States." See speech in House of Representatives,
January 31, 1824, quoted in Henry Adams, John Randolph (Boston, 1898),
274-275.
21 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, December 26, 1824, Battle, "Letters of
Nathaniel Macon," II, 72.
22 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, January 31, 1824, Nathaniel Macon Papers,
University of North Carolina Library.
23 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, December 8, 1825, Battle, "Letters of
Nathaniel Macon," II, 76.
24 In 1784, Macon as a young man of twenty-six owned seven slaves. A
List of Taxable Property in Warren County for the Year 1784, North
Carolina Department of Archives and History. In the census of 1790, he
was listed as the owner of twenty slaves. Walter Clark, ed., The State
Records of North Carolina (Goldsboro, 1895-1907), XXVI, 1198. When
Macon died in 1837, he owned seventy-seven slaves. An Inventory of the
Estate of Nathaniel Macon, deed returned by his executor W. N. Edwards,
November Session, 1837, MS., Record of Wills, vol. 36, 222-233, Warren
County Records, Warren County Courthouse, Warrenton, North Carolina.
25 Annals of Congress, 11th Congress, 1st Session (December 22, 1809),
867.
382 The North Carolina Historical Review
ing to defend the institution of slavery when occasion arose.
During the debate on the restriction of slavery in Missouri
in 1820, when most southern congressmen refused to debate
the evils of slavery as beside the point, Macon unhesitantly
arose to defend, with great warmth, the system of the South.26
He also observed that "A clause in the Declaration of Inde-
pendence had been read, declaring that 'all men are created
equal': follow that sentiment and does it not lead to universal
emancipation? If it will justify putting an end to slavery in
Missouri, will it not justify it in the old states." 27
Macon had early been a champion of the South. In 1798
during a spirited debate in Congress on the question of its
power to regulate the salaries of foreign ministers, Macon
had defended the South in a speech worthy of a later genera-
tion of ardent southerners when he told the House:
It was said that the gentleman from Virginia and those who
supported the amendment wished to violate the Constitution,
and overthrow the government. This charge was principally
made against members of the Southern States, than in which,
he would venture to say, the laws of the United States had no
where been better executed ; for, although their members in that
House had generally been in a minority, no instance of opposi-
tion to the laws had ever occurred. ... It was clear, if any part
of the country had a right to complain, it would have been the
Southern States, as many of the laws had borne hardly upon
them, and none of them afforded them any advantage.28
The agrarian interests of the South had loomed foremost
in Macon's mind, as he had opposed the tariff. Southerners,
he had said, wanted "no protecting duties to encourage or
aid them to make their homespun."29 As the years passed,
Macon had become convinced that the South was being mis-
treated, and he had called for unity among its people. In 1821
he had tried to show how "unanimity in the south" in support
of one candidate for president would give great weight to
28 Annals of Congress, 16th Congress, 1st Session (January 20, 1820), 219-
229.
27 Annals of Congress, 16th Congress, 1st Session (January 20, 1820), 225.
28 Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 2nd Session (February 28, 1798),
1111-1112.
29 Annals of Congress, 11th Congress, 1st Session (December 22, 1809), 867.
Nathaniel Macon 383
that person, because no other section of the nation was yet
united. He had urged the people, "especially those of the
South," desirous of economy in government to examine close-
ly the presidential candidates. "I have said especially of the
South," Macon wrote, "because nearly all the federal taxes
collected there are paid for the interest of the public debt, or
laid out to the North of the James River " 30 But the South
had not always followed Macon; regretfully he had admitted
that "this manufacturing scheme was fixed on us, by the
strong aid of the South."31
By 1824, however, most Southern spokesmen were in agree-
ment with Macon on the subject of the tariff,32 and his "Old
Republican" ideas were becoming more attractive in the
South. But if men listened now to the aging Senator, they
must not have mistaken the mounting bitterness in his
thoughts as he saw his beloved South losing ground. "The
burthens of the Government," he said in 1826, "have and will
continue to fall most heavy on the cultivators of cotton and
tobacco";33 and during the debate on the tariff of 1828 he
lamented: "The Southern states must, if they are not now
ruined, be shortly ruined." 34
Before long some were recalling Macon's earlier warnings.
In 1833 Boiling Hall of Alabama wrote to Macon: "The
signs of the times are indeed portentous; by the events which
have taken place, I am often reminded of your predictions
of the encroachment of the general, on the State Governments
. . . for years you have viewed the approach of the present
crisis." 35 But such words were little comfort to Macon, who
could only recall that his early protests against national con-
30 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, December 12, 1821, Battle, "Letters of
Nathaniel Macon," II, 59.
31 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, April 19, 1820, Battle, "Letters of Nathaniel
Macon," II, 54.
32 The southern vote on the tariff of 1824 in the House of Representatives
was three for the bill, sixty-four against ; in the Senate there were two for
the bill (both from Tennessee) and fourteen against it. See Edward Stan-
wood, American Tariff Controversies in the Nineteenth Century (Boston,
1904), I, 239.
33 Macon to Bartlett Yancey, December 24, 1826, Battle, "Letters of
Nathaniel Macon," II, 91.
34 Macon to Weldon N. Edwards, May 20, 1828, Macon Papers, North Caro-
lina Department of Archives and History.
35 Boiling Hall to Macon, February 22, 1833, Macon Papers, Duke Univer-
sity Library.
384 The North Carolina Historical Review
solidation had been largely ignored. Macon's protests and
those of other Old Republicans— their jealous defense of "Old
Republican principles"— however, had not been without in-
fluence. They had helped to keep alive the doctrines of state
rights and strict construction, and to make familiar in the
South a political language that a later generation was to find
well-suited to its needs.
THE MILITARY EXPERIENCES OF JAMES A. PEIFER,
1861-1865
By George D. Harmon
James A. Peifer of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, was not an
educated man, but he was, nevertheless, a shrewd observer.
He served in the Union Army throughout the entire period
of the War between the States. Furthermore, he wrote to his
sister, Mary, fairly regularly, imparting to her his observa-
tions and experiences.1
Almost nothing is known of James A. Peifer's early life
except that he loved travel and adventure. At the age of
twenty he left Bethlehem to seek his fortune in New York.
He lived in that great metropolis for only six months, return-
ing to Bethlehem because he "was not fortunate enough to
secure a situation for the winter" and his mother did not
want him to go South.2 The sojourn in glamorous New York
made young Peifer extremely dissatisfied with Bethlehem.
He wrote his sister, Mary, in Philadelphia that he could no
longer live happily "up here [Bethlehem] now. It is so very
dull and dreary — no excitement of any kind."3 He added
that he would probably leave the place of his birth by Christ-
mas for other parts.
Whether James Peifer made good his threat to visit other
places is unknown, but at any rate he was in the Moravian
village in early 1861. On February 21 of that year he left
Bethlehem for Harrisburg with the Washington Grays, a
local National Guard unit, to participate in the grand mili-
tary parade to be given in the honor of President-elect Abra-
1 Unfortunately only fifty per cent of the letters have been preserved or
these are all that are known to me. The letters which I used are in the
possession of Mrs. Clarence A. Conrad, 1819 Richmond Avenue, Bethlehem,
Pa., to whom I am deeply indebted. According to her recollection there were
two members of the family who divided the letters equally between them;
therefore, Mrs. Conrad only inherited half of them. The others apparently
have been destroyed.
2 James A. Peifer to his sister Mary in Philadelphia, November 11, 1859.
James Peifer is hereafter referred to as Peifer.
3 Peifer to his sister Mary in Philadelphia, November 11, 1859. I have
occasionally changed the spelling and punctuation in the quotations, but I
have in no way changed the words or substance of the letters.
[ 385 ]
386 The North Carolina Historical Review
ham Lincoln on Washington's birthday. Between fifty and
sixty companies paraded through the city of Harrisburg "and
then stopped at the depot to escort Old Abe to his place of
destination " The Washington Grays returned from Harris-
burg on February 23 at six-thirty in the morning, and upon
arriving in Bethlehem at nine o'clock in the evening they
were met by the town band and many citizens who escorted
them home.
Fort Sumter was fired upon on April 12. Two days later
Lincoln issued a proclamation calling upon the governors
of all loyal states for 75,000 volunteers to serve for three
months. James A. Peifer volunteered almost immediately
upon learning of Lincoln's call for troops. He left Bethlehem
for Harrisburg on Friday, April 19, 1861, with a company of
eighty-five volunteers chiefly from Bethlehem, but command-
ed by James Self ridge and Thomas Lynn of Hellertown.
Peifer's enthusiastic response to the call of his county was
shared by thousands throughout the North. His brother, Wil-
liam C. Peifer, wrote on April 18, 1861, that "intense excite-
ment pervades the people" of Bethlehem, who are "unani-
mous for the Union." Already there had been held in the
town, he said, several public meetings at which much patrio-
tic enthusiasm was displayed. A local committee announced
on the third day after Lincoln's call for volunteers that the
people of Bethlehem had subscribed $3,000 for the purpose
of securing the needed supplies which the State had failed
to furnish the volunteers and "of assisting the needy families
which they left behind." 4
It required four hours for the volunteer company from
Bethlehem to reach Harrisburg. Soon after their arrival at
the State Capital at one o'clock in the afternoon they were
served a good dinner at the Jones House. Immediately after
enjoying the last morsel, they were marched to the Fair
Grounds where they were issued essential equipment, includ-
ing belts, muskets, and blankets. They now pitched their
tents, partook of a "scanty meal consisting of a few potatoes,
a loaf of bread and about a pound of meat for four, as [they]
* William C. Peifer to his sister Mary in Philadelphia, April 18, 1861.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 387
were divided in four's in a tent/' The exhausted volunteers
now went to bed to enjoy much needed repose, but they could
not rest because they were "unaccustomed to this style of
sleeping."
The next morning, Saturday, April 20, at five o'clock, James
A. Peifer and the other eighty-four tired but patriotic volun-
teers from Bethlehem were aroused "by the beat of the drum
for a half hour drill" before breakfast. At nine o'clock there
was another drill of one hour. Afterwards the enlisted men
cooked their own dinner, which was followed immediately
by another drill. At three o'clock in the afternoon they were
sworn into the service of their country by taking an oath to
"stand by the Constitution and the Union." Now, duly induct-
ed into the Army of the United States, they were placed in
designated regiments. The Bethlehem boys were extremely
proud of being assigned to the First Regiment. "As good luck
would have it," wrote Peifer, "we are designated as Comp. A.
lrst Regiment. Think of that! A company from the little Mo-
ravian town of Bethlehem receiving the honour of being the
First Company of the 1st Regiment. Ahem. I feel so good. It
makes us feel proud. . . ." 5
At the conclusion of these ceremonies, the inductees pro-
ceeded to their camp where they again prepared their own
supper. Having had practically no sleep the previous night
and thinking that they had just concluded a very busy day,
they were getting ready for bed about eight o'clock when
orders were received for the First, Second, and Third Regi-
ments to start immediately for Baltimore. Upon the receipt
of this startling news, they "packed up their belongings in
a hurry" and proceeded at once to the depot. The train,
with approximately three thousand men placed in forty-two
cars, left Harrisburg about eleven o'clock Saturday night on
April 20 and arrived "Sunday forenoon April 21st in the State
of Maryland at a one horse place called Cockeysville, about
15 miles from Baltimore." 6 The camp was located about one
half mile from the village.
5 James A. Peifer to his sister Mary, May 6, 1861, from Camp Scott.
Apparently his brother William accompanied him to Harrisburg.
a Peifer to his sister Mary, May 6, 1861, from Camp Scott.
388 The North Carolina Historical Review
Although tired and foodless since eight o'clock Saturday
evening, the men were forced to drill during the remainder
of the morning. As soon as drill was over the soldiers headed
for town, composed of one store, one hotel, and one or two
houses, to buy some food. The record does not reveal what
they had to eat, but the little village was probably unprepared
to feed adequately such a large number of hungry soldiers.
Peifer does reveal, however, that the scorching heat caused
them nearly to perish of thirst and that "some of the men
paid as high as seventy-five cents for a pint of water which
was very muddy out of a small creek where we washed our-
selves at one place and drank the water out of the other." 7
As the members of Company A of the First Regiment had
had no sleep or real rest since they had left Bethlehem on
April 19, they "lay down on the bare ground" and covered
themselves with blankets at twilight Sunday evening, April
21. No bed had probably ever felt more comfortable, but
the men had hardly lain down, certainly had not had time
to get a minute's sleep, when they were "called to arms and
assured that 10,000 Baltimore Secessions were upon us.
We immediately posted our sentinels. . . . After being called
to arms about a dozen times [during the night] we were told
that we would not be attacked that night, but we did not
sleep any more. . . . Many a prayer was offered that night of
men that perhaps never prayed before. We heard the horse-
men of the enemy and we heard the distant drums and the
mob cheering Jeff. Davis very often. Had we been attacked
they could have slaughtered us all as we had no ammuni-
tion." 8
By Friday, May 3, the First Regiment was in Camp Scott,
near York, Pennsylvania. The day was very cold, rainy, and
snowy, which caused considerable discomfort. The weather
did not improve any during the night, for the soldiers woke
up on Saturday morning "wet to the skin" and everything in
the camp had been flooded. As no dry straw could be secured,
it was decided to leave camp in search of dryer quarters else-
where. A kind Moravian minister by the name of Hagen
7 Peifer to his sister Mary, May 6, 1861, from Camp Scott.
8 Peifer to his sister Mary, May 6, 1861, from Camp Scott.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 389
offered them quarters in his church, which they naturally
accepted. They moved in with their wet clothes and equip-
ment and "were soon snugly quartered in the house of God.
. . . Brother and Sister Hagen provide us with coffee and
cakes. I must say we have never met a more generous sect
of people as we have here. They are willing ... to do any-
thing for the poor Soldiers. . . . We are still [May 6] quarter-
ed in the church and will not return to camp as long as the
weather is so unfavorable, and we are all very glad of it as
we have excellent quarters here."9
Despite these many difficulties and discouragements, Peifer
proudly wrote:
I can assure you that I am very thankful that I am able-bodied
and healthy so that I can aid in so great a cause as [to] defend
the stars and stripes that waves so proudly over the land of the
free and the brave. And long may it wave still, as it was purchas-
ed with great price. . . . Therefore I deem it the duty of every
free and true man to defend it as long as he has the power to do
it, and not allow this glorious banner to be trampled upon by
these vile and vicious traitors who are seeking to destroy this
glorious Liberty which we have enjoyed.10
Before he had really engaged in gunfire, James A. Peifer's
enlistment for ninety days expired in the summer of 1861.
Though he did not wish to leave his regiment, he had promis-
ed his immediate family that he would not re-enlist; and re-
luctantly he returned to his native city. But his patriotism
would not let him keep his pledge. On September 13, 1861,
he again left Bethlehem for Harrisburg with some friends
to re-enlist, this time not for ninety days but for the duration
of the war "or for a term not exceeding three years ... in
the 46th Regiment."
Peifer thus described the generosity of Uncle Sam in is-
suing supplies to the inductees:
We then proceeded [after being inducted into the service] to
the commissaries and received shoes, two pair of woolen stock-
ings, underclothes, canteen, knapsack, and the most useful article,
9 Peifer to his sister Mary, May 6, 1861, from Camp Scott.
10 Peifer to his sister Mary, May 6, 1861, from Camp Scott.
390 The North Carolina Historical Review
a blanket . . . and a blouse, but overcoats we did not receive and
have none today [October 7, 1861].
On Monday, September 16, they received their marching
orders, so they struck their tents and packed their knapsacks
to move immediately. At four o'clock in the afternoon they
bid farewell to Camp Curtin. They marched to the arsenal
"where [they] received arms instead of rifles [or] . . . muskets,
called Blunder-busses," scornfully by the men. After Governor
Curtin addressed the Regiment, they boarded a train for
Washington. Upon reaching that city the next day about nine
o'clock in the evening, they proceeded to a place called the
Soldier's Retreat, where they "received coffee and bread and
beef tongue. . . . Our Colonel Knipe waited on us like a fa-
ther and did not eat until the men were all finished." u After
all had been fully refreshed, they marched out Pennsylvania
Avenue for about a mile where quarters were secured in a
large four-story building. It was two o'clock in the morning
before the men were able to stretch out on the floor for a
good night's rest.
After eating breakfast at the Soldier's Retreat, they march-
ed past the White House, the Treasury Building, and on
through the city into the country. About four o'clock in the
afternoon they pitched their tents at Kalaramo Heights where
they remained for two days.
On Saturday, September 21, beginning at four o'clock in
the afternoon, the Regiment marched seventeen miles, in
heavy rain, stopping two hours after mid-night near Rock-
ville. Peifer said that "John Fetter and myself laid on a table,
but I could not sleep as all my bones hurt me and I was wet
to the skin and felt so chilly." 12
About ten o'clock Sunday morning the Regiment resumed
its march, but after they had marched about six miles a terri-
ble tragedy occurred: a private in Company I shot "our be-
loved Major Lewis of Catasauqua [Pennsylvania] from his
horse. The desperado was immediately arrested. The affair
11 Peifer to his sister Mary, October 7, 1861, from Camp Lewis. He was
sworn in Saturday, September 14.
12 Peifer to his sister Mary, October 7, 1861, from Camp Lewis.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 391
cast a gloom over the Reg't. especially in our company as he
was [our] Captain before he was promoted/' 13
Soon, however, they resumed the march, "passing hun-
dreds of camps." In a high field, twenty-eight miles from
Washington, they pitched their tents, and named their camp
Lewis in honor of the deceased Major.
Peifer described the food as good and the Irish in his Regi-
ment as being "a very hard set." The ineptness of the raw re-
cruits exhausted Peifer's patience. He wrote:
We are drilling about 5 times a day, but that does no good to
some of our men as they are too stupid to learn. We do not ex-
pect to see fight [ing] in a hurry ... as our Reg't is not drilled
well enough yet. We hear cannonading occasionally and see
rockets ascending, but we have not been called out [for battle]
yet.14
The Regiment, however, was used to break up the smug-
gling of goods to the Confederates by the many Southern
sympathizers in Maryland. Peifer said that picket guards
were placed on "the main roads leading to the [Potomac]
river in order to stop all contraband and goods enroute for
the Rebels. . . . We halted every team and searched it [includ-
ing] every woman and child. The first relief had an amusing
incident: two would-be ladies came driving along when the
guards halted them and searched [them] and found four can-
teens of whiskey concealed under their crinoline. They had
brought it for some soldiers, which is against all military law
and discipline. It was taken from them when they were al-
lowed to pass on. . . ,"15
They left Camp Lewis on October 21, about 8 o'clock in
the evening, with Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks's whole
Division. They marched briskly, "sometimes on a double
quick, over very rough roads," crossed mud puddles, with
heavy knapsacks on their backs, which "pulled mighty hard."
When they arrived at Poolesville about 3 o'clock the next
13 Peifer to his sister Mary, October 7, 1861, from Camp Lewis.
14 Peifer to his sister Mary, October 7, 1861, from Camp Davis. The com-
pany was composed of Germans, Dutch, Americans and Irish. The Irish
were in the majority and they could not agree very well with the Irish.
15 Peifer to his sister Mary, October 16, 1861, from Camp Lewis.
392 The North Carolina Historical Review
morning, "having marched about 10 miles," they naturally
"expected to put up for a day or two, but we were sadly dis-
appointed to hear that we would march to the Potomac, a
distance of 5 miles. We were completely worn out, but the
officers cheered us up . . . [by saying that] it was a case of
necessity . . ."
After the Division had passed about a mile beyond Pooles-
ville, we met "ambulances, containing the wounded of the
battle near Leesburg, in which Col. E. D. Baker lost his life.
. . . We heard their groans, met a great many on foot, some
without hats, without shoes and stockings, their clothes torn
off. When they told us that two Reg'ts were completely cut
up by the Rebels, Col. Baker's California Regt and part of
Massa [chusetts] 20th, [and that] they lost several hundred
men . . . [that out] of a company of 120, only 19 were left
to mourn their loss . . . [this] sorrowful tale . . . cheered us up
again. ... We now marched a little more briskly, tired as we
were. We reached a large wood about 5 o'clock in the morn-
ing about a quarter of a mile from the [Potomac] River. Here
we met troops coming from the River and the ambulances
still bringing the wounded." 16
The ambulances carrying the wounded were halted where
Banks' Division had bivouacked temporarily. James A. Peifer
described their horrible experiences in these words:
It now commenced to rain very hard and we [Banks' Divi-
sion] had no shelter but the trees. We were all in a perspiration,
. . . our rations were nearly played out . . . [except] a little meat
and crackers. . . . We were lying there beside our fires wet to the
skin when Regt. after Regt. arrived and the wounded [were]
still brought in ambulances. It was the most pitiful and awful
sight I ever saw. It chilled my blood when I heard the groans of
the poor fellows as they lay there in pain. I then got an idea of
the horrors of war ; and as we expected a battle that day yet,
you can imagine that we felt rather strange about it. I then
thought of you and home, and perhaps that night would be my
fate to fall.17
16 Peifer to his sister Mary, October 29, 1861. Written from Selfridge. He
described the march since October 21 when they departed from Camp Lewis.
17 Peifer to his sister Mary, October 29, 1861. Written from Selfridge, but
completed at Camp Williams, named in honor of Brigadier General Williams.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 393
At about six on October 23 they again fell in line and
marched to the Potomac, but for some reason they were order-
ed to return to their original camp fires, which were still
burning. On the next day, October 24, not a Federal soldier
could be seen on the Virginia side of the River whereas "a
few hours before there were several Regiments" in view. Peifer
had even previously seen skirmishing between the Federal
and Confederate troops.
Peifer believed that the withdrawal of the Federal troops
was due to "some scheme of General McClellan's as he, Gen.
Banks and Stone were at our camp that day spying the troops
on the other side. We also ascertained that the Rebel General
[Joseph EJ Johnston's force at Leesburg was very strong."18
On October 24 the Division marched to Camp Selfridge,
sometimes called Muddy Branch, where they pitched their
tents. They were in the field with the 5th Connecticut. Op-
posite them was "the Pennsylvania 20th, New York 29th,
United States Regular Batt'y. We are all clearing a large
pine wood for our winter quarters. ... It is fun to see several
hundred men, with picks, spades, and axes. ... It is a beauti-
ful place surrounded by beautiful pines to keep out the strong
wind. We will have our winter quarters here as we have to
guard the Potomac this winter."19
Soldiers, as a rule, are optimistic and ready to believe and
to rejoice upon hearing of good news in battle. On November
14, 1861, Peifer wrote"!
Last night we received some good news from Kentucky, that
our troops had gained another victory, took a General and cap-
tured 1,000 of the Rebels. Our whole camp was in commotion . . .
and cheering. ... It is cheering for us to hear when our troops
gain a victory, as they have [so often] been defeated, but you
cannot call it defeated exactly as we have generally to fight
double the number and still we whip them. Think of the battle
of Balls-Bluff near Leesburg where about 1200 men had to fight
about 6000 Rebels. There were so many Philadelphians engaged
there and laid down their lives to put down this Rebellion. . . .
18 Peifer to his sister Mary, October 29, 1861. Written from Selfridge.
19 Peifer to his sister Mary, October 29, 1861. Written from Selfridge. He
asked his sister Mary in Philadelphia to send him through William Yohe
of Bethelehem a pair of buckskin fleecy lined gloves with large cuffs.
394 The North Carolina Historical Review
We were . . . marched to the river's bank, but were not taken
across, and [I am] sorry we were [not] as we were ready to
fight and to die to revenge our fellow soldiers' death.20
Time must have been weighing heavily on James Peifer's
hands when he wrote his sister on November 22, 1861, de-
scribing what he had in his knapsack:
My knapsack contains . . . four pair of stocking, five or six
handkerchiefs, 1 pair of drawers and another pair I wear, one
undershirt and one on my back, 1 white government shirt, merino
scarf, my old three month pantaloons, blanket, and gumblanket
. . . 1 Testament and two or three other little books . . . Ellins
Ambrotype and a portfolio to keep my pen and paper, a memo-
randum, and a little bag 'which Mother made' containing thread,
needles, buttons, and a pair of scissors, and now that pair of
[buckskin] gloves [which you sent me], and [I expect to] re-
ceive my overcoat [soon] ... I wear three shirts [and] drawers.
I also own a haversack, which contains a Yankee tin cup, a piece
of Castile soap, an old pipe, an oil rag to clean my gun, and
handful of pieces of crackers. The next . . . but not least is my
cartridge box, which weighs about six pounds, containing 40
cartridges, 1 bullet and three buckshot, weighing about two
ounces. In another part is another oil rag ... a screw driver,
and what we call 'wormer' to draw loads. This is on a belt. On
the same belt is the capbox on the right and the bayonet scab-
bard on the left. This belt is worn around the waist. Next is the
musket, weighing about 10 pounds. After we have these things
all loaded up, it makes quite a load for a long march.21
In the same letter he gave a vivid description of his shoes:
Our feet are covered with shoes, Uncle Sam style, with soles
an inch thick, but not worth anything, and much too large [in]
every way. . . . They are about six inches wide, wide enough to
contain two of my feet, but in length they will do. There is no
shape about them, being one width from heel to toe, and the
heels — you would laugh to see them ! . . . [They] are quite low
and as wide as the shoe; well, they are about the size of an or-
dinary teacup. They remind me of the 'Mud Scows' you generally
see on the canals, and I think all they want to fit them out for
the purpose would be a rudder, and towline, and three stout
30 Peif er to his sister Mary, November 14, 1861. Camp Knipe, Montgomery
County, Maryland.
81 Peifer to his sister Mary, Camp Knipe, Montgomery County, Maryland,
November 22, 1861.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 395
mules, and I think they would do to tow Jeff Davis to the Land
of Glory, or to the Infernal Regions, just as he pleases, but I think
he deserves the latter.22
On December 10, 1861, Peifer reported this surprising
scene which took place in their camp just outside of Fred-
erick City, Maryland:
Yesterday we had quite a time in camp. A nigger was caught
in the act of bringing liquor in camp. They tied him and put him
under guard awhile. At noon they brought him forth and tied
him facing the tree and [gave him] 15 stripes with a horsewhip,
well laid on. He grinned and danced around the tree considerably.
They then sent him out with a reprimand.23
As Christmas day, 1861, approached, the soldiers had hopes
"until the very last" that they would be invited out to a turkey
dinner. After despairing of receiving such an invitation, they
felt slighted. Having no other choice, they resorted to Uncle
Sam's Christmas dinner. "It consisted lrst of rice-soup boiled
with salt pork, which was nearly rotten, and we flung meat
and soup out of the tent, as we could not eat it. It being
Christmas, I boiled some good homemade coffee for dinner
and then with bread and butter we managed to make a din-
ner of it." 24
In regard to the Mason and Slidell incident Peifer wrote
on December 31, 1861, that "if England should pounce upon
us as they threaten to do," the war would become extremely
more dreadful and destructive. He hoped that the surrender-
ing of these Confederate agents would satisfy the British;
but if it did not, he believed that the Northern armies would
be able to whip both the British and the Southerners.
During January and February, 1862, Peifer and his regi-
ment marched from camp to camp along the Potomac in
Maryland. On February 23, about ten o'clock in the morn-
ing, his regiment began to cross the river in an "old anscow,"
22 Peifer to his sister Mary, Camp Knipe, November 22, 1861.
23 Peifer to his sister, Camp Matthews, near Frederick City, Maryland,
December 10, 1861.
24 Peifer to his sister Mary, Camp Matthews, December 26, 1861. This menu
is quite different from what Uncle Sam gives its soldiers on Christmas in
mid-twentieth century.
396 The North Carolina Historical Review
which transported "half a company at a time, until 2 in the
afternoon [they] were in Dixie" for the first time. They
marched about six miles along the river in Virginia, then
crossed back into Maryland.
On March 3, 1862, the troops again crossed the Potomac
into Dixie, this time to stay for awhile. The heavy rains made
marching uncomfortable. When they "reached Martinsburg
about 5 o'clock, all wet and muddy to our knees and very
tired, we took up quarters in a church and were soon comfort-
able, having dried our clothes, etc. [The] next day [Tuesday
the 4th] being a cold and blustering day, . . . we went out to
a field [and] pitched our tents." 27>
Soon after pitching their tents they were ordered to strike
them down and to resume the march. The advance guard was
soon fired upon and a minor skirmish ensued. The next day,
March 5, the advance guard was again fired upon "by some
Rebel Cavalry without doing any harm." While the firing
was going on, Peifer's company helped themselves "to chick-
ens, turkeys" and other desirables.
The Division left Bunker Hill, Virginia, on March 11. When
they were nearing Winchester, they were "beckoned by an
old Pennsylvania farmer, a good Union man, to stop . . .
go ting] so fast, as there were some of Col. Ashbys Rebel
Cavalry . . . near us." Locating the enemy in the neighboring
woods, they attacked and a running skirmish ensued. Ac-
cording to Peifer, the Confederates lost fifteen men, killed
and wounded, whereas the Union forces suffered no casual-
ties, except that one of the men — Edward Huber — was
wounded. This was Peifer's first experience under fire.27
Peifer's regiment was now only four miles from Winchester.
The next day about two o'clock in the afternoon they march-
ed into the town without "another shot being fired." Peifer
said:
Jackson and his so-called Stonewall Brigade had vamoosed,
and were on a hasty retreat for Strasburg about 18 miles from
25 Peifer to his sister Mary, March 8, 1862. Camp near Bunker Hill,
Berkley County, Virginia.
26 Peifer to his sister Mary, March 8, 1862, from Camp near Bunker Hill.
27 Peifer to his sister Mary, March 19, 1862, Winchester, Virginia.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 397
here. We entered the [town with the] bands playing. . . . The
glorious Stars and Stripes flung to the breeze again, where it
has not floated since the opening of this Rebellion. Numerous
dwellings are deserted and the remaining inhabitants are chiefly
Secesh but dare not express it; but the ladies show by their
long and wry faces and the figures they cut . . . that they hate
and despise the Yankees, as they call us. . . ,28
This successful skirmish caused Peifer to become extremely
optimistic in regard to an early termination of the War. In
the same letter he wrote:
My opinion is that this war will be soon at an end, as we have
nothing but victories on victories, and I expect to be home in
July if spared, but not before we see a grand fight, for we belong
to the Army of the Potomac, and Gen. McClellan says in a speech,
they must settle the doom of the Rebels, Bully for that, I am
ready.29
The women of Winchester apparently continued to show
their disapproval of the Yankee invaders but Peifer said that
the Northern soldiers were "just as proud as they are, with
our glorious flag waving over all of them (Secesh and all);
but what astonishes them most is the fine style we are dress-
ed, as they have been accustomed ( since last summer ) to see
nothing but poor gray homespun clothes and a disorganized
army in command of Gen. Jackson, the so-called Stone Wall
Brigade; but I don't understand the meaning of the expres-
sion, as they never stood firm as a stone wall, but on the ad-
vance of the Yankees they came to an about face, and off
double, the same as they did here. As we entered the town
[of Winchester] at one end they [went] out at the other and
made good their escape, but they are soon cornered up, and
they are bound to give up some bright day." 30
Peifer added that the house of "the Traitor Mason [of the
Mason-Slidell affair] ... is used as Gen. Williams' Headquart-
ers, and the Stars and Stripes [are] floating over it.'
31
28 Peifer to his sister Mary, March 19, 1862, Winchester, Virginia.
29 Peifer to his sister Mary, March 19, 1862, Winchester, Virginia.
30 Peifer to his sister Mary, March 19, 1862, Winchester, Virginia.
31 Peifer to his sister Mary, March 19, 1862. This is located at Winchester,
Virginia.
398
The North Carolina Historical Review
The prices at Winchester in March 1862 are interesting:
Butter
per lb.
60 cts. and Scarce
Eggs
per doz.
25 cts. and Scarce
Salt
per. qt.
60 cts. or 25 per sack
Molasses
per. qt.
50 cts or very scarce
Sugar brown
per lb.
30 to 60 (cts.)
Tea
per lb.
$4.00 very scarce
Coffee
per lb.
$1.50 none of that
Matches small boxes
10 cts. square box 25 cts,
Candles
per lb.
25 cts.
Com. Calicoes
50 cts. (etc.)32
Sometime in December James A. Peifer was promoted to
the rank of Corporal. He had been a conscientious soldier.
Now that he was a corporal he told his sister that he would
do everything in his power to please the officers.33
From Winchester the Regiment marched on April 1 to
Strasburg, where they halted for a few hours. They could not
move very fast because their artillery was shelling the enemy
all along the march. Every moment they expected "to get in
a fight." They saw "many Rebel clues all along the road, saw
many of the Rebel shells, which did not explode. There were
a great many picked up. [We] also saw an awful amount of
dead horses, and the trees and fences were skinned with . . .
shells and bullets. . . . We saw a large cloud of smoke ascend-
ing, caused by the burning of a railroad bridge — they hav-
ing burnt all the bridges as they went along." 34
Peifer's impression of the people in the town of Woodstock
is interesting:
The Union sentiment not appearing to be very strong, as the
women that were there generally turned up their noses and
sneered at us. Near the end of town, however, we were cheered
to see two beautiful women, smiling and waving their handker-
chiefs. This cheered us up again, as it has been a long time since
we had handkerchiefs of the fair sex waved to us as a token of
friendship, such a thing is cheering to us soldiers.35 [It is also
32 Peifer to his sister Mary, March 19, 1862, Winchester, Virginia.
33 Peifer to his sister Mary, March 19, 1862, Winchester, Virginia.
34 Peifer to his sister Mary, April 5, 1862. Camp Stoney Creek near Wood-
stock, Virginia.
35 Peifer to his sister Mary, April 5, 1862, Camp Stoney Creek.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 399
of interest to note that the women of Virginia were] "busily
engaged in gardening and planting."36
After passing through Strasburg, the Regiment marched
some distance and halted at a hotel where three of Ashby's
Cavalrymen were captured. Peifer wrote:
I . . . had a squint at the animals and was satisfied that they
are like other men, with the exception of the clothing. They ain't
[sic] rigged out like (Uncle Sam's) men. I can assure you that
they are clothed in all sorts, gray homespun overcoats, pants of all
colors and grades, some have straw hats and caps, and a great
many [are] in citizen's clothes ; in fact, they look pretty shabby.37
Peifer's company suffered other misfortunes than from bat-
tle: "This week two of our men drowned in the Shenandoah,
. . . two men died, two are in the hospital, . . . several are get-
ting their discharges, . . . which reduces our company con-
siderably."38
On April 10, 1862, Peifer wrote his brother that General
Jackson "got a good licking" in the Battle of Winchester,
March 23 and 24. He, however, had not participated in the
fighting but he rejoiced over the fact that Stonewall Jackson
would find it difficult to recuperate from his severe losses as
a result of this engagement. Peifer's Regiment now returned
to Winchester, where "the inhabitants made wry faces" at
him when they marched into the town.
Peifer related to his brother a few amusing incidents that
happened while the Union forces were in Winchester.
One day, several would be ladies, Secesh to the backbone, came
down the street, and had to pass the General's headquarters
where the Stars and Stripes were floating with dignity . . . out
of a window [and] over the pavement. As they came nearer to
it, one of them remarked to the other, Molly! Peggy, Katy, or
whatever her name was, do you intend to walk by under that
dirty rag there (pointing to it) . No never ! remarked the other
one, and thus they struck across the street to avoid it, but they
were overheard, as one of the General's Body Guard, was march-
36 Peifer to his sister Mary, April 5, 1862, Camp Stoney Creek.
37 Peifer to his sister Mary, April 5, 1862, Camp Stoney Creek.
38 Peifer to his sister Mary, April 5, 1862, Camp Stoney Creek.
400 The North Carolina Historical Review
ing up and down the pavement as sentinel. He looked up and
said, 'Misses! I think you have a dirtier rag under the skirts
of your dresses/ They of course blushed and no doubt thought,
'aint [sic] that a monster', . . . but I say Bully for the Zouave.
A second incident was equally amusing:
One day one of the 13 Massachusetts Boys came along, with
a little flag in his hand. He came by a woman standing at the
door (Secesh of course; this was after the battle) and when
he came up to her he walked up coolly, and poking the flag at
her . . .said, How do you like that by this time? She snatched it
from his hand and threw it in the street. This was a little too
much for the Yankee. He walked up coolly and said to her, "If
you were not a woman, I would knock your a~s over kettle, for
your d-n impudence."39
On April 23, 1862, Peifer wrote his sister from camp near
Harrison ville. On their way to the new camp they could
hear the exchange of shots between the Union batteries and
Ashby's Cavalry. They "passed numerous farm houses, a great
many not inhabited, and the few that were . . . appeared to
be [occupied by] people of the lowest class, as the women
and girls stood under the doors smoking pipes, and chewing
tobacco, and spit like any man." 40
The long march continued. When they passed through the
small town of Hawkins the band struck up Dixie "and then
the women with pipes rushed out again to see the Yankees . . .
but one thing I am positive that they did not see, namely,
long ears like Jacks as we were represented by the Rebels/' 41
About four miles beyond Harrisonville they pitched their
tents for the night but there was little rest for the Regiment
because the "Rebels attacked our pickets . . . which resulted
in the death of one and wounding . . . three ... of our Reg't.
As soon as the Rebels saw us [reinforcements] come up they
beat a hasty retreat with the loss of some dozen men [and]
two Parrot guns."42
39 James A. Piefer to his brother, April 10, from camp near Woodstock.
40 Peifer to his sister Mary, April 23, 1862, near Harrisonville, Pa.
41 Peifer to his sister Mary, April 23, 1862, near Harrisonville, Pa.
^Peifer to his sister Mary, May 6, 1862, near Harrisonville, Pa.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 401
After several days of marching they were in the Luray
Valley. Here Peifer and his Regiment were sent on a recon-
noitering expedition.
The first day we made about 24 miles. Next day we moved
on again to about 5 miles of Luray and our Cavalry made a
charge through the town and found it occupied by about 200
Rebel Cavalry, who fled on the approach of ours. We succeeded
in capturing 4 prisoners, which we brought with us. We reached
our camp again on Monday night [July 2] . . . very well worn
out. The loss on our side was one killed and several wounded,
and one man of the 10th Main was accidentally shot dead by the
discharge of a gun. We are all anxious to hear the correct re-
port of McClellan before Richmond. I hope he will succeed in
taking it without a great loss. Tomorrow is the great national
day — '4th of July*. . . . Perhaps at Richmond it will be cele-
brated with a great battle, and I hope Richmond may then fall.43
In this letter Peifer admits to his sister for the first time
that the Confederates, somewhere along their march, had
come out with the better of an encounter:
I wish you would send me your photograph again, as the other
one is in Secesh, in the hands of the Rebels. We lost all but what
we had on our backs. . . . We have again been provided with
knapsacks, and I don't think they will get them again.44
Peifer was too ill to participate in the Battle of Culpeper,
but he was able to record the results of that battle for his
mother and sister:
Now some of the wounded came in ... to camp and they told
me of the battle, and [that] the boys of the 46th [Regiment of
Pennsylvania Volunteers] . . . had suffered severely while charg-
ing on a battery and were repulsed with heavy loss. . . . Our
boys received a terrible crossfire from the front and rear. At
first it was reported that only 90 men were left of the Regt.,
which completely shocked me, as they went into action about
500 strong. On Monday morning I started out to find the remains
of the Reg't, which I did about 5 miles beyond Culpeper, in a
small wood. There were only about 100 there. I was utterly dumb-
founded. They now told me all about [it] — which I cannot de-
43 Peifer to his sister Mary, July 3, 1862, camp near Front Royal, Virginia.
44 Peifer to his sister Mary, July 3, 1862, camp near Front Royal.
402 The North Carolina Historical Review
scribe. Many faces were missing which I had seen when they
went out. Hundreds of ambulances were busy removing the
wounded and burying the dead. In fact, our whole Brigade . . .
had suffered severely, but the 46th [Pa. Regiment] , 5th Connecti-
cut, and New York's 28th suffered more — there being only
squads of companies left. Yesterday, [August] 12th, ours [46th
Reg't] and [New York's] 28th . . . marched into town [Cul-
peper]. The two Reg'ts [were] not as large as ours before the
action. ... It was a solemn spectacle in camp. Co[l] Self ridge,
our only field officer who escaped unhurt, made a solemn speech.
When each company dispersed, our Company was 24 men strong
out of 56 who went into action.45
Peifer's illness grew steadily worse until he became so sick
that he could not walk. For a week he was transported from
place to place in an ambulance. Finally, "so many were taken
ill" that the sick and wounded were sent to Alexandria,
where "about 300 [of them] were ordered on the Hospital
boat and transported to Washington," where they were taken
to Mount Pleasant Hospital, about two miles north of the
city. He wrote his brother: "The hospitals are splendid, well
ventilated; and the sick and wounded are well attended to." 46
As Peifer thought he would remain at Alexandria for a
while, he wrote home from there asking for some money.
When he was sent to a hospital two miles north of Washing-
ton he feared that the money might become permanently
lost; therefore, "I wish you would see about that money and
let me know immediately so that my mind may be at ease." 4T
While in the hospital enjoying excellent accommodations
and plenty of good food such as "fresh bread, potatoes, beef,
beans, rice, molasses and butter occasionally," Peifer remain-
ed extremely hopeful that the war would terminate success-
fully at an early date. He wrote:
I am . . . anxious to join my Reg't. I am homesick for the boys,
and pity them, as . . . many a poor fellow will be laid low before
this wicked Rebellion is over. The news are most cheering (if
^Peifer to his mother and sister of Bethlehem from near Culpeper, Vir-
ginia, dated August, 1862. He named all the killed, wounded and missing
from Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.
46 James A. Peifer to his brother William, September 4, 1862. Mount
Pleasant Hospital, two miles north of Washington, D. C.
*7 Peifer to his brother William, September 4, 1862, Mount Pleasant
Hospital.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 403
true) and little Mac . . . will teach them whose soil they have in-
vaded, and I am in hopes before many days the whole Rebel
Army will be annihilated.48
Corporal Peifer is here referring to General Lee's invasion
of Maryland and to the bloody Battle of Antietam. Peifer
did not realize at the time that this proved to be one of the
great battles of the world. If Lee had won this battle, Great
Britain and France would have probably recognized the in-
dependence of the Confederate states, and thus would have
assured Southern independence. But instead of winning a
victory, Lee was forced to withdraw during the night across
the Potomac into Virginia. As Little Mac failed to pursue
General Lee, President Lincoln removed him from command
by placing General A. E. Burnside in that responsible posi-
tion. The Battle of Antietam, however, gave to Lincoln the
needed victory to issue his Emancipation Proclamation on
September 22, 1862. The war had thus been waged to pre-
serve the Union, but henceforth it would also be a war to
free the slaves in the rebellious states. Peifer now reluctantly
admitted that the Union Armies in the East were exactly
where they had been at the beginning of the struggle.
On September 28, 1862, Corporal Peifer wrote that he was
still weak, but that he was eager to join his Regiment. He
also said that there were at the time about 1500 patients in
the Mount Pleasant Hospital. William Mast, who had been a
prisoner of war for five weeks, arrived at the Washington hos-
pital with five others. According to Peifer they were "mere
skeletons. I was frightened when I saw him [Mast] . . . and
when he told me what hardships he had to undergo, lie down
on the ground, with a stone for a pillow, and the poor grub
they had to eat. . . . His hips and knees are all raw, and still he
felt quite lively the first day, told me all about his imprison-
ment and harsh treatment. I felt like crying. . . . Yesterday I
went to see him, and he was very low and could hardly speak,
complained with pain in head and breast, and I doubt wheth-
er he will recover. One of them died the first day.
"49
48 Peifer to his sister Mary from Mount Pleasant Hospital, September 19,
1862. He had rheumatism and occasional attacks of diarrhea.
49 Peifer to his sister Mary, September 28, 1862, Mount Pleasant Hospital.
404 The North Carolina Historical Review
By October 7, 1862, Peifer was able to report that "Wm.
Mast is doing pretty well, and is gaining flesh and is up and
around. We generally take short walks together, but still he
is very weak " 50 On October 13, he again wrote that "Wil-
liam Mast is doing fine. . . ,"51 By November 11, he had im-
proved so much that he was sent to the United States General
Hospital in West Philadelphia, where he hoped to get a fur-
lough and probably a discharge from the army.52 Eventually
he recovered and was discharged from the army.
To the best of his ability, Peifer followed the engagements
of the 46th Regiment from his Washington hospital; but mili-
tary information was very slow in arriving. He obtained some
news through the papers, but it required a letter from Bethle-
hem to inform him that his Company had gone into a recent
battle with only eight men. "It is very hard indeed," said
Peifer, "to reflect that our Company left Bethlehem with 100
strong and healthy men, and in one year only 8 of them re-
main, the rest being either killed, wounded or prisoners, or
died of exposure."53
Peifer's earlier contempt for the Southern soldiers and
armies seems to have changed considerably. He wrote: "It
appears the Rebels are still hovering around Pennsylvania,
according to reports a battle is expected there, but I do not
believe half of them, as I don't think McClellan would let
them slip his lines in force, but I do believe that before the
winter closes in a great battle will be fought, and I hope our
arms will be successful again, as we have had so many re-
verses of late which have proved nearly fatal to our cause,
and has also greatly emboldened the Rebels and will [cause
them to] fight more desperately than ever. ... I hope that
God may help us, and our arms be successful in the end." 54
Peifer, still in the hospital, continued to worry about the
tremendous losses of his old Regiment.
As soon as I am able to join my Reg't. I will do so . . . [We]
will remain for some time at Maryland Heights. I wish with all
50 Peifer to sister Mary, October 7, 1862, Mount Pleasant Hospital.
51 Peifer to sister Mary, October 13, 1862, Mount Pleasant Hospital.
52 Peifer to sister Mary, November 12, 21, 1862, Mount Pleasant Hospital.
58 Peifer to sister Mary, September 28, 1862, Mount Pleasant Hospital.
54 Peifer to sister Mary, October 24, 1862, Mount Pleasant Hospital.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 405
my heart our Reg't could be so lucky once [as] to remain settled
for awhile ; for the poor boys need some rest, and the Reg't ought
to be recruited up, as it is at present very small in numbers,
hardly 300 men, rank and file. It makes me shudder when I
think of ... a Reg't of 1000 men dwindled down to 300 in the
course of a year. . . .55
After spending ten weeks in Mount Pleasant Hospital,
Peifer and some 200 other patients were sent on November
15, 1862, to Annapolis.
They drove us like cattle into some old cars, but me and my
companions worked ourselves into a passenger car. [Having left
the hospital at 8 a.m.] we laid off at Washington till 3 p.m., when
they started off ; but first they came around . . . [to] give us our
dinners, which consisted of salt-horse, as we call it, and dry
bread. After stopping for hours on the road, finally at mid-
night . . . [we] arrived here and were divided into the different
buildings. It is in the Navy- Yard, and we use the buildings for-
merly used as Naval Schools. . . . Our room [four occupants]
contains four beds, two chairs, gas, and heated with steam. We
like the place very well, but don't think it is as pleasant as the
one we left. It is ... a great deal more comfortable here than in
tents, but we have not as much liberty, and . . . they don't feed
us as well. Breakfast, we get a slice of bread with a small par-
ticle of butter, or applebutter, mighty poor coffee. Supper the
same with poor tea. Dinner will do. Yesterday we had beef-
steak rather tough, one potato, onions and a bowl of soup, pretty
good.56
On November 21, Peifer told his sister that he had written
home for a "box of good things [to eat] . . .as I am tired of
dry bread and tea or coffee and think I could just enjoy . . .
some of the delicacies of home sweet home." 57
Peifer and his roommates, however, changed their diet by
going down to the Chesapeake Bay to catch some fish. They
caught "about four quarts of nice prime" oysters, which gave
them "some good meals . . . something like home." 58
55 Peifer to sister Mary, Sunday, November 2, 1862, Mount Pleasant
Hospital.
56 Peifer to sister Mary, November 17, 1862. United States General Hos-
pital, Annapolis Maryland.
57 Peifer to sister Mary, November 21, 1862, United States General
Hospital.
58 Peifer to sister Mary, December 8, 1862, United States General
Hospital.
406 The North Carolina Historical Review
Peifer was a paid a surprise visit in early December by
Oliver Walter who had just been released from Libby prison.
He looked so well and hearty that "prison life seemed to agree
with him." He told Peifer, however, of the hardships which
he had endured as a prisoner. "When they [the prisoners] got
to Richmond the Rebels took all from them but what they
had on their backs, even rummaged their pockets, took all
the money they had, and pocket knives, and left them lie there
for two or three months without even a change of clothes,
and you can imagine the poor fellows were full of vermin
and filth. But with all this he was quite lively." 59
Peifer seemed to reach the depth of despair when he
wrote:
A few more weeks and Christmas will be here. How many
more till this war will be settled [?] I hope not many. I am
heartily sick of it. I wish [I] was out of it ... I would not like
to join my Reg't now, it is too cold, but I will . . . hope on, hope
ever.60
Six days later he wrote:
You need not fear I will join my Reg't too soon, at least not
till they send me, but I wish I could get my discharge. I would
take that immediately. ... As some men have good luck in getting
theirs, why cannot I be so lucky? 61
Peifer was delighted when he heard that the Confederates
had been driven from Fredericksburg, but he wrote more
enthusiastically about the box of food which he received
from his sister Mary:
The box which I received yesterday [December 13] containing
chicken, sausages, pudding, bread, pies, sugar cakes, jellies,
apple-butter, molasses, butter, wine, horse-radish, apples and
Christmas, and what not . . . [including] sauer-kraut. Won't
that go nice [?]62
59 Peifer to sister Mary, December 8, 1862, United States General
Hospital.
60 Peifer to sister Mary, December 8, 1862, United States General Hospital.
61 Peifer to sister Mary, December 14, 1862, United States General
Hospital.
62 Peifer to sister Mary, December 14, 1862, United States General
Hospital,
Experiences of James A. Peifer 407
It is of interest to note the contrast between the Christmas
dinner of 1862 and that of 1861.
Christmas day arrived and it reminded me of the 4th of July,
as they have a peculiar mode of celebration [by] the discharging
of firearms. . . . We also learned they were preparing a grand
dinner for us. I soon found the place of report by the number
standing around. I peeped into the windows and there was four
large and long tables, loaded down with all kinds of eatables,
turkey, oyster soup, bread, pies, potatoes, and apples. It was
quite a treat for us. . . ,63
Uncle Sam was frequently behind with his pay to the sol-
diers. Peifer wrote on January 5, 1863:
I would so much love to make you a present, but we cannot
get our pay. We were again mustered for pay, and by last ac-
counts the paymaster was coming, and still is coming. I think
they are rather negligent. I have 4 months pay due me, and
would love to have it.64
Peifer's sister Mary informed him that she was going to
send him another box of food, but he discouraged the idea
by saying:
I don't need it, and [it] would be wasting money foolishly . . .
I would desire to draw your attention to something else in lieu
of the box, namely, you would oblige me more if you send me
($100) [and] one dollar's worth of postage stamps, and as
soon as we are paid off I will refund the money. It is reported
we will get it soon.65
Time made a great change in Peifer's attitude toward the
war. In 1861, he thought that the Southerners were such poor
fighters that there was no question not only that the North
would win, but that the North could defeat the South plus
England. In early 1863, however, he had come to the con-
clusion that the North could not even conquer the South.
63 Peifer to sister Mary, December 27, 1862, United States General
Hospital.
64 Peifer to sister Mary, January 5, 1863, United States General Hospital.
66 Peifer to sister Mary, January 10, 1863, United States General Hospital.
408 The North Carolina Historical Review
I; agree with your opinion about the war. As it appears, we
cannot subdue the South and I fear we will yet have foreign in-
tervention, and that would be dreadful for us, as they would
most assuredly give us a lesson.66
In January, 1863, Peifer received the stamps and the money
which he had requested from his Sister. By this time even
Peifer's patriotism had waned momentarily.
I hope I may soon be enabled to refund the money, as I am
anxious to have my pay; in fact, [I] ought to have it. I think it
the duty of the government to pay off the poor soldier first, as
he is the only one [who] needs it most. I noticed that you have
a very clear insight about the war, and your views of it I think
are very correct. All my patriotism has long left me, as it is no
mpre fighting for the Union, but 'the Almighty Dollar' ; and thus
it is prolonged, and very little done, and I would say if 'right
makes might' why! go ahead, what need we fear? But as long
as money can be furnished ,-. . . you can depend on it, you won't
see it ended. How long will it be before the people will say, 'It
is time the war is settled and we want peace? If it cannot be
done by fighting, it must be done in some other [way] .' I would
go in for most anything honorable and fair, but again the North
ought not to be the one to propose it, neither give the Rebellious
States one mite more than they had to extend their slavery, but
I say leave it where it is, and no further extension. I heartily
approve 'Old Abe's 'Emancipation Proclamation' if it does any-
thing towards bringing the war to a speedier close. I think
enough blood has been shed on both sides. ... I fear if it should
ever be settled, it will leave a blot of disgrace and shame upon us.
But enough about the war, as I am heartily sick of it. . . . If they
would pay me what they owe and discharge [me] I would be
very obliged and have no more to say.67
Peifer at last received some military news. He wrote:
By all accounts, the Army under Burnside has again crossed
the river, and flanked the enemy, and are now fighting. Gen.
Hooker is reported mortally wounded. I hope and pray we may
be successful this time. ... I have confidence that this time, we
will have a victory, but no doubt also a heavy loss.68
66 Peifer to sister Mary, January 10, 1863, United States General Hospital.
67 Peifer to sister Mary, Sunday, January 18, 1863, United States General
Hospital.
68 Peifer to sister Mary, January 23, 1863, United States General Hospital.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 409
In answer to his sister's inquiry as to whether he had ap-
plied for his discharge, Peifer wrote:
I have not, and shall never. I would feel ashamed if I should
succeed even in getting it, to go home as I wish and hope I may
serve my country yet, and I would love to join my Reg't soon. You
don't know how sorry I feel I am not there now, as they no doubt
will again be thrown into the fight with their decimated ranks,
and share the glory with them. I really feel ashamed at my
situation.69
[To be concluded]
Peifer to sister Mary, January 23, 1863, United States General Hospital.
JAMES KIRKE PAULDING'S LAST LETTER
TO JOHN C. CALHOUN
Edited by Jay B. Hubbell
Calhoun did not, even in the closing years of his life, lack
admirers in the northern states. Among the Calhoun papers
in the Clemson College Library there are four letters written
by James Kirke Paulding in 1848 and 1849 which express ap-
proval of Calhoun's recent speeches in the United States
Senate. Two of these were published in part in the "Cor-
respondence Addressed to John C. Calhoun, 1837-1849,"
edited by Chauncey S. Boucher and Robert P. Brooks and
published in the Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the year 1929. The four letters were not print-
ed in full perhaps because in places the originals were no
longer decipherable.
Paulding's last letter to Calhoun, which is not in the Clem-
son College Library, is dated March 19, 1850, only twelve
days before Calhoun's death. It was printed in the Mobile
Register early in the Civil War and reprinted in the Daily
Dispatch for April 2, 1862.1 1 have been unable to find either
the manuscript of the letter or a copy of the Register in which
it first appeared, but there seems no reason to doubt that the
printed letter is substantially what Paulding had written.
The letter, which is reprinted below, was occasioned by
Calhoun's great speech of March 4, 1850, which since he was
too ill to deliver it himself, was read by his friend Senator
Mason of Virginia. Little need be said of the memorable
debate on Clay's resolutions which formed the basis of the
Compromise of 1850. The speeches of Calhoun, Webster, and
William H. Seward, whom Paulding detested, are all skilfully
summarized in Avery O. Craven's recent volume, The Growth
of Southern Nationalism, 1848-1861 (1953).
James Kirke Paulding (1778-1861) was one of the best
known American writers of the early nineteenth century. A
1 Daily Dispatch (Richmond, Virginia) , April 2, 1862, in Duke University
Library, Durham.
[410]
Paulding's Letter To Calhoun 411
native of New York state, he grew up at Tarrytown and col-
laborated with Washington Irving on Salmagundi in 1807 and
1808. His sister Julia married Irving's brother William. Only
two of his numerous books need to be mentioned here. His
Letters from the South ( 2 vols., New York, 1817) is still valu-
able for its account of life in Virginia. His Slavery in the
United States (New York, 1836), which is mentioned in the
letter reprinted below, reveals a hostility to the antislavery
leaders and a strong sympathy with the southern position.
Slavery, as he said in the Introduction to that book, seemed to
him not "an evil of such surpassing enormity as to demand
the sacrifice of the harmony and consequent union of the
states, followed by civil contention and servile war, to its
removal."
Paulding was no mere man of letters. In 1815 President
Madison appointed him Secretary of the newly created
Board of Navy Commissioners, and in 1824 Monroe appointed
him Navy Agent for New York City. He gave up this position
to become in 1837 Secretary of the Navy in Van Buren's Cabi-
net. During the first and last of these appointments he was
living in Washington, where he became a friend and admirer
of Calhoun. There are two biographical studies of Paulding,
which, strangely enough, do not mention Calhoun. Amos
L. Herold's James Kirke Paulding: Versatile American ( New
York, 1926) is concerned only with Paulding's literary work.
The Literary Life of James K. Paulding (New York, 1867),
compiled by his son, William I. Paulding, appeared at a time
when Calhoun's reputation in the northern states was per-
haps at its nadir; and the son had little to say about Paulding's
southern connections. The letter as reprinted below is pre-
ceded by the introductory notes of the editors of the Rich-
mond Daily Dispatch and the Mobile Register.
AN INTERESTING LETTER
The subjoined letter, from the late J. K. Paulding, which has
recently been brought to light, will be read with interest. It draws
a faithful portraiture of that grand rascal, Seward, the worst
man whom the Puritan race has yet produced — Benedict Arnold
and Aaron Burr, their other two celebrities, not excepted. It is the
race which has produced Arnold, Burr, and Seward, that is now
412 The North Carolina Historical Review
denouncing as traitors and rebels, and endeavoring to subjugate,
the land of Washington, Jefferson, Lee, Henry, Marshall, and
hosts of the brightest and best spirits of the American Revolution.
Mr. Paulding describes them accurately, and, in his antipathy to
Puritanism, expresses a sentiment which is quite as common in
the Middle States as the South. But those States, like the West,
have been harnessed by the cunning sons of the Pilgrims to their
political and money schemes, and are now contributing the prin-
cipal supplies of men and means to a war which, whatever be
its results, can only end in the ruin of their own section, as well
as New England :
A PRECIOUS RELIC
[From the Mobile Register]
Through the courteous attention of a friend we are enabled
to lay before the readers of the Mobile Sunday Register a letter,
which from the name of the writer and that of the recipient, as
well as from its contents, will be perused with interest in every
section of the country. To the best of our knowledge this letter
has never been published and as we print it from the autograph,
we can vouch both for its genuineness and correctness [.] What
grander epitaph inscribed to the memory of the lamented Pauld-
ing than this patriotic blessing to the dying Calhoun? — What
more fearful castigation could be administered to the leader of
the Abolition cohorts than this portrait of him by one of the
purest and most distinguished men of his own State?
The speech of the great South Carolinian which called forth
this earnest response from the friend and co-laborer of Wash-
ington Irving, and one of the pioneers of American literature,
was his last and greatest effort on the political stage, uttered
when the tide of his glorious life was fast sinking to its ebb, and
when the faltering body refused to support the weight of that
great mind. Mr. Paulding's letter reached him on his death bed,
only a few days before his dissolution.
HYDE PARK, DUTCHESS COUNTY,
March 19, 1850
My Dear Sir: I have received and read your speech with the
deepest interest and attention. It traces the present crisis to
its source, and points out the means of avoiding its consequences
with perfect clearness, without declaration [declamation?] and
without passion [.] It appeals to our reason and asks only justice.
It will not perhaps be so much praised as some others ; but here-
after when its predictions will be fulfilled, as I presume they
will be ere long, unless the spirit of fanaticism is effectually
checked in its career you will be quoted as one who foretold the
Paulding's Letter To Calhoun 413
danger and pointed out the only means by which it could be
avoided. It gives me pleasure to see that you take the same
ground, with one exception, which I assumed in a pamphlet
I had prepared on the same subject, but for which I could find
no publisher. I was also desirous of publishing a second edition
of a work of mine on slavery, now out of print, but was met by
the same obstacle. The literary as well as the political press is
enthralled in the North, and audi alterem partem becomes an
obsolete maxim.
If you will permit me, I will suggest to you a doubt of the
policy as well as efficacy of the guarantees you propose for the
future safety of the South, which will be equally denounced with
the Constitution as "violations of the law of God and the rights
of nature" by the fanatics. They will be but burnt flax in their
fiery furnace. I mention this, because it would seem that sev-
eral of the representatives of the South are not prepared to
go with you to that extent ; and, as I have formerly stated, I
think unanimity of the last consequence to the South [.] It aston-
ishes me to see the distinction of parties still kept up in that
quarter and that when such momentous interests are at stake,
instead of embarking to a man in one bottom, each one seizes his
own plank and paddles away in different directions.
I cannot express the contempt and disgust with which I have
read the speech of our Senator, Seward, though it is just what
I expected from him. He is one of the most dangerous insects
that ever crawled about in the political atmosphere, for he is
held in such utter contempt by all honest men that no notice
is taken of him till his sting is felt. — He is only qualified to
play the most despicable parts in the political drama, and the only
possible way he can acquire distinction is by becoming the tool
of greater scoundrels than himself. Some years ago, after dis-
gracing the State of New York as Chief Magistrate, he found
his level in the lowest depths of insignificance and oblivion, and
was dropped by his own party [.] But the mud has been lately
stirred at the very bottom of the pool, and he who went down a
mutilated tadpole has come up a full-grown bull frog, more
noisy and impudent than ever. This is very often the case among
us here, where nothing is more common than to see a swindling
rogue, after his crimes have been a little rusted by time, suddenly
become an object of popular favor or executive patronage. The
position taken and the principles asserted by this pettifogging
rogue in his speech would disgrace any man — but himself.
I fear it will not be long before we of the North become the
tools of the descendants of the old Puritans, who had not the most
remote idea of the principles of civil liberty, and no conception
of religious toleration, but the most unrelenting intolerance. The
414 The North Carolina Historical Review
despotism of parsons is taking the place of that of kings; and
the gown and the petticoat have conspired to usurp the breeches.
Our freedom is in great danger of being sacrificed to texts of
Scripture, and fanatical dogmas; the Twelve Tables are be-
coming our law, and we shall be obliged to study the Pandects of
Leviticus.
I fear, too, you will be tempted to trespass too much on your
strength in defending yourself from your foes and friends. Let
me beg of you to bear in mind that at your age and mine, nature
is not often strong enough to make more than one rally, and
that every successive effort is productive not of vigor, but ex-
haustion. Remember that, in all probability, the future will re-
quire your exertions as well as the present. I rejoice to hear the
favorable opinion of your physicians. Don't trouble yourself
to reply.
I am, my dear sir,
Yours, very truly,
J. K. PAULDING.
Hon. John C. Calhoun, &c, &c, Washington.
BOOK REVIEWS
Tar Heel Ghosts. By John Harden. With drawings by Lindsay
McAlister. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina
Press. 1954. Pp. xiv, 178. $3.00.)
As in The Devil's Tramping Ground and Other North Caro-
Mystery Stories ( University of North Carolina Press, 1949 ) ,
John Harden has done an excellent job in this collection of
short stories. The main title is based purely on the fact that
all the stories have a North Carolina locale. The ghosts them-
selves have no characteristics not shared by ghosts the world
over.
It seems certain, however, that this book will aid materially
in keeping these ghosts alive and active in North Carolina
for some time to come. Each of the stories is self-sufficient;
each one is a good story; and each one is well told. The
typical story in the group has only two or three principal
characters, depends for its action on a single dramatic inci-
dent, and weaves in the ghostly element in most authentic
fashion. That is, the reader is led to suggest to himself some
explanation in natural phenomena or simple psychology and
then to discover his error.
The style is clear, crisp, and conversational. With the ex-
ception of the first story, "A Colonial Apparition," there is
little or no plot. Hence, there is no occasion for the stand-
ard ghostly devices of horror, suspense, climax, and anticli-
max. The principal incident in some of the stories early be-
comes the occasion for the origin of a ghost who then busies
himself in aiding or frustrating the plans of friendly or un-
friendly humans. In others this order is reversed; the ghost-
ly performance is presented and then explained in terms of
some incident occurring decades or generations preceding.
Quite naturally there are no young ghosts in the lot, the
author declares in his Introduction that he has never found
a blonde ghost, and it is doubtful that we shall ever have
any city-bred ghosts. The Introduction is vaguely hopeful
that ghosts will survive our gadget-ridden civilization in the
assumption "that only in the far distant tomorrows will they
[415]
416 The North Carolina Historical Review
come in technicolor and 3-D." It seems more likely now that
ghosts and lovers of ghost stories will cling to the old-fashion-
ed themes of rural cemeteries, deserted houses, unfulfilled
loves, and unavenged murders. John Harden has done his
own and future generations a real literary service in selecting
and telling these stories.
Paul Murray.
East Carolina College,
Greenville.
The History of Trinity Parish, Scotland Neck, [and] Edgecombe
Parish, Halifax County. By Stuart Hall Smith and Claiborne
T. Smith, Jr. (Scotland Neck: The Authors. 1955. Pp. x, 115.
Map and illustrations. $2.25, paper; $3.50, cloth.)
Rather than being a continuous history of the Church in
Halifax County, this little volume is made up of a series of
essays by the two authors and others. The first section is
devoted to a history of the Church of England in Edgecombe
Parish, Halifax County. This parish originally was established
in 1741 with the formation of Edgecombe County; when the
county was divided in 1756 to create Halifax County the
original parish name was assigned to the new county thus
creating the anomaly of having Edgecombe Parish in Halifax
County while Edgecombe County's parish was called St.
Mary's. The author gives us an adequate sketch of the church
from the formation of the parish until the beginning of the
present century. Footnotes containing additional information
about persons mentioned will delight the genealogist.
The account of Trinity Parish, Scotland Neck, is the centen-
nial address of one of the authors delivered at the church
in 1932. Following the address are full notes prepared more
recently by the other author.
A description and history of the interesting old church
which was burned and rebuilt, but which still stands, is
"adapted from a sketch written by Lena H. Smith." A brief
biographical study of Bishop Cheshire who served as rector
of Trinity Church at one time is by his grandson, J. B.
Cheshire, III.
Book Reviews 417
A final section and two appendixes reprint the entries in
the Trinity Parish register which survived the fire although
the early entries were lost, a list of marriages performed by
Mr. Cheshire, and some tombstone inscriptions.
The authors have given us not only a history of the Epis-
copal Church in their area, but have included much general
local history and genealogy. Although the volume is attractive
in appearance it contains numerous typographical errors.
William S. Powell.
The University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
Thomas Wolfe : The Weather of His Youth. By Louis D. Rubin,
Jr. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1955. Pp.
xiii, 183. $3.50.)
This is one of the better books on Thomas Wolfe, the Ashe-
ville-born controversial literary figure.
Though Wolfe has been dead almost 17 years, interest re-
mains among the reading public to such an extent that all of
his books are still in print and there is a rather steady out-
pouring of essays and books that seek to analyze and interpret
him and determine his place in American literature.
Some cultists are so fond of Wolfe and his writings that
they fail to discriminate. Some persons dismiss his work with
a shrug.
Wolfe, though highly talented, was mortal. The sensible
way is to appraise him and his works as such and steer a
middle course. This Rubin has done admirably.
He finds Wolfe's books continue to be read because they
possess artistic appeal. After discussing the form of auto-
biographical fiction, Rubin examines some of the methods
and purposes of Wolfe's life and work, "so that we may seek
to understand the use made of autobiographical material bv
one American writer, the form it took and what he could and
could not achieve with it."
Rubin examines Wolfe's novels carefully. After a discussion
and interpretation of his life in town (Asheville) and city
(New York) and the influence of his father and mother,
418 The North Carolina Historical Review
Rubin concludes that Wolfe's place in American literature
may well be as a one-volume novelist. He adds:
"But what a tremendous one volume Look Homeward,
Angel is! The characters are rounded and complete. It tells
a story fully and well. It is the story of a boy growing up
in a North Carolina town from 1900 to 1920, and it truth-
fully captures a twenty-year segment of the past for us. It is
alive in space and color and time, because when the author
wrote it he was temporarily home again, and the weather of
his youth around him."
This reviewer is not disposed to quarrel with this appraisal.
There is considerable argument to support it. Its soundness,
however, can be proved only with the passage of time. There
is merit in all of Wolfe's novels, but Look Homeward, Angel
is the greatest of his works.
Rubin, a native of Charleston, S. C, and an assistant pro-
fessor of American Civilization at the University of Pennsyl-
vania, makes a noteworthy contribution in this book to a
proper understanding of Wolfe's place in American literature.
George W. McCoy.
Asheville, N. C.
From Mine to Market: The History of Coal Transportation on
the Norfolk and Western Railway. By Joseph T. Lambie. (New
York: New York University Press. 1954. Pp. xviii, 380. $6.00.)
This book, as its author states, is a history of the coal
traffic of the Norfolk and Western Railway. Other aspects of
the company's history are treated only as they bear directly on
the development of the coal traffic. The policies adopted, the
competitive, financial, and regulatory problems encountered,
and the errors made are discussed in detail. Considerable
attention is devoted to the subject of freight rates, and the
importance of management with imagination and vision in
the successful development of the company is emphasized.
The period covered dates from 1881 when the then existing
plant was sold at foreclosure sale to the present day. The
books ends with a chapter entitled "Coal Transportation:
Book Reviews 419
Yesterday and Tomorrow" in which recent developments
that are affecting the use and transportation of coal are dis-
cussed.
The author has succeeded admirably in organizing a vast
amount of historical and statistical detail into an objective
account which holds the reader's attention. The style is lively
and does not become monotonous.
The field which was chosen has been covered well. The
study is documented from a variety of sources, including
newspaper and magazine accounts, annual reports of the
Norfolk and Western Railway and of other railroad com-
panies, annual reports of coal mining firms, Interstate Com-
merce Commission sources, Congressional investigations,
court decisions, and correspondence of the officials of the
railway company.
This book is a valuable addition to the list of railway
histories and, owing to the peculiar location of the coal field
served by the Norfolk and Western Railway, it is an impor-
tant contribution to the knowledge of the general economic
history of the nation.
Charles E. Landon.
Duke University,
Durham.
Justice William Johnson, the First Dissenter; The Career and
Constitutional Philosophy of a Jeffersonian Judge. By Donald
G. Morgan. (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press.
1954. Pp. xv, 326. $6.50.)
When President Jefferson in 1804 had his first opportunity
to inject a Republican into the solidly Federalist Supreme
Court of Chief Justice John Marshall he chose thirty-two year
old South Carolina Judge William Johnson. From the Presi-
dent's standpoint it did not prove to be an altogether satis-
factory appointment for during nearly thirty years of tenure
Johnson maintained an independence which at times placed
him as much in conflict with the views of Jefferson as with the
doctrines of Marshall. Indeed, his first major encounter was
with the President rather than with his enemy of the bench.
420 The North Carolina Historical Review
But apparently Johnson's devotion and admiration for the Vir-
ginian never faltered. And Jefferson's influence on Johnson
was at times substantial.
Republican Justice Johnson was least Republican in his
consistently broad construction of congressional power. With
the implied power doctrine of the McCulloch case he was
in full agreement and in Gibbon vs. Ogden he "out Marshalled
Marshall" in ascribing broad discretion to Congress. But he
parted company with Marshall at many points. He was less
sensitive to property rights than to the right of popularly
elected legislatures, both national and state, to protect indi-
vidual freedom and to promote social justice. He was inclined
to interpret rather narrowly judicial as well as executive
power. His concern for the right of states to retain broad
control over local matters made him increasingly loath to
strike down state legislation. But state rights as the term
was coming to be understood in South Carolina he firmly
opposed. To him division was always a greater danger than
centralization.
Probably Johnson's greatest impact on the Supreme Court
was in the matter of procedure. When he took his seat there
was a firmly established practice under which the Associate
Justices silently concurred as the Chief Justice spoke for an
ostensibly united court. Against this practice Johnson cam-
paigned from the first by asserting his own views in separate
concurring or dissenting opinions. Although he became
strangely quiet in the historic decisions of 1819-1822 he then
resumed his campaign, largely as the result of skillful prod-
ding by Jefferson, and in the next ten years wrote nine con-
curring and eighteen dissenting opinions. The evidence
strongly supports the author's conclusion that Johnson was
primarily responsible for the "establishment of that procedure
. . . which most harmoniously reconciled authoritativeness
with intellectual freedom— the single statement for the ma-
jority combined with separate utterances by independents."
In writing an interesting and thoroughly scholarly biog-
raphy of William Johnson, Professor Morgan has not only
rescued from undeserved obscurity an able member of the
Supreme Court but has also contributed much to the better
Book Reviews 421
understanding of the court in the period of its most significant
development. Students of law, government and history will
find this a very rewarding book.
C. E. Cauthen.
Wofford College,
Spartanburg, S. C.
The Colonial Records of South Carolina. The Journal of the Com-
mons House of Assembly, September 14, 1742-January 27,
1744. Edited by J. H. Easterby. (Columbia: South Carolina
Archives Department. 1954. Pp. xi, 607. $12.50.)
The South Carolina Archives Department, formerly the
Historical Commission of South Carolina, has published the
fourth volume in the excellent new series entitled The Jour-
nal of the Commons House of Assembly. It contains the first
half of the proceedings of the House which assembled Sep-
tember 14, 1742, and adjourned for the last time May 25,
1745.
These records reveal considerable apathy among the newly-
elected representatives. Even though the province was be-
lieved in imminent danger of invasion by Spanish and French
forces, only half of the forty-two seats were filled for the
opening session. Lieutenant Governor William Bull promptly
delivered a message designed to stimulate action, but instead
of enacting legislation the House took a two months recess
for the harvest. In the spring of 1743, however, after deposi-
tions of several former prisoners had revealed the enemy
about to strike, measures were hurried through for the com-
pletion of fortifications in Charles Town, Port Royal, George
Town, and elsewhere.
The apparent indifference of the House toward the War of
Austrian Succession was matched by that of certain British
sailors. The governor declared that captains of His Majesty's
ships complained "that their Seamen desert from them in
great Numbers, being tempted thereto by the high Wages
given in the Merchant Service, and, as they alledge, inticed
away by the Inhabitants of Carolina." He asked for a law to
prevent "their going by Land to the Northward Colonies,
422 The North Carolina Historical Review
which in my Opinion would not only discourage any future
Attempts of such Seamen but also of our Servants who have
frequently deserted to those Parts."
A growing fear of domestic insurrections was apparent
when the security laws were amended by adding the re-
quirement that "all Persons going to Church or other Places
of divine Worship, except Travellers, should be obliged to
carry Guns or Horse Pistols."
These records also illuminate the vagaries of the fee system.
The House allowed the governor one pound for signing a
marriage license, the marshall of the admiralties the same
amount for the execution of a criminal, but the sexton only
four shillings for "Digging the Grave and filling it up."
Dr. Easterby demonstrated careful scholarship as well as
infinite patience in preparing this imposing volume of pre-
viously unprinted materials. The index, which is more de-
tailed than those of the earlier volumes, will prove quite
useful to readers who first consult the editor's clear "Explana-
tion of the Index."
Henry S. S troupe.
Wake Forest College,
Wake Forest.
Glimpse of Glory, George Mason of Gunston Hall. By Marian
Buckley Cox. (Richmond, Virginia: Garrett and Massie, Inc.
1954. Pp. xvii, 254. $4.00.)
Marian Buckley Cox has beautifully written in this compact
volume the story of George Mason, composer of Virginia's
precursor to the Bill of Rights. It is well-documented fiction
which allows the reader to visualize Gunston Hall as the
homestead of a bride and groom rather than the stately man-
sion one sees today on a "Heritage Month" tour of Virginia's
historic colonial homes, towns and cities.
George Mason, spoken of by James Street as "the godfather
of the Bill of Rights" and "a disciple of Jefferson," was a
delegate to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia
in 1787. He framed the words of Virginia's Declaration of
Rights which were later incorporated into those of Pennsyl-
Book Reviews
423
vania and Massachusetts "almost verbatim" by Benjamin
Franklin and John Adams respectively.
Serious in thought and word, an insatiable reader of the
classics in his ample library, George Mason exemplified the
best of the patriots who struggled to preserve human liberty
and dignity in the pre-Revolutionary days of our country. He
did not sanction human slavery and though he owned slaves,
he sounded the prophecy of the controversy which culmin-
ated in the Civil War almost a hundred years after his death.
Mrs. Cox has brought George Mason to life: his thought
and words are known to almost every school child yet the
man has been buried in oblivion. Through the pages of this
book, Washington as a young man; Patrick Henry as the fire-
brand of the Virginia Conventions; Lord Dunmore as gover-
nor of Virginia; Jefferson and Franklin as ministers to France;
and others assume their places in history.
Gunston Hall stands today— lovingly cared for by the Na-
tional Society of Colonial Dames of America, as a memorial
to George Mason. The boxwood, undoubtedly planted upon
Mason's orders, are two hundred years old and like sentinels
guard over the house, gardens, and frame the historic Po-
tomac River. One imagines George Mason as the gracious
host, devoted husband and loving father as he tends his lands
with care, thinking seriously of the problems which beset the
colonies.
The book has an Introduction, complete footnotes, Bibliog-
raphy, and an Appendix which contains Virginia's Declara-
tion of Rights, The Declaration of Independence and the Bill
of Rights. Maps on the inside covers are a valuable aid to the
reader in establishing Gunston Hall in relation to other points
in the colony.
The book should appeal to the general reading public as
well as students of history. The story moves rapidly in spite of
the wealth of documentary material which is used. Truly as
the author says, "Turn back then, if you would see Gunston
Hall live again, . . . the men and women, boys and girls and
little children, with their negroes, dogs, and horses; and catch
if you can the sound of fiddle and hunting horn, the laughter
424 The North Carolina Historical Review
and the weeping, and most of all, the glimpse of glory in our
country's future— that hope which gave courage to our fore-
fathers."
Elizabeth W. Wilborn.
Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
The Tinkling Spring, Headwater of Freedom. A Study of the
Church and Her People, 1732-1952. By Howard McKnight
Wilson. (Richmond, Virginia: Garrett and Massie, Inc. 1954.
Pp. xviii, 542, folding map. $8.00.)
This is not only the history of a church but the story of a
people. The so-called Scotch-Irish are briefly traced from
Ulster to the Pennsylvania area, and then down to their
settlements in the Valley of Virginia. Notices of the early
religious groups in this section are followed by a record of
the beginnings of Tinkling Spring Church, with extended
consideration of its first pastor, Rev. John Craig.
The narrative is then carried across the two succeeding
centuries with balanced emphasis upon the religious, edu-
cational, cultural, and military life and activity of the people
of the Congregation. Special note is taken of Hermitage Pres-
byterian Church, associated with Tinkling Spring, as is true
of several other congregations which grew out of the latter.
The author has not been unmindful of the wider mission of
Tinkling Spring in giving of her sons and daughters to the
ministry and missionary endeavor.
The Church has enjoyed long pastorates, having had but
fifteen regularly installed ministers, or the practical equiva-
lent thereof, since 1740, the fifteenth being the author of the
volume under consideration. Three of the number, Benjamin
M. Smith, Robert L. Dabney, and Givens B. Strickler, were
later to become distinguished as professors at Union The-
ological Seminary in Virginia.
The numerous pictures are well selected and supply ex-
cellent illustrations for the printed text, though one wonders
why that of the statue of the Pioneer Woman was chosen for
the frontispiece, and may question the use of sepia-toned ink
for their reproduction. An Appendix, such as to bring joy
Book Reviews 425
to the heart of the historian, and several helpful maps lend
further value to the volume.
It is a big book and a good book. Factual, readable, and
obviously the result of careful and prolonged research, this
work constitutes a significant addition to Virginia history as
well as to that of the Presbyterian Church.
Thomas H. Spence, Jr.
Historical Foundation,
Montreat.
Rebel Private Front and Rear. By William Andrew Fletcher.
Edited with a preface by Bell Irvin Wiley. (Austin: Uni-
versity of Texas Press. 1954. Pp. xvii, 162. $3.75.)
Civil War students and enthusiasts will welcome a new
edition of William Andrew Fletcher's Rebel Private Front
and Rear. A limited first edition in 1908 and its subsequent
destruction by fire had combined to make this memoir a scarce
item. Although written from memory more than forty years
after the war, the volume presents a fascinating picture of the
life of a common soldier of the Confederacy.
The outbreak of war in 1861 found twenty-two year old
William Fletcher working as a carpenter in Beaumont, Texas.
He enlisted in Company F, Fifth Texas Regiment which
soon became a part of Hood's famous Texas Brigade. Measles,
mumps, camp lice and the Seven Day's fighting served to
initiate Fletcher and his fellow Texans into army life. A hip
wound received at Second Manassas almost ended Fletcher's
soldiering, but weeks of suffering in a hospital and a sixty-day
furlough found him back with his company in time for Fred-
ericksburg. Voicing the opinions of the fighting men, he found
no criticism for Longstreet after the battle of Gettysburg.
A serious foot wound at Chickamauga ended his service in
the infantry, but he transferred to "Terry's Texas Rangers"
and served until captured late in the war. The exciting ac-
count of Fletcher's escape is only one of many well-told
stories.
Private Fletcher's narrative bears ample witness to the
resourcefulness and ingenuity of Southern soldiers. Readers
426 The North Carolina Historical Review
will delight in the descriptions of camp life and foraging par-
ties as well as the detailed lesson in noiseless chicken-stealing.
Valuable as an account of life in the Southern army, Fletcher's
memoir is all the better because of its lively humor.
In the preface Bell Irvin Wiley, who has discovered the
common soldier, supplies the reader with a history of the
volume and traces the postwar career of Private Fletcher.
Richard D. Younger.
University of Houston,
Houston, Texas.
A History of the Southern Confederacy. By Clement Eaton.
(New York: The MacMillan Company. 1954. Pp. ix, 351.
$5.50.)
In spite of the vast number of works on the American Civil
War, there have been comparatively few scholarly volumes
devoted to the general history of the Confederacy. Professor
Eaton has done much to remedy that situation and has ren-
dered an invaluable service by presenting a compact and
highly readable account covering a relatively neglected field.
Not only has the author attempted to bring together the vari-
ous economic, political, military, social, and cultural aspects
of the Confederacy, but he has tried to portray something
of the feelings of the Southern people and the human drama
of the war itself. He has succeeded at both tasks and in the
process has produced a well-balanced study that probes many
neglected areas.
The volume is primarily factual and does not purport to
present a lengthy and analytic discussion of causes and re-
sults. Nevertheless, the author has brought his own mature
judgement to bear upon many important issues, and in some
instances has posed sound solutions to problems that have
frequently been resolved by cliches. This sense of balance and
soundness of observation are apparent throughout the book
and add immeasurably to the value of both those chapters cov-
ering often-discussed subjects and those relating to lesser
known aspects of the Confederacy. In the first chapter, for
Book Reviews 427
example, Professor Eaton has plunged into the highly contro-
versial year of 1860 and emerged with a well-rounded account
of secession that takes into consideration not only the political
and economic factors but does ample justice to the influences
of emotionalism and the reactions of the Southern mind. Simi-
larly, in the chapter on the creation of a Southern Republic,
the author has escaped the pitfalls of oversimplifiication by
pointing out several possible and logical reasons for the fre-
quent lack of statesmanship and the general mediocrity of
civil administration.
This same poise is evident in the ensuing chapters that
deal with diplomatic negotiations, military and naval opera-
tions, and economic disintegration. Although such subjects
frequently have been treated in other works, Professor Eaton
has managed to pack a considerable amount of information
into a comparatively small space and at the same time add
to previous accounts by the insertion of new and often re-
freshing material. In the sections on military campaigns the
author has endeavored to give adequate treatment to western
operations and has tried to balance his account of generals
and their strategy with a separate chapter on the common
soldier. Perhaps the most valuable section on the military
aspects of the Confederacy, however, is the one relating
to logistics. By a judicious use of monographs and primary
sources, the author has produced an excellent account of
success and failure in the fields of ordnance and supply; an
account which ranges from the concrete gains brought about
through the efforts of General Josiah Gorgas to the intangible
aspects resulting from the low esteem accorded to the quar-
termaster and commissary corps.
Although the political and military aspects of the Confed-
eracy occupy the greater portion of the volume there is an
interesting chapter on society and culture during the war.
This is interspersed with such items as the role of newspapers,
the effect of the war on literature, and theatre, music, and
education, and the activities of Confederate women. As in
the sections on the military, interest is intensified by the use
of citations from manuscript and printed letters, journals, and
428 The North Carolina Historical Review
diaries. Containing, as it does, much concerning the war's
effect on the population, the chapter on society and culture
blends readily into the section on war economy. In his discus-
sion of the economic disintegration of the Confederacy and
the inability of the government to mobilize its resources, the
author has stressed the inevitable conflict that results when
men imbued with ideas of individualism and laissez faire at-
tempt to wage a successful war. This theme is continued in
the chapter so aptly entitled "The Loss of the Will to Fight"
but even here the author is careful not to overemphasize any
one factor in depicting the breakdown of Southern morale.
Professor Eaton has done a creditable job in his use of
sources. Unfortunately, the volume contains no bibliography,
but the notes at the end show a reasonable balance between
manuscripts, monographs, and secondary works of a broader
nature. The introduction of much new material has not, and
apparently was not intended to produce any startingly new
thesis. Its inclusion, however, has added some zest to the
volume and has at the same time provided an insight into
the thoughts and reactions of a people living under the im-
pact of an adverse war.
Neither in the selection of sources nor in the use of ma-
terial has the author sought to prove a pet theory or rational-
ize a particular conclusion. He has done what he set out to
do; namely, to achieve a balance between various avenues
of approach to the history of the Confederacy and to depict
the effects of war on the people and on the society of the Old
South. Professor Eaton has admitted that circumstances and
attitudes may have influenced his viewpoint and made him
unduly sympathetic toward the South. Yet he has tried to be
objective — and in this he has been eminently successful.
Among the greatest attributes of the book, in fact, are the
author's mature reflection and judicious conclusions; factors
that should prove of value both to the historian and to a large
segment of the reading public.
Philip M. Rice.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh.
Book Reviews 429
Brokenburn, The Journal of Kate Stone, 1861-1868. Edited by
John Q. Anderson. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univer-
sity Press. 1955. Pp. xxii, 400. $4.95.)
In editing this volume, Dr. John Q. Anderson has given
us a fascinating account of the experiences of a young lady
of a southern plantation home, Brokenburn, of northeast
Louisiana. Kate Stone was 20 years of age when the war be-
gan, and, in common with the usual opinion in the South,
thought the conflict would be soon over due to the bravery
and daring "of dashing young men" of the South. Her opti-
mism did not fade till the war moved close to Brokenburn
in 1863. This Journal gives a vivid insight into the plantation
life and atmosphere of the Old South.
By 1863, "Yankees" had overrun the plantation reducing
the family to want. Kate Stone, with her mother, Mrs. Aman-
da Stone, and the younger children moved to Lamar County,
Texas, and later to Tyler, Texas, for two years. Her father
died before 1861. Her older brothers joined the Confederate
Army.
This book is excellent in enabling the reader to recapture
the spirit of the Confederacy. For example, Kate Stone on
hearing of Lincoln's assassination wrote in her Journal, "All
honor to J. Wilkes Booth, who has rid the world of a Tyrant
and made himself famous for generations. It is a terrible
tragedy, but what is war but one long tragedy? What tor-
rents of blood Lincoln has caused to flow."
On moving to Texas, Kate's mother set fire to $20,000
worth of cotton rather than see it fall to the enemy. The fami-
ly returned to the ruined plantation in the fall of 1865. Two
brothers were lost in the conflict.
Kate Stone married Lieutenant Henry B. Holmes in 1869.
She remained an "unreconstructed rebel" until her death in
1907. This unpublished Journal went to her daughter, Miss
Amy J. Holmes, and from her it was secured and edited by
Dr. John Q. Anderson.
C. H. Hamlin.
Atlantic Christian College,
Wilson.
430 The North Carolina Historical Review
Rebels and Democrats. By Elisha P. Douglass. (Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Press. 1955. Pp. xi, 368. $5.00.)
This book is a well organized and carefully written account
of the political struggles within the states during the Ameri-
can Revolution. The theme, as indicated by the sub-title is,
"The Struggle for Equal Political Rights and Majority Rule/'
Today the words "radical" and "revolutionary" are apt to be
used as synonyms but Professor Douglass believes that many
of the leaders of the revolt of the British colonies were con-
servative rather than radical. To prove this he shows that
the making of state constitutions in South Carolina, Mary-
land, and New York resulted in the establishment of "Con-
servative Commonwealths." The new constitutions "secured
the rights which were a primary objective of the Revolution
and erected barriers against arbitrary government. But these
constitutions also protected the economic interests and poli-
tical privileges of the aristocracy. . . ." (p. 54) In New Jer-
sey, Delaware, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Virginia the
conservatives were also victorious.
Pre-Revolutionary conditions account for the greater
strength of radicalism in North Carolina, Massachusetts, and
Pennsylvania. The political theories that justified a more liber-
al suffrage and majority rule were more generally accepted,
although only in Pennsylvania did there develop by 1776 a
"political party devoted to equalitarian democracy which
was able to take over the administration of government."
(p. 286) Two brief appendices place New Hampshire and
Georgia in the group where radicalism had the greater in-
fluence.
Although Professor Douglass does not describe the mak-
ing of a constitution in Virginia, he does discuss at some
length Jefferson's drafts of a constitution for Virginia and
his political philosophy as shown in his writings and comes
to the conclusion that he was a liberal, but "more democratic
by contemporary standards than by eighteenth century stand-
ards." (p. 316) The footnotes, conveniently placed at the
bottom of the pages, and a "Bibliographical Note" at the
end of the book on the sources available for the study of the
Book Reviews 431
political struggles for institutional reform within the states
are excellent.
Political theory may not be exciting to the general reader,
nor does it appeal to as wide an audience as biographical
and military studies, but the student of political science as
well as history who is interested not only in what men have
done, but in what they thought and how it affected their
actions will find this a book to be read with profit.
Clara G. Roe.
University of Akron,
Akron, Ohio.
Making Democracy a Reality. Jefferson, Jackson, and Polk. By
Claude G. Bowers. (Memphis, Tenn. : Memphis State College
Press. 1954. Pp. xii, 170. $3.75.)
The addresses, delivered under the auspices of the J. P.
Young Lectures in American History of Memphis State Col-
lege are thus described by Mr. Bowers: 1. Thomas Jefferson:
His Final and Decisive Struggle for American Democracy.
2. James K. Polk: Why Was He One of the Great American
Presidents. 3. Andrew Jackson: His Substitution of Party
Government for Personal Politics. 4. Andrew Jackson: The
Homeric Battles of His Administration.
In the addresses on Jefferson and Jackson, Mr. Bowers,
with his customary effectiveness, vividness, and power, re-
stated in briefer form his findings on them as the practical
founders of American democracy, as contained in his well-
known and more extensive studies of them. They are a finish-
ed performance, and vary little, except in form and extent,
from his previous works. They are excellently done, and are
convincing in relation to the title of the series.
The inclusion of James K. Polk in the series, however, is
somewhat puzzling. The contribution of the other two to
making democracy a reality is entirely clear, but, even grant-
ing that Polk was "a great President," he still can scarcely
be accurately said to have performed any special service,
other than effectively performing his duties as legislator and
President, towards making democracy a reality. James Madi-
432 The North Carolina Historical Review
son would seem to have been a far more important actor in
the process. It must be said, however, that Mr. Bowers makes
as strong a case as possible for declaring Polk a great Presi-
dent.
The studies are all interesting in content, and are attrac-
tive in form, and lighted by the fiery enthusiasm of the author.
J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton.
Chapel Hill.
American Heritage. Edited by Bruce Catton. Volume VI (Feb-
ruary, 1955), Number 2. (New York: The Heritage Publishing
Company, Inc. Pp. 120. Single copies $2.95. Annual subscrip-
tion $12.00 in the United States. $13.00 elsewhere.)
Variety and human interest in subject matter, profuse and
sometimes elegant illustrations ( a surprising number of color
plates), liveliness, and general readability characterize this
number of American Heritage. This is the second number of
the new bi-monthly version of this somewhat experimental
and ambitious publishing venture sponsored by the Ameri-
can Association for State and Local History and the Society
of American Historians. If these qualities are maintained
this magazine, bound and free of advertising like a book,
may well survive the obviously high cost of publication and
reader resistance to the price.
The publishers assume the existence of a wide popular
interest in the many faceted American social heritage. This
issue has something in it for everybody's taste. A never be-
fore published eye-witness account of the hanging of John
Brown, written by David Hunter Strother, "Porte Crayon,"
for Harpers Magazine, and rejected because the subject
was controversial, is the lead article. For those who love ships
and the sea an account of Salem's East Indian trade with
ten color plates will be the highlight.
A chapter from the J. Russell Lynes book, The Tastemakers,
describes how architect Richard Morris Hunt gave "The 400"
the architecture it liked, costly imitations of European gran-
deur, and incidentally fathered the American Renaissance
in architecture. The Iroquois Indians and their extraordinary
Book Reviews 433
role in American history appear in "People of The Long
House." "James Gordon Bennett, Beneficent Rascal" recalls
a colorful chapter in journalism.
James Thomas Flexner writes critically of "The Cult of
the Primitives." He concedes that it might be folk art and
democracy in art, but questions that the artists should be
rated above their better trained colleagues. Appropriately
in the month of Lincoln's birthday Willard King writes "Rid-
ing on the Circuit with Lincoln," based on the letters of
Judge David Davis. This is more the story of the Illinois
frontier a century ago. Fairfax Downey describes the in-
genuity and resourcefulness displayed by Yankees in the
capture of Louisbourg in 1745.
How New York reacted to visiting celebrities in 1851 is
revealed in an account of a visit by Lola Montez, dancer
and reputedly friend of King Ludwig I of Bavaria. Particu-
larly revealing are excerpts from Wilson Brown's book "Aide
to Four Presidents." He writes at length of presidents Cool-
idge and Franklin D. Roosevelt, but gives only glimpses of
Hoover and Truman whom he served for only a short time.
"A Nosegay of Valentines" add a sentimental touch. The
volume closes with brief notes and a review section.
C. W Tebeau.
University of Miami,
Miami, Florida.
Knickerbocker Birthday: A Sesqui-Centennial History of the
New- York Historical Society, 1804-1954. By R. W. G. Vail.
(New York: The New York Historical Society. 1954. Pp. xix,
547. Index and illustrated. $6.00.)
Founded in 1804 by a distinguished group of New York-
ers, the New- York Historical Society was the first such or-
ganization devoted to the collection of materials dealing
with every aspect of American life.
Among the more important of its resources might be men-
tioned the Robert R. Livingston papers, the Nadelman col-
lection of American folk art, the Naval History collection
and the Albert Gallatin papers. Its newspaper file, particu-
434 The North Carolina Historical Review
larly of eighteenth-century papers, is one of the finest in
the country, and in its art gallery are some of the most fa-
mous portraits of eminent Americans. The wealth of excellent
plates in the present volume gives some idea of the pictorial
resources of the Society. Of particular interest to read-
ers of this review would be the Daniel Parish, Jr., collec-
tion of materials dealing with the Negro, the Civil War and
Reconstruction, and the Meserve collection of Civil War
photographs.
In association with Columbia University, the Society offers
a seminar course on "Resources and Methods of an Ameri-
can Historical Society," a project which might profitably be
emulated by other historical societies. In addition to provid-
ing scholars with research materials and facilities, the Society
has pioneered in enriching the artistic and intellectual life
of the community. By means of documentary films, student
concerts, travelling historical exhibitions, the use of radio
and more recently of television, it has extended its services
and influence far beyond the confines of its building.
Since the Society has always been privately endowed, its
financial ups and downs form an important part of the nar-
rative of its development. Dr. Vail, its present director, has
succeeded in tracing its growth in a comprehensive, yet en-
tertaining manner. This sumptuous volume is a fitting tri-
bute to a century and a half of distinguished service.
Howard Braverman.
Brooklyn College,
Brooklyn, New York.
The Territorial Papers of the United States. Volume XX. The
Territory of Arkansas, 1825-1829. Compiled and edited by
Clarence Edwin Carter. (Washington: United States Govern-
ment Printing Office. 1954. Pp. vi, 967. $4.25.)
This selection of material covers the wide variety of gov-
ernmental activities in Arkansas during four years of its ter-
ritorial history. As the second in the series pertaining to
Arkansas, this volume begins with papers during the third
administration of Acting Governor Robert Crittenden. The
Book Reviews 435
four-year span also covers the two terms of Governor George
Izard and Crittenden's fourth term.
Matters of major concern in Arkansas during this period
include surveying the roads and boundaries, supervision of
Indian agents and Indian affairs, postal matters, and federal
justice, the chief engineering project was the selection of a
route for the road from Memphis to Little Rock. Negotiations
were also being conducted to reach a satisfactory boundary
between the Indian and white settlements. Differing inter-
pretations of treaty provisions and the problems of white
settlements interspersing those of Indians made the loca-
tion of a boundary very difficult. Food shortages made the
Indians all the more anxious to have the rights guaranteed
by treaties. The Postmaster General was constantly con-
cerned with contractors who failed to maintain their mail
schedules. Militia lists, census statistics, mail schedules, and
lists of land tracts for sale are included in limited number.
Items in this volume are drawn almost entirely from the
files of the National Archives. The carefully prepared index
assists the reader in overcoming the difficulty of the chrono-
logical arrangement of the material.
The United States Government is doing the historian a
great favor in making these records so accessible. This com-
pilation of Arkansas records is welcomed not only as an addi-
tion to the published documents of this early period but also
as the result of a careful sifting of the material from more
than a dozen different departments of the federal govern-
ment.
Paul M. McCain.
Arkansas College,
Batesville, Arkansas.
HISTORICAL NEWS
The Western North Carolina Historical Associations His-
tory Bulletin began publication in January, 1955. The April
issue has a number of interesting items: The annual meeting
of the association was held in Asheville on April 30; the cen-
tennial celebration of Polk County was held on May 8; the
Spruce Pine Museum of North Carolina Minerals is expected
to be opened to the public in the summer of 1955; and the
town of Franklin celebrated its centennial June 16-18.
Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, managing editor of The Forest
City Courier and a member of the Executive Board of the
Department of Archives and History, was elected president
of the Western North Carolina Historical Association at its
annual meeting in the Pack Memorial Library in Asheville
on April 30. Mr. George W. McCoy, managing editor of the
Asheville Citizen, was presented the association's cup for the
"Outstanding Historian" of 1955.
Mrs. Sadie S. Patton of Hendersonville, also a member of
the Executive Board of the Department of Archives and His-
tory, was elected vice-president and Mr. Albert S. McLean
of Asheville was re-elected secretary-treasurer.
The association, which has one director from each of the
23 counties represented in the organization, plus seven at
large, re-elected all of the directors for another year with
the following additions: Mrs. Lillian Thomasson of Swain
County; Mrs. Cameron F. McRae of Yancey County; and Mr.
Tom Underwood, director at large.
Dr. Julian C. Yoder, of Appalachian State Teachers Col-
lege, Boone, read a paper on "The Geographic-Economic
Development of the North Carolina Mountain Counties Since
1900," and Mrs. Sadie S. Patton read a paper on "Christian
Harmony Singing in Western North Carolina." Mr. Clarence
W. Griffin, retiring vice-president, was in charge of the pro-
gram.
The Thomas Wolfe Memorial Association of Asheville will
present through the Western North Carolina Historical As-
[ 436 ]
Historical News 437
sociation of Asheville an award to be known as the Thomas
Wolfe Memorial Trophy to the author of the best work select-
ed by a committee and announced at the October meeting
of the latter association, commemorating the birthmonth of
Wolfe.
Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, newly elected president of the
association, has announced the following as members of the
awards committee: Mr. Thomas Pearson, chairman, Ashe-
ville; Miss Annie Westall, Asheville; and Dr. David R.
Hodgin, Boone. Any member of the committee as well as
Mr. Griffin may be contacted for rules governing this award.
The Wayne County Historical Society was organized at a
meeting on April 7, in the courthouse in Goldsboro, with Mr.
D. L. Corbitt of the Department of Archives and History as
speaker. Mr. M. B. Andrews was elected president; Col.
Hugh Dortch, vice-president; Mrs. C. E. Wilkins, second
vice-president; Mrs. N. A. Edwards, secretary; and Mr. Bruce
Duke, treasurer. Directors for the group were named and
committees appointed to prepare a constitution and by-laws.
In the second meeting, which was held on May 17, the society
adopted a constitution and by-laws and the president an-
nounced the appointment of committees on the following:
membership, finance, publicity, and program.
Mrs. Charles Powell was elected historian for the society
and it was suggested that immediate preparations should be
made to write a history of the county. Mr. D. L. Corbitt
again met with the group and assisted them in perfecting
their organization. Mr. Eugene L. Roberts was named as
chaplain for the group. The secretary announced that the
enrollment was 116 annual members and two life members
and that charter membership would be available until Oc-
tober 6. The next meeting is to be held on October 20.
The Sampson County Historical Society was organized on
April 14 in Clinton with the following elected and installed
as officers: Mrs. Taft Bass, Clinton, president; Mrs. Charles
Sloan, secretary: Mr. Leon Daughtry, assistant secretary;
438 The North Carolina Historical Review
Mrs. Bob Shields, treasurer; and Mrs. George Williams, as-
sistant treasurer. Twelve vice-presidents were elected from
various towns in the county; directors of the society were
named; and a corresponding secretary is to be appointed in
each township by the president.
The Pasquotank Historical Society met at a special lunch-
eon meeting at the Virginia Dare Hotel in Elizabeth City
on May 4 to hear an address by the Honorable Lindsay C.
Warren. Mr. Warren was unable to attend the meeting as
scheduled due to ill health but his address was delivered
by tape recorder. He spoke on the significance of Sir Walter
Raleigh's efforts to colonize what is now North Carolina
and suggested that a great celebration should be held in
Dare County in 1985 commemorating the four hundredth
anniversary of the settling. He further suggested that a
committee or committees be appointed now for the purpose
of planning the event. After the luncheon and the address
those present were invited to the Parish House near the
hotel where an exhibit of interesting items connected with
the history of the community and the county were displayed.
Approximately 120 persons attended the luncheon, many of
whom were from adjoining counties.
The Currituck County Historical Society met on April 18
with Mr. David Stick, author of Graveyard of the Atlantic,
as speaker. Mr. Stick informed the society that the popula-
tion of Currituck County is the same today that it was 200
years ago. He discussed the earliest settlers of the area and
the geographical changes which have taken place since the
formation of the county. The second half of the program was
devoted to an open forum discussion. Mrs. Alma O. Roberts,
publications chairman, reported that the newspaper of the
society, The Currituck Record, will soon be released. Officers
will be elected at the July meeting. There are at present 50
members of the society.
The Woman's Club of Murfreesboro, with Mrs. R. H.
Underwood as chairman, sponsored the first pilgrimage to
colonial Murfreesboro and the surrounding countryside on
Historical News 439
April 16-17. Guided tours were arranged and many of the
old homes were opened to the public as well as Chowan
College where special services were held as a part of the
tour.
The April issue of The Gaston County Historical Bulletin,
official organ of the Gaston County Historical Society, in-
cluded the following articles: "Lawrence Kiser, Clan
Pioneer," "Dr. William McLean, Surgeon in the American
Forces at King's Mountain," and "Cemetery Records of
Goshen Grove Church."
Thirty-six persons attended the historical tour on May 15
in Camden County. The tour, which was arranged by Mr.
J. F. Pugh, was one of those of the North Carolina Society
of County and Local Historians. A number of interesting
historical stops were made and many old homes were opened.
A picnic lunch served in the Camden High School cafeteria
and refreshments at the home of Mr. and Mrs. P. P. Gregory,
the site of the village of the Yawpim Indians, were enjoyed
by those who attended.
The Johnston County Historical Society was organized at
a meeting held in the Johnston County Library on April 2,
with Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Department of Archives
and History assisting the group. Officers were elected as
follows: Mr. H. V. Rose, Smithfield, president; Miss Mildred
Oliver, Pine Level, vice-president; and Mrs. W. B. Beasley,
Smithfield, secretary. Thirty members joined the society and
the group decided to accept charter members through May 6.
Mr. Rose appointed chairmen of the following committees:
museum, library, publications, church history, war history,
family history, membership, and program. Every member
of the society is to serve on a committee and members were
asked to state a preference. A committee was also appointed
to prepare a constitution and by-laws.
On May 20 the society met at the courthouse and adopted
its constitution and by-laws. Miss Mildred Oliver presided in
the absence of Mr. Rose, the president. Mr. H. B. Marrow
440 The North Carolina Historical Review
and Miss Evelyn Bishop of Smithfield were elected members
of the board and Mr. James Creech of Four Oaks was elected
treasurer. The members were assisted by Mr. D. L. Corbitt
who made a brief talk to the society.
Restoration of Old Bunker Hill bridge in Catawba County,
one of the three remaining covered bridges in the state, has
been completed by the county historical society under the
leadership of Judge Wilson Warlick.
On April 12 in Halifax the 180th anniversary of the Halifax
Resolves was celebrated, with Governor Luther H. Hodges
as the principal speaker. The occasion was featured by the
dedication of the restored brick gaol in which the Tory
prisoners, captured at the Battle of Moore's Creek were
incarcerated.
The State Literary and Historical Association held its
spring regional meeting in Rocky Mount and Halifax, May
6-7. The program Friday afternoon was held in the Ricks
Hotel in Rocky Mount with papers by the following: "The
History of Nash County," by Mrs. Ruth Jeffreys; "The History
of Rocky Mount and the Rocky Mount Mills," by Reading
Bulluck; and "Sidelights of Nash County History," by Wil-
liam L. Pierce. A tea and tour of the Rocky Mount Mills was
followed by a dinner with speeches by the following: Mrs.
W. Gray Williams, "The Tar River and its Place in North
Carolina History"; Mrs. E. L. Daughtridge, Jr., "Customs
in Daily Life in Colonial Edgecombe"; and Ray S. Wilkin-
son, "Rebirth of Historical Interest in the Coastal Plain."
The meeting in Halifax was held at the Woman's Club
Building with Mrs. Sterling M. Gary presiding. Papers on
the historic sites of Halifax were presented. Following a tour
of the town, a luncheon meeting was held with Ray S.
Wilkinson presiding. Talks on the progress of the Historical
Halifax Restoration Association concluded the meeting.
The North Carolina Civil War Roundtable held its initial
meeting in Greensboro on March 19, went on a tour of Ben-
Historical News 441
tonville Battleground on April 17, and held another meeting
in High Point recently.
The Historical Society of North Carolina met in Raleigh
on May 7. At the afternoon session Dr. Alice Kieth read a
paper on "William Blount in North Carolina Politics," and
Dr. Carolyn A. Daniel read a paper on "David L. Swain;
First Whig Governor of North Carolina."
Following the dinner papers were read by Mr. William M.
Geer on "Businessman [O. Max Gardner] in Politics," and
Dr. Samuel H. Hobbs, Jr., on "Population in North Carolina."
New members elected to the society are Dr. Blackwell P.
Robinson, High Point College, and Dr. Horace H. Cunning-
ham, Elon College.
The North Carolina Society of County and Local His-
torians enjoyed a tour of Winston-Salem on May 22. The tour
included visits to the Amos Cottage on the Graylyn Estate,
the new Wake Forest campus, Tanglewood Park, where a
picnic lunch was held, and a tour of Old Salem.
The recent General Assembly of North Carolina author-
ized the governing body of any county or municipality to
appropriate nontax revenues for the support of historical as-
sociations and for other purposes. The law provides that
upon the request of the president and secretary of a local
society, museum, or similar organization based upon a reso-
lution passed upon by a majority ( at regular or called meet-
ing ) at which a quorum shall have been present, the govern-
ing body of any county or municipality may appropriate non-
tax revenues to such historical organization; that the his-
torical organization may expend such funds for the preserva-
tion of historic sites or buildings, publishing of materials,
establishment and maintenance of museums, and payment
of salaries of personnel; that an annual report must be made
showing how such appropriations have been spent; and that
the governing bodies are authorized to allot space in local
schools, libraries, courthouses, city halls, or other public
buildings for the functions and activities of local historical
organizations.
442 The North Carolina Historical Review
The Assembly also passed a bill prepared by the Com-
mission on Reorganization of State Government revising the
basic act of the Department of Archives and History. Most
of the changes involved re-phrasing and clarifying the law,
but one important provision is that the Department shall
administer the state's historic and archeological properties.
Other acts appropriated more than $16,000 each year for
such properties. In addition, the Department's general ap-
propriation is slightly less than $150,000 for each year.
Another act abolished the Zebulon B. Vance Commission.
This was done with the expectation that the Department of
Archives and History would take over the Commission's
functions.
Other legislation authorized separate commissions to plan
for the 400th anniversary of the first English colonies in
America (in 1985; to celebrate this year the 250th anniver-
sary of the Town of Bath, oldest incorporated town in North
Carolina; and to assemble materials on the Mecklenburg
Declaration of Independence.
Dr. Christopher Crittenden spoke at Camden, April 18, to
the Albemarle Schoolmasters Club on the importance of
local history; at Charlotte, April 22, when a Confederate
Navy Yard marker was unveiled, on blockade running to and
from the Cape Fear; at Lillington, May 2, to a Junior His-
torian group; at Raleigh, May 13, to a Daughters of the
Revolution chapter, on North Carolina's part in the winning
of American independence; at Clinton, May 29, to the Samp-
son County Historical Society on a program for a local
historical organization; and in Sampson County, the same
day, to a Boykin family group, on North Carolina in the
War of 1812.
Dr. Crittenden, accompanied by Mrs. Joye E. Jordan,
museum administrator of the Hall of History, attended the
annual meeting on June 1-3 of the American Association of
Museums in Washington, D. C. This meeting which marked
the Golden Jubilee of the association had its headquarters in
the Smithsonian Institution. The theme for the program was
"Inter- American Cultural Relations."
Historical News 443
Dr. Crittenden also attended the meeting on June 6-7 of
the Board of Trustees of the National Trust for Historic
Preservation.
At Pinehurst on March 25 Mrs. Joye E. Jordan gave an
illustrated lecture to a local group on historic houses in
North Carolina.
Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Researcher, State Department of Ar-
chives and History, spoke on April 2 to the Alfred Moore
Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution,
Southern Pines, on procedures for restoring the Alston House,
or the House in the Horseshoe, Moore County. The meeting
was held at the home of Mrs. Ernest Ives, near Southern
Pines.
On April 22 Mr. Tarlton inspected Person's Ordinary
building, a colonial tavern located at Littleton, Halifax Coun-
ty, which is to be restored as a historical attraction by the
Littleton Woman's Club. Purpose of the inspection was to
make suggestions for the proposed restoration. On May 13
he represented the Department of Archives and History at
the unveiling of a historical highway marker commemorating
the first 4-H Club in North Carolina, at Ahoskie High School,
Ahoskie, Hertford County; and on May 28 represented the
Department at the unveiling of a historical highway marker
for Wingate Junior College, Wingate, Union County. The
ceremony was a part of the commencement exercises and
was held in the college auditorium.
On May 16 Mr. W. Frank Burton, State Archivist, Depart-
ment of Archives and History, spoke over Radio Station
WPTF at the request of the Caswell-Nash Chapter of the
Daughters of the American Revolution. His subject was
"The Regulator Movement and the Battle of Alamance."
Within the past two months the Department's Division of
Archives and Manuscripts has obtained microfilm copies of
Chowan County deeds, 1745-1748; Currituck County wills,
1792-1810; and Wake County deeds, 1785-1788. The De-
partment has arranged with the Selective Service System to
obtain the home address and record of separation of North
444 The North Carolina Historical Review
Carolinans who served in World War II.
Dr. Fletcher M. Green of the University of North Carolina
participated as a guest scholar at the John Marshall Bicenten-
nial Program at the College of William and Mary, Williams-
burg, Virginia, on May 12-13.
Dr. Harold A. Bierck, Jr., will be visiting professor of his-
tory in the summer session, University of California at Los
Angeles. He has been awarded a Faculty Fellowship for
the Advancement of Education by the Ford Foundation
for 1955-1956. He will spend some time in Mexico City and
at the University of Texas.
Mr. William M. Geer has been awarded a Danforth
Teaching Study Grant for the academic year, 1955-1956.
Mr. Herbert R. Paschal, Jr., graduate student at the Uni-
versity of North Carolina, has been appointed as a member of
the Social Studies Department at East Carolina College, to
begin work in September, 1955.
Dr. Paul Murray of the East Carolina faculty spoke to the
Bertie County Historical Association, April 22, and to the
Pitt County Historical Society on April 28 on "The Contribu-
tions of the County Historical Societies to North Carolina
History."
Dr. Allen S. Johnson of Duke University who received
his Ph.D. in English history in June of last year, is doing
research this summer in England on the American Revolu-
tion in British politics, under a grant from the Duke Com-
mittee on British Commonwealth Studies. He has been ap-
pointed assistant professor at Shorter College for the en-
suing academic year.
Dr. F. B. M. Hollyday, who received his Ph.D. in European
history in June, has been appointed a Ford Scholar at the
Case Institute of Technology.
Miss Barbara Brandon, a doctoral candidate in history, has
received a Fulbright Award to do research in the Archives of
Hanover on the period of George I of Great Britain.
Dr. John R. Alden of the University of Nebraska has been
elected professor of history at Duke University. He holds a
Historical News 445
Guggenheim Fellowship for 1955-1956 to write the Revolu-
tionary volume in the History of the South.
Dr. Alan K. Manchester is the author of "Brazil in Transi-
tion," in the South Atlantic Quarterly for April. He will visit
Cuba and Central and South America in July and August on
a cultural mission for the Department of State.
Dr. Alexander DeConde published an article, "William
Vans Murray's Political Sketches: A Defense of the American
Experiment," in the Mississippi Valley Historical Review,
March, 1955.
Mr. James W. Harbison, Jr. of Reidsville, a junior history
major at Duke University, has received an undergraduate
research stipend from the Social Science Research Council
to study seditious libel in the eighteenth century in England
and America. He will work under the supervision of Dr.
William B. Hamilton.
Duke University has received a grant of $375,000 from
the Carnegie Corporation of New York to promote research
in the political economy and history of the British Common-
wealth.
Dr. John B. Oliver, who holds degrees from both Duke
University and the University of North Carolina, has been
appointed assistant professor at the University of Georgia
in Atlanta.
Dr. Jay Luvaas, director of the Flowers Collection, was
the speaker at the Civil War Roundtable on April 17. He
spoke on the Battle of Bentonville which was the last battle
between Johnston and Sherman, March 19-21, 1865.
The Flowers Collection has recently acquired several let-
ters of General James Longstreet; papers of the Pelot family,
Laurens, South Carolina, dealing with Reconstruction; papers
of Charles Todd Quintard, Civil War letters, many written
by Confederate generals; papers of a Union officer in the
Civil War, William Y. Ripley, Rutland, Vermont; and addi-
tions have been made to the business collections of W. A.
Hunt and Company, Charleston, South Carolina; and Dennis
Simmons Lumber Company, Williamston, North Carolina;
the W. W. Ball Papers; and the Paul Hamilton Hayne Col-
lection.
446 The North Carolina Historical Review
Dr. Frontis W. Johnston, head of the department of his-
tory, Davidson College, who has been on a leave of absence
for a year, will return to his duties in September. Dr. W.
Magruder Drake, who relieved Dr. Johnston, will become
assistant professor of history at Southwestern Louisiana In-
stitute, Lafayette, Louisiana.
Dr. Samuel R. Spencer, professor of history and dean of
students at Davidson, has published Booker T. Washington
and the Negro's Place in American Life, the seventh volume
in the Library of American Biography, edited by Oscar
Handlin.
Dr. W. B. Yearns of the Wake Forest College history de-
partment has been awarded a study and research grant by
Duke University for the summer term, 1955.
Dr. Robert Leroy Hilldrup, professor of history at Mary
Washington College of the University of Virginia, has re-
ceived a grant-in-aid from the Southern Fellowships Fund
for study in England this summer. He will study at Oxford
University and search county libraries for British material
on eighteenth century Virginia. Dr. Hilldrup was a professor
of history at East Carolina College from 1936 to 1944.
Dr. Joseph C. Robert, now president of Coker College,
has accepted the presidency of Hampden-Sydney College
in Virginia.
The College of William and Mary is celebrating the John
Marshall Bicentennial throughout 1955 with a series of con-
ferences and special programs and is providing funds for ap-
propriate research projects. The Institute of Early American
History and Culture has received some aid from the college
for compilation of a bibliography of John Marshall.
The Newsletter from Williamsburg announces that both
a state and a federal commission have been established with
appropriations to prepare for the 350th anniversary celebra-
tion of Jamestown, Virginia, first permanent English settle-
ment in the New World. The commissions have authorized
Historical News 447
two developments; one of which authorizes the National Park
Service to carry on archaeological investigations at James-
town and on the site of Governor Sir William Berkeley's
mansion, "Green Spring." The second, which is financed
by federal funds, is a two-year project to search further for
Virginia colonial records in British repositories and to secure
microfilm copies.
Mr. A. T. Dill, native of New Bern, graduate of the Uni-
versity of North Carolina, and author of a number of works
on his home town and county, has been appointed to an
important executive position with the federal commission.
At the annual meeting of the Council of the Institute of
Early American History and Culture in Williamsburg on
May 7, a constitution was adopted. The following persons
were elected to serve a three-year term ending in the spring
of 1958: Dr. John R. Alden, Dr. Alfred A. Knopf, Dr. Samuel
Eliot Morison, Dr. Richard H. Shryock, and Dr. William B.
Willcox; to fill a vacancy among the members whose term
expires in 1957, Dr. Julian P. Boyd. The officers of the Council
are: Walter M. Whitehill, chairman (and ex officio chair-
man of the executive committee), Dr. Clifford K. Shipton,
vice chairman, and Dr. Edmund S. Morgan, secretary.
The members of the Executive Committee, in addition
to Dr. Whitehill, are Messrs. Boyd, Knopf, Morison, and
David J. Mays, and the presidents of the two sponsoring
organizations, Dr. Alvin D. Chandler of the College of Wil-
liam and Mary, and Mr. Kenneth Chorley of Colonial Wil-
liamsburg.
Dr. Lester J. Cappon, editor of publications of the Insti-
tute, was elected director, to succeed Lyman H. Butterfield
who resigned last November to become editor of the Adams
Papers in the Massachusetts Historical Society.
At the annual dinner of the Institute its prize of $500 for
the best book in the field of early American history published
in 1954 was awarded to Dr. Gerald Stourzh of the Univer-
sity of Chicago's Center for the Study of American Foreign
Policy, for his volume on Benjamin Franklin and American
Foreign Policy.
448 The North Carolina Historical Review
The American Jewish Historical Society, in order to sti-
mulate interest and research in American Jewish History,
is offering three awards of $500, $300, and $200, as first,
second, and third prizes respectively, in cash or scholar-
ships at recognized schools of higher learning for the best
essays in the field of American Jewish history. Applicants,
who must be college students, may obtain full details of
the awards by writing the American Jewish Historical So-
ciety, 3080 Broadway, New York 27, N. Y.
Books received recently include the following: Emma
Prather Gilmer, The Memoirs of Emma Prather Gilmer,
Written in Her 90th Year for Her Children, Grandchildren
and Great Grandchildren (Philadelphia, Pa: The Cherry
Company, Publishers, 1955); T. Harry Williams, P. G. T.
Beauregard, Napoleon in Gray (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1955); W. F. Craven and J. L. Cate, The
Army Air Forces in World War II, Men and Planes, Volume
VI (Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago Press,
1955); Earl Schenck Miers, The Web of Victory, Grant at
Vicksburg (New York, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.,
1955 ) Carl Alvin Schenck, The Biltmore Story, Recollections
of the Beginnings of Forestry in the United States ( St. Paul,
Minnesota: America Forest History Foundation, Minnesota
Historical Society, 1955); W. C. Carter and A. P. Glossbren-
ner, The History of York County, From Its Erection to the
Present Time (1729-1834), New Edition with Additions, Edi-
ted by A. Monroe Aurand, Jr. (Harrisburg, Pa: The Aurand
Press, 1955); Arthur S. Link, American Epoch, A History of
the United States Since the 1890' s (New York, New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1955); I. O. Schaub, North Carolina
Agricultural Experiment Station: The First 60 Years, 1877-
1937 (Raleigh: North Carolina State College, 1955); John
Q. Anderson, Brokenburn, The Journal of Kate Stone, 1861-
1868 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1955);
Orrin Sage Wightman and Margaret Davis Cate, Early Days
of Coastal Georgia ( St. Simons Island, Georgia, Fort Frede-
rica Association, 1955); Blackwell P. Robinson, The North
Carolina Guide (Chapel Hill: The University of North Car-
Historical News 449
olina Press, 1955); Monroe F. Cockrell, The Lost Account
of the Battle of Corinth and The Court Martial of Gen. Van
Dorn (Jackson, Tennessee: McCowat-Mercer Press, 1955);
George W. Dalzell, Benefit of Clergy in America (Winston-
Salem, North Carolina: John F. Blair, 1955); Nettie McCor-
mick Henley, The Home Place ( New York, New York; Van-
tage Press, 1955); Robert Neal Elliot, Jr., The Raleigh Reg-
ister, 1799-1863 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Car-
lina Press, 1955, The James Sprunt Studies in History and
Political Science) Volume 36; Aubrey C. Land, The Dulanys
of Maryland: A Biographical Study of Daniel Dulany, The
Elder (1685-1753) and Daniel Dulany, The Younger (1722-
1797) (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 1955, Studies
in Maryland History, No. 3); and Dorothy Horton McGee,
Famous Signers of the Declaration (New York, New York:
Dodd, Mead and Company, 1955).
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Mr. Houston G. Jones is a university fellow in history
and doctoral candidate at Duke University, Durham. He
will be visiting instructor in history at Western Carolina
College for the summer, 1955.
Dr. Frenise A. Logan has been visiting professor of his-
tory at North Carolina College, Durham, for the academic
year 1954-1955.
Mr. David H. Corkran received his masters degree from
Harvard and is at present engaged in research at the New-
berry Library, Chicago, 111.
Dr. Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., is an assistant professor of
history at the University of Richmond, Richmond, Virginia.
Dr. George D. Harmon is professor of American history
and head of the department of history and government at
Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.
Dr. Jay B. Hubbell is emeritus professor of American
literature at Duke University and was visiting professor of
American literature at the University of Virginia, Charlottes-
ville, Virginia, for the school year, 1954-1955.
I 450 |
The North Carolina
Historical Review
Volume XXXII
October, 1955
Number 4
PROPERTY AND TRADE: MAIN THEMES OF EARLY
NORTH CAROLINA NEWSPAPER ADVERTISEMENTS
By Wesley H. Wallace
Editorial portions of North Carolina newspapers from 1751
to 1778 carried relatively little news or comment on the lo-
cal scene; advertisements, therefore, remain the principal
journalistic sources of information about the communities in
which the newspapers were printed. The breadth of subject
matter in the advertisements, the wealth of detail in many
of these paid notices, and the various emphases advertisers
placed on their topics combine to provide interesting and
profitable reading for the modern historian.
The number of advertisements and the amount of space
occupied supply evidence that eastern North Carolinians of
the late Colonial and early Revolutionary periods were very
largely concerned with matters relating to property and trade
—practical, everyday attitudes and practices concerning
slaves and servants, the buying, selling, and leasing of real
estate, the importation and exportation of goods and com-
modities, and a host of related topics. 1
Advertisements Relating to Slaves and Servants
Hardly an issue of an early North Carolina newspaper was
devoid of advertisements chronicling various relationships
between masters and their slaves and servants. There were
1For a more detailed exposition of the number, classification, and space
of advertisements, the newspapers and issues extant, as well as a more
comprehensive treatment of advertising subject matter, see Wesley Herndon
Wallace, "Advertising in Early North Carolina Newspapers, 1751-1778"
(M.A. thesis, University of North Carolina, 1954). No system of subject
matter classification can be entirely adequate, since advertisements fre-
quently touched on more than one subject. For additional general informa-
tion on newspapers, see Charles Christopher Crittenden, North Carolina
Newspapers Before 1790 (Chapel Hill: The James Sprunt Studies in His-
tory and Political Science, Vol. XX, 1928, no. 1).
[451]
452 The North Carolina Historical Review
notices giving details of runaways, official accounts listing
runaways as outlaws, paid notices relating to the capture of
slaves, insertions offering slaves for sale or hire, and adver-
tisements seeking the return of runaway indentured servants
and apprentices. In most cases, the advertiser described the
slave or servants as to appearances and other distinguishing
characteristics; and frequently there were hints as to the ad-
vertiser's personal opinion of some troublesome chattel.
Most numerous of advertisements concerning slaves were
those which sought the capture and return of a runaway. In
1751, in the earliest extant issue of a North Carolina news-
paper, Samuel Johnston offered a reward of "Thirteen Shill-
ings and Four Pence, Proclamation Money," for the return of
a slave named Frank, "a short thick Fellow," who was "a
sensible Negroe." Frank had evidently run away before. On
this latest escape, he had made off with some clothes, which
prompted Johnston to label him "a great Thief." Either pow-
er of the press was lacking or Frank was expert at escaping
detection, for in 1752 Johnston was still advertising for the
slave's return with the (perhaps?) added note of exaspera-
tion that "All Persons are forbid, at their Peril, to harbour
him." 2
Not infrequently, notices of runaways revealed that the
slaves possessed some degree of training as coopers, carpen-
ters, printers, or shoemakers.3 The Robert Wests— senior and
junior— advertised for a Negro named Thomas, who was a
"very good Black-Smith" and who had the uncommon ability
to "read, write, and cypher; ..." Thomas was unusual in
other ways, too; he made his departure felt by taking with
him a large sum of money, a "Pair of Money-Scales and
Weights, and one Pair of Sheets; three Coats . . . a Blue
Jacket, and a great many other Cloaths: ..." In addition,
Thomas purloined a horse, complete with saddle and bridle,
which doubtless he needed to transport such a quantity of
loot.4
2 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 15, 1751, [Jan.-Feb.?], 1752.
3 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington, North Carolina), Nov. 24, 1769;
North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), June 29, 1764; North-Carolina
Gazette (New Bern), Aug. 1, 1777, March 27, 1778.
4 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), March 13, 1752.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 453
While most of the runaway slaves were Negroes, some
were crossbreeds. To indicate some sort of racial mixture, the
term "Mustee" was frequently used, though in one advertise-
ment, the description "Mulatto or Mustee Slave . . . and great-
ly the Looks and Colour of an Indian" was inserted.5 It is,
however, difficult to tell whether a mixture or pure blood was
meant when the descriptive phrases were "Slave of the In-
dian Blood," and "man slave, of the Indian breed."6
Rewards offered in advertisements of runaways varied
greatly in amounts and terms. There were differences in
amounts of rewards even for the same time and place. The
New Bern newspaper displayed a notice in 1769 that forty
shillings would be paid by Thomas Lock of Rowan County
for the return of three runaways. In the same issue, Hugh
Jenkins, John Mitchell, and "Hugh McGumry" all of Rowan
County, offered jointly a reward of five pounds for the re-
turn of just one slave.7 William Tabb of Bute County adver-
tised that he would pay either three or five pounds if his
slave were captured south of the Neuse River— the lower
amount if the runaway were lodged in jail, the higher if the
slave were brought directly to Tabb. Should the slave be
apprehended "nearer home," the captor would simply be
"well rewarded" for his efforts.8 John Strobhar of South Caro-
lina offered a reward of twelve dollars for each of five run-
aways if they were captured in South Carolina; but if they
were taken "in any other Province, TWENTY-FOUR DOL-
LARS each, and all reasonable Charges" would be paid, pro-
vided the slaves were returned to Strobhar's plantation.9 In
Wilmington, a Negro carpenter named "Cuffee" ran away
from Cornelius Harnett, who not only offered a reward for
Cuffee's return, but also announced an extra reward for in-
5 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), [June 29?], 1764.
6 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), April 7, [Dec. 22?], 1775.
7 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 10, 1769. In the same issue,
Jonathan Jasper of Woodstock, in Hyde County, said only that the finder
would be "generously rewarded, besides paying reasonable charges." Printer
James Davis, a year earlier, was willing to pay only twenty shillings re-
ward for the capture of a "Fellow named WILL; . . ." North-Carolina
Gazette (New Bern), June 24, 1768.
8 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), April 7, 1775. Later in the same
year, Tabb raised the reward to ten pounds. North-Carolina Gazette (New
Bern), [Dec. 22?], 1775.
9 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), June 16, 1775.
454 The North Carolina Historical Review
formation about anyone who might be harboring the slave.
The additional payment, to be made only if the guilty person
were convicted, would be forty shillings in case the offense
was committed by a Negro, but 'Jive pounds if by a white
person. . . . 10
Not all the slaves who departed their masters did so vol-
untarily, according to at least two advertisements. Robert
Heriot of Georgetown, South Carolina, offered a reward of
one hundred pounds for the return of two slaves, father and
son, who, Heriot thought, had been "stolen or inveigled" into
leaving him. "There is reason to believe [said Heriot in his
notice] they were carried off by some stragling IsicH white
men, who went . . . through THIS into the North province."11
The New Bern firm of Edward Batchelor and Company was
not at all sure that five newly imported slaves had gone away
of their own accord. The slaves could not speak English, had
been "very little worked," and had been well treated. Because
of this, the firm concluded, "it is formified Isic] they have
been inveigled away by some infamousry [sic] principled
Person, of a fairer Complexion, but darker Disposition than
theirs." 12
In spite of all the advertising for runaways, many of these
stayed away for long periods of time. The owner could then
call on the community officially and legally to make a special
effort to track down the runaway, either to return the slave
to the master or to kill the slave without fear of reprisal. Such
a call for assistance took the form of an appeal to the justices
of the peace having jurisdiction, to declare the runaway an
outlaw, who invariably was "supposed to be lurking about,
doing Acts of Felony." 13 These outlawry notices were highly
stereotyped, following a strict legal form; many of them, how-
ever, included a nota bene which sometimes hinted at the at-
10 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Aug. 7, 1775.
11 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Dec. 29, 1773. The kidnapping, if
such it was, had occurred in the middle of 1771.
12 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Feb. 24, 1775.
13 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), May 5, 1775. Every advertisement
announcing the outlawing of a runaway contained this or a similar phrase.
The procedure for outlawing was set forth in Chapter XXIV of the Laws
of 1741, entitled "An Act Concerning Servants and Slaves," now printed
in Walter Clark, coll. and ed., The State Records of North Carolina (Vols.
XI-XXVI, Winston, Goldsboro, 1895-1907), XXIII, 203-204.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 455
titude the master took toward his slave. These postscripts
were not uniform, ranging from severe to mild; but in the
majority of notices one reward was offered if the slave were
captured and returned and another, usually larger, would
be paid if the "outlaw" were killed.14
If there is any parallel to be drawn between the number
of advertisements of runaway slaves and the number of no-
tices of captures, it would seem that a slave had a fair chance
of escaping permanently. Still, runaways were apprehended;
and, upon occasion, notices appeared in the New Bern and
Wilmington papers to that effect. Most of these simply de-
scribed the appearance of the slave, mentioned the slave's
name or the name of his owner, if these were known, and
gave any other necessary details which would permit identi-
fication and recovery by the lawful master.
Lewis Williams, Sheriff of Onslow County, was doing his
duty rather thoroughly when he advertised in both New
Bern and Wilmington that he had "TAKEN up and conveyed
to the county goal Isicl on New-River, four likely Negro Fel-
lows." From the fact that the English language seemed to
mean little to the Negroes, and from other observations, Wil-
liams rather thought they had been "lately imported." The
proper master could get them from the "goal keeper" in On-
slow by "paying Costs, &c." 15
Not all captured-slave notices were inserted by public of-
ficials. Private citizens like John Buford of New Hanover
County and Francis Jones of Beaufort County captured run-
aways and duly advertised in the press.16 Caler Bell of Beau-
14 For varying attitudes, see North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), May
12, July 14, Oct. 6, [Dec. 22?], 1775, July 18, 1777, Feb. 20, 1778. It is
most difficult to believe many of the owners seriously meant their slaves
should be killed, solely, if not for other reasons, because such an act would
mean the destruction of valuable property.
15 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 10, 1769; Cape-Fear Mercury
(Wilmington), Nov. 24, 1769. The spelling indicated above may or may not
have been that of Sheriff Williams. In the Mercury, the wording differs in
slight detail from that of the New Bern insertion. The Wilmington spelling
was "Jail" and "Jail-Keeper." The makeup of the Wilmington advertisement
was much more attention-compelling than that appearing in the Gazette,
including a headline: "Taken up and committed to Jail." For other captured-
slave advertisements inserted by public officials, see North-Carolina Gazette
(New Bern), Sept. 2, 1774, May 5, 1775, Sept. 12, 1777, and Cape-Fear
Mercury (Wilmington), Dec. 29, 1773.
16 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Sept. 22, 1773; North-Carolina
Gazette (New Bern), Feb. 24, 1775.
456 The North Carolina Historical Review
fort, Carteret County, advertised the fact that a runaway
named George had given himself up to Bell. George's story
was that he belonged to "one Billy Thomas, in Jamaica, from
whence himself and 3 more Negroes . . . ran away in a
Schooner, and were 9 Months getting to this Country, but
after landing [,] the other Negroes, took a different Path."
Bell doubted George's account and thought his owner was
probably in South Carolina; though he acknowledged George
was "artful enough to talk about making of Sugar, and pre-
tends to be intirely ignorant about any Thing that belongs to
the Culture of Rice."17
A single advertisement in the North-Carolina Gazette
(New Bern), reveals a compassion for runaway slaves not
often observed in public statements of the time. Robert Wil-
liams, whose plantation was at Hamlet, Carteret County,
gave an account of two "new Negroes" who had been in jail
in Beaufort.
By some Accident, or Act of Humanity [the advertisement
read], they got out of Goal, of a cold Evening (almost starved
even in the fore part of the Night, and must have inevitably
perished before Morning) and Strayed to the Subscriber's
Kitchen, who wishes the proper Owner had them, but cannot
send them any more into Confinement to starve and freeze to
Death according to Law: For the Great Law-Giver Moses, had
in Command, that we should do no Murder.18
Laudable as these sentiments were, they did not represent
the general view that slaves were classed with goods and
chattels— they were bought, sold, traded, and bequeathed—
and North Carolina newspaper advertisements reflected all
these activities.
Many advertisements announced sales of imported slaves
and were inserted by individual merchants or importing
firms. In advertising a "parcel" of slaves for sale, the adjec-
tives "likely," "healthy," or "sensible" were frequently em-
ployed to attract buyers. In every case, terms of payment
were stipulated in the advertisements. Samuel Cornell of-
17 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 13, 1775.
18 Jan. 7, 1774. Williams noted that the slaves, after getting away from
jail, "came in a Canoe to Bogue Sound, but where from we cannot under-
stand."
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 457
fered to sell slaves for "ready Money or Produce"; Thomas
Haslen wanted "ready Money or store Credit"; Edward
Batchelor and Company would sell for "Cash, or Country
Produce"; and Alexander Hostler and Company of Wilming-
ton wanted essentially the same for "Eighteen prime NE-
GROES."19
Sales of slaves advertised by individuals, in contrast to
those by importing merchants, required somewhat lengthier
notices and were inspired by a wide variety of reasons. Even
these, however, always specified the manner of payment.
Adam Boyd, printer of the Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilming-
ton ) , used his own paper to announce he would accept "cash"
or would give "short credit with approved security," if any-
one wanted to buy two slaves "who have been accustomed
to plantation business, & are well acquainted with every
branch of it."20 John Green and John Cook wanted only
"ready money" for two slaves "one a very good cooper, the
other a good sailor, ..." They also advertised "a house
wench, who is a tolerable good cook, and can wash, iron,
spin and weave." 21 Benjamin Whitaker, who lived about five
miles above New Bern on the Trent River road, wanted to
dispose of 120 acres of land and two slaves. His advertise-
ment noted: "Pork will be taken the ensuing Season in Pay-
ment for the . . . Land and Negroes."22
Sometimes debt-ridden North Carolina property holders
were unable to meet their obligations except through drastic
means. It was then that a man like Christopher Cains, Bruns-
wick County sheriff, might advertise: "FOR ready MONEY
WILL be SOLD, at the next Superior Court at Wilmington,
Six likely Country-born Slaves, taken upon Execution. . . ." 23
Edmund Wrenford, in an attempt to settle with his creditors,
offered to sell "cheap for ready Money," several slaves, "con-
19 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Sept. 7, 21, 1764; North-Carolina
Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 13, 1775; Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington),
May 18, 1774.
20 Dec. 29, 1773. Boyd's activities concerning slaves were not limited to
offers to sell. At various times, he "WANTED to hire or buy a smart handy
negro Boy"; would give "A Good price . . . for a Negro Cooper"; and
wanted to hire out "AN excellent House Wench." Cape-Fear Mercury
(Wilmington), Dec. 29, 1773, Nov. 24, 1769, May 11, 1774.
^North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), July 3, 1778.
22 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Sept. 2, 1774.
23 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Nov. 24, 1769.
458 The North Carolina Historical Review
sisting of Men, Women, Boys, Girls, and Children," along
with crops as they stood in the fields.24
Offers to "hire out" slaves were not uncommon in early
North Carolina newspaper advertising. Frequently, the an-
nouncement that slaves were available for hire came from
executors of estates. Security for the hire might be required;
and the length of hire varied from as brief a time as a month
to as much as a year.25 Usually the hiring was considered to
be a private transaction, but Mary Gordon of New Bern gave
notice that if individuals did not come forward soon, her
slaves would be "hired out at public vendue."26
From the few advertisements extant, it would appear that
some slaves were not averse to stealing from their own mas-
ters and then quietly selling the goods or produce to white
men. Both the guilty slaves and the receivers of stolen goods
drew the ire of Thomas Clifford Howe in a strongly-worded
public notice. Howe warned everyone concerned not to deal
with his Negroes, unless the slaves could produce a "Certifi-
cate, signed by Me," giving them permission to sell. Because
of "repeated Acts of Villany" in which the slaves stole pro-
duce from the plantation, took it to New Bern, and there sold
it to "Persons who make it their constant Practice to deal
with Negroes," Howe proposed in the future to invoke the
full wrath of the law.27 William Hooper was suffering loss
both from his plantation and from his town house in Wil-
mington. He, like Howe, complained that there were those
who were willing to buy what the slaves stole, adding, "and
I have certain information of rum having been sold them and
am no stranger to those who are concerned; . . . " Hooper's
advertisement closed with the usual threat to prosecute the
guilty parties "with the utmost rigour."28
Although many of the laws concerning slaves applied with
equal force to indentured servants, there was still a major dis-
tinction between the two classes for when their indentures
24 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Oct. 6, 1775.
25 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), [Dec. 22?], 1775, June 13, Sept.
4, 1778.
26 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 30, 1778.
27 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Sept. 21, 1764.
28 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Sept. 22, 1773.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 459
were up, the bondsmen became their own masters. Yet in
spite of the freedom that lay at the end of Time's road, many
servants preferred to gamble on getting their freedom earlier
by running away instead of awaiting the natural course of
events. As in the case of runaway slaves, masters turned to
the newspapers to offer rewards for the return of indentured
servants; the advertisements in turn point up some distinc-
tions between slaves and servants.
Most of the runaway bondsmen were white persons;29 and,
aside from this main point, they differed from slaves in that
each usually had a given name and a surname, and in most
cases the indentured servants were skilled in some trade or
craft. Sheriff Southy Rew of Craven County advertised for
Benjamin Bond and Paul Price, both of whom were inden-
tured to John Mitchelson of Virginia. Bond, a miller, and
Price, a baker, had run away, had been captured, subsequent-
ly "broke out of Goal" in New Bern, and Rew was most an-
xious to get them again.30
No place of origin was indicated for Bond or Price; but,
in several other instances, this item of information was noted
in advertisements. James Davis used his New Bern paper to
label as a runaway "an Irish Servant Woman, named Mary
Lambert, . . . "31 Herrall Blackmore advertised for "GEORGE
THOMAS, a native of Wales," but neglected to indicate
Thomas's trade. Printer Adam Boyd slipped up in his type-
setting in this advertisement, for Thomas was described as
having "black hair about 5 foot high; . . . " 32 James Blythe
was somewhat redundant when he advertised for the recov-
ery of "an Irish Servant Man, named PATRICK MUR-
PHEY, ..." As an afterthought, Blythe informed his readers
that "Said PATRICK MURPHY [sicl is a Sawyer by
Trade."™ Mary Kelly, an Irish bondswoman, ran away from
George Barnes, "at the sign of the Harp & Crown in Wilming-
80 An exception appeared in an advertisement inserted in the North-Caro-
lina Magazine (New Bern), July 20, 1764, by Richard Fenner, in an attempt
to recover a "Free Negroe Wench, named Jenny Spellman," who "is
bound to me by Indenture for a Term of Years, yet unexpired, . . ."
80 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), [July 7?], 1753.
81 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), April 15, 1757.
33 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Jan. 13, 1773.
33 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Sept. 22, 1773.
460 The North Carolina Historical Review
ton." Barnes used the Cape-Fear Mercury to let the public
know that Mary did not go unequipped. According to Barnes,
she "had on ... a little round mans hat, green peticoat and
black stuff shoes; took with her, two striped blew and white
cotton, and one calico with red flowers, short gowns, and 6
yards of dark coloured calico not made up."z* In the matter
of rewards, Blackmore offered only twenty shillings for the
return of Thomas; while Blythe would give four pounds for
Patrick Murphey and Barnes three pounds for Mary Kelly.
Though the effect was the same as running away, Henry
Young of Wilmington advertised that two "indented Serv-
ants" had "Eloped from the Brigantine Friendship, ..." The
first was one who "calls himself a Groom or Horse Jockey,"
and the other was "by Trade a Curryer or Leather Dresser."
The escaped servants were thought to be working "at or near
Newbern," and Young was willing to pay six pounds, procla-
mation money, for the return of these two and a Negro slave
who had run away at the same time.35 Another resident of
Wilmington, William Campbell, used an advertisement to
announce the escape of seven servants from the brig Roger.
All had either English or Scottish names, and their trades
and skills included two tailors, two tinsmiths, a farmer, a cab-
inetmaker and joiner, and a bricklayer.36
Early North Carolina newspapers were particularly lack-
ing in advertisements about apprentices, whose legal status
and social position were closely related to those of indentured
servants. James Davis, needing someone to help him in his
publishing business in New Bern, advertised for an "appren-
tice to the printing business. A smart active boy, that can
write a legible hand, and read pretty well, will be received." 37
Isaac Bell, a seventeen-year-old boy apprenticed to James
Aranks, ran away; and Aranks, seeking his return, described
34 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Sept. 22, 1773.
^North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), May 5, 1775.
86 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington) , Dec. 29, 1773. In this same issue
there is the only piece of advertising evidence which shows indentured
servants were brought into North Carolina and there disposed of directly.
John Burgwin, calling attention to the sailing of the brig William, added
a nota bene: "The Master has the time of a few Redemptioners to dispose
of."
37 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), July 17, 1778.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 461
the boy in unflattering terms as having "a remarkable flat
face, and talks a great deal; . . . " 38
Real and Personal Property Advertisements
Newspaper advertisements between 1751 and 1778 dem-
onstrate beyond question North Carolinians' concern with
other real and personal property besides slaves. There were
houses, furniture, tools, and livestock to be sold or leased.
Other goods and chattels had to be disposed of. Most com-
pelling, however, were the problems connected with land.
Landholders bought, sold, traded, leased, or speculated in
real estate. Men of property worried about titles, deeds, pa-
tents—and how to get yet still more land. Wealth, social ac-
ceptance, and political enfranchisement were to a large de-
gree measured or achieved in terms of land and related prop-
erty.39
Size, location, and terms of payment were the usual ingred-
ients of most real estate notices. Frequently added to these
basic bits of information were descriptions of noteworthy
features of the property, the suitability of the land for various
purposes, and sometimes the reasons for the transaction.
Sarah Allen, apparently settling the estate of her late hus-
band, Eleazer Allen, advertised town lots located in Bruns-
wick and Wilmington and a total of 3,415 acres of planta-
tion land. This large acreage was divided into five tracts, the
largest of which was a 1,280-acre plantation named "Lille-
put" located near Brunswick and having considerable front-
age on a creek and the Cape Fear River. The various pieces
of property were suited to the production of rice, corn, and
indigo.40
38 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), May 15, 1778.
39 For other comments on the importance of land, see Hugh Talmage Lefler
and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina: The History of a Southern State
(Chapel Hill, 1954), 82. Hereafter cited as Lefler and Newsome, North
Carolina.
40 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 15, 1751. Though her ad-
vertisement does not say she was acting as sole executrix, she is so designated
in Eleazar Allen's will. See J. Bryan Grimes, comp., North Carolina Wills
and Inventories Copied from Original and Recorded Wills and Inventories
in the Office of the Secretary of State by J. Bryan Grimes, Secretary of
State (Raleigh, 1912), 8-9. Newspaper advertisements of widely-dispersed
and sizeable holdings were not uncommon. The estate of Joseph Montford
462 The North Carolina Historical Review
Except for the demand that adequate security be provided,
there was little uniformity in terms or conditions of sale.
"Ready money" was preferred; short credit was better than
long; but, upon occasion, long credit was available.41 When
neither credit nor time was offered, other conditions might
be imposed. Benjamin Whitaker, hoping to sell five hundred
acres, "more or less, old purchased Land" down the river
from New Bern, stated: "Staves and Shingles will be taken in
Payment; and to accommodate a Purchaser, the Payment will
be divided into four Periods, of six Months each." 42 Another
advertiser gave notice that "Negroes, produce, continental or
approved european bills" of credit were satisfactory payment
for the two thousand acres of South Carolina land he wanted
to sell.43
An important "selling point" in many advertisements was
a description of any houses, barns, and other structures erect-
ed on the land. Of four tracts advertised by Burwell Lanier,
two had such structures. On one piece of property, there was
"a House 24 by 16," while the other was improved by "a very
good House 24 by 24, Brick Chimney, a Kitchen 24 by 16,
and other outhouses, . . . " 44 Sarah Aliens plantation, "Lille-
put," was adorned by "a very good Brick Dwelling-house,"
besides other buildings; while another tract known as
"Spring-Field, fronting on the North-East River," had several
buildings, including "a very good Brick Barn, 42 Feet by 23,
a Dwelling-house, and other Out-houses." 45 Frederick Gibble
described his "large plantation . . . lately cleared" as having
"a dwelling house 24 by 16 feet, a kitchen 16 by 12, a milk-
house 12 by 8, a smoak-house 12 feet square, and corn
crib, . . . " 46 Lanier and Gibble also stressed the presence of
included parcels of six thousand acres in both Tryon and Bute counties,
fifteen hundred acres in Halifax County, a mere 370 acres in Orange County,
and "sundry other small tracts in different parts of this state." North-
Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Dec. 12, 1777. See also North-Carolina Maga-
zine (New Bern), Sept. 21, 1764; Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Sept.
1, 1775, Dec. 29, 1773; North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), April 15, 1757,
Nov. 10, 1769, Nov. 28, 1777, April 3, Nov. 30, 1778.
a North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Dec. 12, 1777; Cape-Fear Mercury
(Wilmington), Dec. 29, 1773.
43 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Sept. 2, 1774.
43 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Sept. 5, 1777.
44 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 7, 1774.
45 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 15, 1751.
46 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Dec. 12, 1777.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 463
orchards, both peach and apple; and Gibble noted that his
property was "well attended with springs, ..."
Upon occasion, town property, offered for sale in the ad-
vertising columns, was described in considerable detail. One
such Edenton notice of a public auction of a "dwelling house,
kitchen, store-house and appurtenances thereto adjoining,"
proclaimed the property to be ideal for a business establish-
ment or an inn. The advertiser in fact boasted that it was "by
far the best situation ... in the whole town," because it stood
"the nighest to the court house, and in the very centre of
business: ..." The house must have been an imposing edi-
fice, for it consisted of "four rooms below, three of which
have fire places, and six good bed chambers above, wherein
are two fire places." There was plenty of room for a garden,
"there having formerly been a very fine one on it," with the
added advantage of "an exceedingly fine spring thereon."47
The sale of property was not always the object of real
estate advertising; sometimes the owner desired to sell or
lease, or perhaps wanted only to lease. In Wilmington, Rob-
ert Wales would either sell or lease his house and lot, located
"a little below Mr. Purviance's Tar-House . . . fronting Front
street, ..." The lot, with a frontage of sixty-six feet, extended
down to the river; and the buyer or lessee might well build
himself a wharf, "with a very small Expense; . . . "48 A differ-
ent kind of property offered for rent was a ferry owned and
operated by Richard Craven, "near Newbern." Craven obli-
gated himself "to keep the Ferry well supplied with good
Boats."49 John Burgwin, seeking a tenant for the "pleasant
plantation lately the seat of General Waddell, deceased,"
pointed out that the property was
... in a very good neighbourhood; — there are about 150 Acres
of clear land, properly divided into different fields &c. and all
well fenced. The improvements upon it are a large commodious
house, though not quite finished, yet several of the rooms are
"North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), April 3, 1778.
* North-Carolina Gazette (Wilmington), Feb. 12, 1766. Thomas Clifford
Howe advertised the renting of a "Commodious Dwelling-House pleasantly-
situated in Newbern." North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Jan. 4, 1765.
See also the notice of Frederick Jones who wanted to rent out a "large and
commodious" house, "with four dry cellars, . . ." Cape-Fear Mercury (Wil-
mington), Sept. 22, 1773.
49 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Aug. 17, 1764.
464 The North Carolina Historical Review
completely so, with plenty of cellerage, a convenient kitchen
and wash house, in the upper story of which are rooms parti-
tioned off for servants, two good stables and a coach house, with
other out houses and a garden.50
Among the more interesting and useful advertisements are
those in which personal property was offered for sale, usually
as a result of the owner's death and the resulting necessity
for settling the estate. Through the medium of these adver-
tisements it is possible to catch a glimpse of the sort of tang-
ibles which interested North Carolinians of the period; at
the same time, these notices give some idea of the social
structure of the community and the individual's place in it
as measured by the quantity and variety of personal effects
requiring disposition.
An advertisement by Thomas and Elizabeth Howe, joint
administrators of the estate of Richard Spaight, announced
an auction of a part of Spaight's goods and chattels. The sale
was limited to "Stock of Cattle, Work-Horses, and a Parcel of
old Plantation Tools" from several plantations, and did not,
of course, represent Spaight's entire property.51 A resident
of Cross Creek left rather meager effects, consisting only of
"sundry dry goods, hardware, beding [sic] , wearing apparel,
a silver watch, buckles, &c." 52 On the other hand, the person-
al property of Mary Conway included "Houshold [sic] and
Kitchen Furniture, Bedding and Books, Cows and Calves,"
besides a piece of real estate in New Bern.53
There was variety in the estate of Simon Bright of Dobbs
County. The administrators announced an auction of "a
small library of books, several neat guns, a very good com-
pass and chain for surveying land . . . several horses . . . [and]
50 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Dec. 29, 1773. William Palmer of
Bath also wanted to rent his three-thousand-acre plantation and a house in
town, as well as another plantation near Bath, improved by "a good clap-
board house and dairy, . . ." The latter property was a tract of only one
hundred acres, but forty of these were cleared, "and under a good fence, a
remarkable good savannah contiguous making a fine range for cattle."
North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 16, 1778.
51 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), June 29, 1764. Plantation tools,
livestock, and furniture were often advertised in general terms. See Cape-
Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Nov. 24, 1769, Dec. 29, 1773, and North-
Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 7, 1774, Aug. 29, 1777.
52 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), May 18, 1774.
53 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Sept. 2, 1774.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 465
a parcel of hogs, cattle, and sheep." In the same newspaper,
still greater variety appeared in an advertisement by Hope
Stanton, who gave notice of an "Auction" at Black Creek to
settle the estate of Henry Stanton. A large amount of both
real and personal property was to be sold. A saw mill, part
of a grist mill, and some land made up the real estate; while
the personal property consisted of cattle and other farm ani-
mals, a "Log Carriage, Chains . . . some planting Utensils . . .
Blacksmiths Tools, some Iron, a Set of Turners Tools, some
Carpenters Tools . . . Hives of Bees, a small Still, [and] a
swift sailing Boat with a Suit of Sails, ..." Perhaps wearying
of her long list, the advertiser concluded with the notice that
there were, in addition, "a great many Articles, and other
Things, too tedious to be mentioned in this Notoriety, . . . " 54
When prominent merchants and shippers died, settlement
of their estates revealed ownership of other property besides
the usual land, slaves, and personal effects. The estate of
David Barron included, among other things, "half the Brig-
antine BETSEY . . . lately launched and now rigging, ..." Ed-
ward Batchelor's executors advertised the auctioning of a
"quantity of dry goods . . . also a quantity of melasses. At the
same time will be sold, a small sloop and schooner, with their
materials as they now lay at the wharf. . . ." The same notice
said there would be another sale about three weeks later to
auction off "THREE quarters of the Ship HARMONY HALL
as she now lies at Mr. Cornell's wharf, with her cargo on
board and completely fitted for sea, ..." Buyers could also
bid on "a half share of the schooner POLLY burthen about
95 tons, . . . " 55
^North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Sept. 12, 1777. The use of the word
"Auction" was somewhat unusual; the most frequently used descriptive
phrases for such a sale were "public vendue" or "to the highest bidder."
For examples, see North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Sept. 2, 1774, Dec.
12, 1777, June 6, Nov. 7, 1778.
55 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), June 13, 1778, Dec. 12, 1777. For
a discussion of the tonnage, rigging, and description of sloops, schooners,
brigs, and ships, see Charles Christopher Crittenden, The Commerce of
North Carolina, 1763-1789 (New Haven, London, 1936), 9-11. Hereafter
cited as Crittenden, Commerce of North Carolina. In this instance, the
tonnage of the Polly made her as large as the usual brigantine. The sloop
Caswell, "burthen 90 tons," was nearly so. North-Carolina Gazette (New
Bern), May 15, 1778. It is possible that the advertisers referred to their
vessels as schooners and sloops because of the manner in which they were
rigged rather than by the classification of tonnage.
466 The North Carolina Historical Review
Land titles were frequently the subject of real estate ad-
vertising in North Carolina's early newspapers. Several no-
tices stated that good titles were assured prospective purch-
asers, and one man invited holders of mortgages or claims
against the property he had just purchased to present them-
selves.56 Titles to land offered for sale by John Murray were
apparently questioned by James Erwin who, Murray said,
was claiming the property for his own. According to Murray,
Erwin went so far as to "forbid any person from purchasing"
the land. Murray, however, was satisfied as to his right to
sell the property, and said he would "warrant the titles to be
good" on any land he sold.57
On the death of John, Earl Granville, the heirs of North
Carolina's sole remaining proprietorship appointed Josiah
Martin as "their special Commissioner, Agent and Attor-
ney, ..." Martin therefore performed the dual function of
administering the governorship of the province and at the
same time representing the interests of the proprietors of the
Granville district. His relationship with the proprietors was
advertised in a proclamation in March, 1775, in which he di-
rected all records of land titles, entries, and monies paid in
for entries in the Granville district be brought to him, along
with all the necessary land books, affidavits, and various cer-
tificates of the "former Entry Takers ... to the End that the
strictest Justice may be done to Persons having equitable
Claims to Lands: . . . " 58
Land speculation also occupied the attention of Martin,
both in his capacity as governor and later as the representa-
tive of the Granville interests. In the middle of 1774, Martin
warned the public generally that no one had any authority
to survey "vacant Lands" in the Granville district. He repeat-
ed the warning more strongly in March, 1775, at the same
time telling those who had settled in the area without author-
ity "to depart immediately from the said Lands" and to stop
56 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Dec. 29, 1773, May 18, 1774; North-
Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 7, 1774, Sept. 5, 1777, Nov. 30, 1778.
51 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Sept. 22, 1773.
58 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), March 24, 1775.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 467
"cutting and carrying off . . . Boards, Staves, Shingles, &c." 50
The western part of the Granville district was occupied by
Cherokee Indians who were an obstacle to North Carolinians'
expansionist desires.60 Though in 1763 an Order in Council
from the English Crown made it illegal for individuals or
groups other than appropriate government authorities to deal
with the Indians, North Carolinians evidently paid little heed.
On April 25, 1774, Governor Martin published an advertise-
ment warning the public that he had information that "Emi-
grants from this Province, had settled on the Cherokee Lands,
in Violation of the most solemn Treaties, ..." This was a sit-
uation which Martin said he could not tolerate because of its
"most fatal Consequences"; therefore he sternly directed "the
said Settlers immediately to retire from the Indian Terri-
tories, otherwise they are to expect no Protection from his
Majesty's Government." 61
The warning obviously had little effect; for in February,
1775, Martin returned to the subject in a very lengthy adver-
tisement. First, he set forth the pertinent parts of the Royal
Proclamation of October 7, 1763, forbidding land dealings
with the Indians; then Martin quoted a portion of a related
law passed by the North Carolina General Assembly. When
he had thus stated the legal case, the Governor proceded to
accuse "a certain Richard Henderson, late of the county of
Granville . . . confederating with divers other Persons," of
violating all the laws on the subject. What was worse, the
Governor fumed, Henderson and "his Confederates" had ap-
parently agreed "to pay the Indians for the Cession of Land
... a considerable Quantity of Gunpowder, whereby they
will be furnished with the Means of annoying his Majesty's
Subjects. . . ." In addition, Martin said, Henderson was offer-
ing haven to some of the worst elements of the population,
59 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), [July 15?], 1774, March 24, 1775.
The July, 1774, issue also carried a notice directing that any books, papers,
or other evidence connected with land in the proprietary domain be given
to Martin. Although, as Martin stated, the land office for the Granville
district was closed in 1763, all the necessary records had not been turned
in eleven years later.
60 Broader aspects of the western land problem of 1763-1776 are succinctly
presented in Hugh Talmage Lefler, ed., North Carolina History Told By
Contemporaries (Chapel Hill, 1934), 121-122.
91 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), May 18, 1774.
468 The North Carolina Historical Review
including those bent on escaping their debts, "to the great
Injury of Creditors." The proclamation warned the public to
have nothing to do with Hendersons scheme, as the titles to
land thus acquired would be "illegal, null, and void, to all In-
tents and Purposes, . . . " 62
Governor Martin's fears concerning land speculation and
dealings with the Cherokees were in part confirmed by an ad-
vertisement later in the same year. An unidentified group an-
nounced that it had bought from the Cherokees a "sizeable
Tract of their Lands," for which "a large and valuable Con-
sideration," had been paid.63 The group termed itself "A
COMPANY of Gentlemen"; whereas Josiah Martin probably
would have applied a somewhat stronger and less compli-
mentary description.
Land speculators were not the only ones who broke laws
relating to property. Personal property was constantly being
stolen, and the owners took to the newspaper to describe the
articles in detail. In addition to advertisements about theft,
there were notices about the loss of property from other
causes, and occasionally an advertisement announcing the
recovery of some item. In a number of instances, the adver-
tiser was not sure whether the article was lost or stolen, but
in any event was willing to pay a reward for its return, "and
no questions asked."64
Some of the thefts and losses involved saddles and saddle
bags. Christoper Neale lost a "Pair of Saddle Bags," taken by
theft or mistake, along with a quantity of surveyor's equip-
ment. John James in Wilmington advertised for the recovery
of a "Man's hunting Saddle, with Silver Furniture and a short
cross-barr'd Saddle-cloth; both almost new." James offered
a reward for the return of the saddle, and an additional re-
ward for information leading to the capture and conviction
of the thief. Unlike some other advertisers, James would pay
a higher reward if the thief were a white man than he would
if the thief were a Negro.65
62 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Feb. 24, 1775.
63 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Oct. 6, 1775. The advertisement
is badly mutilated and only a small portion remains.
64 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 28, 1777, March 6, 1778.
65 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Sept. 21, 1764; Cape-Fear Mer-
cury (Wilmington), Nov. 24, 1769.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 469
Many of the items noted in the newspapers were similar
to those in present-day "lost and found" columns, while
others had a relationship only with earlier times. A man
named Biddle had a thousand dollars stolen from "on board
the ship CORNELL, ..." From the modern standpoint, the
only unusual aspect of this theft was that most of the money
was "in thirty dollar bills." Someone stole from John Rogers's
house "a blue Drabb Cloth Cloak, ..." Solomon Townsend
misplaced a "Box of Boots" and was willing to pay five dollars
as a reward for its discovery. A Wilmington lady either lost
or had stolen "a Silver pint mug" which was decorated with
an engraved "coat of arms, the crest a Lyon rampant . . . also
a table Spoon . . . . " John White "Lost out of a back chamber
at Mr. Edmond Wrenford's ... a chased pint silver bowl"
which to White was worth a reward of ten dollars.66
Two advertisements for "lost" watches reflected the chang-
ing economy of North Carolina. The first watch, lost in 1764,
was a "small Pinch beck" from a London watchmaker. The
owner offered a reward of only "Forty Shillings . . . . " Nearly
fourteen years later, the "lost" article was a gold watch from
Paris; the reward proposed was "20 dollars" if the watch were
offered for sale by a Negro, and if the Negro were cap-
tured.67
Though "found" items were not advertised frequently, a
single issue of the Wilmington North-Carolina Gazette con-
tained two. One was a gold ring which was found "in the
shop of Rookes and Chaldwell, Peruke-makers . . . The
Owner, proving his Property, and paying the Expence of ad-
vertising, may have it again, ..." The other was a "Silver
KNEE-BUCKLE" which was "found by a Negroe, a few
Days ago, . . . " 68
Most numerous of the "lost, found, strayed, and stolen"
advertisements were those which dealt with horses. There
were all sorts of horses— large, small, bay, black, galled,
branded, trotters, and pacers. Some were stolen, some per-
66 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), July 24, 1778; North-Carolina
Gazette (Wilmington), Feb. 12, 1766; Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington),
Dec. 29, 1773; North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 28, 1777.
67 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Oct. 24, 1764; North-Carolina
Gazette (New Bern), March 6, 1778.
68 Feb. 26, 1766.
470 The North Carolina Historical Review
haps strayed— but whatever the description, North Carolin-
ians were concerned about their horses, for these animals rep-
resented both a means of transportation and "motive power"
for farming operations.
A couple of Irishmen figured in alleged thefts of two dif-
ferent horses at different times. William Williams, Jr., of On-
slow County, accused James Gibbons of having stolen his
horse, "a dark bay," as well as a "pair of linnen Spatter-
dashes," and other items. John Jones stole a "pale chestnut
sorrel horse," according to the owner, Robert Harris, and
"stole the same day, from one Mr. Skinner, a smooth boar'd
gun, ..." The horse was "branded . . . very plain, with a P,
shod before, paces well, and fast, . . . " 69
In advertisements seeking to recover strayed horses, the
descriptions were not always complimentary. That of James
Little of New Bern was unusually frank. Little described his
horse as having "saddle spots on his back, paces slow, and
trots very rough." Of two horses that strayed "from camp
near Halifax," Matthias Harvy said disparagingly that one
was a "small flea-bitten grey, trots hard . . . and has some old
brands not known, ..." Both horses were "belled when they
strayed." 70
The grant of "head rights" was a commonplace practice in
colonial American settlement; but the only known advertise-
ment of such grants of land appearing in North Carolina
newspapers was an enticement by the state of Georgia in
1777. Joseph Wood and Edward Langworthy, Georgia dele-
gates to the Continental Congress, inserted a notice in the
New Bern North-Carolina Gazette, advising Tar Heels that
the Georgia legislature had passed certain acts for the pur-
pose of giving "Encouragement ... to such Persons as will
come and settle in the said State, ..." The inducement was
a five-hundred-acre grant to the head of the household, plus
fifty acres for each white person in the family, "and also Fifty
Acres for each Negro, not exceeding ten in Number." The
same grant of land would be given to anyone who would en-
69 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Sept. 21, 1764; North-Carolina
Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 10, 1769.
70 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 28, 1777, Jan. 9, 1778.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 471
list for two years in either of "two Battalions of Minute Men
now raising, ..." In addition to the land, the enlistee could
count on an extra "Bounty of Thirty Dollars in Money, and
Twenty Pence Sterling per Day, with the same Rations of
Provisions as the continental Troops for the Privates/
71
Trade, Commerce, and Industry Reflected in Advertising
The economy of North Carolina in the last half of the
eighteenth century was founded on the growth, production,
or extraction of raw materials, chiefly agricultural and for-
estry products. The commodities produced were to a large
degree natural ones, at best only partly modified by a low
order of industrial processing. These commodities, supply-
ing raw material requirements of users and manufacturers
elsewhere, gave North Carolinians access to an ever-increas-
ing diversity of goods and merchandise that satisfied material
needs and appetites. The economic cycle was not completed
until the raw materials were exchanged for goods and serv-
ices.
Advertisements reflecting practices and activities relating
to trade, commerce, and industry nearly equal in number and
space those relating to other forms of property. There were
announcements of provincial and state governmental regula-
tions, notices concerning the availability of various busi-
nesses or services, a few industrial or manufacturing items,
advices concerning ships and shipping, descriptions of goods
wanted for purchase or exchange, notices of partnership dis-
solutions and settlements of merchants' accounts, and finally
a rash of advertisements heralding long and complex lists
of imported goods and merchandise offered for sale. Run-
ning throughout these paid newspaper notices is evidence
71 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Oct. 24, 1777. The troops so raised
were to be stationed in western Georgia, "where the Lands are granted,"
and would not be called to duty elsewhere "but in Time of actual Invasion,
and then to return to their former Station as soon as the Service will
permit."
72 The acceptance of commodities in exchange for imported goods or in
settlement of accounts may be noted frequently. For a few examples, see
North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Oct. 18, 1759; North-Carolina Maga-
zine (New Bern), Oct. 19, 1764; Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Nov.
24, 1769; North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Aug. 7, 1778.
472 The North Carolina Historical Review
that North Carolina in economic development was not far
removed from the "barter" stage.72
Advertisements of governmental regulation of trade in the
extant issues of North Carolina newspapers from 1751 to 1778
are not numerous, but the few which remain shed light on
the commercial problems of the times. In an advertisement
originating with the "Customs-House" in London, bearing
the internal date of November 25,. 1763, the customs authori-
ties were obviously concerned about reports of collusion be-
tween shippers and local customs officials in America. The
advertisement, which does not appear to have been published
in North Carolina until August, 1764, noted that the "Honor-
able Commissioners of His Majesty's Customs" had been in-
formed that "Compositions have been frequently enter'd
into for the Duties . . . payable to His Majesty at the Ports of
America, . . ." Anyone who knew of such connivance and so
informed any port official, "except the Port where such
Fraud was enter'd into," would receive a third of the duties
involved upon conviction of the guilty parties.73
The New Bern town inspector, John Williams, early in
1765 put on notice all shipmasters not to accept for loading
any of a long list of commodities which had not been prop-
erly inspected according to law, and which did not have
"the Inspector's Brand or Stamp thereon, . . ." The shipmast-
ers guilty of breaking the law would be fined a hundred
pounds, and any port collector of customs who cleared an
uninspected ship would be fined half that amount. In addi-
tion, any unstamped commodities found aboard any vessel
would be confiscated.74
Navigational aids were an absolute necessity for shipmast-
ers who had to pick their way through North Carolina's tor-
tuous and dangerous coastal waterways. If John Bragge is
to be believed, however, not everyone appreciated the value
of these safety devices. According to Bragge's advertisement,
73 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Aug. 3, 1764.
74 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Jan. 11, 1765. The list of com-
modities affected included: "... any Pork, Beef, Pitch, Tar, Turpentine,
Rice, Tanned Leather, [and] Deer-Skins, . . ." During the Revolution, Gov-
ernor Richard Caswell applied temporary export restrictions to beef, pork,
bacon, and salt, because these commodities were needed to supply the armed
forces. North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Feb. 13, 1778.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 473
"Masters of Vessels and other Persons make a Practice" of
running over and otherwise destroying "Stakes and Beacons
fixed in the Channels from Newbern to Occacock Bar, . . ."
Obviously this sort of thing would not do at all, as it resulted
in "great Prejudice of the Navigation, and the manifest In-
jury of the Subscriber, who is employed by the Commis-
sioners of the Navigation to keep the same up." Bragge con-
cluded by offering a reward to anyone who would help him
catch and convict the guilty parties.75
A few tradesmen and craftsmen advertised in early North
Carolina newspapers, and the various services they offered re-
veal something of the customs of the times. A potash-maker
named Stephens placed an advertisement in the New Bern
paper in 1757, calling attention of "all Those concerned in
making POT-ASH" to the fact that he was then in Savannah,
Georgia, but planned to return to Williamsburg, Virginia,
stopping at various places along the way presumably to as-
sist in this specialized work. In addition to visits in South
Carolina, Stephens planned to be at Brunswick, Wilmington,
New Bern, Bath, and Edenton in North Carolina. The adver-
tisement listed the date and exact location where he could
be consulted at each place, with the trip to commence about
April 12, and to conclude at Williamsburg on May 25.76
Thomas Brown, a "Copper-Smith from Philadelphia," an-
nounced he had "set up his business in Wilmington," for the
purpose of making and selling various items of copper, in-
cluding: "Stills, brew-kettles, wash kettles and tea kettles,
also all other kinds of copper work, . . ." Brown also wanted
his public to know that he was an importer of a "variety of
tin-ware and sheet-tin, which he will sell very low; . . ." But
the important part of his announcement seemed to be the
concluding portion of his sentence: a warning that "he like-
wise acquaints his friends & customers that he is determined
to give no credit for repairing any old copper ware." 7T
James Verrier, styling himself a "Peruke Maker and Hair
75 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 7, 1774.
76 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), April 15, 1757.
77 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Sept. 22, 1773. The following year,
William Rowand, a Glasgow saddle-maker, advertised that he had "taken
a Shop in Wilmington, near the Court-House, . . ." Cape-Fear Mercury
(Wilmington), May 18, 1774.
474 The North Carolina Historical Review
Dresser" came to North Carolina from London by way of
Philadelphia to set up an establishment in New Bern. Speak-
ing of himself in the third person, Verrier advertised he pro-
posed to dress "Ladies and Gentlemens Hair in the newest
and best approved Fashion," providing for the ladies "all
Sorts of . . . full Dress Toupees, Undress [Toupees] . . .
plain Rolls, Beads, Pleats and side Curls, . . ." The gentle-
men would be served with "Bag and Bob Wigs," both "full
Dress" and "Undress," and "false Tails and Curls, . . ." In
addition, Verrier was expert in making "Spring Curls for
Gentlemen whose side Locks are thin or come off, so natural
as not to be discovered by the most curious Eye." 78 Whether
or not Verrier was successful in his trade of wig-making is
not revealed by the record; but it is not hard to imagine the
residents of New Bern, attending some social function, glanc-
ing critically at their neighbors to discover whether some of
the thin "Locks" of various gentlemen were concealed by
"Spring Curls," or to compare notes on the hair styles of the
ladies.
By no stretch of the imagination could North Carolina of
the late Colonial and early Revolutionary days be considered
an industrial or manufacturing region; yet newspaper ad-
vertisements occasionally recorded such activity. There were,
of course, numerous references to saw and grist mills,79 a
mention of a "Tar-House,"80 and information concerning
copper stills.81 In this latter connection, an advertisement
in the Cape-Fear Mercury revealed that Cornelius Harnett
and William Wilkinson owned a company operating a dis-
tillery in Wilmington. Harnett and Wilkinson used the ad-
vertisement to inform the public they had bought the stock
formerly owned by John Murgatroyd and Richard Rundle
and as a result wanted to get all the distillery company ac-
counts settled.82 Some three and a half years later, Harnett
and Wilkinson terminated their association and offered to
sell all the property and equipment, including "three Stills,
78 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 13, 1775.
79 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), June 6, Nov. 30, 1778.
*> North-Carolina Gazette (Wilmington), Feb. 12, 1766.
81 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Dec. 7, 1764; Cape-Fear Mer-
cury (Wilmington), Sept. 22, 1773.
82 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Dec. 29, 1773.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 475
with Worms and Tubs, the largest Still quite new, and will
hold near 2000 Gallons, . . ." They reminded prospective
purchasers that they had "every . . . Apparatus necessary for
carrying on the distillery Business, situated in a very con-
venient Place, and at a Distance from other Buildings." 83
The industry of North Carolina was not limited to distil-
leries—though that line of endeavor may be presumed to be
one engaged in by numerous citizens of the state throughout
its history— there were also advertisements of a state-owned
"iron works" in Chatham County put up for auction at a
Superior Court session in Hillsboro,84 a fulling mill in Pitt
County where cloth might be treated and dyed,85 and a men-
tion of shipbuilding.86
An advertisement quite revealing in its comments on eco-
nomic and social conditions was the notice of the erection of
a paper mill at Hillsboro. The advertiser reminded his read-
ers that, because normal trade was being interrupted by
"our unhappy Contest with Great Britain" paper was very
scarce in North Carolina and other southern states. The
operators, constructing the mill "To remedy this Evil, and
throw in their Mite towards the Perfection of American
Manufactures," were ready to begin work, and promised
that "if a sufficient Quantity of Rags can be had, they will be
able to supply this State with all Sorts of Paper." To get the
rags, the mill owners needed the cooperation of the women-
folk in particular, "whose more peculiar Province it is, to
save all their Rags and Scraps of Linen of all Sorts; . . ." Fear-
ing such a task would be beneath the dignity of many women,
the advertisers appealed in terms of patriotism, flattery, and
self-interest, noting that "the young Ladies are assured, that
by sending to the Paper Mill an old Handkerchief, no longer
fit to cover their snowy Breasts, there is a possibility of its
83 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), July 4, 1777. The advertisers did
not say, but presumably even in 1777 the odor of fermenting mash was
considered socially non grata.
84 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 16, 1778. The advertisers let
zeal overrule logic by claiming the property contained "an inexhaustible
fund of excellent Iron Ore."
80 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 14, 1778.
88 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), May 15, 1778.
476 The North Carolina Historical Review
returning to them again in the more pleasing Form of a Bil-
let Deaux Isic] from their Lovers, . . ." 87
An integral part of the process of carrying on trade and
commerce in North Carolina was the shipping necessary in
the transportation of imported and exported goods. From
advertisements of imported merchandise, it is frequently pos-
sible to learn the name and classification of the vessel, its
master, its port of origin, and sometimes its route. Before
the Revolution most of the shipping originated in British
ports. There were advertisements announcing the arrival
of "the Snow MARY, Captain CorCsie?], from Leith; and
the Ship CAESAR, Captain Hume, from Glasgow; . . "88
From Bristol came the brig Sally, and the schooner Sally and
Betsey.89 London was the port of origin for the ship Spencer,
the brig Peggy, and the St. Andrew, which had come "last
from Boston, . . ." 90 One exception was a "slaver," the schoon-
er Hope, advertised as arriving at New Bern "from Africa,"
with a cargo of slaves for sale.91
Following the outbreak of fighting, the advertisements
reflect a shift in point of origin. One announced the arrival
of the sloop Nancy from Martinique; another spoke of "A
French vessel lately arrived from Bordeaux, . . ."92 Other
vessels which arrived from France included "the frigate
FERDENAND," the ship "PENTHIEVRE," and the "ship
DEANE, Capt. Bernard Margolli, . . ,"93 The sloop Success,
bound for New Bern from Bermuda with a cargo of salt, ran
ashore on Cape Hatteras; and the ship St. Germain from
87 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 28, 1777. For other, more
prosaic, details of the paper mill, see William L. Saunders, coll. and ed.,
The Colonial Records of North Carolina (10 vols., Raleigh, 1886-1890), X,
217-218; and Clark, The State Records of North Carolina, XII, 413, 812, 875.
88 North-Carolina Gazette (Wilmington), Feb. 12, 1766.
89 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 7, 1774; North-Carolina
Magazine (New Bern), Oct. 19, 1764. In the latter paper, another note
indicated the Sally and Betsey had taken about seven weeks from Bristol to
New Bern, and had brought British newspapers of August 25, 1764.
90 Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Sept. 22, 1773; North-Carolina
Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 10, 1769, Oct. 18, 1759.
81 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Feb. 24, 1775. Contemporaries
probably saw nothing ironic in the relationship between the ship's name and
the ship's trade.
92 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), April 24, 1778, Jan. 16, 1778.
^North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), March 6, July 10, Sept. 18, 1778.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 477
Cape Francois suffered a similar disaster, having been "lately
stranded at Occacock bar, . . ,"94
Notices devoted to ship sailings usually indicated when
the vessels were expected to sail, what cargo space was still
available, whether there were accommodations for passen-
gers, the ships' destinations, and other items of interest. John
Scott, captain of the sloop Tryal, was about to sail "For ANTI-
GUA, Directly," and he wanted the public to know that his
vessel was "very well accommodated for Passengers." Any-
one who wanted passage or to ship freight could see Scott
"at Richard Ellis's, Merchant, in NEWBERN."95 Captain
English, of the schooner Charming Molly, had space for pas-
sengers who wanted to go from Wilmington to Kingston,
Jamaica. He also gave notice that "Any letters for the above
Port, may be left at the Bar of Mr. Rogers's Tavern, where
they will be received."96
The activities of the port of Wilmington are nowhere more
clearly pictured than in the Cape-Fear Mercury for Decem-
ber 29, 1773. No less than six vessels were referred to by
name, and several of these were mentioned more than once.
The brig— or brigantine, depending upon which advertise-
ment is read— William had just entered Wilmington "directly
from Bristol," and was expected to sail again in about a
month. Passage or freight, the latter limited to "Flaxseed and
Flour," could be arranged with John Burgwin or the vessel's
master. The ship Good Intent had come in from London,
with a cargo of merchandise which Jonathan Dunbibin and
George and Thomas Hooper offered for sale. At the same
time, the firm of Hogg and Campbell announced that the
Good Intent had a portion of her cargo space already con-
tracted for and would be ready to sail again for London "in
Four Weeks from this Date. . . ." Josias Walker advertised
the imminent sailing of the brigantine Adamant for Bristol
and announced there was space for both passengers and
freight. The ship Grenada Packet had just come in from
9i North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Jan. 23, April 24, 1778.
93 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Aug. 24, 1764.
96 North-Carolina Gazette (Wilmington), Feb. 12, 1766. For changes in
outwardbound shipping caused by the Revolution, see North-Carolina
Gazette (New Bern), July 18, 1777, Nov. 14, 1778.
478 The North Carolina Historical Review
Grenada with some slaves. The sloop Dolphin was moored
"at the Market-Street wharf" where some slaves would be
sold "for Cash or Lumber. . . ." Finally, there was a notice
concerning indentured servants who had run away from
the brig Roger. There seems little doubt that the riverfront
presented a busy sight to anyone chancing to stroll down
Market Street in the village of Wilmington late in 1773.97
Newspaper advertisements demonstrate beyond question
that goods and merchandise in very great variety were
brought into North Carolina between 1751 and 1778. Perhaps
only a few North Carolinians had the financial resources
necessary to acquire and enjoy the niceties of life, but the
niceties were available in wider variety and larger quantity
than is popularly thought to have been the case. Wealthy
eastern residents, and possibly the wealthy ones living farther
west, did not have to lead primitive lives of unrelieved hard-
ship. Comforts, conveniences, and even luxuries were ob-
tainable, if the buyer could pay the price, and if he followed
the advertising columns of the New Bern and Wilmington
newspapers.
In addition to what was made for his use by local crafts-
men in town or on his plantation by his own workmen, a
North Carolina aristocrat could buy imported farm tools,
milling equipment, rigging and other "furniture" for his
ships. There were both plain and fancy building materials
and fixtures for his house, which could be equipped with
choice and decorative draperies, rugs, curtains, and furni-
ture. There was almost no end of fabrics for wearing apparel
for himself and his wife. He and she could wear the latest
in shoes, hats, wigs, buckles, watches, ornaments, fancy but-
tons, and laces. Sometimes he could buy a few books to
read; medicines, such as they were, were available in large
quantities. For his sport, there were fine saddles, bridles,
stirrups, and other accoutrements for the horseman; and
there were guns, powder, and shot to aid his effectiveness
in hunting. Delicacies for his table could be obtained to sup-
plement and give variety to the sturdy fare produced locally.
87 This issue of the Cape-Fear Mercury is a particularly valuable source
of advertising information. Of the four pages of the paper, all but about
ten column-inches of space are occupied by advertisements.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 479
And in his lighter, more relaxed moments, the North Caro-
lina "gentleman" could play cards; take a pinch of home-
grown snuff from an imported snuff box; or bend an elbow
in conviviality well stimulated by many kinds of beer, rum,
cordials, brandies, wines, and other spirits.
Many North Carolina merchants used considerable space
in listing the goods they had "just imported."98 Samuel Cor-
nell used thirteen column inches in the North-Carolina Mag-
azine (New Bern), October 19, 1764, to advertise in small
print more than 290 items. In addition to common fabrics,
Cornell offered "diaper table cloths," in four-foot widths and
ranging in length from six to eight feet. There were "boys [,]
youths, and mens felt hats," as well as "castor and beaver"
hats for men. Rugs came in four colors— "blue, green, red, and
spotted"— and in four sizes, all four feet wide by six, seven,
eight, and nine feet long. The lady of the house could dress to
her heart's content in such fabrics as "bombazine," various
taffetas, brocades, figured silk, ribbons, and "silk and worst-
ed ferreting and gartering, . . ." Nor were the men to be
drab in their dress, for their "breeches patterns" came in "red,
blue, and black knit. . . ." The necessary buttons were avail-
able in five different kinds: "silk and hair twist . . . common
metal . . . gilt and pinchbeck. . . ."
For household use, a quantity of pewterware was includ-
ed, consisting of "plates, dishes, basons," two sizes of pots and
"tankards," as well as pewter "porringers, table and tea
spoons, . . ." There were knives for the table, besides "com-
mon and very neat penknives, cuttoe and clasp" knives. Other
tableware included "white stone plates and dishes . . . crates
of common yellow ware [as] sorted . . . stone mugs, delfCt]
bowles . . . double flint wine and ale glasses, with tumblers
and vinegar cruets, . . ." Neither was the kitchen neglected;
Cornell's customers could obtain "frying pans, gridirons, and
chafingdishes, tea kettles, iron pots sorted from one to 20
gallons, fire tongs and shovels, . . ."
Tools and plantation working equipment were not over-
98 A long advertisement by Jonathan Dunbibin, appearing in the Cape-
Fear Mercury (Wilmington), Dec. 29, 1773, is conveniently reprinted in
Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, 100-101.
480 The North Carolina Historical Review
looked. Cornell had available two kinds of axes, several sorts
of saws, "carpenters, coopers, and shoemakers tools," three
kinds of gimlets, a variety of spades and "iron-bound shovels,"
seven different weights of "flat-pointed nails," two kinds of
hinges, some grindstones, "reap hooks and scythes, . . ."
In the riding and hunting department, the customer could
choose from 'snaffle and short hunting bridle bits, swivel
and plain stirrup irons, with sundry other sadlery . . . twig
horse whips, half and whole hunters [whips] . . . plain and
fringed saddle housing, . . ." In firearms, there were "common
trading" and "neat walnut stocked guns," while the acces-
sories included "gun locks . . . gun powder, shot of all kinds,
with bar lead . . . [and] best oil gun flints, . . ."
Among many miscellaneous items, Cornell advertised "sew-
ing needles and pins, a large assortment of writing paper . . .
playing [cards] . . . window glass" in two sizes, "sad irons
. . . wire mouse traps . . . [and] razors, . . ." He lumped to-
gether his medicines and kitchen seasonings, and listed
"brimstone, allom, copperas, and saltpetre, bohea tea, pepper
and allspice, cinnamon and nutmeg, . . ." Then the descrip-
tion of the newly-arrived merchandise ended with: ". . . slates
and pencils, bibles, testaments, spelling books, psalters and
primmers, gloucester cheese and bottled beer."
In spite of the very large number of items Samuel Cornell
advertised, he by no means covered the field." Just a week
after Cornell's notice, Robert Williams listed a quantity of
merchandise which would be sold "af the Store of John Wil-
liams," in New Bern.100 Williams went into greater descrip-
tion of his items, many of which differed from those of Cor-
nell. There were eleven different kinds of saws, as well as
files, rasps, "with choice coopers jointer irons, [and] brick-
layers and plasterers trowels." Besides these, Williams called
attention to useful items like "rosinstrainers, and wire seives
[sic] of different finesses isicl for rice, wheat, corn meal and
99 Compare advertisements by Hutcheson Crozier, William Thompson,
Robert Evans, and John Tomlinson, all appearing in the North-Carolina
Magazine (New Bern), Dec. 21, 1764. Many items not publicized by Cornell
are listed in these notices.
100 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Nov. 9, 1764.
North Carolina Newspaper Advertisements 481
flour, . . ." To aid in writing, there were "brass inkpots and
fountain pens, . . ."
Williams listed different patent medicines, "fresh and new,
from the original warehouse, and true preparers in London,"
an indication that publicizing brand names is not a recent
development in American advertising and that "patent" med-
icines did not originate in the western hemisphere. Custo-
mers were invited to buy: "James s fever powder, Lockyers
pills, Turlington s balsam, Batemans drops, Hoopers pills,
Frauncess's elixir, Ratcliff's purging elixir, Andersons pills,
Godfrey's cordials, antimony and flour of sulphur, . . ." 101
The needs of craftsmen were reflected in Robert Williams's
advertisement and in one by William Watkins of Wilming-
ton. Williams stood ready to supply a "great variety of watch-
makers working tools and utensils," along with ten different
kinds of watch parts, "and a couple of sound WATCHES,. . ."
Watkins, on the other hand, had "an assortment of hair, cauls,
ribbons, &c. for peruke-makers."102
Under the impact of the Revolution, North Carolina mer-
chant advertising exhibited some changes. First, wartime
advertisements of sales of merchandise were fewer in num-
ber and shorter in length. In the second place, the notices
increasingly advised the public that the goods would be
sold at auction. Thirdly, the advertisements seemed to con-
centrate on fewer items, many of which were staples— salt,
sugar, flour— tools and other necessities. And finally, in ap-
parent but not real contradiction, there were some few notices
which advertised sales of truly luxurious items.103
The employment of a warship as a cargo vessel is some-
what out of the ordinary, to say the least. North Carolinians
who chanced to be in the vicinity of Cape Lookout in the
spring of 1778 were favored with such a sight, and the New
101 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Nov. 9, 1764. Earlier, Archibald
Campbell advertised some of the same brands as did Williams, but added
"Stoughton's Daffey's and Squire's Elizirs . . . [and] British Rock Oil, . . ."
North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Nov. 15, 1751.
103 North-Carolina Magazine (New Bern), Nov. 9, 1764; North-Carolina
Gazette (Wilmington), Feb. 12, 1766. Watkins also advertised some "very
handsome paper hangings, [and] one set of maps. . . ."
103 For an analysis of these points, see Wallace, "Advertising in Early
North Carolina Newspapers, 1751-1778," 183n, 184n. Useful for a discussion
of wartime inflation is Crittenden, Commerce of North Carolina, 134f.
482 The North Carolina Historical Review
Bern North-Carolina Gazette in March announced that there
had "Just arrived . . . from France, the frigate FERDENAND,
mounting 36 guns, with 200 men, Monsieur de Gatinau, one
of the king's officers, commander, who has imported . . .
goods, which will he sold at the town of Beaufort, . . ." Sixty-
two items made up the list of goods which ranged from
"NAILS of all sizes," to "gold and silver shoulder straps for
officers, . . ." Among the more unusual items were "shirts and
sheets for hospitals, umbrelloes . . . harpsichord and violin
strings . . . [and] paintings of all colours, . . ."104
The Edenton firm of Savage and Westmore advertised a
long array of luxuries just brought in "in the last vessels from
France," and the public was advised that the merchandise
would be sold at auction. A few of the delicacies included
raisins, currants, anchovies, olives, capers, truffles, and bran-
died fruits. Grouped together were boxes of "white soap . . .
mould candles . . . [and] manna. ..." A large portion of the
shipment consisted of fancy brandies, liqueurs, and "Fron-
tenac Malaga and Muscadel [sic] wines," as well as "scented
waters, . . ." Arriving in cases of a dozen bottles each were
such uncommon items as "orgeat . . . cappalaire . . . [and]
ratifea. . . ."105 Near the end of the advertisement was a
single beverage not now considered a luxury but so regarded
in 1778. The discriminating customer could, if he wished, buy
"sarsaparella,
"106
104 March 6, 1778. Printer James Davis seemed not to spell French names
with much facility. The frigate commander's name would appear to have
been "D. COTTINEAU." North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), March 13,
1778.
105 Orgeat is a liquor or syrup extracted from barley and sweet almonds,
and used as a flavor for beverages and edibles or medicinally as a mild
demulcent. Capilaire was any syrup flavored with orange-flower water.
Ratifia (there are several spellings) was a spirituous liquor flavored with
the kernels of several kinds of fruit.
106 North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), Aug. 7, 1778. Other items worthy
of note included: "... black and white blond lace [lace made of two
threads of silk, twisted and formed into hexagonal meshes] . . . writing
and printing paper, sealing wax, [sealing] wafers and quills . . . looking
glasses . . . tea in canisters . . . hair powder in pounds," twelve-bottle cases
of 'fine Florence oil," and casks of olive oil.
BEDFORD BROWN: STATE RIGHTS UNIONIST
By Houston G. Jones
Part II: The Conciliator
In June, 1840, Senators Bedford Brown and Robert Strange
carried out their promises and sent their resignations to
Governor E. B. Dudley with the understanding that the
effective date would be upon the convening of the General
Assembly in November. As a result of this action, the August
elections were of utmost importance to both parties— the
next General Assembly would select two United States Sen-
ators. No holds were barred during the campaign, and, while
local issues played a decisive role in the elections, the records
of Brown and Strange constituted the major statewide issue.
Jacksonian democracy had lost its ascendancy in North
Carolina by 1840 because of a complex internal political
situation which resulted in the Western portions of the State
turning Whig during the 1830's. In consequence of the de-
velopment of issues, such as internal improvement, educa-
tion, and the financial distress, the Whigs made a clean
sweep in the August elections in 1840, choosing John M.
Morehead of Guilford as governor and sending a thirty-odd
seat majority to the Assembly.
The rebuke was unmistakable. Old Hickory had for a time
become the idol of the people and had led the masses to
participation in political activity, but when he sided with
the conservatives of the East on the issues of state rights
and opposition to federally financed internal improvements,
the people of the back-country, flexing their newly-won poli-
tical muscles, turned to the Whig forces.
President Van Buren, shocked by the Democratic defeat
in the legislative elections, rushed a "strictly confidential"
letter to Brown, urging him not to despair but to give re-
newed vigor to saving North Carolina from the "Old Fed-
eralism" in the November presidential election. He said,
... I write to one who has through his whole life stood ready
to sink himself for the advancement of the cause he espouses
[483]
484 The North Carolina Historical Review
and to whom it will be sufficient to know that that cause re-
quires his services to induce him to render them cheerfully. . . .
Now, my dear Sir, you are the man pointed out by your public
and private character — by your political principles — by your
known candour and integrity in all things — by a fearless spirit,
a clear head and fine brains and last though not least by the
position in which your recent defeat has placed you to be the
principal instrument in the accomplishment of this great work
. . . indomitable spirit and unbending energy — these you
have. . . .1
In reply, Brown wrote that the party's defeat resulted from
Clay's proposition to distribute proceeds of the sale of lands,
his proposal for internal improvements along the North Car-
olina coast at federal expense, and his argument for the na-
tional bank. Brown made himself available for a presidential
appointment by stating that ". . . there is not that public man
living whom it would give me so much pleasure to serve, or
whose wishes it would at all times gratify me so much to com-
ply with. I entertain towards you, these sentiments, not only
from your uniform kindness to me, in our personal inter-
courses but from the most sincere conviction of your disinter-
estedness, honesty & patriotism as a Statesman."2
Meanwhile, the Whigs were rejoicing over their control of
the newly-elected Assembly. The Carolina Watchman ( Salis-
bury ) set the tenor of the opposition's antipathy toward Sen-
ators Brown and Strange by gleefully boasting, "They are
down! down! down! . . . They have fallen under the pro-
found contempt of their adversaries and have no sympathy
from their friends. Faithless and unworthy servants of an
abused people depart! Go into the obscurity you have merit-
ed and stay there." 3
Just prior to the general election, Brown wrote the Presi-
dent, complaining of lack of support by the North Carolina
press. Referring to the North Carolina Standard, the lead-
ing Democratic newspaper in Raleigh, he charged that his
1 Martin Van Buren to Bedford Brown, August 20, 1840. Van Buren
Papers, Library of Congress (typescript copy in North Carolina Depart-
ment of Archives and History, Raleigh).
2 Bedford Brown to Martin Van Buren, August 30, 1840. Van Buren
Papers, Library of Congress (typescript copy in North Carolina Depart-
ment of Archives and History).
3 Quoted in Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette (Raleigh),
August 25, 1840.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 485
speeches and activities in support of the national ticket were
being ignored. "It results from the control which an indivi-
dual has over that press, who imagines that his own impor-
tance requires, that the exertions of others to redeem the
State, should remain unnoticed," he wrote.4 This reference,
Professor Hamilton concluded, was directed at William H.
Haywood who was supposed by many to control the Stan-
dard.5
The names of Brown and Strange were put forward as a
matter of formality when the two houses proceeded to the
election of Senators in November. The sting of Brown's de-
feat must have been especially sharp when his erstwhile col-
league and political opponent, Judge Willie P. Mangum, de-
feated him by a vote of 99 to 65. Former Governor William
A. Graham was chosen to replace Strange by a vote of 98 to
64.6
The Harrison-Tyler forces won a smashing victory in North
Carolina. In February, Brown wrote the retiring President,
I consider the sovereignty of the people, as having been sub-
dued, in the late contest, by foreign influence and domestic
corporate influence united together, and brought to bear, on
the ballot Box. The nation is bound, by every principle of honor
and of freedom to redeem itself, from so humiliating a condi-
tion, on the first occasion that presents itself. . . .7
Brown, disillusioned but still determined, continued his
4 Bedford Brown to Martin Van Buren, October 31, 1840. Van Buren
Papers, Library of Congress (typescript copy in North Carolina Depart-
ment of Archives and History).
6 J. G. de R. Hamilton, Party Politics in North Carolina 1835-1860. James
Sprunt Historical Publications, Vol. 15, Nos. 1 and 2 [Chapel Hill, 1916], 87.
Hereafter cited as Hamilton, Party Politics in North Carolina.
6 Journals of the Senate and House of Commons . . . 1840-41, 41, 44, 359,
372. See also Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette, November 27,
1840, and North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), December 2, 1840. A good
secondary account of the struggle between the Whigs and Democrats in
1840 and the argument over instructions may be found in Clarence Clifford
Norton, The Democratic Party in Ante-Bellum North Carolina — 1835-1861
(Chapel Hill, 1930), 74-82. It should be noted, however, that Professor
Norton is in error on page 79 when he speaks of the "election of the General
Assembly of 1839." The election, of course, was in 1840.
7 Bedford Brown to Martin Van Buren, February 17, 1841. Van Buren
Papers, Library of Congress (typescript copy in North Carolina Depart-
ment of Archives and History) . It is significant to note that Brown's home
county in Caswell gave Van Buren a majority of 1169 to 276 over Harrison,
a vote which reflected the retiring Senator's personal prestige in the county.
See North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), December 9, 1840.
486 The North Carolina Historical Review
interest in politics from Rose Hill and set his sights on the
Senatorial post in 1842 when Graham's term was to expire.
He corresponded with party leaders during the next two
years and was flattered by James Buchanan who, in July,
1841, wrote the North Carolinian, "... I can assure you I
have no friend with whom I desire to stand higher than your-
self. Your frank and manly character has secured my warmest
regard. When Old Rip wakes up again to his true interest,
you will again be called into public life." The same letter
brought word from a future Vice-President, William Rufus
King, who urged Brown to exert his "talents and energies in
North Carolina and put down the d— d Whigs. He [King]
wants to see you back here again."8
As a means of vindicating his loyalty to the party, Brown
was the logical choice to be returned to Washington if the
elections of 1842 resulted in a Democratic Assembly. But the
Calhoun wing of the party had won more and more adherents
in the state and, in September, 1842, following the Democra-
tic victory at the polls, Brown intimated to future Governor
David S. Reid that the Calhoun forces were out to defeat
him by introducing the candidacy of his fellow Caswellian,
Romulus M. Saunders, a former legislator, judge, attorney
general, French spoliations adjustor, Congressman, and 1840
Democratic gubernatorial candidate. He told Reid that he
felt he was bound to vindicate his course even though other-
wise he would have been willing to retire to private life.9
Brown was again elected to the State Senate from Caswell
in 1842.10
The contest between the two Caswell Democrats involved
more than just statewide interest. National leaders unhesita-
tingly supported Brown, and letters were received in his
support from Andrew Jackson, Silas Wright, Thomas Hart
Benton, Van Buren, and others. The contest took on a decid-
edly factional flavor. In order to keep the fight away from
the public, the Democratic members agreed that they would
8 James Buchanan to Bedford Brown, July 30, 1841. Bedford Brown
Papers, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina. Hereafter cited as Bed-
ford Brown Papers, Duke University.
9 Bedford Brown to David S. Reid, September 20, 1842. David S. Reid
Papers, North Carolina Department of Archives and History.
M Journals of the Senate and House of Commons . . . 18U2-U8, 4.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 487
choose their candidate in caucus and that the nominee would
have 86 votes (a majority on joint ballot in the Assembly)
before the nomination was made. On the first ballot in cau-
cus, Brown received 48 votes and Saunders 35. On the sec-
ond ballot, this margin was increased to 51 to 31. n
On each succeeding ballot Brown led, but the Calhoun-
Saunders forces refused to yield. Finally, on November 30,
Brown sent his opponent a note suggesting a joint withdrawal
in order not to split the party further.12 Saunders refused,
however, and the fight was carried to the floor of the Assem-
bly.
The voting began on December 3 with the Whig candi-
date, William A. Graham, getting 70 votes to 56 for Brown
and 36 for Saunders.13 As the balloting continued, both Dem-
ocrats gained at the expense of Graham until Brown led with
63 votes to 57 for Graham and 42 for Saunders on fifth bal-
lot.14 Still, no compromise was reached. Then, on December
19, the Whigs withdrew Graham's name and many of them
threw their support to Saunders in an attempt to prolong
the voting and thus further split the Democrats. On that bal-
lot Saunders forged ahead with 78 votes against 61 for
Brown. But seeing the futility of the battle, Saunders finally
agreed to a joint withdrawal, and on the ninth ballot, Wil-
liam H. Haywood of Wake County was elected.15
11 R. M. Saunders, An Address of R. M. Saunders to the People of North
Carolina, February 25, 18 US (a pamphlet bound in North Carolina Politics,
No. 1, North Carolina Room, University of North Carolina). See also
North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), March 8, 1843.
12 Exchange of letters published in North Carolina Standard (Raleigh),
December 28, 1842.
18 Journals of the Senate and House of Commons . . . 18U2-US, 73, 498.
"John H. Wheeler to Andrew Jackson, December 10, 1842. Elizabeth G.
McPherson, "Unpublished Letters of North Carolinians to Andrew Jackson,"
North Carolina Historical Review, XIV, 4 (October, 1937), 386; Journals
of the Senate and House of Commons . . . 1842-U3, 73, 498.
15 Journals of the Senate and House of Commons . . . 18U2-US, 146-7, 615.
The breach between the Van Buren-Brown and Calhoun-Saunders factions
never fully healed. Saunders, indignant over his defeat, carried his case
to the public through letters to newspapers and at least one pamphlet. The
Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette of January 31, 1843, carried
an exchange of letters involving the two candidates. The North Carolina
Standard (Raleigh), which had supported Brown, published Saunders'
address to the people on March 8, 1843. Brown lamented his defeat by the
Calhoun faction in a letter to Van Buren, but assured the former President
that he, Van Buren, was still the favorite candidate of two-thirds of the
Democratic members of the legislature and that Saunders' tactics in the
senatorial battle had hurt Calhoun's fortunes. See Bedford Brown to Martin
488 The North Carolina Historical Review
Hurt and disillusioned, Bedford Brown determined to
leave both politics and his native state. In the autumn of
1844, he sold his Rose Hill plantation and prepared to de-
part for Missouri, a state that had already welcomed many
North Carolinians, including his political friend, Thomas H.
Benton. Just before leaving North Carolina, however, Brown
was cheered by another letter from his friend and leader,
Van Buren. The New Yorker wrote,
I do not believe that you were ever duly sensible of the estima-
tion in which you have been held by me, since opportunities
were afforded me to become thoroughly acquainted with you,
and as no possible motive for misconstruction can any longer
exist there is no reason why I should not speak my mind to you
without reserve. Long before the Panick [sic'] Session I held
you in high respect but the proceedings of that most extra-
ordinary session and your noble bearing in it, which was not
excelled in any of the great points of character by that of a
single senator, seemed to satisfy me that I had before fallen
far short of doing justice to your merits. From that period until
I left Washington, I never failed to bring your name before our
friends when they wanted candidates for Vice President. . . .16
The Brown family17 settled at Fayette, Howard County,
Missouri, where they remained until the summer of 1847,
being "received with noble enthusiasm." The climate, Brown
later wrote, forced a decision to return to the East.
That the former Senator from North Carolina was unable
to steer clear of politics was indicated in a letter from his
son's father-in-law, Congressman (later Confederate Sena-
tor) John B. Clark in 1860. In the latter year, Brown was ac-
cused of having flirted with free-soilism while in Missouri.
Van Buren, December 31, 1842. Van Buren Papers, Library of Congress
(typescript copy in North Carolina Department of Archives and History).
16 Martin Van Buren to Bedford Brown, October 21, 1844. Bedford Brown
Papers, Duke University.
17 Bedford and Mary Glenn Brown had seven children: William, Living-
ston, Bedford, Jr., Wilson Glenn, Isabella Virginia, Laura, and Rosalie.
Livingston first married a daughter of Congressman John B. Clark of
Missouri, and after her death, returned to Caswell where he married into
the prominent Gwynn family and represented Caswell in the State Senate
in 1866-68. Laura married William B. Gaulden of Georgia, a Unionist who
sat in the Democratic Convention of 1860. Bedford, Jr., became an out-
standing surgeon and served as inspector of hospitals and camps in the
Confederate Army. He was later president of the Virginia Medical Society
and a lecturer and writer on medical subjects. See "Dr. Bedford Brown,"
The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography . . . (New York, 1892-
1951, 37 vols.), V, 442.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 489
Not so, said Clark in a letter that was used to refute the
charge. "You were regarded while in Missouri as a strict
states right democrat of the Jackson school warmly attached
to the principles of his administration. You were also regard-
ed as a friend of Col. Benton," Clark wrote. It was after
Brown had left Missouri that Benton had leaned toward free-
soilism with the belief that Congress had the power to re-
strict slavery in the territories, Clark continued, and Brown's
friendship with the "Colonel" should in no way be interpreted
as support of his ideas.18
In 1847, the Brown family moved to Virginia where they
first settled at Scott's Ferry, Albemarle County, but later
purchased Waveland, "a mansion elegant and spacious . . .
a handsome competency and entirely free from embarrass-
ment . . ." in the upper part of Fauquier County, twelve miles
from Warrenton.19 There, less than four hours by train from
Washington, the former Senator kept an active interest in
national affairs. In 1848, for instance, he cautioned Van Buren
against any third party antics. Senator John M. Niles of Con-
necticut wrote the New Yorker,
I was gratified to day to shake the hand of an old friend of yours
& mine whom I had not seen since 1840 — it was Bedford Brown
as true hearted a man as there is in the country. He is not
changed in appearance or in any respect. He spoke of you and
said we should do nothing at the coming election, unless our
party should be wise enough; which he feared they would not
be — to make you their candidate which he thought might arouse
the old democracy to a vigorous & probably successful effort
. . . Benton, Bagley and some others in the senate are of the
same opinion.20
Brown's utter dissatisfaction with the Polk administration
was expressed to Senator John J. Crittenden of Kentucky in
January, 1849. "I for one, have uniformly regarded the course
^John B. Clark to Bedford Brown, March 20, 1860. Bedford Brown
Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill. Hereafter cited as Southern Historical Collection.
19 Bedford Brown to Martin Van Buren, August 20, 1852. Van Buren
Papers, Library of Congress (typescript copy in North Carolina Depart-
ment of Archives and History).
20 John M. Niles to Martin Van Buren, April 18, 1848. Van Buren Papers,
Library of Congress (typescript copy in Bedford Brown Papers, Duke
University) .
490 The North Carolina Historical Review
of Mr. Polk and his cabinet in regard to Mexican affairs, as
more ultra unconstitutional, than any assumptions of power
ever exercised by any and I will add, all the presidents put
together, since our government was formed," he wrote. "I
rejoice that the present dynasty will end in a few weeks. It
has done more to break down republican principles and the
Union than all administrations put together by its doctrines
of conquest." 21
The North Carolinian confided to Crittenden his belief
that the old party labels had lost much of their meaning, and
that the "patriotic portion of the people of the U. States
(and they are an immense majority, composed in part of
both parties) require a cessation of those bitter political
hostilities, that have so long estranged good men from each
other." Now was the time to "restore the patriotic era in our
government, founded on a policy of moderation and justice
in our internal policy, irrespective of political landmarks."
Brown said that he had cast a "reluctant" vote for Lewis
Cass, having abandoned his original plans to vote for Gen-
eral Taylor in consequence of "my old friend Van Buren
whose movement had so weakened the Southern party to
the North, that I considered it the best policy of the Slave-
holders of the South with reference to their safety, to elect
a Northern man and thus endeavor to rebuild the influence
which the defection of Mr. Van Buren had lost them." But,
he continued, he had learned since the election that Taylor
would command a greater influence in settling the slave
question than Cass could have, and he was content to see
Taylor elected, especially in view of unqualified disapproval
of Cass's Mexican policies.
In the winter of 1849-1850, Bedford Brown and his family
resided in Baltimore where they sent their daughters to Pat-
apsco Institute.22 It was during that winter that the former
21 Bedford Brown to John J. Crittenden, January 13, 1849. John J. Critten-
den Papers, Library of Congress (typescript copy in North Carolina De-
partment of Archives and History).
22 There is no foundation for Professor Shanks' statement that Brown
"was elected to the House of Representatives" from Maryland. Except for
temporary residence in Baltimore during the winter of 1849-50, he never
lived in that state. See Henry T. Shanks, editor, The Papers of Willie
Person Mangum (Raleigh, 1950-52, 4 vols.), I, 5.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 491
Senator, distressed at the temper of the country and fearful
that civil war was in the offing, made a trip to Washington.
On March 4, 1850, he sent his brother, William Brown of
Caswell, an extensive account of his visit:
I have been on a visit here for some Days drawn here, by the
dangerous and extraordinary state of things on the slave ques-
tion. When I came here a week ago, I considered the Union in
great danger [.] Now, I am gratified to say that the excitement
is much less, and the Union is in no immediate danger. The
immediate danger arose from the resolutions of Mr. Doty pro-
posing to instruct the committee on Territories to report a Bill
for the immediate admission of California, which he accompa-
nied with a motion for the Previous Question which prevents
all debate. This gave rise to great invitation among Southern
members who called the Ayes and Noes on questions near all
night and was attended by threats of resorting to violence. I
was informed by a Senator, . . . that sixty or seventy Members
went into the House of R. daily armed. Apprehending danger
and believing that it could be avoided by inducing Mr. Doty to
withdraw his motion and resolution, I went to an old friend
from New York . . . (Genl. Ward) and requested him to go to
Mr. Doty and urge on him the propriety of withdrawing his
resolution and motion, and requested Genl. Ward to carry a
Southern Member to Doty, who would request him as a matter
of liberality, to withdraw his resolution and motion. This I sug-
gested, in order to remove the point of pride with Doty as his
movement had been met by a great violence from some South-
ern Members and unless his liberality was appealed to, I knew
he would not recede. I also proposed to Genl. Ward, to suggest
to Mr. Doty when he withdrew his resolution and motion, to
offer a Bill for the admission of California, instead, and to let
the debate come upon the whole subject, all of which movements
would relieve the House of R. from the awkward and dangerous
position, in which they had been placed and the discussion would
calm the public mind, when the whole facts and arguments were
before the country. ... He did so; it was instantly arranged
and the next day the House of R. was relieved from its dangerous
position, which threatened violence and which violence com-
menced there might have spread civil war through the country.
Brown's closing remarks in this letter to his brother reveal-
ed the former Senator's sincere belief that the course of the
Southern extremists had brought on the crisis. He concluded
492 The North Carolina Historical Review
That the Abolitionists of the North have been greatly strength-
ened by the imprudent and violent course of a certain class of
violent disunion politicians of the South by the most improvi-
dent course, for fifteen years past, I am positively certain. It
has been the course of that class to which I refer, to abuse the
whole North in their speeches and addresses for the acts of
what at one time were the acts of a few. I remember for many
years, while I was in the Senate, and when the Northern Demo-
crats were warmly voting with us, that this was the language
with Mr. Calhoun and his party for much of the time till they
have left us with few friends to the North and have now fallen
on Genl. Cass, determined all our friends shall be driven off.
This can mean nothing but Disunion! Disunion! Slave question
or no Slave question!
The patriotic party and people of the South while they ought
and must stand ready to resist abolition in the District or the
passage of the Proviso by Congress have another duty to per-
form and that is to guard against the extreme movements of
the Disunionists of the South. Both of these parties must be re-
sisted with equal firmness. If Congress abolishes Slavery and
passes the Proviso the Southern States ought to resist it by
withdrawing from the Union. But the admission of California
with her present constitution is no ground for disunion. A policy
pursued by Southern politicians which I believed highly inex-
pedient at the time, brought it on ; The people decided the ques-
tion of slavery for themselves and according to all principles
laid down by the South, had that right. To wit ; either to establish
slavery or prohibit it as they chose. California has done so and
it is inconsistent, now to oppose it on that ground. ... A pre-
text for Disunion is anxiously sought for in certain quarters,
and the idea of destroying the Union because California is
admitted, as a State, brought in as she was by Southern policy,
that is by Mr. Polk's administration, is the height of absurdity.23
That the North Carolinian's opposition to Van Buren in
the election of 1848 failed to lessen the bonds of affection
between the two men was indicated in a letter from the
"Little Magician" in 1852. He wrote, "... I can with truth
say that there was not among my associates in public life
a single man in whose patriotism [,] capacity and honor I
placed a higher confidence . . . you are not likely to overrate
23 Bedford Brown to William Brown, March 4, 1850. Bedford Brown
Papers, Southern Historical Collection. For an account of Brown's belief
that there was "corruption, political intriguing and plotting treason against
the Union" by some Southern extremists, see an interview in The Milton
Chronicle (Milton, North Carolina), July 4, 1850.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 493
either the warmth or the respectful nature of my feelings
towards you, feelings which I have embraced every proper
opportunity to express."24
In reply, Brown wrote Van Buren that he had withdrawn
from participation in politics for a time "in part, owing to the
inauspicious state of things, produced, by those, assuming
to lead the Democratic party—," but that the nomination of
Franklin Pierce, "so intimately identified as he is . . . with
. . . your administration and Genl. Jackson's," inspired him to
new zeal. As a result he had been pressed into the service of
the party in meetings and rallies.
The "inveterate prejudices of the extreme Southern fac-
tion" were moderating, Brown continued, and more and more
people of the South were admitting "that the party of the
North . . . were truer on all the great questions of policy and
constitutional construction, as contended by our old South-
ern Statesmen, than any other. . . ." He hoped that the North-
ern Democrats would not permit anything "that these fire-
brands, may say, or do, to direct them from their manly and
patriotic course." He again charged that "the principal ac-
tors among the party of nullification, since the year 1834
[have] agitated the slave question, with the fixed purpose of
sundering the ties that existed, between the Northern and
Southern Democracy . . . . " He correctly predicted that the
Democratic victory in November would be so great that the
Whigs would be "annihilated and disbanded, as a party." 25
A month later, Van Buren replied, saying that he was glad
that the principles for which they had battled together were
still firmly rooted. "... I always knew you to be a root and
branch man," he wrote; "Such men may be silenced for a
season by the depravity of the times and the ascendency of
shiftless and unsound men but they never alter." His health
and spirits were not very good, the former President con-
fided, "and all I want to make me happy is a visit from
[Francis P.] Blair and yourself."26
24 Martin Van Buren to Bedford Brown, August 16, 1852. Bedford Brown
Papers, Duke University.
^Bedford Brown to Martin Van Buren, August 20, 1852. Van Buren
Papers, Library of Congress (typescript copy in North Carolina Depart-
ment of Archives and History).
26 Martin Van Buren to Bedford Brown, September 17, 1852. Bedford
Brown Papers, Duke University.
494 The North Carolina Historical Review
In 1853, Brown bought an additional 866 acres of land in
Fauquier County, and a few months later saw dysentery
attack his family and take the lives of two of his household
servants.27 The family went to Savannah, Georgia, and re-
mained through the winter of 1853-54 in search of a better
climate for the ailing young Rosalie.28 Then, after another
year in Virginia, Brown again turned to his native state and,
in the fall of 1855, repurchased Rose Hill and moved his
family back to the headwaters of the Country Line.
Francis P. Blair wrote Brown late in 1855, suggesting that
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was "pregnant with
much danger and that moderation and firmness in the chief
Magistrate— somewhat akin to that which distinguished our
old Hero— can alone bring the union safely through the
trial/'29 Blair suggested that such a man might be found in
John C. Fremont and asked Brown to write Fremont for a
statement of his views on the slavery issue. There is no evi-
dence, however, that he followed Blair's suggestion, for the
following year, less than twelve months after his return to
Caswell, Brown was chosen as a delegate to the National
Democratic Convention where he served as vice-president
for North Carolina.30
The North Carolina delegation to the Democratic Con-
vention of 1856, voting under the unit rule, cast ten votes
for President Pierce for fourteen ballots, and then switched
to Douglas on the fifteenth. With James Buchanan remaining
in the lead, however, North Carolina changed over to the
Pennsylvanian on the seventeenth ballot and Buchanan was
then unanimously nominated.31 According to his report to
the Democratic nominee in September, Brown personally
favored Buchanan from the beginning and had consented to
27 Bedford Brown to William Brown, August 24, 1853. Bedford Brown
Papers, Rose Hill, Caswell County, North Carolina. Hereafter cited as
Bedford Brown Papers, Rose Hill.
28 Bedford Brown to William Brown, August 22, 1854. Bedford Brown
Papers, Rose Hill.
29 Francis P. Blair to Bedford Brown, October 30, 1855. Bedford Brown
Papers, Duke University.
30 Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention, Held in
Cincinnati, June 2-6, 1856, 16.
31 Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention, Held in
Cincinnati, June 2-6, 1856, 39-43.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 495
vote with the other delegates for Pierce only because "deli-
cacy and propriety" dictated that he should make no effort
to direct public sentiment due to his recent return to the
State. However, he objected strenuously, he wrote, to the
decision of the delegation to vote for Douglas after Pierce's
chances were exhausted, believing such a course was con-
trary to the wishes of the North Carolina electorate. Buch-
anan, he wrote, was clearly the second choice of the Demo-
crats of the State, and never was there "a more noble and
honorable triumph of the popular will achieved. . . ." With
reference to the approaching election in North Carolina,
Brown continued,
I have never known such intense excitement as there is in N.
Carolina, always before so moderate, as prevails with respect
to the possible chances of Fremont's election. Many are pre-
pared for separation in that event. Those are not, however, my
views believing that acquiescence in an election constitutionally
made, is both Democratic and proper, unless followed by prac-
tical legislative aggression and then the case is plain, however
much to be deprecated.32
When the General Assembly met for its new session in
November, 1858, the master of Rose Hill was again within
the familiar senate chamber representing Caswell County.33
He was chosen chairman of the committee on banks and cur-
rency.
Brown was a delegate from North Carolina to the National
Democratic Convention which convened in Charleston on
April 23, 1860, and served as vice-president for the state
group.34 The former Senator, who had been mentioned for
33 Bedford Brown to James Buchanan, September 21, 1856. James
Buchanan Papers, Pennsylvania Historical Society (typescript copy in
Bedford Brown Papers, Duke University).
33 Journal of the Senate . . . 1858-9, 4. It will be recalled that Brown had
previously served in the House of Commons at the sessions of 1815, 1816,
1817, 1818, and 1823, and in the Senate for the sessions of 1828, 1829, and
1842-44. He was to be re-elected again in 1860, 1862, and 1868, although in
1868 he was not permitted to take his seat.
34 Proceedings of the Convention at Charleston and Baltimore Published
by Order of the National Democratic Convention . . . (Washington, 1860),
11. W. W. Holden, in his Memoirs, claimed that he stayed with Brown dur-
ing the Convention, and that the night before the Convention opened, an
informal meeting of Southern delegates was held at which Brown was the
496 The North Carolina Historical Review
the vice-presidency of the United States by a number of
newspapers, including the Brooklyn Eagle,35 used his in-
fluence in an attempt to conciliate the discordant elements.
Although he did not compromise his opposition to the South-
ern extremists, Delegate Brown now saw the danger of veer-
ing too far towards the other extreme, and, on April 30, when
a clause in the minority report pertaining to reference of
questions of slavery in the territories to the Supreme Court
came up, he arose with this warning:
Permit me, in sincerity, candor, and a spirit of patriotism, to
warn my northern friends against the adoption of this pre-
amble. Devoted, as I am, to the perpetuity of this Federal Union,
and the continuance of the great Democratic party and its or-
ganization, I warn them, if they adopt this resolution, which I
consider sweeps off every barrier to the reserved rights of the
States, that the destiny of the Democratic Party is decided.36
The North Carolinians did not secede from the Convention
with the majority of other Southern delegations. Instead, they
remained and, on first ballot, cast one vote for Douglas and
nine for Robert M. T. Hunter of Virginia.37 The delegation
cast the identical vote for twelve ballots, then on the thir-
teenth ballot threw all ten votes to General Lane of Oregon.
On the twenty-fourth ballot, with no candidate approaching
a majority, the Convention journal noted that "Mr. Brown,
only speaker to caution against hasty action on the part of the Southerners.
He delivered a "conservative, union speech, and was interrupted, and
scraped, and coughed down," according to Holden. When an Arkansas
general ridiculed Brown's views, the Caswellian, according to Holden, said,
" 'Mr. Holden, let us shake off the dust, from our feet, of this disunion
conventicle, [sic~\ and retire.'" See William K. Boyd, editor, Memoirs of
W. W. Holden (Durham, 1911), 11-12. Governor Holden's information, how-
ever, must be used with caution due to his advanced age when his memoirs
were written and because of his desire to make his own record appear as
acceptable as possible.
35 Norton, The Democratic Party in Ante-Bellum North Carolina— 1835-
1861, 253. See also North Carolina Standard (Raleigh), May 9, 1860.
36 Proceedings of the Convention at Charleston and Baltimore Published
by Order of the National Democratic Convention . . . , 115. Originally print-
ed in Charleston Mercury (South Carolina), and quoted in the North Caro-
lina Standard (Raleigh), May 9, 1860. The measure was defeated 238 to 21.
37 Brown voted for Hunter. Although he has left no record of his reason
for supporting an extremist, it is highly probable that Brown believed in
the possibility of a compromise between the Douglas forces and those of the
South, thus bringing about the nomination of a candidate acceptable to
both sides.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 497
of North-Carolina, in casting the vote of North-Carolina on
this ballot, said she would vote for that distinguished states-
man, incorruptible patriot, and national Democrat, Daniel
S. Dickinson, of New York."38
Seeing the futility of continued balloting, the Convention
on May 3 adjourned to meet again on June 18 in Baltimore.
Brown and the North Carolina delegation were on hand for
the opening of the new session. During the debate on seat-
ing disputed delegations from Southern states, Brown was
interrupted and ruled out of order when he arose to say
that "it would give me infinitely more pleasure to pour oil
on the agitated waves that now disturb us, . . . " and after
voting 9 to 1 in a losing cause for the minority report on dis-
puted delegations, Brown and all but three (one voting
delegate) of the North Carolinians withdrew on June 22.
These seceders, along with others who withdrew from the
Baltimore Convention, promptly reassembled at Maryland
Institute at noon, June 23, only a few minutes after the ad-
journment of the other convention, and styled themselves the
true "National Democratic Convention," electing Caleb
Cushing of Massachusetts, who had served as chairman of
both the Charleston and Baltimore meetings, to the chair.
This Convention adopted pro-Southern resolutions and un-
animously nominated John C. Breckinridge and General
Joseph Lane.39 Meanwhile, the Charleston seceders met at
Richmond and also nominated Breckinridge and Lane.
Brown's secession at Baltimore marked the first time in
his career that he had lost faith in the liberality of the
Democrats of the North. Even then, however, he was un-
willing to give up hope, believing that the four- way race
would wind up in the House of Representatives where a
compromise could be worked out to the satisfaction of mod-
erates on both sides.
Perhaps the last, and certainly the highest, tribute to be
paid Bedford Brown by his most loyal political friend, form-
er President Van Buren, came during the transfer of the
38 Proceedings of the Convention at Charleston and Baltimore Published
by Order of the National Democratic Convention . . . , 147.
39 Proceedings of the Convention at Charleston and Baltimore Published
by Order of the National Democratic Convention . . . , 213-242.
498 The North Carolina Historical Review
Convention from Charleston to Baltimore. The aging New
Yorker wrote a friend,
Did you make the acquaintance of Bedford Brown of N. Caro-
lina, at Charleston. If you did not let me advise you to do so
without fail at Baltimore. He is without exception one of the
best and truest specimens of the old Republican School now
left in the Country, an old and constant friend of Genl. Jack-
son and my own, one on whom as much as any other man, we
relied for support of our respective administrations in the
Senate of the U. States. He has been Gov of his State 40 & rep-
resented it for two terms in the Senate; I never knew him to
be a candidate for office nor the time when we had any reason
to believe that he would accept one or we would have been most
happy to offer it to him. I at least would think the country
fortunate to get such a man for the office of President or Vice-
President. Mr. Wright loved him as a brother and thought as
much of his talents and his unsurpassed integrity as I have
always done.41
In the campaign of 1860, Brown worked for the Breckin-
ridge-Lane ticket, though he must have been uncomfortable
in the company of many of the Southern "firebrands" whom
he had so consistently attacked. Throughout the summer and
fall he was busy attending rallies. A Lenoir County commit-
tee wrote that "we would yet desire to hear, once more, the
Council of the Fathers in Israel; who received their princi-
ples, from the teachings of Jefferson, Madison & Macon, &
upon whose aid, even the great name of Jackson leaned for
supports";42 and Thomas BufBn, Jr., wrote for the Alamance
Democrats, "We have all been taught, by long years of happy
experience, to listen to your voice, as one that was sure to
lead when we ought to go . . . that you can do more, than
all other men, towards starting our people in the right di-
rection. . . ."43
40 Van Buren was in error; Brown was never governor, although he was
endorsed by several counties in 1840. Hamilton, Party Politics in North
Carolina, 56.
41 Martin Van Buren to Theodore Miller, June 11, 1860. Bedford Brown
Papers, Duke University.
43 T. Woodley, H. F. Bond, C. Wooten, and J. C. Wooten to Bedford Brown,
October 12, 1860. Bedford Brown Papers, Rose Hill.
43 Thomas Ruffin, Jr., to Bedford Brown, October 6, 1860. Bedford Brown
Papers, Southern Historical Collection.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 499
Meanwhile, Caswell County again elected Brown to the
State Senate, where, on December 10, 1860, he introduced
a resolution calling for the appointment of Thomas Ruffin,
Weldon N. Edwards, William A. Graham, and William N. H.
Smith as a commission to proceed to Columbia, South Car-
olina, and make known to the Convention scheduled to as-
semble in that State on December 17, that
. . . while the Legislature of North Carolina fully appreciates
the patriotic considerations that have called them together, and
feels all the sympathy and respect which historic renown, com-
mon interests and their relations as a sister coterminous State
should inspire, they appeal to their sister State of South Caro-
lina, in that spirit of patriotism which animated the common
ancestry of both, in the resolution to suspend any action by
which secession from the confederacy shall be accomplished,
and await a common consultation through a Convention of all
the States, the result of said Convention to be submitted to the
people of the several States which are parties to it, for their
assent respectively, before taking final action.44
The resolution would have authorized the commissioners
to proceed to any other Southern States which might hold a
convention, expressing the same views "to forbear State
action." However, after several postponements, the resolu-
tion was tabled.
On December 19, Senator Hall of New Hanover praised
the action that South Carolina was expected momentarily
to take and advocated quick action by his own state. Bedford
Brown challenged Hall's attitude. Did the people elect this
legislature to tear down the federal Union?, he asked. In
the campaign, did not the actors of this "drama" with few
exceptions "repel the charge of disunion in language indig-
nant?" He continued,
Are we to be hurried on by the principal actors of this drama —
are we to be pressed headlong with no time to think, and told
in effect, that we are not free agents to act, and that circum-
stances and necessity, the latter the tyrant's plea, leave no al-
ernative than to follow blindly the lead of one or more States?
. . . They have spoken — we have no right to speak, but to echo
"Journal of the Senate 1860-61, 99.
500 The North Carolina Historical Review
their will. They have acted — we have no right to act, only to
say we are to obey*5
Apparently, Brown thought, only the rights of the states
about to secede were to be heard. Was there, he asked, a
"Southern 'higher law' overruling the will of our people, and
overruling the very sovereignty of our States,— showing that
Northern and Southern extremes meet in a 'higher law' set-
ting aside State rights and constitutional obligation [?]"
The solution to the crisis, Brown said, was for the Southern
states to meet and unite in a set of minimum demands which
should be presented directly to the free states, appealing to
the people to avoid disunion. He believed that the free states
were ready to repeal their personal liberty laws and hostile
enactments, and to add amendments to the federal consti-
tution, if the Southern states would act as a unit and in good
faith. He did not believe that some Southern states would
be so moderate; therefore, it was for the border states to
save the Union. He hoped that
. . . even after States have seceded, that by maintaining our
position firmly in the Union, the border slave States and those
adjacent may yet demand and receive terms to enable them to re-
construct the constitution — about which I have no doubt, and
by which we shall be the greatest, happiest, and most prosperous
people on earth ; and that all the sisterhood of States will again
be numbered in one great confederated family with ample guar-
anties [sic'] to protect all.
The defeat of the Democratic Party, he charged, was
brought about by the conduct of the seven cotton states
which seceded at Charleston and "which fatal movement,
by a train of events, had compelled constitution, Union-lov-
ing men to withdraw afterwards at Baltimore." This preci-
pitant action, he said, had killed any hope of working out
a compromise at Baltimore. Furthermore, it had been the
Southern extremists who had driven their Northern friends
away from a moderate stand. In 1835, Brown said, there
45 These paragraphs are based on Remarks of Hon. Bedford Brown of
Caswell, Made in the Senate of North Carolina, on Dec. 19th, 1860 ... (a
pamphlet bound in Documents 1860-61, North Carolina Room, University
of North Carolina).
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 501
had been not more than eight or ten abolitionists in the
House and three or four in the Senate. Yet, in Congressional
debates, the Southern extremists had attacked the entire
North as abolitionists; newspapers had spread anti-slavery
effusions South "in an effort to unite all the South" for poli-
tical purposes. On the other hand, the speeches of Southern
extremists were eagerly spread in the North, gaining strength
for abolition. He continued,
This system ha [s] been kept up by demagogues and disunionists
of both sections for twenty-four years past, until it ha[s] en-
abled the abolitionists to break down the [Democratic Party] ....
Thus, by a system of extreme doctrines and extreme measures
. . . [have] our noble Democratic, and other constitutional al-
lies of the North been born down, and the abolitionists and
other political combinations who [hate] with a deep hate the
old Democracy, [have] been victorious; for which, with the
causes mentioned, they [have] been largely indebted to the
seceders at Charleston, for striking a blow at the Democratic
organization which render [s] it powerless to contend with the
enemies of the constitution.
Brown, as chairman of the Committee on Federal Relations
in the Senate, urged caution during the remainder of the
session. He supported the bill providing for a referendum on
the subject of a convention and voted for a bill to prevent
emancipation of a slave by will.46 And, in the election for
United States Senator on January 31, 1861, Brown, in spite
of his request that he not be voted for, received eleven votes.
Thomas L. Clingman was elected.47
The people of North Carolina on February 28 voted against
calling a convention. The majority of the voters obviously
favored the moderation of Bedford Brown and other anti-
secessionists. They were willing to give the Lincoln adminis-
tration an opportunity to show its colors.
Following the President's call for volunteers after the
firing on Fort Sumter, Governor John W. Ellis issued a proc-
lamation for a special session of the General Assembly, and
on May 1, Bedford Brown was back in Raleigh. Now the
" Journal of the Senate . . . 1860-61, 236, 245.
"Journal of the Senate . . . 1860-61, 254.
502 The North Carolina Historical Review
die was cast. Virginia had seceded on April 17, and Tennes-
see was preparing to do likewise. North Carolina's further
adherence to the Union in opposition to her sister Southern
states around her was impossible. Consequently, the Senator
from Caswell sadly cast his vote for a bill providing for a
convention to meet on May 20, the issue not being put to a
vote of the people. He did, however, work successfully for
the postponement of consideration of a declaration of inde-
pendence by the legislature.48
The people of Caswell elected Brown as one of their two
delegates to the Convention, and on May 20, 1861, the state
rights Unionist who had spent his entire public career sing-
ing the praises of the United States, voted to leave the Union.
On May 21, he queued up with his colleagues of all political
shades to affix his signature to the ordinance49 that was des-
tined to bring about the disaster that as early as 1835 Bed-
ford Brown had predicted.
On June 18, the Convention having severed relations with
the Union and unanimously ratified the Constitution of the
Confederate States of America, Bedford Browns name was
placed in nomination for delegate at large to the Confederate
Congress. George Davis of New Hanover with 59 votes, and
William W. Avery with 57 led the balloting, whereupon
Brown, who received 47, and Henry W. Miller, with 42 votes,
withdrew in favor of the leading candidates.50
For the next year, North Carolina had what amounted to
two governments— the convention, which met in three addi-
tional sessions before May, 1862, and the General Assembly,
which met in special session in August, 1861. Bedford Brown
held a seat from Caswell in both the Convention and State
Senate, and for the next year his general demeanor was to-
ward a full prosecution of the war. He served on the Conven-
48 Journal of the Senate . . . First Extra Session, 1861, 57.
49 Journal of the Convention of the People of North Carolina, Held on
the 20th Day of May, A.D. 1861, 10-12, 17. Brown was not a candidate for
election to the Convention, but his name was entered by friends as an
independent. He received the highest vote of the five candidates. The Milton
Chronicle (Milton, North Carolina), May 24, 1861.
50 Journal of the Convention of the People of North Carolina, Held on
the 20th Day of May, A.D. 1861, 119.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 503
tion committees on military affairs, the Constitution, basis of
representation, and legislative department, and on the Senate
committee on banks and currency, of which he was still
chairman, and as member of the committee on privileges
and elections.
By December, 1862, the General Assembly was beginning
to express resentment over some Confederate government
policies. Bills were passed prohibiting shipments of certain
products out of state, calling for Confederate troops to guard
the Carolina coast, and supporting Governor Vance's in-
creasing resistance to the Confederate government. Brown
indicated his displeasure by voting to instruct the state's
Senators to the Confederate Congress to work for the repeal
of certain clauses in the military act.51 The growing friction
continued in 1863 and 1864, and in his final session in the
Senate, Brown voted, in May, 1864, for resolutions protest-
ing against "the repeated and manifest infractions of the
Constitution," especially the suspension of the writ of habeas
corpus. The General Assembly, the resolution said, "doth not
consent to the sacrifice of the vital principles of free govern-
ment, in a war carried on solely to secure and perpetuate
them "52
By the spring of 1865, Bedford Browns frequent warnings
of thirty years earlier had been justified. The South lay help-
less in the wake of a disastrous civil war. Unlike Edmund
Ruffin who blew his brains out in an attempt to escape the
folly which he had helped bring on, Bedford Brown still
saw the possibility of a restoration of the Jeffersonian re-
public. In April, even before the surrender of all Confederate
troops, Governor Vance appointed Brown, with former Gov-
ernor Graham and John Gilmer, to go to Washington to con-
fer with authorities on the policy to be pursued in regard
to North Carolina. Ill health, however, forced the Caswellian
to decline the appointment.53 On August 29, President John-
61 Journal of the Senate . . . First Session, 1862, 100.
62 Journal of the Senate . . . Adjourned Session, 186U, 3, 44.
83 Bedford Brown to Governor Z. B. Vance, May 2, 1865. Bedford Brown
Papers, Duke University.
504 The North Carolina Historical Review
son signed a full pardon for the aging state rights Unionist
from Rose Hill.54
Brown re-entered political life in 1865, and when the State
Convention met on October 2, he was on hand to represent
Caswell County. Four days later, he introduced the follow-
ing resolution:
Whereas, A diversity of opinion has existed among the citi-
zens of the United States, as to the rightful powers of a State
to secede from the Federal Union; and whereas, said question
was, under the ordinances of the several States which passed
them, submitted among other questions to the arbitrament of
arms in the late contest between the two sections and decided
adversely to said claim of power ; therefore,
Be it resolved by the delegates of the people of North Caro-
lina, in Convention assembled, That we recognize this decision
as a final and conclusive settlement of the question, that a State
had no rightful power to secede from the Federal Union.55
The resolution was worded too bluntly for the majority of
delegates and it was consequently tabled. Throughout the
two sessions of the Convention in 1865-66, Brown generally
supported those measures that would most quickly lead to a
restoration of North Carolina's relationship to the Union, vot-
ing for the ordinance prohibiting payment of public debts
incurred in prosecution of the war and for a clause outlawing
imprisonment for debt.
Meanwhile, Brown entered the race for Congress from
the Fifth District against Lewis Hanes. That the Caswellian
ran on a Union platform is evidenced by his handwritten
notes used in making the announcement in 1865. The former
Senator noted that his record "extending more than thirty
years back showed that [I] had been the staunch friend of
the Union of the States. In a speech delivered in the Senate
of the U. States on nullification I declared that a dissolution
of the Union would produce military conflicts. . . ." He said
54 Certificate of "full pardon and amnesty for all offenses by him com-
mitted, arising from participation, direct or implied, in the said rebellion,"
dated August 29, 1865, signed by President Andrew Johnson, in Bedford
Brown Papers, Duke University.
65 Journal of the Convention of the State of North-Carolina, at its Session
of 1865, 21.
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 505
ANDREW JOHNSON,
TO AU TO WHOMTpSSE PRESENTS SHAl^Cpp, GREETING:
IflfflW,
Ate iewtsean aaattut toe uovOnment <y toe cSnetb/ c/tntes. /ae
made Aenjejtaawe to Aeaty Aame ana AmaOta; f ^v" *n
#Lw mjtf&$t Me atoaenetaneu a Ae ease imael Am a
tvkfat e&eet yw&attwe c&mency; f^~ ~^V^"~^
Unfit, !|anl«rtf h if |turfiro, tAu J, mm johnswi.
f mfofltf 0f % 9Mb fttetts rf %wmt m wmu^latum t/tAfamteea,
dweb Mel acta4 and myUemt^j^ns me tA
/a tA ^<^Le4C&£L0C-
a aeu tuUaon ana amnesty m a// atfmees vy mm committed,
aUuny dom Aatttatiatcm, cutset ot tmfiued, m Me sou/ iewaim,
eonduioned at fattou*:
?__ isAe Aatdon ta & y na Met unta tne eaed
/m^^^^U jAaU /arte Me oatfi AtetcUfod
tine Jrioctamatmt (J tne cAettaent, datea i^waujg/*, /9S5.
<S0 te void and {fne affect </tae jaxa^s^&gLj&Z^Cs.
jheuv xeieaatl, at any ttme, ataatte any
fUafaty limatevet, *h< Juuw. 4b maae use yjtaw &Jet.
506
The North Carolina Historical Review
Sa. tS/uit /a* saw ..-i^.c&4£jfc0Zi4^
day act -CM& tisntcn, may nave acclaaam any Aiacuaanod mftitai*/
at Aanainy ayaitu/ Aa Alteon at AkriaUy, MaU tet da& yjAa
aaufi&uue afite waUan/. yo^
4ta. <J4a/ /n* jaut idc&<&(!^&1*^ jAa&
not, ay wMaa of wit laaUant, auiam/ any AtaAu/y 0+ /at Aiaae&i
a/ any Abfat/y too/ 4a<t fcan/Jau/ Jy Joe aUul>. juafyfnant, at
4W146 <y& ataU andk /At apriucadatt Jam y/Atdkndea&M&i.
5/4. "S^da \/k J04ah%^
na/tiy /At C/ecU/d4y af&uUe, 4* loUfaty, Mat A* Aaj iarauvd and
*b S&a/</d* (U*uM ' 6&tiu /a 6 afire/
atdt
One at we Qaajr ©<? ^«y t&oa&aaie-asjGi
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7~1«C*&>4> >
tk
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s
Bedford Brown : State Rights Unionist 507
that when the slave question was first brought forward "by
Southern agitators" in Congress, proposing to abolish the con-
stitutional right of petition, he had resisted it, and he made
reference to the part he played in bringing about the Com-
promise of 1850. To aid in restoring the government would
be by far the happiest labor of his public life, he concluded.56
The Caswell candidate's strong support of Governor Wil-
liam W. Holden for re-election,57 however, very likely dam-
aged his chances in other counties of the district, and Hanes
was elected by a margin of twenty-four votes.58 Hanes' elec-
tion, however, was to no avail inasmuch as Congress refused
to seat the North Carolina representatives.
Early in 1867,59 Brown was back in Washington as a mem-
ber of a commission appointed by Governor Worth to confer
with President Johnson about the most expedient course for
North Carolina to pursue in relation to the Union.60 While
there, the Governor wrote Brown with reference to W. W.
Holden, whom Worth had defeated in the gubernatorial race,
saying that Holden was stirring up Negroes and looking "to
the disfranchisement of the great body of the whites and the
enfranchisement of all the Negroes, whereby the Negroes
would become the dominant political power in the State."
He charged that Holden was getting up petitions to ask Con-
gress to abolish the present state government and effect a
"re-organization according to the most ultra-schemes of the
revolutionary Disunionists who now lead the Congress."61
Brown, who had warmly supported Holden in the election
of 1865, now broke with him and occupied a middle ground
66 Handwritten notes in Bedford Brown Papers, Rose Hill.
67 Brown signed a petition in the summer of 1865 urging Holden to be a
candidate for re-election. See Boyd, editor, Memoirs of W. W. Holden, 65.
Brown's own Locust Hill precinct cast the following vote for Governor on
November 9, 1865: Holden 65, Jonathan Worth 4, Calvin Graves (Brown's
neighbor) 2, Bedford Brown 1. The original vote tabulation, with list of
voters, is in Bedford Brown Papers, Rose Hill.
68 Governor Jonathan Worth to Bedford Brown, February 5, 1866. J. G.
de R. Hamilton, editor, Correspondence of Jonathan Worth (Raleigh, 1909,
2 vols.) I, 492-493. Hereafter cited as Hamilton, Jonathan Worth.
69 In 1866, Bedford Brown stood aside and allowed his son, Livingston, to
be elected to the State Senate from Caswell.
80 Governor Jonathan Worth to Bedford Brown and J. M. Leach, January
9, 1867. Hamilton, Jonathan Worth, II, 864.
"Governor Jonathan Worth to Bedford Brown and others, January 12,
1867. Hamilton, Jonathan Worth, II, 865.
508 The North Carolina Historical Review
between the Radical Republicans, whom Holden had joined,
and the extreme Conservatives, who Brown thought would
provoke harsher measures from Congress.
The Democratic Party again called upon Bedford Brown
to be a delegate to its national convention in 1868. Former
Governor Thomas Bragg, chairman of the state executive
committee, wrote that he was recommending Brown to mem-
bership on the national executive committee, saying that the
"Northern mind is yet sensitive on the subject of the men
who are to represent the South .... I can think of no one in
North Carolina who can fill the position so acceptably & use-
fully as yourself. . . ." 62
Just prior to leaving for New York, the aging North Caro-
linian wrote his kinsman, Weldon Edwards,
I have participated so often in such assemblages, heretofore,
and feeling sensibly the advances of age, that I feel little incli-
nation, to forego the quiet of retirement although, I know that
my old Van Buren friends — many of whom yet survive —
would give me a cordial welcome. I have never ceased my attach-
ment to my old friend Mr. Van Buren, notwithstanding his
lapses, occasioned probably by the ungrateful treatment, of the
Southern States, or at least most of them in the convention of
'44. I regard his administration as nearer to the old republican
standard, than any since Mr. Madison's and himself the ablest
of our presidents, since Mr. Madison, besides he represented
a party in the North which combined more in numbers, talent
and wealth than any other that ever existed there. It was an
unfortunate day, for the South when she repelled such allies.63
In spite of his reluctance, however, Brown attended the
Convention and served again as vice-president for North
Carolina. The state delegation supported Andrew Johnson
for two ballots, but seeing his chances of nomination nil,
played the field, switching from one candidate to another in
an attempt to find a winner. On the fourth ballot, however,
the North Carolina delegation caused an enthusiastic tumult
by casting their nine votes for the President of the Conven-
tion, Horatio Seymour of New York, whose name was not in
c2 Thomas Bragg to Bedford Brown, May 4, 1868. Bedford Brown Papers,
Rose Hill.
63 Bedford Brown to Weldon N. Edwards, May 25, 1868. Weldon N.
Edwards Papers, Duke University.
Bedford Brown: State Rights Unionist.**. -.509
nomination. Seymour rose to express his surprise* and made,,
his classic "but your candidate I cannot be" statement??'; ft
was not until the twenty-second ballot that Seymour's name
was again entered, and on that ballot he was unanimously
nominated to end the Pendleton-Hancock-Hendricks stale-
mate.
The old Unionist was a tired man. Even before the trip to
New York, he had written Weldon Edwards that they both
were "treading rapidly ... in the path of time. A few more
days and I shall number seventy-three years, if I live." Then,
obviously weary of the times, he continued,
We have both mixed largely, in the busy scenes of this extra-
ordinary age, numbering among our friends, many of the most
illustrious men of the times. Alas ! most of them are gone and as
a people, we may say, "tempora mutantur, et mutamur cum-
milis.,, Men are not what they were. Statesmen and men of
great purity and intellect were in the ascendant then. Dema-
gogues and intellectual pigmies have taken their place. The
indications too plainly, as a consequence, point to a future of
anarchy and national degradation.
I enjoy reasonable health, though often depressed from family
afflictions of the last few years together with the sad condition
of our most unfortunate country.65
But there was fight still left in the old patriot. The Radicals
in Congress had overruled the healing policies of the North
Carolina native who sat in the White House. Congressional
"Reconstruction" was forcing respectable men from public
life and the ballot boxes were being stuffed with votes for
opportunists and invading carpetbaggers. This was no time
to quit.
So, in 1868, for the seventh time Bedford Brown was elect-
ed to the State Senate, defeating "Scalawag" John W.
Stephens. The Senate, however, controlled by Radicals, re-
fused to seat Brown pending an investigation of "fraud" in
the campaign. The controversy dragged on for seven weeks
64 Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention, Held at
New York, July 4-9, 1868, 83.
65 Bedford Brown to Weldon N. Edwards, May 25, 1868. Weldon N.
Edwards Papers, Duke University.
510 T.he North Carolina Historical Review
before. th£t Senate suddenly discovered that "Honorable Bed-
ford Brown, Senator elect from the 24th District, is banned
by the Constitutional Amendment, [and] he is not entitled to
his seat." 66 Brown's pardon from President Johnson did not
impress the Radicals. On November 17, 1868, Stephens took
his seat in the Senate. Eighteen months later, "Chicken"
Stephens was found dead in the Caswell County Courthouse,
his reward from his neighbors who had watched him rise
from a chicken thief to a leading figure in the Radical forces
of North Carolina. The "Kirk-Holden War" was a result.
Brown's senate race in 1868 was his last recorded partici-
pation in public life. His loyalty to the Union did not prevent
him from being banned from office. His native county was
occupied in 1870 by alien troops under General Kirk.
Even the ancient privilege of the writ of habeas corpus was
suspended. Brown s son, Livingston, had been defeated in his
race for the State Senate because of "coercion by military
force."67
Even death was not kind to the old Unionist. On Decem-
ber 5, 1870, he returned from a trip, ate supper, and retired
early. During the night, his final battle was fought, "unknown
to his household, until he was found struggling in the last
agonies of death." 68
Today, only some of Mary Glenn Brown's box trees mark
the grave of her husband at Rose Hill. He has no monument.
66 Journal of the Senate . . . 1868, 125.
67 T. J. Foster to Livingston Brown, October 8, 1870. Bedford Brown
Papers, Rose Hill. There are at least three accounts of the murder of
"Chicken" Stephens, all biased. A vehemently pro-Stephens view is Luther
M. Carlton, "Assassination of John Walter Stephens," in Historical Papers
of the Trinity College Historical Society, Series 2 (Durham, 1898), 12. The
contemporary pro-Democratic account is A. J. Stedman, Murder & Mystery:
History of the Life and Death of John W. Stephens, State Senator of North
Carolina, from Caswell County (Greensboro, 1870). The most recent view
is given in Manly Wade Wellman, Dead and Gone: Classic Crimes of North
Carolina (Chapel Hill, 1954), 137-154, a popularized account but which
has the advantage of a long-secret account made available upon the death
of one of the participants. It was from the courthouse where Bedford Brown
was speaking before a conservative party convention that Stephens walked
down the stairway to his death.
68 [Laura Brown Gaulden] to [Livingston Brown], December 14, 1870.
Bedford Brown Papers, Southern Historical Collection.
Bedford Brown: State Rights Unionist 511
He has no biography.69 Textbooks overlook him. Professional
Southerners ignore him.
But if a member of the University of North Carolina stu-
dent body of 1839 was present at Bedford Brown's funeral
on December 7, 1870, it is possible that he remembered
through the haze of war and defeat the admonition that the
Senator, in better days, had given him:
Carry, . . . Gentlemen, with you, no matter in what pursuit you
may engage and no matter in what sphere you are destined to
move ; whether in that of public or private life, a sacred regard
and reverence for the Union of our glorious confederacy ; value
it as the palladium of our liberties, and remember that in its
fate is involved the greatest happiness of man, the noblest hopes
of civilization, and the brightest prospects of moral and intellec-
tual improvement.70
w There are no good biographical sketches of Senator Brown. The best
account by a contemporary, though containing inaccuracies, is found in
David Schenck, Personal Sketches of Distinguished Delegates to the State
Convention 1861-2, North Carolina (Greensboro, 1885), 19-21. A brief
account may be found in John H. Wheeler, Reminiscences and Memoirs of
North Carolina and Eminent North Carolinians (Columbus, 1884), 109. Dr.
C. C. Pearson's account in the Dictionary of American Biography (New
York, 1929, 20 vols.), Ill, 104, has several errors, as does the sketch in
Samuel A. Ashe, Biographical History of North Carolina (Greensboro,
1905, 8 vols.), I, 181, and The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography
. . . (New York, 1892-1951, 37 vols.), IX, 458. Even a sketch written from
memory by Dr. Bedford Brown, the Senator's son, in John G. McCormick,
Personnel of the Convention of 1861 in James Sprunt Historical Mono-
graphs, No. 1 (Chapel Hill, 1900), 22, contains several important errors.
See also Biographical Directory of the American Congress 1774-194.9
(Washington, 1950), 160. The bulk of Senator Brown's extant correspon-
dence is in the Southern Historical Collection, at Duke University, and at
Rose Hill.
70 Bedford Brown, An Address Delivered Before the Two Literary Socie-
ties of the University of North Carolina . . . June 1839 . . . (Raleigh, 1839),
39.
NORTH CAROLINA AND THE BRITISH INVESTOR,
1880-1910
By Alfred P. Tischendorf
The last two decades of the nineteenth century witnessed
an intense interest in the United States by British investors.1
Although the greatest amount of British capital flowed to-
ward the bonanza mining areas of the West, considerable
sums were invested in companies organized to work in the
southern states. Between 1880 and 1900 at least 23 Limited
companies were incorporated in London to develop mines
and land in North Carolina.2 Members of Parliament, titled
gentry, and high ranking military officers accepted director-
ships in many of the enterprises. Leading trade journals print-
ed reports of company meetings and sought to interest the
public in North Carolina ventures. With few exceptions the
companies returned little or no profit to investors. Lack of
capital, the disadvantage of long distance management from
London, and difficulty in extracting gold from low grade ore
eventually brought most of the companies to collapse. By
late 1910, 22 had either been dissolved, closed voluntar-
ily, or had their property seized by creditors.3
Seven companies hardly did more than incorporate and
issue Articles of Association before disbanding. The Key-
stone Gold Mining Company was registered on May 5, 1881,
1 In 1881, for example, 18 British mining companies were registered to
work in the United States; 61 in 1888; 43 in 1896, Mining Journal, LII
(January 7, 1882), 2; Mining Journal, LIX (January 5, 1889), 26; Mining
Journal, LXVII (January 9, 1897), 43. All of the trade journals mentioned
are to be found in the British Museum, London, England or in the Colindale
Newspaper Library, a branch of the British Museum.
2 Records of Limited companies that concluded business activities before
1917 have recently been transferred from the Company Registration Office
in Bush House, London, England, to the Public Record Office where they
may be inspected. Each concern is given a number on the date of incorpora-
tion and must be ordered by that number. Files include contracts, lists of
shareholders, and summaries of capital and shares. Information regarding
development or final disposition of property is seldom included. Hereafter
file numbers will be used in the footnotes to designate the companies.
3 Records of the Howie Gold Mines, which remained on the Register after
1910, may be examined by applying to Bush House, W.C.2. (File No. 46959)
A list of other British Limited companies organized to work in North Caro-
lina between 1880 and 1910 is found at the conclusion of this article.
[512]
North Carolina and the British Investor 513
to purchase mining property in Randolph County.4 No sum-
mary of capital and shares was issued and the enterprise was
dissolved by the Registrar of Public Companies. Stafford
Ltd. organized in 1887 to buy 100 acres from H. B. Tilden
of Randolph County for £240,000 in fully-paid company
shares but decided to windup in 1889 after releasing one re-
port.5 Twenty thousand shares were held by 71 investors in
the Troy Gold Mines, incorporated in 1887 to acquire land
in Montgomery County.6 On November 12, 1889, the board
of directors, headed by Colonel Sir Walter Barttelot-
Barttelot, Bart., C.B., M.P., decided to windup voluntarily.
Apparently no work was ever done on the property. Two
companies with the same name, the North Carolina Syndi-
cate, probably planned operations in the state. But neither
carried on any business and were quickly removed from the
list of "live" companies.7 A contract to purchase land in Burke
County was signed by the North Carolina Estate Company
in 1886. The agreement was never fully carried out and a
court order finally ended company plans on July 28, 1888. 8
The property, known as the "South Mountain Lands,' was ac-
quired by the South Burke Estate Company in May, 1892.9
Thirty-one shareholders held the entire share capital. On
May 26, 1898, the company decided liabilities made it im-
possible to continue.
In January, 1881, the Hoover Hill Gold Mining Company
purchased 283 acres in Tabernacle Township, Randolph
County, from Alphonza Tilden and two others for £70,000,
partly in cash and the remainder in fully-paid shares in the
company.10 George Hopkins, a London civil engineer who at
one time presided over 16 British overseas mining companies,
was chairman of the board.11 His associates included a sprink-
ling of peers and military men. In six months 100,000 shares
had been issued and £76,702 paid in by over 900 share-
4 File No. 15316, Public Record Office.
5 File No. 24429, Public Record Office.
8 File No. 26140, Public Record Office.
7 Files No. 40909 and 61110, Public Record Office.
8 File No. 22668, Public Record Office.
9 File No. 34105, Public Record Office.
10 File No. 14683, Public Record Office.
11 Directory of Directors, 1891, 297.
514 The North Carolina Historical Review
holders. Development work on the property began immed-
iately. In December a dissatisfied investor complained of the
inadequacy of machines being erected at the mines.12 The
company management was denounced in scathing terms:
Companies, I fear, are not always formed for the advantage of
the shareholders; all they have to do is to furnish the capital
necessary to create incomes for pennyless baronets, half-pay
captains, and decrepit colonels, all of whom know as much about
mining as the man in the moon.13
For a time reports from the mine were promising. When the
company decided to transfer its capital assets and property
to a new concern in 1884, shareholders were given a refund
of 2s. 6d. each, directors believing that sufficient money was
available to make the mine pay.14 Gold worth £15,071 was
found during the year ending in September, 1885 and a div-
idend of 10 per cent was declared. But the mine had passed
its peak and directors were soon forced to ask investors to
return part of the refunded money. Despite a slight revival
in 1889 there was a loss of £2,805 at the end of 1891.15 In
early 1896 shareholders decided to reconstruct and form the
Grierson's Gold Mines.16 Property in wrestern Australia was
purchased and by 1898 the mine in North Carolina had been
relinquished.
Shareholders in the Gold Hill Mines Company were told
by directors that more than £600,000 worth of gold had
been taken out of mines on their property since they were
discovered in 1842. 1T The company held 500 acres near Salis-
bury as the result of an agreement of February 23, 1881, with
M. L. and R. J. Holmes of that city.18 The purchase price was
£90,000, mostly in company shares. There were about 170
shareholders but more than half the shares were held by
Thomas Foakes, a Surrey barrister, and by the Mines Invest-
12 Mining Journal, LI (December 31, 1881), 1616.
13 Mining Journal, LI (December 31, 1881), 1616.
14 Mining World, XXXII (January 1, 1887), 21-22.
15 Mining Manual, 1892.
16 File No. 46887, Public Record Office.
"Mining World, XXXII (April 9, 1887), 428.
18 File No. 15296, Public Record Office.
North Carolina and the British Investor 515
ment Association of London. Crushing operations began at
the mine in the summer of 1883 and a year later the company
was reconstructed to get more working capital. In 1887, after
spending £10,000 on the mine, the Gold Hill company still
needed a further £11,000 to continue exploring and pay its
debts.19 The authorized capital was increased and the com-
pany again reconstructed. While directors hunted vainly for
methods to work the low grade deposits Gold Hill snares
plummeted to 6d. or Is. for 18s. shares.20 Directors decided
against a further outlay of capital and the property was sold.
The activities of the Hoover Hill and Gold Hill ventures
attracted attention in London investment circles. Various
technical articles on mineral deposits in North Carolina were
published.21 A letter signed "Gold" said:
The State of North Carolina apparently presents many oppor-
tunities, not only for successful gold mining, but for the profit-
able employment of capital in the utilization of its large tracts
of wonderously productive soil, its immense forests of excellent
timber, and the development of its mineral resources, which
are of a vast extent and almost infinite variety.22
The Mining World quoted articles from the Carolina Watch-
man (Salisbury, North Carolina) and Carolina Herald.23
The Russell Gold Mining Company purchased 455 acres
in Montgomery County from Henry McCoy of Baltimore in
1884.24 The price- £280,000-was all in fully-paid company
shares. Twenty thousand shares were then offered to the pub-
lic and quickly subscribed. Merchants, surveyors, bullion
brokers, advertising agents, and architects were among the
196 shareholders listed in the annual report for 1896. The
company's capital was quickly exhausted when ore on the
property proved to contain fine gold that required large
stamping power and excellent treatment.25 Only the generos-
ity of one of the directors saved the undertaking until it was
"Mining World, XXXII (March 19, 1887), 339.
20 Mining World, XXXVIII (April 19, 1890), 608.
81 Mining Journal, LII (July 14, 1883), 824.
22 Mining Journal, LII (July 14, 1883), 881.
23 Mining World, XXXIII (July 2, 1887), 14-15.
24 Pile No. 20373, Public Record Office.
26 Mining Record, I (October 12, 1889), 2.
516 The North Carolina Historical Review
reconstructed in 1887. Interest on mortgage debentures was
soon in arrears and appeals to directors and debenture hold-
ers for more money failed. The company's land was seized by
creditors in North Carolina and sold.26
Henry McCoy was also the vendor in an agreement of
August 6, 1886 that conveyed 60 acres near Lexington, Mont-
gomery County to the Appalachian Company.27 Incorporated
in 1885 with an authorized capital of £300,000, the enter-
prise issued only £,'7 in shares to the public. Gold on the
property was covered with a slime that prevented successful
amalgamation. The chairman of the board, the Earl of Gos-
ford, decided to liquidate the company in April, 1889.
Shareholders in the Stanly Freehold Gold Mines were told
by directors after the company's incorporation in 1887 that
12 months was needed to bring their property of about 820
acres in Stanly County to its full dividend power of 35 per
cent a year.28 The vendor's guarantee of a 15 per cent divi-
dend was paid the first year but it was the last nearly 500
shareholders enjoyed. On February 24, 1890, the enterprise
decided to close and organize the Parker Gold Mines in
an attempt to raise more capital. The company's failure was
only postponed. Ten shilling shares sold for 2s. and another
reconstruction tried to pump life into the venture. The new
concern, the London Estates Company, bought 1,000 acres
near New London, Stanly County, and gave its attention to
the development of town lots.29 The Stock Exchange Year-
Book for 1897 listed the company as being "in liquidation."
The Hambley Freehold and Sam Christian Gold Hydrau-
lic mining companies owned adjoining property of about
2,500 acres in Montgomery County.30 Three Londoners held
directorships in both concerns and Egbert Hambley was min-
ing engineer for each of the companies. Investors in the
Hambley company were elated in October, 1889, when gold
was discovered at 60 feet. Work was stopped the following
26 File No. 32459, Public Record Office. .
27 File No. 21419, Public Record Office.
28 Mining World, XXXII (May 21, 1887), 627; File No. 24424, Public
Record Office.
29 File No. 38056, Public Record Office.
30 Files No. 28108 and 24942, Public Record Office.
North Carolina and the British Investor 517
April, however, when directors decided there was little pros-
pect of further success. A geologist examined the property
and shareholders were advised to sell.
The Sam Christian company was in trouble from the be-
ginning. The soil was found to be too hard for the type of
mining planned by directors.31 Quartz mining was attempted
but investors were reluctant to subscribe more capital. At a
meeting on November 19, 1890, there was no second to a mo-
tion to raise £5,000 by issuing debentures. The company
limped on until August 30, 1892, when it was decided to sell
the property and dissolve.
Company files unfortunately lack information regarding
conditions on property owned by Britishers in North Caro-
lina. The London Mining World for December 21, 1889,
noted that skilled mill hands at the New Hoover mine re-
ceived $1.75 a day although much of the labor was paid less
than $1. About 50 men worked at the mine under an English-
man, Captain Parkin.32
It is difficult to measure the exact amount of British capi-
tal in North Carolina enterprises. Many shares were issued
fully-paid to vendors or to shareholders when the companies
reconstructed. Although the 23 companies had an authorized
capital of £3.4 million, much less than this was ever sub-
scribed. Reports prepared by company secretaries each year
show that about £330,602 was actually paid in cash for
shares in the companies. The Hoover Hill and Stanly Free-
hold received the largest amounts, £76,702 and £68,271.
Bills for machinery, wages, and other expenses were occa-
sionally paid by directors from their own pockets but this
is difficult to measure. A number of concerns issued mortgage
debentures but available records contain only scanty statis-
tics.
It is certain that few shareholders profited from their hold-
ings. Only two companies, the Hoover Hill and Stanly Free-
hold, paid dividends and each of these for only one year.
Whether more capital or better management would have
propelled some of the companies into the dividend list is a
81 Mining Record, I (October 12, 1889), 2.
32 Mining World, XXXII (March 12, 1887), 315 (January 1, 1887), 21-22.
518
The North Carolina Historical Review
matter for speculation. By the turn of the century the British
"boom" in North Carolina had almost run its course.
BRITISH ENTERPRISE IN NORTH CAROLINA
1880-1910
Name
Hoover Hill Gold Mining
Company-
Gold Hill Mines
Keystone Gold Mining Company
Russell Gold Mining Company
New Hoover Hill Gold Mining
Company
Appalachian Company
North Carolina Estate Company
Gold Hill Mining Company
Stanly Freehold Gold Mines
Stafford
Sam Christian Gold Hydraulic
New Russell Gold Mining
Company
Troy Gold Mine
New Gold Hill Mining Company
Hambley Freehold Gold Mine
Parker Gold Mines
New Russell Gold Mining
South Burke Estate Company
New London Estates Company
North Carolina Syndicate
Grierson's Gold Mines
North Carolina Syndicate
Authorized
capital (£)*
Registered
120,000 January 5, 1881
40,000 April 30, 1881
125,000 May 5, 1881
300,000 October 18, 1884
60,000 October 23, 1884
300,000 July 24, 1885
165,000 May 22, 1886
300,000 December 18, 1886
90,000 May 13, 1887
60,000 May 14, 1887
200,000 August 22, 1887
300,000 November 22, 1887
20,000 March 23, 1888
350,000 April 9, 1888
72,500 January 25, 1889
150,000 April 19, 1890
50,000 September 26, 1890
35,000 May 29, 1891
75,000 January 26, 1893
20,000 April 11, 1894
100,000 February 18, 1896
1,200 March 15, 1899
* The pound sterling may be calculated as equal to $5.
THE INFLUENCE OF JOSEPH RUGGLES WILSON ON
HIS SON WOODROW WILSON*
By George C. Osborn
Seldom has there been found in history such comradeship
as existed between Joseph Ruggles Wilson and his famous
son, Thomas Woodrow Wilson. Not only was the elder Wil-
son an unusual counselor to his intellectually inclined son
but the father was his son's most intimate companion and his
most generous critic. A man of uncanny abilities himself, the
father came to recognize in his son capacities which he could
see in no other person. After a long fruitful life as a Presby-
terian minister, the superannuated clergyman spent the last
days of his life in the home of his son who was widely known
as an educator. While a member of this son's household the
father died and the son penned the inscription for the tomb-
stone which marks the father's final resting place.1 Repeat-
edly, the son, as he grew in the esteem of an increasing num-
ber of his countrymen, declared publicly that for his unusual
attainments he owed credit most of all to his father. This de-
claration has been discussed by Wilson's biographers but
perhaps it deserves a fuller explanation.
Joseph Ruggles Wilson, born February 28, 1822, was the
youngest of seven sons of James and Anne Wilson. Recently
removed from western Pennsylvania, these young parents
were living at Steubenville, Ohio where the husband was
engaged in newspaper work, in politics, and in business ven-
tures. In an atmosphere of intellectual work, of political in-
trigue and restless energy, Joseph grew into young manhood.
Possessed of a retentive mind, a handsome physique and a
ready word, this lad was favored among his many brothers
and his three sisters. In 1840, Joseph entered Jefferson Col-
* The author wishes to express appreciation to the University of Florida
for a grant from its Research Fund which made the research for this
article possible.
1 See Ray S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, Life and Letters, 8 vols. (New
York, 1927-1939), I, 72, for this inscription. Hereafter cited as Baker,
Woodrow Wilson.
[519]
520 The North Carolina Historical Review
lege at Canonville, Pennsylvania from which institution, four
years later, he graduated as valedictorian of his class. After
a brief tenure as a teacher, Joseph entered the ministry. In
further preparation for a career as a clergyman, he attended
Princeton College, where in 1846 he was awarded a B.D.
Degree. Although licensed to preach in 1847, Joseph returned
to his home town as a teacher in the Steubenville Male Acad-
emy. Shortly thereafter he met Janet (Jessie) Woodrow, a
student in the nearby Steubenville Female Seminary, whose
father, Thomas Woodrow, was minister of the First Presby-
terian Church at Chillicothe, Ohio.2 Two years later, 1849,
the young people were married. Both families, the Wilsons
and the Woodrows, were middle class intelligensia folk. Fre-
quently, the men were clergymen and (or) teachers; the
ladies as well as the men were widely read.3
After his ordination, the Reverend Joseph R. Wilson found
a small church in the Quaker State to serve while he con-
tinued teaching at his alma mater, Jefferson College. The
Wilsons later crossed the Mason-Dixon line into Virginia,
where the Reverend Wilson taught at Hampden-Sydney Col-
lege. In 1855, Dr. Wilson became pastor of the First Presby-
terian Church at Staunton and, with his wife and their two
daughters, Marion and Anne, moved there. In the Presby-
terian Manse at Staunton on December 28, 1856, Thomas
Woodrow Wilson, named for his maternal grandfather, was
born.
The father was "very proud of his fine little son." Neigh-
bors saw the infant and pronounced him a beautiful baby and
his mother testified that he was as "little trouble as it is pos-
sible for a baby to be." 4 With his family growing, the father
was perhaps more restless than ever to push up the ladder of
2 Thomas Woodrow, in 1836, had arrived in America after a most perilous
voyage. Thomas Woodrow to Robert Williamson, February 23, 1836. Copy
in the Ray Stannard Baker Papers in Library of Congress. Hereafter cited
as the Baker Papers.
3 For a scholarly discussion of Wilson's ancestors see Francis P. Weisen-
burger, "The Middle Western Antecedents of Woodrow Wilson," in the
Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXIII (June, 1936-March, 1937),
375-390.
4 Mrs. Joseph R. Wilson to Thomas Woodrow, April 27, 1857 in the Wood-
row Wilson Papers in the Library of Congress. Hereafter cited as Wilson
Papers.
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 521
success in his chosen profession. Anyway, within a year of
his first son's birth he moved again; this time to Augusta,
Georgia, where he accepted the pastorate of the First Presby-
terian Church.
Here on the banks, near the muddy waters of the Savan-
nah River, there began an intimate companionship between
the Reverend Wilson and his son. As recalled by Tommy
years later, his earliest recollection was of standing by the
gateway to the Presbyterian Manse in Augusta, hearing
people talk excitedly of Lincoln's election, and rushing to his
father for an explanation.5 If the four year old son attended
his father's church, the lad heard the pastor preach on "the
dangers which beset our country and the duties of the Chris-
tian in this emergency." 6 In neither case would the child have
understood much of what his minister father might have said
in conversation or from the pulpit.
But the father knew how to win the friendship of his son
and this he did. Together they played games of tag about
the roomy yard amid the overhanging branches of the trees
and the flowering shrubbery. When short of breath or fa-
tigued by physical exertion, they returned to the Manse
where a game of chess or a contest at billiards was begun.
Never a match for his father in chess, Tommy occasionally
bested him at billiards.
By no means were all the hours that the father spent with
his son, and they were many, spent in fun and frivolity. Many
were the times that the minister father read aloud to his chil-
dren. Born with impaired eyesight and supplemented by a
natural laziness, Tommy did not learn to read until after his
eleventh birthday.7 Frequently his father, though usually
quite busy, found time in which to retire to his study to read
to members of his family. Books of a factual nature, especially
biography, novels by Dickens or Scott, and poetry, were
5 Ray S. Baker and William E. Dodd, eds., The Public Papers of Woodrow
Wilson, 6 vols. (New York, 1925-1927), II, 83. This statement was made
by Wilson in an address on "Abraham Lincoln: a Man of the People,"
February 12, 1909. In Dr. Wilson's church the wealthiest congregation in
Augusta worshipped. See Harold G. Black, The True Woodrow Wilson,
Crusader for Democracy (New York, 1946), 16.
* Chronicle and Sentinel (Augusta, Georgia), November 4, 1860.
7 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 36.
522 The North Carolina Historical Review
heard by the Wilson children as their father reclined on the
floor with his head on the back of an upturned chair. Possess-
ing a fine, resonant bass voice, the minister would intone
the passages of his readings to suit his interpretation of the
characters or his narration of the scenes described. As he lay
stretched out on the floor near his father, Tommy Wilson was
not only informed by what he heard read but he was im-
pressed by the vocal interpretation of his parent's reading.
The sound of words, the flow of language, his fathers ora-
tory, were stamped indelibly upon Tommy's youthful
memory.
From time to time during the week, Parson Wilson dressed
as befitted his profession and visited his parishioners at their
various places of business—in the stores or offices, at their
tasks in the cotton gins or in the corn mills. Tommy frequent-
ly accompanied his father. Once the visiting was over and
these two were back in the Manse, Tommy was invited to re-
late to other members of the family his experiences of the
morning or the afternoon as his father listened attentively. If
Tommy expressed himself in incorrect English, the father
would call his son's attention to the error and have him make
the proper correction. If the lad uttered a vague or an indef-
inite sentence, he was asked what he meant by the statement.
When the child, now more meditatively, explained precisely
what he meant, the father would express approval.
Years later, when a grown man, Wilson recalled these ex-
periences: "When I was a boy," he stated, "my father would
not permit me to blurt things out or stammer a half-way job
of telling whatever I had to tell. If I became excited in ex-
plaining some boyish activity, he always said, 'Steady now,
Thomas; wait a minute. Think! Think what it is you wish to
say, and then choose your words to say it/ As a young boy . . .
at the age of four or five, I was taught to think about what I
was going to say, and then I was required to say it correctly.
Before I was grown, it became a habit." 8
In attendance every Sunday at his father's church, Tommy
heard sermons regularly which were of lasting influence. Ac-
8 David Lawrence, The True Story of Woodrow Wilson (New York, 1924),
18.
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 523
cording to the Augusta papers, the Chronicle and Sentinel
and the Daily Constitutionalist,9 Dr. Wilson's sermons were
orthodox, fundamental theology. The reality of God and the
existence of sin became, early in his life, part of Tommy's
thoughts and of his unyielding faith. Of his father's eloquence
in the pulpit Tommy in early manhood wrote: "I wish that I
could believe that I inherited that rarest gift of making great
truths attractive in the telling and of inspiring with great pur-
poses by sheer force of eloquence or by gentle stress of per-
suasion."10 The acceptance by Tommy of his father's faith
was complete and the striving for his father's eloquence was
never relinquished.
A phase of the early relationship between Tommy and his
father came out of the troublous womb of war. The Southern
Presbyterian Church was organized in the Wilson home in
1861. Dr. Wilson in sentiment was definitely pro-Southern
and aided in numerous ways the cause of the South. Tommy
Wilson saw the sufferings of war, experienced some of the
inconveniences of war and must have listened to his father
often discuss from the pulpit, in the homes of his parishioners,
and among the members of his own family, not only the
cruelties of war but also the righteousness of the Southern
cause. Certainly Tommy, throughout his illustrious life, was
greatly influenced by this definite Southern atmosphere.
As the War Between the States came to a close in April,
1865, schools throughout the South were reopened. Arrange-
ments were made by Dr. Wilson for Tommy to attend a pri-
vate school operated by Joseph T. Deny.11 Tommy not only
learned to read tardily but his school work was much below
the average. With no enthusiasm and with little interest in
his studies, Tommy's poor grades and his indifferent, lazy
temperament must have caused his father much worry.
An early and continued deep interest in the education of
young people prompted Dr. Wilson to accept a call to teach
in the Columbia Theological Seminary at Columbia, South
9 See files (incomplete) of these newspapers for the years 1858-1872 in
the Library of Congress.
10Woodrow Wilson to Ellen Axson, October 23, 1883, quoted in Baker,
Woodrow Wilson, I, 46.
11 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 42.
524 The North Carolina Historical Review
Carolina. Thence the family moved late in 1870, as Tommy,
fourteen years of age, entered adolescence. Shy, queer, not
very sociable among boys or girls, frequently seen strolling
alone along paths or just sitting in a slouchy position, Tommy
continued his formal education in another private school,
similar to the one he had attended in Augusta. In this school,
kept by Charles H. Barnwell,12 Tommy was anything but bril-
liant in his classes. With increasingly grave concern, the boy's
father pressed his efforts to create and, if possible, to culti-
vate an affinity for the better things of the mind. These en-
deavors of Dr. Wilson for his son's mental development are
seen in a three-fold program. First, the habit of reading aloud
passages from the best literary authors, begun earlier, was
continued with a wider sampling of writing. Essays of
Charles Lamb and speeches of Daniel Webster were read.
Frequently, the reading was followed by thoughtful efforts
to improve the expression or to reduce to fewer words a selec-
tion without robbing the passage either of ideas or of elo-
quence.
Second, from Sunday to Sunday Tommy found his pew in
his father's church, for the pulpit of the First Presbyterian
Church had been offered Dr. Wilson soon after he went to
Columbia. He heard the rhetorical sermons which were lis-
tened to with profound interest and rapt attention. The mini-
ster's sermons, according to the Columbia Daily Union,13
were uniformly able and interesting, full of fresh and vigor-
ous thought, snowed profound erudition and careful prepara-
tion. There were times, stated this paper, when Dr. Wilson
rose above the plane of his ordinary preaching and spoke with
an authority and a power above and beyond himself. These
inspired efforts were conditioned on the speaker's belief that
he had discovered some Divine truth which had eluded the
grasp of others but the knowledge and utilization of which
truth was essential to the harmonious existence and to the
supreme happiness of mankind. Such ideas, concluded the re-
porter, Erastus W. Everson, "may strike some as novel and
12 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 42.
13 See Daily Union (Columbia, South Carolina), May 13, September 30,
October 28, December 23, 1872; January 20, March 10, 17, 28, April 21,
1873, etc. for discussions of Dr. Wilson's sermons.
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 525
speculative." 14 What more accurate reporting could be made
of Woodrow Wilson's approach, as revealed in his speeches,
to the problems and issues which, a generation later, as Pres-
ident of Princeton, as Governor of New Jersey, and as Presi-
dent of these United States, confronted him! Dr. Wilson, the
best teacher Tommy ever had, was more successful in mold-
ing his sons mind than he realized.
Third, Tommy frequently accompanied his father to the
classroom. Here, with much older students, he gave attention
to lectures on theology and literature. His father, recalled the
son years later, occasionally paused in a lecture to seek the
exact word with which to express the idea he wished to con-
vey. The adolescent youth sometimes tried mentally to supply
the word but rarely found the inevitable word as swiftly as
did his father.15
Although the Wilsons lived in Columbia only about four
years, this brief period was one in which the father's in-
fluence on his first son was great. Other incidents illustrative
of the intimate relations between father and son were found
in Tommy's joining in July 1873, his father's church, and the
son's subsequent departure for a college of his father's choice.
Dr. Wilson was soon to be a trustee of Davidson College, lo-
cated some twenty miles north of Charlotte, North Carolina,
and there Tommy went in the fall of 1873. The impact of the
father's personality on his son was not perhaps as complete
as the elder thought, as evidenced by the fact that Dr. Wil-
son firmly believed that he had prevailed upon his son, now
about seventeen years of age, to begin preparing himself for
a career in the ministry.16 If Tommy Wilson ever had any
serious thoughts about becoming a clergyman, he kept them
entirely to himself.
Never possessed of a strong physical constitution, Tommy
returned to Columbia in June, 1874, at the close of his first
year at Davidson, near a physical breakdown. This was his
first time to remain, for several months, away from home,
and Tommy apparently did not like it. Anyway, he prevailed
"This quotation is from the Daily Union (Columbia, South Carolina),
May 13, 1872, but similar thoughts were expressed repeatedly in this paper.
w Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 64.
16 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 71-72.
526 The North Carolina Historical Review
upon his father to permit him to remain under the family
roof for the next fifteen months. During this interim Tommy
again attended some of his father's lectures at the seminary;
he was seen regularly at the services in the First Presbyterian
Church. In the home he read what books he could find, lis-
tened to his father as he practiced his habit of reading aloud
to the family. There were four children now. Joseph Ruggles,
junior, had joined the family circle approximately ten years
after Tommy's birth.
In the autumn of 1874 the Wilson family moved again, as
was their custom, this time to Wilmington, North Carolina.
Near this coastal city, Tommy saw for the first time in his life
of nearly eighteen years, the white-capped waves as they
beat endlessly against the sandy shore. He witnessed the
rhythmic rise and fall of the timeless tide, and at the docks
watched the crewmen as they loaded and unloaded cargoes
of ships which across the seven seas plied the channels of
world trade. He, in company with a chum, boarded and ex-
plored from stem to stern, a vessel as it lay docked at Wil-
mington. Tommy was infatuated with the ocean and immed-
iately decided to run away to sea. Had it not been for his
mother, to whom he confided his secret, Tommy at eighteen
years of age would have joined the crew of a commercial
vessel.17 The decision to leave his parental home may have
been influenced in part by the pressure which his father was
beginning to exert on Tommy, who seemed entirely too in-
different about continuing his formal education.
Having made the decision to remain at home and get more
formal education, Tommy was destined for Princeton Col-
lege, where his father had received his B.D. degree. In Sep-
tember 1875, Tommy Wilson, a tall, angular youth almost
nineteen years of age, arrived on the Princeton campus. De-
void of an overcoat, possessed of a badly worn black valise,
which for years had served his father, this adopted North
Carolinian was awkward of movement and shy with strang-
ers. With timidity, Tommy entered President James Mc-
Cosh's office, holding firmly a letter of introduction to the
17 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 60-61.
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 527
president from a friend, Dr. Wilson.18 At Princeton Tommy
found himself intellectually, as his father before him had
realized his intellectual talents while at Old Nassau. Here
this youth was to begin his career as an embryonic creative
writer, and was to form a few intimate friendships which
would last until his death a half century later. Here as teach-
er and later as administrator Wilson would pass the longest
span of his adult life and here he would be elected Governor
of New Jersey. Had a soothsayer in September, 1875, ex-
pressed such an opinion, the prophecy would have been
branded as ridiculous and beyond the possibility of fulfill-
ment.
Tommy soon adjusted himself to his new environment. He
entered wholeheartedly into the religious life of the campus,
singing tenor in the glee club. He joined the Whig Literary
Society and became one of its best leaders. He was a regular
attendant at the tables in the library, which were well sup-
plied with current magazines, and a frequent visitor to the
library stacks where he was observed browsing as he select-
ed books to check out for reading in his room.
As a Princeton student, Tommy became editor of the col-
lege paper, wrote his first literary essay, won acclaim as a
participant in his literary society debates, gained recognition
for his religious leadership and trained his gifted singing
voice. All of these evidences of his son's abilities and of his
development brought joy to his father. During the four years
that Tommy was enrolled at Princeton he did not, however,
for a single semester make the honor roll or the dean's list.
Moreover, since this semi-annual list of honor men included
from fifteen to twenty per cent of Tommy's classmates, it
was not an extremely selective group.19 Certainly, this fact
must have caused anxiety to Dr. Wilson.
In the summer between the regular academic sessions at
Princeton, Tommy rushed home to his family in Wilmington.
Now on Sundays the son found a place in the choir of his
father's church, and regularly attended gatherings of the
18 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 84.
19 See the Baker Papers, as well as the Wilson Papers, for lists of honor
men during the eight semesters, 1875-1879, that Wilson attended Princeton.
528 The North Carolina Historical Review
Presbyterian young people. When an occasional afternoon
picnic or a nocturnal hay ride was held for these boys and
girls, Tommy Wilson was one of the group. For the first time
in his life, this stripling paid his attentions to several girls.
Although Tommy carried on a stilted correspondence with
one girl for a short time, there was no love affair.
In the Manse, discussion between Dr. Wilson and his son
of literary books and their authors, of orators and their ora-
tions, of poetry and its writers, and of the impact of science
on theology continued. Gone were the days when the father
read aloud to Tommy page after page from some book of
prose or the stanzas of some poem. Now, these often repeated
father-son conferences were more of a give and take affair as
Tommy began to measure intellectual lances with his opin-
ionated father.
The Wilson family formed the habit of going into the
mountains of western North Carolina or western Virginia
for a vacation of rest and recreation. On these annual treks
a few books were included in the family luggage. Inter-
spersed with late morning breakfasts, hikes into the nearby
mountains where the fresh air was alive with the songs of
birds and sweetened with the perfumes of wild flowers, and
lazily indulged afternoon siestas, there were intimate chats
between Tommy Wilson and his father. Amid the grandeur
of nature Dr. Wilson spoke again of his ambition for his son
to enter the ministry. At times the father would dramatize
and emotionalize his appeal by springing up, embracing and
kissing his son, but Tommy continued to shy away from the
clergy as a profession.20
In 1879 Tommy, now calling himself Thomas Woodrow
( and soon to delete the Thomas ) graduated from Princeton,
sans honoris. Dr. Wilson was unable to attend the graduating
exercises. According to the Louisville Courier Journal, he was
winning laurels as moderator of the Presbyterian General As-
sembly. "His rulings were prompt . . . the sting was taken
from them by that inexhaustible fund of rich humor which
was cropping out on all occasions."21 Unfortunately, the son
20 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 89.
21 Courier- Journal (Louisville, Kentucky), n.d., quoted in the Morning
Star (Wilmington, North Carolina), May 30, 1879.
"22
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 529
did not inherit his father's inexhaustible fund of rich humor
which cropped out on all occasions.
During his student days, Tommy chose a profession for
himself. "The profession I chose was politics," he later wrote
to Ellen Axson. "The profession I entered was the law. I en
tered the one because I thought it would lead to the other.
In 1879 the best law school in the South was at the University
of Virginia and there Thomas W. Wilson, just under twenty-
three years of age, entered in September, 1879.
This young man continued to dislike strongly his classroom
courses and as at Princeton made only average grades. In
fields of his own choosing he read more widely than ever.
Frequently he participated in singing groups. At Charlottes-
ville, for the first time, Wilson joined a social fraternity, the
Phi Kappa Psi. That the boy consulted his father, who would
pay the additional cost, about this step may be concluded.
Within a few weeks of entering the University of Virginia,
Wilson joined the Jefferson Literary Society and entered
wholeheartedly into its activities. At Charlottesville under
the encouraging spirit of Thomas Jefferson young Wilson
delved widely into the early history of the United States and
into that of England. His orations and essays were usually
on historical characters. As a speaker and as a writer this
North Carolina minister's son was gaining a larger audience.
While a law student, Wilson began going on weekends across
the Blue Ridge Mountains to Staunton to visit Harriet Wood-
row, the charming daughter of his mother's brother Thomas.
Harriet was attending the Augusta Female Seminary (since
1895, Mary Baldwin Seminary). Soon Wilson was desperate-
ly in love with his cousin "Hattie." With an increasing amount
of time spent away from his studies— and law, even then, was
an exacting master— with great irregularities in his student
routine, and with his emotions deeply aroused for the first
time, it was not surprising that Wilson's frail constitution fail-
ed him again. Precipitately, he withdrew from the Univer-
sity of Virginia in December, 1880, and again returned to the
home of his father.
22Woodrow Wilson to Ellen Axson, October 30, 1883, quoted in Baker,
Woodrow Wilson, I, 109.
530 The North Carolina Historical Review
For some eighteen months Wilson, under the watch-care
of his parents slowly recovered his health. During these
months this frail, tall young man frequently accompanied his
father, over whom the son now towered several inches in
height, on his calls to his parishioners. On Sundays he could
be seen accompanying his mother to church, but upon arrival
usually found a place in the choir. Sometimes there would
be church picnics, abominable, Wilson termed them, to at-
tend. With Dr. Wilson this son frequently discussed topics
of their mutual interest, such as history, literature, politics,
and theology. More than ever before T. Woodrow Wilson be-
came a writer of letters. To Heath Dabney, Wilson's dearest
friend at Charlottesville, to Robert Bridges, Charles Talcott
and other Princeton classmates there went from Wilmington
long letters, sandwiched between ardent romantic messages
to Hattie Woodrow.23 In such routine as this, there was time
for reading and study. Permission was secured for this stu-
dent of law to prepare for and take all of his examinations
for the law degree at his father's home. Under these condi-
tions Woodrow Wilson received the LL.B. Degree in ab-
sentia, June, 1882.
About this time Wilson went Chillicothe, Ohio, to visit in
the home of the Thomas Woodrows and to make his proposal
to the lovely Hattie. Although he confessed anew his undy-
ing love and although he admitted having received his fath-
er's blessings on his suit for the hand of his cousin, Woodrow
was quickly and firmly rejected. After a sleepless night, with
emotions aflame, this lover wrote a final vain plea for Hattie's
hand.24
Upon returning to his home in Wilmington, Woodrow, in
consultation with his father, decided on Atlanta as the most
promising place in which to hang his professional shingle.
In 1882 this southern metropolis was a thriving city. Freely
supplied with northern capital, industries were being rapidly
established; ante bellum railroads were rebuilt and new lines
constructed. As Wilson wrote Charles Talcott, Atlanta of-
23 See numerous letters, Wilson Papers.
^Woodrow Wilson to Harriet Woodrow, no date but obviously late in
in the summer of 1881. Photostatic copy in Baker Papers.
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 531
25
fered all the advantages of business activity and enterprise
Wilson began his law practice as a partner with Edward I.
Renick, whom he had known as a student at the University
of Virginia.
As a lawyer, Woodrow Wilson, as in his first love affair,
was a complete failure. By no means, however, were the
months spent as an attorney lost to him. While an Atlanta
lawyer, 1882-1883, Wilson made contacts in the deep South
which proved beneficial years later. He met Walter Hines
Page, whose friendship lasted until Page's death. He con-
tinued to read widely in fields of his own choosing and he
argued for free trade before a federal tariff commission. He
attended a reunion of his class of 79 at Princeton. He sat
on the stage with his father at the General Assembly of the
Southern Presbyterian Church. Most important of all, he met
in April, 1883, Ellen Axson of Rome, Georgia, who as his
wife after June, 1885, would influence Wilson in his adult
life more than anyone else.
Personally disillusioned and admitting his professional de-
feat, Wilson, after appealing for sympathetic support from
his father, returned in September 1883 to school, this time
to the graduate school at the Johns Hopkins University. Im-
mediately, Wilson flung himself into his new work. He did
not go home for the Christmas season and again over-exerted
himself. A month later, after repeated ominous headaches,
reoccurring attacks of indigestion, continued worries, and
numerous sleepless nights, Wilson went home to be nursed
and admonished by his parents.26 Weeks went by before he
returned to his graduate studies.
In the spring of 1884 Woodrow was in his twenty-eighth
year. As yet, his father reminded him, he had never been
self-supporting. For an article, "Cabinet Government in the
United States," written at Princeton and published in the
International Review, August, 1879, Wilson had received a
small honorarium with which he bought a bookcase. His only
case as a lawyer was the settlement of a small estate out West
inherited by his mother. Obviously, he charged her no fee.
25 Woodrow Wilson to Charles Talcott, September 22, 1881, Wilson Papers.
28 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 188-189.
532 The North Carolina Historical Review
Although he applied for a fellowship in the Graduate School
at Johns Hopkins for the academic year 1883-1884, it was
denied him. Efforts to sell articles to the Nation and other
periodicals failed for they were rejected and returned to the
author. For an article on "Committee or Cabinet Govern-
ment," which appeared in the Overland Monthly, Wilson re-
ceived no pecuniary reward. His father and his mother
agreed to continue to send Woodrow money as they could
spare it, but they hoped the adult graduate student would
find ways to support himself.
Dr. Wilson s urging his son to financial independence was
based upon necessity. The Presbyterians were preparing to
open Southwestern University at Clarkesville, Tennessee and
wanted Dr. Wilson to accept a place on the faculty as profes-
sor of theology. Although economic sacrifices would have to
be made, the clergyman deemed this invitation a call of duty
which he could not reject.27 Woodrow's work as a graduate
student was such that he was awarded a fellowship of $500
for the year 1884-1885.28 Perhaps not enough to meet all of
Wilson s financial requirements but enough to greatly lessen
these demands on his father.
In recognition of his father's influence on him, Woodrow
consulted him about the very important question which con-
fronted him, namely, that of striving for the Ph.D. Degree at
Johns Hopkins. Dr. Wilson, having received his professional
title honoris causa, naturally, perhaps, advised against the
special study required for the doctorate. "Father advises me
not to try for the degree," Woodrow wrote Ellen Axson and
added that he was quite sure that he would "profit much
more substantially from a line of reading of my own choos-
ing . . . than I should from much of the reading necessary in
the Ph.D. Degree course."29 (Wilson's fiancee waited tact-
fully until after her marriage to prevail on him to seek the
doctorate. She enlisted the support of Carey Thomas, who as
Dean of Bryn Mawr and Wilson's employer, exerted the nec-
essary professional pressure to compel Wilson to do the re-
27 Morning Star (Wilmington, North Carolina), February 24, 1885.
28 Baker, Woodrow Wilson, I, 234.
^Woodrow Wilson to Ellen Axson, November 8, 1884, quoted in Baker,
Woodrow Wilson, I, 236.
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 533
quired work for the Ph.D. Degree. The faculty of Johns Hop-
kins cooperated generously by accepting Wilson's Congres-
sional Government, although published over a year earlier,
as his doctoral dissertation ) .
While a student at Princeton, Woodrow Wilson became
interested in the actual functioning of our national govern-
ment. During the intervening years he had read widely on the
administration of our federal government and that of Eng-
land. As a graduate student at Johns Hopkins, after years of
research— but during which time he never once visited Wash-
ington, D. C, to see the government functioning— he wrote
a book, Congressional Government. This book, Wilson's first,
and in some respects his best, he dedicated "to his father, the
patient guide of his youth, the gracious companion of his
manhood, his best instructor and most lenient critic." For
the father the dedication was a complete surprise. Upon re-
ceiving a copy of the book, he wrote: "Never have I felt such
a blow of love. ... I wept and sobbed in the stir of glad pain.
God bless you, my noble child, for such a token of your af-
fection."30
In April, 1885, the Wilson family, minus the two daugh-
ters, Marion and Anne, who had married while living on the
Atlantic coast, and Woodrow, who was continuing his studies
at Baltimore, trekked westward to Clarkesville, Tennessee.
As the parents and Joseph, the younger son, were packing to
move again, Woodrow accepted his first job. In September,
1885, when nearly twenty-nine years old, he was for the first
time in his life completely self-supporting. At this time he
became associate professor at Bryn Mawr.
Woodrow Wilson followed the precedent of his father
when he chose for his bride the daughter of a Presby-
terian clergyman. Ellen Axson and Woodrow, by June, 1885,
had been engaged nearly two years and were blissfully happy
to begin their lives together. Dr. Wilson assisted Ellens
grandfather, the Reverend I. S. K. Axson, in performing the
marriage ceremony in the Independent Presbyterian Church
at Savannah, Georgia. The newlyweds spent their honey-
80 Joseph Ruggles Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, January 30, 1885, Wilson
Papers.
534 The North Carolina Historical Review
moon in a cottage in the mountains of western North Caro-
lina. Before they began journeying northward a few weeks
later for Woodrow to prepare for his teaching at Bryn Mawr,
Ellen was pregnant with her first child.
Although busy organizing the courses which he taught,
participating in life on the college campus in numerous ways,
taking time to get acquainted with many strangers, ever at-
tentive to his loving wife who was in increasing physical dis-
comfort, and studying hours on end, Woodrow never forgot
his parents, especially his father. The son had himself become
the head of a household, yet he and the father corresponded
regularly. Hundreds of letters between these two— father and
son— covering the last seventeen years the father lived, are
in the Woodrow Wilson Papers and in the Ray S. Baker
Papers in the Library of Congress. Here we are concerned
only with a brief narration of the paternal-filial relations dur-
ing this period.
Many problems confronted those who opened the South-
western Seminary. As a recognized leader in the Southern
Presbyterian Church, as an experienced educator and as a
member of the faculty who arrived on the campus early, Dr.
Wilson contributed much towards the solutions of these prob-
lems. Not a great many students found their way into Profes-
sor Wilson's classes in theology. Of those who sat at the feet
of this able lecturer only a very few gave evidence of devel-
oping into the eloquent preachers or the excellent teachers
that their ambitious professor wished them to be. At least, so
he informed his son, Woodrow,31 now like his father a teacher
in a private denominational college. The father sought re-
peatedly to increase his income by substituting in the pulpit
for ill or vacationing pastors. Sometimes the congregation
was not as friendly to this visiting clergyman as he thought
they should be. On one such occasion he confided to his son:
"Never was I placed in such solitude as I am now experienc-
ing. People of the church pay me no manner of attention . . .
in addressing them from the pulpit I find only unresponsive
31 See Joseph Ruggles Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, several letters, 1887-
1890, discussing these problems, Wilson Papers.
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 535
faces, ... at prayer meeting . . . the air was chilled by their
freezing manner."32
If Dr. Wilson's classes were small, some of Woodrow's at
Bryn Mawr were even smaller. If the older man was disil-
lusioned at times about his pupils, the younger man repeat-
edly opposed teaching only girls. "For a long time," he wrote,
"I have been hungry for a class of men."3* If the experienced
professor sought to supplement his salary by filling vacant
pulpits, the inexperienced teacher endeavored to add to his
bank account by lecturing and writing. During this period of
his life Wilson secured more money for lecturing than he did
writing. Of the former he enjoyed most the series of lectures
which he gave annually during the winter for five weeks at
Johns Hopkins.
On April 15, 1888, Jessie Woodrow, Dr. Wilsons wife and
Woodrow's mother, died suddenly. The bereaved father did
not even have time to notify the three older children, married
and away, of her illness. Mrs. Wilson's death caused her
lonely widower to lean more heavily upon his first born son,
who responded gladly.34
From Middletown, Connecticut, where Woodrow had ac-
cepted a professorship at Wesleyan University a few months
earlier, he wrote at the approach of the Christmas season a
long letter to his father who, except for his youngest child and
namesake, was experiencing his first Christmas alone:
As the Christmas recess approaches I realize, as I have so
often before, the pain there is in a recess of holiday and rejoic-
ing away from you. . . . One of the chief things about which I
feel most warranted in rejoicing is that I am your son. I realize
the benefit of being your son more and more as my talents and
experience grow; I recognize the strength growing in me as of
the nature of your strength ; I become more and more conscious
of the hereditary wealth I possess, that capital of principle of
literary force and skill, of capacity for first hand thought ; and
I feel daily more and more bent toward creating in my own
children that combined respect and tender devotion for their
32 Joseph Ruggles Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, April 9, 1887, Wilson
Papers.
33 Woodrow Wilson to Robert Bridgers, August 26, 1888 in Robert Bridg-
ers Papers, Library of Congress.
34 A number of letters between Joseph R. Wilson and Woodrow Wilson
prove this conclusion, Wilson Papers.
536 The North Carolina Historical Review
father that you gave your child for you. Oh, how happy I should
be if I could make them think of me as I think of you ! You have
given me a love that grows — that is stronger in me now that I
am a man than it was when I was a boy, and which will be
stronger in me when I am an older man than it is now — a love,
in brief, that is rooted and grounded in reason and not in filial
instinct merely — a love resting upon abiding foundations of
service, recognizing you as in a certain sense the author of all I
have to be grateful for ! 35
During the holiday season, and for weeks thereafter, the
father was ill with a cold that lingered. The son in New Eng-
land was sorely distressed.36 Dr. Wilson dissipated his gloom
in writing to Woodrow:
How in my solitude hour I longed for the presence of that dear
son in whose large love I trust so implicitly and in the wealth
of whose generously furnished mind I take such delight: him
in whom my affections center as my child, and my confidences
as my friend.
I can readily sympathize with you in the satisfaction you ex-
perience in getting back to Johns Hopkins once more where in-
tellectual life rolls its highest waves — a satisfaction which is
augmented by the fact that you are yourself a sort of magna pars
where there is so much that is great. . . . You are preaching a
gospel of order ... in the department of political morals and
conduct. Such has not heretofore been heralded and success is
therefore a personal gratification. ... I feel very proud of you
when I think of what you are doing, and doing so well.
Please do not forget to send me that number of the Political
Science Quarterly [March 1889] which is to contain your re-
view of Mr. [James] Bryce's book [The American Common-
wealth']. Somehow I feel jealous of this foreigner who steps in
to occupy territory that belongs more especially to you — and all
the more because his work is spoken of in terms of such high
praise, whether deserved or not.37
The father, sometimes through preoccupation or perhaps
procrastination, would neglect to write as regularly as the son
desired. Upon receiving a letter of concern over his health,
^Woodrow Wilson to Joseph Ruggles Wilson, December 16, 1888, Baker
Papers.
36 Woodrow Wilson to Joseph Ruggles Wilson, January 13, 1889, Baker
Papers.
37 Joseph Ruggles Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, March 6, 1889, Wilson
Papers.
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 537
the professor at Southwestern would confess that his only
excuse for not writing was too much love for his son. The
father thought of his son with a plentifulness and a constancy
worthy of the object of his affections. The son filled his pa-
rent's old heart with a charm which was quite unperturbable,
so that the father felt he could never be lonely, "were every-
thing else stricken from my grasp, and you alone were to re-
main." Woodrow, said his father, was his companion more
entirely than any of the other children. The son was not only
bound to his father by natural ties, but these two were
friends in whom community of thought was bound by liga-
tures which were thicker than blood. "I am sure," concluded
the older man, "that we are the two who thoroughly— most
thoroughly, comprehend each other— you satisfying my intel-
lect as I believe I am able to contest yours. You gratify my
pride also, and I feel assured that your corresponding emo-
tion has its demands measurably met in me." 38 Such was an
old man's fondness for his son!
In 1889, Wilson, with the aid of his father and others, se-
cured an appointment to the faculty at Princeton, but re-
mained another year at Wesleyan University so that his place
on the staff there could be filled. Recently Wilson had re-
ceived his first degree honoris causa, had been awarded hon-
orary membership in the Phi Beta Kappa fraternity and had
been elected president of the Johns Hopkins Alumni Associa-
tion. With mounting confidence he wrote his father that he
was " writ down' in the category of 'successful men.' " Al-
though he was grateful for the opportunity at Princeton of
doing the studying and writing he wanted to do, yet so far
as personal gratification was concerned, he would infinitely
rather know that he was going to have a chance to be cured
of the heart-sickness from which he suffered because of his
separation from his father. "My mind can't give me gratifi-
cation," he stated, " I have to rely on my heart as the sole
source of contentment and happiness, and that craves, oh,
so fiercely, the companionship of those I love. It seems to me
that the older I get the more I need you; for the older I get
the more I appreciate the debt I owe you .... My separation
88 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, October 5, 1889, Wilson Papers.
538 The North Carolina Historical Review
from you, instead of becoming a thing of want, becomes more
and more unendurable." 39
As Woodrow, Ellen, and their three young daughters
moved to Princeton, Dr. Wilson, sensing the enthusiasm
which Woodrow had for the new opportunity, warned his
son to arrange his affairs so that overwork would not pull
down his constitution and shake the very foundations of his
health.40 For weeks thereafter, the father did not contact his
"darling Woodrow" because he did not wish to put his son to
the pains of writing while he was in the midst of beginning
his new home. Eventually, the older man wrote, however, to
explain why he had not penned a note and added that "All
the same, my dear one, your letters . . . serve to brighten my
life to an extent you might hardly credit." 41
In the fall of 1890, Dr. Wilson was in his sixty-ninth year
and quite naturally thought of retirement. He yearned for
the rest which at his age was imperative, and which, while
health measurably remained, he would prize.42 He resolved to
visit his son, his daughter-in-law, and the three granddaught-
ers during the Christmas vacation. Together, son and father,
"over dishes of talk and goblets of counsel," would discuss
the father's retirement.43 During the visit, apparently, a de-
cision was reached for the father to continue his teaching—
except for an occasional sermon, he had given up the pulpit
entirely— for a few years more. Apparently, the son did not
wish to assume the additional financial responsibility of hav-
ing his father live with him.
When the son a few months later informed his father of a
plan to buy land near the college, the older man expressed
surprise. Although Woodrow had made no mention to his
aging father of assisting in buying the Princeton property,
Dr. Wilson replied that he wanted to help to the fullest ex-
tent possible, and enclosed a check for $1,500. He expressed
39 Woodrow Wilson to Joseph R. Wilson, March 20, 1890, Baker Papers.
^Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, September 15, 1890, Wilson
Papers.
41 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, October 25, 1890, Wilson Papers.
42 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, October 25, 1890, Wilson Papers.
^Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, December 13, 1890, Wilson
Papers.
46
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 539
the hope that he could send a similar amount a year later.
The son was warned to be careful to see that the title to the
land was cleared.44 With the additional indebtedness came
the responsibility for more off-campus lectures and more
writing. Wilson accepted these additional burdens on his
strength and on his time with an enthusiasm and a determina-
tion that caused his father to renew his caution of the son
endangering his health. "I shall be relieved," the father sta-
ted, "when the work shall have been completed and your
nose freed from its contact with the grindstone." 45
When Wilson, driven to the utmost of his endurance, fail-
ed to pen a note of love to his father, there came a long let-
ter to "My Precious Son and Dearest Friend." According to
the writer, Woodrow had plenty of friends and deserved
abundance of admirers, yet he had only "one parent, the
truest of all your friends, the intensest of all your admirers
Would the busy son not cultivate his Dad by a long letter?
The Princeton professor replied at length about his work in
the classroom, on the lecture platform, and with his type-
writer in his upstairs study.47 He certainly had "enough work
to gratify the incarnate spirit of industry," as the father ex-
pressed it.48
Early in 1892, Wilson's father had a severe illness. Among
his ailments was the "swelling of the prostate gland and in-
ability to pass water from his bladder." 49 He suffered severe-
ly and was forced repeatedly to consult a physician. It was
absolutely necessary for him, he said, to resign his position
at the end of that year.50
Although ill and under a physician's watchcare, the father
did not lose his vital interest in the professional life of his
41 There are a number of letters between these two men, in which the
subject of Wilson's purchasing Princeton property was discussed and of
Dr. Wilson's aid to his children in this business venture. See especially
Woodrow Wilson to Joseph R. Wilson, May 2, 1891, etc., and Joseph R.
Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, May 6, 1891, etc., Wilson Papers and in
Baker Papers.
45 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, September 13, 1891, Wilson
Papers.
46 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, October 13, 1891, Wilson Papers.
47 Woodrow Wilson to Joseph R. Wilson, October 25, 1891, Baker Papers.
48 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, November 7, 1891, Wilson Papers.
49 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, January 28, 1892, Wilson Papers.
60 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, March 16, 31, 1892, Wilson
Papers.
540 The North Carolina Historical Review
son. Wilson, urged by many to accept the presidency of the
University of Illinois, decided finally to remain at Prince-
ton and asked his father's reactions to his decision.51 As usual
the older man expressed himself frankly: "You certainly
acted wisely ... to dance attendance upon a legislature, to
entreat for money to carry on one of its own institutions,
would be intolerable to the fine nerve of my noble boy. Be-
sides, you would be diverted from the specialty which you
are so desirous to lift into conspicuity." 52
Upon retirement, Dr. Wilson decided to visit his children
in New Jersey, South Carolina, and Tennessee. He also re-
turned to see people in Staunton, Augusta, Columbia, and
Wilmington, where he had served as pastor. Wherever he
went the retired preacher was received gladly. "Never did
a returning pastor receive a more flattering welcome," the
father wrote Woodrow of his visit to Wilmington. It was
to all intents and purposes an ovation, he concluded.53 In re-
tirement Dr. Wilson continued his work as Stated Clerk of
the General Assembly of the Southern Presbyterian Church.54
Invitations to fill vacant pulpits were too numerous for Dr.
Wilson's ebbing strength. From Durham, North Carolina,
where he preached two Sundays in the First Presbyterian
Church, the father lamented to his son that "the people
seem utterly soulless."55
As the father travelled about over the South, with an oc-
casional journey northward, his letters to his son reveal an
abiding interest in his favored child's literary work. Repeat-
edly Dr. Wilson mentioned an article which Woodrow had
in some periodical.56 Once Wilson's biography of George
Washington held his father's enthusiasm; that is, until he
read the book and then his ardor cooled somewhat.57
51 Woodrow Wilson to Joseph R. Wilson, May 20, 1892, Baker Papers.
52 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, May 25, 1892, Wilson Papers.
53 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, December 18, 1892, Wilson
Papers.
54 J. H. McNeilly, "The Reverend Joseph R. Wilson," in Southern Pres-
byterian, May 18, 1899. Dr. Wilson resigned from the position of stated
clerk of the Southern Presbyterian Assembly in 1898.
K Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, April 12, 1897, Wilson Papers.
56 See Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, July 6, 1893, Wilson Papers,
for an example.
e7Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, December 15, 1896, Wilson
Papers.
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 541
In 1896 Wilson suffered a physical breakdown. Ordered by
his doctor to take a long rest, he went to Europe to regain
his strength. With neuritis in his right hand and arm, Wilson
had to learn to write with his left hand. This breakdown was
caused from overwork. At this time Ellen and Woodrow
built a beautiful home for which Ellen had drawn the plans.
It cost more than they had expected and was called by Wil-
son's father "an extravagant mansion." 58 Because of Wilson's
excessive work, his inability to write, and his months abroad,
he largely ignored his father. Finally, after months of wait-
ing, the partially incapacitated son dictated a letter to his
father, who in his old age, with no place which he could call
home, felt greatly the pain of neglect.59 Immediately, the
aged father seized pen and with emotions wrote: "I knew
you had not forgotten me nor had ceased to remember me
affectionately. ... I am always glad to get near you even
if it be only through the medium of written words that are
not altogether perfunctory." 60
There was an obvious coolness in the usual feeling of
great comradeship between these two men for at least two
years, 1895-1897. During this time the father was not even
invited to visit in the new, palatial home of his Princeton
professor son. Only a very few letters passed between them
during this period. The correspondence in which they in-
dulged was stilted and reserved. From a boarding house in
Columbia, where in 1897 Dr. Wilson had lived for some
time, he wrote feelingly to his son that "Josie and Kate [his
younger son and daughter-in-law] usually seem to want me
with them; at any rate I am glad to believe that this is the
case. Old men as well as young like to be welcome." 61
Early in 1898 the old father returned to Wilmington where
he lived among his former parishioners until within a few
months of his death in 1902. Once he was established there
and seemed happy, Woodrow penned letters of love and
88 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, April 16, 1896, Wilson Papers.
69 Woodrow Wilson to Joseph R. Wilson, December 13, 1896. This letter,
mentioned by date in the father's reply two days later, seems to have
been lost.
60 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, December 15, 1896, Wilson
Papers.
61 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, November 5, 1897, Wilson Papers.
542 The North Carolina Historical Review
affection to his father again. To the receiver of these mes-
sages it was "like cool water to a parched tongue to read
again one of your dear loving letters." Through the past few-
years the son had never been out of the father's thoughts
and had always been in his heart. It was like old days, the
father thought, to perceive a revival of his son's affection
after so long a burial.62
In January, 1901, Wilson's father, still among Wilmington
friends, suffered a severe illness. For some days the attend-
ing physician feared for the old minister's life. Wilson learn-
ed from a friend of his father's severe illness63 and a few
days later went southward to his father's bedside. The Wil-
mington Messenger, in reporting Wilson's visit, dwelt at
length on Woodrow's literary and intellectual achievements,
not on the near fatal illness of his father.64 Slowly, the hardy
father mended.
Back at Princeton the son concluded his plans for buying
an island in a Canadian lake and building a home there in
which to spend the summers. This news startled the weak-
ened father. He wrote of his eager desire to share financially
in the Canadian venture but of his inability to do so, of his
unbounded joy if he could only "look forward to a summer
to be spent with you all on your island home." 65 This happi-
ness was never realized.
In June, 1902, Woodrow Wilson was elected president of
Princeton. The frail, semi-invalid father was there "casting
the benediction of his presence upon the family circle."66
Shortly before his son's promotion, his devoted father was
permitted to do what he had wanted to do for a decade,
namely, to live with his favored son and bosom friend. Ellen
Wilson, who knew best the old man's condition, wrote that
he could not stand up alone or even feed himself. He had
to be attended exactly like a baby. He was having a terrible
^Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, March 16, 1898, Wilson Papers.
Wilson's letter to his father, though discussed by his father, seems to
have been lost.
63 James Spruit to Woodrow Wilson, January 12, 1901, Wilson Papers.
64 Messenger (Wilmington, North Carolina), January 18, 1901.
65 Joseph R. Wilson to Woodrow Wilson, February 13, 1901, Wilson
Papers.
66 Daniel Coit Gilman to Woodrow Wilson, November 2, 1902, Wilson
Papers.
The Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson 543
attack about every fourth day. He seemed to suffer con-
stantly and at times moaned, cried — even screamed — for
hours. There was a kind and experienced attendant who
took beautiful care of him. Such experiences were harrow-
ing to the grand-daughters who saw and heard much of it.
Fortunately, wrote Ellen, Woodrow was out of the house so
much that he saw very little of it and could not even think
of it very much. But Ellen, who thought she had dependable
nerves, was habitually lying in bed at night awake and trying
to collect herself.67
The old minister died January 21, 1903. To Mrs. Edith G.
Reid, Woodrow confided that it had taken the heart out of
him to lose his life-long friend and companion. Now that
his father was gone, a great loneliness possessed his heart.
"No generations ahead of me now!", concluded the son. "I
am on the firing line." 68 Dr. Wilson was buried by his wife's
side in Columbia, South Carolina. Woodrow chose the stone
to mark his father's grave and wrote the inscription.
For more than forty years Joseph Ruggles Wilson and
Woodrow Wilson engaged in a father-son relationship which
was unusual. The elder created in the younger a yearning
for knowledge and, in his years, was amply rewarded for
his efforts by the literary accomplishments of his brilliant
son. Throughout their lives, with perhaps a brief span of
two years, the personalities of these two men were compatica.
It would be difficult indeed to overestimate the influence of
Joseph R. Wilson on the development of both the personality
and the character of Woodrow Wilson.
67 Ellen A. Wilson to Mary W. Hoyt, December 15, 1902, Baker Papers.
68 Woodrow Wilson to Mrs. Edith G. Reid, February 3, 1903, in corre-
spondence of Woodrow Wilson and Mrs. Edith G. Reid, Library of Congress.
THE MILITARY EXPERIENCES OF JAMES A. PEIFER
1861-1865
By George D. Harmon
[Concluded']
On January 30, after spending many long weeks in the
United States General Hospital at Annapolis, Peifer wrote
his Sister Mary that he expected to go that day to convales-
cent camp at Annapolis Junction. He said:
I think we will start at 2 p.m. (today) as so many sick and
wounded are coming. Yesterday two steamers arrived with sick
and wounded from Murfreesboro, and filled up this Hospital,
and we must make way for them.70
They arrived at Annapolis Junction, somewhat discouraged,
about four o'clock that afternoon. "It is a God forsaken place.
In a high field the barracks are erected, frame buildings, about
100 foot long, and about 20 wide. Each building is called a ward,
and contains about 60 beds. ... I don't know how long I [will]
remain here but I hope they may send me [to some other place]
soon, as I don't wish to stop at this miserable place long, as I
am sick of it already, and the sooner I get away the better. We
have not been paid yet and god only knows when we will be. . . .
I am too unhappy to write more.71
Peifer's opinion of the efficiency of the medical doctor in
charge of the Annapolis Hospital and at the convalescent
camp at the Junction was extremely low. He said:
The Surgeon in charge (Dr. McFarlan) of this and Annapolis
Hospitals is, I am confident, a very poor subject for the position
he occupied. He grants no furloughs and no discharges, unless
a man has lost several of his limbs, and even then he is rather
reluctant. I can state cases which I see every day. We have men
here who are completely crippled up, with Rheumatics, and can
barely walk with two canes, others wounded, their limbs out of
shape, and never [will] be fit for service; still these men are
obliged to linger in hospitals, be shipped from one place to
another. They're growing worse daily, and finally when they
70 Peifer to sister Mary, January 30, 1863, United States General Hospital.
71 Peifer to sister Mary, January 31, 1863, Annapolis Junction, Maryland.
[544]
Experiences of James A. Peifer 545
are confined to their beds, he still thinks they may get well.
While at Annapolis, the average of deaths was two daily, which,
poor fellows ! had they been discharged, would probably have re-
covered. But no! he did not choose to discharge them, and thus
they had to die. ... I pronounce McFarlan a mean man, a hard-
hearted wretch, and wish I was out of his charge, and have a
man over us. . . . We are quartered in poor barracks where snow
and rain strikes in on us. It is hardly fit to keep cattle in, much
less sick men. For instance, yesterday we had quite a snow
storm. In our barracks . . . the snow laid inches [deep] on some
of the beds and floor. . . . The rain also strikes in on our beds
[so] that we are obliged to shift from one place to another to
avoid getting a good soaking. . . . Where we eat it is worse yet.
The rain, snow and wind has full sweep inside [the place], and
it is so cold . . . that the vinegar freezes on the table in spite of
the stoves.72
Peifer wrote on May 1 that he had received a letter from
Lieut. Fetter in which he said that "they were on the eve of
a great battle," that the Army of the Potomac was advancing,
that they were all in "good spirits," and that they were anx-
ious for an engagement. Peifer added that he hoped the anti-
cipated battle would prove to be "more successful than the
former. As all confidence is placed in the commander and
the men feel confident of being victorious. May they not be
disappointed. The Rebels have an immense army opposite
Fredericksburg." 73
When Peifer's sister became discouraged in the spring of
1863 with the progress of the war, he wrote her in an opti-
mistic vein:
You appear to be discouraged about the late battles. I am
not. True, a great many lives were lost, but we have the best
prospects, and I think this summer will show who will be the
victors. Hooker has again crossed and is after them, and [I]
suppose [he] is now fighting again and I am positive he will
be victorious. On Sunday it was reported here . . . that Richmond
was taken. . . . I wish it was true. The 46th was also engaged,
and I have seen some of the names of killed and wounded, but
did not notice any of my company (C). Our major is killed, but
of any more I know nothing.74
72 Peifer to sister Mary, February 6, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
73 Peifer to sister Mary, May 1, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
74 Peifer to sister Mary, May 12, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
546 The North Carolina Historical Review
One week later Peifer wrote:
When I shall endeavor to join my command, as it appears
they are sorely in want of all available men, especially in my
Reg't as it is dreadfully reduced, [I do not know] .... They were
in the hottest of the fight, [according to Lieut. Fetter] .... He
[Fetter] says the bullets, shell and cannester were as thick as
hail, and it is a God's blessing they were not entirely annihilated,
as the Reg't lost half its number in killed, wounded and missing.
Our Company (C) went into the battle with 22 men, and only
11 have returned, and as yet [I have] not heard whether they
are killed or in the hands of the Rebels. I hope they may all re-
port safe again. . . . Our Brigade is completely broken up, as
three of the Reg'ts have gone home, their time having expired.
. . . Last night several hundred exchanged prisoners arrived here
from Annapolis who were taken in the late battles — the majori-
ty belonging to the 128th Penn., who were in our Brigade. . . .
They told me our whole Brigade was pretty much captured. . . .
They complain dreadfully of the harsh treatment they received
while in Rebeltown, and on their march to Richmond as prison-
ers, being forced to march 25 and 30 miles, and the sick and
weary were bayonetted and shot down, when they could not
march as fast as they saw fit, and nothing to eat. ... In fact,
such treatment could only be expected from savages, and not
from civilized nations. It is dreadful to think of it. We treat
their men civil, and they thank us with rough treatment, and
abusing our men. We ought to return the compliments and show
them no quarters.75
Peifer then concluded:
Stonewall Jackson is under the sod and they mourn his loss.
He was a good and daring General, and I think we are lucky,
as he has given us considerable trouble and bother.76
In every war spies are active and women are frequently
involved. Corporal Peifer relates this amusing incident:
Quite a stir was created at this depot yesterday, having two
girls (can't call them ladies) under guard. They were arrested
as spies, and brought from Annapolis, enroute for Washington,
and they stopped here [Annapolis Junction] several hours await-
ing the train. They were rather a headstrong and desperate
75 Peifer to sister Mary, May 19, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
76 Peifer to sister Mary, May 19, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 547
party. One of them was boasting she belonged to our Army, and
was a Corporal in a Ohio Reg't, and she was intoxicated one day
and they reduced her to the ranks, and such a thing she would
not stand. She could not afford to be a private, and thus she
was nabbed. She had on a uniform, and a ladies apparel thrown
over it. They were very saucy, and used very rude language.
The other [one] was from Wheeling, Va., and more desperate
than her friend. She says, she cut our telegraph wires numerous
times, and in fact conveyed information to the Rebels. . . . She
started on a run from the depot to make her escape, but the
guard soon overtook her. She threatened him with a club, but
he soon brought her to terms. . . . When the train arrived . . .
they were put on board, and I hope they are now snugly quarter-
ed in prison, and have ample time to mourn over their follies and
conduct. If I had charge of them they would not be released till
this war was over.77
In regard to the war in the West, Peifer feared the worst:
The reports from Grant are very numerous and unreliable,
and as much as can be learned Vicksburg is closely invested, and
as good as in our hands. Still I fear a reverse, and Grant may
be attacked in the Tear with an overwhelming force, and may
thus be defeated; but I hope and pray our fears may prove
groundless and that in a few days the good news of the capture
of Vicksburg, with the entire force, may reach us. What a re-
joicing it would be. We, by the way, have fired salutes here occa-
sionally, and a great rejoicing, and I hope we did not rejoice
for a mere nothing.
In regard to the War in the East, Peifer added
If reports are true, another battle is anticipated shortly by
Gen. Hooker, as the enemy is reported to be moving, and if so
I wish we might be more succesf ul. It is dreadful that our armies
are so very unsuccessful in Virginia. We've suffered so many
lives and reverses. . . . We ought soon be successful.78
By June 17 news had reached the hospital at Annapolis
Junction that Lee had planned to invade Pennsylvania. Peifer
recorded his impression of the situation in a long letter to
his sister:
77 Peifer to sister Mary, May 19, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
78 Peifer to sister Mary, May 31, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
548 The North Carolina Historical Review
Well ! everything and everybody is in excitement again at the
threatening invasion of Pennsylvania. It is dreadful to think
of it. Still it will teach us another lesson. I suppose you have
heard all the news ere this, and Gov. Curtin apprehends great
danger. Phil, also by accounts seems to be dreadfully excited,
but I think the enemy's plans will be frustrated in regard to en-
tering with their whole army. I think it is merely a stroke of
desperation for provisions, [and] if successful they could ob-
tain and destroy a great deal.79
Peifer felt that such an invasion would have a beneficial
effect upon the people of Pennsylvania.
One thing is sure. It will encourage the conscription, and
thousands will take up arms in defense of their homes, which
they should perhaps not have done under any other circum-
stances. ... I feel convinced that they will soon be driven from
the soil of Pennsylvania, and I wish the whole Rebel army would
invade the state and penetrate to the very heart of it . . . there
would be some chance of destroying them, and but few would
return to their native land Dixie. It . . . will open the eyes of
the old farmers, who have thus far placed dependence on their
safety by remaining at home and looking on with smiling faces,
thinking, let the young fight it out. We must remain on our
farms . . . , I hope the call of the Gov[ernor] and President will
be responded to, and the enemy made to feel that this under-
standing will prove more disastrous to them than their previous
bold conduct.80
In the same letter Peifer raised the possibility of a Southern
invasion of Bethlehem.
I wonder how they feel at home [in Bethlehem]. Rather dub-
ious I suppose. Still I don't think Bethlehem is in danger yet. It
is naturally fortified, and in case of an extreme emergency we
might run gunboats up the canal, and hold the place. . . . In case
of a retreat, they might fall back on Butztown or Nazareth and
take up a good position and drive them back, but what would
become of the old ladies. They'd take fits, I reckon, and swoon
away.81
79 Peifer to sister Mary, June 17, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
80 Peifer to sister Mary, June 17, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
81 Peifer to sister Mary, June 17, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 549
Again he wrote his sister that
The reason for this invasion [of Pennsylvania] simply is, the
enemy is in need of provisions, clothing, etc. . . . They have
brought themselves to want, and in the end, utter ruin. . . . They
are becoming desperate and we see the effects* They have invaded
Pennsylvania and threaten destruction to all and everything they
find, but I hope they may receive their just reward, as no doubt
ample preparations are being made to receive and repel them,
and I don't doubt but what a great many will be captured, and
will be rewarded for their desperation. . . . You [Mary] seem to
have an idea that the enemy will penetrate as far as Phila. Why,
Mary such an idea is preposterous. . . . Before . . . they get as
far as that they will find that they have to fight desperately
and will get more than they bargained for, and in the event
they should make a raid to the city, it would be merely a slim
affair, and not much damage done. ... I expect to hear of a great
battle being fought in Penn. before the 4th of July, and enable
us to celebrate the anniversary as heretofore, and Crown us
with a signal victory.82
There was plenty of excitement during this time at the hos-
pital for the convalescent at Annapolis Junction. Information
was received to the effect that the Confederates were "ad-
vancing in force to destroy the railroad between this point
[Annapolis Junction] and Washington. . . . The six companies
of a New York Reg't, doing guard duty, were immediately
put under orders and marched . . . about two miles towards
Washington to a point called Savage Switch. Our [hospital]
Surgeon organized all those [patients] who volunteered in a
company, and we marched to that point. The place is pretty
well fortified. We had an old brass cannon commanding the
roads. We expected an attack Sunday night, as the Rebs were
reported six miles of us . . . Scouts were sent out [later] who
returned in the evening [Monday] and reported no enemy
visible; therefore we all marched back to the hospital, but
hold ourselves in readiness when called upon."83
Peifer was glad that President Lincoln had "issued another
proclamation for three-hundred thousand men. . . . They will
no doubt [he said] all be conscripted. I am glad of it. It will
82 Peifer to sister Mary, July; 1, 1863 ■ Annapolis Junction.
83 Peifer to sister Mary, July 1, 1863^ Annapolis Junction.
550 The North Carolina Historical Review
be the means of bringing out some of the 'blowers' who would
not enlist." 84
The outcome of the Battle of Gettysburg caused Peifer to
make this observation:
We have a good result of the great Battle, and a glorious vic-
tory but dearly bought. . . . Vicksburg is ours at last . . . and
I am anxiously awaiting the surrender of Port Hudson. The
Confederacy will [then] be cut in twain. . . . The fate of it [the
Confederacy] now depends on the next great battle between
Meade and Lee. If we are again victorious ... I should not be
surprised if the whole Rebel Army would be captured.85
On August 2, James A. Peifer wrote his sister in this jubilant
vein:
Mary! what do you think of the Rebs now[?] Do you think
Phila. safe[?]. ... I think it is. They are off enroute for Rich-
mond, and Meade [is] after them. . . . Another battle [is] short-
ly expected, and I hope we may again be victorious. The news
have been very favorable for some time, namely, Vicksburg,
Port-Hudson, the guerrilla Gen. Morgan and the majority of his
force in our hands, and in fact [we have] been victorious at
every point and now the siege of Charleston [is] about being
opened. ... I think and hope a few weeks will decide the fate of
Charleston. This morning I heard the whereabouts of the 46th
[Pennsylvania Volunteer Regiment]. They are at present at
Warrenton Junction. . . . They are now being recruited with
conscripts. Three officers have gone after them. I hear they will
bring on 500 men. Happily the Reg't were [merely] skirmishers
at Gettysburg, and lost but nine men killed.86
By this time Peifer had spent almost one year in the hos-
pital recuperating from what he called rheumatism. During
that time he had suffered much pain; yet he remained cheer-
ful and continued to prophesy an early Union victory.
I think the prospects of a speedy settlement are very bright.
We have numerous successes in capturing their strongholds,
which struck them with terror, and they are becoming every
84 Peifer to sister Mary, July 12, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
85 Peifer to sister Mary, July 12, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
86 Peifer to sister Mary, August 2, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 551
day more discouraged. ... [I am] convinced Secession is nearly-
played out and the unholy cause they are fighting for. . . . The
news from Charleston I deem very encouraging, and I feel as-
sured Charleston must fall shortly. ... I hope to God it may. It
was the cause and beginning of the Rebellion, and I wish it may
end there.87
He wrote a few days later in a somewhat less optimistic
vein:
News from the South and Southwest very cheering. Reports
were current here last night 'Charleston taken/ I suppose it is,
by the 'Rebels' ; so is Richmond. One year more and my time [in
the army] is out. I hope the war may be over, so we can all go
home.88
After more than one year in the armed service of his coun-
try, and another spent recuperating in a United States hospi-
tal, Corporal James A. Peifer was permitted for the first time
to visit his people in Bethlehem for a few days. In addition
to visiting Dan Rice's great circus in South Bethlehem, he
voted in the State election without being challenged.
Well, the election is over, and Andy Curtin is elected . . . and
the Democrats and Copperheads were down in the mouth . . .
Andy is elected no doubt with from 8 to 10,000 majority, and I
say Hurrah for Hooray.89
By the end of October 1863, after spending fourteen
months in an army hospital, Peifer was again in the United
States army. While waiting for orders to depart for some un-
known area in the land of Dixie, he described his life at the
distribution camp near Alexandria, Virginia:
Oh! what a dear and sweet life soldiering is. Just imagine
yourself in a house of canvass, plenty of flies around you, and
the soft side of pine boards to lie down on, the mosquitoes buzzing
around, and occasionally lancing you. In the way of a change
you reach for him (like the Irishman and the Bed-bug) and not
find him there, with plenty of hard tack, coffee, etc., and plenty
of mud to tramp around in, merely to save shoeblacking . . . We
87 Peifer to sister Mary, August 24, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
88 Peifer to sister Mary, September 13, 1863, Annapolis Junction.
89 Peifer to sister Mary, October 15, 1863, from Bethlehem, Pa.
552 The North Carolina Historical Review
have so many other luxuries too numerous to mention. I wouldn't
change situations with the richest aristocrat in the country, no
I wouldn't (over the left) . . . but never mind, it's for 10 months
or sooner disposed of [discharged] .90
Finally Peifer and his 46th Pennsylvania Volunteers left
Virginia on November 5 for Tennessee. They passed through
Washington, Baltimore, Harrisburg, York, Pittsburgh, Colum-
bus, Cincinnati, and Louisville. Here the Regiment learned
of an incident which occurred when they passed through
Columbus:
We rec'd two recruits — females in soldier's clothes. They
were all right until at Louisville [where] some Dutchman report-
ed one, which was in the Barracks. . . . Presently an officer came
in ; recruit smelled the rat. She covered up with a blanket, feign-
ing sleep. [The] officer waked her and took her down stairs, when
she confessed her sex. She was brought back and gathered up
her attire. She was in charge of a party of hard cases. One fel-
low had her dress in knapsack, another a skirt, one her hat,
one the shoes, and so on - quite a joke. She swore she would
fight the man that reported her. At the same time [she] dis-
played a small dirk knife, rather gritty, but one of her Bummers
found the Dutchman and knocked him down, skinned his nose
a little, nothing very serious, however. They were taken into
custody and that was the last I saw of them.91
Peifer and his detachment left Louisville, Sunday, Novem-
ber 15, for Nashville, Tennessee, a distance of some 200 miles,
and they arrived there about dusk on the same day. They had
extremely poor quarters and bad food, but this discomfiture
lasted for only a few brief hours because at 2 o'clock the next
morning they were aroused from their sleep to travel to some
other location.
We were on top of some freight cars, very cold, almost froze,
passed Murfreesboro, Tullahooma, where we came across some
of our corps. At dusk, Monday, Nov. 16th we arrived at this place
[Decherd Station, Tenn.] .... We expect to remain here all win-
ter. . . . This morning [November 18] I rec'd a gun and equip-
ments, and am again a soldier. . . . We travelled in 12 days about
90 Peifer to sister Mary, October 26, 1863, near Alexandria, Virginia.
81 Peifer to his mother, brother and sisters, November 18, 1863. Decherd
Station, Tennessee.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 553
1100 miles, passed through 5 different states, Maryland, Penna.,
Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee. We are about 100 miles from
the front.92
Peifer was not favorably impressed with that part of Ten-
nessee or the people:
This part of Tennessee is rather a rough looking country, the
people but half civilized, what few there are. They generally
travel on horseback [and] are dressed very common. I also see
a great many of the fair sex, some very fair indeed. They are
very sociable. Every day we have from 20 to 30 about our Camp.
They peddle apples, pies, eggs, butter, etc. . . . They ask enor-
mous prices, and many of the boys are foolish enough to pay
any price ; for instance, butter 50 and 60 cts. a lb., eggs 75-1.00
pr. doz., pies (very poor) without lard or butter 25 cts. and 30
cts., apples, small, 25 cts. per doz., potatoes per bushel $2.50 and
upwards, 'Richmond prices.' However, we can make trades such
as sugar, coffee, rice, bacon, salt, all of which they have none
but what they get from us. Salt especially is very scarce. ... I
do no buying or trading; still I would trade some bacon for a
wife, if I could find one suiting my taste, but the trouble is they
chew and smoke tobacco, and use it in every form and shape. . . .
Of course I would hate to let people know my wife was endowed
with such blessings. It is a common thing for them to ask a sol-
dier for some tobacco, which of course politeness requires [com-
pliance] . They are most ... all good Union people, as far as that
is concerned, men, horse [s], women and all, and I glory in
that; but the tobacco practice! Everybody and everything uses
it; men, women, children, and I believe ducks, hens, geese, cats,
dogs, horses, and cows use it, by all appearances. They all look
very emaciated and pale. ... Oh ! what enjoyment it must be for
a young man and one of these Southern damsels to be promenad-
ing the streets of some Northern city, she smoking a clay pipe
or chewing tobacco. I wonder what the people would think. It
would be a natural curiosity. If you ask them any questions or
converse with them its all 'Right smart ways* or 'Right sharp
weather* or 'Right smart lot of Yankees* and 'I reckon it is* . . .
However, they seem to have a good opinion of the Yankees, also
[they are] very fond of Greenbacks. ... I think I shall try and
capture a nigger and one of these damsels and bring them North
with me, and exhibit them — money may be earned through such
an undertaking.93
92 Peifer to his mother, brother and sisters, November 18, 1863. Decherd
Station.
93 Peifer to sister Mary, December 3, 1863. Decherd Station.
554 The North Carolina Historical Review
These amusing people did not cause Peifer to lose sight of
the progress of the War:
We have good news from the front. Hooker has again defeated
and drove them for miles, capturing 7000 men, and Longstreet
attempted to cut Burnside off, when Sherman cut him [Long-
street] off, and he is in a bad fix. I am convinced that this cam-
paign will be a short one. The news from Gen. Meade are . . .
very cheering. I hope he may succeed. Charleston, it is stated,
has been demolished and therefore if some of the reports are
but true, this war cannot last very long.94
He added:
Considerable excitement prevails in our Camp, in regard to the
re-enlistment Act. In the Veteran Corps orders are read almost
daily to us, encouraging all men to enlist for 3 years or during
the war. However, this order includes all.soldiers who have served
two years, etc. Gen. Knipe read the Act to us at dressparade and
of course advised all to accept. The Government offers great
inducements to all who will re-enlist, viz., $402 bounty, and
promise to pay to everyone whose name has been handed in
and sworn into service the $100 bounty due them, to be paid
immediately, also $75 dollars and a furlough of at least 30 days.
. . . Now, what do you think of me enlisting again? I'll tell you
... I shall not enlist again before my time is out (which is in 9
months) for all the 'Greenbacks', furloughs, promotions, etc.,
Uncle Sam can raise. I want an honorable discharge, and when-
ever I see that my services are again needed, then I have ample
time to enlist again. I don't want to be a veteran, don't want
their money, and again, they cannot buy me for 402 dollars. My
freedom once more is worth more to me than all their money.95
Fifteen days later Peifer wrote on the same subject:
The re-enlisting still keeps up an excitement, and the officers
are very anxious that the old men should re-enlist, and Col.
Selfridge spoke to us on dressparade. Amongst the rest he said
if two-thirds of the Reg't would re-enlist we could all go home
together for 30 days. . . . Again [if we did not] when our time
had expired, we would be liable to be drafted. Still the men seem
to hold back and say 'we can't see the point!' . . . They know
they can't compel the men . . . and I don't think the 46th will
Peifer to sister Mary, December 3, 1863. Decherd Station.
Peifer to sister Mary, December 3, 1863. Decherd Station.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 555
turn 'Veterans' or go home before their time is expired. Who
cares? I don't want to go until then.96
As Christmas was only seven days away, Peifer's thoughts
turned to home and food:
Christmas is near at hand again and the war not ended. Next
Christmas I expect to spend as a citizen. We have nothing for
a [Christmas] dinner, unless we should be lucky to find some
Secesh Turkey, Goose, or some such thing, but chances are very
slim, and no doubt we will have to fall back on hard-tack, pork
and bean-soup. Let her rip! Who wouldn't be a soldier? (Our
greasy cook just sung out, 'Fall in for your soup! You must
excuse me for a few minutes....!!!!) 97
When he took up the pen a few minutes later, Peifer added:
Am just through with my dinner. It consisted of beef (tough
as sixty and bomb-proof), hard-tack and a soup made of
(dessicated vegetables) but (oh! murder) I wonder what the
ingredients. It tasted much as if (dirty socks, boots, dish-rags,
straw, leaves and sticks) were boiled with it. Still I relished it,
being hungry. I can't see that our grub is an inducement for
men to re-enlist. ... I have not succeeded yet in my trade for
a wife. I think I will try another plan and advertize for one
that will suit my taste, and that I can bring . . . North, and make
our grand debut at Fairmount, and walk in the breezes under the
shade of the tree-ses. . . . News I have none to communicate,
but that Christmas, Washington's Birthday, 4 of July, and the
end of my term of service if not the war. ... I am Veteran
enough, I reckon, and they must be right smart, if they get me
[again] .98
They must have been "right smart" because within less
than four weeks "nearly the whole Reg't" had re-enlisted, in-
cluding Peifer and apparently every member of Company C,
composed largely of Bethlehem boys. They were expecting
to receive soon their promised thirty days furlough. "We are
now called 46th Penna. [Veteran] Volunteer Regiment. Bully
for us . . . Now, Mary, don't get angry at your Hery-ge-
bubbletes Bruederle, for I will bring you a few mint sticks
98 Peifer to sister Mary, December 18, 1863. Decherd Station.
97 Peifer to sister Mary, December 18, 1863. Decherd Station.
98 Peifer to sister Mary, December 18, 1863. Decherd Station.
556 The North Carolina Historical Review
when I come. We expect a gay time in old Beth, and will
make the Copperheads sing Hail Columbia." "'
The drive toward Atlanta started in early May. Piefer and
his Regiment were active in this campaign. On June 28, 1864,
when about fifteen miles from that city, he recorded these
observations:
We are closing in on the enemy daily, and yesterday [27th]
our batteries opened on them along the whole line. They have
a battery in position in front of us, and threw a few shells in
our breastworks, only one however taking effect, wounding
two men of Comp. D. Our guns are battering away at them but
with what effect is not known. Yesterday [27th at 8 A.M.] the
left of our line advanced when severe fighting ensued. About
noon all the woods around were on fire. Our men took their first
line of works, capturing 1100 prisoners. Our loss is not very
heavy. The enemy still holds 3 lines of works. As I understand
it, the object is to drive them off two high mountains which
command the railroad. They have large batteries planted, and
can shell our troops very easily. . . . Our Division was not en-
gaged, ... we being held as a reserve. In our immediate front
nothing but skirmishing is kept #p. We still hold our breast-
work. However, we do not know when we will have to advance.
The Jonny's, it appear, do not feel disposed to make another
charge on us. I think they got enough on the 22nd. We are
ready for them any moment. However, we are not out of danger
as [our] men are wounded daily by their sharpshooters, who keep
pegging away continually. Our Compy has been very fortunate
as we have not had a man wounded since we were here.100
Peifer continued:
I think the enemy will have to skedaddle when we get posses-
sion of the Mts., which will be in a few days perhaps. It is ex-
tremely warm, too much so to fight. Still I think our General's
plans are to take Atlanta before the campaign will cease. We all
wish we were through with this. As we all need a rest very much
and an opportunity to change clothes and put on a new rig, we
are all very dirty. . . . Writing letters is not a great pleasure
here, much as I love it. . . . Imagine yourself in an open field,
the sun burning with all its heat, the perspiration rolling down
in big drops, no shelter . . . and . . . the whizzing around your
69 Peifer to sister Mary, January 13, 1864, Decherd Station.
100 Peifer to sister Mary, June 28, 1864. Written in a field near Kenesaw
Mountains some fifteen miles from Atlanta.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 557
head of the Minnie Balls, and perhaps a shell on solid shot will
warn you of the position you are in. True, 'old soldiers' (as we
are) are accustomed to all such missiles. When a shell . . . comes
screeching through the air we generally 'dodge' . . . but some-
times too late. . . . Since the 13th of May we have not seen the
day that we did not hear the roar of artillery and musketry and
[we] have been under fire almost daily.101
To make the trying situation worse, Peifer received word
of the death of both his mother and brother, William.102 In
the meantime he had been promoted to the rank of Sergeant,
and the fighting for Atlanta continued.
Since [I wrote you on June 28] ... we have been following
up the Johnny's closely, and are now within 4 miles of Atlanta.
Yesterday [July 20th] we fought another hard battle. We fought
them about 3 hours, until our ammunition was exhausted when
we were relieved by another Reg't. We moved a few rods to the
rear and replenished our cartridge boxes with 60 rounds. We
laid under fire. The fight was kept up until nearly 9 at night
when all was quiet. The Rebels had outflanked us right and
left, but our Brigade stood |rm and we held our ground. We
fought desperately. Our Reg't sustained a heavy loss. The casual-
ties . . . [of our Regiment] are 140 killed, wounded, and missing.
Our Comp[any] had five men wounded but none killed. I am
sorry to say our good Capt. was wounded in right hand and [was]
amputated. There are no Beth, boys among the number. I came
out without a scratch. Jule Bealer and myself stood side by
side, firing as fast as we could, but none faced us. A man named
John Schulz was on my right. He was struck by a ball through
the left arm; it passing through and struck the rammer of my
gun and knocked off a piece 3 inches long while I was loading my
gun. That was the closest shave I noticed. The balls whizzed all
around us, but it appears none was doomed for us. Jule, , . . Sergt.
Maj. McCarty, Col. Selfredge and the rest of the Beth, boys [are
all right] . The Adjutant was wounded, two Lieutenants and one
Captain killed of the Reg't. We still hold our ground. Their loss
must exceed ours as they charged the whole line of our corps but
ours. . . . This morning skirmishing [is] going on briskly on
our right again, but it has not come to a general engagement
as yet, but the worst can be expected before night. ... Dear
Sisters, you cannot imagine how a body feels in such an engage-
ment, men dropping all around you, and not knowing when you
101 Peifer to sister Mary, June 28, 1864, near Kenesaw Mountains.
102 Peifer to sister Mary, June 28, 1864, near Kenesaw Mountains.
558 The North Carolina Historical Review
are struck. I don't know how I felt. I was really mad and wanted
to [get] revenge, but it is just the same as a hanging man be-
comes accustomed to it. . . . We will take Atlanta in a few
days. . ,103
After the battle of July 21, no severe engagement took place
for several days, but Peifer and his regiment remained in
their breastworks about one and a half miles from Atlanta.
From here he wrote:
The enemies' works [are] in plain sight. Our guns [are]
shelling them daily, and they at times replying vigorously. They
have some very heavy guns, so have we, and in due time they
will be driven out. We have had no engagement since the 20th —
nothing but advancing the pickets, and capturing a lot of them.
It thus shows that Atlanta is not yet taken by us. . . . Our
Division is the nearest one to the city, and we have not made a
general attack on their works yet, and I don't imagine we shall as
the game is to flank or surround them if possible. Atlanta must
fall ere long. It has been shelled and bombarded severely and
our flanks are closing in on them. . . . They must either come
out of their works and fight us, or retreat without a fight. I
wish they would come out. We could . . . bring them to terms.104
Nineteen days later, August 21, Atlanta was still not in
Union hands, but:
We are gradually moving nigher to the city. On the right and
left of our lines there is constantly fighting going on, while in
our front, the centre, it is very quiet. The pickets meet each other
and make trades and exchange papers — no firing occurring.
. . . We have from six to seven very large guns throwing a shell
every five minutes into the city. On a hill near and in rear of
our Camp, a 32 pound Readman pays its respects to Atlanta for
two successive days and nights. Every five minutes we can see
the discharge of it [and hear] the shell screeching through the
air and finally the explosion. It must bring terror to the citizens
if any remain . . . [it] must be a terrible fate for them, they
having no rest day or night but the continued exploding of
shells around them for one month exactly. . . . They had better
surrender the city at once than share such a terrible fate. . . .
We will burn away at it until [it is] destroyed or they capitulate.
103 Peifer to sister Mary, July 21, 1864. The line of battle four miles of
Atlanta. The letters henceforth begin with the salutation of "Dear Sisters."
104 Peifer to his sisters, August 2, 1864, near Atlanta.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 559
. . . Sherman ... is not anxious for the city, but he wants to cap-
ture it and the army. ... He is trying to surround them and bag
them all. . . . The capture of the city alone would be but of little
avail as far as termination of the war is concerned, but the army
is what he wants. If we succeed in that we may look to a speedy
end of this cruel war. I hope they may think we cannot surround
them until it is accomplished. They have lost a great many men
in defence of this city, as they are almost daily making charges
on some parts of the line, and are each time repulsed with heavy
loss. Their Army must be nearly used up, and if not reinforced
they cannot hold out much longer. . . . We have a battery in
position in front of one of their works, which is commanded by
a brave officer. He goes by the name of Leather-breeches. When-
ever they throw a shell at his battery, he opens on them with
six pieces at once, and as a Rebel deserter remarked (who
came into our lines a few days ago), we can dodge one or two
shells at once, but when 'you'ns' open with your revolving guns,
we cannot stand such a fire ! 105
Peifer and a portion of the 46th Regiment of Pennsylvania
Veteran Volunteers moved from Atlanta during the night of
August 21 to the Chattahoochee River. They were ordered to
hold the railroad and bridges across this river.106 Reconnoiter-
ing parties, however, were sent out by them daily from their
new Camp. At noon, September 2, Peifer's Brigade received
orders to move directly for Atlanta "and take nothing with us,
but haversacks, arms and accoutrements, we having heard
that part of the 3rd Division of our Corps [had] occupied
it [Atlanta] . This seemed incredulous at first to us. . . . How-
ever we moved on and on . . . [passing] through our works
and those of the enemy, and finally reached the outskirts [of
the city]. I . . . stared right and left at the houses literally
riddled with shot and shell and the streets were lying full of
fragments of Yankee shells. The city [had been taken] .
107
Peifer wrote his sister:
With great rejoicing I inform you that Atlanta is ours, and
our Corps, the 20th, took possession of it on Friday afternoon,
2nd inst. Our Brigade entered at that time and the remainder
105 Peifer to his sisters, August 21, 1864, near Atlanta.
loe Peifer to his sisters, August 29, 1864, Chattahoochee River, Georgia.
107 Peifer to his sisters, Sunday, September 4, 1864, Atlanta, Georgia.
560 The North Carolina Historical Review
of the Corps. During the night, we occupied the Rebel works
outside and rear of the city, and are calculated to hold it which
we will most assuredly do.108
The enormous destruction wrought by the bombardment
of Atlanta is thus described:
The city is at least 4 miles long, and may at one time have
been called quite a fine city, but the appearance of it now gives
one a poor opinion of what it is. To describe everything minutely
is impossible, but as far as our line of march through it brought
us, I can say I seen [sic'] a very few houses that escaped our
shells. Some chimnies [sic] were knocked off, and 3 and 4 holes
through the roofs, others [had] the gable ends mashed in,
porticos torn away, and in fact it is an awful sight to see that . . .
some of those houses are still and have been inhabited during the
whole bombardment ; stores and large business are all vacant, and
everything pretty much carried away by them, but Tobacco and
'Segars/ Some of us succeeded in confiscating plenty of it [but]
the enemy destroyed all they could not carry with [them] . Their
machine shops, foundries, and rolling mills are all in ruins. They
moved all their machinery and shipped it still further South,
but were not fortunate enough to get it all away, and therefore
destroyed it.109
Peifer continued:
Near our present Camp on the Augusta R.R. are ruins of three
immense trains : 80 cars . . . loaded with ammunition of all kinds,
about 15,000 stands of small arms, and 8 or 10 pieces of artillery.
They [the Southerners] exploded everything in the vicinity of
the railroad. The ground is covered with shells, solid shot, grape
and cannister; in fact, everything appertaining to it. It is said
4 miles below us, the destruction of trains and stores is worse
yet, and all done by themselves. . . . Yesterday 1500 Rebel prison-
ers were brought in. They all seem very glad to get out of the
business, being tired of it. . . . It is reported . . . Sherman with
his army will occupy Atlanta.110
The Union Army relaxed for several weeks in Atlanta. The
second letter by Peifer after the capture of Atlanta was in-
scribed on a Confederate "way bill" picked up in the city
and used because of the lack of stationery. He said:
108 Peifer to his sisters, September 4, 1864, Atlanta, Georgia.
109 Peifer to his sisters, September 4, 1864, Atlanta, Georgia.
n0 Peifer to his sisters, September 4, 1864, Atlanta, Georgia.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 561
Sherman's whole Army is lying in and around this city and
day before yesterday, 10th inst., our Brig, moved one mile farther
to the left and are now beautifully encamped again in rear of city.
We are garrisoning the place. We expect to have a good time
for at least one month, when we expect to move forward again.
. . . Sherman's Head Quarters are in the city and he has issued
very stringent orders to the few citizens that yet remain. ... It
orders that they must all leave the city, go North or South — he
furnishing them transportation beyond our lines. It is a sorry
thing for them to leave their property and all behind them, and
join their Southern brethern in arms against us. It is hard in-
deed for the poor and innocent women and children but their
leaders wanted it so and I say let them have it. We can give them
satisfaction enough and more than they bargained for. On Sun-
day I took a stroll into tbe city and looked around, and saw
that our shells [had] done great execution. The citizens had
plenty of places for protection, consisting in holes dug in the
ground which they call by the peculiar name of Gopher-hole.
. . . An order was issued granting furloughs again for 30 days
from Nashville. I don't feel at present like taking one unless . . .
they would pay all they owe [me] ,111
Peifer demonstrated his early interest in the presidential
election when on August 29, 1864, he wrote:
I hope the election may turn out favorable and Honest Old
Abe be chosen president again. I shall support him with heart and
soul. He is my man, and down with traitors and Copperheads, it
is played out. McClellan is a good military man, and also a sound
Copperhead, and of course, I cannot support him. Nine cheers
for Father Abraham and the soldiers vote.112
On the day before the national election, Peifer again wrote:
[I am] very . . . busy . . . making preparations for the elec-
tion tomorrow. The Commissioners are here, and we are going
to hold an election and see if we can't assist a little in helping
'Old Abe' to his well deserved position. . . . Hoping the election
may prove satisfactory to us [for] we are doing all in our power
111 Peifer to his sisters, September 12, 1864, Atlanta, Georgia. This letter
was written on a "Freight List" of the Atlanta and La Grange, Macon, and
Western and Central Railroads. Peifer filled out the following as a joke:
No. of Cars Kegs of Beer In Bad Order Sundry Articles Marks
61,792 25 musty Tobacco, Whiskey Pock.
Lager Beer
112 Peifer to his sisters, August 29, 1864, Chattahoochee River, Georgia.
562 The North Carolina Historical Review
to make it so. We are bound to beat the Copperheads by ballot,
and whip the Rebels by bullet. We have our hands full, but I think
we can succeed. We have the will and the spirit. ... I have the
honor ... of being one of the Judges of our Election. Hurrah for
Uncle Abe and Andy Johnson.113
To Peifer the War news was good:
We are under marching orders and expect to leave in a few
days, perhaps tomorrow. ... It is said we will have a sixty days
campaign, and therefore expect rather rough times. Our desti-
nation is Mobile or Savannah. We will have plenty of marching to
do. . . . Well let it come, I am in for it, let be weal or woe. ... I
think our campaign and the election will very near 'play out' the
Johnny Rebs this fall ; at least in this part of the Country.115
Peifer was a faithful letter writer, but if he found time to
write during Sherman's march to the sea the letters have
either been lost or their location is unknown. His communi-
cation of November 7 indicated that he believed that Sher-
man would next attack either Pensacola or Mobile. Sherman,
in fact, contemplated making such a campaign but decided
to march from Atlanta to Savannah instead, a distance of 300
miles. The army began the journey in perfect autumn weather.
The country teemed with an abundant harvest upon which
the invaders foraged. Sherman met practically no opposition
on his destructive march to the sea. On Christmas eve Lin-
coln received the following telegram:
I beg to present you as a Christmas-gift the city of Savannah,
with one hundred and fifty heavy guns, plenty of ammunition,
also about twenty-five thousand bales of cotton. — W. T. Sherman,
ma j or-general.116
The march to the sea from Sherman's position had been
more than successful. Savannah had been eliminated as a
Confederate seaport, and the defenses of the city had been de-
stroyed. The South could only rejoice over the fact that Gen-
113 Peifer to his sisters, November 7, 1864, Atlanta, Georgia.
114 Peifer to his sisters, November 7, 1864, Atlanta, Georgia.
115 Peifer to his sisters, November 7, 1864, Atlanta, Georgia.
^Memoirs of General W. T. Sherman, II, 231. Hereafter cited as Sher-
man's Memoirs.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 563
eral Hardee had escaped capture, and that he had made ready
for another battle.
From Savannah, Sherman was instructed to unite his army
with Grant's at Richmond by marching overland through the
Carolinas. The Federal troops were in excellent condition.
Whatever they lacked in supplies were now delivered to
them from ships at Savannah. It is needless to say their spirits
were obviously high. This was indeed fortunate for them
because the task ahead was still difficult. It was now in the
dead of winter; the streams were flooded; the roads were
exceptionally muddy; the Confederate forces were reorgan-
izing; and Hardee, at Charleston, was still dangerous.
General Sherman started his march northward in January,
1865. Through South Carolina the rains were incessant and
the roads and streams were almost impassable. For several
days there was almost no fighting, just marching against
obstacles which were decreed by nature. The Union soldiers,
however, did not want for food; the foraging became more
revengeful in South Carolina than in Georgia. On February
17, Columbia, the state capital, was captured, and almost im-
mediately burned.117 The next day Hardee evacuated Char-
leston, eliminating another Confederate seaport.
Meanwhile, Stoneman, with the Fourth Corps and cavalry,
penetrated the mountains from eastern Tennessee, and cap-
tured the much needed Confederate supply depot at Salis-
bury, North Carolina. Schofield, with the Twenty-third Corps,
passed rapidly from eastern Tennessee to the Chesapeake,
where he sailed southward and joined Terry on Cape Fear
River, a few days after the fall of Fort Fisher.118 Taking
command, Schofield now captured Wilmington, which
brought an end to all blockade running. Moving westward
from Wilmington, Schofield, after some fighting at Kinston,
entered Goldsboro.
On February 23, 1865, at Lincolnton, North Carolina, Gen-
117 Who burned Columbia? This question is one which is still disputed. The
Confederates believed that Sherman ordered it burned, but Sherman denied
this. He claimed that the burning of the city resulted from setting fire to
cotton in the streets by the southern troops to prevent it from falling into
the hands of the Union. Others believed that the fire was started by drunken
soldiers without orders.
u8 John M. Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army, 345.
564 The North Carolina Historical Review
eral Joseph E. Johnston received a telegram from General
Lee, now Commander-in-chief of all the Confederate armies,
restoring him to the command of the forces being collected
and organized for the defense of North Carolina. Lee also
ordered Johnston to "concentrate all available forces and drive
back Sherman." 119
Before assuming the command thus assigned to him, John-
ston visited General Beauregard at his headquarters at Char-
lotte to ascertain if he had been consulted on the subject, and
if his assignment was agreeable to him. Upon being assured
that the appointment was quite gratifying to him personally,
he accepted the proffered command.
Upon assuming command of the forces to defend North
Carolina, General Johnston gave the numerical strength of
the available forces, their location and the more responsible
officers as follows:
The 'available forces' were about five thousand men of the
Army of Tennessee, and the troops of the department, amount-
ing to about eleven thousand. Two thousand of the former, con-
manded by Major-General Stevenson, were near Charlotte. A
thousand, under Lieutenant-General Stewart, were near New-
berry, approaching Charlotte ; and two thousand, under command
of Major-General Cheatham, were between Newberry and Au-
gusta, also marching toward Charlotte. The troops of the depart-
ment under General Hardee's command were moving from
Charleston to Cheraw; eleven hundred of them were South
Carolina militia and reserves, not expected to leave the State.
Major-General Sherman had seventy thousand in his four corps,
and about five thousand cavalry in Kilpatrick's division.120
The course of the march of the Federal army from Winns-
boro indicated that it would cross the Cape Fear River at
Fayetteville, and be joined there by General Schofield, who
had departed with his forces from Wilmington; therefore,
General Johnston transferred on March 4 his headquarters
from Charlotte to Fayetteville to impede Sherman's crossing
of the river.121
^Joseph E. Johnston, Narrative of Military Operations, 371. Hereafter
cited as Johnston's Narrative.
120 Johnston's Narrative, 372.
121 Johnston's Narrative, 378.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 565
Johnston left General Beauregard to protect the line of
railroad from Charlotte to Danville and instructed him to
send the troops of the Army of Tennessee, as they arrived,
to Smithfield by railroad. They were subsequently sent to
General Bragg at Goldsboro to take part in an expected battle
in that vicinity. The opposing armies met at Kinston, where
the Federals suffered severe losses.
On March 11 General Sherman reached Fayetteville with
a large Federal squadron that dashed into the town, but
Lieutenant-General Hampton routed them with an inferior
force.122 The numerically inferior forces of the Confederates,
however, could not possibly hold the town, so the important
arsenal there was soon destroyed by the Federal army.
As it was unknown whether General Sherman would take
the route through Goldsboro or the one through Raleigh,
General Bragg's troops and those of the Army of Tennessee
were ordered to Smithfield, about midway between the two
places; and Lieutenant-General Hardee was instructed to
follow the road from Fayetteville to Raleigh. Lieutenant-Gen-
eral Hamilton placed Wheeler's division on the Raleigh road,
and Butler's on that to Goldsboro.123
On March 13, Wheeler's division was hard pressed some
ten miles from Fayetteville. The next day at Silver Creek,
however, it was able to drive off the Federal cavalry. Lieu-
tenant-General Hardee was attacked on March 16 four miles
south of Averasboro.124 He repelled repeated attacks, but he
decided to withdraw during the night to Elevation, where
the troops were given a few hours of needed rest.
The next scene of military activity was at Bentonville, a
small village in Johnston County, near Smithfield. Here
General Johnston had collected fifteen thousand men. On
March 19, Sherman made the expected attack. Johnston re-
pelled six successive attacks when he ordered his troops to
advance. Three successive lines of the Federal defenses were
carried in a resolute and brilliant attack.125 This temporary
success had been made possible by much bloodshed and
122 Johnston's Narrative, 382.
123 Johnston's Narrative, 382.
124 Johnston's Narrative, 382.
125 Johnston's Narrative, 387.
566 The North Carolina Historical Review
clever generalship. The nature of the fighting can be illustrat-
ed in the case of the First North Carolina Battalion. This
brave fighting unit carried two hundred and sixty-seven
men into the battle and it came out of the struggle with one
hundred and fifteen.
After the fighting had subsided, General Sherman decided
forthwith to march his army to Goldsboro "to rest, reclothe,
and get some rations." Here Sherman planned "to collect his
army and to post General Terry about Faison's Depot and
General Schofield about Kinston, partly to protect the road,
but more to collect such food and forage as the country
affords, until the railroads are repaired leading into Golds-
boro:'126
The activities of James A. Peifer, the subject of this article,
are unknown since November 7, 1864, shortly before Sher-
man departed from Atlanta. It is unbelievable that such an
indefatigable letter writer failed to communicate with his
sister for almost five months. The whereabouts of these letters,
if written, are unknown. The next observation of Peifer came
from Sherman's army near Goldsboro March 26 when he in-
formed his sister that he and his company had marched
"over 500 miles . . . [in] 65 days. . . ." The army he said "will
rest here for at least one month to be clothed, equipped, and
fed. A great many men are barefooted and tattered. We
also want something to eat very badly, as we have been very
short all along, having to forage our grub. We drew but
4 days rations from the government." 12T
On April 9, Peifer informed his sister that the army was
about to resume its march to strike "another blow to this
wicked Rebellion, which is now being rapidly crushed."
The news are very good from all quarters, and Grant having,
after 5 days [of] hard fighting . . . nearly destroyed Lee's great
army, and we as an army having done so much to bring about
this end, and being now fully prepared and ready for another
campaign. We have another task to perform, another campaign
of 30 days is before us ... I hope it may be the last. . . . Believing
138 Sherman's Memoirs, II, 314-15.
Peifer to his sister Mary, March 26, 1865, near Goldsboro, North Caro-
lina.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 567
as I do that the Rebellion is on its last legs and that we may-
be on our way home.128
Sherman and Schofield soon united, and Raleigh was occu-
pied, April 13, 1865.
On April 11, before Raleigh was evacuated, Johnston, re-
ceived a telegram from Jefferson Davis, sent from Greensboro,
directing him to leave the troops under Hardee's command,
and report to him there. Johnston reached Greensboro early
the next morning, and was the guest of General Beauregard.
Davis now invited them to his office where they found with
him Messrs. Benjamin, Malloy, and Reagan. Instead of asking
for information, according to General Johnston, Davis wished
to give it. It seems that he still had hopes of reorganizing a
strong army to continue the war.129 The first conference was
terminated with no constructive results. However, before de-
parting, they learned that Major-General Breckenridge was
expected to arrive sometime during the afternoon, and that
he would be able to inform them of the state of affairs in
Virginia.
General Breckenridge came as expected, and confirmed
the report that General Lee and his entire army had sur-
rendered to Grant on April 9. Generals Johnston and Beaure-
gard, after surveying the military situation, came to the con-
clusion that since the Confederate soldiers were out-number-
ed approximately eighteen to one and without ammunition
that it "would be the greatest of human crimes for us to at-
tempt to continue the war; for, having neither money nor
credit, nor arms but those in the hands of our soldiesr, nor
ammunition but that in their cartridge-boxes, nor shops for
repairing arms or fixing ammunition, the effect of our keep-
ing the field would be, not to harm the enemy, but to complete
the devastation of our country and ruin of its people. I there-
fore urged that the President should exercise at once the only
function of government still in his possession, and open
negotiations for peace.
"130
"■ Peifer to his sister Mary, April 9, 1865, near Goldsboro, North Carolina.
129 Johnston's Narrative, 396-397.
130 Johnston's Narrative, 398-399.
568 The North Carolina Historical Review
After a second meeting with Davis and some of his cabinet
members to convince them that the Southern Confederacy
was overthrown, President- Davis with great reluctance yield-
ed to the position that fighting must cease. He, therefore,
dictated a letter on April 13 to Mallory to be signed and
delivered by Johnston to General Sherman, calling for an
armistice "to permit the civil authorities to enter into the
needful arrangements to terminate the existing war." 131 The
letter was delivered to the northern commander the next day,
April 14.
Meanwhile, Hardee directed the march of the Confederate
army from Raleigh on the 12th, in two columns— Stewart's
and Lee's corps and Butler's division by the Hillsboro road
and the other which was Hardee's plus Wheeler's division by
that through Chapel Hill. Hampton kept an eye on the Pitts-
boro road to detect any possible turn of the Union forces
toward Charlotte or Salisbury.
On the morning of April 16 Johnston received a reply from
General Sherman, dated the 14th, signifying his willingness
to meet with him to arrange an armistice. Johnston attempted
to reach Davis at Greensboro, but discovered that he was on
his way to Charlotte. As he had already by telegram informed
Hampton to arrange the time and place of meeting, Johnston
went to his headquarters, about three miles southeast of Hills-
boro. There he was informed that they would meet at the
house of Lee Larenzo Bennett on "the Raleigh road midway
between the pickets of the two armies." 132
As scheduled, General Sherman met General Johnston at
the Bennett House at noon, April 17. While the two were
alone Sherman showed him a telegram from Stanton announc-
ing the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. Johnston told
Sherman that in his opinion "the event was the greatest pos-
sible calamity to the South."133
On April 18, near Durham's Station, Sherman and John-
ston agreed to terms of surrender. The next day General Sher-
man published the following orders to his troops:
131 Johnston's Narrative, 400.
132 Johnston's Narrative, 402.
133 Johnston's Narrative, 402.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 569
"The general commanding announces to the army a sus-
pension of hostilities, and an agreement with General John-
ston and high officials which, when formally ratified, will
make peace from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. Until the
absolute peace is arranged, a line passing through Tyrrell's
Mount, Chapel University [U. of N. CJ, Durham's Station,
and West Point, on the Neuse River, will separate the two
armies. Each army commander will group his camps entirely
with a view to comfort, health, and good police. All the details
of military discipline must be maintained, and the General
hopes and believes that in a very few days it will be his good
fortune to conduct you all to your homes. The fame of this
army for courage, industry, and discipline, is admitted all
over the world. Then let each officer and man see that it is
not stained by any act of vulgarity, rowdyism, and petty
crime. The cavalry will patrol the front of the line, General
Howard will take charge of the district from Raleigh up to
the cavalry, General Slocum to the left of Raleigh, General
Schofield in Raleigh, right and rear. Quartermasters and com-
missaries will keep their supplies up to a light load for the
wagons, and the railroad superintendent will arrange a
depot for the convenience of each separate army." 134
In the afternoon of April 24, Johnston received two dis-
patches from General Sherman. In one he was informed that
the Government of the United States had rejected the terms
of peace agreed upon by them; and in the other he gave
notice of the termination of the armistice in forty-eight hours
from noon that day. 135
Still believing that it would be a great crime to prolong the
war, Johnston proposed to Sherman another armistice and
conference to bring about a termination of hostilities. The
latter agreed; so the two great generals met at the Bennett
House again at noon, April 26. On that day Johnston finally
accepted the terms offered Lee by Grant.136
The pacification was announced by General Johnston to
134 Johnston's Narrative, 407-408.
135 Sherman had exceeded his authority in the first agreement because the
terms of surrender dealt with civil affairs. See Sherman's Memoirs, II, 360-
362.
136 Johnston's Narrative, 412-414. Sherman's Memoirs, II, 370.
570 The North Carolina Historical Review
the states immediately concerned, by the following telegram,
addressed to their governors:
The disaster in Virginia, the capture by the enemy of all our
workshops for the preparation of ammunition and repairing of
arms, the impossibility of recruiting our little army opposed to
more than ten times its number, or of supplying it except by rob-
bing our own citizens, destroying all hope of successful war. I
have made, therefore, a military convention with Major-General
Sherman, to terminate hostilities in North and South Carolina,
Georgia, and Florida. I made this convention to spare the blood
of the gallant little army, to prevent further sufferings of our
people by the devastation and ruin inevitable from the marches
of invading armies, and to avoid the crime of waging a hopeless
war.137
It was published to the Confederate army, in general orders
No. 18 in a slightly different form on April 27. The following
is an excerpt therefrom:
By the terms of a military convention made on the 26th instant
. . . the officers and men of this army are to bind themselves not
to take up arms against the United States until properly re-
lieved from that obligation ; and shall receive guarantees from the
United States Officers against molestation by the United States
authorities, so long as they observe that obligation and the laws
in force where they reside . . .
Events in Virginia, which broke every hope of success by
war, imposed on its General the duty of sparing the blood of the
gallant army, and of saving our country from further devasta-
tion, and our people from ruin.138
General Sherman in his field-order No. 66 on the same day
notified his armies of the cessation of hostilities, and he made
many changes in the disposition of the troops in the field.
They were dispersed to various parts of the South. The
Tenth and Twenty-third Corps and the cavalry corps of the
Third Division were to remain in North Carolina.139 General
Sherman's army was sent to Washington.140
General Johnston soon discovered that the provisions in
137 Johnston's Narrative, 415.
138 Johnston's Narrative, 415-416.
139 Johnston's Narrative, 416.
140 Johnston's Narrative, 414.
Experiences of James A. Peifer 571
the depots at Greensboro, Charlotte, and elsewhere in North
Carolina, which he had expected to use for the subsistence of
the troops on their way home, "had all been plundered by the
crowd of fugitives and country-people, who thought, ap-
parently, that, as there was no longer a government, they
might assume the division of this property. ... So we had no
other means of supplying the troops on their homeward
march, than a stock of cotton yarn, and a little cloth, to be
used as money by the quartermasters and commissaries. But
this was entirely inadequate; and great suffering would have
ensued, both of the troops and the people on their routes, if
General Sherman, when informed of our condition, had
given us two hundred and fifty thousand rations, on no other
condition than my furnishing the means of transporting
them by railroad from Morehead City. This averted any
danger of suffering or even inconvenience." 141
On a letter written on April 21 from Raleigh, Peifer said:
Well sisters the War is over, and we will be on our way home
in a short time. . . . Thank God that we have overcome the
obstacles and are still in the land of the living and may . . . Peace
again smile on us. The Army mourns the death of Father Abra-
ham, very much, hoping that the murderers when caught meet
their just punishment.142
On May 20 Peifer was in Arlington Heights, near Alexan-
dria, Virginia, and without money due to the fact that he had
not been paid in "nearly ten months." He therefore asked his
sister to send him "from ten to twenty dollars immediately
[in] . . . Greenbacks and small bills if possible." 143
On May 24 and 25 a grand military victory parade 144 was
held in Washington, D. C. On May 26 Peifer wrote:
This review is over, and it was a grand affair. It is admitted
by all that Sherman's 'Thieves' marched better than the Army
of the Potomac. However, I will not judge it, but leave it to the
141 Johnston's Narrative, 417-418.
142 Peifer to his sisters, April 21, 1865, written from Raleigh, North Caro-
lina.
148 Peifer to his sisters, May 20, 1865, written from Arlington Heights, near
Alexandria, Virginia.
144 Peifer to his sisters, May 20, 1865, Arlington Heights.
572 The North Carolina Historical Review
judgment of the people, and you can by referring to the papers.145
Peifer's last military letter was written on July 13, 1865, in
which he said that the "Muster Out Rolls" had been made and
that he expected to be out of the army on Monday, July 16.146
He and the other hometown boys with him arrived in Bethle-
hem a few days later and were greeted by the admiring throng
as conquering heroes. So end James A. Peifer's four years of
military experience in the War between the States. He natur-
ally had prejudices which sometimes dwarfed his analytical
powers. Yet we are deeply indebted to him for recording his
observations so vividly, colorfully, and forcefully.
145 Peifer to his sisters, May 26, 1865, Washington, D. C.
148 Peifer to his sisters, July 13, 1865, Washington, D. C.
BOOK REVIEWS
The North Carolina Guide. Edited by Blackwell P. Robinson.
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1955.
Pp. xxi, 649. Illustrations. $5.00.)
One of the better numbers of the American Guide Series,
published during the 1930's, was North Carolina: A Guide
to the Old North State. That publication has now been re-
vised and brought up to date and, as in the case of the first
guide, the new one is a co-operative undertaking. The edi-
tor is Blackwell P. Robinson; the advisory editors are Donald
B. Anderson, Christopher Crittenden, John Harden, Hugh
T. Lefler, Hugh Morton, and George M. Stephens. Other
consultants, so-called "County Representatives," come from
every part of North Carolina. Part I of the book consists
of five chapters written by the following authors : "Folkways
and Folklore," by William T. Polk; "Natural Setting," by B.
W. Wells; "History," by Hugh T. Lefler; "Architecture," by
Louise Hall; and "The Big Change," by Roy E. Larsen. Part
II is significant for its descriptions of the larger cities in the
state; Part III describes tours that may be followed to various
points of interest; and Part IV discusses the state's national
parks and forests. Illustrations were collected from many
sources, particularly the North Carolina News Bureau of the
Department of Conservation and Development. The North
Carolina Guide was indeed a co-operative undertaking.
The Guide, as can be seen from its contents listed above,
contains a mass of information. Part I will be of special in-
terest to historians and other scholars, as well as to those
persons who are interested in something other than a quick
trip to some place of interest. William T. Polk and his asso-
ciates have, in a limited number of pages, presented their
materials, in most instances, in an admirable and interest-
ing manner. The write-ups about the leading cities, Charlotte,
Durham, Greensboro, Raleigh, Winston-Salem, and so forth,
are packed with information that should satisfy Chambers
of Commerce and those thousands of people who pour into
[573]
574 The North Carolina Historical Review
the state as^ tourists. The "Tours," as projected, are well
planned and should be interesting.
Except for Part I, The Guide is not to be considered
as a scholarly publication. However, an enormous amount
of detailed work, correspondence, and editorial activities
have gone into the making of the book. The finished product
is worthy of the efforts made to bring it together. It is pre-
dicted that The Guide will serve as a model of similar pub-
lications for other states. Indeed, as stated on the dust cover
of The Guide, it should "prove an indispensable companion
to those who travel and a source of pleasure to the armchair
traveller who simply wants to know North Carolina better."
Moreover, a close reading of the book leaves a Tar Heel
with a deep feeling of pride in the accomplishments of his
state, particularly during the last one hundred years.
Weymouth T. Jordan.
Florida State University,
Tallahassee, Florida.
Records of the Moravians in North Carolina. Vol. VIII, 1823-
1837. Edited by Adelaide L. Fries and Douglas LeTell Rights.
(Raleigh: State Department of Archives and History. 1954.
Pp. xi, 756 [3613-4369]. $1.00.)
This volume is the eighth and last in a series of volumes
published by the North Carolina State Department of Ar-
chives and History. The first seven volumes were completed
under the direction of the late Adelaide L. Fries, who was
working on the material for this volume at the time of her
death on November 29, 1949. Miss Fries was succeeded in
this work by Dr. Douglas L. Rights, a Moravian minister, of
Winston-Salem.
The records of the Moravians in North Carolina began
with their first settlement in 1753; volume eight covers the
years from 1823 to 1837. This volume relates happenings in
the congregations at Salem, Bethania, Bethabara, Friedland,
Friedberg, and Hope which are taken from translations of
diaries, minute books, memoirs and other sources. Dr. Rights
has completed a fascinating account of an interesting group
of people. The one thing which stands out most noticeably
Book Reviews 575
in the lives of the Moravians was their devotion to their
religion. Their diaries were filled with expressions of hope
and faith in their Supreme Being.
The Moravians were vitally interested in spreading the
gospel to the Indians, and especially to the Cherokees in
Georgia. They were sympathetic with the Cherokees in their
contest with the State of Georgia over their removal, and
disapproved of Georgia's attitude towards the red man. They
were also interested in other social problems such as the
evils of slave holding and the lease system.
Other religious groups were slow in coming into the
Moravian section of North Carolina. The Methodists and
Lutherans were mentioned as having small congregations
there by 1830. As a whole, the Methodists and Moravians
got along well together though the Moravians disapproved
of Methodist proselytism (p. 4305) and the practice of Meth-
odist-shouting as seen from the entry on June 15, 1824, which
reads (p. 3682), "In our Negro church a Negress made a
great disturbance by all sorts of shouts and motions. This
gave Br. Steiner opportunity to express his disapproval of
such performances, which are customary in some Methodist
meetings."
Dr. Rights has done an exceptionally fine job in the trans-
lation and editing of this last volume in the series and he and
the State Department of Archives and History are to be
congratulated. The book adds much to the field of North
Carolina history and to the social history of the United
States in general.
S. Walter Martin.
University of Georgia,
Athens, Ga.
The Papers of Willie Person Mangum. Volume IV, 1844-1846.
Edited by Henry Thomas Shanks. (Raleigh: State Depart-
ment of Archives and History. 1955. Pp. xviii, 579. Illustra-
tions. $1.00 mailing fee.)
The fourth volume of the Mangum Papers affords a rich
body of material illustrating Whig views and strategy dur-
ing the last year of the Tyler administration, the election of
576 The North Carolina Historical Review
1844, and the first half of the Polk administration. President
pro tempore of the Senate and one of the principal national
leaders of his party, Mangum received reports and advice
from Whigs in all parts of the country.
Only rarely did Mangum retain copies of his own letters,
and the editor's careful combing of other collections has re-
vealed few significant originals. This, coupled with the fact
that negotiations at Washington were carried on largely by
word of mouth, means that the Mangum Papers, like simi-
lar collections, yields little information on political and par-
liamentary maneuvers at the capital. The principal value of
the papers arises from their revelation of developments in
the many states where Mangum had correspondents.
A large number of letters relate to patronage and sena-
torial confirmation of presidential nominations, a thorny prob-
lem for the Whigs in these years because of the confused sit-
uation created by President Tyler's excommunication from
the party. The reader is particularly struck by the unity of
northern and southern Whigs behind the policies of Henry
Clay, though the abolitionists were causing them more and
more trouble in northern elections. The opposition of most
Whigs in all sections to the bellicose expansionism of the
Polk administration is also unmistakably demonstrated.
Mangum's papers tell less than might be expected about
North Carolina politics. Mangum apparently had little de-
sire to furnish aggressive leadership to the Whigs in his
own state, and there were frequent complaints of his back-
wardness in this respect. The North Carolina Whigs seem,
in fact, to have had no guiding spirit and little central direc-
tion. Nevertheless, when the story of North Carolina politics
between the election of 1824 and secession comes to be ade-
quately told, it will almost inevitably show a Whig bias.
The William A. Graham Papers, soon to be published under
the editorship of Professor J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, the
already published papers of Thomas Ruffin and Jonathan
Worth, the Mangum Papers, and several significant unpub-
lished collections will furnish abundant documentation on
the Whig side; but little of the correspondence of Democratic
leaders has survived.
Book Reviews 577
Professor Shanks has maintained here the high editorial
standards of his earlier volumes and of the other series in
North Carolina's notable program of documentary publi-
cation. The manuscripts have been reproduced meticulously.
The editor has shown great ingenuity in tracking down
Mangum's more obscure correspondents, and the identifi-
cation and explanatory notes are adequate and authoritative.
The index, a particularly vital feature in this kind of publica-
tion, is comprehensive. The promptness with which these
volumes have issued from the press— at the rate of almost
one a year— indicates that we shall not have long to wait
for the Mangum biography that Professor Shanks promises
as soon as the series is completed.
Charles Grier Sellers, Jr.
Princeton University,
Princeton, New Jersey.
The Home Place. By Nettie McCormick Henley. (New York:
Vantage Press, Inc., 1955. Pp. 182. $3.00.)
In this rather slender volume the author attempts,
without documentation, to portray "life and labor" in a rural
community, predominantly Scotch, in Scotland County,
North Carolina. While the period covered is not exactly pin-
pointed, it is easy to deduce from internal evidence that Mrs.
Henley is writing about the 'eighties and nineties when the
transition was being made from the McGuffey to the Holmes's
Readers.
The Home Place does not convey a well-rounded picture
of the rural scene in Scotland County, in that the author fails
to analyze the subjective side of rural life adequately. There
is little attempt to point up and to interpret the prejudices,
beliefs and, in general, the social attitudes of the people
among whom she lived. She doubtless approved the prevail-
ing standards of conduct and was, therefore, not sufficiently
detached to view these matters objectively.
What the author does, and does well, is to bring into sharp
focus the customs, amusements, ailments, the state of agri-
culture, and the daily grind in a simple, forthright manner.
578 The North Carolina Historical Review
When recounting specific events of which the writer had
no first-hand knowledge, her memory is none too reliable.
For example, (p. 7), Portland, Virginia, was doubtless meant
for Portsmouth. If the tracks of the "Carolina Central" Rail-
road were laid from Wilmington to Laurinburg (p. 6) by
1860 or 1861, then the railroad maps of North Carolina for
that period need to be revised. One does not, however, read
this book for statistical data. It is to be read rather for the
excellent picture (within limits) of the social structure of
a rural community at the "grass roots."
Throughout the book, Mrs. Henley stresses the self-suffi-
ciency and practicality of the rural people. She points out
that both starch and soap were made at home. Likewise,
dyes, stockings, blankets, and a great many remedies for
common ailments were homemade. Of the numerous home
remedies noted, perhaps "sheep-shot tea ... for the measles"
was the most startling.
The writer demonstrates an encyclopedic knowledge of
home furnishings, recipes, old songs and rhymes, designs in
quilts, and various other rural customs and appointments.
Of special interest to the social historian is the description
of what constituted man's work and what constituted wo-
man's work. No man, for example, would wash dishes or
clothing or scour the floor; but he would supply the water
and firewood for these domestic chores. This division of labor,
except in an emergency, was never breached.
The author's style is commonplace. She employs the idiom
of her milieu, using such localisms as "somerset" for somer-
sault, "receipt" for recipe, and "lightern" for lightwood with-
out quotation marks.
This volume is presented to the reading public with an
appreciative foreword by Christopher Crittenden. It is, how-
ever, devoid of illustrations or an index.
After making due allowance for lapses of memory and a
tendency to clothe the past with an aura of sentimentality and
respectability, Mrs. Henley has preserved for posterity a
Book Reviews 579
rich and rare collection of authentic folkways of a rural
Southern community.
Rosser H. Taylor.
Western Carolina College,
Cullowhee.
Dead and Gone. Classic Crimes of North Carolina. By Manly
Wade Wellman. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro-
lina Press. 1954. Pp. xi, 190. $3.00.)
North Carolina's statistics for homicide have never been
a credit to the Old North State. In his introduction to Dead
and Gone, Manly Wade Wellman points out that in a four-
year period, from 1811-1815, the North Carolina courts tried
eighty-nine persons charged with murder, when the state
had a population of only 600,000. He has accordingly found
no lack of material for his collection of murder cases and
states that his basis of selection was contemporary interest.
Aside from published accounts of some of the trials, Wellman
has drawn his material from newspapers, court records, let-
ters, family recollections, and local histories.
Eleven cases are recalled, beginning as early as 1808 and
continuing as late as 1914. The stories vary greatly in locale,
character and interest. "The General Dies at Dusk" describes
the murder of General Bryan Grimes of Pitt County. The
Civil War general was killed August 14, 1880. His murderer
was brought to trial and acquitted. Eight years later, return-
ing to brag of his ill deed, he was arrested for drunkeness and
jailed. During the night local residents took justice or re-
venge upon themselves, and lynched the murderer.
"Arsenic and Old Lace" tells the tale of murder in Fayette-
ville in 1850. Ann Carver Simpson, attractive young wife,
tired of the neurotic ailments of her unattractive husband,
fed him arsenic in his syllabub and coffee. With impressive
and adequate counsel she won her freedom but some ques-
tion of her further career arose when an Ann Bilansky was
executed in St. Paul, Minnesota, for the murder of her hus-
band. Similarity of name and crime and the fact that Ann
Bilansky admitted living in Fayetteville made some wonder
if the two Anns were one.
580 The North Carolina Historical Review
The stories of "The Preacher and the Gun," "The Corpse
in Muddy Creek," and "A Bullet for Nimrod" fail to arouse
the same interest as that of "Poor 'Omi," which recalls how
Naomi Wise succumbed to the charms of Jonathan Lewis in
Randolph County back in 1808, and how he choked her
and threw her in the river and left her to drown. One case
of kidnapping is related in "Where Are You, Kenneth Beas-
ley?" The pathetic victim disappeared and never returned
to his home at Poplar Branch in Currituck County. Echoes of
the Kirk-Holden War and carpet-bagging days are found
in "The Life and Death of Chicken Stephens." A man admitt-
edly devoted to money and willing to obtain it by fair means
or foul, Stephens fell heir to Ku Klux justice. "Two Songs of
the Scaffold" relates the ballads, "For Now I Try That Awful
Road," in which is told the remorse of Frances Silver for
the jealous murder of her husband at Toe River in 1831, and
"Bow Your Head, Tom Dula" memorializes the popular and
debonair war hero who, in 1866, murdered Laura Foster of
Happy Valley after his affections were transferred to the
matron, Ann Melton. Despite an eloquent plea in his defense
by the ever-popular Zebulon Vance, Dula hung for his crime.
Beth G. Crabtree.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
William Blount. By William H. Masterson. (Baton Rouge : Louis-
iana State University Press. 1954. Pp. viii, 378. Illustrations,
map, bibliography. $6.00.)
It is peculiarly appropriate that the first scholarly biogra-
phy of William Blount should appear during the current Re-
publican administration. Dr. Masterson, no doubt, began his
study of North Carolina's speculator-politician some years
ago, probably in the Fair Deal— if not the New Deal— era,
but the results of his careful research are reaching the public
at a time when we are especially conscious of the business-
man in politics. I fear the picture this biography offers of a
man of affairs as a public servant will give small comfort to
those who have been glibly saying that what our govern-
Book Reviews 581
ment needs is to have more businessmen in public office. It
is to be hoped that eighteenth century patterns of "ethical"
conduct in public office are not being followed by our twen-
tieth century businessmen-politicians.
A member of a family with large commercial and landed
interests, Blount pursued throughout his career two objec-
tives: wealth— through a multitude of business ventures,
especially the acquisition of vast landholdings beyond the
mountains in the Tennessee country— and public office. To
a man like Blount, public office was attractive not only be-
cause it conferred power and because a man in his social
position was expected to render public service, but even
more because of the far more compelling consideration that
through public office he could promote and protect his own,
his family's, and his friends' private economic interests. Thus,
honest biographer that he is, Dr. Masterson, in discussing
Blount's efforts to be named governor of the Territory South
of the River Ohio, observes: "The vast extent of the Western
land he held for sale, the power of treaty-making vested in
Federal officials, and the need to keep Western taxation low
in his own interest, as well as a real interest in the West, were
powerful motives in fixing his attention on the new post"
(175).
Repeatedly, Dr. Masterson remarks upon the private advan-
tage which Blount gained from public office. Yet it would be
a mistake to think of the author as approaching his subject
in the manner of the Progressive Era "muckrakers" or the
more recent New Deal Liberals with their ready disapproval
of "economic royalists." Nor yet does he go to the other ex-
treme and produce an uncritical apologia and defense of
Blount's activities. Perhaps a more lively, if less well-balan-
ced, book might have resulted had Dr. Masterson strayed
in either direction from the path of historical objectivity
which he set for himself. Sympathetic, yet not partisan, he
presents the career of an ambitious, able opportunist whose
good will and concern for his fellow man, though genuine
and admirable, were never allowed to interfere with his
own advancement. This is not a biography for the reader
who wants his heroes in shining armor and who prefers to
582 The North Carolina Historical Review
think of our forefathers as made of finer stuff and motivated
by higher principles than our contemporaries. Though he
had great personal charm, the governor of the territory which
became Tennessee was chiefly respected by his contempora-
ries as a hard-headed, calculating, practical man who through
difficult times conducted a profitable business in currency
and land speculation and played a leading role in a power-
ful political faction, first in North Carolina and later in
Tennessee.
Blount held an impressive number of public offices, in-
cluding a commission in the Revolutionary Army (as pay-
master and commissary), membership in the North Caro-
lina Assembly and Senate, the Articles of Confederation
Congress, the Federal Constitutional Convention, the North
Carolina Ratification Convention and the United States Sen-
ate, as well as the governorship of the Territory South of
the River Ohio and the concomitant superintendancy of
Indian Affiairs for the Southern Department. As a member of
the various deliberative bodies mentioned above, he was
distinguished neither for imaginative leadership nor original
ideas. He belonged to the active rank and file of these as-
semblages, making his contributions in the give and take of
private contacts and energetically fostering measures which
would promote his own, his faction's, or his state's economic
interests. Far from being outstanding, Blount was of the
group which, regardless of the century, are legion in any
deliberative body.
It is not surprising that as a historian turned biographer,
Dr. Masterson is more successful in reporting the events of
his subject's life than in conveying a sense of the man him-
self. In general he has told his story effectively, keeping the
focus on his protagonist, yet supplying necessary informa-
tion about the milieu in which Blount moved. In the earlier
chapters he has compressed and generalized about complex
political currents and cross-currents in Revolutionary North
Carolina to such an extent that the general reader may feel
somewhat bewildered. On the other hand, particularly well
done is the discussion of Blount's unenviable position as gov-
ernor in the matter of Indian-white relations, caught as he
Book Reviews 583
was between the pressures of the western frontiersmen and
the directives of the administration back in Philadelphia,
to say nothing of the complicating factor of his own land
interests.
This volume is another in the lengthening list of the South-
ern Biography Series published by the Louisiana State Uni-
versity Press. Like its predecessors it is a good piece of book-
making with attractive typography. One wonders whether
a map of North Carolina might not have been a welcome
companion to the Tennessee map in this book. The author
provides an excellent critical Essay on Authorities.
LeRoy P. Graf.
University of Tennessee,
Knoxville, Tennessee.
The Memoirs of Emma Prather Gilmer. Written in Her 90th
Year for Her Children, Grandchildren, and Great Grandchil-
dren. (Philadelphia, Pa.: The Cherry Company. 1954. Pp 64.
Illustrated.)
This little book of 12 chapters begins with Mt. Airy, North
Carolina, where Mrs. Gilmer, her mother, Mr. Gilmer and
his mother, and their children were born. Mt. Airy is des-
cribed as a place where people do not mix too much with
"outsiders/' but marry and intermarry with their kith and kin.
After setting the stage, Mrs. Gilmer tells about her parents,
her husband's parents, their marriage, and other interesting
family items. Her husband's work, his ideas of making
money and his failures, his changing jobs and moving from
place to place are related. Frequent disappointments are re-
corded because of her husband's schemes of becoming rich
which never materialized. Sometimes she felt that she could
not continue to move from place to place as her husband
wished, but in the end she always followed him and support-
ed him in his business adventures.
The last chapters tell about the children, their education,
and marriages. Also the grandchildren are mentioned.
This little volume is delightful reading about the exper-
iences of one family whose successes and failures are simi-
584 The North Carolina Historical Review
lar to many American families. It was written for Mrs. Gil-
mer's family and no doubt will be treasured by each.
D. L. Corbitt.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
The Dulles Family in South Carolina. By Samuel Gaillard Stoney.
(Columbia: University of South Carolina. 1955. Pp 29. Illus-
trations and map. Printed as a Keepsake.)
This delightfully printed and boxed book which com-
memorates the commencement address of the Honorable
John Foster Dulles at the University of South Carolina, June
6, 1955, is not only informative but entertaining. The four-
teen page story is novel, the style excellent, and the photo-
graphs which complete the little book are interesting.
The Mouzon map of South Carolina, 1775, is used on the
slip case and the Samuel Lewis map of South Carolina, 1795,
serves as a frontispiece. Both maps are valuable aids in locat-
ing the family and its related branches as they firmly en-
trench themselves into the red clay of South Carolina.
The family history begins with George Sterling who was
granted a Congarees plantation (now Calhoun County) in
1704, and continues with the story of his daughter, Mary.
Mary Sterling Heatley Russell established a form of matri-
archy which was to persist for several generations and was
to fulfill the prophecy of an aged Indian squaw who warned
the men of the family that the red hills were "woman's land"
and that they would never be ruled "well and long" by men.
Joseph Dulles who came to Charleston from Limerick mar-
ried a granddaughter of Mary Sterling and so united the two
Irish families who were the ancestors of John Foster Dulles.
The statistical data of marriages, births, and deaths are
interspersed with family legends to make this very readable
genealogy. One of the more captivating legends tells of
Rachel Heatley who was married to a good but profane man.
One evening a passing stranger stayed to dinner and when
Rachel viewed his mismatched feet and saw smoke curling up
from his boots she realized that the Devil had come to call.
Quickly she snatched up a Bible and to save her husband,
Book Reviews 585
began to read the Scripture backwards. The Devil sensing
his defeat, leapt up with such force and jumped to a distant
rock that he left the imprint of his cloven, misshapen feet
and today the footprints are still visible.
The plates which are grouped in the back of the book in-
clude pictures of the Dulles residence in Charleston, signa-
tures, a communion service, and a miniature of Mary Eliza-
beth Dulles.
One regrets that the publishing costs for this type of book
are perhaps prohibitive as the format, style, and story ex-
emplify a kind of book which is seldom printed ( except pri-
vately), yet is a book to be treasured not only by genealo-
gists but by readers who are fortunate enough to receive so
valuable a "keepsake."
Elizabeth W. Wilborn.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
The South in American Literature, 1607-1900. By Jay B. Hub-
bell. (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. 1954.
Pp. xix, 987. $10.00.)
With previous histories of Southern literature few and
incomplete, and with the materials for making such a study
as this widely scattered, Professor Jay B. Hubbell has in this
book rendered a great service to scholarship.
As the title indicates, he begins with the settlement of
Jamestown and tells the story of Southern literature up to
1900. Then (as the title does not indicate) he adds, for
good measure, an epilogue giving a "brief glance" at twen-
tieth-century developments. And wishing to integrate South-
ern literature with that of the rest of the nation, he further
extends the scope of his study by including writers from
other sections who have written about the South. Thus we
find him ranging from Captain John Smith to James Branch
Cabell and picking up Harriet Beecher Stowe, Emerson, and
Lowell along the way.
The main text is divided chronologically into six sections,
each beginning with a discussion of the historical background
586 The North Carolina Historical Review
of the period and with other matter needed to show the con-
ditions—mainly unfavorable— under which Southern litera-
ture was produced. Here Professor Hubbell utilizes to good
advantage his knowledge of such subjects as agriculture, eco-
nomics, and geography as well as of history, and discusses
topics like "Publishing," "Education," and "Newspapers
and Magazines." This is followed by an account of the authors
of the period, with biographical data and discussion of their
works. Limitations of time and space have prohibited the
consideration of some writers we might expect to find here;
but, as it is, more than a hundred authors are treated indi-
vidually. The book also contains an extensive bibliography
which adds to its value as a reference work.
A Virginian by birth, Professor Hubbell holds himself to
an objective point of view and although he points out the
Northern misconceptions of the South he also blames the
South for its intolerance and its oversensitiveness to criti-
cism. His literary style, too, always clear and straightfor-
ward, contributes to the impression of objectivity.
For this ambitious undertaking the author, professor emer-
itus of English at Duke University and during the past year
visiting professor at the University of Virginia, has been pre-
pared by his experience as teacher and editor, and this book
comes as a fitting crown to his distinguished academic career.
Louise Greer.
East Carolina College,
Greenville.
Fourteen Hundred and 91 Days in the Confederate Army: A
Journal Kept by W. W. Heartsill. Or Camp Life ; Day by Day,
of the W. P. Lane Rangers. Edited by Bell Irvin Wiley. (Jack-
son, Tennessee : McCowat-Mercer Press, Inc. 1954. Pp. ix, 332.
Index and illustrated. $6.00.)
In the introduction to this informative and unusual nar-
rative of the experiences of a Confederate soldier, the edi-
tor has explained how Heartsill printed the journal from
his notes written during the years, April 19, 1861 to May 20,
Book Reviews 587
1865. He also gives a brief outline of HeartsilFs life and a
resume of the war period.
HeartsilFs original publication numbered one hundred
copies; only thirteen are known to be in existence. The jour-
nal was run off by the author on an Octavo Press, one page
printed at a time, the press re-inked with a handroller. This
exceedingly slow process took from 1874 to 1876. Heartsill
included original photographs, sixty-one in all, pasted in each
copy. In editing the book, the copy owned by the Tennessee
State Library was used with the exception of a few marred
pages and photographs. The book concludes with two ap-
pendices, one of HeartsilFs original version of the Chicka-
mauga Campaign and a rewrite of the description of the
flight from Bragg's Army, November 7-December 21, 1863.
This variation occurred through redrafting and revision of
the manuscript as Heartsill ran it off on his press.
W. W. Heartsill was born in Louisville, near Knoxville,
Tennessee, October 17, 1839. In 1856 he moved to Nashville
and travelled western and middle Tennessee selling mer-
chandise; in 1859 he moved to Texas. In April, 1861, he join-
ed the "W. P. Lane Rangers," Company F. Second Regiment,
Texas Cavalry. Briefly, HeartsilFs military history included
frontier duty in Texas, before being ordered to Fort Hinde-
man on the Arkansas River. He was a prisoner at Camp But-
ler, near Springfield, Illinois, and after exchange in April,
1863, when part of the company was sent to the Trans-Mis-
sissippi Department, the men were ordered to Bragg at Tul-
lahoma, Tennessee and grouped into an infantry company.
The men were discontented, separated from their company
officers, and following Chickamauga they left and after a
six-weeks journey rejoined their original command assigned
to Morgan's Battalion of Texas Cavalry at Camp Ford, Tyler,
Texas, where they guarded Federal prisoners. In July they
were ordered to Louisiana and then to Arkansas and in De-
cember were in Texas again patrolling, catching deserters,
and maintaining order until the war was over. After the war
Heartsill returned to Marshall, Texas, where he acquired a
grocery, saddle and harness business. He died in Waco, Tex-
as, July 28, 1916.
588 The North Carolina Historical Review
The facsimile printing of the journal makes difficult read-
ing but it is a rewarding experience. Heartsill begins with a
dedication to his brother, Napoleon Alexander Heartsill, an
early casualty of the war. In his preface he refers to Mark
Twain's observation in Innocents Abroad relative to the early
enthusiasm displayed in keeping journals and observes that
within two months eleven out of twelve who began had given
up the practice. He explained that his journal was written
for relatives and sympathizing friends of the organization.
His notes display a keen interest in the countryside and
knowledge of counties and towns. His style is highly descrip-
tive and colorful and for the most part very readable. Heart-
sill admits that there are errors, grammatical as well as typo-
graphical, but nevertheless, he achieves an extremely in-
teresting and worthwhile account of an increasingly popular
period of American history.
Beth G. Crabtree.
State Department of Archives and History,
Raleigh.
They Called Him Stonewall : A Life of Lt. General T. J. Jack-
son, C. S. A. By Burke Davis. (New York: Rinehart & Com-
pany, Inc. 1954. Pp. x, 470. Illustrations, maps. $5.00.)
Publication of a new biography of "Stonewall" Jackson—
the first full-length study since 1898— is both welcome and
important. Though Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil
War, by the British military historian Colonel G. F. B. Hen-
derson, remains impressive after fifty-seven years, there was
unquestionably room for a work that would incorporate the
results of recent scholarship. It is interesting that a news-
paperman-turned-novelist should have attempted the task.
Burke Davis, a native of North Carolina, attended Duke
University and graduated in journalism as the University of
North Carolina. He then worked for the Charlotte News in
various capacities for ten years, became a reporter for the
Baltimore Evening Sun, and now is a feature writer with
the Greensboro Daily News. His works of fiction are Whisper
My Name, a "problem" novel, and The Ragged Ones and
Book Reviews 589
Yorktown, historical novels with a Revolutionary War setting.
They Called Him Stonewall is his first work of non-fiction.
That Mr. Davis's latest book should be dramatic, vivid,
well paced, and vigorously written was to be expected. It is
also a fine contribution to historical literature. The author
obviously relies heavily upon Henderson, the writings of
Douglas Southall Freeman, Robert L. Dabney's "eyewitness"
biography, Henry Kyd Douglas's I Rode With Stonewall, the
Memoirs of Jackson's widow, and other published accounts.
He has, however, conscientiously searched and studied the
sources. If in large part his book is a synthesis of previous
works, it is a judicious and critical synthesis. Davis, for ex-
ample, notes Freeman's comments on serious errors made by
Henderson and also calls attention to minor slips by Freeman
himself. On the many controversial points in the Stonewall
story the author has weighed his evidence carefully and
drawn his conclusions soberly.
In the fashion of many biographies today, the book opens
upon a scene of drama and significance in the career of its
central character: Major Thomas Jonathan Jackson and ca-
dets from the Virginia Military Institute witness the hang-
ing of John Brown. The next eighty pages follow the eccen-
tric genius through the Valley Campaign of 1862 that first
made him famous— Front Royal, Winchester, Cross Keys,
Port Republic. Only then, in fifty pages, are we told of Jack-
son's ancestry, boyhood, West Point days, service in the Mex-
ican War, professorship at V. M. I. and home life in Lexing-
ton. The remainder of the text, something over three hundred
pages, treats those campaigns of northern and eastern Vir-
ginia of which Jackson was a part, from his first battle at
Falling Waters on July 2, 1861, to his last at Chancellorsville
on May 2, 1863. In between come Manassas (First and Sec-
ond), the Seven Days, Sharpsburg, Fredericksburg, and the
rest. Endpaper maps that trace all the Jackson campaigns,
five special maps in the text, two folders of portraits and
battlefield scenes, nine pages of notes, a brief bibliography,
and an index complete the volume.
Although the life of Stonewall Jackson contained most of
the elements of a romance, Burke Davis writes as a realist.
590 The North Carolina Historical Review
He is quite aware of the legends that have persisted through
the years. He describes the General's failures as well as his
successes, his shortcomings as well as his virtues. Avoiding
the extremes of both debunker and sentimentalist, he achieves
balance. The expert craftsmanship of the author makes the
men and the scenes of the 'sixties come alive. This, plus the
enduring fascination of "Old Jack" and the unflagging in-
terest of the reading public in the Civil War, should guaran-
tee the book's popularity. Mr. Davis's diligent research has
made his book good history, too.
Stuart Noblin.
North Carolina State College,
Raleigh.
P. G. T. Beauregard; Napoleon in Gray. By T. Harry Williams.
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1954. Pp.
xiii, 345. $4.75.)
It is generally believed that the South succumbed only af-
ter its manpower and material resources had been exhausted,
but in one respect at least the Confederate government was
wasteful: it failed to get the best mileage out of its gen-
erals. Personality conflicts and an often exaggerated respect
for military protocol kept some officers from being used to
the best advantage. Joseph E. Johnston is a prime example;
P. G. T. Beauregard is another.
Beauregard commanded the forces that fired on Fort
Sumter, he led the Confederates to victory at first Manassas,
and he planned and helped to fight the battle of Shiloh. Yet
by the summer of 1862 his star was already fading. Having
demonstrated promise as a field commander, he was removed
from command of the Western army and sent to Charleston,
where he conducted a creditable defense against Union
naval and land attacks in 1863. The following year he suc-
ceeded in protecting the southern approach to Richmond un-
til the arrival of Lee's army, was subsequently given a
"paper" command in the West, and spent the last months of
the war trying to scrape up opposition to Sherman's invading
army.
In P. G. T. Beauregard Professor Williams has demon-
Book Reviews 591
strated once again his ability to get the facts and present
them in a thoroughly readable fashion. Basing much of his
book on manuscript sources (among Confederate leaders,
Beauregard must have been second only to Alexander H.
Stephens in the extent of his correspondence), he paints a
fascinating portrait of this enigmatic Creole. The author
properly concentrates most of his attention on Beauregard's
Civil War experiences, but gives enough of his earlier career
to reveal characteristics that later marred his generalship.
Beauregard early displayed "a tendency to question the will
of a superior," and he cherished "a rigid belief" in the so-
called fixed rules of war.
The Civil War brought out other defects— "a penchant for
grand planning, the disregard of logistics, the exaggeration
of results to be attained." But if Beauregard never quite ful-
filled the promise he showed in 1862, Professor Williams
makes it clear that it was not because of these shortcomings
but because he never received the opportunity to develop
his abilities. Any study of Beauregard would be incomplete
without an examination of his relations with Jefferson Davis,
and the author, tracing this feud from the first controversy
over supply of the army in 1861 to the literary wars that
followed Appomattox, concludes that "They were born to
clash."
Both the Civil War enthusiast and the scholar should en-
joy reading this book. The battle descriptions, particularly
of Shiloh, are vivid, clear, and free of burdensome detail,
and the author's treatment of Beauregard's post-war career
makes a fascinating story in itself. Not the least interesting
portion of the book is a chapter entitled "Ghosts and Ghost-
writers," in which Professor Williams describes the efforts of
Beauregard and his associates to re-establish his military
reputation, and the ensuing quarrels with Davis and John-
ston. After the war one waggish reporter wrote to the effect
that Beauregard might not have been a first-class military
man, but that he was certainly a first-rate second-class man—
an opinion fortified by this fine biography.
^ , TT . ., Tay Luvaas.
Duke University, J J
Durham.
592 The North Carolina Historical Review
Wormsloe: Two Centuries of a Georgia Family. By E. Merton
Coulter. (Athens: University of Georgia Press. 1955. Pp. xv,
322. $5.00.)
The title chosen for this book by Professor Coulter will
need some explanation for all except those intimately ac-
quainted with the history of Georgia. Wormsloe, a planta-
tion near Savannah, was the home of the Jones family and
much of the story centers around the plantation. But Pro-
fessor Coulter has not written the history of the Jones family:
rather he has written biographical sketches of four male mem-
bers, with incidental references to other members of the
family, and has given a good account of the colony, the Rev-
olution, and the early history of the state. Included also is
a sketchy story of the cultural and economic life of Savannah
and south Georgia to the present time
Noble Jones, a physician and architect, migrated to Geor-
gia with Oglethorpe, founded Wormsloe, played a promi-
nent role in the political and economic history of the colony,
and supported the Loyalist cause in the Revolution. Noble's
son, Noble Wimberly Jones, accompanied his father to Geor-
gia, added to Wormsloe, practiced medicine, joined the pa-
triot cause, and was an influential leader in the independence
movement and the framing of Georgia's early constitutions.
Father and son held nearly every office in the colony and
state except that of governor. George, son of Noble W. Jones,
was less significant in politics than either his father or grand-
father. Even so, he served in the state legislature, the con-
stitutional convention of 1798, and in Congress, held many
municipal offices in Savannah, and was a judge of the state
Superior Court. George was influential in the economic and
cultural life of Savannah. George Frederick Tilghman Jones,
son of George, changed his name to George Wymberly Jones
De Renne, traveled much in Europe, studied law at Colum-
bia University, built up a large estate, and became a noted
collector of Georgiana and a generous public benefactor.
Professor Coulter is steeped in Georgia history and in this
undertaking one should have been able to say the author
and the subject are met. Unfortunately, Professor Coulter has
Book Reviews 593
not maintained the high standard set in his earlier works. The
writing gives every evidence of being a rush job. The style
is muddy. Long, vague, and rambling sentences tend to ob-
scure the author's meaning. Much insignificant detail is in-
cluded. And some errors have crept in. For example, "Marat"
is written for "Murat" on more than one occasion. A care-
ful editing of the manuscript would have eliminated most
of these faults. Again the Joneses were able and important
men in their own right but Professor Coulter seems to labor
to give them added stature, thus weakening his case. Despite
these weaknesses Wormsloe is a valuable addition to the lit-
erature of the colonial period of Georgia and to the story
of the economic and cultural development of the Savannah
region to the present day.
Fletcher M. Green.
The University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill.
The Web of Victory : Grant at Vicksburg. By Earl Schenck Miers.
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1955. Pp. xiv, 320. Illustrations
and maps. $5.00.)
Vicksburg was the Confederate bastion of the West be-
cause it controlled the Mississippi. For this reason the grand
strategy of the North called for its immediate reduction. But
repeated efforts failed before the then unsung General Ulys-
ses S. Grant reached the Vicksburg scene in January, 1863.
The new commander loaded most of his men on Admiral
Porter's fleet, successfully ran the Confederate batteries, de-
barked miles below the city, then swung eastward into the
heart of Mississippi. At this juncture Confederate units un-
der the command of Vicksburg's defender, General John C.
Pemberton, sallied out to give battle. The clash came at
Champion's Hill. When the Confederates fell back on Vicks-
burg, Grant ordered the assault at once. The Confederates
withstood this and repeated attacks, but inside the beleagur-
ed city constant bombardment, inadequate rations and a
growing hopelessness worked for Grant. Pemberton finally
accepted modified terms of unconditional surrender, taking
with him the distinction of yielding to circumstance rather
594 The North Carolina Historical Review
than assault. Grant won his objective and a reputation that
would soon take him East to supreme command.
This is the military picture graphically unfolded in Miers's
study. But the volume succeeds admirably in other respects
also. Grant comes alive with the greatness and weakness of
his unfathomable personality. He is seen both as a superb
tactician and hard drinker— dead drunk for three days in the
middle of the Vicksburg siege. Pemberton and other chief
actors in the drama are also interpreted with unusual in-
sight facilitated by a vigor and vividness of expression not
commonplace in historical writing. Another highlight is the
masterly presentation of the data, always adequate, yet never
overwhelming in quantity. Footnotes are lacking, although
chapter source summaries in the rear of the book compensate
in part. This volume is a major contribution to Civil War
history.
LeRoy H. Fischer.
Oklahoma Agricultural and Mechanical College,
Stillwater, Oklahoma.
Benefit of Clergy in America and Related Matters. By George
W. Dalzell. (Winston-Salem, North Carolina: John F. Blair.
1955. Pp. xi, 282. $4.50.)
As is indicated on the dust jacket of this interesting and at
the same time erudite book, it "has little to do with clergy-
men and nothing at all with any advantages that may have
been derived from the presence of divines in colonial Ameri-
ca." In its original sense, the phrase "benefit of clergy" de-
noted the exemption accorded clergymen in England from
the jurisdiction of the secular courts and the right of the
clergy to an ecclesiastical trial. The original beneficiaries
were ordained clergymen only but the privilege was gradu-
ally extended to all persons connected with the church, even
to its most subordinate officers. The logical qualification was
the ability to read since education was largely confined to
the church and the only available books were Latin manu-
scripts. However, the privilege was ultimately extended to
all who could read and with the advent of printed books in
Book Reviews 595
the vernacular and the resulting better educated laity the
scope of the benefit was expanded far beyond its original
intent. It came to America during the latter stage of its de-
velopment.
The advantage of claiming benefit of clergy (even in the
secular courts and after the disappearance of the ecclesiasti-
cal tribunals) was that the accused received a punishment
less severe than that prescribed by law. Indeed, it amounted
to an absolute exemption from capital punishment when the
benefit was granted. Thus, the Fifty-First Psalm, which was
usually handed to the prisoner to read so as to test his eligi-
bility for benefit of clergy, became known as "the neck
verse/' Quite early Blackstone pointed out that the privilege
"had the incongruous effect of making learning a mitigation
of punishment and ignorance an aggravation/' It did operate
to mitigate the extreme rigor of the criminal laws but was
found to have gross abuses. Benefit of clergy began to go
out following the penal reform and improvements in the
administration of justice which came at the end of the 18th
century. It was abolished in England during the reign of
George IV, in American federal courts by act of Congress in
1790, and in the various American states during the follow-
ing seventy-nine years.
The author has exhibited fine literary craftsmanship as
well as scholarship in his compilation and explanation of
benefit of clergy as practiced in the various American col-
onies. He places particular emphasis on its practice in Vir-
ginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania and gives a more general
treatment to the remaining colonies. Indeed, among the
most interesting passages in the book are the narratives of
actual colonial cases in which benefit of clergy was granted.
It is to be regretted that more space was not given to bene-
fit of clergy in North and South Carolina particularly in view
of the fact that the practice survived in those two jurisdic-
tions longer than anywhere else, including England. The
Code Commission of 1855 finally abolished it in North Caro-
lina and prescribed instead that all persons be punished as
those previously who had claimed benefit of clergy. However,
in South Carolina the practice survived the Civil War and
596 The North Carolina Historical Review
actually became an incident of Reconstruction there. It did
not disappear in that state until 1869 thus marking what
author Dalzell describes as "the belated disappearance of
the clerical privilege from American jurisprudence." An inci-
dent of the English practice which had a direct affect on col-
onial America was the substitution of deportation to America
as punishment for all convicted felons who claimed and
were granted benefit of clergy. Present day Virginia shintoists
will be dismayed to learn that the greatest transportation of
convicted felons was to the colony of Virginia and that the
colonial family-trees of that state contained more convicts
than any other in the New World.
While this book will be of primary interest to lawyers and
students of legal history it provides entertaining reading for
the discriminating general reader as well. It is certainly re-
grettable that the author did not live to see it in print, bring-
ing the intended pleasure to those who read it. Its writing
for him was quite obviously a labor of love.
John R. Jordan, Jr.
Raleigh.
HISTORICAL NEWS
Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Kenan professor and chairman of
the history department of the University of North Carolina,
has been appointed a member of the Executive Board of the
Department of Archives and History to replace Mrs. Callie
Pridgen Williams of Stedman. Mr. Josh L. Home has been
leappointed for the same term ending March 31, 1961, and
was sworn in with Dr. Green by Justice Emery B. Denny at
the meeting of the Executive Board on July 30.
Dr. Christopher Crittenden, director of the State Depart-
ment of Archives and History, lectured to the Institute on
Historical and Archival Management, Cambridge, Mass.,
June 22-23, and on July 7 to the Institute on the Preservation
and Administration of Archives in Washington, D. C. From
July 11 to July 14, he served as consultant at the North Caro-
lina Workshop at Appalachian State Teachers College at
Boone.
Mr. W. S. Tarlton, researcher, represented the Department
of Archives and History on August 14, at the unveiling of a
historical highway marker indicating the route of Sherman's
March, 1865, at the Bethel Presbyterian Church near Raeford
in Hoke County. General Sherman and his troops camped
in the churchyard.
Mr. Tarlton also represented the Department at a meeting
of the Historical Halifax Association at its summer meeting.
Mr. Norman Larson, a graduate of Wake Forest College,
has been appointed historic site specialist for the Alamance
Battleground which is one of the sites transferred to the De-
partment of Archives and History from the Department of
Conservation and Development under authority of legisla-
tion of the recent General Assembly. Mr. Larson, accompani-
ed by Mr. Tarlton, made a preliminary investigation of the
site on July 11, with the idea of further study and develop-
ment to follow.
Mr. William W. Wood, Jr., has been appointed as historic
site specialist at Town Creek Indian Mound. Mr. Wood, an
authority on Indian archaeology, is a graduate of Davidson
[597]
598 The North Carolina Historical Review
College and has done graduate work at the University of
Chicago and other schools.
Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, museum administrator of the Depart-
ment of Archives and History, accompanied by Mrs. Dorothy
Phillips, made a trip on July 1, to photograph an old log
house near Smithfield which formerly belonged to the Lee
sisters. Mrs. Jordan is assisting the Johnston County Histori-
cal Society in its efforts to arrange to move the house to
Smithfield and to plan ways to make it into a museum.
Mrs. Jordan, accompanied by Mrs. Dorothy Phillips and
Miss Barbara McKeithan of the Department of Archives and
History, made a trip on July 12 and 13 through Currituck,
Pasquotank, Perquimans, and Chowan counties to photo-
graph old houses and historic sites.
Mrs. Martha Farley of the museum staff accompanied
Mrs. Jordan on a trip to Gillespie Gap on June 17 for the
opening of the North Carolina Minerals Museum.
Acquisitions by the Hall of History include the presenta-
tion of materials from Colonel Westray Battle Boyce which
is composed of medals, citations, and a portrait; and a presen-
tation from the National Guard through Adjutant General
John Hall Manning of uniforms of Colonel Jasper N. Craig,
Reidsville, North Carolina, which was originally given to the
National Guard by his daughter, Miss Jean Craig, actual
combat pictures of North Carolina's own 30th "Old Hickory
Division" which were taken in the European Theater during
World War II, and the National Guard Creed "I Am The
Guard," a complete background of the National Guard since
its beginning (prior to the Revolution) through every major
conflict and disaster in which this country has been involved.
Dr. Christopher Crittenden, director of the Department of
Archives and History, made the address on August 21 at the
unveiling of a historical marker at Flat Rock commemorating
the Farmer Hotel (now Woodfield Inn), built in 1852. Mr.
Clarence W. Griffin presided and presented the marker which
was accepted by Mr. and Mrs. Joseph N. Clemons. Other per-
sons appearing on the program were Rev. W. H. K. Pendleton,
Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton, Miss Diane Lyne, Mr. William
John Lyne, Miss Delores Cathey, Mr. Mathew Singleton
Historical News 599
Farmer, Miss Ann Clairborne Kershaw Fishburn, and Dr.
George F. Taylor.
The Tryon Palace Commission met in New Bern, June 9,
and paid particular attention to landscaping the Palace
grounds. Representing the Department of Archives and His-
tory were Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan
and Mr. W. S. Tarlton.
The commission to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the
Town of Bath met in Beaufort County, July 18. The dates
agreed upon are October 1-4. There will be a pageant and
other features. Mr. Edmund H. Harding of Washington,
N. C, is chairman of the Commission.
At Halifax, June 29, the historic gaol was dedicated with
appropriate ceremonies. Governor Luther H. Hodges deliver-
ed the principal address. The Department of Archives and
History was represented by Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mrs.
Joye E. Jordan, and Mr. W. S. Tarlton.
Mr. M. B. Andrews, president of the Wayne County His-
torical Society, reports that there are now 266 charter mem-
bers of the society which was organized on April 17.
Mr. Worth Bailey, consultant for the National Trust for
Historic Preservation, was in Raleigh during the latter part
of July to consult with the members of the Andrew Johnson
Memorial Commission.
The Gaston County Historical Bulletin, which has com-
pleted its first year of publication, featured in the July issue
articles dealing with the history of iron furnaces in the coun-
ty and the Wilson home, built in 1805.
At a dinner meeting of the Pitt County Historical Society
on July 28, Dr. Paul E. Jones, State Senator from Pitt County,
who was introduced by Dr. Howard B. Clay gave a summary
of the legislation of the recent General Assembly relative to
historical matters. Dr. Jones discussed the transfer of the
600 The North Carolina Historical Review
administration of historic sites to the Department of Archives
and History; enumerated various sites to be developed; and
explained the authority granted cities and counties to appro-
priate non-tax revenues for the use of historical organizations.
Miss Jessie Roundtree Moye reported that the plaque
which commemorates the signers of the Pitt Association
would be dedicated at a special luncheon meeting in October
and made a brief talk. An exhibit of old items was displayed
and the society agreed to obtain space on the East Carolina
campus for the exhibits until a suitable building could be
obtained. Most of the items are a gift of Mr. J. L. Jackson,
a former Pitt countian. An open forum discussion followed
the program and a suggestion was made that plans be made
for the bi-centennial celebration of Pitt County in 1960. Two
new members were added to the society.
Two historical papers were presented at the quarterly meet-
ing of the Carteret County Historical Society which met in
Morehead City in July. Mrs. T. T. Potter of Beaufort had as
her subject "The Early Anglican Church and the Episcopal
Church Societies in Carteret County." Mr. A. D. Ennett of
Cedar Point gave a review of the early days of the town of
Stella and the White Oak section of the county. Mrs. Nat
Smith presided at the meeting and appointed a nominating
committee to present names for officers for the coming year
at the October meeting. Two new members were added to
the society.
The centennial observance of the Town of Franklin, coun-
ty seat of Macon County, which was held June 16-18, was
opened by Governor Luther H. Hodges and featured a parade
and a Homecoming Day attended by hundreds of former
residents. The celebration, which was sponsored entirely by
the town and Macon County, was well attended and the ven-
ture was financially successful.
The North Carolina Society of County and Local His-
torians sponsored a historical tour of Henderson County,
June 12. About 125 people went on the trip which began at
Historical News 601
Edneyville, made a number of stops in Flat Rock, included
a coffee hour at historic Woodfields, and ended with a picnic
lunch atop Jump Off Mountain. The tour was conducted by
Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton and Mr. Beverly M. Middleton.
The World Methodist Council announces that construc-
tion work has begun on a new building at Lake Junaluska
which will be used as an exhibit center, library, and archives
building. Material on the history of the Methodist Church
will be collected from all parts of the world and stored here
for the use of scholars and other interested persons.
Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, managing editor of The Forest
City Courier and a member of the Executive Board of the
Department of Archives and History, was re-elected his-
torian of the North Carolina Press Association at the conven-
tion on July 8 in Winston-Salem. This is the fifteenth con-
secutive time that Mr. Griffin has been given this honor.
The Beaufort County Historical Society reports that the
following officers have been chosen from the members named
by the Board of County Commissioners: Mr. Edmund H.
Harding, president; Mrs. Ford S. Worthy, vice-president;
and Dr. Allen H. Moore, secretary-treasurer. A committee
composed of Mrs. Marcia M. Knott, Mr. J. D. Grimes, and
Mr. P. H. Johnson has been named to recommend twelve
directors including themselves.
The State Literary and Historical Association and the
Western North Carolina Historical Association held a joint
summer regional meeting on August 19-20 at Mars Hill Col-
lege, Mars Hill. Dr. Fletcher M. Green, president of the State
Literary and Historical Association, presided at the Friday
meeting which opened with a welcoming address by Dr.
Robert L. Holt, vice-president of Mars Hill College. Dr.
J. A. McLeod of Mars Hill gave a paper on "Centennial His-
tory of Mars Hill College," and Mr. S. T. Henry of Spruce
Pine presented a paper on "The North Carolina Minerals
Museum." Mr. Clarence W. Griffin, president of the Western
North Carolina Historical Association, presided at the Friday
602 The North Carolina Historical Review
evening session at which time Dr. Fletcher M. Green gave
an address, and Mr. Arthur Stupka, naturalist with the Great
Smoky Mountains National Park, gave a slide-illustrated
lecture, "The Wonders of the Smokies." Mrs. Sadie S. Patton
presided at the meeting on Saturday morning which included
talks, "Conditions in Western North Carolina During the
Civil War," by Mr. James Elliot, Wofford College, and "The
Toe River Valley," by Mr. Jason B. Deyton, superintendent
of the Mitchell County Schools. A business session concluded
the meeting. Members of the Department of Archives and
History attending were Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mr. D. L.
Corbitt, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, and Mrs. Dorothy Phillips.
Faculty changes at the University of North Carolina in-
clude the appointment of Dr. J. Carlyle Sitterson as Dean of
the College of Arts and Sciences, and the appointment of
Dr. Cecil Johnson as Dean of the General College. The fol-
lowing appointments have been made from among the grad-
uate students in history: Dr. John W. Martin, associate pro-
fessor, Tennessee Wesleyan College; Dr. W. Magruder Drake,
assistant professor, Southwestern Louisiana Institute; Dr.
George Mercer Brooke, promoted to associate professor,
Virginia Military Institute; Mr. Horace J. Sheely, Ph.D. can-
didate, research assistant, Colonial Williamsburg; Mr. Robert
D. Ward, Ph.D. candidate, assistant professor (temporary
appointment). Georgia Teachers College; Miss Susan S. Arm-
strong, M.A., research assistant, Colonial Williamsburg; Mr.
Philip Thayer, Ph.D. candidate, assistant professor, Randolph-
Macon College; Mr. William Waddy Moore, Ph.D., candidate,
teacher of history, Gardner- Webb College; Mr. Irving A.
Hamilton, Ph.D. candidate, assistant professor, Furman Uni-
versity; Mr. Lawson A. Pendleton, Ph.D. candidate, assistant
professor, College of the New Church; Mr. Edward B. Jones,
M.A., assistant professor, Stratford College; and Miss Eliza-
beth Anne Barber, Ph.D. candidate, history teacher, Coral
Gables (Fla.) High School.
The following are recent publications by members of the
history department: Dr. Frank W. Klingberg, Southern
Claims Commission, University of California Press; Dr. Hugh
T. Lefler, A Guide to the Study and Reading of North Caro-
Historical News 603
Una History, University of North Carolina Press; Dr. Fletcher
M. Green, "The Spirit of 76," Emory University Quarterly,
and "Northern Missionary Activities in the South, 1846-1861,"
The Journal of Southern History.
Dr. Joseph Steelman, who received his Ph.D. degree from
the University of North Carolina in August, has been appoint-
ed a member of the social studies department at East Caro-
lina College.
Mr. Marvin R. Farley, who has been on a leave of absence
from Western Carolina College for the past two years, has
resumed his duties as assistant professor of social science.
Dr. Richard N. Current, who became head of the depart-
ment of history and political science at the Woman's College
of the University of North Carolina, September 1, announces
the following faculty changes: Dr. Franklin D. Parker, on
leave for the academic year, 1955-1956, has gone to Central
America to continue his research of that region's history, aid-
ed by a grant from the Southern Fellowship Fund and by a
Doherty Fellowship awarded by the Woodrow Wilson School
of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University;
Dr. Eugene Pfaff and Dr. Lenore O'Boyle have returned from
leaves of absence which were spent respectively at the Uni-
versity of Florida and in Germany; and Dr. Louise B. Alex-
ander has been promoted to the rank of professor.
Among appointments of doctoral candidates for the next
year at Duke University are the following: Mr. Burton Beers,
North Carolina State College; Mr. Eugene Drozdowski, Duke
University; Mr. Raymond Esthus, University of Houston;
Mr. Houston G. Jones, West Georgia College; and Mr. Burl
Noggle, New Mexico A. and M.
Recent publications are "Ellen Glasgow," by Dr. Alice
Baldwin, South Atlantic Quarterly (July, 1955); "Renais-
sance Realism in the 'Commonwealth' Literature of Early
Tudor England," by Dr. Arthur B. Ferguson, Journal of the
History of Ideas (June, 1955); "What Scholars Expect of
Library Cataloging," by Dr. William B. Hamilton, Problems
604 The North Carolina Historical Review
and Prospects of The Research Library, 1955; and three ar-
ticles by Mr. Harry R. Stevens, "Henry Clay, The Bank, And
The West in 1824," American Historical Review ( July, 1955 ) ;
"Bank Enterprisers in a Western Town, 1815-1822," The
Business History Review (June, 1955); "David Everett Wade,
1763-1842," Bulletin of the Historical and Philosophical So-
ciety of Ohio ( July, 1955 ) .
General Robert L. Eichelberger, U.S.A. Ret., has presented
his papers to the Duke University Library. This large collec-
tion will be of special interest to students of the Far East and
the Second World War in the Pacific area. Other additions to
the manuscript collections are fifteen letters of William Pitt,
1779-1806; nineteenth century transcripts of correspondence
of the rulers of Hanover and their agents, 1660-1716; four-
teen volumes of the diaries of Edgar A. Bowring in the
1840's and 1850's (Bowring was secretary to the Board of
Trade, to a number of officials, and to the Crystal Palace
Exhibition Commission ) ; two hundred and thirty letters and
papers dealing with the abolition of the slave trade and of
slavery in the British Empire (including a number of letters
from William Wilberf orce ) .
Mr. Harold T. Parker spent the last half of the summer in
Paris engaged in research on the administration of the Na-
poleonic Empire.
Mr. Robert Irving Phelps, history major at Elon College,
will study at the University of Chicago for the academic year,
1955-1956, in the field of religion. Mr. Phelps received a fel-
lowship grant in the spring of 1955.
Dr. Archibald Henderson has presented a copy of his book-
let, Cradle of Liberty, Mecklenburg Declaration of Indepen-
dence, May 20, 1775, to the Department of Archives and
History. The booklet was published by the Mecklenburg
Historical Association and is a group of historical essays con-
cerning the declaration.
Students of the Civil War and other readers will be in-
terested to learn of the formation of a new book club, The
Civil War Book Club, whose purpose it is to select books of
Historical News 605
merit from the increasing number of volumes which are be-
ing published dealing with this period, and to offer them to
members each month. The copies will be autographed first
editions selected by the editorial board composed of the fol-
lowing members: Dr. Bruce Catton, editor, American Heri-
tage; Mr. Stanley F. Horn, president, Tennessee Historical
Society; Dr. Allan Nevins, professor, Columbia University;
Dr. Benjamin P. Thomas, author; and Dr. Bell I. Wiley, presi-
dent of the Southern Historical Association. Further details
may be obtained by writing The Civil War Book Club, Inc.,
Attn. Marda Alexander, 18 East Chestnut St., Chicago 11,
Illinois.
Books received during the last quarter are: Walter Hart
Blumenthal, American Indians Dispossessed (Philadelphia,
Pa.: George S. MacManus Co., 1955); H. Hale Bellot, Wood-
row Wilson (London, England: The Athlone Press, 1955);
Theodore Bolton and Irwin F. Cortelyou, Ezra Ames of
Albany, Portrait Painter. Craftsman. Royal Arch Mason.
Banker. 1768-1836 (New York: The New-York Historical
Society, 1955 ) ; Rita Susswein Gotteman, The Arts and Crafts
in New York, 1777-1799 (New York: The New-York Histori-
cal Society, 1954); E. Merton Coulter, Wormsloe, Two Cen-
turies of a Georgia Family (Athens: The University of
Georgia Press, 1955); Whitfield J. Bell, Jr., Early American
Science: Needs and Opportunities for Study (Williamsburg,
Va. : Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1955 ) ;
William Peden, Thomas Jefferson: Notes on the State of
Virginia (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina
Press, 1955 ) ; Samuel Gaillard Stoney, The Dulles Family in
South Carolina (Columbia: University of South Carolina,
1955); Frank W. Klingberg, The Southern Claims Commis-
sion (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California
Press, 1955); Mary Gilrnore Simms Oliphant, Alfred Tay-
lor Odell and T. C. Duncan Eaves, The Letters of
William Gilrnore Simms, Volume TV (Columbia: The
University of South Carolina Press, 1955); Weymouth
T. Jordan, George Washington Campbell of Tennessee:
Western Statesman (Tallahassee: Florida State Univer-
sity, 1955); Joseph Penn Breedlove, Duke University
606 The North Carolina Historical Review
Library, 1840-1940 (Durham, North Carolina: The Friends
of Duke University Library, 1955 ) ; Malcolm Cook McMillan,
Constitutional Development in Alabama, 1798-1901: A Study
in Politics, the Negro, and Sectionalism (Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Press, 1955); G. Glenn Clift,
Guide to the Manuscripts of the Kentucky Historical Society
(Frankfort: Kentucky Historical Society, 1955); Hugh Tal-
mage Lefler, A Guide to the Study and Reading of North
Carolina History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 1955); Hudson Strode, Jefferson Davis, American
Patriot, 1808-1861 (New York, New York: Harcourt, Brace
and Company, 1955 ) ; and John Morrison and Bob Hamsley,
The Real David Crockett, Tennesees Famous Hunter, Sol-
dier, Legislator, Hero of the Alamo ( Lawrenceburg, Tennes-
see: The Democrat-Union, 1955).
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE
Mr. Wesley H. Wallace is assistant professor of radio, tele-
vision, and motion pictures at the University of North Caro-
lina, Chapel Hill.
Mr. Houston G. Jones is professor of history and chairman
of the department of social sciences at West Georgia College,
Carrollton. During the past summer he taught at Western
Carolina College, Cullowhee.
Mr. Alfred P. Tischendorf is an instructor in history at
Duke University, Durham.
Dr. George C. Osborn is professor of social sciences at the
University of Florida, Gainesville.
Dr. George D. Harmon is professor of history and head of
the department of history and government at Lehigh Univer-
sity, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.
I 607 ]
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS VOLUME
Mr. Paul Conkin is at present serving with the armed forces
in Germany. He received his M.A. from Vanderbilt and was
working on his doctorate when called into service.
Dr. William S. Hoffman is chairman of the division of social
studies at Wiley College, Marshall, Texas.
Dr. Max L. Heyman, Jr., is on the faculty of the Wash-
ington Junior High School, Los Angeles, California.
Dr. Margaret Burr Deschamps is assistant professor of
history at Agnes Scott College, Decatur, Georgia.
Mr. Francis B. Dedmond is professor of English and head
of the department of English at Gardner- Webb College, Boil-
ing Springs, North Carolina.
Dr. Hugh T. Lefler is professor of history at the University
of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Dr. William Frank Zornow is assistant professor of history
at Kansas State College, Manhattan, Kansas.
Dr. Christopher Crittenden is director of the State Depart-
ment of Archives and History and secretary of the State Lit-
erary and Historical Association, Raleigh.
Dr. Paul Murray is professor of history at East Carolina
College, Greenville.
Mr. Harry L. Golden is the editor of The Carolina Israelite,
Charlotte.
Mr. Robert Mason is editor of The Sanford Daily Herald,
Sanford.
[608]
Contributors to this Volume 609
Dr. Leonard B. Hurley is professor of English at the Wo-
man's College, University of North Carolina, Greensboro.
Dr. Louis B. Wright is director of the Folger Shakespeare
Library, Washington, D. C.
Miss Mary L. Thornton is librarian, North Carolina Col-
lection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill.
Mr. Houston G. Jones is professor of history and chairman
of the department of social sciences at West Georgia College,
Carrollton.
Dr. Frenise A. Logan has been visiting professor of history
at North Carolina College, Durham, for the academic year,
1954-1955.
Mr. David H. Corkran is engaged in research at the New-
berry Library, Chicago, Illinois.
Dr. Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., is an assistant professor of
history at the University of Richmond, Richmond, Virginia.
Dr. George D. Harmon is professor of American history
and head of the department of history and government at
Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.
Dr. Jay B. Hubbell is professor emeritus of American litera-
ture at Duke University and was visiting professor of Ameri-
can literature at the University of Virginia, Charlottesville,
for the school year, 1954-1955.
Mr. Wesley H. Wallace is assistant professor of radio, tele-
vision, and motion pictures at the University of North Caro-
lina, Chapel Hill.
Mr. Alfred P. Tischendorf is an instructor in history at
Duke University, Durham.
Dr. George C. Osborn is professor of social sciences at the
University of Florida, Gainesville.
INDEX TO VOLUME XXXII-1955
AAUW Juvenile Literature Award,
presented to Mebane Holoman
Burgwyn, 136.
Abbeville District, section of South
Carolina, mentioned, 59.
Abolition of slavery, issue in elec-
tion of 1836, 46.
Acts committed during war, under
military orders, proceedings
against stopped by Canby, 64.
Ad valorem duty, imposed by Con-
gress, 163.
Adams, John Quincy, mentioned,
32, 376.
Adams Papers, to be edited by
Lyman H. Butterfield, 447.
Adcock, Lynette, compiles statistics
for Guide to the Manuscript Col-
lection of Colonial Williamsburg,
141.
Advertisements, demonstrate varie-
ty of goods, 478 ; principal source
of information in early news-
papers, 451.
Advisory Committee on Historical
Markers, approves sixteen new
highway markers, 314.
Africa, Philip, replaces C. Gregg
Singer as head of history depart-
ment, Salem College, 144.
"Aftermath of World War II, The,"
by James L. Godfrey, mentioned,
146.
Ahoskie, Hertford County, site of
4-H Club marker unveiling, 443.
Alamance Battleground, transfer-
red to the Department of Ar-
chives and History, 597.
Albert J. Beveridge Award, 1955
competition announced, 318.
Alden, John R., elected professor
at Duke, 444; elected to Council
of Institute, Williamsburg, 447;
holds Guggenheim Fellowship,
445; to write Revolutionary vol-
ume, History of the South, 445.
Alexander, Joseph, teaches school
at Sugar Creek, 21.
Alexander, Louise, promoted to pro-
fessor, 603.
Alexander, William J., Whig lead-
er, mentioned, 36.
Allcott, John, re-elected vice-presi-
dent at large, State Art Society,
132.
Allen, Eleazer, estate of, advertised
for sale, 461.
Allen, George D., wins Cannon
Award for work with Duke Uni-
versity and Duke Endowment,
and restoration work in War-
renton, 134-135.
Allen, Mrs. George D., wins Can-
non Award for work with Duke
University, Duke Endowment,
and restoration work in Warren-
ton, 134-135.
Allen, Sarah, advertises town lots
for sale, 461.
Alston House, mentioned in report,
134; speech by W. S. Tarlton
on restoration of, 443.
American Academy of Fine Arts
and American Art Union, by
Mary Bartlett Cowdrey, review-
ed, 306.
American Association for State
and Local History, gives De-
partment of Archives and His-
tory award for first half century
of achievement and service, 130;
joint sponsor of American Heri-
tage, 140; meets in Madison,
Wisconsin, 130; presents award
to Hugh T. Lefler and the late
Albert R. Newsome, 130; pre-
sents award to Raleigh Model
Railroad Club, 130.
American Epoch, A History of the
United States Since the 1890's,
received, 448.
American Heritage, issued in book
format, 140; received, 319; re-
viewed, 432.
American Historical Association,
holds session in New York, 316.
American Indians Dispossessed, by
Walter Hart Blumenthal, receiv-
ed, 605.
American Israelite, The, has item
about Charlotte's Jewish popu-
lation, 211n.
American Jewish Historical So-
ciety, offers three awards, 448.
Ammonscossittee, young emperor of
Great Tellico, 361.
Amos Cottage, Graylyn Estate,
visited by North Carolina So-
ciety of County and Local His-
torians, 441.
Anabaptists, mentioned, 7.
[610]
Index to Volume XXXII
611
Anderson, John Q., his Brokenburn,
The Journal of Kate Stone, 1861-
1868, received, 448; reviewed,
429.
Andrews Alexander B., writes on
life of Richard Dobbs Spaight,
184.
Andrews, M. B., elected president
of Wayne County Historical So-
ciety, 437; reports on member-
ship, 599.
Anglican Church, largest religious
group in North Carolina, 9.
Anglicans, desire establishment of
their church, 2.
Annapolis Junction, hospital there
prepares for attack, 549.
Annual Report, American Histori-
cal Association, publishes Cal-
houn correspondence, 410.
Appalachian State Teachers Col-
lege, department of social studies,
announces summer workshop,
316; holds North Carolina Work-
shop, 597.
Aranks, James, describes runaway
servant, 461.
Archives, Division of, accessions
board minutes and policy-mak-
ing correspondence of Depart-
ment of Conservation and De-
velopment, 1927-1950, 313.
Armada, Spanish, routed by Eng-
lish, 269.
Armstrong, Susan S., appointed
research assistant, Colonial Wil-
liamsburg, 602.
Army Air Forces in World War
II, Men and Planes, The, Volume
VI, received, 448.
Arrests, number made in Second
Military District, 61.
Arrington, Mrs. Katherine Pend-
leton, re-elected president of the
State Art Society, 132.
Articles of Confederation, The,
condemned, 151.
Arts and Crafts in New York,
1777-1799, The, by Rita Susswein
Gotteman, received, 605.
Ashe, Samuel A'Court, mentioned,
175.
Asheville, host to annual meeting,
Western North Carolina Histor-
ical Association, 436.
Assembly, blocks Marriage Act of
1762, 18; colonial North Caro-
lina, mentioned, 4; dissolves ves-
try in Guilford County, 16.
Assimilation of Jews into Christ-
ianity, 202n.
Atkins, Stewart, responds to greet-
ings at meeting of Poetry So-
ciety, 137.
Atlanta, destruction of, described,
500.
Augusta Female Seminary (Mary
Baldwin Seminary), attended by
Harriet Woodrow, 529.
Avery, William W., elected dele-
gate to Confederate Congress,
502.
Axson, Ellen, meets Woodrow Wil-
son, 531; receives letter from
Woodrow Wilson, 529.
Aydlett, Olive, elected treasurer,
Pasquotank Historical Society,
311.
B
Badin, aluminum plant visited by
Society of County and Local His-
torians, 137.
Baeck, Leo, mentioned, 196.
Bailey, Worth, consults with mem-
bers of Andrew Johnson Memo-
rial Commission, 598.
Baldwin, Alice, publishes "Ellen
Glasgow" in South Atlantic
Quarterly, 603.
Ballard, Mrs. J. M., elected trea-
surer, Catawba County Histori-
cal Society, 141.
Balsam Gap, route of Northwards
war party, 363.
Baltimore Convention, southerners
secede from, 497.
Baptists, absorb General and Free
Will groups, 8; Arminian sects
gain members, 8.
Barber, Elizabeth Anne, appointed
history teacher, Coral Gables
(Florida) High School, 602.
Barber, Mrs. Mamie, operates pri-
vate school in 1879, 312.
Barber of Natchez, The, by Edwin
Adams Davis and William Ran-
som Hogan, received, 148; re-
viewed, 302.
Barbour, Phillip Pendleton, votes
received, election of 1836, 32.
Barden, Albert, leaves picture col-
lection to Department of Ar-
chives and History, 130.
Barlow, Arthur, gives account of
grapes on Roanoke Island, 254.
Barnes, George, advertises in Cape-
Fear Mercury (Wilmington), for
bondswoman and stolen goods,
460.
Barnes, Harry Elmer, publishes
The New History and the Social
Studies, 184.
612
The North Carolina Historical Review
Bartlett, Paul, presides at meet-
ing of Poetry Society, 137; rec-
ognizes Poetry Society members
who published volumes, 137.
Barttelot-Barttelot, Colonel Sir
Walter, heads mining company,
513.
Bass, Mrs. Taft, elected president,
Sampson County Historical So-
ciety, 437.
Bassett, John Spencer, mentioned,
175.
Batchelor, Edward, company of,
offers slaves for cash, 457.
Bath, Town of, holds 250th anni-
versary celebration, 599.
Battle of Alamance, ends Regula-
tor revolt in May, 1771, 22.
Battle of Antietam, referred to by
James A. Peifer, 403.
Battle of Culpeper, results of de-
scribed by James A. Peifer, 401.
Battle of Gettysburg, outcome of,
mentioned, 550.
Battle of Moore's Creek, Tory pris-
oners taken there, incarcerated
in Halifax gaol, 440.
Batts, Nathaniel, marker at home
site of, 142.
Beach, Rex, reviews The County
Court in North Carolina before
1750, 108.
"Beach Umbrella," oil painting by
Claude Howell wins award, 133.
Beale, Howard K., his Charles A.
Beard: An Appraisal, reviewed,
126.
Beasley, Mrs. W. B., elected sec-
retary, Johnston County His-
torical Society, 314; mentioned,
439.
Beaufort County Historical So-
ciety, names officers, 601.
Beauregard, P. G. T., mentioned,
564.
Beck, Sam E., presides at meeting
of Western North Carolina His-
torical Association, 140.
"Bedford Brown: State Rights
Unionist," by Houston G. Jones,
Part I, 321-345; Part II, 483-511.
Beers, Burton, appointed to facul-
ty, North Carolina State College,
603.
Bell, Caler, advertises surrender of
runaway slave, 456.
Bell, Clark William, his The First
Saratoga. Being the Saga of
John Young and His Sloop-of-
War, deals with naval history,
239.
Bell, Whitfield, J., Jr., his Early
American Science: Needs and
Opportunities for Study, receiv-
ed, 605.
Bellot, H. Hale, his Woodrow Wil-
son, received, 605.
Benefit of Clergy in America, by
George Dalzell, received, 449;
reviewed, 594.
Benjamin Franklin and American
Foreign Policy, by Gerald
Stourzh, wins prize, 447.
Bennett House, near Durham, site
of meeting of Johnston and Sher-
man, 568.
Benton, Thomas Hart, introduces
bill to establish North Carolina
mint, 48; mentioned, 329; poli-
tical friend of Bedford Brown,
488.
Bentonville, battle of, described,
565.
Bentonville Battlefield, ninetieth
anniversary of battle celebrated
there, 314.
Bertie County, new highway mark-
er approved for Scotch Hall
there, 314.
Bethabara, Forsyth County, ap-
proved to receive highway mark-
er, 314.
Bethel Presbyterian Church, has
marker unveiled there, 597.
Bethlehem, people of, furnish sup-
plies to Union soldiers, 386.
Bethune, Lauchlin, denounces let-
ter of Edward B. Dudley, 42.
Betts, Doris, her The Gentle Insur-
rection appraised, 219.
Bierck, Harold A., article publish-
ed, 146 ; awarded fellowship by
Ford Foundation, 444; receives
appointment to summer faculty,
1955, University of California,
143; to attend meeting of Pan-
American Institute of Geography
and History, 316; to visit Mexico
City and University of Texas,
444,
Big-Bethel, battle of, Henry Law-
son Wyatt, first Confederate sol-
dier to fall, 132.
Bill of Rights, colonial North Car-
olina, allows choice of religion,
29.
Biltmore Story, Recollections of
the Beginnings of Forestry in
the United States, The, received,
448.
Birkhimer, William E., defends
Reconstruction Acts, 78.
Index to Volume XXXII
613
Birth of Aviation, The, by Aycock
Brown, written for fiftieth anni-
versary of first powered flight,
241.
Bishop, Evelyn, elected board mem-
ber, Johnston County Historical
Society, 440.
Bishop of London, disapproves
Vestry Act of 1754, 3; exercises
jurisdiction on church establish-
ment in North Carolina, 5.
Bishopville Presbyterian Church,
mentioned, 84.
Black River, section of Sumter,
(S. C). agricultural district, 83.
Blackmore, Herrall, advertises for
indentured runaway, 459.
Blair, Francis P., writes Bedford
Brown suggesting repeal of Mis-
souri Compromise, 494.
Blair's Rhetoric, textbook used in
Jacob Mordecai's school, 202.
Blatt, Solomon, elected for ninth
term as speaker of South Caro-
lina's General Assembly, 201.
Bloomfield, Mrs. Margaret, reads
paper at Wilkes meeting, 312.
Bloomsbury Chapter, Daughters of
the Revolution, has W. S. Tarl-
ton as speaker, 314; has D. L.
Corbitt as speaker, 142.
Blumenthal, Walter Hart, his
American Indians Dispossessed,
received, 605.
Blythe, James advertises for Irish
runaway, 459.
Blythe, Legette, mentioned, 226.
Board of Trade, revokes act of
establishing Queen's College, 21.
Boleyn, Anne, mentioned, 256.
Bolick, R. K., estate of, to insure
lease to care for Old Bunker Hill
bridge, 312.
Bolton, Theodore, his Ezra Ames
of Albany, Portrait Painter,
Craftsman, Royal Arch Mason,
Banker, 1769-1836, received, 605.
Boner, John H., poet, mentioned,
97.
Bonitz, Julius A., editor, Goldsboro
Messenger, mentioned, 348.
Booker T. Washington and the
Negro's Place in American Life,
by Samuel R. Spencer, published,
446.
Boundary dispute, between North
and South Carolina, mentioned,
26.
Bounties, export or import, grant-
ed by American colonial govern-
ment, 157.
Bowers, Claude G., his Making
Democracy a Reality: Jefferson,
Jackson, and Polk, received, 147 ;
reviewed, 431.
Bowring, Edgar A., fourteen vol-
umes of diaries of, acquired by
Duke University Library, 604.
Boyce, Westray Battle, portrait
and medals of, presented to Hall
of History, 598.
Boyd, Adam, printer of Cape-Fear
Mercury (Wilmington), offers
two slaves for sale, 457.
Boyd, Julian P., elected to Council
and member of Executive Com-
mittee of Institute, Williams-
burg, 447.
Boyd, William Kenneth, mentioned,
175; president of Literary and
Historical Association, 180.
Bradford Springs, home of poor
whites, listed in 1860 census,
Sumter District, S. C, 88.
Bragg, Thomas, recommends Bed-
ford Brown for office, 508.
Bragge, John, advertises against
destruction of beacons along
coast, 473.
Branch, John, Governor, marker
unveiled to, Enfield, 142; resig-
nation requested as Secretary of
Navy, 33.
Brandon, Barbara, receives Ful-
bright Award, 444.
Braverman, Howard, reviews
Knickerbocker Birthday: A Ses-
qui-Centennial History of the
New-York Historical Society,
1804-1954, 434.
Brawley, James S., receives Spang-
enburg Medal for The Rowan
Story, 138.
Breckinridge, John C, confirms
Lee's surrender, 567; mention-
ed, 497.
Breedlove, Joseph Penn, his Duke
University Library, 184,0-1940,
received, 605.
Bridges, Henry L., elected board
of directors, State Art Society,
133.
Brigantines, interests in advertised
for sale, 465.
Bright, Simon, Dobbs County es-
tate advertised, 464.
Britton, Clifton, directs "The Vi-
sion of Charles Brantley
Aycock," 135.
Brockman, Zoe Kincaid, presents
program to Poetry Society, 137.
614
The North Carolina Historical Review
Brokenburn, The Journal of Kate
Stone, 1861-1868, by John Q.
Anderson, received, 448; review-
ed, 429.
Brooke, George Mercer, appointed
associate professor, 602.
Brooklyn Eagle (New York), men-
tions Bedford Brown as vice-
presidential candidate, 496.
Brooks, Aubrey Lee, his Selected
Addresses of a Southern Lawyer,
received, 147; reviewed, 285.
Brooks' Gazetter, textbook used in
Jacob Mordecai's school, 202.
Brown, Alfred M., participates in
marker unveiling, 129.
Brown, Ay cock, his monograph,
The Birth of Aviation, described,
241; writes story dealing with
mystery of Roanoke Island
"bricks," 313.
Brown, Bedford, announces inten-
tion to resign, 343; appointed to
commission by Jonathan Worth,
507; attends University of
North Carolina, 324; backs Tay-
lor for president, 490; berates
Southern extremists, 492 ;
blames bank for depression, 342 ;
blames Henry Clay for Demo-
cratic defeat, 484; born in Cas-
well County, 323; breaks with
Willie P. Mangum, 335; candi-
date for re-election, 1834, 337;
challenges secession, 499; comp-
romises on tariff of 1832, 331;
copy of pardon, 505-506; death
of, 510 ; debates with Calhoun on
tariff, 341; declines appointment
to Washington, 503; defeats
Thomas Settle for six-year term,
338; defeats John W. Stephens,
509; defends Senate record, 344;
defends Union, 334; Democratic
Senator from North Carolina,
34; description of, S22n; disa-
grees with South Carolina on
tariff issue, 332; elected chair-
man of Committee on Agricul-
ture, 335; elected to House of
Commons, 324; elected to State
Senate in 1842, 486; elected to
twelve terms, General Assembly,
322; elected to United States
Senate, 328; friend of Andrew
Jackson, 322; given "Rose Hill"
as wedding gift, 325; gives chal-
lenge to University student body,
511; has conferences with Pres-
ident Johnson, 322; introduces
Kenneth Rayner Resolutions,
343; leader, Democratic Party
in South, 321; marries Mary
Lumpkin Glenn, 324; moves
family to Maryland, 490; moves
family to Missouri, 488; moves
family to Virginia, 489; opposes
Clay and Webster, 330; opposes
Fisher Resolutions, 326; opposes
recognition of Texas, 340; op-
poses United States Bank, 336;
pays tribute to Jackson, 333;
pleads for party unity, 493; re-
fused seat in Senate by radicals,
510; regrets Harrison-Tyler vic-
tory, 485; replies to Clay, 334;
replies to Southard, 345; repre-
sents North Carolina in United
States Senate, 321; repurchases
Rose Hill, 494; sells Rose Hill
property, 488; senators from
South Carolina and Virginia op-
pose stand of, 339; sends resig-
nation to Edward B. Dudley,
483; serves as vice-president of
National Democratic Convention,
494; serves in both Convention
and General Assembly, 502;
succeeds Yancey in State Sen-
ate, 326; supported by national
democratic leaders, 486; sup-
ports admission of Michigan as
state, 341; supports Breckin-
ridge-Lane ticket, 498; supports
Jackson's policies, 34; supports
policy of restoration to Union,
504; supports state's right to
induct senators, 343; supports
W. W. Holden for re-election,
507; takes middle ground on
abolitionist petitions, 338; urges
South to remain in Union, 500;
vice-president of three Demo-
cratic conventions, 322; writes
brother of temper of country,
491; writes Crittenden of disap-
proval of Polk, 489.
Brown, C. K., reviews Confederate
Finance, 297.
Brown, Jethro, father of Bedford
Brown, discussed, 323.
Brown, Livingston, son of Bedford
Brown, defeated in election, 510.
Brown-Saunders contest, attracts
national attention, 487.
Brown, Thomas, copper-smith, ad-
vertises wares and work, 473.
Brown, William, brother of Bed-
ford Brown, mentioned, 491.
Browning, Mrs. [Elizabeth Bar-
rett], poetess, mentioned, 93.
Brunswick Church, built in colon-
ial North Carolina, mentioned, 7.
Index to Volume XXXII
615
Bryan, William Jennings, mention-
ed, 243.
Buchanan, James, mentioned, 322;
nominated for president, 494;
writes nattering letter to Bed-
ford Brown, 486.
Buford, John, advertises capture
of slave, 455.
Bulluck, Reading, reads paper,
State Literary and Historical
Association, 440.
Buncombe County, to get new high-
way marker at Swannanoa Tun-
nel, Ridgecrest, 314.
Bunning, Robert, Indian trader at
Tuckaseigie, 364.
Bureau of Civil Affairs, assists
Canby in military jurisdiction,
67; manages registration of vot-
ers, 1867, 68.
Burghley, opposes England's war
with Spain, 260.
Burgwin, John, seeks tenant for
Waddell property, 463.
Burgwyn, Mebane Holoman, her
Penny Rose described, 221; wins
AAUW Juvenile Literature
Award, 136.
Burke County, school children of,
make studies for pamphlet, 312;
site of gold mining, 513.
Burrell, President, Virginia Coun-
cil, agrees to help Little Carpen-
ter, 371.
Burton, W. Frank, attends annual
meeting, Southern Historical As-
sociation, 131; attends meeting,
Greensboro Historical Museum,
139; attends meeting of Society
of American Archivists, 138;
conducts tour of Archives and
Records Center, explains man-
agement program, 315; speaks
for Caswell - Nash Chapter,
Daughters of American Revolu-
tion, Radio Station WPTF, 443;
speaks on "Microfilming State
Records," 138; speaks to Pitt
County Historical Society, 313;
works with executive committee
of Register of Deeds Association,
140.
Busbee, Mrs. Jacques, re-elected
vice-president at large, State Art
Society, 133.
"Businessman [0. Max Gardner]
in Politics," paper read by Wil-
liam M. Greer, 441.
Butterfield, Lyman H., resigns at
Williamsburg to edit Adams
Papers, 447.
Byrd, Clara Booth, presents Sir
Walter Raleigh Award, 136.
Cabot, John, a Genoese, establish-
es claim for Henry VII in North
Atlantic, 255.
Caesar of Chatuge, English-speak-
ing Cherokee, headman at Great
Tellico, 361; leads Hiwassee-Tel-
lico to peace conference, 373.
Cains, Christopher, advertises sale
of slaves for cash, 457.
Caldwell, David, defends clause in
State Constitution of 1776, 29;
denounces Regulators, 23; men-
tioned, 13.
Caldwell, Harry B., leads Grange
through World War II years,
247.
Caldwell, Mrs. Margaret H., leads
Grange from 1946 to 1947, 247.
Caldwell, Wallace E., returns to
teaching duties, 316.
Calhoun, John C, breaks tie to de-
feat Van Buren, 331; his speech
read by Mason of Virginia, 410;
organizes People's Party, 32;
postpones candidacy for presi-
dency, 32; receives letter from
James Kirk Paulding, 412-414;
voices dislike of Bedford Brown,
341.
Camden County, has historical
tour, 439.
Cameron, Richard M., his The Rise
of Methodism: A Source Book,
received, 147.
Camp, Cordelia, compiles Sketches
of Burke County, 312.
Campbell, William, announces es-
cape of servants, 460.
Canby, E. R. S., acts as supervi-
sory assistant commissioner of
Freedman's Bureau, 74; adopts
recognized constitutions of North
and South Carolina, 73; appoint-
ed to Second Military District,
53; appointments to offices, 66;
arrives in Charleston, 53; brief
military history of, 54w; de-
fends himself against Worth's
charges, 62; disturbed by preju-
dice, 61; expresses concern over
unemployment in Second Mili-
tary District, 76; orders election
to be held, 68; orders treasurers
of North and South Carolina to
defray Convention expenses, 69;
recommends dispensing with
616
The North Carolina Historical Review
ninth section, Reconstruction
Act, 72; Reconstruction work
summarized, 78; rejects Worth's
suggestions, 56; relinquishes
command of troops, Second Mil-
itary District, 77 ; vilified by Orr
and Worth for modifying jury
law, 65.
Canby, Louisa, wife of E. R. S.
Canby, receives guests, 53.
Cannon Awards, presented at even-
ing meeting, Antiquities Society,
134.
Cape-Fear Mercury (Wilmington),
advertises sale of slaves, 457.
Cape Hatteras, site of English at-
tempts at colonization, 254.
Cappon, Lester J., succeeds Lyman
H. Butterfield, 447.
Captured slaves, advertisements
of, 455.
Caracas Diary, 1835-1840, edited
by Jane Lucas de Grummond,
reviewed, 123.
Carnegie Corporation, gives Duke
University research grant, 445.
"Carolana," description of, 103.
Carolina Charter of 1663-How It
Came to North Carolina and Its
Place in History, The, by Wil-
liam S. Powell, tells how charter
was acquired, 237; reviewed,
106.
Carolina Watchman (Salisbury),
elated over defeat of Brown and
Strange, 484; organ of anti-
Jackson men, 38.
Carpenter, James M., speaks at
Folklore Society, 137.
Carraway, Gertrude S., presides
over evening meeting, Antiqui-
ties Society, 134.
Carroll, Charles F., acts as secre-
tary of Sir Walter Raleigh Com-
mission, 132; presides at Art
Society luncheon meeting, 133.
Carroll, E. Malcolm, attends meet-
ing of Southern Historical As-
sociation, 145; delivers Blazer
lectures at University of Ken-
tucky, 317; participates on pro-
gram, Southern Historical Asso-
ciation, 132.
Carson, Samuel P., mentioned, 327.
Carter, Clarence Edwin, his The
Territorial Papers of the United
States, Volume XX, The Terri-
tory of Arkansas, 1825-1829, re-
ceived, 147; reviewed, 434.
Carter, W. C, his The History of
York County, From Its Erection
to the Present Time, received,
448.
Carteret County Historical Society,
holds quarterly meeting, 310 ;
holds summer meeting, 600.
Cartier, Jacques, claims the St.
Lawrence for France in 1536,
255.
Cartwright, William H., attends
meeting, Southern Historical As-
sociation, 145 ; elected member of
executive committee, State Liter-
ary and Historical Association,
135; participates on program,
Southern Historical Association,
132.
Caruthers, Eli W., biographer of
David Caldwell, 13.
Catawba County Historical Asso-
ciation, elects officers, 141; spon-
sors restoration of Old Bunker
Hill bridge, 312; completes re-
storation of bridge, 440.
Catawbas, Indian tribe, mentioned,
358.
Cate, J. L., his The Army Air
Forces in World War II, Men
and Planes, Volume VI, received,
448.
Cate, Margaret Davis, her Early
Days of Coastal Georgia, receiv-
ed, 448.
Cathey, Delores, on program at
marker unveiling, 598.
Catton, Bruce, his American Heri-
tage, received, 319; reviewed,
432; serves as member, editorial
board, Civil War Book Club, 604.
Cauthen, C. E., reviews Justice
William Johnson, the First Dis-
senter; The Career and Consti-
tutional Philosophy of a Jeffer-
sonian Judge, 421.
Cecil, William, Lord Burghley,
counsellor to Elizabeth I, 256.
"Cemetery Records of Goshen
Grove Church," article in The
Gaston County Historical Bul-
letin, 439.
Census of 1860, enumerates Sum-
ter District, S. C, 81.
Census of 1870, gives breakdown
of Jewish population in North
Carolina, 211n.
Chandler, Alvin D., president of
William and Mary, member of
Executive Committee, Council of
the Institute, Williamsburg, 447.
Chapel Hill Methodist Church: A
Centennial History, The, by
Fletcher M. Green, mentioned,
146.
Index to Volume XXXII
617
Charles A. Beard: An Appraisal,
edited by Howard K. Beale, re-
viewed, 126.
Charles B. Ay cock Memorial Com-
mission, presents program at
meeting on Antiquities Society,
135.
Charleston ( South Carolina), evac-
uated by Hardee, 563; scene of
National Democratic Convention,
1860, 495.
Charleston Convention, mentioned,
321.
Charleston Courier (South Caro-
lina), quotes letter about E. R. S.
Canby, 54.
Charleston Daily News (South
Carolina), skeptical of E. R. S.
Canby, 55.
Charleston Mercury (South Caro-
lina), comments on E. R. S.
Canby, 54.
Gharlestown, site of conference be-
tween Carolina and Cherokees,
373.
Charter, colonial, used as Bill of
Rights, 25.
Chase, Salmon P., Chief Justice,
United States Circuit Court,
forces Sickles removal, 52.
Chavis, John, accomplished free
Negro, teaches white children,
165; instructed by Presbyterian
Assembly to preach to "blacks,"
168; popularity as preacher to
whites becomes problem, 167;
preaches to whites, 165; sent as
missionary to slaves, 1801-1807,
165; statement of whites and
Negroes attending services con-
ducted by, 166.
Cherokees, plead innocent to Caro-
lina's charges, 374; sell land to
settlers, 467.
Chestnut, Mary Boykin, author,
Diary from Dixie, mentioned, 88.
Chickasaws, tribe of Indians, men-
tioned, 359.
Childs, Marquis, terms The Man of
Independence, "brilliant, political
biography," 242.
Chitty, Arthur Benjamin, Jr., his
Reconstruction at Sewanee. The
Founding of the University of
the South and Its First Admini-
stration, 1857-1872, reviewed, 118.
Chorley, Kenneth, president of
Colonial Williamsburg, member
of Council of Institute, 447.
Chotte, attempts to aid Lower
Towns, 363; favors war against
Carolina, 362; Indian village by
Tennessee River, 360 ; leads anti-
English Cherokee faction, 369;
makes peace with French, 362;
message from, to French at Fort
Toulouse, 369; mother town of
Cherokees, 360; opposes Caro-
lina-Hiwassee-Tellico coalition,
362 ; seeks trade with French and
Virginia, 368.
Chowan College, holds special serv-
ices for Murfreesboro pilgri-
mage, 439; opened for tour, 439.
Chowan County, deeds, 1745-1748,
microfilm copies of, obtained by
Division of Archives and Manu-
scripts, 443 ; new highway mark-
er for James Iredell, Jr., approv-
ed for, 314.
Chmielnitski, mentioned, 194.
"Christian Harmony Singing in
Western North Carolina," paper
by Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton,
436..
Chronicle and Sentinel (Augusta,
Ga.), quotes from sermons of
Joseph Ruggles Wilson, 523.
"Church Establishment in North
Carolina, 1765-1776, The," ar-
ticle by Paul Conkin, 1-30.
"City Maze," by Harry Ellensweig,
wins art award, 133.
Civil courts, cases referred to, by
Canby, 63.
Civil War, The, by James Street,
discussed, 240.
Civil War Book Club, The, formed
to select first editions in field,
for members, 604.
Clark, John B., defends Bedford
Brown's friendship with Thomas
Hart Benton, 489.
Clark, Walter, first president, Lit-
erary and Historical Association,
179, mentioned, 175.
Clay, Henry, expresses belief
Brown and Strange should re-
sign, 344; mentioned, 32, 328.
Clay, Howard B., introduces speak-
er, 599.
Cleland, James T., his The True
and Lively Word, A Practical
Guide to Effective Preaching,
made up of five lectures, 288.
demons, Mr. and Mrs. Joseph N.,
accept marker to Farmer Hotel
(Woodfield Inn), 598.
Clemson College Library, has Cal-
houn Papers, 410.
Cleveland County, Clyde R. Hoey
home there, approved for new
highway marker, 314.
618
The North Carolina Historical Review
Clift, G. Glenn, his Guide to the
Manuscripts of the Kentucky
Historical Society, 605.
Clingman, Thomas L., elected
United States Senator, 501.
Clinton Caucasian, urges race re-
sponsibility for schools, 348.
Clyde, Paul H., attends meeting of
Southern Historical Association,
145; participates on program,
132.
Cockrell, Monroe F., his The Lost
Account of the Battle of Corinth
and the Court Martial of Gen.
Van Dorn, received, 449.
Cocks, Pamela, of New Zealand
Archives, studies record manage-
ment program of Department of
Archives and History, 313.
Coffin, Levi, Guilford College, Guil-
ford County, highway marker,
approved for, 314.
Cohen, Aaron, Jewish volunteer
for army in Revolutionary War,
200.
Cohen, Elizabeth, daughter of
Aaron Cohen, first interment in
Charlotte Hebrew Cemetery, 201.
Colclough, J. A., inventory of es-
tate, 83; plantation owner, Sum-
ter District, S. C, 83; widow of,
personal property evaluated, 83.
Cole, Charles C, Jr., his The Social
Ideas of the Northern Evange-
list, 1826-1860, received, 148.
Coleman, J. Walter, reviews Gen-
eral Lee's Photographer. The
Life and Work of Michael Miley,
299.
Colonial and Revolutionary eras,
ninety-eight articles dealing
with, published in The North
Carolina Historical Review, 189.
Colonial Dames of America, orga-
nizes in Wilmington, 177.
Colonial Records of North Caro-
lina, The, first volume appears
in 1886, 174; relates story of
building Indian king "an English
house." 313.
Colonial Records of South Carolina.
The Journal of the Commons
House of Assembly, September
lUy 17 U2— January 27, 17 U, The,
received, 148; reviewed, 421.
Colonial ventures, reasons for fail-
ures of, 268.
Columbia, capital of South Caro-
lina, captured and burned, 563.
Columbia Hive (South Carolina),
mentioned, 84.
Columbia Phoenix (South Caro-
lina), makes comment on re-
movals from office by E. R. S.
Canby, 66.
Commager, Henry Steel, mention-
ed, 244.
Commerce, advertisements con-
cerning, 471.
Commission on Reorganization of
State Government, revises basic
act of Department of Archives
and History, 442.
Committees of Safety, formed in
North Carolina, 26.
Commons House, South Carolina,
beseiged by petitions from In-
dian traders, 367; demands em-
bargo on goods to Indians, 367;
draws complaint against Gover-
nor Glen, 367.
Compromise of 1850, mentioned,
410.
Cone, Caesar, Greensboro textile
leader, mentioned, 209.
Cone, Claribel, president of
Women's Medical College at Bal-
timore, 209w.
Cone, Etta, art collector and leader
in woman suffrage, mentioned,
209n.
Cone, family in Greensboro, endow
recreation halls, colored YMCA,
"Moses H. Cone Memorial park,"
and Moses H. Cone Memorial
Hospital, 212.
Cone, Frederick, art collector,
leaves paintings to Baltimore
Museum of Art, 209n.
Cone, Herman, short biography of,
209rc.
Cone, Monroe, mentioned, 209n.
Cone, Moses Henry, pioneer in tex-
tiles, 209.
Confederate Finance, by Richard
Cecil Todd, received, 147, review-
ed, 296.
Confederate judiciary, unexecuted
judgements dismissed, 64.
Congregations, Jewish, in 1955
have total of 27, 211.
Congress, approves charters of
North and South Carolina in
1868, 71.
Congressional Government, book by
Woodrow Wilson, used as doc-
toral dissertation, 533; dedicated
to Joseph Ruggles Wilson, 533.
Conkin, Paul, his article, "The
Church Establishment in North
Carolina, 1765-1776," 1-30.
Connor, Henry Groves, mother of,
called one of "Three Almoners,"
Index to Volume XXXII
619
212; second president, Literary
and Historical Association, 179.
Connor, R. D. W., becomes Kenan
Professor at University of North
Carolina, 180; first secretary of
Historical Commission, 180 ;
writes North Carolina: Rebuild-
ing an Ancient Commonwealth,
174.
Connor, R. D. W., Award, present-
ed to Hugh F. Rankin, 135.
Conservation and Development, De-
partment of, has policy-making
correspondence for 1927-1950 ac-
cessioned, 313.
Constitution of Confederate States
of America, ratified by North
Carolina, 502.
Constitutional Development in Ala-
bama, 1798-1901: A Study in
Politics, the Negro, and Sectiona-
lism, by Malcolm Cook McMillan,
received, 605.
Continental Congress, mentioned,
26.
Contributions by subject matter,
distribution of, in The North
Carolina Historical Review, 185.
Contributions to The North Caro-
lina Historical Review, dealing
with general topics, 185; dealing
with persons and events, 185;
dealing with the South, 185.
Contributors to The North Caro-
lina Historical Review, distribu-
tion of, by residence, 187.
Conventions, ordered by Canby in
North and South Carolina, 68-
69.
Cook, John, wants "ready money"
for sale of slaves, 457.
Coon, Charles Lee, mentioned, 175 ;
refers to tax and school law, 347.
Cooper, George, friend of Samuel
McBride, mentioned, 83.
Cooper, George Marion, memorial
services held for, 130.
Cooper, James Fenimore, applauds
Bedford Brown, 343.
Cooper Memorial Health Building,
tablet in unveiled in honor of
George M. Cooper, 130.
Corbitt, D. L. attends annual meet-
ing, Southern Historical Associa-
tion, 131; attends joint summer
regional meeting of historical
associations, Mars Hill, 602; at-
tends meeting, Society of Ameri-
can Archivists, 138; assists in
organizational meeting, Carteret
County Historical Society, 141;
assists in organizing, Wayne
County Historical Society, 437;
assists Johnston County in or-
ganizing historical society, 313;
speaks at meeting, Johnston
County Historical Society, 439;
assists Onslow County Historical
Society in organizational meet-
ing, 141; presides at luncheon
meeting, State Literary and His-
torical Association, 136; reviews
The Memoirs of Emma Prather
Gilmer. Written in Her 90th
Year for Her Children, Grand-
children and Great Grandchil-
dren, 584; speaks at meeting of
Currituck County Historical So-
ciety, 141; speaks at meeting of
Phi Alpha Theta, 142; speaks at
meeting of Mecklenburg Histori-
cal Association, 142; speaks to
Wayne County Historical Socie-
ty, 437 ; talks to Johnston County
Historical Society, 440.
Cordon, Mrs. James H., re-elected
treasurer, State Art Society, 132.
Corkran, David H., his article, "The
Unpleasantness at Stecoe," 358-
375.
Cornell, Samuel, advertises list of
items imported to colony, 479;
offers slaves for sale, 457.
"Correspondence Addressed to John
C. Calhoun, 1837-1849," edited by
Boucher and Brooks, published,
410.
Cortelyou, Irwin F., his Ezra Ames
of Albany, Portrait Painter,
Craftsman, Royal Arch Mason,
Banker, 1768-1863, received, 605.
Costumes from 1780's to 1930's
modeled for Sir Walter Cabinet,
315.
Cotten, Ella Earl, writes A Spark
for My People; A Sociological
Auto bio graphy of a Negro
Teacher, 249.
Coulter, E. Merton, his Wormsloe:
Two Centuries of a Georgia
Family, received, 605; reviewed,
592.
Council of the Institute of Early
American History and Culture
in Williamsburg, adopts consti-
tution, 447.
County Court in North Carolina
before 1750, The, by Paul M. Mc-
Cain, reviewed, 108.
County school boards, receive legis-
lative authorization, 352.
Courier Journal (Louisville, Ky.),
praises Joseph Ruggles Wilson,
528.
620
The North Carolina Historical Review
Covered bridge, Old Bunker Hill,
restored, 440.
Cowdrey, Mary Bartlett, her
American Academy of Fine Arts
and American Art Union, review-
ed, 306.
Cowee mountains, site of Middle
Settlements, 360.
"Cowpens: Prelude to Yorktown,"
by Hugh F. Rankin, wins Connor
Award, 135.
Cox, Elbert, principal speaker at
Moore's Creek National Military
Park ceremony, 130.
Cox, Marian Buckley, her Glimpse
of Glory, George Mason of Guns-
ton Hall, received, 147 ; reviewed,
422.
Coxe, Tenche, Pennsylvania, ac-
cuses North Carolina of unfair
commercial practices, 158.
Crabtree, Beth G., reviews Dead
and Gone, Classic Crimes of
North Carolina, 580; reviews
Fourteen Hundred and 91 Days
in the Confederate Army: A
Journal Kept by W. W. Heartsill.
Or Camp Life: Day by Day, of
the W. P. Lane Rangers, 588;
reviews Privateers of Charleston
in the War of 1812, 290.
Craftsmen, advertise in early news-
papers, 473; tools and utensils
advertised for use of, 481.
Craven, Avery O., his volume, The
Growth of Southern Nationalism,
181^8-1861, mentioned, 410.
Craven, Richard, offers ferry for
rent, 463.
Craven County, votes to have race
supported schools, 351.
Craven, W. F., his The Army Air
Forces in World War II, Men
and Planes, Volume VI, received,
448.
Crawford, William H., of Georgia,
against national consolidation,
377; candidate for president in
1824, 32; mentioned, 326.
Creech, James, elected treasurer,
Johnston County Historical So-
ciety, 440.
Creek War, results from false
peace with French, 362.
Creeks, traditional enemies of
Cherokees, 358.
Creely, Robert, edits seventeen let-
ters written by Charles Olsen
in Mayan Letters, 250.
Creswell, James, Presbyterian min-
ister, denounces Regulators, 23.
Creswell, Lake Company of, ap-
proved for new highway marker,
314.
Crisp, Lucy Cherry, presents art
awards, 133; re-elected executive
secretary and gallery director,
State Art Society, 132.
Critcher, Mrs. L. G., makes talk to
Wilkes group on Moravian Falls
Academy, 312.
Crittenden, Christopher, addresses
social studies teachers, North
Carolina Baptists colleges, 131 ;
attends annual meeting, Ameri-
can Association for State and
Local History, 130; attends joint
summer regional meeting of his-
torical associations, Mars Hill,
602; attends meeting, American
Association of Museums, 442 ; at-
tends meeting of National Trust
for Historic Preservation, 131,
443; attends meeting of Society
of American Archivists, 138; at-
tends Tryon Palace Commission
meeting, 599 ; extends welcome at
first meeting of Advisory Com-
mittee on Records Preservation,
315; his North Carolina News-
papers Before 1790, mentioned,
4bln; invited to attend Polk
County Centennial Celebration,
312; lectures on Institute on the
Preservation and Administration
of Archives, 597; lectures to
Institute on Historical and Ar-
chival Management, 597; makes
address at marker unveiling at
Farmer Hotel (Woodfield Inn),
Flat Rock, 598; makes brief talk
about Revolutionary drum, Guil-
ford Battleground ceremony, 138;
makes brief talk at marker un-
veiling for Joseph Dickson, 131 ;
meets with advisory board of
new American Heritage, 131 ; on
program, annual meeting of
Southern Historical Association,
131; participates in marker un-
veiling for Guernsey cattle, 129;
re-elected secretary-treasurer,
State Literary and Historical
Association, 135; represents De-
partment of Archives and His-
tory, annual services, St. John's
Church, 131; represents Depart-
ment at Halifax, 599; represents
Department at meeting, Ameri-
can Historical Association, 316;
serves as consultant, North Caro-
lina Workshop, Boone, 597;
speaks at Charlotte marker un-
veiling, 442; speaks to Sampson
Index to Volume XXXII
621
County Historical Society, 442;
speaks at Flat Rock marker un-
veiling, 129; speaks to Junior
Historian group, 442; speaks at
marker unveiling honoring Judge
Richard Henderson, 130; speaks
at meeting, Society of American
Archivists, 138; speaks at
Moore's Creek National Military
Park ceremony, 130; speaks at
portrait unveiling, Governor
James Turner, 131; speaks at
unveiling of memorial at grave
of Henry Lawson Wyatt, 132;
speaks at Boykin family reunion,
Sampson County, 442; speaks to
Daughters of the Revolution
chapter, 442; serves as staff
member at Appalachian State
Teachers College, summer work-
shop, 317; serves as staff mem-
ber, Institute on Historical and
Archival Management, 318 ;
writes "Introduction, Papers
from the Fifty-fourth Annual
Session of the State Literary and
Historical Association," 173.
Crittenden, John J., friend of Bed-
ford Brown, 490.
Cromwell, Oliver, prepares for
Irish campaign, 103.
Crop lien, requested by Canby as
security for ration issues, 76.
Crown of England, policy concern-
ing establishment of church in
colonial North Carolina, 11.
Culture and Personality, by John
J. Honigman, textbook on anthro-
pology, discussed, 250.
Cultural groups awaken interest in
North Carolina history, 178.
Cunningham, Horace H., elected to
Historical Society of North Car-
olina, 441 ; has article in Journal
of Southern History, 146.
Cunningham, Noble E., Jr., his ar-
ticle, "Nathaniel Macon and the
Southern Protest Against Na-
tional Consolidation," 376.
Current, Richard N., becomes head
of history department, 603.
Currituck County, population same
as 200 years ago, 438 ; wills 1792-
1810, microfilm copies of, obtain-
ed by Division of Archives and
Manuscripts, 443.
Currituck County Historical So-
ciety, meets, 438; publishes The
Currituck Record, 438.
Curtis, John Shelton, his book, The
Russian Church and the Soviet
State, termed impressive, 235.
Curtis, Moses A., Hillsboro, Orange
County, highway marker, approv-
ed for, 314.
Cushing, Caleb, elected chairman
of "National Democratic Con-
vention," 497.
"Customs in Daily Life in Colonial
Edgecombe," paper by Mrs. E. L.
Daughtridge, Jr., 440.
Daily Constitutionalist (Augusta,
Georgia), quotes from sermons
of Joseph Ruggles Wilson, 523.
Daily Dispatch (Richmond, Vir-
ginia), carries introduction to
Calhoun letter, 441; reprints
Paulding's last letter to Calhoun,
410.
Daily Sentinel (Raleigh), contends
Canby inefficient, 72; publishes
sketch of Canby's life, 55.
Daily Union (Columbia, South
Carolina), quotes from sermons
of Joseph Ruggles Wilson, 524.
Dalzell, George W., his Benefit of
Clergy in America and Related
Matters, received, 449; reviewed,
594.
Daniel, Carolyn A., reads paper,
Historical Society of North
Carolina, 411.
Daniels, Jonathan, elected, board
of directors, State Art Society,
133; writes The End of Inno-
cence, 242.
Daniels, Josephus, Ambassador to
Mexico, mentioned, 244; center
of the study, The End of Inno-
cence, 242; quotes from speech
made at Warm Springs, Georgia,
245; referred to as a friend of
Jews, 214.
Daniels, Mrs. Mary Cleaves, mother
of Josephus Daniels, called one
of "Three Almoners," 212.
Daughters of American Colonists,
Unaka Chapter, co-operate in
unveiling marker at home place
of William Moore, 140.
Daughters of the American Revolu-
tion, present Revolutionary drum
to Guilford Courthouse National
Military Park, 138; Henderson-
ville Chapter, co-sponsors meet-
ing, 319; organize in Wavnes-
ville, 178; William Gaston Chap-
ter, conduct ceremonies at mark-
er unveiling honoring Joseph
Dickson, 131.
622
The North Carolina Historical Review
Daughters of the Revolution, Ra-
leigh Chapter, organizes, 177.
Daughtridge, Mrs. E. L., Jr., reads
paper at State Literary and His-
torical Association's spring meet-
ing, 440.
David, David, name appears on
muster roll, 200; petitions for
land grant, 200.
"David L. Swain, First Whig Gov-
ernor of North Carolina," paper
read by Mrs. Carolyn A. Daniel,
Historical Society of North
Carolina, 441.
Davis, Burke, his They Called Him
Stonewall, A Life of Lieutenant
General T. J. Jackson, received,
148; reviewed, 588; reviews
Stonewall Jackson and the Old
Stonewall Brigade, 300.
Davis, Edwin Adams, his The Bar-
her of Natchez, received, 148 ; re-
viewed, 302.
Davis, George, elected delegate to
Confederate Congress, 502.
Davis, James, printer of North
Carolina Gazette (New Bern),
advertises for runaway servant,
459; seeks apprentice, 460.
Davis, Jefferson, calls for armis-
tice, 568; hopes to reorganize
army, 567.
Davis, Lambert, speaks to Phi
Alpha Theta fraternity, 142.
Davis, Richard Beale, his Jeffer-
sonian America: Notes on the
United States of America. Col-
lected in the Years 1805-6-7 '-and
11-12 by Sir Augustus John Fos-
ter, Bart., received, 318; review-
ed, 293.
Davis, Robert H., Collection of, O.
Henryana, featured at thirtieth
anniversary celebration, Greens-
boro Historical Museum, 139;
subject of article, 139.
Dead and Gone, Classic Crimes of
North Carolina, by Manly Wade
Wellman, received, 319; review-
ed, 579.
Dean, Anthony, hostage at Chotte,
369.
Decision for War, 1917: The La-
conia Sinking and the Zimmer-
man Telegram as Key Factors
in the Public Reaction Against
Germany, by Samuel Reval
Spencer, Jr., appraised, 245.
DeConde, Alexander, publishes ar-
ticle in Mississippi Valley His-
torical Review, 445.
Dedmond, Francis B., article, "Edi-
tor Hayne to Editor Kingsbury:
Three Significant Unpublished
Letters," 92-101.
de Grandi, Mrs. Estela, of Con-
troller General's Office, Panama,
studies records management pro-
gram of North Carolina, 313.
de Grummond, Jane Lucas, her
Caracas Diary, 1835-18 %0, re-
viewed, 123.
de Mendoza, Bernardino, Spanish
Ambassador in London, mention-
ed, 258.
De Mille, Cecil B., mentioned, 195;
wins Cannon Award for fine
films, 135.
Denny, Emery B., swears in board
members, Department of Ar-
chives and History, 597.
Democrats, expose Whig plan to
give Harrison vote, 49; issue
pamphlet begging people to vote,
49; secure passage of law for
mint in North Carolina, 48.
Department of Archives and His-
tory, arranges with Selective
Service system to obtain data on
North Carolinians, World War
II, 443; entertains Sir Walter
Cabinet, 315; receives award
from American Association for
State and Local History for first
half -century of achievement and
service, 130; to administer his-
toric sites properties, 442.
Derry, Joseph T., operates private
school in Augusta, Georgia at-
tended by Woodrow Wilson, 423.
Deschamps, Margaret Burr, her
article, "The Free Agricultural
Population in Sumter District,
South Carolina, 1850-1860," 81-
91; her article, "John Chavis as
a Preacher to Whites," 165-172.
"Description of 'Carolina' by a
'Well-Wilier,' 1649, A," edited
by Hugh Talmage Lefler, 102-
105.
Development of Negro Religion,
The, by Ruby F. Johnston, social
study of religious development,
233.
Deyton, Jason B., reviews Selected
Addresses of a Southern Lawyer,
286; talks on Toe River Valley
at joint summer regional meet-
ing of historical associations,
Mars Hill, 602.
Diary from Dixie, by Mary Boy-
kin Chestnut, mirrors life in
Sumter District, S. C., 88-89.
Index to Volume XXXII
623
Dickinson, Daniel S., mentioned,
497.
Dickson, Joseph, Revolutionary
hero, marker unveiled to, 131.
Dickson, Harold E., his A Hundred
Pennsylvania Buildings, received,
318.
Dickson, Paul, acts as master of
ceremonies at Hoke County his-
torical marker unveiling, 315.
Dill, A. T., appointed to position
on federal commission in Vir-
ginia, 447.
Dillingham, John, editor, The
Moderate Intelligencer, 1649-
1654, 102.
Discourse of Western Planting,
presented to Elizabeth I by
Hakluyt in 1584, 265.
Discovery of New Britain. London,
1651, The, by Howard H. Peck-
ham, reviewed, 284.
Distribution, policy of, campaign
issue in 1835, 37.
Divers Voyages, written by
Hakluyt in 1582, dedicated to Sir
Philip Sidney, 264.
Division of Archives and Manu-
scripts, obtains microfilm copies,
Currituck County wills, copies
of Chowan County deeds, and
copies of Wake County deeds,
443.
Dixon, G. Grady, participates in
program honoring George Marion
Cooper, 130.
Dixon, Mrs. Kay, presides at mark-
er unveiling, General Joseph
Dickson, 131.
Dobbs, Arthur, gives Anglican
Church strong legal basis, 9.
Donnell, John R., mentioned, 327.
Dortch, Hugh, elected vice-presi-
dent, Wayne County Historical
Society, 437.
Doughtery, Cornelius, Hiwasee
trader, carries out English plans,
361.
Doughty, Thomas, suspected agent
of Burghley on Drake's voyage,
262; tried and beheaded as trai-
tor by Drake at Santa Cruz Bay,
262.
Douglass, Elisha P., his Rebels
and Democrats : The Struggle for
Equal Political Rights and Ma-
jority Rule during the American
Revolution, received, 319 ; review-
ed, 430; spends summer, 1954, at
Princeton, 143.
Downey, Samuel, Presbyterian el-
der, cares for John Chavis, 171.
Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey, by William
B. Hesseltine, received, 147; re-
viewed, 291.
"Dr. William McLean, Surgeon in
the American Forces at King's
Mountain," article in The Gaston
County Historical Bulletin, 439.
Drake, Sir Francis, distributes
stolen treasure among crew
members, 263; his circumnaviga-
tion of the world in 1577-1580,
mentioned, 260; knighted by
Elizabeth I after voyage in 1581,
263; mentioned, 259; returns
from voyage with treasure, 262.
Drake, W. Magruder, appointed
assistant professor, 602; men-
tioned, 446.
Dramatic Heritage, by Paul Green,
is collection of essays, 251.
Draige, Theodorus Swaine, clergy-
man of early Anglican Church,
15.
Draper, Lyman C, his King's
Mountain and Its Heroes: His-
tory of the Battle of King's
Mountain, October 7 th, 1780,
and the Events Which Led to It,
reviewed, 112.
Drozdowski, Eugene, appointed to
faculty, 602.
Dudley, Edward B., campaigns for
office of governor, 42; charges
Van Buren as abolitionist, 45;
victorious as candidate for gov-
ernor in 1836, 44; Whig leader,
41.
Duke, Bruce, elected treasurer,
Wayne County Historical Socie-
ty, 437.
Duke University, awards study
grants, 446; receives Carnegie
Corporation Grant for research
fund, 445.
Duke University Library, acquires
Bowring diaries, 604; acquires
Eichelberger papers, 604; ac-
quires letters of William Pitt,
604; acquires letters of William
Wilberforce, 604; acquires tran-
scripts of correspondence of rul-
ers of Hanover, 604; has book
written about, 605.
Duke University Library, 1840-
1940, by Joseph Penn Breedlove,
received, 605.
Duke vs. Brown, reverses court de-
cision, 355.
Dulanys of Maryland; A Biograph-
ical Study of Daniel Dulany, The
Elder (1687-1753) and Daniel
Dulany, The Younger (1722-
624
The North Carolina Historical Review
1797), The, received, 605; review-
ed, 449.
Dulles Family in South Carolina,
The, by Samuel Gaillard Stoney,
received, 605; reviewed, 584.
Durden, Robert F., attends meet-
ing, Southern Historical Associa-
tion, 145; participates on pro-
gram, Southern Historical As-
sociation, 132; publishes article
in Journal of Negro History,
145, reviews Dr. J. G. M. Ram-
sey: Autobiography and Letters,
293.
Durham, secures legislative per-
mission to establish tax-support-
ed grade schools for Negroes and
whites, 348.
Durham County, new highway
marker approved for William B.
Umstead there, 314.
Duty of tonnage, evils of, cited by
Tench Coxe, 158.
Duties, on imported slaves, 154;
on wines, rums and liquors, 152.
E
Earl, Daniel, clergyman of Chowan
County, mentioned, 6.
Early American Science: Needs
and Opportunities for Study, by
Whitfield J. Bell, Jr., received,
605.
Early Days of Coastal Georgia, by
Orrin Sage Wightman and Mar-
garet Davis Cate, received, 448.
Easterby, J. H., his The Colonial
Records of South Carolina, The
Journal of the Commons House
of Assembly, September 14-,
1742-January 27, 17 44, received,
148; reviewed, 421.
Eaton, Clement, his A History of
the Southern Confederacy, re-
viewed, 426.
Eaton, Peggy, controversy about,
mentioned, 33.
Eaves, T. C. Duncan, his The Let-
ters of William Gilmore Simms,
Volume IV, received, 605; Vol-
ume III, reviewed, 114.
Eden House, marker there, men-
tioned, 142.
Edenborough Medical College,
marker unveiled to indicate site,
Hoke County, 314.
Edenton, academy chartered there
in 1770, 21; marker approved
there for James Iredell, Jr., 314.
Edenton Tea Party, memorial to
participants, mentioned, 178.
Edgecombe County, home of Henry
Lawson Wyatt, first Confederate
soldier to fall in battle, 132.
"Editor Hayne to Editor Kings-
bury: Three Significant Unpub-
lished Letters," by Francis B.
Dedmond, 92-101.
Edsall, Preston W., serves as chair-
man of faculty conference, con-
solidated University of North
Carolina, 144; visits England
and Holland, 144.
Edward VI, establishes Protestant
religion, 256.
Edwards, Morgan, Baptist prea-
cher visits North Carolina, 9.
Edwards, Mrs. N. A., elected sec-
retary, Wayne County Histori-
cal Society, 437.
Edwards, Weldon N., mentioned,
499; receives letter from Bed-
ford Brown, 508.
Ehle, John, writes play, "The vi-
sion of Charles Brantley Ay-
cock," 135.
Eichelberger, Clark, addresses Tri-
nity College Historical Society,
317.
Eichelberger, Robert L., presents
his papers to Duke University
Library, 604.
Einhorn, David, flees pro-slavery
lynch mob, 205.
"Election of 1836 in North Caro-
line, The," article by William
S. Hoffmann, 31-51.
"Elizabethan Politics and Colonial
Enterprise, The," address by
Louis B. Wright, 136; article,
254.
Elizabeth I, casts lot with Protes-
tants, 256; sends aid to Dutch,
259.
Elizabeth City, catalog to be com-
piled of 100-year old houses
within city limits of, 311.
Ellensweig, Harry, his ink and wa-
tercolor, "City Maze," wins art
award, 133.
Eller, C. B., presides at Wilkes
County Historical Society meet-
ing, 312.
Eller, Ernest McNeill, his Whis-
pering Pines, received, 319.
Elliot, James, talks on Civil War
conditions in mountains, 602.
Elliot, Robert Neal, Jr., his The
Raleigh Register, 1799-1863, re-
ceived, 449.
Ellis, John W., Governor, issues
proclamation, 501.
Ellison, William, slave-owning
Index to Volume XXXII
625
free Negro listed in 1860 cen-
sus, Sumter District, S. C, 90.
End of Innocence, The, by Jona-
than Daniels, tells story of re-
lationship between Josephus
Daniels and Franklin D. Roose-
velt, 242.
Enfield, site of marker unveiling to
John Branch, 142.
"English house," mentioned in
The Colonial Records of North
Carolina, 313.
Ennett, A. D., gives review of
early town, Carteret County,
600.
Episcopal Church, official religion
of colonial North Carolina, 2.
Esser, George H., speaks to His-
toric Sites Commission, 129.
Establishment, ends in 1776, 22.
Esthus, Raymond, appointed to
faculty, University of Houston,
603; joins Brevard faculty, 145.
Examiner (Oxford), suggests
Mangum as candidate, 41.
Ex parte MiUigan, case mentioned,
63'.
Ezra Ames of Albany, Portrait
Painter, Craftsman, Royal Arch
Mason, Banker, 1768-1836, by
Theodore Bolton and Irwin F.
Cortelyou, received, 605.
Fairfield County (South Caroli-
na), mentioned, 60.
Famous Signers of the Declara-
tion, by Dorothy Horton McGee,
received, 449.
Farley, Martha, attends opening,
North Carolina Minerals Mu-
seum, 598; draws pen sketch,
First Presbyterian Church, Wil-
mington, October cover.
Farley, Marvin R., resumes duties
at Western Carolina College,
603.
Farmer, Mathew Singleton, on
program at marker unveiling,
598.
Farmer's Union, articles dealing
with, mentioned, 191.
Fayetteville Observer, supports
William Gaston for office, 38.
Federal period, in North Carolina
history, mentioned, 178; one
hundred eighty-six studies of in
The North Carolina Historical
Review, 189.
Fellowship in North Carolina his-
tory, established, 182.
Fels, Joseph, rises from peddler
to "merchant prince," 208.
Ferguson, Arthur B., has article
in Journal of the History of
Ideas, 603.
Fiction, North Carolina, lists thir-
ty-two volumes for year, 1953-
1954, 217.
Fiftieth Anniversary of first pow-
ered flight, celebrated and de-
scribed in The Birth of Aviation,
242.
"First Flight," by William S. Po-
well, published in American
Heritage, 146.
First North Carolina Battalion,
suffers severe losses at Benton-
ville, 566.
First Presbyterian Church, Wil-
mington, sketch of, October co-
ver.
First Saratoga. Being the Saga
of John Young and His Sloop-
f of-War, The, by Clark William
Bell, about continental navy,
240.
Fischer, LeRoy, H., reviews The
Web of Victory, Grant at Vicks-
burg, 594.
Fishburn, Ann Clairborne Ker-
shaw, on program at marker
unveiling, 599.
Fisher, Charles, introduces resolu-
tion concerning election of presi-
dent, 326; leads nullification
movement, 37; mentioned, 327.
Fisher, Miles Mark, his Negro
Slave Songs of the United
States, discussed, 234.
Fisher, W. C, studies in 1789 to
better tariff policies, 152.
Fishwick, Marshall, his General
Lee's Photographer; The Life
and Work of Michael Miley, re-
ceived, 148; reviewed, 298;
speaks at evening meeting, North
Carolina Art Society, 133.
Flat Rock, town site of, has his-
toric marker unveiled to, 129.
Fletcher, Inglis, delivers informal
presidential address, Literary
and Historical Association, 173;
makes address, 136; presides at
morning session, State Literary
and Historical Association, 135.
Foakes, Thomas, large shareholder
in Gold Hill Mines Company,
514.
Flora, free Negress, caterer to
Sumter District, S. C, 90.
Flora MacDonald College, students
of, present music program, 139.
626
The North Carolina Historical Review
Flowers Collection, recent acqui-
sitions of, 445.
Floyd, Mrs. Lois H., serves as co-
ordinator, Appalachian State
Teachers College workshop, 317.
Folk Plays of Eastern Carolina,
mentioned, 208w.
Force bill, passed by Congress, 335.
Forsyth County, marker approved
for Bethabara there, 314; Wa-
chovia Museum there approved
for new highway marker, 314.
Fort Fisher, fall of, mentioned,
563.
Fort Sumter, fired upon, 386,
mentioned, 501.
4-H Club, highway marker ap-
proved for site of club, Ahoskie,
Hertford County, 314; marker
unveiled, 443.
Fourteen Hundred and 91 Days
in the Confederate Army: A
Journal Kept by W. W. Heart-
sill. Or Camp Life : Day by Day,
of the W. P. Lane Rangers, re-
ceived, 147; reviewed, 580.
Fourteenth amendment, disquali-
fies white voters, 52.
Franklin, Town of, holds centen-
nial celebration, 436; mentioned,
600.
Fraser, Robert, activity in nume-
rous organized groups, 84; in-
fluential member, small planter
group, Sumter District, S. C,
84.
"Free Agricultural Population in
Sumter District, South Carolina,
1850-1860, The," by Margaret
Burr Deschamps, 81-91.
Free Press (Tarboro), expresses
anti-Harrison sentiments, 50.
Freedmen, subjects of complaints
from Governor Orr to General
Canby, 59.
Freedmen's Bureau, withholds aid
from persons forcing votes, 70.
Freedom of worship, granted to all
Protestants, 10.
Fremantle Diary, The edited by
Walter Lord, reviewed, 120.
Fremont, John C, mentioned, 494.
Freudenthal, Sigmund, volunteers
for army in Revolutionary War,
200.
Freund, Max, his Gustav DreseVs
Houston Journal: Adventures in
North America and Texas, 1837-
1841, received, 148; reviewed,
304.
Fries, Adelaide Lisetta, her the
T&fi?)?? Records of the Moravians in
>:■$$% North Carolina, 1823-1837, Vol-
ume VIII, reviewed, 574; men-
tioned, 175; serves as president,
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, 180.
From Mine to Market, The History
I of Coal Transportation on the
Norfolk and Western Railway,
by Joseph T. Lambie, received,
319; reviewed, 418.
Fundamental Constitutions, men-
tioned, 237; written by John
Locke, 196.
Gales, Weston, editor of Raleigh
Register, mentioned, 40.
Gallatin, Albert, serves as Jeffer-
son's Secretary of Treasury,
379.
Gambling tables, duty on, in 1785,
154.
Ganyard, Robert L., joins faculty,
University of Houston, 145.
Gaol, restored, dedication of, in
Halifax, 440.
Gardner, E. Clinton, reviews The
Presbyterian Congregation on
Rocky River, 111.
Gary, Mrs. Sterling M., presents
Robert B. House as speaker, An-
tiquities Society, 134; presides
at Halifax session, spring meet-
ing, State Literary and Histori-
cal Association, 440.
Gaston County Historical Bulle-
tin, The, completes first year of
publication, 599; publishes April
issue, 439.
Gaston County, site of marker
unveiling for Revolutionary
hero, Joseph Dickson, 131.
Gayle, Richard, free Negro, listed
as slave-owner, census of 1860,
Sumter District, S. C, 90.
Geer, William M., recipient of
Danforth Foundation Teacher
Study Program, 316; mentioned
444; reads paper, Historical So-
ciety of North Carolina, 441.
General Assembly, abolishes Zeb-
ulon B. Vance Commission, 442;
appoints commission to plan
400th anniversary celebration,
first English colonies in Amer-
ica, 442; appropriates funds for
printing The North Carolina
Historical Review, 183; autho-
rizes appropriation of non-tax
revenue to support historical as-
Index to Volume XXXII
627
sociations and other purposes,
441; authorizes commission to
assemble materials on Mecklen-
burg Declaration, 442; enacts
public school statutes, 353; ex-
presses resentment over policies
of Confederacy, 503; instructs
Brown and Mangum, 338; passes
bill establishing Historical Com-
mission, 179; provides for De-
partment of Archives and His-
tory to administer historic sites
properties, 442.
General Kirby Smith, C. S. A., by
Joseph H. Parks, received, 148;
reviewed, 297.
General Lee's Photopravher: The
Life and Work of Michael Miley,
bv Marshall Fishwick, received,
148; reviewed, 298.
Gentle Insurrection, The, collection
of short stories by Doris Betts,
mentioned, 219.
Gentlemen of Renaissance France,
The, by William Leon Wiley,
studies life of Frenchman, 1515-
1560, 252.
George III, tyranny of, mentioned,
34.
George Peabody College for Teach-
ers, to co-sponsor meeting, So-
ciety of American Archivists, 318.
George Washington Campbell of
Tennessee: Western Statesman,
by Weymouth T. Jordan, re-
ceived, 605.
Georgia, State of, advertises grants
of land, 470.
Georgia, University of, appoints
John B. Oliver, professor, 445.
"Geographic - Economic Develop-
ment of the North Carolina
Mountain Counties Since 1900,
The," paper by Julian C. Yoder,
mentioned, 436.
German Reformed Churches, fol-
lowers of, settle along Yadkin
River, 7.
Getting to Know God — Sixteen
Sermons to Make Him Real to
You, by John A. Redhead, ap-
praised, 229.
Gibble, Frederick, describes prop-
erty in advertisement, 463.
Gibson, A. B., elected president,
Scotland County Historical So-
ciety, 310.
Gibson, L. T., elected secretary,
Scotland County Historical So-
ciety, 310.
Giesecke, Albert, publishes study of
American commercial policies,
151.
Gilbert Humphrey, concentrates on
colonization of Newfoundland,
267; half-brother to Walter Ra-
leigh, 266; mentioned, 259; pro-
poses to harass fishing fleets and
take Cuba and Santa Domingo,
266; would-be colonizer of New
World, 266.
Gill, Edwin, elected, board of di-
rectors, State Art Society 133.
Gill, Lila Mae, elected treasurer,
Scotland County Historical So-
ciety, 310.
Gillin, John, reads paper, American
Historical Association, 316.
Gilmer, Emma Prather, her The
Memoirs of Emma Prather Gil-
mer, Written in Her 90th Year
for Her Children, Her Grand-
children, and Her Great Grand-
children, received, 448; reviewed,
583.
Gilmer, John, appointed commis-
sioner to Federal government,
503.
Gilpatrick, D. H., reviews Jeffer-
sonian America: Notes on the
United States of America. Col-
lected in the Years 1805-6-7 and
11-12 by Sir Augustus John
Foster, Bart., 295.
Glen, James, asks Assembly to
build fort, 375; fails to make
peace with Creeks, 363 ; Governor
of South Carolina, 358; lifts
Cherokee embargo, 370; makes
peace with Cherokees at Charles-
town Conference, 374; repri-
mands Virginia for receiving In-
dian delegation, 371; writes
Raven of Hiwassee, 367.
Glenn, James Anderson, father-in-
law of Bedford Brown, men-
tioned, 324.
Glimpse of Glory, George Mason of
Gunston Hall, by Marian Buck-
ley Cox, received, 147; reviewed,
422.
Glossbrenner, A. P., his The History
of York County, From Its Erec-
tion to the Present Time, re-
ceived, 448.
Godfrey, James L., acts as chair-
man, European section, Southern
Historical Association, 316; ar-
ticle by, published, 146 ; discusses
British labor at meeting, Ameri-
can Historical • Assocation, 316;
recipient of research grant, 316.
628
The North Carolina Historical Review
Gold, mining of, in North Caro-
lina, 512.
Goldberger, Joseph, Jewish immi-
grant doctor, finds cure for pel-
lagra, 212.
"Golden Hind," Drake's ship
loaded with stolen treasure, men-
tioned, 263.
Golden, Harry L., author of "The
Jewish People of North Caro-
lina," 194; makes talk to State
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, 135; mentioned, 173.
Goldsboro, obtains permission to
have taxation for graded schools,
346; vote defeats school plan
there, 347.
Goldsboro Messenger, urges race
responsibility for graded schools,
348.
Good Warrior of Estatoe, leader of
Lower Towns Indians, 373.
Good-bye, My Lady, by James
Street, "Boy and dog" story, 220.
Gordon, Ian, his novel, The Whip
Hand, deals with New York ad-
vertising business, 220.
Gordon, Mary, advertises slaves
for hire, 458.
Gosford, Earl of, chairman of
board, Appalachian Company,
516.
Gotteman, Rita Susswein, her The
Arts and Crafts in New York,
1777-1799, received, 605.
Goudy, Robert, Tellico trader, in-
fluences Indians, 361.
Graded schools, abandoned by
whites in Goldsboro, Kinston,
Wilson, 356; re-established for
whites and negroes, 356.
Graf, LeRoy P., reviews William
Blount, 583.
Graham, Billy, his Peace with
God: How to Choose in the Hour
of Decision, religious essays, ap-
praised, 231.
Graham, James, congressman from
Rutherford County, mentioned,
38.
Graham, William A., appointed
commissioner to federal govern-
ment, 503; defeats Robert
Strange as senator, 485; men-
tioned, 499.
Grange in North Carolina, 1929-
1954, A Story of Agricultural
Progress, The, by Stuart Noblin,
received, 147; reviewed, 286.
Grant, U. S., instructs E. R. S.
Canby in removing state officers,
71-72; mentioned, 58; terms of
surrender agreed upon by, 569.
Granville District, western part of,
occupied by Cherokees, 467.
Granville, John, Earl of, appoints
Josiah Martin as agent, 466.
Graveyard of the Atlantic, by
David Stick, mentioned, 438.
Gray, Mrs. Georgia Spratt, elected
secretary, Mecklenburg Histori-
cal Association, 142.
Great-Cohara Church, Baptist,
moves because of Regulator
trouble, 24.
Great Raven of Hiwassee, agrees
to Governor Glen's demands,
369; attempts peace settlement,
365; death of, 375; guardian of
Indian Prince, 361; heads In-
dian coalition, 361 ; holds English
appointment, 361; leads Hiwas-
see-Tellico to Charlestown Con-
ference, 373 ; talks for Cherokees,
374.
" 'Great Reconstructor, The' : Gen-
eral E. R. S. Canby and the Sec-
ond Military District," article by
Max L. Heyman, Jr., 52-80.
Great Revival, sweeps South At-
lantic states, 169.
Great Tellico, alarmed by war ru-
mors, 370; Indian village, Mon-
roe County, Tennessee, men-
tioned, 361.
Green, Fletcher M., appointed to
Executive Board, Department of
Archives and History, 597; gives
address at Mars Hill joint meet-
ing, 601; guest scholar, John
Marshall Bicentennial Program,
444; has article published, 146;
has article, "The Spirit of '76,"
in Emory University Quarterly,
602; presides at joint meeting of
State Literary and Historical As-
sociation and Western North
Carolina Historical Association,
601; published article in the
Journal of Southern History,
602; reviews Charles A. Beard:
An Appraisal, 126; reviews
Wormsloe: Two Centuries of a
Georgia Family, 593; serves on
advisory committee, Records
Preservation, 315; succeeds In-
glis Fletcher as president, State
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, 135.
Green, Paul, deals with regional
theater and community festival
in Dramatic Heritage, 251.
Index to Volume XXXII
629
"Green Spring," site of mansion of
Governor William Berkeley, to
be explored, 447.
Greenhow, Rose, grave of, approved
for new highway marker, Wil-
mington, 314.
Greensboro, has largest Jewish
population, 210n.
Greensboro Daily News carries ar-
ticle on 0. Henry collection, 139.
Greensboro Historical Museum,
celebrates thirtieth anniversary,
139.
Greensboro Patriot, reassures Ne-
groes on emancipation, 346.
Greer, Louise, reviews The South
in American Literature, 1607-
1900, 586.
Gregory, Mr. and Mrs. P. P., hosts
to guests of Camden County
tour, 439.
Grierson's Gold Mines, forms from
Hoover Hill Gold Mining Com-
pany, 514.
Griffin, Clarence W., announces
awards committee, 437; assists
in planning Polk County centen-
nial celebration, 312; editor, The
Forest City Courier, member of
Executive Board, 436; editor,
The Western North Carolina As-
sociation's History Bulletin, 311;
elected president, Western North
Carolina Historical Association,
436; has charge of program,
436; introduces participants on
program, 140; makes brief ad-
dress at Flat Rock marker un-
veiling, 129; makes brief talk at
marker unveiling honoring Jo-
seph Dickson, 131; presides at
joint meeting at Mars Hill, 601 ;
presides at marker unveiling,
598 ; re-elected historian of NortK
Carolina Press Association, 601;
represents Department of Ar-
chives and History at market un-
veiling, Buncombe County, 140.
Grimes, J. Bryan, death of, leaves
vacancy on Historical Commis-
sion, 182.
Grimes, J. D., named director,
Beaufort County Historical So-
ciety, 601.
Growth of Southern Nationalism,
The, by Avery O. Craven, men-
tioned, 410.
Guernsey cattle, marker unveiled
for, first registered in state, 129.
Guide to the Manuscripts of the
Kentucky Historical Society, by
G. Glenn Clift, received, 605.
Guide to the Study and Reading of
North Carolina History, A, by
Hugh Talmadge Lefler, received,
606.
Guilford College, Guilford County,
approved to receive new highway
marker for Levi Coffin, 314.
Guilford County, new highway
marker approved for High Point
College there, 314.
Guilford Courthouse Battleground,
visited by Society of County and
Local Historians, 317.
Gun Merchant, First Man of the
Upper Creeks, wins trade privi-
leges, 363.
Gunn, Starling, issues anti-Jack-
son circular, 47.
Gurney, Robert J., Gastonia man,
endows science and research
fund, 212.
Gustav DreseVs Houston Journal:
Adventures in North America
and Texas, 1 837-1 8 U, by Max
Freund, received, 148; reviewed,
304.
Guthrie's Grammar of Geography,
textbook used in school of Jacob
Mordecai, 202.
H
Habeas corpus, privilege of, writ of,
suspended, 510.
Hagen, Moravian minister, aids
Union soldiers, 389.
Hague, Woodrow, elected treasurer
of committee, Polk County cen-
tennial celebration, 312.
Hakluyt, Richard, attempts to in-
spire explorations by compila-
tions of voyages, 263; encour-
aged by Walsingham, 264; men-
tioned, 259; prepares paper, "A
Discourse of the Commodity of
the Taking of the Straight of
Magellanus," 264 ; suggests mode
of colonization, 264.
Halifax, historic gaol dedicated
there, 599; holds celebration of
Halifax Resolves, 440; host to
spring regional meeting, State
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, 440.
Halifax County, site of marker un-
veiled to General James Hogan,
132.
Halifax Resolves, 180th anniver-
sary, celebrated, 440.
Hall, Boiling, of Alabama, against
national consolidation, 377 ;
writes to Nathaniel Macon, 377.
630
The North Carolina Historical Review
Hall of History, holds party to
identify Barden pictures, 130.
Hambley, Egbert, mining engineer
for British companies, 516.
Hamilton, Irving A., appointed as-
sistant professor, 602.
Hamilton, Joseph Gregoire de Rou-
lhac, asserts E. R. S. Canby used
"partisan politics," 70 ; lists num-
ber of officials removed by
E. R. S. Canby in North Caro-
lina, 65; mentioned, 175; reads
paper on "General Robert F.
Hoke and His Military Career,"
140; reviews Making Democracy
a Reality. Jefferson, Jackson,
and Polk, 432.
Hamilton, J. H., participates in
program honoring George Marion
Cooper, 130.
Hamilton, William B., attends
meeting, Southern Historical As-
sociation, 145; has article in
Problems and Projects of the
Research Library, 603; partici-
pates on program, annual meet-
ing, Southern Historical Associa-
tion, 132; serves on advisory
committee, Records Preservation,
315; supervises research, 445.
Hamlin, C. H., reviews Brokenburn,
The Journal of Kate Stone, 1861-
1868, 429.
Hamlin, L. P., talks on "The His-
tory of Transylvania County,"
140.
Hampton, Wade, led forces in Bat-
tle of Monroe's Crossroads, has
marker unveiled to, 314.
Hamsley, Bob, his The Real David
Crockett, Tennessee's Famous
Hunter, Soldier, Legislator, Hero
of the Alamo, received, 606.
Handlin, Oscar, edits Library of
American Biography, 446.
Hanes, Frank Borden, 1953 Poetry
Award winner, 137; speaks at
meeting, Poetry Society, 137.
Hanover, correspondence of rulers
of, added to Duke manuscript col-
lection, 604.
Harbison, James W., Jr., receives
research stipend, 445.
Harden, John, elected vice-presi-
dent, State Literary and Histori-
cal Association, 135; his Tar
Heel Ghosts, received, 148, re-
viewed, 415.
Harding, Edmund, chairman of
committee, Bath celebration, 599 ;
named president, Beaufort Coun-
ty Historical Society, 601.
Harmon, George D., his article,
"The Military Experiences of
James A. Peifer," Part I, 385-
409; Part II, 544-572.
Harnett, Cornelius, advertises dis-
tillery, 474; offers reward for
return of stolen slave, 453.
Harris, Bernice Kelly, gives vivid
picture of rural life in North
Carolina, 208.
Harris, Cora A., writer and land-
scape gardener, wins Cannon
award for designing plantings
for restoration projects, 134.
Harris, Doris H., attends meeting,
Society of American Archivists,
138.
Harrison, Helen Dortch, prepares
index of Life and Correspond-
ence of James Iredell, 317.
Harrison, William Henry, Whig
candidate for president, 1836, 31.
Harrisonville, Pennsylvania town,
site of Union camp, 400.
Harvard University, department of
history offers summer institute,
317.
Harwell, Richard B., his Stonewall
Jackson and the Old Stonewall
Brigade, received, 148; reviewed,
299.
Haslen, Thomas, offers slaves for
sale for "ready money," 457.
Hawks, Frances Lister, mentioned,
174.
Hayne, Paul Hamilton, editor,
RusselVs Magazine (Charleston,
South Carolina), 93; his Charles-
ton home burns, 93; letters to
Kingsbury, 92-101.
"Haywood Hall," home of Mrs.
Walter M. Stearns, built in 1792,
mentioned, 134.
Haywood, Mallissia, Montgomery
County farmwoman, befriends
Jews, 214; story of friendship
with Jewish peddlers, 214n.
Haywood, Mrs. T. Holt, partici-
pates in marker unveiling, 129.
Haywood, William H. elected sena-
tor on ninth ballot, 487.
Heart Has Many Reasons, The, by
Charlotte Young, contains poems,
223.
Heath, Robert, attorney-general,
Charles I, mentioned, 102; au-
thors Heath patent of 1629, 103.
Hebrew Leader (New York), ad-
vertises for Wilmington cantor,
207.
Heineman, James, family of, en-
Index to Volume XXXII
631
dows fund for science and cancer
research, 212.
Henderson. Archibald, delivers ad-
dress at marker unveiling for
Judge Richard Henderson, 130;
presents copy of his booklet,
Cradle of Liberty, Mecklenberg
Declaration . of .Independence,
May 20, 1775, to Department of
Archives and History, 604.
Henderson, Isabelle Bowen, elected,
board of directors, State Art So-
ciety, 133.
Henderson,. Richard, accused of il-
legal land dealing with Indians,
467; marker unveiled in honor
of, 130.
Henley, Nettie McCormick, her The
Home Place, received, 449; re-
viewed, 577.
Henry, Jacob, effort to expel from
state legislature fails, 197.
Henry, O., mentioned, 186.
Henry, S. T., presents paper on
minerals museum at joint meet-
ing of historical associations,
Mars Hill, 601.
Herold, Amos L., his James Kirke
Paulding : Versatile American,
mentioned, 411.
Hertford County, highway marker
approved for 4-H Club there,
314; marker unveiled, 443.
Hesseltine, William B., his Dr.
J. G. M. Ramsey: Autobiography
and Letters, received, 147; re-
viewed, 291; reviews King's
Mountain and Its Heroes: His-
tory of the Battle of King's
Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and
the Events Which Led to It, 112.
Heyman, Max L., Jr., his article,
"'The Great Reconstructor' :
General E. R. S. Canby and the
Second Military District," 52-80.
High Point, site of High Point Col-
lege, approved to receive new
highway marker, 314.
Hill, Daniel Harvey, mentioned,
175 ; second secretary of Literary
and Historical Association, 180.
Hill, Herbert W., reviews The F re-
mantle Diary, 120.
Hilldrup, Robert LeRoy, to study
in England, 446.
Hillel societies, established at Duke
and the University of North
Carolina, 211.
Hillsboro, marker approved there
for Moses A. Curtis, 314.
Historic Sites Commission, meets
in Greensboro, 129.
Historical Halifax Restoration As-
sociation, talks given on progress
of, 440.
Historical Society of North Caro-
lina, meets in Raleigh, 441.
History of Catawba County, A,
edited by Charles J. Preslar, Jr.,
reviewed, 109.
"History of Nash County, The,"
paper by Mrs. Ruth Jeffreys,
State Literary and Historical
Associations, spring meeting,
440.
History of North Carolina, first
volume, mentioned, 179.
History of North Carolina in the
War Between the States, men-
tioned, 180.
"History of Rocky Mount and the
Rocky Mount Mills, The," paper
read by Reading Bulluck at State
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion's spring meeting, 440.
History of the South, A, by
Francis Butler Simkins, re-
viewed, 121.
History of the Southern Confed-
eracy, A, by Clement Eaton, re-
viewed, 426.
History of Trinity Parish, Scot-
land Neck; [and] Edgecombe
Parish, Halifax County, The, by
Stuart Hall Smith and Clair-
borne T. Smith, Jr., received,
319; reviewed, 416.
History of York County, From Its
Erection to the Present Time,
The, received, 448.
Hitler, Adolph, mentioned, 195.
Hiwassee, Indian village in Chero-
kee County, 361.
Hobbs, S. H., Jr., elected to council
of North Carolina Historical So-
ciety, 140 ; reads paper to society,
441.
Hobgood, Halifax County, home
site of James Hogan, 132.
Hodges, Luther H., Governor of
North Carolina, delivers address
at Halifax, 599; makes address
at celebration of Greensboro
Historical Museum, 139; opens
celebration, Franklin, 600; prin-
cipal speaker, Halifax Resolves
celebration, 440; serves as chair-
man, Sir Walter Raleigh Com-
mission, 132.
Hodgin, David R., member of
Thomas Wolfe Trophy awards
committee, 437.
Hoey, Clyde R., Shelby home of, ap-
632
The North Carolina Historical Review
proved for new highway marker,
314.
Hoffman, William S., his article,
"The Election of 1836 in North
Carolina," 31-51.
Hogan, James, ..marker unveiled in
honor of, 13^V
Hogan, William$$Ransome, his The
Barber of Natchez, received, 148;
reviewed, 302.
Hoge, Moses, Presbyterian min-
ister, president of Hampden-
Sydney College, writes John
Chavis, 169.
Hoke County, to get new highway
marker for Sherman's March,
314; two markers unveiled in
Raeford High School ceremonies,
314.
Holden, W. W., charges against,
507; presented as center of par-
don machine, 190; supported by
Bedford Brown, 507.
Holloman, Charles R., his The
Story of Kinston and Lenoir
County, received, 318; reviewed,
288.
Hollyday, F. B. M., appointed Ford
Scholar, 444.
Holmes, M. L. and R. J., sell Salis-
bury land to mining companies,
514.
Holt, Robert, L., vice-president of
Mars Hill College, extends wel-
come, 601.
Home Place, The, by Nettie Mc-
Cormick Henley, received, 449;
reviewed, 577.
Honigman, John J., writes anthro-
pology textbook, Culture and
Personality, 250.
Hooper, William, advertises against
receiving stolen goods from
slaves, 458.
Hoover Hill Gold Mining Company,
pays dividends, 517; purchases
land, 513.
Hope, slave schooner, advertises
cargo for sale, 476.
"Hopewell," vessel which attempts
rescue of Roanoke Colony, men-
tioned, 268.
Hopkins, George, presides over 116
British mining companies, 513.
Horn, Stanley F., member of edi-
torial board, Civil War Book
Club, 604.
Horne, Josh L., reappointed mem-
ber, Executive Board, Depart-
ment of Archives and History,
597.
Horses, theft of, advertised, 469.
Hostler, Alexander, company of,
advertises runaway slaves, 457.
"Hour of Decision," weekly radio
program of Billy Graham, men-
tioned, 232.
House in the Horseshoe, Moore
County, plans to restore, talked
of, 443.
House, Robert Burton, appointed
archivist of Historical Commis-
sion, 182; appointed editor of
The North Carolina Historical
Review, 182; speaks at Halifax
Resolves celebration, Antiquities
Society, 134.
Howard, O. O., acts to aid unem-
ployed through Freedman's Bu-
reau, 77.
Howe, Thomas Clifford, warns pub-
lic against receiving stolen goods
from slaves, 458.
Howell, Claude, receives award for
semi - abstract oil painting,
"Beach Umbrella," 133.
Hubbell, Jay B., his article, "Paul-
ding's Letter to John C. Cal-
houn," 410; his The South in
American Literature, 1607-1900,
received, 148; reviewed, 585.
Hugh Roy Cullen, A Story of
American Opportunity, by Ed
Kilman and Theon Wright, re-
ceived, 147; reviewed, 305.
Hughes, Bernard, flees irate Ste-
coes, 364; trader at Stecoe,
warned by Cherokee mistress,
364.
Hughes, I. Harding, conducts serv-
ices at restored St. John's
Church, 131.
Human Animal, The, by Winston
La Barre, integrates scientific
ideas for lay readers, 251.
Humber, Robert Lee, chairman of
executive committee, Sir Walter
Raleigh Commission, 132; pre-
sides at evening meeting, Art
Society, 133; re-elected vice-
president and chairman of exec-
utive committee, State Art So-
ciety, 132; reports on donations
of art objects to state, 133; re-
ports on Kress Foundation art
gift, 133.
Hundred Pennsylvania Buildings,
A, by Harold E. Dickson, re-
ceived, 318.
Hunter, Kermit, his drama, Unto
These Hills, appears in book
form, 220.
Hurley, Leonard B., author of
"North Carolina Non-fiction
Index to Volume XXXII
633
Books, 1953-54," 225; gives re-
view of non-fiction books, 136;
reviews books, 225-253.
Husbands, Hermon, author of Im-
partial Relations, mentioned, 23.
Hyde, Edward, marker to, men-
tioned, 142.
I
/ Believe: Twelve Studies in the
Christian Faith, by J. Winston
Pearce, volume of sermons, 231.
Impartial Relations by Hermon
Husbands, mentioned, 23.
Implements, for home and planta-
tion advertised, 479.
Impost resolutions of 1783, bring
harmony to state's tariff laws,
164.
Indians of the Southern Colonial
Frontier: The Edmond Atkin
Report and Plan of 1775, by Wil-
bur R. Jacobs, received, 147; re-
viewed, 301.
Indicator (Warrenton), literary
newspaper edited by Kingsbury,
101.
"Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wil-
son on His Son Woodrow Wilson,
The," by George C. Osborn, 519-
543.
Inspection fees, laws adopted in
1784, 161.
Institute of Early American His-
tory and Culture, compiles bibli-
ography of John Marshall, 446;
gives prize for book, 447.
Institute on Historical and Ar-
chival Management sponsored by
Radcliffe and Harvard, offered
second year, 317.
International Review, publishes ar-
ticle by Woodrow Wilson, 531.
"Introduction, Papers from the
Fifty-fourth Annual Session of
the State Literary and Historical
Association," by Christopher
Crittenden, 173.
Investors, British drawn to United
States by advertising, 512.
Iredell, James, Jr., new marker ap-
proved in honor of, at Eden ton,
Chowan County, 314.
IredefH James, elected United
States Senator, 327.
Iron works, Chatham County, ad-
vertised, 475.
Irving, Washington, collaborator
with James Kirke Paulding on
Salmagundi, 411.
Items, unusual and rare, listed in
early newspapers, 482.
Ives, Mrs. Ernest, hostess to meet-
ing, Daughters of the American
Revolution, 443.
Jackknife Horse, The, by Thad
Stem, Jr., termed "an original
Tar Heel voice," 222 ; wins Roan-
oke-Chowan Poetry Award, 135.
Jackson, Andrew, asks Congress
for "force bill" authority, 332;
mentioned, 329 ; removes deposits
from national bank, 33; victor
of New Orleans, 31; views on
nullification, 33.
Jackson, J. L., collects items for
Pitt County museum, 600.
Jackson, Thomas Jonathan (Stone-
wall), death of, mentioned, 546;
mentioned, 397.
Jacobs, Wilbur R., his Indians of
the Southern Colonial Frontier:
The Edmond Atkin Report and
Plan of 1775, received, 147; re-
viewed, 301.
Jahn, Raymond, his Tobacco Dic-
tionary, reviewed, 119.
James Kirke Paulding: Versatile
American, by Amos L. Herold,
mentioned, 411.
Jamestown, Virginia, National
Park Service to carry on archae-
ological investigations, 447 ;
plans 350th anniversary celebra-
tion, 446.
Jefferson College, attended by Jo-
seph Ruggles Wilson, 519.
Jefferson Davis, American Patriot,
1808-1861, by Hudson Strode, re-
ceived, 606.
Jefferson, Thomas, believes in
emancipation, 381 ; "idol" of Bed-
ford Brown, 329; receives letter
from Macon, 379 ; writes letter of
praise to Macon, 379.
Jeffersonian America: Notes on the
United States of America. Col-
lection in the Years 1805-6-7 and
11-12 by Sir Augustus John
Foster, Bart, by Richard Beale
Davis, received, 318; reviewed,
293.
Jeffreys, Mrs. Ruth, reads paper,
State Literary and Historical
Association, 440.
Jenkins, Hugh, offers reward for
slave, 453.
Jewish community, celebrating
300th anniversary in America,
194.
Jewish economy, based on self-
employment, 210n.
634
The North Carolina Historical Review
"Jewish People in North Carolina,
The," by Harry L. Golden, 194-
216.
"John Chavis as a Preacher to
Whites," article by Margaret
Burr Deschamps, 165-172.
John, Margaret, elected vice-presi-
dent, Scotland County Historical
Society, 310.
John Marshall Bicentennial Cele-
bration Program, held at Wil-
liam and Mary College, 444.
Johns Hopkins University, attended
by Woodrow Wilson, 531.
Johnson, Allen S., appointed assis-
tant professor, 444 ; to do re-
search in England, 444.
Johnson, Amos B., participates in
program honoring George Mari-
on Cooper, 130.
Johnson, Andrew, impeachment
move against, 70; signs pardon
for Bedford Brown, 504; sup-
ported by North Carolina dele-
gation, 508.
Johnson, Cecil, appointed Dean of
General College, University of
North Carolina, 602.
Johnson, James, elected secretary
of committee, Polk County cen-
tennial celebration, 311.
Johnson, J. Talbot, chairman of
Homecoming Day, Old Bethesda
Church, 139; presides at meet-
ing, 139.
Johnson, P. H., named director,
Beaufort County Historical So-
ciety, 601.
Johnson, Richard M., candidate for
vice-president in 1836, 39.
Johnson, Talmage C, his The
Story of Kins ton and Lenoir
County, received, 318; reviewed,
288.
Johnston County Historical Society,
organizes, 439; plans museum in
old Lee home, 598.
Johnston, Joseph E., accepts com-
mand of North Carolina forces,
564; agrees to terms of sur-
render, 568; evaluates strength
of command, 564.
Johnston, Frontis W., evaluates
books, 226; re-elected secretary-
treasurer, North Carolina His-
torical Society, 140; returns to
duties at Davidson, 446; reviews
A History of the South, 121;
serves on advisory committee,
Records Preservation, 315.
Johnston, Ruby F., writes social
study, The Development of Ne-
gro Religion, 233.
Johnston, Samuel, advertises for
slaves, 452.
Jones, Edward B., appointed assis-
tant professor, 602.
Jones, Francis, advertises capture
of slaves, 455.
Jones, Houston G., appointed to
faculty, West Georgia College,
603 ; his article, "Bedford Brown :
State Rights Unionist," Part I,
321-345; Part II, 483-511.
Jones, Joseph Seawell, Whig en-
thusiast, gives away party sec-
ret, 50.
Jones, Mrs. John S., presents copy
of Carteret County Herald to
Carteret County Historical So-
ciety, 310.
Jones, Paul E., Pitt County state
senator, speaks at meeting, 599.
Jordan, John R., Jr., reviews Bene-
fit of Clergy in America and Re-
lated Matters, 596.
Jordan, Mrs. Joye E., acts as sec-
retary-treasurer, Southeastern
Museums Conference, 139; as-
sists Johnston County Historical
Society in planning museum,
598; attends joint summer re-
gional meeting of historical as-
sociations, Mars Hill, 602; at-
tends meeting, American Associ-
ation of Museums, 442; attends
meeting, Greensboro Historical
Museum, 139; attends opening,
North Carolina Minerals Mu-
seum, 598; attends Southeastern
Museums Conference, 139; at-
tends Tryon Palace Commission
meeting, 599; gives illustrated
lecture, Pinehurst, 443; makes
trip through eastern counties to
photograph historic sites, 598;
represents Department of Ar-
chives and History at Halifax,
599; speaks on "North Carolina
Pottery," to Dunn Junior Wo-
man's Club, 139.
Jordan, Weymouth T., his George
Washington Campbell of Ten-
nessee: Western Statesman, re-
ceived, 605; reviews The North
Carolina Guide, 574.
Junior Historian, program of, W. S.
Tarlton talks about, 142.
"Junior Historian Movement, The,"
described by Jonathan C. Mc-
Lendon, 137.
Juror, qualifications for, in North
Index to Volume XXXII
635
Carolina, 64; in South Carolina,
64.
Jury lists, fail to satisfy U. S.
Grant, 65.
Justice, John Mitchell, attends
meeting, Southern Historical As-
sociation, 146.
Justice William Johnson: The First
Dissenter; The Career and Con-
stitutional Philosophy of a Jef-
fersonian Judge, by Donald G.
Morgan, received, 318; reviewed,
419.
K
Kellenberger, John A., presides at
luncheon meeting, Antiquities
Society, 134.
Kellenberger, Mrs. John A., chair-
man of Tryon Palace Commis-
sion, reports on work, 134.
Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions,
referred to, 376.
Kentucky, University Press, offers
writing fellowship, 146.
Keowee, demands settlement from
Stecoe, 365; Indian Village, Oco-
nee County, South Carolina, 358;
plans war on Carolina, 360; war
proposal rejected, 361.
Kerr, John H., Jr., receives Art
Society's certificate of merit and
achievement, 133; sponsors bill
in General Assembly for pur-
chase of objects of art, 133.
Keystone Gold Mining Company,
registered, 512.
Keith, Alice B., addresses Raleigh
Altrusa Club, 317; elected to
council, North Carolina Histori-
cal Society, 140; reads paper,
North Carolina Historical So-
ciety, 441.
Kilman, Ed. his Hugh Roy Cullen,
A Story of American Opportuni-
ty, received, 147; reviewed, 305.
Kinchloe, H. G., reviews The Let-
ters of William Gilmore Simms,
Volume III, 117.
King, Haitung, reviews The Grange
in North Carolina, 1929-195 U,
288.
King, Edward, makes principal ad-
dress, Flat Rock marker unveil-
ing, 129.
King, William Rufus, mentioned,
329 ; urges Bedford Brown to de-
feat Whigs, 486.
Kingpin, The by Thomas Wicker,
fits actuality with imagination,
219.
King's Mountain and Its Heroes:
History of the Battle of King's
Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and
the Events Which Led to It, by
Lyman C. Draper, reviewed, 112.
Kingsbury, Theodore Bryant, brief
biography of, 92n; editor The
Leisure Hour (Oxford), receives
"notices," 92; resigns as editor,
99.
Kirk, George W., leads Union
troops occupying Caswell Coun-
ty, 510.
"Kirk-Holden War," results from
murder of John W. Stephens,
510.
Kittagusta, Prince of Joree, leads
Middle and Lower towns to peace
conference, 373.
Kittuwa, Mother Town of the Out
Towns, scene of townhouse meet-
ing, 364.
Klingberg, Frank W., article pub-
lished, 146; his Southern Claims
Commission published, 602; re-
ceived, 605.
Knickerbocker Birthday, A Sesqui-
Centennial History of the New
York Historical Society, 180 U-
1954, by R. G. W. Vail, received,
318; reviewed, 433.
Knopf, Alfred A., elected to coun-
cil and member of the executive
committee, Institute, Williams-
burg, 447.
Knott, Mrs. Marcia M., named di-
rector, Beaufort County Histori-
cal Society, 601.
Kurfees, Marshall C, mayor of
Winston-Salem, participates in
marker unveiling, 129.
La Barre, Winston, writes anthro-
pological work in readable ver-
sion, The Human Animal, 251.
Laconia, ocean liner sunk on Feb.
25, 1917, mentioned as war fac-
tor, 245.
Lake Company, Creswell, Washing-
ton County, new highway marker
to be erected to, 314.
Lake Junaluska, site of World
Methodist Council Archives
Building, 601.
Lambie, Joseph T., his From Mine
to Market, the History of Coal
Transportation on the Norfolk
and Western Railway, received,
319; reviewed, 418.
636
The North Carolina Historical Review
Land, Aubrey C, his The Dulanys
of Maryland: A Biographical
Study of Daniel Dulany, The El-
der (1685-1753) and Daniel Du-
lany, The Younger (1772-1797),
received, 449.
Land, advertisements relating to,
461; titles of, advertised, 466.
Landon, Charles E., reviews From
Mine to Market: The History of
Coal Transportation on the Nor-
folk and Western Railway, 418.
Lanier, Burwell, land and house of,
advertised, 462.
Lanning, John Tate, chairman, Al-
bert J. Beveridge Award, 318;
his The St. Augustine Expedi-
tion of 17 hO: A Report to the
South Carolina General Assem-
bly, reviewed, 117.
Laprade, W. T., author of report
for the Bulletin of AAUP, 145;
makes statement at meeting, ad-
visory committee, Records Pres-
ervation, 315; serves on commit-
tee, 315.
Larson, Norman, appointed his-
toric site specialist, 597.
Laud, Archbishop, mentioned, 102.
"Lawrence Kiser, Clan Pioneer,"
article in The Gaston County
Historical Bulletin, 439.
League of Nations, repudiation of,
mentioned, 244.
Lee, Robert E., mentioned, 547; re-
stores command of North Caro-
lina forces to Joseph E. Johns-
ton, 564.
Lefler, Hugh Talmage, his article,
"A Description of 'Carolana' By
a 'Well-Wilier', 1649," 102-105;
co-authors single volume history,
North Carolina, The History of
a Southern State, 238; his A
Guide to the Study and Reading
of North Carolina History, pub-
lished, 602; received, 606; re-
ceives Spangenberg Medal, 138;
serves on advisory committee,
Records Preservation, 315; wins
Mayflower Society Award, 136.
"Legal Status of Public Schools
for Negroes in North Carolina,
1877-1894," by Frenise A. Logan,
346.
Legislature, authorizes graded
schools in Goldsboro on tax basis
for whites and Negroes, 347;
authorizes school districts to al-
low taxes to support separate
schools on racial basis, 348; gives
justices of peace, county com-
missioners, authority to elect
boards of education, 351.
Leicester, Earl of, favorite of Eliz-
abeth I, 258; sent to command
English troops in Low Countries,
259.
Lemmon, Sarah M., has article in
Georgia Historical Quarterly,
146; reads paper, "Eugene Tal-
madge and Dean Cocking," 140.
Lenoir, Isaac, member of small
planter group, Sumter District,
S. C, 84.
Leonard, Burgess, writes One-Man
Backfield, 221 ; writes The Rookie
Fights Back, juvenile baseball
story, 221.
Letters, shipmasters advertise to
carry, 477.
Letters from the South, by James
Kirke Paulding, mentioned, 411.
Letters of William Gilmore Simms,
The, Volume IV, by Mary Gil-
more Simms Oliphant, Alfred
Taylor Odell and T. C. Duncan
Eaves, received, 605; Volume
III, reviewed, 114.
Lewis, McDaniel, chairman, thir-
tieth anniversary celebration,
Greensboro Historical Museum,
139.
Lexington Presbytery, Virginia,
licenses John Chavis as minister,
165.
Liberty Hall Academy, formerly
Queen's College, 22.
Life and Correspondence of James
Iredell, by Griffith J. McRee, in-
dex to, prepared, 317.
Lilleput, dwelling house on, de-
scribed, 462 ; plantation of Eleaz-
er Allen, advertised for sale, 461.
Limited Companies, twenty-three
incorporated in two years, 512.
Lincoln, Abraham, assassination of,
mentioned, 568; calls for volun-
teers, 386; honored by Harris-
burg parade, 386; issues eman-
cipation proclamation, 403; ap-
pealed to by Robert Fraser, 84.
Link, Arthur, his American Epoch,
A History of the United States
Since the 1890's, received, 448.
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, requests General Assembly
to establish historical commis-
sion, 179.
Literary Department of the Wo-
man's Club, Hendersonville, co-
sponsors meeting, 311.
Index to Volume XXXII
637
Literary Life of James K. Paul-
dingy The, by William S. Paul-
ding, mentioned, 411.
Little Carpenter, goes to Ohio, 373 ;
heads delegation to Virginia,
368; Overhill Indian, leads war
party, 360.
Littleton Woman's Club, to restore
Person's Ordinary, 443.
Litton, Gaston, reviews Indians of
the Southern Colonial Frontier:
The Edmond Atkin Report and
. Plan of 1775, 302.
Lock, Thomas, advertises for three
runaways, 453.
Locke, John, philosopher, men-
tioned, 196.
Logan, Frenise A., his article, "The
Legal Status of Public School
Education for Negroes in North
Carolina, 1877-1894," 346-357.
London, Lawrence F., presides at
annual services, St. John's
Church, 131; serves as chairman
of restoration committee, St.
John's, 131.
Long Jack of Tanase, Great War-
rior of the Overhills, joins Vir-
ginia delegation, 369.
Lord, Walter, his The Fremantle
Diary, reviewed, 120.
Lost Account of the Battle of Cor-
inth and the Court Martial of
Gen. Van Dorn, The, received,
449.
Lost Citadel, The, by Alexander
Mathis, received, 147; reviewed,
289.
Low Country, agricultural section
of South Carolina, 81.
Lower Cherokees, tribe in South
Carolina, 358.
Lower Creek-Lower Cherokees war,
embroils English, Indians, and
French, 368.
Lower Towns, South Carolina In-
dian village, 359.
Lunsford, Bascomb Lamar, speaks
on folklore, 310.
Lutherans, migrate to Piedmont re-
gion from Pennsylvania, 7.
Luvvas, Jay, director, Flowers Col-
lection, 445; reviews General
Kirby Smith, C. S. A., 298; re-
views P. G. T. Beauregard: Na-
poleon in Gray, 591; speaks at
Civil War Roundtable, 445.
Lyne, Diane, on program at marker
unveiling, 598.
Lyne, William John, on program at
marker unveiling, 598.
M
McAden, Hugh, Presbyterian min-
ister, denounces Regulators, 23.
McBride, James, son of Samuel,
heir to plantation, 83.
McBride, Samuel, leaves instruc-
tions for educating son, 83;
Presbyterian planter, Sumter
District, S. C, 83 ; will of, 83.
McCain, Paul M., his The County
Court in North Carolina before
1750, reviewed, 108; reviews The
Territorial Papers of the United
States, Volume XX. The Terri-
tory of Arkansas, 1825-1829, 435.
McCain, William D., reviews The
Barber of Natchez, 303.
McCarthy, James, clergyman in
Granville County, preaches to
troops, 24.
MacClamrock, James G. W., ar-
ranges tour, 137.
McCorkle, Donald M., joins faculty
of Salem College, 144; heads re-
search program of music of
early Moravians, 144.
McCosh, James, president of
Princeton College, gets letter
from Joseph Ruggles Wilson,
526.
McCoy, George W., managing edi-
tor, Asheville Citizen, presented
"Outstanding historian" cup,
436; reports on Thomas Wolfe
literary cup proposal, Hender-
sonville meeting, 311; reviews
Thomas Wolfe: The Weather of
His Youth, 418.
McCoy, Henry, sells Montgomery
County land to mining com-
panies, 515.
McCurdy, Harold Greer, writes
psychological study, The Person-
ality of Shakespeare: A Ven-
ture in Psychological Method,
251.
McDowell, James, dies, 7; minister
to parish, Brunswick County, 6.
McFarland, W. A., elected presi-
dent of committee, Polk County
centennial celebration, 311.
McGee, Dorothy Horton, her Fa-
mous Signers of the Declaration,
received, 449.
McGumry, Hugh, advertises for
runaway slaves, 453.
McKeithan, Barbara, attends
Southeastern Museums Confer-
ence, 139; makes trip through
eastern counties to photograph
historic sites, 598.
638
The North Carolina Historical Review
MacKinney, Loren C, on program,
Southern Historical Association,
131.
McLean, Albert S., re-elected sec-
retary-treasurer. Western North
Carolina Historical Association,
436.
McLendon, Jonathan C, speaks to
Society of County and Local
Historians, 137.
McLeod, J. A., gives paper on his-
tory of Mars Hill College, joint
regional summer meeting, 601.
McMillan, Malcolm Cook, his Con-
stitutional Development in Ala-
bama, 1798-1901: A Study _ in
Politics, the Negro, and Section-
alism, received, 605.
McMullan, Harry, wins Cannon
Award for aid in preserving his-
toric sites, 134.
McPheeters, William, minister,
cares for aging John Chavis, 171 ;
writes letter to Downey concern-
ing poverty of Chavis, 171.
McRae, Mrs. Cameron F., Yancey
County, elected director. Western
North Carolina Historical Asso-
ciation, 436.
McRee, Griffith J., his Life and
Correspondence of James Iredell,
indexed, 317.
Mabbott, Gilbert, attempts to ap-
propriate title of Dillingham's
paper, 102.
Macon, Nathaniel, admired by Bed-
ford Brown, 329 ; against intern-
al improvements, 378; complains
of power of Congress, 376; de-
fends Southern states, 382; de-
fends views on slavery, 382; ex-
amines Constitution on slavery
question, 380 ; fears Congression-
al legislation in slavery, 380;
mentioned as friend of Jewish
race, 214; named to electoral
ticket, 39; opposes Clay and
Calhoun on national issues, 378;
opposes Madison's policies, 378;
opposes national bank, 378; pre-
dicts ruin of South, 383; ques-
tions power of federal govern-
ment, 381; receives letter from
Jefferson, 379; representative of
"old Republicans," 378; repre-
sents North Carolina in Con-
gress, 376; resents growth of
national government, 376; sees
predictions fulfilled, 384 ; Speaker
of the House under Jefferson,
379, supports state rights, 377;
votes negative often in thirty-
seven years congressional life,
377 ; warns young Southern lead-
ers of threat to slavery, 381;
writes to Albert Gallatin, 379;
writes Jefferson of national af-
fairs, 379.
Macon County, co-sponsors Frank-
lin centennial celebration, 600.
Madison, James, advocates protec-
tive tariff, roads, canals, 378;
appoints James Kirke Paulding,
Secretary, Board of Navy Com-
missioners, 411; mentioned, 46;
signs bill establishing Second
Bank of United States, 378.
Maitor of Hiwassee, son of Great
Raven of Hiwassee, 373.
Making Democracy a Reality: Jef-
ferson, Jackson, and Polk, by
Claude G. Bowers, received, 147;
reviewed, 431.
Man of Independence, The by Jon-
athan Daniels, mentioned, 242.
Manchester, Alan K., addresses
Trinity College Historical So-
ciety, 145; author of article in
South Atlantic Quarterly, 445;
spends summer in South Amer-
ica, 145; to visit Cuba, Central
and South America on cultural
mission for Department of State,
445.
Manchester, town in Sumter Dis-
trict, S. C, large free Negro
population there, 90.
Mandate to Humanity: The Ten
Commandments, Divine Impera-
tives For Man and Society. An
Inquiry into the History and
Meaning of the Ten Command-
ments and Their Relation to Con-
temporary Culture, by Edwin
McNeill Poteat, discussed, 229-
231.
Mangum, Willie P., breaks with
Bedford Brown, 335 ; breaks with
Jackson, 36; defeats Bedford
Brown, 485; refuses to resign
from Senate, 35; resigns from
Senate, 340; Whig Senator from
North Carolina, 35.
Manning, John Hall, presents Na-
tional Guard items to Hall of
History, 598.
Markham, Fred, III, elected secre-
tary, Pasquotank County His-
torical Society, 311.
Marriage Act of 1741, disregarded
by Presbyterians, 18.
Marriage acts, lenient amendments
made to, 19.
Marrow, H. B., elected member of
Index to Volume XXXII
639
board, Johnston County Histori-
cal Society, 439.
Mars Hill College, host to joint
summer regional meeting, State
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion and Western North Caro-
lina Historical Association, 601.
Martin, Francis Xavier, mentioned,
174.
Martin, John W., appointed associ-
ate professor, 602.
Martin, Josiah, accuses Richard
Henderson of violating Royal
Proclamation, 467; issues warn-
ing to land-grabbers, 466; serves
dual functions as governor and
Granville agent, 466; takes office
in 1771, 17.
Martin, Walter S., reviews the
Records of the Moravians in
North Carolina, 1823-1837, Vol-
ume VIII, 575.
Mary Stuart, mentioned, 261.
Mary Tudor, marries Phillip II of
Spain, 256.
Mason, Julian, his Search Party,
described, 223.
Mason, Robert, his article, "North
Carolina Fiction, 1953-1954,"
217; mentioned, 173; reviews
North Carolina fiction, State
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, 135.
Massacre of Saint Bartholomew's
Day, mentioned, 256.
Mast, William, friend of James A.
Peifer, prisoner of war, 403.
Masterson, William H., his William
Blount, received, 148; reviewed,
580.
Mathis, Alexander, his The Lost
Citadel, received, 147; reviewed,
289.
Maximus Poems, by Charles Olson,
compared to Ezra Pond's The
Cantos, 222.
Maxwell, John Allan, illustrates
James Street's The Civil War,
240.
Mayan Letters, by Charles Olsen,
describe author's desire to re-
turn to original civilization, 250.
Mays, David J., member of execu-
tive committee, Council of In-
stitute, Williamsburg, 447.
Meares, William B., mentioned,
327; proposed as gubernatorial
candidate, 41.
Mecklenburg, citizens of, petition
governor, 14.
Mecklenburg County, leads in re-
bellion. 26.
Mecklenburg Declaration of Inde-
pendence, commission authorized
to assemble materials on, 442.
Mecklenburg Historical Associa-
tion, organizes, 142.
Medical school, first chartered by
state, 1867, site of, has marker
unveiling, 314.
Medicines, advertised in early
newspapers, 480.
Memoirs of Emma Prather Gilmer,
Written in Her 90th Year for
Her Children, Grandchildren, and
Great Grandchildren, The, re-
ceived, 448 ; reviewed, 583.
Messages of the Governors of Ten-
nessee, 1835-184-5, by Robert H.
White, received, 318.
Methodists, mentioned, 7.
Miamis, Indian tribe, mentioned,
358.
Micklejohn, George, preaches
against Regulators, 24.
Middle Settlements, Indian village
under Cowee Mountains, 360.
Middleton, Beverly M., conducts
tour of Henderson Countv, 600.
Miers, Earl Schenck, his the Web
of Victory, Grant at Vicksburg,
received, 448; reviewed, 593.
"Military Experiences of James A.
Peifer, 1861-1865, The," by
George D. Harmon, Part I, 385-
409; Part II, 544-572.
Miles, Nelson A., assistant commis-
sioner, Freedman's Bureau for
North Carolina, resents E. R. S.
Canby, 75.
Military courts, cases tried in, 63;
to try offenders under Congres-
sional Reconstruction Acts, 57.
Mines Investment Association of
London, holds many shares in
North Carolina mining com-
panies, 515.
Mining, British invest in western
interests, 512; companies forced
to dissolve, 517 ; list of companies
in North Carolina, 518.
Mining Journal (London, Eng-
land), advertises North Caro-
lina mineral deposits, 515; seeks
to interest investors in North
Carolina mines, 512.
Mining World (London, England),
quotes Carolina Watchman
(Salisbury), 515.
Missouri, question of slavery in,
382.
Mitchell, John, offers reward for
runaways, 453.
Moderate Intelligencer, The (Lon-
640
The North Carolina Historical Review
don, England), publishes "A De-
scription of 'Carolana' by a
'Well- Wilier'," 102.
Moir, James, Anglican minister in
colonial North Carolina, 6.
Monroe, James, appoints James
Kirke Paulding, Navy Agent,
New York City, 411.
Montgomery County, commission-
ers of, authorize depository for
preservation of records. 141 ; site
of gold mining, 513; sets up ar-
chives, 134.
"Moonshine," vessel which at-
tempts to rescue Roanoke Colony,
268.
Moore, Allen H., named secretary-
treasurer, Beaufort County His-
torical Society, 601.
Moore, Mrs. J. H. B., re-elected
vice-president at large, State Art
Society, 132.
Moore, William Waddy, appointed
teacher of history, 602.
Moore's Creek National Military
Park, holds annual celebration,
130.
Moose, Philip, wins award for im-
pressionable oil, "The Plaza,"
133.
Moravian Falls Academy, operates
from 1876-1906, 312.
Moravians, given equal rights with
Anglicans, 7.
Mordecai, Alfred, resigns commis-
sion at Watervleit arsenal, 206.
Mordecai, George Washington,
builds Raleigh and Gaston Rail-
road, 202; first president of
state-owned bank of North Caro-
lina, 202.
Mordecai, Jacob, establishes first
private school for girls in South,
202.
Mordecai, Samuel Fox, dean of
Trinity College Law School, 202.
Morehead, John M., elected gover-
nor by Whigs in 1840, 483.
Morgan, Donald G., his Justice
William Johnson, the First Dis-
senter; The Career and Consti-
tutional Philosophy of a Jeffer-
sionian Judge, received, 318; re-
viewed. 419.
Morgan, Edmund S., elected sec-
retary, Council of Institute, Wil-
liamsburg, 447.
Morison, Samuel Eliot, elected to
Council of Institute, Williams-
burg, and member of executive
committee, 447.
Morrison, John, his The Real David
Crockett, Tennessee's Famous
Hunter, Soldier, Legislator, Hero
of the Alamo, received, 606.
Morrow Mountain State Park, vis-
ited by historical group, 137.
Morse, Clarence, elected vice-pres-
ident, Pasquotank Historical So-
ciety, 311.
Morton, Andrew, minister and mis-
sionary in colonial North Caro-
lina, 13.
Morton, Hugh, elected vice-presi-
dent, State Literary and Histori-
cal Association, 135.
Moses, Aaron, witnesses will, 200.
Moses, Abraham, serves in Revolu-
tionary War, 200.
Moses, Albert Lurie, first Jew to
fall for the Confederacy, 205.
"Moses H. Cone Memorial Park,"
Blowing Rock, deeded to govern-
ment for public use, 212.
Mount Pleasant Hospital, near
Alexandria, described by Peifer,
402.
Mountcastle, Mrs. Kenneth, Jr.,
elected, board of directors, State
Art Society, 133.
Mouzon, Harold A., his Privateers
of Charleston in the War of 1812,
reviewed, 290.
Moye, Jessie Rountree, reports on
plaque of signers of Pitt Asso-
ciation, 600.
Muirhead, William, of Durham,
awarded contract for main build-
ing, Tryon's Palace, 315.
Murphy, Archibald D., mentioned,
327.
Murphy, Ashley, speaks at Moore's
Creek National Military Park
celebration, 130.
Murray, John, offers land titles for
sale, 466.
Murray, Paul, his article, "Thirty
Years of the New History: A
Study of The North Carolina
Historical Review, ,1924-1953,"
174-193; reviews Tar Heel
Ghosts, 416; speaks on "The
North Carolina Historical Re-
view— The First Thirty Years,"
173; speaks to Bertie County
Historical Association, 444;
speaks to Pitt County Historical
Society, 444; speaks at State
Literary and Historical Associa-
tion, 135.
Muse, Amy, elected secretary and
curator, Carteret County Histor-
ical Society, 141.
Index to Volume XXXII
641
N
"Nathaniel Macon and the South-
ern Protest against National
Consolidation," by Noble E. Cun-
ningham, Jr., 376.
"Narrative of Colonel David Fan-
ning, a Tory of the Revolution-
ary War, giving an account of
his Adventures in North Caro-
lina from 1775 to 1783," parts of,
quoted, 201.
Nathan, J., yolunteers for army in
Revolutionary War, 200.
Negro Slave Songs of the United
States, by Miles Mark Fisher,
reflects Negro behavior, 234.
Negroes, free, Sumter District
S. C, listed in I860 census, 89.
Nevins, Allan, member of editorial
board, Civil War Book Club, 605.
New Bern Academy, established by
Anglicans, 20.
New Bern Daily Journal, denounces
state constitution, 355.
New Bern Spectator and Literary
Journal, newspaper active in
election of 1836, 38.
New Hanover County, new high-
way marker to be erected at
grave of Rose Greenhow, Wil-
mington, 314.
New History, aim of, 193; period
of, 185.
New World, almost enveloped by
Spain, 254.
New York Tribune, defends
E. R. S. Canby, 55.
New Zealand Year Book, 195 '4, The,
received, 318.
Newland, David, unsuccessful can-
didate in 1835, 43.
News and Observer, The, Raleigh
newspaper, urges race responsi-
bility for schools, 348.
Newsome, Albert Ray, co-authors
single volume history, North
Carolina, The History of a
Southern State, 238; wins May-
flower Society Award, posthum-
ously, 136.
Niles. John M., writes Van Buren
praising Bedford Brown, 489.
Ninety-Six, region in Cherokee In-
dian territory, 364; reports from
there criticize Governor Glen,
366.
Noblin, Stuart, his The Grange in
North Carolina, 1929-1 95 4, A
Story of Agricultural Progress,
received, 147; reviewed, 286; re-
views They Called Him Stone-
wall. A Life of Lt. General T. J.
Jackson, C. S. A., 590; writes
story of agricultural progress in
North Carolina, 247.
Noggle, Bert, appointed to faculty,
603.
Non-fiction books, seven written by
ministers, 227 ; twelve written by
teachers, 227; twenty-eight vol-
umes for 1953-1954, 227; two
written by newspaper editors,
227.
Norris, Hoke, expresses gratifica-
tion over North Carolina writers,
226.
North Carolina, enacts little tariff
legislation, 162; has two acting
governments, 502; people of, call
for convention, 502; people vote
against convention, 501.
North Carolina Agricultural Ex-
periment Station: The First 60
Years, 1877-1937, received, 448.
"North Carolina and the British
Investor, 1880-1910," by Alfred
P. Tischendorf, 512-518.
North Carolina Artist's Competi-
tion, holds preview and reception
in Art Gallery, 133.
"North Carolina Bibliography," by
Mary Lindsay Thornton, 271.
North Carolina Booklet, The, es-
tablished, 178; used to raise
funds for memorial to partici-
pants of Edenton Tea Party, 178.
North Carolina Civil War Round-
table, holds initial meeting,
Greensboro, 440; meets in High
Point, 441; visits Bentonville
Battleground, 441.
North Carolina Collection, Univer-
sity Library, issues index of Life
and Correspondence of James
Iredell, 317.
North Carolina Estate Company
contracts land, 513.
"North Carolina Fiction, 1953-
1954," article by Robert Mason,
217-224.
North Carolina Folklore Society,
holds December meeting, 317.
North Carolina Gazette (Wilming-
ton), advertises renting of
houses in New Bern, 463.
North Carolina Gazette (New
Bern), carries advertisement of
sple of slaves, 456.
North Carolina Guide, The, by
Blackwell P. Robinson, received,
448; reviewed, 573.
642
The North Carolina Historical Review
North Carolina Historical Review,
The, begun in 1924, 175; first
issue published, 184.
North Carolina Historical Society,
holds fall meeting, 139.
North Carolina Literary and His-
torical Association, formed, 179.
North Carolina Magazine (New
Bern), advertises sale of slaves,
457; carries early advertising,
453%.
"North Carolina Non-fiction Books,
1953-1954," by Leonard B. Hur-
ley, 225-253.
North Carolina Poetry Society,
holds meeting, 137.
North Carolina: Rebuilding an An-
cient Commonwealth, by R. D. W.
Connor, published, 174.
North Carolina Register of Deeds
Association, executive committee
outlines legislative program,
140.
North Carolina Sentinel (New-
Bern), supports Rives as Demo-
cratic candidate, 39.
North Carolina Society of County
and Local Historians, announces
annual award, 136; guests of
Stanly County Historical So-
ciety, 137; has Camden County
tour, 439; has tour of Hender-
son County, 600; holds Decem-
ber meeting, 136; tours Winston-
Salem, 441.
North Carolina Society for the
Preservation of Antiquities, holds
fourteenth annual meeting, 134.
North .Carolina Standard (Ral-
eigh), attacked by Bedford
Brown, 484; supports Van
Buren, 39.
North Carolina State Art Society,
holds annual meeting, 132.
"North Carolina Tariff Policies,
1775-1789," article by Frank
Zornow, 151-164.
North Carolina, The History of a
Southern State, by Hugh Tal-
mage Lefler and Albert Ray
Newsome, considered impressive
volume, 238; receives American
Association for State and Local
History award, 130; wins May-
flower Society Award, 136.
Northwards, war on Creeks from
Cherokee bases, 362.
Norton, J. W. R., participates in
program honoring George Ma-
rion Cooper, 130.
Nullification, opposed by Bedford
Brown, 323.
Number One, by John Dos Passos,
chronicle of Huey Long, 219.
O'Boyle, Lenore, returns to Wo-
man's College, after leave of ab-
sence, 603.
Oconees, northeast Georgia In-
dian village, 359.
Odell, Alfred Taylor, his The Let-
ters of William Gilmore Simms,
Volume IV, received 605; Vol-
ume III, reviewed, 114.
Officials removed by E. R. S. Can-
by, number of, in South Carolina,
65.
Old Bunker Hill bridge, Catawba
County, plans to restore, 312; re-
stored, 440.
Old Hop, dispenses justice, 365;
Fire King, First Man of Chero-
kee Nation, Indian leader, 362.
Old North State, military arrests
in, 62.
Old Salem, Inc., sponsors restora-
tion project, 138.
Old Salem, visited by Society of
County and Local Historians,
441.
Old School, group of writers of
North Carolina history, 176.
Oliphant, Mary Gilmore Simms,
her The Letters of William Gil-
more Simms, Volume IV, receiv-
ed, 605, Volume III, reviewed,
114.
Oliver, John B., appointed profes-
sor, 445.
Oliver, Mildred, elected vice-pres-
ident, Johnston County Histori-
cal Society, 314 ; mentioned, 439 ;
presides at meeting, 439.
Olsen, Charles, writes Mayan Let-
ters to express feelings about
Mayan civilization, 250.
Olson, Charles, his Maximus Poems
compared to other poems, 222.
One-Man Backfleld, by Burgess
Leonard, juvenile book, 221.
One Thigh, Slave Catcher of Con-
nutory, urges murder of trader
Bernard Hughes, 364.
"One Too Many: A Tale of the
Equinox," serial story, featured
in The Leisure Hour, 94.
Orange County, approved for new
highway marker for Moses A.
Curtis, 314; sends petition to as-
sembly, 19.
Orange Presbytery, advises Chavis
to discontinue preaching, 170.
Index to Volume XXXII
643
Orr, James L., disagrees with
E. R. S. Canby over stationing
of troops, 58 ; Governor of South
Carolina, 58; protests consolida-
tion of Union troops, 75; reports
to E. R. S. Canby on freedom,
59.
Orr, Oliver H., Jr., reads paper on
Charles B. Aycock, American
Historical Association meeting,
316.
Osborn, George C, his article, "The
Influence of Joseph Ruggles Wil-
son on His Son Woodrow Wil-
son," 519-543.
Osteneco, brings Glen's peace mes-
sage to Keowee, 372; goes to
Charleston, 370.
Ottawas, Indian tribe, mentioned,
358.
Outlawry notices, advertised, 455.
"Outstanding Historian" Cup pre-
sented to George W. McCoy, 436.
Out Towns, Indian village on Tuck-
aseigie River, 360.
Overhills. demand embargo be lift-
ed, 370; refuse Carolina peace
terms, 372.
Overland Monthly, publishes article
by Woodrow Wilson, 532.
Overman, William D., reviews The
Carolina Charter of 1663, How
it came to North Carolina and
Its Place in History with Bio-
graphical Sketches of the Prop-
rietors, by William S. Powell,
106.
Overseers, percentage of popula-
tion, Sumter District, S. C, 1860
census, 87.
Page, Walter Hines, becomes friend
of Woodrow Wilson, 531.
Palace, built by Tryon at cost of
£15,000, 25.
"Palmetto State," not allowed mil-
itia, 58.
Panama, Controller General's office
sends representative to study
archival and records manage-
ment, Department of Archives
and History, 313.
Panic of 1837, mentioned, 342.
Paper mill, Hillsboro, advertises
for rags, 475.
Papers of Willie Person Mangum,
18U-1846, The, Volume IV, by
Henry T. Shanks, reviewed, 575.
Parables of Crisis, The, by Edwin
McNeill Poteat, mentioned, 229.
Parish House, Elizabeth City, has
historical exhibit, 438.
Parker, Franklin D., goes to Cen-
tral America for year of re-
search, 603; wins grant from
Southern Fellowship Fund and
Doherty Fellowship, 603.
Parker, Harold T., engages in re-
search in France on Napoleonic
Empire, 604.
Parker, Roy, Sr., presents Roan-
oke-Chowan Poetry Award, 135.
Parks, Joseph Howard, his General
Kirby Smith, C. S. A., received,
148; reviewed, 297.
Paschal, Herbert R., Jr., appoint-
ed member of social studies de-
partment, 445.
Pasquotank Historical Society, has
luncheon meeting, 438.
Patapsco Institute, Baltimore
school attended by daughters of
Bedford Brown, 490.
Patent medicines, listed in early
newspaper advertising, 481.
Paterson, by William Carlos Wil-
liams, mentioned, 222.
Patillo, Henry, Presbyterian minis-
ter, denounces Regulators, 23.
Patrick, Rembert W., reviews The
St. Augustine Expedition of
1740: A Report to the South
Carolina General Assembly, 117.
Patton, James W.. serves as chair-
man, advisory committee, Rec-
ords Preservation, 315; teaches
in summer session at Princeton,
143.
Patton, Mrs. Sadie Smathers, acts
as master of ceremonies, Flat
Rock, 129; assists in planning
Polk celebration, 312; conducts
tour of Henderson County, 600;
member of Executive Board, De-
partment of Archives and His-
tory, 436; named vice-president,
Western North Carolina Histor-
ical Association, 436; on pro-
gram, marker unveiling, 598;
presides at session of joint meet-
ing, Mars Hill, 601 ; reads paper,
Western North Carolina Histori-
cal Association, 436.
Paulding, James Kirke, collabo-
rates on Salmagundi, 441; his
Letters from the South, men-
tioned, 411; his Slavery in the
United States, mentioned, 411;
last letter to Calhoun, 410 ; nine-
teenth century writer, 410;
writes John C. Calhoun, 410.
Paulding, William I., his The Lit-
644
The North Carolina Historical Review
erary Life of James K. Paulding,
mentioned, 411.
"Paulding's Letter to John C. Cal-
houn," by Jay B. Hubell, 410-
414.
Peace, Mr. and Mrs. S. T., to give
Smithwick Award on alternate
years, 136.
Peace, Mrs. S. T., re-elected vice-
president, Society of County and
Local Historians, 136.
Peace with God: How to Choose in
the Hour of Decision, by Billy
Graham, discussed, 231.
Pearce, J. Winston, writes volume
of sermons, / Believe: Twelve
Studies in the Christian Faith,
231.
Pearson, James Larkin, speaks to
Poetry Society, 137.
Pearson, Thomas, chairman, Wolfe
Trophy awards committee, 437.
Peckham, Howard H., his The Dis-
covery of New Britain; London,
1651, reviewed, 284.
Peden, William, his Thomas Jeffer-
son: Notes on the State of Vir-
ginia, received, 605.
Peddlers, served as "walking de-
partment store," 207; called
"egg-eaters" by Cherokees, 207.
Peele, William Joseph, authors bill
to establish historical commis-
sion, 179.
Pegg, Carl H., acts as special con-
sultant, European affairs, Air
Force conference, 143.
Peifer, James A., active in cam-
paign toward Atlanta. 556; ad-
mits loss of battle, 401 ; analyzes
war for sister, 547; assigned to
First Regiment, 387; berates
surgeon in Annapolis Hospital,
544; complains of slowness of
army pay, 407 ; crosses into "Dix-
ie," 396; describes Christmas
fare, 555; describes Confederate
uniforms, 399; describes con-
tents of knapsack, 394 ; describes
fight for Atlanta, 557-558; des-
cribes food from home, 406; de-
scribes life at distribution camp,
551; describes shoes, 394; de-
scribes wounded, 392; despairs
of war's end, 406; elated over
Union victories, 550; enlistment
expires, 389 ; experiences skir-
mish with enemy, 396; expresses
confidence in northern army,
395; expresses interest in elec-
tion of 1864, 561; goes to Camp
Scott, 388; goes to New York,
385; hears of deaths of mother
and brother, 557; initiated into
camp life, 388; leaves Camp
Lewis, 391; lists prices in Win-
chester, Virginia, 398; marches
to Camp Self ridge, 393 ; moves
with regiment to Chattahoochee
River, 559 ; optimistic over prog-
ress of war, 545; ordered to
Baltimore, 387; ordered to hos-
pital for illness, 402; patriotism
wanes, 408; promoted to corpor-
al, 398; receives equipment, 386;
recounts chicken theft, 396; re-
enlists in Union army, 389, 555;
reflects on loss of men in regi-
ment, 404; returns to Bethlehem,
Pa. home after four years, 572;
sent to United States General
Hospital, 405; shipped to Ten-
nessee, 552; spends ten weeks in
Mount Pleasant Hospital, 405;
spends year in hospitals, 551,
states intention to fight to war's
termination, 409; stationed in
Washington, 390; takes part in
parade for Lincoln, 385; visits
family on leave, 551; volunteers
at first call for troops, 386;
whereabouts unknown for five
months, 566; with Sherman near
Goldsboro, 566; writes amusing
incidents to brother, 399; writes
from Camp Lewis, 390; writes
home for food, 405 ; writes home
for money, 402, 571; writes let-
ters to sister Mary, 385; writes
of capture of Atlanta, 559;
writes of death of Stonewall
Jackson, 546; writes of threat
of Pennsylvania invasion, 548;
writes of victory parade, 571;
writes of women spies, 546;
writes letter on "freight list" of
occupation of Atlanta by Sher-
man, 561; writes sister of dis-
satisfaction in convalescent
camp, 544; writes sisters of
war's end, 571; writes unfavor-
ably of Tennessee and people
there, 553.
Pendleton, Lawson A., appointed
assistant professor, 602.
Pendleton, W. H. K., on program
at marker unveiling, 598.
Penick, E. A., conducts services at
restored St. John's Church, 131.
Penny Rose, by Mebane Holoman
Burgwyn, story of adolescent
girl, 221; wins AAUW Juvenile
Literature Award, 136.
Index to Volume XXXII
645
Perry, Milton, donates history to
society, 310.
Perry, Percival, attends meeting of
social studies faculties, Mars
Hill, 144.
Perry, William G., architect, meets
with Tryon Palace Commission,
315; prepares plans for Com-
mission, 129.
Personal property, sales of, adver-
tised, 464; theft of, advertised,
468.
Personality of Shakespeare: A
Venture in Psychological Meth-
od, The, by Harold Greer Mc-
Curdy, is experimental study,
251.
Person's Ordinary, colonial tavern
at Littleton, to be restored, 443.
Pettigrew, Charles, reports on Per-
quimans Vestry, 17.
Pfaff, Eugene, returns to Woman's
College, University of North
Carolina after leave of absence,
603.
Pfeiffer College, Misenheimer, vis-
ited by Society of County and
Local Historians, 137.
P. G. T. Beauregard, Napoleon in
Gray, by T. Harry Williams, re-
ceived, 448; reviewed, 590.
Phelps, Robert Irving, receives
fellowship, 604.
Phi Alpha Theta, National honor-
ary history fraternity, holds
meeting, 142.
Phillips, Mrs. Dorothy R., attends
joint summer regional meeting
of historical associations, Mars
Hill, 602; attends meeting,
Greensboro Historical Museum,
139; attends Southeastern Mu-
seums Conference, 139; gives
slide program, Society for Pres-
ervation of Antiquities, 134;
makes trip through eastern
North Carolina to photograph
old houses, 598; visits old house
near Smithfield, 598.
Pierce, Franklin, mentioned, 322,
493.
Pierce, Ovid Williams, his The
Plantation, recognized for uni-
versal appeal, 218; wins the Sir
Walter Raleigh Award, 136.
Pierce, William L., reads paper
State Literary and Historical As-
sociation, 440.
Pilotage fees, set up in 1764, 159.
Pitt County Historical Society,
holds January meeting, 313;
holds July meeting, 599.
Pitt, William, fifteen letters of,
added to manuscript collection,
Duke University Library, 604.
Pittman, Thomas M., succeeds J.
Bryan Grimes as chairman of
Historical Commission, 182.
Place, referred to by Robert Mason
as basis for The Plantation, 218.
Plantation, The, by Ovid Williams
Pierce, fits broad pattern of
Southern novel, 218; wins Sir
Walter Raleigh Award, 136.
Planters, representative of ante
bellum society, Sumter District,
S. C, 82.
Planting Corn Belt Culture: The
Impress of the Upland South-
erner and Yankee in the Old
Northwest, by Richard Lyle
Power, received, 147.
"Plaza, The," impressionistic oil
painting by Philip Moose, wins
award, 133.
Plonk, Mrs. J. C, elected vice-
president, Catawba County His-
torical Association, 141.
Plonk, Mrs. Carl A., presents
AAUW Juvenile Literature
Award, 136.
"Po' buckras," class of farm popu-
lation, listed in census, 1860,
Sumter District, S. C, 87.
Poe, Clarence, elected, board of di-
rectors State Art Society, 133;
leader in reorganization of
Grange, 247; serves as vice-
chairman, Sir Walter Raleigh
Commission, 132.
Poems of Paul Hamilton Hayne,
mentioned, 101.
Poet Laureate of North Carolina,
James Larkin Pearson named as,
137.
Polk County, holds centennial cele-
bration, 436; plans centennial
celebration, 311.
Polk, William T., his Southern
Accent, from Uncle Remus to
Oak Ridge, termed "widely read"
book, 252; makes address, Wa-
chovia Historical Society, 138;
receives Spangenberg Medal for
Southern Accent, 138; referred
to, 226.
Pollock's Home, marker at, men-
tioned, 142.
Polonius, character in Hamlet,
speeches of, quoted, 225.
Poplin, Robert O., Jr., reports to
646
The North Carolina Historical Review
Wilkes group on historical mark-
ers, 312.
Population in North Carolina in
1771, German, 9; Quakers, 9.
"Population in North Carolina,"
paper read by Sam H. Hobbs,
Jr., Historical Society of North
Carolina, 441.
Postbellum era, one hundred and
thirty-six contributions dealing
with, in The North Carolina His-
torical Review, 190.
Poteat, Edwin McNeill, dedicates
book to congregation, Pullen
Memorial Baptist Church, 231;
writes The Mandate to Human-
ity, The Ten Commandments, Di-
vine Imperatives for Man and
Society, An Inquiry into the His-
tory and Meaning of the Ten
Commandments and Their Rela-
tion to Contemporary Culture,
229.
Potter, Mrs. T. T., presents paper
on Carteret County at meeting,
600.
Powell, Mrs. Charles, elected his-
torian, Wayne County Histori-
cal Society, 437.
Powell, William S., his The Caro-
lina Charter of 1663 — How It
Came to North Carolina and Its
Place in History, published by
the Department of Archives and
History, 237; reviewed, 106 ; pub-
lishes article in American Heri-
tage, 146; re-elected president of
Society of County and Local
Historians, 136; reviews The
Discovery of New Britain, Lon-
don, 1651, 285; reviews The His-
tory of Trinity Parish, Scotland
Neck, [and] Edgecombe Parish,
Halifax County, 416.
Power, Richard Lyle, his Planting
Corn Belt Culture: The Impress
of the Upland Southerner and
Yankee in the Old Northwest,
received, 147.
Presbyterian Congregation on
Rocky River, The, by Thomas
Hugh Spence, Jr., reviewed, 111 ;
traces church's history, 232.
Presbyterians, contribute to educa-
tion and political leadership, 8;
evade church laws, 8; granted
right to perform own marriages,
18; influential in colonial North
Carolina, 8; mentioned, 7; settle
in Orange and surrounding coun-
ties, 8.
Presbyterian Church, Wilmington,
on October cover.
Preslar, Charles J., Jr., his A His-
tory of Catawba County, re-
viewed, 109.
Prickett, Karl E., president of
Greensboro Historical Museum,
139.
Princeton College, atmosphere of,
influences Woodrow Wilson, 527.
Principal Navigation by Richard
Hakluyt, dedicated to Walsing-
ham, 259.
Prisoners, exchange of Federal,
546.
Privateering, interferes with settle-
ment of New World, 268.
Privateers of Charleston in the
War of 1812, by Harold A. Mou-
zon, reviewed, 290.
"Property and Trade: Main
Themes of Early North Carolina
Newspaper Advertisements," ar-
ticle by Wesley H. Wallace, 451-
482.
Provincial Congress, mentioned,
26; takes over government of
colonial North Carolina, 28.
Pruitt vs. Commissioners of Gaston
County, case decided, 354.
Pugh, J. F., arranges Camden
County tour, 439.
Purchase Awards, North Carolina
Artists Competition, announced,
133.
Puritans, mentioned, 1.
Q
Quakers, join Baptists and Pres-
byterians in opposing the Estab-
lishment, 17; mentioned, 7.
Queen's College, Assembly acts to
allow charter for, 1770-1771, 19;
becomes successor to Sugar
Creek school, 21.
Quintology, by J. Ray Shute, vol-
ume of five themes, mentioned,
250.
Rabb, Kenneth D., conducts tour
of Pacific Coast for teachers,
144.
Radcliffe College, offers summer
institute jointly with Harvard
University, 317.
Raeford High School, ceremonies
there for unveiling two histori-
cal markers, 314.
Index to Volume XXXII
647
Raleigh, Willis Smith home there
to get new highway marker, 314.
Raleigh, Walter, attempts to culti-
vate Burghley to further coloni-
zation efforts, 266; mentioned,
259; obtains favorable charter
from Elizabeth I, 266; seeks gov-
ernmental support of proposed
projects to settle coast of North
Carolina, 265.
Raleigh and Gaston Railroad, runs
from Raleigh to Roanoke River,
202.
Raleigh Model Railroad Club re-
ceives American Association for
State and Local History award,
130.
Raleigh Register, organ of anti-
Jackson men, 38.
Raleigh Register, 1799-1863, The,
by Robert Neal Elliot, Jr., re-
ceived, 449.
Ramsdell, Charles W., voices opin-
ion of E. R. S. Canby's adminis-
tration in Texas, 80.
Randolph, John, of Roanoke,
against national consolidation,
377 ; states fear concerning slav-
ery question, 381.
Randolph County, site of gold min-
ing, 513.
Rankin, Frank B., delivers address
at marker unveiling for Joseph
Dickson, 131.
Rankin, Hugh F., accepts position
as research assistant at Colonial
Williamsburg, 316; receives
R. D. W. Connor Award, 135.
Rapely, Richard A., Jewish friend
of Francis Salvador, 201; makes
speeches in favor of rebellion
against England, 201.
Ray, Mrs. Lillian R., elected presi-
dent, Onslow County Historical
Society, 141.
Ray S. Baker Papers, Library of
Congress, contain Woodrow Wil-
son letters, 534.
Read, Conyers, biographer of Lord
Burghley and Walsingham,
states differences between two
men, 257.
Real David Crockett, Tennessee's
Famous Hunter, Soldier, Legis-
lator, Hero of the Alamo, The,
by John Morrison and Bob Ham-
sley, received, 606.
Rebel Private: Front and Rear,
by Bell Irvin Wiley, received,
318; reviewed, 425.
Rebels and Democrats: The Strug-
gle for Equal Political Rights
and Majority Rule during the
American Revolution, by Elisha
P. Douglass, received, 319; re-
viewed, 430.
"Rebirth of Historical Interest in
the Coastal Plain," paper by Ray
S. Wilkinson, read at State Lit-
erary and Historical Association
meeting, 440.
Reconstruction, legislation passed,
52; policies of, invade North
Carolina, 509.
Reconstruction Act of July 19,
1867, confers powers on military
governors, 65.
Reconstruction at Sewanee. The
Founding of the University of
the South and its First Adminis~
tration, 1857-1872, by Arthur
Benjamin Chitty, Jr.. reviewed,
118.
Records of the Moravians in North
Carolina, 1823-1837, Volume
VIII, reviewed, 574.
Records Preservation, advisory
committee, Department of Ar-
chives and History, holds first
meeting, 315.
Redhead, John A., writes Getting
to Know God — Sixteen Sermons
to Make Him Real to You, 229.
Reed, James, colonial minister, 6;
writes report to England, 20.
Re-enlistment act, attempts to at-
tract Union veterans, 554.
Register (Mobile, Alabama), has
introduction to Calhoun letter,
412 ; prints Paulding's last letter
to Calhoun, 410.
Registration, E. R. S. Canby re-
vises lists of, 71.
Regulators, denounced by religious
groups, 23; revolt, suppressed
by North Carolina militia, 22;
trouble of, 1769-1771, 19.
Reid, David S., Governor of North
Carolina, mentioned, 486.
Reid, Mrs. Edith G., receives letter
from Woodrow Wilson, 543.
Renick, Edward I., Atlanta law
partner of Woodrow Wilson, 531.
Republicans, party principals of,
34.
"Restoration of Somerset Place at
Pettigrew Park, The," subject of
talk by W. S. Tarlton, 314.
Restored Wachovia Museum,
opened by William B. Umstead,
138.
"Reverend John T. Clark: Episco-
pal Unionist in Virginia, The,"
by Frank W. Klingberg, 146.
648
The North Carolina Historical Review
Revolution, classed as revolt of
middle class, 25.
Revolutionary drum, presented to
Guilford Courthouse National
Military Park, 138.
Rew, Southy, sheriff, advertises for
indentured runaways, 459.
Rewards, varied amounts offered
for runaway slaves, 453.
Reynolds, John S., brands E. R. S.
Canby as tyrant, 78.
Rice, Philip Morrison, receives ap-
pointment as associate professor,
143; reviews A History of the
Southern Confederacy, 428.
Richards, Allen R., his War Labor
Boards in the Field, received,
148.
Richardson, William, Episcopalian
planter, Sumter District, S. C,
mentioned, 82.
Richbourg, Isaac, land and slave-
owning overseer, mentioned, 87.
Richter, Harry, merchant of Nor-
wood, writes letter concerning
Mallissia Haywood, 214n.
Richter, Moses, Mt. Gilead peach
distributor, befriended as immi-
grant peddler by Mallissia Hay-
wood, 214n.
Ridgecrest, site of new highway
marker for Swannanoa Tunnel,
314.
Riggsbee vs. Durham, decision in
school case of, 355.
Right of appeal, cases stayed by
E. R. S. Canby during Recon-
struction, 64.
Rights, Douglas LeTell, attends
marker unveiling, 129; his the
Records of the Moravians in
North Carolina, 1823-1837, Vol-
ume VIII, reviewed, 574.
Rise of Methodism: A Source Book,
The, by Richard M. Cameron,
received, 147.
Rives, William C, mentioned as
candidate, 39.
Roane, Judge Spencer, of Caroline
County, Va., against national
consolidation, 377.
Roanoke Island, possible site of
"English house" of Indian, the
Great Commander, 313.
Roanoke Island Historical Associa-
tion, holds luncheon meeting,
134.
Robert, Joseph C, accepts presi-
dency of Hampden- Sydney Col-
lege, 446.
Roberts, Mrs. Alma 0., reports on
The Currituck Record, 438.
Roberts, Eugene L., named chap-
lain, Wayne County Historical
Society, 437.
Robinson, Blackwell P., elected to
Historical Society of North Car-
olina, 441; speaks at Homecom-
ing Day, Old Bethesda Presby-
terian Church, 138; his The
North Carolina Guide, received,
448; reviewed, 573.
Robinson, Dan M., heads group act-
ing as hosts to Society of Ameri-
can Archivists, 318.
Rockwell, Paul, reports to Western
North Carolina Historical Asso-
ciation on membership, 311.
Rocky Mount, host to spring re-
gional meeting, State Literary
and Historical Association, 440.
Rodgers, Mary, free negress, Sum-
ter District, S. C, landlady to
white Baptist preacher and fam-
ily, 90.
Roe, Dr. Clara G., reviews Rebels
and Democrats: The Struggle
for Equal Political Rights and
Majority Rule during the Amer-
ican Revolution, 431.
Rogers, Carroll P., elected vice-
president of committee, Polk
County centennial celebration,
312.
Rookie Fights Back, The, by Bur-
gess Leonard, juvenile baseball
story, 221.
Roosevelt, Mrs. Eleanor, men-
tioned, 243.
Roosevelt, Franklin D., mentioned,
243.
Roosevelt, Theodore, mentioned,
243.
Rose, Dr. D. J., chairman, Charles
B. Ay cock Memorial Commission,
assists in program, 135.
Rose, H. V., elected president,
Johnston County Historical So-
ciety, 314; mentioned, 439.
"Rose Hill," Bedford Brown home,
built in 1802, located in Caswell
County, 325.
Rosenthal, Mrs. Emil, called one of
"The Three Almoners," 212.
Rosenwald, Julius, contributes mil-
lions to provide colored element-
ary schools, 212.
Rowan County, citizens of, fight
church establishment, 16; sends
petition to Assembly, 19.
Rowe, Sam G., succeeds Dr. J. E.
Hodges as president, Catawba
County Historical Association,
141.
Index to Volume XXXII
649
Rubin, Louis D., Jr., his Thomas
Wolfe: The Weather of His
Youth, received, 319; reviewed,
417.
Ruffin, Edmund, commits suicide,
503.
Ruffin, Thomas, Chief Justice, State
Supreme Court, 38; mentioned,
499; suggested as candidate in
1836, 38; writes Alamance Dem-
ocrats, 498.
Runaways, servants and slaves,
advertisements of, 452; training
of, listed, 452; types of rewards
offered, 453.
Russell Gold Mining Company,
purchases North Carolina land,
515.
S
St. Augustine Expedition of 17 UO:
A Report to the South Carolina
General Assembly, The, by John
Tate Lanning, reviewed, 117.
St. John's Church, restored, holds
annual services, 131.
St. Thomas Episcopal Church,
Bath, picture on cover, January
issue; mentioned, 134.
Salisbury, F. C, displays cuts and
pictures at meeting, 310.
Salisbury Star of Zion, predicts
destruction of colored schools,
348.
Sailing, notices of, list passenger
and cargo space, 477.
Salvador, Francis, famous Jew,
elected to South Carolina Gen-
eral Assembly, 201 ; makes speech
against England, 201.
Sam Christian Mining Company,
liquidates, 517.
Sampson County, citizen of, ex-
presses opinion about schools,
356.
Sampson County Historical So-
ciety, organizes, 437.
Sampson, Isaac, serves in Revolu-
tionary War, 200.
Samuel H. Kress Foundation,
makes art gift to North Carolina,
133.
Sanders, Charles Richard, writes
biographical history, The Stra-
chey Family, 1588-1932; Their
Writings and Literary Associa-
tions, 247.
Sandy Creek Church, loses mem-
bers because of Regulator
trouble, 24.
Santee, High Hills of, summer re-
treat in South Carolina, 81.
Saratoga, the first of several ships
of that name in the United
States Navy, mentioned, 240.
Saunders, Romulus M., elected to
House of Commons, 325; men-
tioned, 486; state democratic
manager, 38.
Saunders, William Lawrence, edits
The Colonial Records of North
Carolina, 174.
Savage and Westmore, advertise
luxuries for colonists, 482.
Scattered Nation, The, address by
Zebulon Baird Vance, parts of,
given, 213n.
Schaub, I. O., his North Carolina
Agricultural Experiment Sta-
tion: The First 60 Years, 1877-
1937, received, 488.
Schenck, Carl Alvin, his The Bilt-
more Story, Recollection of the
Beginnings of Forestry in the
United States, received, 448.
Schenck, David, writes description
of Bedford Brown, 322n.
Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr., calls
The End of Innocence, Jonathan
Daniel's best book, 242.
Scotch Hall, Bertie County, ap-
proved for new highway marker,
314.
Scotland County Historical Society
organizes, 310.
Scott, R. K., Assistant-Commis-
sioner, Freedmen's Bureau,
South Carolina, fears E. R. S.
Canby is usurping power, 75.
Scott, W. Kerr, leads Grange to
steady growth, 247.
Search Party, by Julian Mason, de-
scribed, 223.
Seegers, L. Walter, makes radio
address on Mayflower Compact,
143.
Selected Address of A Southern
Lawyer, by Aubrey Lee Brooks,
received, 147; reviewed, 285.
Selective Service System, to supply
data on North Carolinians in
World War II to Department of
Archives and History, 443.
Sellers, Charles Grier, Jr., teaches
at Princton, summer session,
143; reviews The Papers of Wil-
lie Person Mangum, 18UU-18U6,
Volume IV, 577.
Senecas, Indian tribe, mentioned,
358.
Sequoyah, Chief of Cherokees, de-
650
The North Carolina Historical Review
vises Cherokee alphabet, 310;
committee seeks to secure post-
age stamp in honor, 310.
Sergeant, John, receives votes, 32.
Servants, indentured bonded, runa-
way, 459.
Seventh Census (1850), classifies
farm population, Sumter Dis-
trict, S. C, 91.
Seymour, Horatio, nominated for
presidency, 509.
Shafer, Boyd C, speaks to Trinity
College Historical Society, 145.
Shanks, Henry T., awarded LL.D.
degree at Wake Forest, 144;
his The Papers of Willie Person
Mangum, 18U-18&6, Volume IV,
reviewed, 575.
Shannon, Ben, uncovers "bricks"
on Roanoke Island, 313.
Sheely, Horace J., appointed re-
search assistant, 602.
Shelby, home of Clyde R. Hoey
there, to receive highway mark-
er, 314.
Sheppard, Augustine H., Whig
Congressman, mentioned, 43.
Sherman, William T., disposes of
troops, 570; gives Confederate
soldiers rations, 571; sends Lin-
coln telegram presenting Savan-
nah as Christmas gift, 562;
starts northward march, 563.
Sherman's March, highway mark-
er approved for route of, 314.
Shields, Mrs. Bob, elected treas-
urer, Sampson County Historical
Society, 438.
Shipping, notices of, advertised,
476.
Shin ton, Clifford K., elected vice-
chairman, Council of Institute,
Williamsburg, 447.
Shryock, Richard H., elected to
Council of Institute, Williams-
burg, 447.
Shute, J. Ray, writes Quintology to
express feelings of liberalism,
250.
Sickles, Daniel E., commands Sec-
ond Military District, 52.
"Sidelights of Nash County His-
tory," paper read by William L.
Pierce, State Literary and His-
torical Association meeting, 440.
Simkins, Francis Butler, his A His-
tory of the South, reviewed, 121.
Singer, C. Gregg, resigns as head,
Salem history department, 144.
Sir Walter Cabinet, entertained by
Department of Archives and
History, 315.
Sir Walter Raleigh Award, pre-
sented to Ovid Williams Pierce,
136.
Sir Walter Raleigh Commission,
plans celebration to raise me-
morial funds, 132.
Sir Walter Raleigh Day, cele-
brated to raise funds for me-
morial, 132.
Sitterson, J. Carlyle, appointed
dean of college of arts and sci-
ences. University of North Car-
olina, 602 ; on program, Southern
Historical Association meeting,
131; serves on advisory commit-
tee, Records Preservation, 315.
Skaggs, Marvin L., delivers ad-
dress, Guilford Battleground
ceremonies, 138.
"Skaptar Yokul: A Tale of Iceland,
The," short story by Paul H.
Hayne, republished by Kings-
bury, 94.
Sketches of Burke County, by Cor-
delia Camp, prepared by school
children, 312.
Skiagunsta of Keowee, leads Lower
Towns Indians to peace, 373.
Slaveholders, numerous in States-
burg and Providence, Sumter
District, S. C, 82.
Slavery in the United States, by
James Kirke Paulding, men-
tioned, 411.
Slaves, advertisements concerning
them numerous in early news-
papers, 451; number of, Sumter
District, S. C, 82; offered for
hire, 458; sale of, 456.
Sloan, Mrs. Charles, elected secre-
tary, Sampson County Histori-
cal Societv, 437.
Smallpox Conjurer of Settico,
member of Chotte council, joins
Virginia delegation, 369.
Smallwood and Others vs. City of
New Bern, mentioned, 353.
Smallwood, J. W., instigates suit,
353.
Smiley, David L., on program,
Southern Historical Association,
131; reads paper at meeting of
social studies faculties, Mars
Hill, 144.
Smith, Ann, writes of "revival of
religion" concerning John Chavis,
169.
Smith, Clairborne T., Jr., his The
History of Trinity Parish, Scot-
land Neck, [and] Edgecombe
Parish, Halifax County, received,
319; reviewed, 416.
Index to Volume XXXII
651
Smith, Mrs. Nat, elected president,
Carteret County Historical So-
ciety, 141; presides at meeting,
600.
Smith, Stuart Hall, his The His-
tory of Trinity Parish, Scotland
Neck, [and] Edgecombe Parish,
Halifax County, received, 319;
reviewed, 416.
Smith, William N. H., mentioned,
499.
Smith, Willis, Raleigh home of, ap-
proved for highway marker, 314.
Smithsonian Institution, classifies
specimen of Roanoke Island
"bricks," 313; headquarters for
meeting, American Association
of Museums, 442.
Smithwick Award, to be perpetu-
ated, 136.
Sober Faith, Religion and Alco-
holics Anonymous, A, by George
Aiken Taylor, combines work of
churches with AA, 232.
Social Ideas of the Northern Evan-
gelist, 1826-1860, The, by Charles
C. Cole, J., received, 148.
Society for the Preservation of
Antiquities, re-elects officers, 134.
Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts, aids
missionaries to North Carolina,
5.
Society of American Archivists,
The, holds eighteenth annual
meeting, Williamsburg, 138 ; plan
meeting in Nashville, Tenn., 318.
Society of American Historians,
joint sponsors of American Heri-
tage, 140.
Society of County and Local His-
torians, visits historic spots in
Guilford County, 137.
Society of the Cincinnati, reorgan-
izes in Raleigh, 178.
Soco Gap, route of Northwards
war party, 363.
Solomon, Lazarus, serves in Revo-
lutionary War, 200.
Solomon, William, serves with 10th
Regiment, 200.
Sommer, Clemmons, elected for
two-year term, board of direct-
ors. State Art Society, 133.
"Song," poem by Paul H. Hayne,
printed, 101.
Sonnets and Other Poems, by Paul
H. Hayne, reviewed in The Leis-
ure Hour, 96.
Sons of the Revolution, The, or-
ganizes in Raleigh, 177.
South Burke Estate Company ac-
quires property, 513.
South Carolina, declares tariffs of
1828 and 1832 null and void, 332.
South Carolina Provincial Assemb-
ly, demands action against In-
dians, 366.
South Carolina Temperance Advo-
cate, periodical of 1850's, men-
tioned, 84.
South in American Literature,
1607-1900, The, by Jay B. Hub-
bell, received, 148; reviewed, 585.
Southern Accent, from Uncle Re-
mus to Oak Ridge, by William T.
Polk, analyzes the South from
1850-1953, 252.
Southern Claims Commission, The,
by Frank W. Klingberg, received,
605.
Southern Historical Association,
holds twentieth annual meeting,
Columbia, South Carolina, 131.
Southern Historical Papers, by
Frank E. Vandiver, received, 147.
Southern Presbyterian, periodical
of 1850's, mentioned, 84.
Southern Presyterian Church, or-
ganizes in home of Joseph Rug-
gles Wilson, 523.
Southerner, The, (Tarboro) warns
citizens of voting outcome, 349.
Southwestern Seminary, confront-
ed with many problems, 534.
Southwestern University, opened
by Presbyterians, 532.
Spaight, Richard, portion of estate
offered for sale, 464.
Spaight, Richard Dobbs, delays
congressional election, 43; Dem-
ocratic candidate for governor in
1836, 42.
Spanish colonial empire, reaches
from Tierra del Fuego to Texas,
254.
Spanish explorers, attempt to
settle eastern seacoast, 254.
Spark for My People; A Socio-
logical Autobiography of a Ne-
gro Teacher, A, by Ella Earl
Cotten, written to inspire teach-
ers, 249.
Spence, Thomas Hugh, Jr., his The
Presbyterian Congregation on
Rocky River, reviewed, 111; re-
views The Tinkling Spring,
Headwater of Freedom. A Study
of the Church and Her People,
425; writes church history, 232.
Spencer, Elisha, against slavery,
85; description of family life;
652
The North Carolina Historical Review
86; yeoman, Sumter District,
S. C, practices subsistence farm-
ing, 85.
Spencer, Mary, ante bellum house-
keeper, arranges social life of
family, 86; household activities
of, 85.
Spencer, Samuel Reval, Jr., pre-
sents paper on Booker T. Wash-
ington, American Historical As-
sociation. 316; promoted to pro-
fessor, 317; writes Booker T.
Washington and the Negro's
Place in American Life, 446;
writes historical essay, Decision
for War 1917 : The Laconia Sink-
ing and the Zimmerman Tele-
gram as Key Factors in the
Public Reaction Against Ger-
many, 245.
"Spoils, Soils and Skinner," by
Harold A. Bierck, mentioned,
146.
Spruce Pine Museum of North
Carolina Minerals, plans open-
ing, 436.
Spruill, Mrs. Julia, elected vice-
president, North Carolina His-
torical Society, 410.
Sprunt, James, speaks at meeting,
State Art Society, 133.
Squirrel King, demands apology,
359; Indian Chief, mentioned,
358.
Stafford, Ltd., organizes, 513.
Stamey, Robert, president Brevard
College, welcomes Western North
Carolina Historical Association,
140.
Stamp Act, mentioned, 11.
Stanback, Jeffery F., appointed
Montgomery County historian,
141 ; re-elected vice-president,
Society of County and Local
Historians, 136; wins Cannon
Award for historical research,
134.
Standing Committee of Missions,
summarizes Chavis's travels, 165.
Stanley, Alfred, makes statement
on Bedford Brown's election to
United States Senate, 328.
Stanly County, site of gold mining,
516.
Stanly Freehold Gold Mines, pays
dividends, 517.
Stanton, Hope, gives notice of auc-
tion, 465.
Star (Raleigh), organ of state
rights branch of Whig party, 40.
Starling, Mrs. John, elected secre-
tary-treasurer of Onslow County
Historical Society, 141.
State Board of Health, honors
George Marion Cooper at me-
morial services, 130.
State Constitution of 1776, adopted,
28; ends church establishment,
27; mentioned, 20.
State Literary and Historical As-
sociation, holds annual meeting,
135; holds joint summer regional
meeting with Western North
Carolina Historical Association,
601; holds spring regional meet-
ing, 440; tours Rocky Mount
Mills, 440.
Statesville, meeting place for
White supporters, 38; most im-
portant Jewish community of
North Carolina, 1870, 211n.
Stearns, Mrs. Walter M., wins
Cannon Award for preservation
of "Haywood Hall," 134.
Stecoe, anti-English sentiment
present there, 364; out town on
Tuckaseigie River, ready for
war talk, 363.
Stecoes, apologize for uprising,
flee wrath of Raven of Hiwassee,
365; return stolen goods, 366.
Steelman, Joseph, appointed mem-
ber, social studies department,
603.
Stem, Thad Jr., his The Jackknife
Horse appraised, 222; speaks at
meeting. Poetry Society, 137;
wins Roanoke-Chowan Award,
135.
Stenhouse, James A., chairman,
Historic Sites Commission, re-
ports on St. Thomas Church,
Bath, and the Alston House in
the Horseshoe, 134; discusses
restoration project in Halifax,
134; elected president, Mecklen-
burg Historical Association, 142.
Stephens, John W., defeated by
Bedford Brown, 509; murder of,
mentioned, 510.
Stern, Moses, serves in Revolution-
ary War, 200.
Stevens, Harry R., has article pub-
lished in American Historical
Review, 603; has article in The
Business History Review, 603;
has article in Bulletin of the
Historical and Philosophical So-
ciety of Ohio, 604; speaks on
"The Progress and Future of
County History Writing," 137.
Steward, Alex, minister in early
Brunswick County, 6.
Index to Volume XXXII
653
Stick, David, author of Graveyard
of the Atlantic, 438; speaks to
Currituck County Historical So-
ciety, 438.
Stock Exchange Year Book, men-
tioned, 516.
Stoneman, Union officer, captures
supply depot at Salisbury, 563.
Stonewall Brigade, mentioned by
Peifer in letter, 397.
Stonewall Jackson and the Old
Stonewall Brigade, by Richard B.
Harwell, received, 148 ; reviewed,
299.
Stoney, Samuel Gaillard, his The
Dulles Family in South Carolina,
received, 605; reviewed, 584.
Story of Kinston and Lenoir Coun-
ty, The, by Talmage C. Johnson
and Charles R. Holloman, re-
ceived, 318; reviewed, 288.
Stourzh, Gerald, wins prize for best
history, Institute, Williamsburg,
447.
Strachey Family, 1588-1932; Their
Writings and Literary Associa-
tions, The, by Charles Richard
Sanders, 247.
Strachey, Giles Lytton, member of
illustrious writing family, death
of, mentioned, 248.
Strachey, J. St. Loe, editor of The
Spectator from 1898-1925, men-
tioned, 248.
Strachey, John, leader of present
day British Labor Party, men-
tioned, 248.
Strachey, William, author of The
History of Virginia, 248; author
of The True Repository, 248;
writes letters believed to be the
basis of The Tempest, 248.
Strange, Robert, announces inten-
tion to resign, 343 ; replaces Wil-
lie P. Mangum, 35; sends resig-
nation to Governor Dudley, 483;
supports state's right to instruct
senators, 343.
Street, James, his Good-bye, My
Lady, deals with Mississippi
swamp country, 221; North Car-
olinian by adoption, 221; writes
The Civil War, 240.
Strobhar, John, offers reward for
slaves, 453.
Strode, Hudson, his Jefferson
Davis, American Patriot, 1808-
1861, received, 606.
S troupe, Henry S., attends meeting,
social studies faculties, Mars
Hill, 144; reviews A History of
Catawba County, 109; reviews
The Colonial Records of South
Carolina. The Journal of the
Commons House of Assembly,
September H, 1742-January 27,
17 U, 422.
Stupka, Arthur, gives slide-illus-
trated lecture on Great Smoky
Mountains at joint historical
meeting, Mars Hill, 601.
Sugar Creek, school taught there
by Joseph Alexander, 21.
Sultana, picture of model schooner
on cover of April issue.
Sumter Agricultural Association
(South Carolina), mentioned, 89.
Sumter Banner (South Carolina),
states blessings of agrarian life,
91; gives views on illiteracy, 88.
Sumter District (South Carolina),
case study of, 81.
Sumterville, small agricultural
town in South Carolina, 81.
"Sunset and Moonshine," poem by
Paul H. Hayne, 94.
Superintendent of Public Instruc-
tion empowered to collect dona-
tions, Sir Walter Raleigh Me-
morial, 132.
Supreme Court, declares school
laws unconstitutional, 354; rul-
ings aid Negro schools, 357.
Sutton Court, Manorhouse of Stra-
chey family in Somersetshire,
249.
Swain, David L., Governor of
North Carolina, 36; supports dis-
tribution, 36.
Swannanoa Tunnel, Ridgecrest,
Buncombe County, to get new
highway marker, 314.
Tab, Bill, free Negro, Sumter Dis-
trict, S. C, boards white labor-
ers, 90.
Tabb, William, offers reward for
return of slave, 453.
Tacites of Tellico, Johnny and Os-
teneco, headmen of Great Telli-
co, 361.
Tacitus, mentioned, 194.
Tait, Charles, of Alabama, against
national consolidation, 377.
Tanglewood Park, visited by So-
ciety of County and Local His-
torians, 441.
Tar Heel Ghosts, by John Harden,
received, 148; reviewed, 415.
"Tar River and its Place in North
Carolina History, The," paper
read by Mrs. W. Gray Williams,
654
The North Carolina Historical Review
State Literary and Historical
Association meeting, 440.
Tarboro, exemplifies failure of
races to support schools sep-
arately. 349.
Tariff policies, designed for four
objectives, 152.
Tariff rates, schedule of, for 1784,
153.
Tariff schedule of 1787, passed to
protect North Carolina, 155.
Tarlton, W. S., attends meeting,
Southern Historical Association,
131; attends Flat Rock marker
unveiling, 129; attends meeting,
Greensboro Historical Museum,
139; attends Tryon Palace Com-
mission meeting, 599; delivers
address, presents two markers at
Hoke County ceremony, 315;
delivers address at unveiling of
marker for James Hogan, 132;
inspects Person's Ordinary, Lit-
tleton, 443; represents Depart-
ment at Halifax, 597; represents
Department at marker unveiling,
Wingate, 443; represents De-
partment at meeting, Bertie
County Historical Society, 142;
represents Department at un-
veiling of Ahoskie marker, 443;
speaks at Southern Pines to
chapter, Daughters of the Amer-
ican Revolution, 443; represents
Department at unveiling of
marker near Raeford, 597;
speaks at unveiling of marker to
Governor John Branch, 142;
speaks to Bloomsbury Chapter,
Daughters of Revolution, 314;
speaks to Scotch Gardeners Club,
Laurinburg, 143; talks to eighth
grade. Needham B rough ton High
School, 142; talks to LaFayette
Chapter, Daughters of the Revo-
lution, 142.
Tax, on rum, to bring revenue to
support schools, 20.
Taylor, Mrs. George, elected vice-
president, committee, Polk Coun-
ty centennial celebration, 312.
Taylor, George Aiken, writes A
Sober Faith, Religion and Alco-
holics Anonymous, 232.
Taylor, George F., on program at
marker unveiling, 599.
Taylor, George V., recipient of
research grant, 316; studies as
Fulbright Scholar in France, 143.
Taylor, John, of Caroline County,
Va., against national consolida-
tion, 377.
Taylor, Raleigh C, arranges tour
of Guilford County, 137.
Taylor, Rosser H., elected to coun-
cil of North Carolina Historical
Society, 140; on program, South-
ern Historical Association, 131;
speaks at meeting, Western
North Carolina Historical As-
sociation, 310; reviews The
Home Place, 579.
Tebeau, C. W., reviews American
Heritage, 433.
Tellico-Hiwassee faction, agrees to
Carolina's peace demands, 369.
Tennessee, prepares for seccession,
502.
Tennessee Historical Society, co-
sponsors meeting, Society of
American Archivists, 318.
Terra Australis Incognita, Drake
goes on voyage in search of, 261.
Territorial Papers of the United
States, Volume XX, The Terri-
tory of Arkansas, 1825-1829, The,
by Clarence Edwin Carter, re-
ceived 147 ; reviewed, 434.
Thayer, Philip, appointed assistant
professor, 602.
They Called Him Stonewall: A
Life of Lt. General T. J. Jack-
son, C. S. A., by Burke Davis,
mentioned, 139; received, 148;
reviewed, 588.
"Thirty Years of the New History:
A Study of The North Carolina
Historical Review, 1924-1953,"
article by Paul Murray, 174-193.
Thomas, Benjamin P., member of
editorial board, Civil War Book
Club, 605.
Thomas Jefferson: Notes on the
State of Virginia, by William
Peden, received, 605.
Thomas Wolfe Memorial Associa-
tion, to present award. 437.
Thomas Wolfe Memorial Associa-
tion, to give literary cup award,
311.
Thomas Wolfe Memorial Trophy,
to be presented at October meet-
ing, Western North Carolina
Historical Association, 437.
Thomas Wolfe: The Weather of
his Youth, by Louis D. Rubin,
Jr., received, 319; reviewed, 417.
Thomasson, Mrs. Lillian, Swain
County, elected director, West-
ern North Carolina Historical
Association, 436.
Thompson, John R., editor [Sou-
thern] Literary Messenger, 92;
writes T. B. Kingsbury, 92.
Index to Volume XXXII
655
Thompson Robert Mean, men-
tioned, 243.
Thornhill, James, overseer, listed
in census, 87; land and property
owner, Sumter District, S. C,
87.
Thornton, Mary Lindsay, author of
"North Carolina Bibliography,
1953-1954," 271.
"Three Almoners, The," praised
for pioneer welfare work in
North Carolina, 212.
Tidewater, agricultural section of
South Carolina, mentioned, 81.
Tilden, Alphonza, sells land to
mining companies, 513.
Tilden, H. B., sells North Carolina
land to British mining interests,
513.
Tilley, Nannie Mae, reviews Hugh
Roy Cullen: A Story in Ameri-
can Opportunity, 306; reviews
Tobacco Dictionary, 119.
Tinkling Spring, Headwater of
Freedom. A Study of the Church
and Her People, 1732-1952, The
by Howard McKnight Wilson,
received, 319; reviewed, 424.
Tinsley, James A., reviews Gus-
tav DreseVs Houston Journal:
Adventures in North America
and Texas, 1837-1841, 305.
Tischendorf, Alfred P., his article,
"North Carolina and the British
Investor, 1880-1910," 512-518.
Tobacco Dictionary by Raymond
Jahn, reviewed, 119.
Tobacco Road, mentioned, 253.
Todd, Richard Cecil, his Confede-
rate Finance, received, 147; re-
viewed, 296.
Tomlinson, Mrs. Pearl Miller, elec-
ted secretary, Catawba County
Historical Association, 141.
Toogaloo, deer skins stolen from,
358; Indian village, 358.
Tooke's Pantheon, textbook used
in Jacob Mordecai's school, 202.
Torquemada, mentioned, 195.
Town of Bath, to celebate 250th
anniversary, 442.
Town Creek Indian Mound trans-
ferred to Department of Ar-
chives and History, 597.
Trade, governmental regulations
of, advertised, 472.
Traders, attend Charlestown peace
conference, 374.
Treaty of Alliance, 1730, between
King George and Carolina In-
dians, 364.
Treaty of 1751, terms of, 375; tri-
umph for Hiwassee-Tellico, 375.
Treaty of commerce, made with
foreign vessels by American co-
lonies, 157.
Trimlin, Milly, character in Diary
From Dixie, 88.
Troy Gold Mine, incorporates, 513.
True and Lively Word, A Practi-
cal Guide to Effective Preach-
ing, The, by James T. Cleland,
lectures delivered to the Episco-
pal Theological School, 228.
True Repository, The, mentioned,
248.
True Southron, ante bellum perio-
dical, mentioned, 84.
Tryon Palace, contracts for main
building awarded to William
Muirhead, 315.
Tryon Palace Commission, con-
siders plans and specifications
of architect, 129; holds meeting,
599; meets with Advisory Bud-
get Commission in Greensboro,
129; meets with Budget Com-
mission in New Bern, 129; meets
with architect to approve main
building plans, 315.
Tryon, William, attempts to force
the Establishment of the An-
glican Church, 10; governor of
colonial North Carolina, 4;
moves troops to oppose Regu-
lators, 1768, 24; tries induction
of ministers into parishes, 12;
vetoes act to allow Presbyter-
ians to wed without license, 19;
writes to England of difficul-
ties in the Establishment of the
Church, 12.
Tuckaseigie River, site of Indian
village, 360.
Tudor politics, interferes with
England's claims in the New
World, 255.
Turner, James, portrait of, unveil-
ed, 131.
Tyler, John E., historian of Ber-
tie County Historical Society,
presides, 142.
Tyler, John, mentioned, 330; vice-
presidential candidate, 40.
U
Umstead, William B., new high-
way marker approved to be
erected in honor of, Durham
County, 314; on program hon-
oring George Marion Cooper,
130.
Underwood, Margaret, sings North
Carolina folksongs, 137.
656
The North Carolina Historical Review
Underwood, Mrs. R. H., chairman,
Murfreesboro pilgrimage, 438.
Underwood, Tom, elected director
at large, Western North Caro-
lina Historical Association, 436.
Union County, to have new high-
way marker erected there for
Wingate Junior College, 314.
Union forces, attempt to take
Georgia mountains, 556.
United Confederate Veterans, men-
tioned, 178.
United Daughters of the Confe-
deracy, Hendersonville, co-spon-
sor meeting, 311; Lee Chapter,
Richmond, Virginia, conduct me-
morial services for Henry Law-
son Wyatt, 132 ; organize in Wil-
mington, 178; sponsor unveiling
marker to John Branch, 142.
United States Army, officers of,
command reconstruction dis-
tricts, 52.
University of Virginia, Woodrow
Wilson attends law school there,
529.
"Unpleasantness at Stecoe, The,"
by David H. Corkran, 358-375.
Unto These Hills, outdoor drama
by Kermit Hunter, 220.
Vail, R. G. W., his Knickerbocker
Birthday, A Sesqui-Centennial
History of the New York His-
torical Society, 1804-1954, re-
ceived, 318; reviewed, 433.
Vail, Ruth, author of Year's at
the Spring, has work appraised,
223.
Vanatta, Earl S., leads Grange
through New Deal years, 247.
Van Buren, Martin, appoints
James Kirke Paulding, Secre-
tary of Navy, 411; defeated as
Minister to the United Kingdom,
331; Democratic candidate for
President, 1836, 31; states po-
sition on slavery, 47; victorious
presidential candidate, 51; Whig
charges against, 46; writes Bed-
ford Brown, 337, 483; writes
Bedford Brown to visit him,
493; writes letter praising Bed-
ford Brown, 321.
Vance, Zebulon Baird, brief bio-
graphical sketch of, 213n; raises
prestige of Jewish nation with
address, The Scattered Nation,
214; resists Confederate govern-
ment policies, 503; urges equal
educational opportunities, 347.
Vance County, services held at
St. John's Church, 131; site of
marker unveiling honoring Rich-
ard Henderson, 130.
Vanderbilt University, co-sponsors
meeting planned for Society of
American Archivists, 318.
Van Derhoof, Jack W„ reviews
The Grange in North Carolina,
1929-1954, 288.
Vandiver, Frank E., his Southern
Historical Papers, received, 147.
"Vandy, Vandy," folksong sung
by Margaret Underwood, 137.
Van Noppen, Ina Woestemeyer, at-
tends meeting, Southern Histor-
ical Association, 146.
Verrier, James, peruke-maker, ad-
vertises trade, 474.
Vestry and Orthodox Clergy Acts,
provisions of, 2, 3, 4, 5.
Vining, Mrs. Seth, Sr., elected
vice-president of committee, Polk
County centennial celebration,
312.
Virginia, colonial records of, in
British repositories to be copied,
447; secedes from Union, 502.
"Vision of Charles Brantley Ay-
cock, The," by John Ehle, pre-
sented, 135.
Vestal, Mrs. W. H., president of
Poetry Society, mentioned, 137.
Vocational groups, contribute to
The North Carolina Historical
Review, 189.
W
Wachovia Historical Society, pre-
sents Spangenberg Medais, 138.
Wachovia Museum, Winston-Sa-
lem, approved for new highway
marker, 314.
Wagner, Mrs. Musella W., re-
elected secretary-treasurer, So-
ciety of County and Local His-
torians, 136.
Wake County, deeds, 1785-1788,
microfilm copies obtained by Di-
vision of Archives and Manu-
scripts, 443; home of Willis
Smith approved for new high-
way marker, 314.
Wake Forest College Campus,
Winston-Salem, visited by So-
ciety of County and Local His-
torians, 441.
Wales, Robert, offers Wilmington
house for lease, 463.
Index to Volume XXXII
657
Wallace, Isaac and David, Jewish
peddlers, establish crude drug
business, Statesville, 21 In.
Wallace, Lillian Parker, attends
meeting, American Historical
Association, 317; elected mem-
ber of executive committee,
State Literary and Historical
Association, 135; presents R. D.
W. Connor Award, 135.
Wallace, Wesley H., his article,
"Property and Trade: Main
Themes of Early North Caro-
lina Newspaper Advertisements,"
451-482; receives appointment as
assistant professor of radio, 143.
Walser, Richard, issues greetings,
Poetry Society, 137; reads pa-
per, "The Mysterious Case of
George Higby Throop, 1818-
1896," 140; reviews The Lost
Citadel, 290.
Walsingham, Francis, becomes
Principal Secretary to Eliza-
beth I, 256; becomes Protestant
leader, 257; leads anti-Spanish
faction in Privy Council, 258.
War Labor Boards in the Field,
by Allen R. Richards, received,
148.
Ward, Robert D., appointed as-
sistant professor, Georgia Tea-
chers College, 602.
Warlick, Wilson, chairman of
committee to restore Old Bunker
Hill Bridge, 312; mentioned, 440.
Warren County Historical Society,
conducts ceremonies for portrait
unveiling: of James Turner, 131.
Warren, Lindsay C, his address
presented by tape recorder, 438;
suggests celebration in 1985,
commemorating 400th anniver-
sary, settling of Dare County,
438.
Warrenton, first school in South
for girls, established here in
1809, by Jacob Mordecai, 202.
Warrenton Public Library, scene
of portrait unveiling, 131.
Washington County, Lake Com-
pany at Creswell, approved to
receive new highway marker,
314.
Washington Grays, Bethlehem Na-
tional Guard unit, mentioned,
385.
Watson, Richard L., has article in
South Atlantic Quarterly, 317;
serves on advisory committee,
Records Preservation, 315.
Wattoga, orders Keowee runner
home, 362; rejects Keowee war
plans, 362.
Watts, John, organizes syndicate
in 1591, 286.
Wayne County Historical Society,
organizes, 437, plans objectives,
437.
Waynick, Capus M., presides at
State Literary and Historical
Association dinner, 136; reviews
Caracas Dairy, 1835-18 UO, 123.
"Way Stations," of Jewish ped-
dlers located at Wilmington, Al-
bemarle, and Yanceyville, 207.
Web of Victory, Grant at Vicks-
burg, The, by Earl Schenck
Miers, received, 448; reviewed,
593.
Webb, William, Presbyterian
friend of John Chavis, men-
tioned, 170.
Webster, Daniel, Whisr candidate
for president in 1836, 31.
Weems, Mason Locke, mentioned,
186.
Weil, Goldsboro family of name,
establishes Weil Lectures on Ci-
tizenship, University of North
Carolina, 212.
Wellman, Manly Wade, his Dead
and Gone, Classic Crimes of
North Carolina, received, 319;
reviewed, 579; re-elected vice-
president, Society of County and
Local Historians, 136; speaks on
"The Writer's Use of Folklore,"
137.
West Indies, trade with American
colonies, 156.
Westall, Annie, member of Tho-
mas Wolfe Memorial Committee,
437.
Western Carolinian (Salisbury),
organ of nullifiers, 38.
Western North Carolina Histori-
cal Association, holds annual
meeting, 436; holds joint sum-
mer meeting with State Literary
and Historical Association, Mars
Hill, 601; meets at Brevard Col-
lege, 140; mid-winter meeting
held, 310 ; to sponsor Wolfe Tro-
phy, 437.
Western North Carolina Associa-
tion's History Bulletin, The, be-
gins publication, 311; mentioned,
436.
Wheeler, John Hill, mentioned,
174.
Whigs, accuse Democrats of "par-
ty drilling," 51; take control of
western North Carolina.
658
The North Carolina Historical Review
Whip Hand, The, novel by Ian
Gordon, mentioned, 220.
Whispering Pines, by Ernest Mc-
Neill Eller, received, 319.
Whitaker, Benjamin, advertises
land and slaves for sale, 457; of-
fers "time payment" plan for
land, 462.
White, Hugh Lawson, officially
nominated in 1835, Raleigh, 39;
Whig candidate for president in
1836, 31; wins Whig approval,
38.
White, Philo, attempts to expose
Whigs, 50.
White, Robert H., his Messages of
the Governors of Tennessee,
1835-181*5, received, 318.
Whitehill, Walter M., chairman
ex officio of Executive Commit-
tee, Council of Institute, Wil-
liamsburg. *'".
Whitener, D. J., acts as director
of Appalachian State Teachers
College Workshop, 316; presides
at meeting, State Literary and
Historical Association, 136: re-
elected executive vice-president,
Southern Appalachian Histori-
cal Association. 146; reviews
The Story of Kinston and Le-
noir County, 289.
Whiteside, Andrew, reads paner at
meeting, Trinitv College Histor-
ical Society, 317.
Whitfield, J. V., presides as chair-
man of battleground committee,
Moore's Creek National Military
Park, 130.
Whitley, Mrs. Frances, attends
meeting, Society of American
Archivists, 138.
Wicker, Thomas, his novel, The
Kingpin, deals with political si-
tuation, 219.
Wierhtman, Orrin Sage, his The
Early Days of Coastal Georgia,
received, 448.
Wilberforce, William, letters of,
added to Duke collection, 604.
Wilborn, Mrs. Elizabeth W., re-
views Glimpse of Glory, George
Mason of Gunston Hall, 424; re-
views The Dulles Family in
South Carolina, 585.
Wiley, Bell Irvin, his Fourteen
Hundred and 91 Days in the
Confederate Army: A Journal
Kept by W. W. Heartsill. Or
Camp Life: Day by Day, of the
W. P. Lane Rangers, received,
147; reviewed, 586; his Rebel
Private: Front and Rear, re-
ceived, 318; reviewed, 425; mem-
ber of editorial board, Civil War
Book Club, 605.
Wiley, William Leon, writes The
Gentlemen of Renaissance
France, 252.
Wilkes, Mrs. Preston B., presents
Mayflower Society Award, 136.
Wilkins, Mrs. C. E., elected second
vice-president, Wayne County
Historical Society, 437.
Wilkinson, Ray S., presides at
meeting, 440; reads paper to
State Literary and Historical
Association, 440.
Wilkinson, William, advertises dis-
tillery, 476.
Willcox, William B., elected to
Council of Institute, Williams-
burg, 447.
William and Mary, celebrates John
Marshall Bicentennial, 446 ; men-
tioned, 444.
William Blount, by William H.
Masterson, received, 148; re-
viewed, 580.
"William Blount in North Caro-
lina Politics," paper by Alice
B. Keith read, Historical So-
ciety of North Carolina, 441.
Williams, Ben F., reviews Amer-
ican Academy of Fine Arts and
American Art Union, 309.
Williams, Mrs. George, elected as-
sistant treasurer, Sampson Coun-
ty Historical Society, 438.
Williams, John, town inspector of
New Bern, issues notice to ship-
masters, 472.
Williams, Lewis, sheriff, adver-
tises capture of slaves, 455.
Williams, Porter, Jr., reviews Re-
construction at Sewanee. The
Founding of the University of
the South and its First Admin-
istration, 1852-1857, 118.
Williams, Robert, lists merchan-
dise in advertisement, 480.
Williams, Roger, mentioned, 196.
Williams, T. Harry, his P. G. T.
Beauregard, Napoleon in Gray,
received, 448; reviewed, 590.
Williams, Mrs. W. Gray, talks at
State Literary and Historical
meeting, 440.
Williams, William Carlos, his Pa-
terson, mentioned, 222.
Williamson, Lucy, mother of Bed-
ford Brown, mentioned, 324.
Index to Volume XXXII
659
Wilmington, First Presbyterian
Church there on October cover;
to get new highway marker for
grave of Rose Greenhow, 314;
site of early colonial port activi-
ty, 477 ; site of first Jewish syna-
gogue in North Carolina, 21 In.
Wilmington Journal, rejoices when
military rule ends, 74.
Wilson, Ben F., leads Grange
through New Deal years, 247.
Wilson, Howard McKnight, his
The Tinkling Spring, Headwa-
ter of Freedom. A Study of the
Church and Her People, 1732-
1952, received, 319; reviewed,
424.
Wilson, James and Anne, parents
of Joseph Ruggles Wilson, 519.
Wilson, Janet (Jessie), death of,
535.
Wilson, Joseph Ruggles, accepts
theology chair, Southwestern
University, 532; attends Prince-
ton University, 520; becomes
trustee, Davidson College, 525;
born, 519; complains of indif-
ference of congregations, 534;
death of, 543; desires Thomas
Woodrow to become minister,
528; father of Woodrow Wilson,
519; goes to live with Woodrow
and family, 543; goes to live
with youngest son, 541; helps
Woodrow purchase Princeton
property, 538; makes intimate
of son, 521; moves family to
Augusta, Georgia, 521; moves
family to Clarkesville, Tenn.,
533; praises son's writing, 536;
preaches at First Presbyterian
Church, Columbia, South Caro-
lina, 524; preaches at Staunton,
Virginia, 520; reads classics to
his children, 521; serves as
Stated Clerk, General Assembly,
Southern Presbyterian Church,
540; spends Christmas holidays
with Woodrow, 538; suffers se-
vere illness, 539; sympathetic to
South in Civil War, 523; takes
family to mountains, 528;
teaches at Columbia Theological
Seminary, 523 ; teaches at
Hampden-Sydney College, 520 ;
teaches at Steubenville Male
Academy, 420; visits former pa-
rishioners and pastorates, 540.
Wilson, Thomas Woodrow, accepts
professorship, Wesleyan Univer-
sity, 535; affected by father's
sermons, 525; attends Davidson
College, 525; attends graduate
school at Johns Hopkins, 531 ; at-
tends private schools, 523; at-
tends school in Columbia, 524;
attends University of Virginia,
529; awarded Ph.D. degree, 533;
becomes associate professor,
Bryn Mawr, 533; born, Staun-
ton, Virginia, 520 ; builds Prince-
ton home, 541; coached in speak-
ing by father, 522 ; courts Cousin
Hattie Woodrow, 529; death of,
mentioned, 244; desires to be-
come a sailor, 526; elected presi-
dent, Johns Hopkins Alumni As-
sociation, 537; elected president,
Princeton, 542; father disap-
proves of writing, 540 ; gains au-
dience as speaker, 529; goes to
Atlanta to practice law, 530;
goes to Princeton College, 526;
graduates from Princeton, 528;
joins in campus life, 527; joins
Phi Kappa Psi fraternity, 529;
leaves University of Virginia be-
cause of ill health, 529; lectures
to supplement income, 535; mar-
ries Ellen Axson, 533; meets
Ellen Axson, 531; meets Walter
Hines Page, 531; mentioned,
243; moves with family to Wil-
mington, North Carolina, 526;
participates in church life, 528;
Darticipates in father-son con-
ferences, 528; proposes to Har-
riet Woodrow, 530; receives
honorary degree, 537; receives
law degree in absentia, 530; re-
fuses presidency, University of
Illinois, 540; studies at home for
law degree, 530; suffers physical
breakdown, 541; visits father's
parishioners, 522; visits ill fa-
ther in Wilmington, 542; wins
acclaim as Princeton debater,
527 ; wins fellowship, Johns Hop-
kins, 532 ; writes father of work,
539; writes hundreds of letters
to father, 534; writes inscription
for father's tomb, 543.
Winchester, falls to Yankees, 397;
prices of food in 1862 listed, 398 ;
women there abhor Yankees, 397.
Wingate Junior College, Union
County, has marker unveiled to,
443.
Winnsboro, boarding school there,
mentioned, 82.
Winnsboro News (South Carolina),
reports speech of colored magis-
trate, 60.
Winston-Salem, marker unveiled
660
The North Carolina Historical Review
there for Guernsey cattle, 129;
Wachovia Museum there ap-
proved for new highway marker,
314.
"Within the Veil," prose-poem
published in The Leisure Hour,
96.
Wittkowsky, Samuel, delivers eu-
logy at funeral of Zebulon Baird
Vance, 213n; escorts Vance to
surrender to Union officers at
Salisbury, 213n.
Wolfe, Thomas, North Carolina
writer, mentioned, 186.
Woman's Club, Murfreesboro, spon-
sors pilgrimage to colonial Mur-
freesboro, 438.
Wood, John E., re-elected president,
Pasquotank County Historical
Society, 311; reports on first
year's work, 311.
Wood, William W., Jr., appointed
historic site specialist, Town
Creek Indian Mound, 597.
Woodlawn Cemetery, Elmira, New
York, has many Confederate
Jewish prisoners of war buried
there, 206.
Woodrow, Harriet, rejects pro-
posal of Thomas Woodrow Wil-
son, 530.
Woodrow, Janet (Jessie), mother
of Thomas Woodrow Wilson, 520.
Woodrow, Thomas, grandfather of
Woodrow Wilson, 520.
Woodrow Wilson, by H. Hale Bel-
lot, received, 605.
Woodrow Wilson Papers, Library
of Congress, contain correspond-
ence of Joseph Ruggles Wilson
and Thomas Woodrow Wilson,
534.
Woodstock, impression of Vir-
ginia people there given by
James A. Peifer, 398.
Woody, Robert H., elected presi-
dent, North Carolina Historical
Society, 140; receives appoint-
ment as director of graduate
studies in history, Duke, 145;
serves on advisory committee,
Records Preservation, 315. .
Wordsworth, William, poet, men-
tioned, 93.
Workman, John H., receives invita-
tion to attend banking seminar,
145.
World Methodists, begin construc-
tion of Archives Building, 601.
World War II, entry of United
States into, mentioned, 246.
Wormsloe : Two Centuries of a
Georgia Family, by E. Merton
Coulter, received, 605; reviewed,
592.
Worth, Jonathan, appoints Bedford
Brown to commission, 507; dis-
agrees with E. R. S. Canby's
qualifications for Office holders,
67; Reconstruction Governor Of
North Carolina calls Canby a
* 'radical," 56 ; writes governor of
Georgia about Canby, 56.
Worthy, Mrs. Ford S., named vice-
president, Beaufort County His-
torical Society, 601.
Wright, Louis B., his article, "Eliz-
abethan Politics and Colonial
Enterprise," 254-269; gives ad-
dress to State Literary and His-
torical Association, 136; men-
tioned, 173.
Wright, Theon, his Hugh Roy Cul-
len, A Story of American Oppor-
tunity, received, 147; reviewed,
305.
Wyatt, Henry Lawson, first Con-
federate soldier killed in battle,
memorial services held for, 132.
Yancey, Bartlett, elected to state
senate, 325.
Yawpin Indians, site of village of,
visited by Society of County and
Local Historians, 439.
Yeardley, Francis, Virginian, sends
boat with workers to build "Eng-
lish house" for Indian king, 313.
Yearns, W. B., awarded study
grant by Duke University, 446 ;
reads paper at conference of
social studies faculties, 144.
Year's at the Spring, The, by Ruth
Vail, contains sea poems, 223.
Yeoman, listed in 1860 census,
Sumter, District, S. C., 84.
Yoder, Julian C, attends meeting
of American Geographers, 145;
reads paper, annual meeting,
Western North Carolina His-
torical Association, 436.
Young, Charlotte, author of The
Heart Has Many Reasons, called
sucessf ul poet, 223. ■..
Young, Henry, advertises for in-
dentured servants, 460, ; ;
Young, John, captain of the first
Saratoga, 240.
Young Men's Missionary Society
of the Moravian Church, men-
tioned, 138.
Younger, Richard D., reviews Rebel
Private: Front and Rear, 426.
Index to Volume XXXII
661
Zebulon B. Vance Commission,
abolished by General Assembly,
442.
Zevely, P. B., native of Winston-
Salem, searches for Roanoke
Island "bricks," 313.
Zornow, William Frank, his article,
"North Carolina Tariff Policies,
1775-1789" 151-164.
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